| By Author | [ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z | Other Symbols ] |
| By Title | [ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z | Other Symbols ] |
| By Language |
|
Download this book: [ ASCII ] Look for this book on Amazon Tweet |
Title: Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, v. 1 of 3 - or the Central and Western Rajput States of India
Author: Tod, James
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.
*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, v. 1 of 3 - or the Central and Western Rajput States of India" ***
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Transcriber’s Note:
This version of the text cannot represent certain typographical effects.
Italics are delimited with the ‘_’ character as _italic_. Bold
characters, used as section headings, appear delimited by ‘=’. A single
instance of an superscripted ‘e’ is indicated with a preceding carat
‘^’.
The text is annotated with numerous footnotes, which were numbered
sequentially on each page. On occasion, a footnote itself is annotated
by a note, using an asterisk as the reference. This distinction is
followed here, with those ‘notes on notes’ are given alphabetic sequence
(A, B, etc.). Since there are over 1500 notes in this volume, they have
been gathered at each chapter’s end, and resequenced for each chapter.
The notes are a combination of those of the author, and of the editor of
this edition. The latter are enclosed in square brackets.
Finally, the pagination of the original edition, published in the
1820’s, is preserved for ease of reference by including those page
numbers in the text, also enclosed in square brackets.
There are a number of references to a map, sometimes referred to as
appearing in Volume I. In this edition, the MAP appears at the end
of Volume III.
Crooke’s plan for the renovation of the Tod’s original text, including a
discussion of the transliteration of word other than English, is given
in detail in the Preface.
Minor errors, attributable to the printer, have been corrected. Given
the history of the text, it was thought best to leave all orthography as
printed.
Please see the transcriber’s note at the end of this text for details
regarding the handling of any textual issues encountered during its
preparation.
ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES
OF RAJASTHAN
[Illustration:
COLONEL JAMES TOD.
(From the bust by Vo. Livi, 1837. By permission of Lt.-Col. E. W.
Blunt-Mackenzie, R.A.).
_Frontispiece._
]
ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES
OF
RAJASTHAN
RAJPUT STATES OF INDIA
BY
LIEUT.-COL. JAMES TOD
LATE POLITICAL AGENT TO THE WESTERN RAJPUT STATES
EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY
WILLIAM CROOKE, C.I.E.
HON. D.SC. OXON., B.A., F.R.A.I.
LATE OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE
IN THREE VOLUMES
VOL. I
HUMPHREY MILFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW NEW YORK
TORONTO MELBOURNE BOMBAY
1920
[_Original Dedication of the First Volume._]
TO
HIS MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY
GEORGE THE FOURTH
SIRE,
The gracious permission accorded me, to lay at the foot of the Throne
the fruit of my labours, allows me to propitiate Your Majesty’s
consideration towards the object of this work, the prosecution of which
I have made a paramount duty.
The Rajput princes, happily rescued, by the triumph of the British arms,
from the yoke of lawless oppression, are now the most remote tributaries
to Your Majesty’s extensive empire; and their admirer and annalist may,
perhaps, be permitted to hope that the sighs of this ancient and
interesting race for the restoration of their former independence, which
it would suit our wisest policy to grant, may be deemed not undeserving
Your Majesty’s regard.
With entire loyalty and devotion, I subscribe myself,
YOUR MAJESTY’S
Most faithful subject and servant,
JAMES TOD.
BIRD HURST, CROYDON,
_June 20, 1829_.
[_Original Dedication of the Second Volume._]
TO
HIS MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY
WILLIAM THE FOURTH
SIRE,
Your Majesty has graciously sanctioned the presentation of the Second
Volume of the _Annals of Rajputana_ to the Public under the auspices of
Your Majesty’s name.
In completing this work, it has been my endeavour to draw a faithful
picture of States, the ruling principle of which is the paternity of the
Sovereign. That this patriarchal form is the best suited to the genius
of the people may be presumed from its durability, which war, famine,
and anarchy have failed to destroy. The throne has always been the
watchword and rallying-point of the Rajputs. My prayer is, that it may
continue so, and that neither the love of conquest, nor false views of
policy, may tempt us to subvert the independence of these States, some
of which have braved the storms of more than ten centuries.
It will not, I trust, be deemed presumptuous in the Annalist of these
gallant and long-oppressed races thus to solicit for them a full measure
of Your Majesty’s gracious patronage; in return for which, the Rajputs,
making Your Majesty’s enemies their own, would glory in assuming the
“saffron robe,” emblematic of death or victory, under the banner of that
chivalry of which Your Majesty is the head.
That Your Majesty’s throne may ever be surrounded by chiefs who will act
up to the principles of fealty maintained at all hazards by the Rajput,
is the heartfelt aspiration of,
SIRE,
YOUR MAJESTY’S
Devoted subject and servant,
JAMES TOD.
PREFACE
No one can undertake with a light heart the preparation of a new edition
of Colonel Tod’s great work, _The Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan_.
But the leading part which the Rājputs have taken in the Great War, the
summoning of one of their princes to a seat at the Imperial Conference,
the certainty that as the result of the present cataclysm they will be
entitled to a larger share in the administration of India, have
contributed to the desire that this classical account of their history
and sociology should be presented in a shape adapted to the use of the
modern scholar and student of Indian history and antiquities.
In the Introduction which follows I have endeavoured to estimate the
merits and defects of Colonel Tod’s work. Here it is necessary only to
state that though the book has been several times reprinted in India and
once in this country, the obvious difficulties of such an undertaking
have hitherto prevented any writer better qualified than myself from
attempting to prepare an annotated edition. Irrespectively of the fact
that this work was published a century ago, when the study of the
history, antiquities, sociology, and geography of India had only
recently started, the Author’s method led him to formulate theories on a
wide range of subjects not directly connected with the Rājputs. In the
light of our present knowledge some of these speculations have become
obsolete, and it might have been possible, without impairing the value
of the work as a Chronicle of the Rājputs, to have discarded from the
text and notes much which no longer possesses value. But the work is a
classic, and it deserves to be treated as such, and it was decided that
any mutilation of the original text and notes would be inconsistent with
the object of this series of reprints of classical works on Indian
subjects. The only alternative course was to correct in notes, clearly
distinguished from those of the Author, such facts and theories as are
no longer accepted by scholars.
It is needless to say that during the last century much advance has been
made in our knowledge of Indian history, antiquities, philology, and
sociology. We are now in a position to use improved translations of many
authorities which were quoted by the Author from inadequate or incorrect
versions. The translation of _Ferishta’s History_ by A. Dow and Jonathan
Scott has been superseded by that of General J. Briggs, that of the
_Āīn-i-Akbarī_ of F. Gladwin by the version by Professor H. Blochmann
and Colonel H. S. Jarrett. For the _Memoirs of Jahāngīr_, the Author
relied on the imperfect version by Major David Price, which has been
replaced by a new translation of the text in its more complete form by
Messrs. A. Rogers and H. Beveridge. For the _Laws of Manu_ we have the
translation by Dr. G. Bühler. The passages in classical literature
relating to India have been collected, translated, and annotated by the
late Mr. J. W. McCrindle. Much information not available for the
Author’s use has been provided by _The History of India as told by its
own Historians_, by Sir H. M. Elliot and Professor J. Dowson, and by Mr.
W. Irvine’s translation, with elaborate notes, of N. Manucci’s _Storia
do Magor_. Among original works useful for the present edition the
following may be mentioned: J. Grant Duff’s _History of the Mahrattas_;
Dr. Vincent A. Smith’s _Early History of India_, _History of Fine Art in
India and Ceylon_, _Asoka, the Buddhist Emperor of India_, and _Akbar,
the Great Mogul_; Professor Jadunath Sarkar’s _History of Aurangzib_, of
which only three volumes have been published; Mr. W. Irvine’s _Army of
the Indian Moghuls_; Sir W. Lee-Warner’s _Protected Princes of India_.
Much historical, geographical, and ethnological information has been
collected in the new edition of the _Imperial Gazetteer of India_, the
_Bombay Gazetteer_ edited by Sir J. M. Campbell, and, more particularly,
in the revised _Gazetteer of Rajputana_, including that of Mewār and the
Western States Residency and Bīkaner Agency by Lieutenant-Colonel K. D.
Erskine, and that of Ajmer by Mr. C. C. Watson. Lieutenant-Colonel
Erskine’s work, based on the best local information, has been of special
value, and it is much to be regretted that this officer, after serving
as Consul-General at Baghdad, was invalided and died in England in 1914,
leaving that part of the _Gazetteer_ dealing with the Eastern States,
Jaipur, Kotah, and Būndi, unrevised. For botany, agriculture, and
natural productions I have used Sir G. Watt’s _Dictionary of the
Economic Products of India_, and his _Commercial Products of India_; for
architecture and antiquities, J. Fergusson’s _History of Indian and
Eastern Architecture_, edited by Dr. J. Burgess, and _The Cave Temples
of India_ by the same writers. In ethnology I have consulted the
publications of the Ethnological Survey of India, of which Mr. H. A.
Rose’s _Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West
Frontier Province_, Mr. Bhimbhai Kirparam’s account of the Hindus and
Khān Bahādur Fazalullah Lutfullah’s of the Musalmāns of Gujarāt,
published in the _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. ix. Parts i. ii., have been
specially valuable. Besides the general works to which reference has
been made, many articles on Rajputana and the Rājputs will be found in
the _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_ and its Bombay branch, in the
_Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, and in the _Indian
Antiquary_, and other periodicals. The Reports of the Archaeological
Survey of India conducted by Sir A. Cunningham, Dr. J. Burgess, and Sir
J. H. Marshall, are of great importance.
I cannot pretend to have exhausted the great mass of new information
available in the works to which I have referred, and in others named in
the Bibliography; and it was not my object to overload the notes which
are already voluminous. To the general reader the system of annotation
which I have attempted to carry out may appear meticulous; but no other
course seemed possible if the work was to be made more useful to the
historian and to the scholar. The editor of a work of this class is
forced to undertake the somewhat invidious duty of calling attention to
oversights or errors either in fact or theory. But this does not detract
from the real value of the work. In some cases I have been content with
adding a note of interrogation to warn the reader that certain
statements must be received with caution. As regards geography, I have
in many cases indicated briefly the position of the more important
places, so far as they can be traced in the maps with which I was
provided. The Author was so intimately acquainted with the ground, that
he assumed in the general reader a degree of knowledge which he does not
possess.
The text and notes, with the exception of a few obvious oversights, have
been reprinted as they stood in the first edition, and as the latter is
often quoted in books of authority, I have added its pagination for
facility of reference. It was decided, after much consideration, to
correct the transliteration of personal and place names and other
vernacular terms according to the system now adopted in official
gazetteers, maps, and reports. This change might have been unnecessary
if the transliteration of these words, according to the system in use at
the time when the book was written, had been uniformly correct. But this
is not the case. At the same time I have preserved the original readings
of those names which have become established in popular usage, such as
“Mogul,” “Mahratta,” “Deccan,” in place of “Mughal,” “Marhāta,”
“Dakkhin.” Following the Author’s example, I have not thought it
necessary to overload the text by the use of accents and diacritical
marks, which are useless to the scholar and only embarrass the general
reader. But in the Index I have accentuated the personal and place names
so far as I believed I could do so with safety. Some of these I have
been unable to trace in later authorities, and I fear that I may have
failed to secure complete uniformity of method.
The scheme of the book, which attempts to give parallel accounts of each
State, naturally causes difficulty to the reader. A like embarrassment
is felt by any historian who endeavours to combine in a single narrative
the fortunes of the Mughal Empire with those of the kingdoms in Bengal,
the Deccan, or southern India; by the historian of Greece, where the
centre of activity shifts from Athens to Sparta, Thebes, or Macedonia;
by the historian of Germany before the minor kingdoms were more or less
fully absorbed by the Hohenzollerns. I have endeavoured to assist the
reader in dealing with these independent annals by largely extending the
original Index, and by the use of page headings and paragraph summaries.
In the dates recorded in the summaries I have generally followed
Lieutenant-Colonel Erskine’s guidance, so far as his work was available.
In view of the inconsistencies between some dates in the text and those
recorded in the summaries, it must be remembered that it was the
Author’s habit in adapting the dates of the Samvat to those of the
Christian era, to deduct 56, not 57 from the former, contrary to the
practice of modern historians.
I am indebted to many friends for assistance. Captain C. D. M’K. Blunt
has kindly given me much help in the record of Colonel Tod’s life, and
has supplied a photograph of the charming miniature of the Author as a
young officer and of a bust which have been reproduced in the
frontispieces. Mr. R. E. Enthoven, C.I.E., has given me the photograph
of the Author engaged in his studies with his Jain Guru.[p.1] The
fragments of local ballads scattered through the text were unfortunately
copied from very incorrect texts. Dr. L. P. Tessitori, an Italian
scholar, who, until the outbreak of the War, was engaged in collecting
the local ballads of the Rājputs, has given a correct version of these
ballads; and in improving the text of them I have been assisted by
Colonel C. E. Luard, his Pandit, and Sir G. Grierson, K.C.I.E. Since the
greater part of the following pages was in type, I have received copies
of three reports by Dr. L. P. Tessitori, “A Scheme for the Bardic and
Historical Survey of Rājputāna,” and two Progress Reports for the years
1915 and 1916, published in the _Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal_ (New Series, vol. x. No. 10; xii. No. 3; xiii. No. 4). These
contain information regarding the MSS. copies of some ballads and
inscriptions, which throw light on the traditions and antiquities of the
Rājputs. I regret that I was unable to use these papers, which, however,
do not supply much information on questions connected with _The Annals_.
Among other friends who have helped me in various ways I may name the
late Sir G. Birdwood; Mr. W. Foster, C.I.E.; Professor A. Keith, F.R.S.;
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir D. Prain, F.R.S.; and Dr. Vincent A. Smith,
C.I.E.
W. CROOKE.
-----
Footnote p.1:
This picture, supposed to be the work of Ghāsi, the Author’s artist,
was recently discovered in Rājputāna.
-----
CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE BY THE EDITOR ix
INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR xxv
BIBLIOGRAPHY xlvii
AUTHOR’S INTRODUCTION lv
BOOK I
GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN OR RAJPUTANA
BOOK II
HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
CHAPTER 1
Genealogies of the Rajput princes—The Puranas—Connexion of
the Rajputs with the Scythic tribes 23
CHAPTER 2
Genealogies continued—Fictions in the Puranas—Union of the
regal and the priestly characters—Legends of the Puranas
confirmed by the Greek historians 29
CHAPTER 3
Genealogies continued—Comparisons between the lists of Sir
W. Jones, Mr. Bentley, Captain Wilford, and the
Author—Synchronisms 39
CHAPTER 4
Foundations of States and Cities by the different tribes 45
CHAPTER 5
The dynasties which succeeded Rama and Krishna—The Pandava
family—Periods of the different dynasties 55
CHAPTER 6
Genealogical history of the Rajput tribes subsequent to
Vikramaditya—Foreign races which entered India—Analogies
between the Scythians, the Rajputs, and the tribes of
Scandinavia 68
CHAPTER 7
Catalogue of the Thirty-six Royal Races 97
CHAPTER 8
Reflections on the present political state of the Rajput
tribes. 145
BOOK III
SKETCH OF A FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
CHAPTER 1
Introduction—Existing condition of Rajasthan—General
resemblance between the ancient systems of Asia and
Europe—Noble origin of the Rajput race—Rathors of
Marwar—Kachhwahas of Amber—Sesodias of Mewar—Gradation of
ranks—Revenues and rights of the Crown—Barar—Khar Lakar 153
CHAPTER 2
Legislative authority—Rozina—Military service—Inefficiency
of this form of government 170
CHAPTER 3
Feudal incidents—Duration of grants 184
CHAPTER 4
Rakhwali—Servitude—Basai—Gola and Das—Private feuds and
composition—Rajput Pardhans or Premiers 203
CHAPTER 5
Adoption—Reflections upon the subjects treated 220
APPENDIX 228
BOOK IV
ANNALS OF MEWAR
CHAPTER 1
Origin of the Guhilot princes of Mewar—Authorities—Kanaksen
the founder of the present dynasty—His descent from
Rama—He emigrates to Saurashtra—Valabhipura—Its sack and
destruction by the Huns or Parthians 247
CHAPTER 2
Birth of Goha—He acquires Idar—Derivation of the term
"Guhilot"—Birth of Bappa—Early religion of the
Guhilots—Bappa’s history—Oghana Panarwa—Bappa’s initiation
into the worship of Siva—He gains possession of
Chitor—Remarkable end of Bappa—Four epochs established,
from the second to the eleventh century 258
CHAPTER 3
Alleged Persian extraction of the Ranas of Mewar—Authorities
for it—Implied descent of the Ranas from a Christian
princess of Byzantium—The Author’s reflections upon these
points 271
CHAPTER 4
Intervening sovereigns between Bappa and Samarsi—Bappa’s
descendants—Irruptions of the Arabians into
India—Catalogue of Hindu princes who defended Chitor 281
CHAPTER 5
Historical facts furnished by the bard
Chand—Anangpal—Prithiraj—Samarsi—Overthrow of the Chauhan
monarch by the Tatars—Posterity of Samarsi—Rahap—Changes
in the title and the tribe of its prince—Successors of
Rahap 297
CHAPTER 6
Rana Lakhamsi—Attack on Chitor by Alau-d-din—Treachery of
Ala—Ruse of the Chitor chiefs to recover Bhimsi—Devotion
of the Rana and his sons—Sack of Chitor by the Tatars—Its
destruction—Rana Ajaisi—Hamir—He gains possession of
Chitor—Renown and prosperity of Mewar—Khetsi—Lakha 307
CHAPTER 7
Delicacy of the Rajputs—The occasion of changing the rule of
primogeniture in Mewar—Succession of the infant Mokalji,
to the prejudice of Chonda, the rightful heir—Disorders in
Mewar through the usurpations of the Rathors—Chonda expels
them from Chitor and takes Mandor—Transactions between
Mewar and Marwar—Reign of Mokalji—His assassination 322
CHAPTER 8
Succession of Kumbha—He defeats and takes prisoner Mahmud of
Malwa—Splendour of Kumbha’s reign—Assassinated by his
son—The murderer dethroned by Raemall—Mewar invaded by the
imperial forces—Raemall’s successes—Feuds of the
family—Death of Raemall 333
CHAPTER 9
Accession of Rana Sanga—State of the Muhammadan
power—Grandeur of Mewar—Sanga’s victories—Invasions of
India—Babur’s invasion—Defeats and kills the King of
Delhi—Opposed by Sanga—Battle of Khanua—Defeat of
Sanga—His death and character—Accession of Rana Ratna—His
death—Rana Bikramajit—His character—Disgusts his
nobles—Chitor invested by the King of Malwa—Storm of
Chitor—Sakha or immolation of the females—Fall and plunder
of Chitor—Humayun comes to its aid—He restores Chitor to
Bikramajit, who is deposed by the nobles—Election of
Banbir—Bikramajit assassinated 348
CHAPTER 10
The bastard Banbir rules Mewar—Attempted assassination of
the posthumous son of Sanga—Udai Singh’s escape and long
concealment—Acknowledged as Rana—The Dauna described—Udai
Singh gains Chitor—Deposal of Banbir—Origin of the
Bhonslas of Nagpur—Rana Udai Singh—His
unworthiness—Humayun expelled the throne of India—Birth of
Akbar—Humayun recovers his throne—His death—Accession of
Akbar—Characters of Akbar and Udai Singh contrasted—Akbar
besieges Chitor, which is abandoned by the Rana—Its
defence—Jaimall and Patta—Anecdotes of Rajput
females—Sakha or Johar—General assault—Chitor
taken—Massacre of the inhabitants—Udai Singh founds the
new capital Udaipur—His death 367
CHAPTER 11
Accession of Partap—The Rajput princes unite with
Akbar—Depressed condition of Partap—He prepares for
war—Maldeo submits to Akbar—Partap denounces connexion
with the Rajput princes—Raja Man of Amber—Prince Salim
invades Mewar—Battle of Haldighat—Partap encounters Salim,
is wounded, and saved by the Jhala chief—Assisted in his
flight by his brother Sakta—Kumbhalmer taken by
Akbar—Udaipur occupied by the Moguls—Partap cuts off Farid
and his army—Partap’s family saved by the Bhils—The
Khankhanan—Aggravated hardships of Partap—He negotiates
with Akbar—Prithiraj of Bikaner—The Khushroz
described—Partap abandons Mewar—Departure for the
Indus—Fidelity of his minister—Returns—Surprises the
Moguls—Regains Kumbhalmer and Udaipur—His successes—His
sickness and death 385
CHAPTER 12
Amra mounts the throne—Akbar’s death through an attempt to
poison Raja Man—Amra disregards the promise given to his
father—Conduct of the Salumbar chief—Amra defeats the
Imperial armies—Sagarji installed as Rana in
Chitor—Resigns it to Amra—Fresh successes—Origin of the
Saktawats—The Emperor sends his son Parvez against the
Rana, who is defeated—Mahabat Khan defeated—Sultan Khurram
invades Mewar—Amra’s despair and submission—Embassy from
England—Amra abdicates the throne to his son—Amra’s
seclusion—His death—Observations 407
CHAPTER 13
Rana Karan fortifies and embellishes Udaipur—The Ranas of
Mewar excused attendance at court—Bhim commands the
contingent of Mewar—Leagues with Sultan Khurram against
Parvez—Jahangir attacks the insurgents—Bhim slain—Khurram
flies to Udaipur—His reception by the Rana—Death of
Karan—Rana Jagat Singh succeeds—Death of Jahangir and
accession of Khurram as Shah Jahan—Mewar enjoys profound
peace—The island palaces erected by Jagat Singh—Repairs
Chitor—His death—Rana Raj Singh—Deposal of Shah Jahan and
accession of Aurangzeb—Causes for attachment to the Hindus
of Jahangir and Shah Jahan—Aurangzeb’s character; imposes
the Jizya or capitation tax on the Rajputs—Raj Singh
abducts the intended wife of the emperor and prepares for
war—Aurangzeb marches—The valley of Girwa—Prince Akbar
surprised—Defeated—Blockaded in the mountains—Liberated by
the heir of Mewar—Diler Khan defeated—Aurangzeb defeated
by the Rana and his Rathor allies—Aurangzeb quits the
field—Prince Bhim invades Gujarat—The Rana’s minister
ravages Malwa—United Rajputs defeat Azam and drive him
from Chitor—Mewar freed from the Moguls—War carried into
Marwar—Sesodias and Rathors defeat Sultan Akbar—Rajput
stratagem—Design to depose Aurangzeb and elevate Akbar to
the throne—Its failure—The Mogul makes overtures to the
Rana—Peace—Terms—The Rana dies of his wounds—His
character, contrasted with that of Aurangzeb—Lake
Rajsamund—Dreadful famine and pestilence 427
CHAPTER 14
Rana Jai Singh—Anecdote regarding him and his twin
brother—The Rana and Prince Azam confer—Peace—Rupture—The
Rana forms the Lake Jaisamund—Domestic broils—Amra, the
heir-apparent, rebels—The Rana dies—Accession of Amra—His
treaty with the heir of Aurangzeb—Reflections on the
events of this period—Imposition of the Jizya or
capitation tax—Alienation of the Rajputs from the
empire—Causes—Aurangzeb’s death—Contests for
empire—Bahadur Shah, emperor—The Sikhs declare for
independence—Triple alliance of the Rajput States of
Mewar, Marwar, and Amber—They commence hostilities—Death
of the Mogul Bahadur Shah—Elevation of Farrukhsiyar—He
marries the daughter of the Prince of Marwar—Origin of the
British power in India—The Rana treats with the
emperor—The Jats declare their independence—Rana Amra
dies—His character 456
CHAPTER 15
Rana Sangram—Dismemberment of the Mogul Empire—Nizamu-l Mulk
establishes the Haidarabad State—Murder of the Emperor
Farrukhsiyar—Abrogation of the Jizya—Muhammad Shah,
Emperor of Delhi—Saadat Khan obtains Oudh—Repeal of the
Jizya confirmed—Policy of Mewar—Rana Sangram
dies—Anecdotes regarding him—Rana Jagat Singh II.
succeeds—Treaty of triple alliance with Marwar and
Amber—The Mahrattas invade and gain footing in Malwa and
Gujarat—Invasion of Nadir Shah—Sack of Delhi—Condition of
Rajputana—Limits of Mewar—Rajput alliances—Bajirao invades
Mewar—Obtains a cession of annual tribute—Contest to place
Madho Singh on the throne of Amber—Battle of Rajmahall—The
Rana defeated—He leagues with Malharrao Holkar—Isari Singh
of Amber takes poison—The Rana dies—His character 472
CHAPTER 16
Rana Partap II.—Rana Raj Singh II.—Rana Arsi—Holkar invades
Mewar, and levies contributions—Rebellion to depose the
Rana—A Pretender set up by the rebel chiefs—Zalim Singh of
Kotah—The Pretender unites with Sindhia—Their combined
force attacked by the Rana, who is defeated—Sindhia
invades Mewar and besieges Udaipur—Amra Chand made
minister by the Rana—His noble conduct—Negotiates with
Sindhia, who withdraws—Loss of territory to Mewar—Rebel
chiefs return to their allegiance—Province of Godwar
lost—Assassination of the Rana—Rana Hamir
succeeds—Contentions between the Queen Regent and Amra—His
noble conduct, death, and character—Diminution of the
Mewar territory 496
CHAPTER 17
Rana Bhim—Feud of Sheogarh—The Rana redeems the alienated
lands—Ahalya Bai attacks the Rana’s army—Which is
defeated—Chondawat rebellion—Assassination of the Minister
Somji—The rebels seize on Chitor—Mahadaji Sindhia called
in by the Rana—Invests Chitor—The rebels surrender—Designs
of Zalim Singh for power in Mewar—Counteracted by Ambaji,
who assumes the title of Subahdar, contested by
Lakwa—Effects of these struggles—Zalim obtains
Jahazpur—Holkar invades Mewar—Confines the priests of
Nathdwara—Heroic conduct of the Chief of Kotharia—Lakwa
dies—The Rana seizes the Mahratta leaders—Liberated by
Zalim Singh—Holkar returns to Udaipur—Imposes a heavy
contribution—Sindhia’s invasion—Reflections on their
contest with the British—Ambaji projects the partition of
Mewar—Frustrated—Rivalry for Krishna Kunwari, the Princess
of Mewar, produces war throughout Rajasthan—Immolation of
Krishna—Amir Khan and Ajit Singh—Their villainy—British
Embassy to Sindhia’s Court at Udaipur—Ambaji is disgraced,
and attempts suicide—Amir Khan and Bapu Sindhia desolate
Mewar—The Rana forms a treaty with the British 511
CHAPTER 18
Overthrow of the predatory system—Alliances with the Rajput
States—Envoy appointed to Mewar—Arrives at
Udaipur—Reception—Description of the Court—Political
geography of Mewar—The Rana—His character—His
ministers—Plans—Exiles recalled—Merchants invited—Bhilwara
established—Assembly of the nobles—Charter ratified;
Resumptions of land; Anecdotes of the Chiefs of Arja,
Badnor, Badesar, and Amet—Landed tenures in Mewar—Village
rule—Freehold (_bapota_) of Mewar—Bhumia, or allodial
vassals: Character and privileges—Great Register of
Patents—Traditions exemplifying right in the soil—The
Patel; his origin; character—Assessment of
land-rents—General results 547
ILLUSTRATIONS
Bust of Colonel James Tod _Frontispiece_
TO FACE PAGE
Section of Country 10
List of Thirty-six Royal Races 98
Salūmbar 216
Sanskrit Grant 232
Palace of Udaipur 247
Palace of Rāna Bhīm 312
Ruins of Fortress of Bayāna 352
Chitor 382
Rājmahall 428
Jagmandir 432
Mahārāja Bhīm Singh 512
Facsimile of Native Drawing 572
INTRODUCTION
James Tod, the Author of this work, son of James Tod and Mary Heatly,
was born at Islington on March 20, 1782. His father, James Tod the
first, eldest son of Henry Tod of Bo’ness and Janet Monteath, was born
on October 26, 1745. In 1780 he married in New York Mary, daughter of
Andrew Heatly, a member of a family originally settled at Mellerston,
Co. Berwick, where they had held a landed estate for some four
centuries. Andrew Heatly emigrated to Rhode Island, where he died at the
age of thirty-six in 1761. He had married Mary, daughter of Sueton
Grant, of the family of Gartinbeg, really of Balvaddon, who left
Inverness for Newport, Rhode Island, in 1725, and Temperance Talmage or
Tollemache, granddaughter of one of the first and principal settlers at
Easthampton, Rhode Island. He had been forced to emigrate to America
during the Protectorate, owing to his loyalty to King Charles I. James
Tod, the first, left America, and in partnership with his brother John,
became an indigo-planter at Mirzapur, in the United Provinces of Agra
and Oudh.
James Tod, the second, was thus through his father and his uncles
Patrick and S. Heatly, both members of the Civil Service of the East
India Company, closely connected with India, and in 1798, being then
sixteen years old, he obtained through the influence of his uncle,
Patrick Heatly, a cadetship in the service of the East India Company. On
his arrival at Calcutta he was attached to the 2nd European Regiment. In
1800 he was transferred, with the rank of Lieutenant, to the 14th Native
Infantry, from which he passed in 1807, with the same rank, to the 25th
Native Infantry. In 1805 he was appointed to the command of the escort
of his friend Mr. Graeme Mercer, then Government Agent at the Camp of
Daulat Rao Sindhia, who had been defeated two years before at the battle
of Assaye by Sir Arthur Wellesley. In more than one passage in _The
Annals_ Tod speaks of Mr. Graeme Mercer with respect and affection, and
by him he was introduced to official life and Rājput and Mahratta
politics. His tastes for geographical inquiries led him to undertake
surveys in Rājputāna and Central India between 1812 and 1817, and he
employed several native surveyors to traverse the then little-known
region between Central India and the valley of the Indus.
At this period the Government of India was engaged in a project for
suppressing the Pindāris, a body of lawless freebooters, of no single
race, the débris of the adventurers who gained power during the decay of
the Mughal Empire, and who had not been incorporated in the armies of
the local powers which rose from its ruins. In 1817, to effect their
suppression, the Governor-General, the Marquess of Hastings, collected
the strongest British force which up to that time had been assembled in
India. Two armies, acting in co-operation from north and south,
converged on the banditti, and met with rapid success. Sindhia, whose
power depended on the demoralized condition of Rājputāna, was overawed;
Holkar was defeated; the Rāja of Nāgpur was captured; the Mahratta
Peshwa became a fugitive; the Pindāris were dispersed. One of their
leaders, Amīr Khān, who is frequently mentioned in Tod’s narrative,
disbanded his forces, and received as his share of the spoils the
Principality of Tonk, still ruled by his descendants.
In the course of this campaign Tod performed valuable services. At the
beginning of the operations he supplied the British Staff with a rough
map of the seat of war, and in other ways his local knowledge was
utilized by the Generals in charge of the operations. In 1813 he had
been promoted to the rank of Captain in command of the escort of the
Resident, Mr. Richard Strachey, who nominated him to the post of his
Second Assistant. In 1818 he was appointed Political Agent of Western
Rājputāna, a post which he held till his retirement in June 1822. The
work which he carried out in Rājputāna during this period is fully
described in _The Annals_ and in his “Personal Narrative.” Owing to
Mahratta oppression and the ravages of the Pindāris, the condition of
the country, political, social, and economical, was deplorable. To
remedy this prevailing anarchy the States were gradually brought under
British control, and their relations with the paramount power were
embodied in a series of treaties. In this work of reform,
reconstruction, and conciliation, Tod played an active part, and the
confidence and respect with which he was regarded by the Princes,
Chiefs, and peasantry enabled him to interfere with good effect in
tribal quarrels, to rearrange the fiefs of the minor Chiefs, and to act
as arbitrator between the Rāna of Mewār and his subjects.
Tod was convinced that the miserable state of the country was chiefly
due to the hesitation of the Indian Government in interfering for the
re-establishment of order; and on this ground he does not hesitate to
condemn the cautious policy of Lord Cornwallis during his second term of
office as Governor-General. Few people at the present day would be
disposed to defend the policy of non-intervention. “This policy has been
condemned by historians and commentators, as well as by statesmen,
soldiers, and diplomatists; by Mill and his editor, H. H. Wilson, and by
Thornton; by Lord Lake and Sir John Malcolm. The mischief was done and
the loss of influence was not regained for a decade. It was not till the
conclusion of an expensive and protracted campaign, that the Indian
Government was replaced in the position where it had been left by
Wellesley. The blame for this weak and unfortunate policy must be
divided between Cornwallis and Barlow, between the Court of Directors
and the Board of Control.” But it was carried out in pursuance of orders
from the Home Government. “The Court of Directors for some time past had
been alarmed at Lord Wellesley’s vigorous foreign policy. Castlereagh at
the Board of Control had taken fright, and even Pitt was carried away
and committed himself to a hasty opinion that the Governor-General had
acted imprudently and illegally.”[i.1]
Tod tells us little of his relations with the Supreme Government during
his four years’ service as Political Agent. He was notoriously a
partisan of the Rājput princes, particularly those of Mewār and Mārwār;
he is never tired of abusing the policy of the Emperor Aurangzeb, and,
fortunately for the success of his work, Muhammadans form only a slight
minority in the population of Rājputāna. This attitude naturally exposed
him to criticism. Writing in 1824, Bishop Heber,[i.2] while he
recognizes that he was held in affection and respect by “all the upper
and middling classes of society,” goes on to say: “His misfortune was
that, in consequence of his favouring the native princes so much, the
Government of Calcutta were led to suspect him of corruption, and
consequently to narrow his powers and associate other officers with him
in his trust till he was disgusted and resigned his place. They are now,
I believe, well satisfied that their suspicions were groundless. Captain
Todd (_sic_) is strenuously vindicated from the charge by all the
officers with whom I have conversed, and some of whom had abundant means
of knowing what the natives themselves thought of him.” The Bishop’s
widow, in a later issue of the _Diary_ of her husband, adds that "she is
anxious to remove any unfavourable impressions which may exist on the
subject by stating, that she has now the authority of a gentleman, who
at the time was a member of the Supreme Council, to say, that no such
imputation was ever fixed on Colonel Todd´s (_sic_) character."
Whatever may have been the real reason for the premature termination of
his official career at the age of forty, ill-health was put forward as
the ostensible cause of his retirement. He had served for about
twenty-four years in the Indian plains without any leave; he had long
suffered from malaria; and, though he hardly suspected it at the time,
an attempt had been made by one of his servants to poison him with
Datura; he had met with a serious accident when, by chance or design,
his elephant-driver dashed his howdah against the gate of Begūn fort in
eastern Mewār. In spite of all this, he retained sufficient health to
make, on the eve of his departure from India, the extensive tour
recorded in his _Travels in Western India_. Neither on his retirement,
nor at any subsequent period, were his services, official and literary,
rewarded by any distinction.
During his seventeen years’ service in Central India and Rājputāna he
showed indefatigable industry in the collection of the materials which
were partially used in his great work. His taste for the study of
history and antiquities, ethnology, popular religion, and superstitions
was stimulated by the pioneer work of Sir W. Jones and other writers in
the _Asiatic Researches_. He was not a trained philologist, and he
gained much of his information from his Guru, the Jain Yati Gyānchandra,
and the Brāhman Pandits whom he employed to make inquiries on his
behalf. They, too, were not trained scholars in the modern sense of the
term, and many of his mistakes are due to his rashness in following
their guidance.
His life was prolonged for thirteen years after he left India. In 1824
he attained the rank of Major, and in 1826 that of Lieutenant-Colonel.
Much of his time in England was spent in arranging his materials and
compiling the works upon which his reputation depends: _The Annals_,
published between 1829 and 1832; and his _Travels in Western India_,
published after his death, in 1839. He was in close relations with the
Royal Asiatic Society, of which he acted for a time as Librarian. In
this fine collection of books and manuscripts he gained much of that
discursive learning which appears in _The Annals_. He presented to the
Society numerous manuscripts, inscriptions, and coins. The fine series
of drawings made to illustrate his works by Captain P. T. Waugh and a
native artist named Ghāsi, have recently been rearranged and catalogued
in the Library of the Society. They well deserve inspection by any one
interested in Indian art. He also made frequent tours on the Continent,
and on one occasion visited the great soldier, Count Benoit de Boigne,
who died in 1830, leaving a fortune of twenty millions of francs.
On November 16, 1826, Tod married Julia, daughter of Dr. Henry
Clutterbuck, an eminent London surgeon, by whom he had two sons and a
daughter. In 1835 he settled in a house in Regent’s Park, and on
November 17 of the same year he died suddenly while transacting business
at the office of his bankers, Messrs. Robarts of Lombard Street. The
names of his descendants will appear from the pedigree appended to this
Introduction.
_The Annals of Rajasthan_, the two volumes of which were, by permission,
dedicated to Kings George IV. and William IV. respectively, was received
with considerable favour. A contemporary critic deals with it in the
following terms:[i.3] “Colonel Tod deserves the praise of a most
delightful and industrious collector of materials for history, and his
own narrative style in many places displays great freedom, vigour, and
perspicuity. Though not always correct, and occasionally stiff and
formal, it is not seldom highly animated and picturesque. The faults of
his work are inseparable from its nature; it would have been almost
impossible to mould up into one continuous history the distinct and
separate annals of the various Rajput races. The patience of the reader
is thus unavoidably put to a severe trial, in having to reascend to the
origin, and again to trace downwards the parallel annals of some new
tribe—sometimes interwoven with, sometimes entirely distinct from, those
which have gone before. But, on the whole, as no one but Colonel Tod
could have gathered the materials for such a work, there are not many
who could have used them so well. No candid reader can arise from its
perusal without a very high sense of the character of the Author—no
scholar, more certainly, without respect for his attainments, and
gratitude for the service which he has rendered to a branch of
literature, if far from popular, by no means to be estimated, as to its
real importance, by the extent to which it may command the favour of an
age of duodecimos.”
In estimating the value of the local authorities on which the history is
based, Tod reposed undue confidence in the epics and ballads composed by
the poet Chānd and other tribal bards. It is believed that more than one
of these poems have disappeared since his time, and these materials have
been only in part edited and translated. The value to be placed on
bardic literature is a question not free from difficulty. “On the faith
of ancient songs, the uncertain but the only memorials of barbarism,”
says Gibbon, “they [Cassiodorus and Jornandes] deduced the first origin
of the Goths.”[i.4] The poet may occasionally record facts of value, but
in his zeal for the honour of the tribe which he represents, he is
tempted to exaggerate victories, to minimize defeats. This is a danger
to which Indian poets are particularly exposed. Their trade is one of
fulsome adulation, and in a state of society like that of the Rājputs,
where tribal and personal rivalries flourish, the temptation to give a
false colouring to history is great. In fact, bardic literature is often
useful, not as evidence of occurrences in antiquity, but as an
indication of the habits and beliefs current in the age of the writer.
It exhibits the facts, not as they really occurred, but as the writer
and his contemporaries supposed that they occurred. The mind of the
poet, with all its prejudices, projects itself into the distant past.
Good examples of the methods of the bards will appear in the attempt to
connect the Rāthors with the dynasty of Kanauj, or to represent the
Chauhāns as the founders of an empire in the Deccan.
Recent investigation has thrown much new light on the origin of the
Rājputs. A wide gulf lies between the Vedic Kshatriya and the Rājput of
medieval times which it is now impossible to bridge. Some clans, with
the help of an accommodating bard, may be able to trace their lineage to
the Kshatriyas of Buddhist times, who were recognized as one of the
leading elements in Hindu society, and, in their own estimation, stood
even higher than the Brāhmans.[i.5] But it is now certain that the
origin of many clans dates from the Saka or Kushān invasion, which began
about the middle of the second century B.C., or more certainly, from
that of the White Huns who destroyed the Gupta empire about A.D. 480.
The Gurjara tribe connected with the latter people adopted Hinduism, and
their leaders formed the main stock from which the higher Rājput
families sprang. When these new claimants to princely honours accepted
the faith and institutions of Brahmanism, the attempt would naturally be
made to affiliate themselves to the mythical heroes whose exploits are
recorded in the Mahābhārata and Rāmāyana. Hence arose the body of legend
recorded in _The Annals_ by which a fabulous origin from the Sun or Moon
is ascribed to two great Rājput branches, a genealogy claimed by other
princely families, like the Incas of Peru or the Mikado of Japan. Or, as
in the case of the Rāthors of Mārwār, an equally fabulous story was
invented to link them with the royal house of Kanauj, one of the genuine
old Hindu ruling families. The same feeling lies at the root of the
_Aeneid_ of Virgil, the court poet of the new empire. The clan of the
emperor Augustus, the Iulii, a patrician family of Alban origin, was
represented as the heirs of Iulus, the supposed son of Aeneas and
founder of Alba Longa, thus linking the new Augustan house with the
heroes of the _Iliad_.
One of the merits of Tod’s work is that, though his knowledge of
ethnology was imperfect, and he was unable to reject the local
chronicles of the Rājputs, he advocated, in anticipation of the
conclusions of later scholars, the so-called “Scythic” origin of the
race. To make up for the lack of direct evidence of Scythian manners and
sociology to support this position, he was forced to rely on certain
superficial resemblances of custom and belief, not between Rājputs,
Scythians and Huns, but between Rājputs, Getae or Thracians, or the
Germans of Tacitus. In the same way a supposed identity of name led him
to identify the Jāts of northern India with the Getae or with the Goths,
and finally to bring them with the Jutes into Kent.
A similar process of groping in semi-darkness induced him to make
constant references to serpent worship, which, as Sir E. Tylor remarked,
"years ago fell into the hands of speculative writers who mixed it up
with occult philosophies, druidical mysteries, and that portentous
nonsense called the ‘Arkite symbolism,’ till now sober students hear the
very name of ophiolatry with a shudder."[i.6] He repeatedly speaks of a
people whom he calls the “Takshaks,” apparently one of the Scythian
tribes. There is, however, no reason to believe that serpent worship
formed an important element in the beliefs of the Scythians, or to
suppose that the cult, as we observe it in India, is of other than
indigenous origin.
The more recent views of the origin of the Rājputs may be briefly
illustrated in connexion with some of the leading septs. Dr. Vincent A.
Smith holds that the term Kshatriya was not an ethnical but an
occupational designation. Rājaputra, ‘son of a Rāja,’ seems to have been
a name applied to the cadets of ruling houses who, according to the
ancient custom of tribal society, were in the habit of seeking their
fortunes abroad, winning by some act of valour the hand of the princess
whose land they visited, and with it the succession to the kingdom
vested in her under the system of Mother Right. Sir James Frazer has
described various forms of this mode of succession in the case of the
Kings of Rome, Ashanti, Uganda, in certain Greek States, and other
places.[i.7] Dr. Smith goes on to say: “The term Kshatriya was, I
believe, always one of very vague meaning, simply denoting the Hindu
ruling classes which did not claim Brahmanical descent. Occasionally a
rājā might be a Brahman by caste, but the Brahman’s place at court was
that of a minister rather than that of king.”[i.8] This office in
Rajputana, as we learn from numerous instances in _The Annals_, was
often taken by members of the Bania or mercantile class, because the
Brāhmans of the Desert, by their laxity of practice, had acquired an
equivocal reputation, and were generally illiterate. The Rājput has
always, until recent times, favoured the Bhāt or bard more than the
Brāhman.
The group denoted by the name Kshatriya or Rājput thus depended on
status rather than on descent, and it was therefore possible for
foreigners to be introduced into the tribes without any violation of the
prejudices of caste, which was then only partially developed. In later
times, under Brāhman guidance, the rules of endogamy, exogamy, and
_confarreatio_ have been definitely formulated. But as the power of the
priesthood increased, it was necessary to disguise this admission of
foreigners under a convenient fiction. Hence arose the legend, told in
two different forms in _The Annals_, which describes how, by a solemn
act of purification or initiation, under the superintendence of one of
the ancient Vedic Rishis or inspired saints, the “fire-born” septs were
created to help the Brāhmans in repressing Buddhism, Jainism, or other
heresies, and in establishing the ancient traditional Hindu social
policy, the temporary downfall of which, under the stress of foreign
invasions, is carefully concealed in the Hindu sacred literature. This
privilege was, we are told, confined to four septs, known as Agnikula,
or ‘fire-born’—the Pramār, Parihār, Chālukya or Solanki, and the
Chauhān. But there is good reason to believe that the Pramār was the
only sept which laid claim to this distinction before the time of the
poet Chānd, who flourished in the twelfth century of our era.[i.9] The
local tradition in Rājputāna was so vague that in one version of the
story Vasishtha, in the other Visvāmitra, is said to have been the
officiating priest.
In the case of the Sesodias of Mewār, Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar has given
reasons to believe that Gehlot or Guhilot means simply ‘son of Guhila,’
an abbreviation of Guhadatta, the name of its founder.[i.10] He is said
to have belonged to the Gurjara stock, kinsmen or allies of the Huns who
entered India about the sixth century of our era, and founded a kingdom
in Rājputāna with its capital at Bhilmāl or Srīmāl, about fifty miles
from Mount Ābu, the scene of the regeneration of the Rājputs. This
branch, which took the name of Maitrika, is said to be closely connected
with the Mer tribe, which gave its name to Merwāra, and is fully
described in _The Annals_. The actual conqueror of Chitor, Bāpa or
Bappa, is said in inscriptions to have belonged to the branch known as
Nāgar, or ‘City’ Brāhmans which has its present headquarters at the town
of Vadnagar in the Baroda State. This conversion of a Brāhman into a
Rājput is at first sight startling, but the fact implies that the
institution of caste, as we observe it, was then only imperfectly
established, and there was no difficulty in believing that a Brāhman
could be ancestor of a princely house which now claims descent from the
Sun. As will appear later on, Bāpa seems to be a historical personage.
These facts help us to understand the strange story in _The Annals_,
which tells how Gohāditya received inauguration as chief by having his
forehead smeared with blood drawn from the finger of a Bhīl, a form of
the blood covenant which appears among many savage tribes.[i.11] In
those days no definite line was drawn between the Bhīls, now a wild
forest tribe, and the Rājputs. The Bhīls were the free lords of the
jungle, original owners of the soil, and though they practised rites and
followed customs repulsive to orthodox Hindus, they did not share in the
impurity which attached to foul outcastes like the Dom or the Chandāla.
As the Bhīls were believed to be autochthonous, and thus understood the
methods of controlling or conciliating the local spirits, by this form
of inauguration they passed on their knowledge to the Rājputs whom they
accepted as their lords. The relations of the Mīnas, another jungle
tribe of the same class, with the Kachhwāhas of Jaipur were of the same
kind.
According to the bardic legend given in _The Annals_, the Rāthors, the
second great Rājput clan, owed their origin to a migration of a body of
its members to the western Desert when the territory of Kanauj was
conquered by Shihābu-d-dīn in A.D. 1193. But it is now certain that the
ruling dynasty of Kanauj belonged, not to the Rāthor, but to the
Gaharwār clan, and that the first Rāthor settlement in Rājputāna must
have occurred anterior to the conquest of Kanauj by the Musalmāns. An
inscription, dated A.D. 997, found in the ruins of the ancient town of
Hathūndi or Hastikūndi in the Bali Hakūmat of the Jodhpur State, names
four Rāthor Rājas who reigned there in the tenth century.[i.12] The
local legend is an attempt to connect the line of Rāthor princes with
the Kanauj dynasty. It has been suggested that the Deccan dynasty of the
Rāshtrakūtas which, in name at least, is identical with Rāthor, reigning
at Nāsik or Malkhed from A.D. 753 to 973, was connected with the Reddis
or Raddis, a caste of cultivators which seem to have migrated from
Madras into the Deccan at an early period. But any racial connexion
between the Deccan Reddis and the Rāthors of Rājputāna is very
doubtful.[i.13]
The Chandel clan, ranked in _The Annals_ among the Thirty-six Royal
Races, is believed to be closely connected with the Bhars and Gonds,
forest tribes of Bundelkhand and the Central Provinces. Mr. R. V.
Russell prefers to connect them with the Bhars alone, on the ground that
the Gonds, according to the best traditions, entered the Central
Provinces from the south, and made no effective settlement in
Bundelkhand, the headquarters of the Chandels.[i.14] But there was a
Gond settlement in the Hamīrpur District of Bundelkhand, and the close
connexion between the Gonds and the Chandels began in what is now the
Chhatarpur State.
The results of recent investigations into Rājput ethnology are thus of
great importance, and enable us to correct the bardic legends on which
the genealogies recorded in _The Annals_ were founded. Much remains to
be done before the question can be finally settled. The local Rājput
traditions and the ballads of the bards must be collected and edited;
the ancient sites in Rājputāna must be excavated; physical measurements,
now somewhat discredited as a test of racial affinities, must be made in
larger numbers and by more scientific methods. But the general thesis
that some of the nobler Rājput septs are descended from Gurjaras or
other foreigners, while others are closely connected with the
autochthonous races, may be regarded as definitely proved.
One of the most valuable parts of _The Annals_ is the chapter describing
the popular religion of Mewār, the festival and rites in honour of
Gauri, the Mother goddess. There are also many incidental notices of
cults and superstitions scattered through the work. A race of warriors
like the Rājputs naturally favours the worship of Siva who, as the
successor of Rudra, the Vedic storm-god, was originally a
terror-inspiring deity, a side of his character only imperfectly veiled
by his euphemistic title of Siva, ‘the blessed or auspicious One.’ In
his phallic manifestation his chief shrine is at Eklingji, ‘the single
or notable phallus,’ about fourteen miles north of Udaipur city. The
Rānas hold the office of priest-kings, Dīwāns or prime-ministers of the
god. Their association with this deity has been explained by an
inscription recently found in the temple of Nātha, ‘the Lord,’ now used
as a storeroom of the Eklingji temple.[i.15] The inscription, dated A.D.
971, is in form of a dedication to Lakulīsa, a form of Siva represented
as bearing a club, and refers to the Saiva sect known as
Lakulīsa-Pāsapatas. It records the name of a king named Srī-Bappaka,
‘the moon among the princes of the Guhila dynasty,’ who reigned at a
place called Nāgahvada, identified with Nāgda, an ancient town several
times mentioned in _The Annals_, the ruins of which exist at the foot of
the hill on which the temple of Eklingji stands. Srī-Bappaka is
certainly Bāpa or Bappa, the traditional founder of the Mewār dynasty,
which had at that time its capital at Nāgda. From this inscription it is
clear that the Eklingji temple was in existence before A.D. 971, and, as
Mr. Bhandarkar remarks, “it shows that the old tradition about Nāgendra
and Bappa Rāwal’s infancy given by Tod had some historical foundation,
and it is intelligible how the Rānas of Udaipur could have come to have
such an intimate connexion with the temple as that of high priests, in
which capacity they still officiate.” This office vested in them is a
good example of one of those dynasties of priest-kings of which Sir
James Frazer has given an elaborate account.[i.16]
The milder side of the Rājput character is represented in the cult of
Krishna at Nāthdwāra. The Mahant or Abbot of the temple, situated at the
old village of Siārh, twenty-two miles from the city of Udaipur, enjoys
semi-royal state. In anticipation of the raid by Aurangzeb on Mathura,
A.D. 1669-70, the ancient image of Kesavadeva, a form of Krishna, ‘He of
the flowing locks,’ was removed out of reach of danger by Rāna Rāj Singh
of Mewār. When the cart bearing the image arrived at Siārh, the god, by
stopping the cart, is said to have expressed his intention of remaining
there. This was the origin of the famous temple, still visited by crowds
of pilgrims, and one of the leading seats of the Vallabhāchārya sect,
‘the Epicureans of the East,’ whose practices, as disclosed in the
famous Mahārāja libel case, tried at Bombay in 1861, gave rise to
grievous scandal.[i.17] The ill-feeling against this sect, aroused by
these revelations, was so intense that the Mahārāja of Jaipur ordered
that the two famous images of Krishna worshipped in his State, which
originally came from Gokul, near Mathura, should be removed from his
territories into those of the Bharatpur State.
Tod bears witness to the humanizing effect on the Rājputs of the worship
of this god, whom he calls “the Apollo of Braj,” the holy land of
Krishna near Mathura. He also asserts that the Emperor Akbar favoured
the worship of Krishna, a feeling shared by his successors Jahāngīr and
Shāh Jahān. Akbar, in his search for a new faith to supersede Islām, of
which he was _parcus cultor et infrequens_, dallied with Hindu Pandits,
Parsi priests, and Christian missionaries, and he was doubtless well
informed about the sensuous ritual of the temple of Nāthdwāra.[i.18]
The character of the Rājputs is discussed in many passages in _The
Annals_. The Author expresses marked sympathy with the people among whom
his official life was spent, and he expresses gratitude for the courtesy
and confidence which they bestowed upon him. This applies specially to
the Sesodias of Mewār and the Rāthors of Mārwār, with whom he lived in
the closest intimacy. He shows, on the other hand, a decided prejudice
against the Kachhwāhas of Jaipur, of whose diplomacy he disapproved.
This feeling, we may suspect, was due in part to their hesitation in
accepting the British alliance, a policy in which he was deeply
interested.
The virtues of the Rājput lie on the surface—their loyalty, devotion,
and gallantry; their chivalry towards women; their regard for their
national customs. Their weaknesses—though Tod does not enumerate them in
detail—are obvious from a study of their history—their instability of
character, their liability to sudden outbreaks of passion, their
tendency to yield to panic on the battlefield, their inability, as a
result of their tribal system, to form a permanent combination against a
public enemy, their occasional faithlessness to their chiefs and allies,
their excessive use of opium. These defects they share with most
orientals, but, on the whole, they compare favourably with other races
in the Indian Empire. There is much in their character and institutions
which reminds us of the Gauls as pictured by Mommsen in a striking
passage.[i.19] Rājput women are described as virtuous, affectionate, and
devoted, taking part in the control of the family, sharing with their
husbands the dangers of war and sport, contemptuous of the coward, and
exercising a salutary influence in public and domestic affairs.
Strangely enough, Tod omits to give us a detailed account of their
marriage regulations and ceremonies. According to Mr. E. H. Kealy,[i.20]
while male children under one year old exceed the females, “the excess
is not sufficiently great to justify the conclusion that female babies
are murdered, nor is the theory that female infants lost their lives by
neglect supported by the statistics. Unhappily the returns show that a
high proportion of married women is combined with a very low percentage
of females as compared with males between the ages of ten and fourteen,
the early stage of married life, and this defect is largely due to
premature cohabitation, lack of medical attendance, and of sanitary
precautions.” No one can read without horror the many narratives of the
Johar, the final sacrifice by which women in the hour of defeat gave
their lives to save their honour, and of the numerous cases of Sati.
Both these customs are now only a matter of history, but so late as 1879
General Hervey was able to count at the Bikaner palace the handmarks of
at least thirty-seven widows who ascended the pyre with their
lords.[i.21]
Much space in _The Annals_ is occupied by a review of the so-called
‘Feudal’ system in Rājputāna. Tod was naturally attracted in the course
of his discursive reading by Henry Hallam’s _View of the State of Europe
during the Middle Ages_, which first appeared in 1818, four years before
Tod resigned his Indian appointment. Hallam himself was careful to point
out that “it is of great importance to be on our guard against seeming
analogies which vanish away when they are closely observed.”[i.22] This
warning Tod unguardedly overlooked. Hallam recognized that Feudalism was
an institution the ultimate origin of which is still, to some extent,
obscure. It possibly began with the desire for protection, the
_rakhwāli_ of the Rājputs, but it seems to have been ultimately based on
the private law of Rome, while the influence of the Church, interested
in securing its endowments, was a factor in its evolution. In its
completed form it represented the final stage of a process which began
under the Frankish conquerors of Gaul. At any rate, it was of European
origin, and though it absorbed much that was common to the types of
tribal organization found in other parts of the world, it was moulded by
the political, social, and economical environment amidst which it was
developed. Hence, while it is possible to trace, as Tod has done,
certain analogies between the tribal institutions of the Rājputs and the
social organization of medieval Europe—analogies of feudal incidents
connected with Reliefs, Fines upon alienation, Escheats, Aids, Wardship,
and Marriage—these analogies, when more closely examined, are found to
be in the main superficial. If we desire to undertake a comparative
study of the Rājput tribal system, it is unnecessary to travel to
medieval Europe, while we have close at hand the social organization of
more or less kindred tribes on the Indian borderland, Pathāns, Afghāns,
or Baloch; or, in a more primitive stage, those of the Kandhs, Gonds,
Mūndas, or Orāons. It is of little service to compare two systems of
which only the nucleus is common to both, and to place side by side
institutions which present only a factitious similitude, because the
social development of each has progressed on different lines.
The Author’s excursions into philology are the diversions of a clever
man, not of a trained scholar, but interested in the subject as an
amateur. In his time the new learning on oriental subjects had only
recently begun to attract the attention of scholars, of which Sir W.
Jones was the prophet. Tod was a diligent student of _The Asiatic
Researches_, the publication of which began at Calcutta in 1788. While
much material of value is to be found in these volumes, many papers of
Captain Francis Wilford and others are full of rash speculations which
have not survived later criticism. Tod is not to blame because he
followed the guidance of scholars who contributed articles to the
leading Indian review of his time; because he was ignorant of the laws
of Grimm or Verner; because, like his contemporaries, he believed that
the mythology of Egypt or Palestine influenced the beliefs of the Indian
people. It was his fate that many of his guesses were quoted with
approval by writers like T. Maurice in his _Indian Antiquities_, and by
N. Pococke in his _India in Greece_. It is also well to remember that
many of the derivations of the names of Indian deities, confidently
proposed by Kuhn and Max Müller a few years ago, are no longer accepted.
Tod, at any rate, published his views on Feudalism and Philology without
any pretence of dogmatism.
One special question deserves examination—the constant references to the
cult of Bāl-Siva, a form of the Sun god. A learned Indian scholar,
Pandit Gaurishankar Ojha, who is now engaged on an annotated edition of
_The Annals_ in Hindi, states that no temple or image dedicated to this
god is known in Rājputāna. It is, of course, not unlikely that Siva, as
a deity of fertility, should be associated with Sun worship, but there
is no evidence of the cult on which Tod lays special stress. It is
almost useless to speculate on the source of his error. It may be based
on a reference in the _Āin-i-Akbari_[i.23] to a certain Bālnāth, Jogi,
who occupied a cell in a place in the Sindh Sāgar Duāb of the Panjāb. At
the same time, like many of the writers of his day, he may have had the
Semitic Baal in his mind.
It was largely due to imperfect information received from his assistants
that he shared with other writers of the time the confusion between
Buddhism and Jainism, and supposed that the former religion was
introduced into India from Central Asia. His elaborate attempt to
extract history and a trustworthy scheme of chronology from the Purānas
must be pronounced to be a failure. Recently a learned scholar, Mr. F.
E. Pargiter, has shown how far an examination of these authorities can
be conducted with any approach to probability.[i.24]
The questions which have been discussed do not, to any important extent,
detract from the real value of the work. Even in those points which are
most open to criticism, _The Annals_ possesses importance because it
represents a phase in the study of Indian religions, ethnology, and
sociology. No one can examine it without increasing pleasure and
admiration for a writer who, immersed in arduous official work, was able
to indulge his tastes for research. His was the first real attempt to
investigate the beliefs of the peasantry as contrasted with the official
Brahmanism, a study which in recent years has revolutionized the current
conceptions of Hinduism. Even if his versions of the inscriptions which
he collected fail to satisfy the requirements of more recent scholars,
he deserves credit for rescuing from neglect and almost certain
destruction epigraphical material for the use of his successors. The
same may be said of the drawings of buildings, some of which have fallen
into decay, or have been mutilated by their careless guardians. When he
deals with facts which came under his personal observation, his accounts
of beliefs, folk-lore, social life, customs, and manners possess
permanent value.
He observed the Rājputs when they were in a stage of transition.
Isolated by the inaccessibility of their country, they were the last
guardians of Hindu beliefs, institutions, and manners against the rising
tide of the Muhammadan invasions; without their protection much that is
important for the study of the Hindus must have disappeared. To avoid
anarchy and the ultimate destruction of these States, it was necessary
for them to accept a closer union with the British as the paramount
power. By this they lost something, but they gained much. The new
connexion involved new duties and responsibilities in adapting their
primitive system of government to modern requirements. Tod thus stood at
the parting of the ways. With the introduction of the railway and the
post-office, the disappearance of the caravan as a means of transport,
the increase of trade, the growth of new wants and possibilities of
development in association with the Empire, the period of Rājput
isolation came to a close. To some it may be a matter of regret that the
personal rule of the Chief over a people strongly influenced by what
they term _swāmīdharma_, the reciprocal loyalty of subject to prince and
of prince to people, should be replaced by a government of a more
popular type. But this change was, in the nature of things, inevitable.
As an example of this, a statement made by the Mahārāja of Bīkaner, when
he was summoned to attend the Imperial Conference in 1917, may be
quoted. “In my own territories we inaugurated some years ago the
beginnings of a representative assembly. It now consists of elected, as
well as nominated, non-official members, and their legislative powers
follow the lines of those laid down for the Legislatures of British
India in the 1909 reforms. In respect to the Budget they have the same
powers as those conferred on the Supreme and Provincial Legislatures in
British India by the Lansdowne reforms in force from 1893 to 1909. When
announcing my intention of creating this representative body, I
intimated that as the people showed their fitness they would be
entrusted with more powers. Accordingly, at the end of the first
triennial term, when the elections will take place, we are revising the
rules of business in the direction of greater liberality and of removing
unnecessary restrictions.” It remains to be seen how far this policy
will prove to be successful.
It was a happy accident that before the period of transition had begun
in earnest, such a competent and sympathetic observer should have been
able to examine and record one of the most interesting surviving phases
of the ancient Hindu polity.
A soldier and a sportsman, Tod learned to understand the romantic,
adventurous side of the Rājput character, and he recorded with full
appreciation the fine stories of manly valour, of the self-sacrifice of
women, the tragedies of the sieges of Chitor, the heroism of Rānas Sanga
and Partāb Singh, or of Durgādās. Many of these tales recall the age of
medieval chivalry, and Tod is at his best in recording them. No one can
read without admiration his account of the attack of the Saktāwats and
Chondāwats on Untāla; of Sūja and the tiger; the tragedy of Krishna
Kunwāri; of the queen of Ganor; of Sanjogta of Kanauj; of Gūga Chauhān
and Alu Hāra. In many of these tales the Rājput displays the loyalty and
valour, the punctilious regard for his personal honour which in the case
of the Spanish grandee have passed into a proverb.
While the Rājput is courteous in his intercourse with those who are
prepared to take him as he is, when he meets an English officer he
resents any hint of patronage, he is jealous of any intrusion on the
secluded folk behind the curtain, and he is often rather an acquaintance
than a friend, inclined to shelter himself behind a dignified reserve,
unwilling to open his mind to any one who does not accept his
traditional attitude towards men of a different race and of a different
faith. When he makes a ceremonial visit to a European officer, his
conversation is often confined to conventional compliments, or chat
about the weather and the state of the crops.
To remove these difficulties which obstruct friendly and confidential
intercourse, the young officer in India may be advised to study the
methods illustrated in this work. But he will do well to avoid Tod’s
openly expressed partisanship. He owed the affection and respect
bestowed upon him by prince and peasant, and even by the jealously
guarded ladies of the zenanah, to his kindliness and sympathy, his
readiness to converse freely with men of all classes, his patience in
listening to grievances, even those which he had no power to redress,
his impartiality as an arbitrator between the Rāna of Mewār and his
people or between individuals or sects unfriendly to each other. He
studied the national traditions and usages; he knew enough of religious
beliefs and of social customs to save him from giving offence by word or
deed; he could converse with the people in their own patois, and could
give point to a remark by an apt quotation of a proverb or a scrap of an
old ballad.
When, if ever, a new history of the Rājputs comes to be written, it must
be largely based on Tod’s collections, supplemented by wider historical,
antiquarian, and epigraphical research. The history of the last century
cannot be compiled until the recent administration reports, now treated
as confidential, and the muniment rooms of Calcutta and London are open
to the student. But it is unlikely that, for the present at least, any
writer will enjoy, as Tod did, access to the records and correspondence
stored in the palaces of the Chiefs.
For the Rājput himself and for natives of India interested in the
history of their country, the work will long retain its value. It
preserves a record of tribal rights and privileges, of claims based on
ancient tradition, of feuds and their settlement, of genealogies and
family history which, but for Tod’s careful record, might have been
forgotten or misinterpreted even by the Rājputs themselves. In the
original English text which many Rājputs are now able to study they will
find a picture of tribal society, now rapidly disappearing, drawn by a
competent and friendly hand. Its interest will not be diminished by the
fact that while the writer displays a hearty admiration for the Rājput
character, he is not blind to its defects. At any rate, the Rājput will
enjoy the satisfaction that his race has been selected to furnish the
materials for the most comprehensive monograph ever compiled by a
British officer describing one of the leading peoples of India.
-----
Footnote i.1:
W. S. Seton Carr, _The Marquess Cornwallis_, 180, 189 f.
Footnote i.2:
_Narrative of a Journey through the Upper Provinces_, ed. 1861, ii.
54.
Footnote i.3:
_Quarterly Review_, vol. xlviii. Oct.-Dec. 1832, pp. 38 f.
Footnote i.4:
_Decline and Fall_, ed. W. Smith, i. 375.
Footnote i.5:
V. A. Smith, _Early History of India_, 3rd ed. 408; Rhys Davids,
_Buddhist India_, 60 f.
Footnote i.6:
_Primitive Culture_, 2nd ed. ii. 239.
Footnote i.7:
_Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship_, 231 ff.; _The Golden
Bough_, 3rd ed.; _The Magic Art_, ii. 269 ff.
Footnote i.8:
_Early History of India_, 408.
Footnote i.9:
_Journal Royal Asiatic Society_, 1905, 1 ff. The tradition seems to
have started earlier in Southern India, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar,
_Ancient India_, 1911, 390 ff.
Footnote i.10:
_Journal Asiatic Society Bengal_, 1909, 167 ff. The criticism by
Pandit Mohanlal Vishnulal Pandia (_ibid._, 1912, 63 ff.) is extremely
feeble.
Footnote i.11:
E. S. Hartland, _Primitive Paternity_, i. 258 ff.
Footnote i.12:
K. D. Erskine, _Gazetteer Western Rajput States and Bikaner Agency_,
A. i. 177.
Footnote i.13:
_Bombay Gazetteer_, I. Part i. 385; _Bombay Census Report, 1911_, i.
279; Smith, _Early History_, 413.
Footnote i.14:
_Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces_, iv. 441.
Footnote i.15:
D. R. Bhandarkar, _Journal Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society_, 1916,
Art. xii.
Footnote i.16:
_The Golden Bough_, 3rd ed.; _The Magic Art_, i. 44 ff.; _Adonis,
Attis, Osiris_, i. 42 f., 143 ff.
Footnote i.17:
Karsandas Mulji, _History of the Sect of the Mahārājas or
Vallabhāchāryas_, London, 1865; _Report of the Mahārāj Libel Case_,
Bombay, 1862; F. S. Growse, _Mathura_, 3rd ed. 283 f.
Footnote i.18:
V. A. Smith, _Akbar, The Great Mogul_, 162 ff.
Footnote i.19:
_History of Rome_, ed. 1866, iv. 209 ff.
Footnote i.20:
_Census Report, Rājputāna, 1911_, i. 132.
Footnote i.21:
_Some Records of Crime_, ii. 217 f.
Footnote i.22:
_View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages_, 12th ed. 1868,
i. 186.
Footnote i.23:
ii. 315.
Footnote i.24:
“Ancient Indian Genealogies and Chronology,” “Earliest Indian
Traditional History,” _Journal Royal Asiatic Society_, January 1910,
April 1914.
-----
PEDIGREE OF THE TOD FAMILY
James Tod, Merchant, Bo’ness. = Helen Moir.
│
┌────────────────────────┘
│
James Tod, Shipmaster, Bo’ness, _b._ 1672 = Elizabeth Monteath.
│
┌────────────────────────────┘
│
Henry Tod, _b._ 1717. = Janet Monteath.
│
┌─────────────────────┘
│
James Tod, Indigo Planter. = Mary Heatly.
│
┌────────────────────────┴───────┐
│ │
Suetonius Henry = Mary Macdonald, JAMES TOD = Julia Clutterbuck, of
Tod, General. │ Sleat, Skye. │ a Dutch family that
│ │ came to England in
┌──────┴──────────────┐ │ sixteenth century.
│ │ │
Suetonius Macdonald Tod. Ewen Monteath Tod. │
│
┌────────────────────┬────────────┬────────┘
│ │ │
Grant Heatly Tod- Edward H. M. Mary Augusta = Charles Harris Blunt,
Heatly. ob.s.p. Tod. ob.s.p. Tod. │ Major-General, C.B.,
│ Bengal Horse
Artillery.
│
┌──────────────────────────────────┼────────────────┐
│ │ │
Edward Walter = Sibell Lilian, Charles David Janet Heatly.
Blunt-Mackenzie, │ Countess of Mackinnon. unm. unm.
Lt.-Col., R.A. │ Cromartie.
│
┌────────────┴───────────┬──────────────────────┐
│ │ │
Roderick Grant Francis, Walter Blunt Mackenzie. Isobel.
Viscount Tarbat.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
WITH SOME ABBREVIATED TITLES OF WORKS
QUOTED IN THE NOTES
ABULGHAZI. General History of the Turks, Moguls, and Tartars. 2 vols.
London, 1729-30.
AĪN. Abu-l Fazl, Allāmi. The Āīn-i-Akbari, translated and edited by H.
Blochmann and H. S. Jarrett. 3 vols. Calcutta, 1873-94.
AITKEN, E. H. Gazetteer of Sind. Karachi, 1907.
Akbarnāma. The Akbarnāma of Abu-l Fazl, Allāmi, trans. H. Beveridge.
Calcutta. Vol. i., 1907; vol. ii., 1912; vol. iii., in the press.
Asiatic Researches. 20 vols. Calcutta, 1788-1836.
ASR. Archaeological Survey Reports, India, ed. Sir A. Cunningham, Sir J.
H. Marshall, J. Burgess. Calcutta, 1871—
BADAONI. Muntakhabu-t-tawārikh, ed. G. S. A. Ranking, W. H. Lowe, E. B.
Cowell. 2 vols. Calcutta, 1884-98.
BADEN-POWELL, B. H. The Indian Village Community. London, 1892.
BALFOUR, E. Cyclopaedia of India. 3rd ed. 3 vols. London, 1885.
BARNETT, L. D. The Antiquities of India. London, 1914.
BAYLEY, Sir E. C. The Local Muhammadan Dynasties of Gujarat. London,
1886.
BEAL, S. SI-YU-KI. Buddhist Annals of the Western World, translated from
the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang. 2 vols. London, 1884.
BERNIER, F. Travels in the Mogul Empire, ed. A. Constable, V. A. Smith.
Oxford, 1914.
BG. Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, ed. Sir J. Campbell. 27 vols.
Bombay, 1874-1904.
BILGRAMI, SYED HOSSAIN; WILMOTT, C. Historical and Descriptive Sketch of
H.H. The Nizam’s Dominions. 2 vols. Bombay, 1883.
BOILEAU, Lieutenant A. H. E. Narrative of a Tour through Rajwara in
1835. Calcutta, 1837.
BROUGHTON, T. D. Letters written in a Mahratta Camp. Westminster, 1892.
BUCKLAND, C. Dictionary of Indian Biography. London, 1906.
BÜHLER, J. G.; BURGESS, J. The Indian Sect of the Jainas. London, 1875.
BURTON, Sir R. The Book of a Thousand Nights and a Night. 12 vols.
London, 1893.
CARDEW, F. G. Sketch of the Services of the Bengal Army to 1895.
Calcutta, 1903.
Census Reports. India, 1891, London, 1893; 1901, Calcutta, 1903; 1911,
Calcutta, 1913; Baluchistan, 1901, Bombay, 1902; Baroda, 1901,
Bombay, 1902; Bombay, 1911, Bombay, 1912; Marwar, 1891, Jodhpore,
1894; Rajputana and Ajmer-Merwara, 1901, Lucknow, 1902; 1911, Ajmer,
1913.
CHEVERS, N. Manual of Medical Jurisprudence for India. Calcutta, 1870.
COLEBROOKE, H. T. Essays on the Religion and Philosophy of the Hindus.
London, 1858.
COMPTON, H. A Particular Account of the European Military Adventurers of
Hindostan. London, n.d.; original edition, 1892.
COOK, A. B. Zeus: a Study in Ancient Religion. Vol. i. Cambridge, 1914.
Cosmas Indicopleustes, ed. J. W. McCrindle. London, 1897.
CROOKE, W. Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. 4
vols. Calcutta, 1896.
Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India. 2 vols.
Westminster, 1896.
Things Indian. London, 1906.
CUNNINGHAM, Sir A. The Ancient Geography of India; the Buddhist Period.
London, 1871.
Dabistan, or School of Manners, trans. D. Shea, A. Troyer, Paris. 3
vols., 1843.
DAVIDS, T. W. RHYS. Buddhist India. London, 1893.
DOW, A. The History of Hindostan, translated from the Persian. 3 vols.
London, 1812.
DOWSON, J. A Classical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology and Religion,
Geography, History, and Literature. London, 1879.
DUFF, C. M. The Chronology of India to the Beginning of the Sixteenth
Century. London, 1899.
EGERTON, Hon. W. An Illustrated Handbook of Indian Arms. London, 1880.
ELLIOT-DOWSON. The History of India as told by its own Historians, ed.
by Sir H. M. Elliot, J. Dowson, 8 vols. London, 1867-77.
ELPHINSTONE, M. The History of India; the Hindu and Mahomedan Period.
6th ed. London, 1874.
An Account of the Kingdom of Caubul and its Dependencies. 2nd ed. 2
vols. London, 1842.
Encyclopaedia Biblica, ed. T. K. Cheyne, J. S. Black. 4 vols. London,
1901.
EB. Encyclopaedia Britannica. 11th ed. 28 vols. Cambridge, 1910.
ENTHOVEN, R. E. The Ethnographic Survey of Bombay, 1904. Folklore Notes,
i. Gujarat; ii. Konkan. 2 vols. Bombay, 1914-15.
ERMAN, A. Life in Ancient Egypt. London, 1894.
ERSKINE, Major K. D. Rajputana Gazetteers; ii. A., ii. B. The Mewar
Residency. Ajmer, 1908; iii. A., iii. B. The Western Rajput States
and Bikaner Agency. Allahabad, 1908-9.
ERSKINE, W. The History of India under Baber and Humayun. 2 vols.
London, 1854.
FANSHAWE, H. C. Delhi Past and Present. London, 1902.
FERGUSSON, J. The History of Indian and Eastern Architecture. 2 vols.
London, 1910.
and J. BURGESS. The Cave Temples of India. London, 1880.
FERISHTA. The History of the Mahomedan Power in India till the Year A.D.
1612, translated from the original Persian of Mahomed Kasim
Ferishta, by J. Briggs. 4 vols. Calcutta, 1908.
FORBES, A. See Rasmala.
FRANCKLIN, W. History of the Reign of Shah-Aulum. London, 1798.
Military Memoirs of Mr. George Thomas. Calcutta, 1803.
FRAZER, Sir J. G. The Golden Bough. 3rd ed. 12 vols. London, 1907-12.
Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship. London, 1905.
Totemism and Exogamy. 4 vols. London, 1910.
FRAZER, R. W. A Literary History of India. London, 1898.
FRYER, J. A New Account of India and Persia, ed. W. Crooke. 3 vols.,
Hakluyt Society. London, 1909-13.
FÜHRER, A. The Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions of the North-West
Provinces and Oudh. Allahabad, 1891.
GRANT, C. Gazetteer of the Central Provinces of India. Nagpur, 1870.
GREAVES, E. Kashi, the Illustrious, or Benares. Allahabad, 1909.
GRIERSON, G. A. The Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindustan. Calcutta,
1889.
GRIMM, J. Teutonic Mythology, trans. J. E. Stallybrass. 4 vols.
London,1880-88.
GROWSE, F. S. Mathura, a District Memoir. 3rd ed. Allahabad, 1883.
HALL, H. R. H. The Oldest Civilization in Greece; Studies of the
Mycenaean Age. London, 1901.
HALLAM, H. A View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages. 2 vols.
London, 1818.
HARRISON, J. E. Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion. Cambridge,
1903.
HARTLAND, E. S. Primitive Paternity. 2 vols. London, 1910.
Ritual and Belief; Studies in the History of Religion. London, 1914.
HASTINGS, J. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. 8 vols. Edinburgh,
1908-
HEBER, R. Narrative of a Journey through the Upper Provinces of India. 2
vols. London, 1861.
HEHN, V. The Wanderings of Plants and Animals from their First Home.
London, 1885.
Herodotus, ed. G. Rawlinson. 3rd ed. 4 vols. London, 1875.
HERVEY, Colonel C. R. W. Some Records of Crime, the Diary of an Officer
of Thuggee and Dacoitee Police. 2 vols. London, 1892.
HOWORTH, Sir H. H. A History of the Mongols. 3 vols. London, 1876-88.
HÜGEL, C. A. A. Travels in Kashmir and the Panjab. London, 1845.
IA. The Indian Antiquary. Bombay, 1872-
IBBETSON, D. C. J. Punjab Ethnography. Calcutta, 1883.
IBN BATUTA. Travels, ed. S. Lee. London, 1829.
IGI. The Imperial Gazetteer of India. 26 vols. with Atlas. Oxford, 1907.
JASB. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Calcutta, 1834-
JRAS. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. London, 1834-
JADUNATH SARKAR. History of Aurangzib, mainly based on Persian Sources.
3 vols. Calcutta, 1912-16.
JAFFUR SHURREEF. Qanoon-e-Islam, or Customs of the Mussulmans of India.
2nd ed. Madras, 1863.
JAHANGIR. Memoirs, trans. Major D. Price. London, 1829.
Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, or Memoirs of Jahangir, trans. A. Rogers,
H. Beveridge. 2 vols. London, 1909-14.
JATAKA. Stories of the Buddha’s Former Births. 7 vols. Cambridge,
1895-1914.
KALHANA. Rajatarangini, a Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir, ed. and
trans. M. A. Stein. 2 vols. London, 1900.
KAYE, Sir J. W. Life and Correspondence of Lord Metcalfe. 2 vols.
London, 1854.
KEENE, H. G. The Turks in India. London, 1879. Sketch of the History of
Hindustan. London, 1885. Madhava Rao Sindhia. Oxford, 1891. The Fall
of the Moghul Empire of Hindustan. London, 1887.
KENNEDY, M. Notes on the Criminal Classes of the Bombay Presidency.
Bombay, 1908.
KERN, H. A Manual of Indian Buddhism. Strassburg, 1896.
LANE, E. An Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians.
5th ed. 2 vols. London, 1871.
LUARD, Major C. E. Ethnographic Survey of Central India. Bombay, 1909.
MACDONELL, A. A. A History of Sanskrit Literature. London, 1900; and A.
Keith, A Vedic Index of Names and Subjects. 2 vols. London, 1912.
MALCOLM, Sir J. History of Persia. 2nd ed. 2 vols. London, 1829.
Memoir of Central India. 2nd ed. 2 vols. London, 1824.
MALIK MUHAMMAD DIN. Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State. Lahore, 1908.
MALLESON, G. B. Historical Sketch of the Native States of India. London,
1875.
MANU. The Laws, trans. G. Bühler. Oxford, 1886.
MANUCCI, N. Storia do Magor, ed. W. Irvine. 4 vols. London, 1907.
MARCO POLO. The Book of. Ed. Sir H. Yule. 2 vols. London, 1871.
MCCRINDLE, ALEXANDER. The Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, ed.
J. W. McCrindle. Westminster, 1893.
PTOLEMY, Ancient India as described by Ptolemy. London, 1885.
ANCIENT INDIA, Ancient India as described in Classical Literature.
Westminster, 1901.
MEGASTHENES, Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian.
Calcutta, 1877.
PERIPLUS, The Commerce and Navigation of the Erythraean Sea. Calcutta,
1879.
MINN, E. H. Scythians and Greeks. Cambridge, 1913.
MONIER-WILLIAMS, Sir M. Brāhmanism and Hinduism. 4th ed. London, 1891.
MUIR, J. Original Sanskrit Texts on the Origin and History of the People
of India. 5 vols. London, 1858-72.
MÜLLER, F. MAX. India, what can it teach us? London, 1905.
OPPERT, G. The Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsa or India.
Westminster, 1893.
[ORME, R.] Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire, of the Morattoes,
and of the English Concern in Indostan. London, 1782.
[PARKS, F.] Wanderings of a Pilgrim in Search of the Picturesque. 2
vols. London, 1850.
PRINSEP, J. Useful Tables. Calcutta, 1834.
RAJENDRALA MITRA. The Indo-Aryans; Contributions towards their Ancient
and Mediaeval History. 2 vols. London, 1881.
Rajputana Gazetteer. 3 vols. Simla, 1879-80.
Rāsmālā, or Hindoo Annals of the Province of Goozerat in Western India,
by A. K. Forbes. London, 1878.
RAWLINSON, G. The Seventh Great Oriental Monarchy: the Sassanians or New
Persian Empire. London, 1876.
RHYS, Sir J. Celtic Britain. 3rd ed. London, 1904.
RICE, B. L. Mysore Gazetteer, revised ed. 2 vols. Westminster, 1897.
Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions. London, 1909.
RISLEY, Sir H. H. The People of India. 2nd ed. London, 1915.
Tribes and Castes of Bengal. 2 vols. Calcutta, 1891.
ROSE, H. A. A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and
North-West Frontier Province. 2 vols. Lahore, 1911-14.
RUSSELL, R. V. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India.
4 vols. London, 1916.
SHERRING, C. R. Western Tibet and the British Borderland. London, 1906.
SHERRING, M. A. The Sacred City of the Hindus. London, 1868.
SKRINE, F. H. D.; ROSS, E. D. The Heart of Asia. London, 1899.
SLEEMAN, W. H. Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official, ed. V.
A. Smith. 2nd ed. Oxford, 1915.
SMITH, VINCENT A. EHI. The Early History of India from 600 B.C. to the
Muhammadan Conquest, including the Invasions of Alexander the Great.
3rd ed. Oxford, 1914.
HFA. A History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon from the Earliest Period
to the Present Day. Oxford, 1911.
Asoka, The Buddhist Emperor of India. 2nd ed. Oxford, 1909.
Akbar, the Great Mogul. Oxford, 1917.
SMITH, W. R. The Religion of the Semites. 2nd ed. London, 1894.
SYAD MUHAMMAD LATIF. Agra Historical and Descriptive. Calcutta, 1896.
SYKES, Lieut.-Colonel P. M. The History of Persia. 2 vols. London, 1915.
Tarikh-i-Rashidi: A History of the Moghuls of Central Asia, trans. N. E.
Elias, E. D. Ross. London, 1898.
TAVERNIER, J. B. Travels in India, ed. V. Ball. 2 vols. London, 1889.
TEMPLE, Sir R. C. The Legends of the Panjab. 3 vols. Bombay, 1884.
TERRY, E. A Voyage to East India. London, 1777.
THOMAS, E. The Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi. London, 1871.
THURSTON, E. Castes and Tribes of Southern India. 7 vols. Madras, 1909.
TOD, J. Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, or the Central and Western
Rajpoot States. 2 vols. London, 1829-32. Reprinted, Madras, 1873;
Calcutta, 1884, 1898; London, 1914.
Travels in Western India. London, 1839.
Vishnu Purana, trans. H. H. Wilson. London, 1840.
WATSON, C. C. Rajputana Gazetteer. I. A. Ajmer-Merwara. Ajmer, 1914.
WATT. Econ. Dict.: A Dictionary of the Economic Products of India, by
Sir G. Watt. 6 vols. Calcutta, 1889-93. Com. Prod. The Commercial
Products of India. London, 1908.
WEBB, W. W. The Currencies of the Hindu States of Rajputana.
Westminster, 1893.
WILBERFORCE-BELL, Captain H. The History of Kathiawar from the Earliest
Times. London, 1916.
WILSON, C. R. The Early Annals of the English in Bengal. 3 vols.
Calcutta, 1895-1911.
WILSON, H. H. Sketch of the Religious Sects of the Hindus. 2 vols.
London, 1861.
The History of British India from 1805 to 1835. 3 vols. London,
1845.
WILSON, J. Indian Caste. 2 vols. Bombay, 1877.
YULE, Sir H.; BURNELL, A. C. Hobson-Jobson: A Glossary of Colloquial
Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases. 2nd ed. London, 1903.
AUTHOR’S INTRODUCTION TO THE
FIRST VOLUME OF THE ORIGINAL
EDITION
Much disappointment has been felt in Europe at the sterility of the
historic muse of Hindustan. When Sir William Jones first began to
explore the vast mines of Sanskrit literature, great hopes were
entertained that the history of the world would acquire considerable
accessions from this source. The sanguine expectations that were then
formed have not been realized; and, as it usually happens, excitement
has been succeeded by apathy and indifference. It is now generally
regarded as an axiom, that India possesses no national history; to which
we may oppose the remark of a French Orientalist, who ingeniously asks,
whence Abu-l Fazl obtained the materials for his outlines of ancient
Hindu history?[i.25] Mr. Wilson has, indeed, done much to obviate this
prejudice, by his translation of the _Raja Tarangini_, or History of
Kashmir,[i.26] which clearly demonstrates that regular historical
composition was an art not unknown in Hindustan, and affords
satisfactory ground for concluding that these productions were once less
rare than at present, and that further exertion may bring more relics to
light. Although the labours of Colebrooke, Wilkins, Wilson, and others
of our own countrymen, emulated by many learned men in France [viii] and
Germany,[i.27] have revealed to Europe some of the hidden lore of India;
still it is not pretended that we have done much more than pass the
threshold of Indian science; and we are consequently not competent to
speak decisively of its extent or its character. Immense libraries, in
various parts of India, are still intact, which have survived the
devastations of the Islamite. The collections of Jaisalmer and Patan,
for example, escaped the scrutiny of even the lynx-eyed Alau-d-din who
conquered both these kingdoms, and who would have shown as little mercy
to those literary treasures, as Omar displayed towards the Alexandrine
library. Many other minor collections, consisting of thousands of
volumes each, exist in Central and Western India, some of which are the
private property of princes, and others belong to the Jain
communities.[i.28]
If we consider the political changes and convulsions which have happened
in Hindustan since Mahmud’s invasion, and the intolerant bigotry of many
of his successors, we shall be able to account for the paucity of its
national works on history, without being driven to the improbable
conclusion, that the Hindus were ignorant of an art which has been
cultivated in other countries from almost the earliest ages. Is it to be
imagined that a nation so highly civilized as the Hindus, amongst whom
the exact sciences flourished in perfection, by whom the fine arts [ix],
architecture, sculpture, poetry, music, were not only cultivated, but
taught and defined by the nicest and most elaborate rules, were totally
unacquainted with the simple art of recording the events of their
history, the characters of their princes, and the acts of their reigns?
Where such traces of _mind_ exist, we can hardly believe that there was
a want of competent recorders of events, which synchronical authorities
tell us were worthy of commemoration. The cities of Hastinapur and
Indraprastha, of Anhilwara and Somanatha, the triumphal columns of Delhi
and Chitor, the shrines of Abu and Girnar, the cave-temples of Elephanta
and Ellora, are so many attestations of the same fact; nor can we
imagine that the age in which these works were erected was without an
historian. Yet from the Mahabharata or Great War, to Alexander’s
invasion, and from that grand event to the era of Mahmud of Ghazni,
scarcely a paragraph of pure native Hindu history (except as before
stated) has hitherto been revealed to the curiosity of Western scholars.
In the heroic history of Prithiraj, the last of the Hindu sovereigns of
Delhi, written by his bard Chand, we find notices which authorize the
inference that works similar to his own were then extant, relating to
the period between Mahmud and Shihabu-d-din (A.D. 1000-1193); but these
have disappeared.
After eight centuries of galling subjection to conquerors totally
ignorant of the classical language of the Hindus; after almost every
capital city had been repeatedly stormed and sacked by barbarous,
bigoted, and exasperated foes; it is too much to expect that the
literature of the country should not have sustained, in common with
other important interests, irretrievable losses. My own animadversions
upon the defective condition of the annals of Rajwara have more than
once been checked by a very just remark: "when our princes were in
exile, driven from hold to hold, and compelled to dwell in the clefts of
the mountains, often doubtful whether they would not be forced to [x]
abandon the very meal preparing for them, was that a time to think of
historical records?"
Those who expect from a people like the Hindus a species of composition
of precisely the same character as the historical works of Greece and
Rome, commit the very egregious error of overlooking the peculiarities
which distinguish the natives of India from all other races, and which
strongly discriminate their intellectual productions of every kind from
those of the West. Their philosophy, their poetry, their architecture,
are marked with traits of originality; and the same may be expected to
pervade their history, which, like the arts enumerated, took a character
from its intimate association with the religion of the people. It must
be recollected, moreover, that until a more correct taste was imparted
to the literature of England and of France, by the study of classical
models, the chronicles of both these countries, and indeed of all the
polished nations of Europe, were, at a much more recent date, as crude,
as wild, and as barren as those of the early Rajputs.
In the absence of regular and legitimate historical records, there are,
however, other native works (they may, indeed, be said to abound),
which, in the hands of a skilful and patient investigator, would afford
no despicable materials for the history of India. The first of these are
the Puranas and genealogical legends of the princes, which, obscured as
they are by mythological details, allegory, and improbable
circumstances, contain many facts that serve as beacons to direct the
research of the historian. What Hume remarks of the annals and annalists
of the Saxon Heptarchy, may be applied with equal truth to those of the
Rajput Seven States:[i.29] "they abound in names, but are extremely
barren of events; or they are related so much without circumstances and
causes, that the most profound and eloquent writer must despair [xi] of
rendering them either instructive or entertaining to the reader. The
monks" (for which we may read “Brahmans”), “who lived remote from public
affairs, considered the civil transactions as subservient to the
ecclesiastical, and were strongly affected with credulity, with the love
of wonder, and with a propensity to imposture.”
The heroic poems of India constitute another resource for history. Bards
may be regarded as the primitive historians of mankind. Before fiction
began to engross the attention of poets, or rather, before the province
of history was dignified by a class of writers who made it a distinct
department of literature, the functions of the bard were doubtless
employed in recording real events and in commemorating real personages.
In India Calliope has been worshipped by the bards from the days of
Vyasa, the contemporary of Job, to the time of Benidasa, the present
chronicler of Mewar. The poets are the chief, though not the sole,
historians of Western India; neither is there any deficiency of them,
though they speak in a peculiar tongue, which requires to be translated
into the sober language of probability. To compensate for their
magniloquence and obscurity, their pen is free: the despotism of the
Rajput princes does not extend to the poet’s lay, which flows unconfined
except by the shackles of the _chand bhujanga_, or ‘serpentine stanza’;
no slight restraint, it must be confessed, upon the freedom of the
historic muse. On the other hand, there is a sort of compact or
understanding between the bard and the prince, a barter of “solid
pudding against empty praise,” whereby the fidelity of the poetic
chronicle is somewhat impaired. This sale of “fame,” as the bards term
it, by the court-laureates and historiographers of Rajasthan, will
continue until there shall arise in the community a class sufficiently
enlightened and independent, to look for no other recompense for
literary labour than public distinction.
Still, however, these chroniclers dare utter truths, sometimes most
[xii] unpalatable to their masters. When offended, or actuated by a
virtuous indignation against immorality, they are fearless of
consequences; and woe to the individual who provokes them! Many a
resolution has sunk under the lash of their satire, which has condemned
to eternal ridicule names that might otherwise have escaped notoriety.
The _vish_, or poison of the bard, is more dreaded by the Rajput than
the steel of the foe.
The absence of all mystery or reserve with regard to public affairs in
the Rajput principalities, in which every individual takes an interest,
from the noble to the porter at the city-gates, is of great advantage to
the chronicler of events. When matters of moment in the disorganized
state of the country rendered it imperative to observe secrecy, the Rana
of Mewar, being applied to on the necessity of concealing them, rejoined
as follows: “this is Chaumukha-raj;[i.30] Eklinga the sovereign, I his
vicegerent; in him I trust, and I have no secrets from my children.” To
this publicity may be partly ascribed the inefficiency of every general
alliance against common foes; but it gives a kind of patriarchal
character to the government, and inspires, if not loyalty and patriotism
in their most exalted sense, feelings at least much akin to them.
A material drawback upon the value of these bardic histories is, that
they are confined almost exclusively to the martial exploits of their
heroes, and to the _rang-ran-bhum_, or ‘field of slaughter.’ Writing for
the amusement of a warlike race, the authors disregard civil matters and
the arts and pursuits of peaceful life; love and war are their favourite
themes. Chand, the last of the great bards of India, tells us, indeed,
in his preface, “that he will give rules for governing empires; the laws
of grammar and composition; lessons in diplomacy, home and foreign,
etc.”: and he fulfils his promise, by interspersing precepts on these
points in various episodes throughout his work [xiii].
Again: the bard, although he is admitted to the knowledge of all the
secret springs which direct each measure of the government, enters too
deeply into the intrigues, as well as the levities, of the court, to be
qualified to pronounce a sober judgment upon its acts.
Nevertheless, although open to all these objections, the works of the
native bards afford many valuable data, in facts, incidents, religious
opinions, and traits of manners; many of which, being carelessly
introduced, are thence to be regarded as the least suspicious kind of
historical evidence. In the heroic history of Prithiraj, by Chand, there
occur many geographical as well as historical details, in the
description of his sovereign’s wars, of which the bard was an
eye-witness, having been his friend, his herald, his ambassador, and
finally discharging the melancholy office of accessory to his death,
that he might save him from dishonour. The poetical histories of Chand
were collected by the great Amra Singh of Mewar, a patron of literature,
as well as a warrior and a legislator.[i.31]
Another species of historical records is found in the accounts given by
the Brahmans of the endowments of the temples, their dilapidation and
repairs, which furnish occasions for the introduction of historical and
chronological details. In the legends, respecting places of pilgrimage
and religious resort, profane events are blended with superstitious
rites and ordinances, local ceremonies and customs. The controversies of
the Jains furnish, also, much historical information, especially with
reference to Gujarat and Nahrwala, during the Chaulukya dynasty. From a
close and attentive examination of the Jain records, which embody all
that those ancient sectarians knew of science, many chasms in Hindu
history might be filled up. The party-spirit of the rival sects of India
was, doubtless, adverse to the purity of history; and the very ground
upon which the Brahmans built their ascendency was the ignorance of the
people. There appears to have been in India [xiv], as well as in Egypt
in early times, a coalition between the hierarchy and the state, with
the view of keeping the mass of the nation in darkness and subjugation.
These different records, works of a mixed historical and geographical
character which I know to exist; _raesas_ or poetical legends of
princes, which are common; local Puranas, religious comments, and
traditionary couplets;[i.32] with authorities of a less dubious
character, namely, inscriptions ‘cut on the rock,’ coins, copper-plate
grants, containing charters of immunities, and expressing many singular
features of civil government, constitute, as I have already observed, no
despicable materials for the historian, who would, moreover, be assisted
by the synchronisms which are capable of being established with ancient
Pagan and later Muhammadan writers.
From the earliest period of my official connexion with this interesting
country, I applied myself to collect and explore its early historical
records, with a view of throwing some light upon a people scarcely yet
known in Europe and whose political connexion with England appeared to
me to be capable of undergoing a material change, with benefit to both
parties. It would be wearisome to the reader to be minutely informed of
the process I adopted, to collect the scattered relics of Rajput history
into the form and substance in which he now sees them. I began with the
sacred genealogy from the Puranas; examined the Mahabharata, and the
poems of Chand (a complete chronicle of his times); the voluminous
historical poems of Jaisalmer, Marwar, and Mewar;[i.33] the histories of
the Khichis, and those of the Hara princes [xv] of Kotah and Bundi,
etc., by their respective bards. A portion of the materials compiled by
Jai Singh of Amber or Jaipur (one of the greatest patrons of science
amongst the modern Hindu princes), to illustrate the history of his
race, fell into my hands. I have reason to believe that there existed
more copious materials, which his profligate descendant, the late
prince, in his division of the empire with a prostitute, may have
disposed of on the partition of the library of the State, which was the
finest collection in Rajasthan. Like some of the renowned princes of
Timur’s dynasty, Jai Singh kept a diary, termed _Kalpadruma_, in which
he noted every event: a work written by such a man and at such an
interesting juncture, would be a valuable acquisition to history. From
the Datia prince I obtained a transcript of the journal of his ancestor,
who served with such _éclat_ amongst the great feudatories of
Aurangzeb’s army, and from which Scott made many extracts in his history
of the Deccan.
For a period of ten years I was employed, with the aid of a learned
Jain, in ransacking every work which could contribute any facts or
incidents to the history of the Rajputs, or diffuse any light upon their
manners and character. Extracts and versions of all such passages were
made by my Jain assistant into the more familiar dialects (which are
formed from the Sanskrit) of these tribes, in whose language my long
residence amongst them enabled me to converse with facility. At much
expense, and during many wearisome hours, to support which required no
ordinary degree of enthusiasm, I endeavoured to possess myself not
merely of their history, but of their religious notions, their familiar
opinions, and their characteristic manners, by associating with their
chiefs and bardic chroniclers, and by listening to their traditionary
tales and allegorical poems. I might ultimately, as the circle of my
[xvi] inquiries enlarged, have materially augmented my knowledge of
these subjects; but ill-health compelled me to relinquish this pleasing
though toilsome pursuit, and forced me to revisit my native land just as
I had obtained permission to look across the threshold of the Hindu
Minerva; whence, however, I brought some relics, the examination of
which I now consign to other hands. The large collection of ancient
Sanskrit and Bhakha MSS., which I conveyed to England, have been
presented to the Royal Asiatic Society, in whose library they are
deposited. The contents of many, still unexamined, may throw additional
light on the history of ancient India. I claim only the merit of having
brought them to the knowledge of European scholars; but I may hope that
this will furnish a stimulus to others to make similar exertions.
The little exact knowledge that Europe has hitherto acquired of the
Rajput States, has probably originated a false idea of the comparative
importance of this portion of Hindustan. The splendour of the Rajput
courts, however, at an early period of the history of that country,
making every allowance for the exaggeration of the bards, must have been
great. Northern India was rich from the earliest times; that portion of
it, situated on either side the Indus, formed the richest satrapy of
Darius. It has abounded in the more striking events which constitute the
materials for history; there is not a petty State in Rajasthan that has
not had its Thermopylae, and scarcely a city that has not produced its
Leonidas. But the mantle of ages has shrouded from view what the magic
pen of the historian might have consecrated to endless admiration:
Somnath might have rivalled Delphos; the spoils of Hind might have vied
with the wealth of the Libyan king; and compared with the array of the
Pandus, the army of Xerxes would have dwindled into insignificance. But
the Hindus either never had, or have unfortunately lost, their Herodotus
and Xenophon.
If “the moral effect of history depend on the sympathy it excites”
[xvii], the annals of these States possess commanding interest. The
struggles of a brave people for independence during a series of ages,
sacrificing whatever was dear to them for the maintenance of the
religion of their forefathers, and sturdily defending to death, and in
spite of every temptation, their rights and national liberty, form a
picture which it is difficult to contemplate without emotion. Could I
impart to the reader but a small portion of the enthusiastic delight
with which I have listened to the tales of times that are past, amid
scenes where their events occurred, I should not despair of triumphing
over the apathy which dooms to neglect almost every effort to enlighten
my native country on the subject of India; nor should I apprehend any
ill effect from the sound of names, which, musical and expressive as
they are to a Hindu, are dissonant and unmeaning to a European ear: for
it should be remembered that almost every Eastern name is significant of
some quality, personal or mental. Seated amidst the ruins of ancient
cities, I have listened to the traditions respecting their fall; or have
heard the exploits of their illustrious defenders related by their
descendants near the altars erected to their memory. I have, whilst in
the train of the southern Goths (the Mahrattas), as they carried
desolation over the land, encamped on or traversed many a field of
battle, of civil strife or foreign aggression, to read in the rude
memorials on the tumuli of the slain their names and history. Such
anecdotes and records afford data of history as well as of manners. Even
the couplet recording the erection of a ‘column of victory,’ or of a
temple or its repairs, contributes something to our stock of knowledge
of the past.
As far as regards the antiquity of the dynasties now ruling in Central
and Western India, there are but two the origin of which is not
perfectly within the limits of historical probability; the rest having
owed their present establishments to the progress of the Muslim arms,
their annals are confirmed by those of their conquerors. All the
existing [xviii] families, indeed, have attained their present
settlements subsequently to the Muhammadan invasions, except Mewar,
Jaisalmer, and some smaller principalities in the desert; whilst others
of the first magnitude, such as the Pramara and Solanki, who ruled at
Dhar and Anhilwara, have for centuries ceased to exist.
I have been so hardy as to affirm and endeavour to prove the common
origin of the martial tribes of Rajasthan and those of ancient Europe. I
have expatiated at some length upon the evidence in favour of the
existence of a feudal system in India, similar to that which prevailed
in the early ages on the European continent, and of which relics still
remain in the laws of our own nation. Hypotheses of this kind are, I am
aware, viewed with suspicion, and sometimes assailed with ridicule. With
regard to the notions which I have developed on these questions, and the
frequent allusions to them in the pages of this volume, I entertain no
obstinate prepossessions or prejudices in their favour. The world is too
enlightened at the present day to be in danger of being misled by any
hypothetical writer, let him be ever so skilful; but the probability is,
that we have been induced, by the multitude of false theories which time
has exposed, to fall into the opposite error, and that we have become
too sceptical with regard to the common origin of the people of the east
and west. However, I submit my proofs to the candid judgment of the
world; the analogies, if not conclusive on the questions, are still
sufficiently curious and remarkable to repay the trouble of perusal and
to provoke further investigation; and they may, it is hoped, vindicate
the author for endeavouring to elucidate the subject, “by steering
through the dark channels of antiquity by the feeble lights of forgotten
chronicles and imperfect records.”
I am conscious that there is much in this work which demands the
indulgence of the public; and I trust it will not be necessary for me to
assign a more powerful argument in plea than that which I have already
[xix] adverted to, namely, the state of my health, which has rendered it
a matter of considerable difficulty, indeed I may say of risk, to bring
my bulky materials even into their present imperfect form. I should
observe, that it never was my intention to treat the subject in the
severe style of history, which would have excluded many details useful
to the politician as well as to the curious student. I offer this work
as a copious collection of materials for the future historian; and am
far less concerned at the idea of giving too much, than at the
apprehension of suppressing what might possibly be useful.
I cannot close these remarks without expressing my obligations to my
friend and kinsman, Major Waugh, to the genius of whose pencil the world
is indebted for the preservation and transmission of the splendid
monuments of art which adorn this work.
-----
Footnote i.25:
M. Abel Rémusat, in his _Mélanges Asiatiques_, makes many apposite and
forcible remarks on this subject, which, without intention, convey a
just reproof to the lukewarmness of our countrymen. The institution of
the Royal Asiatic Society, especially that branch of it devoted to
Oriental translations, may yet redeem this reproach.
Footnote i.26:
_Asiatic Researches_, vol. xv. [The _Rājatarangini_ of Kalhana has
been translated by M. A. Stein, 2 vols., London, 1910.]
Footnote i.27:
When the genius and erudition of such men as Schlegel are added to the
zeal which characterizes that celebrated writer, what revelations may
we not yet expect from the cultivation of oriental literature?
Footnote i.28:
Some copies of these Jain MSS. from Jaisalmer, which were written from
five to eight centuries back, I presented to the Royal Asiatic
Society. Of the vast numbers of these MS. books in the libraries of
Patan and Jaisalmer, many are of the most remote antiquity, and in a
character no longer understood by their possessors, or only by the
supreme pontiff and his initiated librarians. There is one volume held
so sacred for its magical contents, that it is suspended by a chain in
the temple of Chintaman, at the last-named capital in the desert, and
is only taken down to have its covering renewed, or at the
inauguration of a pontiff. Tradition assigns its authorship to
Somaditya Suru Acharya, a pontiff of past days, before the Islamite
had crossed the waters of the Indus, and whose diocese extended far
beyond that stream. His magic mantle is also here preserved, and used
on every new installation. The character is, doubtless, the
nail-headed Pali; and could we introduce the ingenious, indefatigable,
and modest Mons. E. Burnouf, with his able coadjutor Dr. Lassen, into
the temple, we might learn something of this Sibylline volume, without
their incurring the risk of loss of sight, which befel the last
individual, a female Yati of the Jains, who sacrilegiously endeavoured
to acquire its contents. [For the temple library at Jaisalmer see
_IA_, iv. 81 ff; for those at Udaipur, _ibid._ xiii. 31. J. Burgess
visited the Pātan library, described by the Author (_WI_, 232 ff.),
and found a collection of palm-leaf MSS., carefully wrapped in cloth
and deposited in large chests (_BG_, vii. 598).]
Footnote i.29:
Mewar, Marwar, Amber, Bikaner, Jaisalmer, Kotah, and Bundi.
Footnote i.30:
Government of ‘_four mouths_,’ alluding to the quadriform image of the
tutelary divinity.
Footnote i.31:
[Only portions of the _Chand-rāesa_ or _Prithīrāj Rāesa_ have been
translated (Smith, _EHI_, 387, note; _IA_, i. 269 ff., iii. 17 ff.,
xxxii. 167 f).]
Footnote i.32:
Some of these preserve the names of princes who invaded India between
the time of Mahmud of Ghazni and Shihabu-d-dīn, who are not mentioned
by Ferishta, the Muhammadan historian. The invasion of Ajmer and the
capture of Bayana, the seat of the Yadu princes, were made known to us
by this means.
Footnote i.33:
Of Marwar, there were the _Vijaya Vilas_, the _Surya Prakas_, and
_Khyat_, or legends, besides detached fragments of reigns. Of Mewar,
there was the _Khuman Raesa_, a modern work formed from old materials
which are lost, and commencing with the attack of Chitor by Mahmud,
supposed to be the son of Kasim of Sind, in the very earliest ages of
Muhammadanism: also the _Jagat Vilas_, the _Raj-prakas_, and the _Jaya
Vilas_, all poems composed in the reigns of the princes whose names
they bear, but generally introducing succinctly the early parts of
history. Besides these, there were fragments of the Jaipur family,
from their archives; and the _Man Charitra_, or history of Raja Man.
AUTHOR’S INTRODUCTION TO THE
SECOND VOLUME OF THE ORIGINAL
EDITION
In placing before the public the concluding volume of the _Annals of
Rajputana_ I have fulfilled what I considered to be a sacred obligation
to the races amongst whom I have passed the better portion of my life;
and although no man can more highly appreciate public approbation, I am
far less eager to court that approbation than to awaken a sympathy for
the objects of my work, the interesting people of Rajputana.
I need add nothing to what was urged in the Introduction to the First
Volume on the subject of Indian History; and trust that, however slight
the analogy between the chronicles of the Hindus and those of Europe, as
historical works, they will serve to banish the reproach, which India
has so long laboured under, of possessing no records of past events: my
only fear now is, that they may be thought redundant.
I think I may confidently affirm, that whoever, without being alarmed at
their bulk, has the patience attentively to peruse these Annals, cannot
fail to become well acquainted with all the peculiar features of Hindu
society, and will be enabled to trace the foundation and progress of
each State in Rajputana, as well as to form a just notion of the
character of a people, upon whom, at a future period, our existence in
India may depend.
Whatever novelty the inquirer into the origin of nations may find in
these [viii] pages, I am ambitious to claim for them a higher title than
a mass of mere archaeological data. To see humanity under every aspect,
and to observe the influence of different creeds upon man in his social
capacity, must ever be one of the highest sources of mental enjoyment;
and I may hope that the personal qualities herein delineated, will allow
the labourer in this vast field of philosophy to enlarge his sphere of
acquaintance with human varieties. In the present circumstances of our
alliance with these States, every trait of national character, and even
every traditional incident, which, by leading us to understand and
respect their peculiarities, may enable us to secure their friendship
and esteem, become of infinite importance. The more we study their
history, the better shall we comprehend the causes of their
international quarrels, the origin of their tributary engagements, the
secret principles of their mutual repulsion, and the sources of their
strength and their weakness as an aggregate body: without which
knowledge it is impossible we can arbitrate with justice in their
national disputes; and, as respects ourselves, we may convert a means of
defence into a source of bitter hostility.
It has been my aim to diversify as much as possible the details of this
volume. In the Annals of Marwar I have traced the conquest and peopling
of an immense region by a handful of strangers; and have dwelt, perhaps,
with tedious minuteness on the long reign of Raja Ajit Singh and the
Thirty Years’ War; to show what the energy of one of these petty States,
impelled by a sense of oppression, effected against the colossal power
of its enemies. It is a portion of their history which should be deeply
studied by those who have succeeded to the paramount power; for
Aurangzeb had less reason to distrust the stability of his dominion than
we have: yet what is now the house of Timur? The resources of Marwar
were reduced to as low an ebb at the close of Aurangzeb’s reign, as they
are at the present time; yet did that [ix] State surmount all its
difficulties, and bring armies into the field that annihilated the
forces of the empire. Let us not, then, mistake the supineness
engendered by long oppression, for want of feeling, nor mete out to
these high-spirited people the same measure of contumely, with which we
have treated the subjects of our earlier conquests.
The Annals of the Bhattis may be considered as the link connecting the
tribes of India Proper with the ancient races west of the Indus, or
Indo-Scythia; and although they will but slightly interest the general
reader, the antiquary may find in them many new topics for
investigation, as well as in the Sketch of the Desert, which has
preserved the relics of names that once promised immortality.
The patriarchal simplicity of the Jat communities, upon whose ruins the
State of Bikaner was founded, affords a picture, however imperfect, of
petty republics—a form of government little known to eastern despotism,
and proving the tenacity of the ancient Gete’s attachment to liberty.
Amber, and its scion Shaikhavati, possess a still greater interest from
their contiguity to our frontier. A multitude of singular privileges is
attached to the Shaikhavati federation, which it behoves the paramount
power thoroughly to understand, lest it should be led by false views to
pursue a policy detrimental to them as well as to ourselves. To this
extensive community belong the Larkhanis, so utterly unknown to us, that
a recent internal tumult of that tribe was at first mistaken for an
irruption of our old enemies, the Pindaris.
Haraoti may claim our regard from the high bearing of its gallant race,
the Haras; and the singular character of the individual with whose
biography its history closes, and which cannot fail to impart juster
notions of the genius of Asiatics [x].
So much for the matter of this volume—with regard to the manner, as the
Rajputs abhor all pleas _ad misericordiam_, so likewise does their
annalist, who begs to repeat, in order to deprecate a standard of
criticism inapplicable to this performance, that it professes _not_ to
be constructed on exact historical principles: _Non historia, sed
particulae historiae_.
In conclusion, I adopt the peroration of the ingenuous, pious, and
liberal Abu-l Fazl, when completing his History of the Provinces of
India; “Praise be unto God, that by the assistance of his Divine Grace,
I have completed the History of the Rajputs. The account cost me a great
deal of trouble in collecting, and I found such difficulty in
ascertaining dates, and in reconciling the contradictions in the several
histories of the Princes of Rajputana, that I had nearly resolved to
relinquish the task altogether: but who can resist the decrees of Fate?
I trust that those, who have been able to obtain better information,
will not dwell upon my errors; but that upon the whole I may meet with
approbation.”[i.34]
YORK PLACE, PORTMAN SQUARE,
_March 10, 1832_.
Footnote i.34:
[_Āīn_, ii. 418.]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES
OF RAJASTHAN
BOOK I
GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN OR RAJPUTANA
=Boundaries of Rajputana.=—Rajasthan is the collective and classical
denomination of that portion of India which is ‘the abode[1.1] of
(Rajput) princes.’ In the familiar dialect of these countries it is
termed Rajwara, but by the more refined Raethana, corrupted to
Rajputana, the common designation amongst the British to denote the
Rajput principalities.
What might have been the nominal extent of Rajasthan prior to the
Muhammadan conqueror Shihabu-d-din (when it probably reached beyond the
Jumna and Ganges, even to the base of the Himalaya) cannot now be known.
At present we may adhere to its restrictive definition, still
comprehending a wide space and a variety of interesting races.
Previous to the erection of the minor Muhammadan monarchies of Mandu and
Ahmadabad (the capitals of Malwa and Gujarat), on the ruins of Dhar and
Anhilwara Patan, the term Rajasthan would have been appropriated to the
space comprehended in the map prefixed to this work: the valley of the
Indus on the west, and Bundelkhand[1.2] on the east; to the north, the
sandy tracts (south of the Sutlej) termed Jangaldes; and the Vindhya
mountains to the south.
This space comprehends nearly 8° of latitude and 9° of longitude, being
from 22° to 30° north latitude, and 69° to 78° east longitude, embracing
a superficial area of 350,000 square miles[1.3] [2].
Although it is proposed to touch upon the annals of all the States in
this extensive tract, with their past and present condition, those in
the centre will claim the most prominent regard; especially Mewar,
which, copiously treated of, will afford a specimen, obviating the
necessity of like details of the rest.
=The States of Rājputāna.=—The order in which these States will be
reviewed is as follows:
1. Mewar, or Udaipur.
2. Marwar, or Jodhpur.
3. Bikaner and Kishangarh.
4. Kotah ┐ or Haraoti.
5. Bundi ┘
6. Amber, or Jaipur, with its branches, dependent and independent.
7. Jaisalmer.
8. The Indian desert to the valley of the Indus.
=History of Geographical Surveys.=—The basis of this work is the
geography of the country, the historical and statistical portion being
consequent and subordinate thereto. It was, indeed, originally designed
to be essentially geographical; but circumstances have rendered it
impossible to execute the intended details, or even to make the map[1.4]
so perfect as the superabundant material at the command of the author
might have enabled him to do; a matter of regret to himself rather than
of loss to the general reader, to whom geographic details, however
important, are usually dry and uninteresting.
It was also intended to institute a comparison between the map and such
remains of ancient geography as can be extracted from the Puranas and
other Hindu authorities; which, however, must be deferred to a future
period, when the deficiency of the present rapid and general sketch may
be supplied, should the author be enabled to resume his labours.
The laborious research, in the course of which these data were
accumulated, commenced in 1806, when the author was attached to the
embassy sent, at the close of the Mahratta wars, to the court of
Sindhia. This chieftain’s army was then in Mewar, at that period almost
a _terra incognita_, the position of whose two capitals, Udaipur and
Chitor, in the best existing maps, was precisely reversed [3]; that is,
Chitor was inserted S.E. of Udaipur instead of E.N.E., a proof of the
scanty knowledge possessed at that period.
In other respects there was almost a total blank. In the maps prior to
1806 nearly all the western and central States of Rajasthan will be
found wanting. It had been imagined, but a little time before, that the
rivers had a southerly course into the Nerbudda; a notion corrected by
the father of Indian geography, the distinguished Rennell.[1.5]
This blank the author filled up; and in 1815, for the first time, the
geography of Rajasthan was put into combined form and presented to the
Marquess of Hastings, on the eve of a general war, when the labour of
ten years was amply rewarded by its becoming in part the foundation of
that illustrious commander’s plans of the campaign. It is a duty owing
to himself to state that every map, without exception, printed since
this period has its foundation, as regards Central and Western India, in
the labours of the author.[1.6]
=The Author’s Surveys.=—The route of the embassy was from Agra, through
the southern frontier of Jaipur to Udaipur. A portion of this had been
surveyed and points laid down from celestial observation, by Dr. W.
Hunter, which I adopted as the basis of my enterprise. The Resident
Envoy[1.7] to the court of Sindhia was possessed of the valuable sketch
of the route of Colonel Palmer’s embassy in 1791, as laid down by Dr.
Hunter, the foundation of my subsequent surveys, as it merited from its
importance and general accuracy. It embraced all the extreme points of
Central India: Agra, Narwar, Datia, Jhansi, Bhopal, Sarangpur, Ujjain,
and on return from this, the first meridian of the Hindus, by Kotah,
Bundi, Rampura (Tonk), Bayana, to Agra. The position of all these places
was more or less accurately fixed, according to the time which could be
bestowed, by astronomical observation [4].
At Rampura Hunter ceased to be my guide: and from this point commenced
the new survey of Udaipur, where we arrived in June 1806. The position
then assigned to it, with most inadequate instruments, has been changed
only 1´of longitude, though the latitude amounted to about 5´.
From Udaipur the subsequent march of the army with which we moved led
past the celebrated Chitor, and through the centre of Malwa, crossing in
detail all the grand streams flowing from the Vindhya, till we halted
for a season on the Bundelkhand frontier at Khimlasa. In this journey of
seven hundred miles I twice crossed the lines of route of the former
embassy, and was gratified to find my first attempts generally coincide
with their established points.
In 1807, the army having undertaken the siege of Rahatgarh, I determined
to avail myself of the time which Mahrattas waste in such a process, and
to pursue my favourite project. With a small guard I determined to push
through untrodden fields, by the banks of the Betwa to Chanderi, and in
its latitude proceed in a westerly direction towards Kotah, trace the
course once more of all those streams from the south, and the points of
junction of the most important (the Kali Sind, Parbati, and Banas) with
the Chambal; and having effected this, continue my journey to Agra. This
I accomplished in times very different from the present, being often
obliged to strike my tents and march at midnight, and more than once the
object of plunder.[1.8] The chief points in this route were Khimlasa,
Rajwara, Kotra on the Betwa, Kanyadana,[1.9] Buradungar,[1.10] Shahabad,
Barah,[1.11] Puleta,[1.12] Baroda, Sheopur, Pali,[1.13] Ranthambhor,
Karauli, Sri Mathura, and Agra.
On my return to the Mahratta camp I resolved further to increase the
sphere, and proceeded westward by Bharatpur, Katumbar, Sentri, to
Jaipur, Tonk, Indargarh, Gugal Chhapra, Raghugarh, Aron, Kurwai, Borasa,
to Sagar: a journey of more than one thousand miles. I found the camp
nearly where I left it.
With this ambulatory court I moved everywhere within this region,
constantly employed in surveying till 1812, when Sindhia’s court became
stationary. It was then I formed my plans for obtaining a knowledge of
those countries into which I could not personally penetrate [5].
=Survey Parties.=—In 1810-11 I had despatched two parties, one to the
Indus, the other to the desert south of the Sutlej. The first party,
under Shaikh Abu-l Barakat, journeyed westward, by Udaipur, through
Gujarat, Saurashtra and Cutch, Lakhpat and Hyderabad (the capital of the
Sindi government); crossed the Indus to Tatta, proceeded up the right
bank to Sehwan; recrossed, and continued on the left bank as far as
Khairpur, the residence of one of the triumvirate governors of Sind, and
having reached the insulated Bakhar[1.14] (the capital of the Sogdoi of
Alexander), returned by the desert of Umrasumra to Jaisalmer, Marwar,
and Jaipur, and joined me in camp at Narwar. It was a perilous
undertaking; but the Shaikh was a fearless and enterprising character,
and moreover a man with some tincture of learning. His journals
contained many hints and directions for future research in the
geography, statistics, and manners of the various races amongst whom he
travelled.
The other party was conducted by a most valuable man, Madari Lal, who
became a perfect adept in these expeditions of geographical discovery,
and other knowledge resulting therefrom. There is not a district of any
consequence in the wide space before the reader which was not traversed
by this spirited individual, whose qualifications for such complicated
and hazardous journeys were never excelled. Ardent, persevering,
prepossessing, and generally well-informed, he made his way when others
might have perished.[1.15]
From these remote regions the best-informed native inhabitants were, by
persuasion and recompense, conducted to me; and I could at all times, in
the Mahratta camp at Gwalior, from 1812 to 1817, have provided a native
of the valley of the Indus, the deserts of Dhat, Umrasumra, or any of
the States of Rajasthan.
The precision with which Kasids and other public conveyers of letters,
in countries where posts are little used, can detail the peculiarities
of a long line of route, and the accuracy of their distances would
scarcely be credited in Europe. I have no hesitation in asserting that
if a correct estimate were obtained of the measured [6] coss of a
country, a line might be laid down upon a flat surface with great
exactitude. I have heard it affirmed that it was the custom of the old
Hindu governments to have measurements made of the roads from town to
town, and that the _Abu Mahatma_[1.16] contains a notice of an
instrument for that purpose. Indeed, the singular coincidence between
lines measured by the perambulator and the estimated distances of the
natives is the best proof that the latter are deduced from some more
certain method than mere computation.
I never rested satisfied with the result of one set of my parties, with
the single exception of Madari’s, always making the information of one a
basis for the instruction of another, who went over the same ground; but
with additional views and advantages, and with the aid of the natives
brought successively by each, till I exhausted every field.
Thus, in a few years, I had filled several volumes with lines of route
throughout this space; and having many frontier and intermediate points,
the positions of which were fixed, a general outline of the result was
constructed, wherein all this information was laid down. I speak more
particularly of the western States, as the central portion, or that
watered by the Chambal and its tributary streams, whether from the
elevated Aravalli on the west, or from the Vindhya mountains on the
south, has been personally surveyed and measured in every direction,
with an accuracy sufficient for every political or military purpose,
until the grand trigonometrical survey from the peninsula shall be
extended throughout India. These countries form an extended plain to the
Sutlej north, and west to the Indus, rendering the amalgamation of
geographical materials much less difficult than where mountainous
regions intervene.
After having laid down these varied lines in the outline described, I
determined to check and confirm its accuracy by recommencing the survey
on a new plan, viz. trigonometrically.
My parties were again despatched to resume their labours over fields now
familiar to them. They commenced from points whose positions were fixed
(and my knowledge enabled me to give a series of such), from each of
which, as a centre, they collected every radiating route to every town
within the distance of twenty miles. The points selected were generally
such as to approach equilateral [7] triangles; and although to digest
the information became a severe toil, the method will appear, even to
the casual observer, one which must throw out its own errors; for these
lines crossed in every direction, and consequently corrected each other.
By such means did I work my way in those unknown tracts, and the result
is in part before the reader. I say, in part; for my health compels me
reluctantly to leave out much which could be combined from ten folios of
journeys extending throughout these regions.
=The Author’s Map.=—In 1815, as before stated, an outline map containing
all the information thus obtained, and which the subsequent crisis
rendered of essential importance, was presented by me to the
Governor-General of India. Upon the very eve of the war I constructed
and presented another, of the greater portion of Malwa, to which it
appeared expedient to confine the operations against the Pindaris. The
material feature in this small map was the general position of the
Vindhya mountains, the sources and course of every river originating
thence, and the passes in this chain, an object of primary importance.
The boundaries of the various countries in this tract were likewise
defined, and it became essentially useful in the subsequent
dismemberment of the Peshwa’s dominions.
In the construction of this map I had many fixed points, both of Dr.
Hunter’s and my own, to work from; and it is gratifying to observe that
though several measured lines have since been run through this space,
not only the general, but often the identical features of mine have been
preserved in the maps since given to the world. As considerable
improvement has been made by several measured lines through this tract,
and many positions affixed by a scientific and zealous geographer, I
have had no hesitation in incorporating a small portion of this improved
geography in the map now presented.[1.17]
Many surveyed lines were made by me from 1817 to 1822; and here I
express my obligations to my kinsman,[1.18] to whom alone I owe any aid
for improving this portion of my geographical labours. This officer made
a circuitous survey, which comprehended nearly the extreme points of
Mewar, from the capital, by Chitor, Mandalgarh, Jahazpur, Rajmahall, and
in return by Banai, Badnor, Deogarh [8], to the point of outset. From
these extreme points he was enabled to place many intermediate ones, for
which Mewar is so favourable, by reason of its isolated hills.
In 1820 I made an important journey across the Aravalli, by Kumbhalmer,
Pali, to Jodhpur, the capital of Marwar, and thence by Merta, tracing
the course of the Luni to its source at Ajmer; and from this celebrated
residence of the Chauhan kings and Mogul emperors; returning through the
central lands of Mewar, by Banai and Banera, to the capital.
I had the peculiar satisfaction to find that my position of Jodhpur,
which has been used as a capital point in fixing the geography west and
north, was only 3´ of space out in latitude, and little more in
longitude; which accounted for the coincidence of my position of Bikaner
with that assigned by Mr. Elphinstone in his account of the embassy to
Kabul.
Besides Udaipur, Jodhpur, Ajmer, etc., whose positions I had fixed by
observations, and the points laid down by Hunter, I availed myself of a
few positions given to me by that enterprising traveller, the author of
the journey into Khorasan,[1.19] who marched from Delhi, by Nagor and
Jodhpur, to Udaipur.
The outline of the countries of Gujarat,[1.20] the Saurashtra peninsula,
and Cutch, inserted chiefly by way of connexion, is entirely taken from
the labours of that distinguished geographer, the late General Reynolds.
We had both gone over a great portion of the same field, and my
testimony is due to the value of his researches in countries into which
he never personally penetrated, evincing what may be done by industry,
and the use of such materials as I have described.
=Physiography of Rājputāna.=—I shall conclude with a rapid sketch of the
physiognomy of these regions; minute and local descriptions will appear
more appropriately in the respective historical portions.
Rajasthan presents a great variety of feature. Let me place the reader
on the highest peak of the insulated Abu, ‘the saint’s pinnacle,’[1.21]
as it is termed, and guide his eye in a survey over this wide expanse,
from the ‘blue waters’ of the Indus west to the ‘withy-covered’[1.22]
Betwa on the east. From this, the most [9] elevated spot in Hindustan,
overlooking by fifteen hundred feet the Aravalli mountains, his eye
descends to the plains of Medpat[1.23] (the classic term for Mewar),
whose chief streams, flowing from the base of the Aravalli, join the
Berach and Banas, and are prevented from uniting with the Chambal only
by the Patar[1.24] or plateau of Central India.
Ascending this plateau near the celebrated Chitor, let the eye deviate
slightly from the direct eastern line, and pursue the only practicable
path by Ratangarh, and Singoli, to Kotah, and he will observe its three
successive steppes, the miniature representation of those of Russian
Tartary. Let the observer here glance across the Chambal and traverse
Haraoti to its eastern frontier, guarded by the fortress of Shahabad:
thence abruptly descend the plateau to the level of the Sind, still
proceeding eastward, until the table-mountain, the western limit of
Bundelkhand, affords a resting-point.
To render this more distinct, I present a profile of the tract described
from Abu to Kotra on the Betwa:[1.25] from Abu to the Chambal, the
result of barometrical measurement, and from the latter to the Betwa
from my general observations[1.26] of the irregularities of surface. The
result is, that the Betwa at Kotra is one thousand feet above the
sea-level, and one thousand lower than the city and valley of Udaipur,
which again is on the same level with the base of Abu, two thousand feet
above the sea. This line, the general direction of which is but a short
distance from the tropic, is about six geographic degrees in length: yet
is this small space highly diversified, both in its inhabitants and the
production of the soil, whether hidden or revealed.
[Illustration:
Section thro’ Central India in 25° N. Lat. from Aboo [Abu] to
Bundelkhund [Bundelkhand].
Plateau of Central India——Trap formation
Mt. Aboo [Mt. Abu—A is at the left edge of the base of Mt. Aboo, and B
on the right]
Aravalli Mountains [C is at the left edge of the Aravalli Mountains]
Oodipoor [Udaipur—D]
Jawud [E]
Ruttunghur
Rampoora [Rampura]
Chumbul R. [Chambal R.]
Kotah
Parbatty R. [Parbati R.]
Shahabad [F]
Sinde R. [In ground beneath “Sinde R.” is written "Seronge"—G]
Kunneadanna [H]
Betwa R.
Kotra [I]
A. B. The isolated Aboo 24 miles Circumference at base Granite and
Gneis.
C. D. The Aravalli Chain.______________Granite reposing on compact blue
slate.
D. E. Plains of Mewar.
E. F. Patar or Plateau of Central India.___________________________Trap
F. G. Valley of the Sinde.
G. H. Table Mountain the Eastern limit of Rajpootna, structure doubtful.
H. I. Plains of the Betwa, Bundelkhund.
SECTION OF THE COUNTRY FROM ĀBU TO THE BETWA. _To face page 10._ ]
Let us now from our elevated station (still turned to the east) carry
the eye both south and north of the line described, which nearly bisects
Madhyadesa,[1.27] ‘the central land’ of Rajasthan; best defined by the
course of the Chambal and [10] its tributary streams, to its confluence
with the Jumna: while the regions west of the transalpine Aravalli[1.28]
may as justly be defined Western Rajasthan.
Looking to the south, the eye rests on the long-extended and
strongly-defined line of the Vindhya mountains, the proper bounds of
Hindustan and the Deccan. Though, from our elevated stand on ‘the
Saint’s Pinnacle’ of Abu, we look down on the Vindhya as a range of
diminished importance, it is that our position is the least favourable
to viewing its grandeur, which would be most apparent from the south;
though throughout this skirt of descent, irregular elevations attain a
height of many hundred feet above such points of its abrupt descent.
The Aravalli itself may be said to connect with the Vindhya, and the
point of junction to be towards Champaner; though it might be as correct
to say the Aravalli thence rose upon and stretched from the Vindhya.
Whilst it is much less elevated than more to the north, it presents bold
features throughout,[1.29] south by Lunawara, Dungarpur, and Idar, to
Amba Bhawani and Udaipur.
Still looking from Abu over the tableland of Malwa, we observe her
plains of black loam furrowed by the numerous streams from the highest
points of the Vindhya, pursuing their northerly course; some meandering
through valleys or falling over precipices; others bearing down all
opposition, and actually forcing an exit through the central plateau to
join the Chambal.
=The Aravalli Range.=—Having thus glanced at the south, let us cast the
eye north of this line, and pause on the alpine Aravalli.[1.30] Let us
take a section of it, from the capital, Udaipur, the line of our station
on Abu, passing through Oghna Panarwa, and Mirpur, to the western
descent near Sirohi, a space of nearly sixty miles in a direct line,
where “hills o’er hills and alps on alps arise,” from the ascent at
Udaipur, to the descent to Marwar. All this space to the Sirohi frontier
is inhabited by communities of the aboriginal races, living in a state
of primeval and almost savage independence, owning no paramount power,
paying no tribute, but with all the simplicity of republics; their
leaders, with the title of Rawat, being hereditary. Thus the Rawat of
the Oghna commune can assemble five thousand bows, and several others
[11] can on occasion muster considerable numbers. Their habitations are
dispersed through the valleys in small rude hamlets, near their pastures
or places of defence.[1.31]
Let me now transport the reader to the citadel pinnacle of
Kumbhalmer,[1.32] thence surveying the range running north to Ajmer,
where, shortly after, it loses its tabular form, and breaking into lofty
ridges, sends numerous branches through the Shaikhavati federation, and
Alwar, till in low heights it terminates at Delhi.
From Kumbhalmer to Ajmer the whole space is termed Merwāra, and is
inhabited by the mountain race of Mer or Mair, the habits and history of
which singular class will be hereafter related. The range averages from
six to fifteen miles in breadth, having upwards of one hundred and fifty
villages and hamlets scattered over its valleys and rocks, abundantly
watered, not deficient in pasture, and with cultivation enough for all
internal wants, though it is raised with infinite labour on terraces, as
the vine is cultivated in Switzerland and on the Rhine.
In vain does the eye search for any trace of wheel-carriage across this
compound range from Idar to Ajmer; and it consequently well merits its
appellation _ara_, ‘the barrier,’ for the strongest arm of modern
warfare, artillery, would have to turn the chain by the north to avoid
the impracticable descent to the west.[1.33]
=Views from the Aravalli Hills.=—Guiding the eye along the chain,
several fortresses are observed on pinnacles guarding the passes on
either side, while numerous rills descend, pouring over the declivities,
seeking their devious exit between the projecting ribs of the mountain.
The Berach, the Banas, the Kothari, the Khari, the Dahi all unite with
the Banas to the east, while to the west the still more numerous streams
which fertilize the rich province of Godwar, unite to ‘the Salt River,’
the Luni, and mark the true line of the desert. Of these the chief are
the Sukri and the [12] Bandi; while others which are not perennial, and
depend on atmospheric causes for their supply, receive the general
denomination of _rela_, indicative of rapid mountain torrents, carrying
in their descent a vast volume of alluvial deposit, to enrich the
siliceous soil below.
However grand the view of the chaotic mass of rock from this elevated
site of Kumbhalmer, it is from the plains of Marwar that its majesty is
most apparent; where its ‘splintered pinnacles’ are seen rising over
each other in varied form, or frowning over the dark indented recesses
of its forest-covered and rugged declivities.
On reflection, I am led to pronounce the Aravalli a connexion of the
‘Apennines of India’; the Ghats on the Malabar coast of the peninsula:
nor does the passage of the Nerbudda or the Tapti, through its
diminished centre, militate against the hypothesis, which might be
better substantiated by the comparison of their intrinsic character and
structure.
=Geology of the Aravallis.=—The general character of the Aravalli is its
primitive formation:[1.34] granite, reposing in variety of angle (the
general dip is to the east) on massive, compact, dark blue slate, the
latter rarely appearing much above the surface or base of the
superincumbent granite. The internal valleys abound in variegated quartz
and a variety of schistous slate of every hue, which gives a most
singular appearance to the roofs of the houses and temples when the sun
shines upon them. Rocks of gneiss and of syenite appear in the
intervals; and in the diverging ridges west of Ajmer the summits are
quite dazzling with the enormous masses of vitreous rose-coloured
quartz.
The Aravalli and its subordinate hills are rich in both mineral and
metallic products; and, as stated in the annals of Mewar, to the latter
alone can be attributed the resources which enabled this family so long
to struggle against superior power, and to raise those magnificent
structures which would do honour to the most potent kingdoms of the
west.
The mines are royalties; their produce a monopoly, increasing the
personal revenue of their prince. _An-Dan-Khan_ is a triple figurative
expression, which comprehends the sum of sovereign rights in Rajasthan,
being _allegiance_, _commercial duties_, _mines_. The tin-mines of Mewar
were once very productive, and yielded, it is asserted, no
inconsiderable portion of silver: but the caste of miners is extinct,
and political reasons, during the Mogul domination, led to the [13]
concealment of such sources of wealth. Copper of a very fine description
is likewise abundant, and supplies the currency; and the chief of
Salumbar even coins by sufferance from the mines on his own estate.
_Surma_, or the oxide of antimony, is found on the western frontier. The
garnet, amethystine quartz, rock crystal, the chrysolite, and inferior
kinds of the emerald family are all to be found within Mewar; and though
I have seen no specimens decidedly valuable, the Rana has often told me
that, according to tradition, his native hills contained every species
of mineral wealth.
=The Patār Plateau.=—Let us now quit our alpine station on the Aravalli,
and make a tour of the _Patar_, or plateau of Central India, not the
least important feature of this interesting region. It possesses a most
decided character, and is distinct from the Vindhya to the south and the
Aravalli to the west, being of the secondary formation, or trap, of the
most regular horizontal stratification.
The circumference of the plateau is best explained in the map, though
its surface is most unequally detailed, and is continually alternating
its character between the tabular form and clustering ridges.
Commencing the tour of Mandalgarh, let us proceed south, skirting Chitor
(both on insulated rocks detached from the plateau), thence by Jawad,
Dantoli, Rampura,[1.35] Bhanpura, the Mukunddarra Pass,[1.36] to Gagraun
(where the Kali Sind forces an entrance through its table-barrier to
Eklera)[1.37] and Margwas (where the Parbati, taking advantage of the
diminished elevation, passes from Malwa to Haraoti), and by Raghugarh,
Shahabad, Ghazigarh, Gaswani, to Jadonwati, where the plateau terminates
on the Chambal, east; while from the same point of outset, Mandalgarh,
soon losing much of its table form, it stretches away in bold ranges,
occasionally tabular, as in the Bundi fortress, by Dablana,
Indargarh,[1.38] and Lakheri,[1.38] to Ranthambhor and Karauli,
terminating at Dholpur Bari.
The elevation and inequalities of this plateau are best seen by crossing
it from west to east, from the plains to the level of the Chambal,
where, with the exception of the short flat between Kotah and Pali
ferry, this noble stream is seen rushing through the rocky barrier.
At Ranthambhor the plateau breaks into lofty ranges, their white summits
[14] sparkling in the sun; cragged but not peaked, and preserving the
characteristic formation, though disunited from the mass. Here there are
no less than seven distinct ranges (_Satpara_), through all of which the
Banas has to force a passage to unite with the Chambal. Beyond
Ranthambhor, and the whole way from Karauli to the river, is an
irregular tableland, on the edge of whose summit are the fortresses of
Utgir, Mandrel, and that more celebrated of Thun. But east of the
eastern side there is still another steppe of descent, which may be said
to originate near the fountain of the Sind at Latoti, and passing by
Chanderi, Kanyadana, Narwar, and Gwalior, terminates at Deogarh, in the
plains of Gohad. The descent from this second steppe is into Bundelkhand
and the valley of the Betwa.
Distinguished as is this elevated region of the surface of Central
India, its summit is but little higher than the general elevation of the
crest of the Vindhya, and upon a level with the valley of Udaipur and
base of the Aravalli. The slope or descent, therefore, from both these
ranges to the skirts of the plateau is great and abrupt, of which the
most intelligible and simple proof appears in the course of these
streams. Few portions of the globe attest more powerfully the force
exerted by the action of waters to subdue every obstacle, than a view of
the rock-bound channels of these streams in this adamantine barrier.
Four streams—one of which, the Chambal, would rank with the Rhine and
almost with the Rhone—have here forced their way, laying bare the
stratification from the water’s level to the summit, from three to six
hundred feet in perpendicular height, the rock appearing as if chiselled
by the hand of man. Here the geologist may read the book of nature in
distinct character; few tracts (from Rampura to Kotah) will be found
more interesting to him, to the antiquarian, or to the lover of nature
in her most rugged attire.
The surface of this extensive plateau is greatly diversified. At Kotah
the bare protruding rock in some places presents not a trace of
vegetation; but where it bevels off to the banks of the Par it is one of
the richest and most productive soils in India, and better cultivated
than any spot even of British India. In its indented sides are glens of
the most romantic description (as the fountain of ‘the snake King’ near
Hinglaj), and deep dells, the source of small streams, where many
treasures of art,[1.39] in temples and ancient dwellings, yet remain to
reward the traveller [15].
This central elevation, as before described, is of the secondary
formation, called trap. Its prevailing colour, where laid bare by the
Chambal, is milk-white: it is compact and close-grained, and though
perhaps the mineral offering the greatest resistance to the chisel, the
sculptures at the celebrated Barolli evince its utility to the artist.
White is also the prevailing colour to the westward. About Kotah it is
often mixed white and porphyritic, and about Shahabad of a mixed red and
brown tint. When exposed to the action of the atmosphere in its eastern
declivity the decomposed and rough surface would almost cause it to be
mistaken for gritstone.
This formation is not favourable to mineral wealth. The only metals are
lead and iron; but their ores, especially the latter, are abundant.
There are mines, said to be of value, of sulphuret of lead (_galena_) in
the Gwalior province, from which I have had specimens, but these also
are closed. The natives fear to extract their mineral wealth; and though
abounding in lead, tin, and copper, they are indebted almost entirely to
Europe even for the materials of their culinary utensils.
Without attempting a delineation of inferior ranges, I will only further
direct the reader’s attention to an important deduction from this
superficial review of the physiognomy of Rajwara.
=The Mountain System of Central India.=—There are two distinctly marked
declivities or slopes in Central India: the chief is that from west to
east, from the great rampart, the Aravalli (interposed to prevent the
drifting of the sands into the central plains, bisected by the Chambal
and his hundred arms) to the Betwa; the other slope is from south to
north, from the Vindhya, the southern buttress of Central India, to the
Jumna.
Extending our definition, we may pronounce the course of the Jumna to
indicate the central fall of that immense vale which has its northern
slope from the base of the Himalaya, and the southern from that of the
Vindhya mountains.
It is not in contemplation to delineate the varied course of the
magnificent Nerbudda, though I have abundant means; for the moment we
ascend the summit of the tropical[1.40] Vindhya, to descend into the
valley of the Nerbudda, we abandon Rajasthan and the Rajputs for the
aboriginal races, the first proprietors of the land. These I shall leave
to others, and commence and end with the Chambal, the paramount lord of
the floods of Central India [16].
=The Chambal River.=—The Chambal has his fountains in a very elevated
point of the Vindhya, amidst a cluster of hills on which is bestowed the
local appellation of Janapao. It has three co-equal sources from the
same cluster, the Chambal, Chambela, and Gambhir; while no less than
nine other streams have their origin on the south side, and pour their
waters into the Nerbudda.
The Sipra from Pipalda, the little Sind[1.41] from Dewas, and other
minor streams passing Ujjain, all unite with the Chambal in different
stages before he breaks through the plateau.
The Kali Sind, from Bagri, and its petty branch, the Sodwia, from
Raghugarh; the Niwaz (or Jamniri), from Morsukri and Magarda; the
Parbati, from the pass of Amlakhera, with its more eastern arm from
Daulatpur, uniting at Pharhar, are all points in the crest of the
Vindhya range, whence they pursue their course through the plateau,
rolling over precipices,[1.42] till engulfed in the Chambal at the
ferries of Nunera and Pali. All these unite on the right bank.
On the left bank his flood is increased by the Banas, fed by the
perennial streams from the Aravalli, and the Berach from the lakes of
Udaipur; and after watering Mewar, the southern frontier of Jaipur, and
the highlands of Karauli, the river turns south to unite at the holy
Sangam,[1.43] Rameswar. Minor streams contribute (unworthy, however, of
separate notice), and after a thousand involutions he reaches the Jumna,
at the holy Triveni,[1.44] or ‘triple-allied’ stream, between Etawa and
Kalpi.
The course of the Chambal, not reckoning the minor sinuosities, is
upwards of five hundred miles;[1.45] and along its banks specimens of
nearly every race now existing in India may be found: Sondis,
Chandarawats, Sesodias, Haras, Gaur, Jadon, Sakarwal, Gujar, Jat,[1.46]
Tuar, Chauhan, Bhadauria, Kachhwaha, Sengar, Bundela; each in
associations of various magnitudes, from the substantive state of the
little republic communes between the Chambal and Kuwari[1.47] [17].
=The Western Desert.=—Having thus sketched the central portion of
Rajasthan, or that eastward of the Aravalli, I shall give a rapid
general[1.48] view of that to the west, conducting the reader over the
‘Thal ka Tiba,’ or ‘sand hills’ of the desert, to the valley of the
Indus.
=The Luni River.=—Let the reader again take post on Abu, by which he may
be saved a painful journey over the Thal.[1.49] The most interesting
object in this arid ‘region of death’ is the ‘salt river,’ the Luni,
with its many arms falling from the Aravalli to enrich the best portion
of the principality of Jodhpur, and distinctly marking the line of that
extensive plain of ever-shifting sand, termed in Hindu geography
Marusthali, corrupted to Marwar.
The Luni, from its sources, the sacred lakes of Pushkar and Ajmer, and
the more remote arm from Parbatsar to its embouchure in the great
western salt marsh, the Rann, has a course of more than three hundred
miles.
In the term Eirinon of the historians of Alexander, we have the
corruption of the word Ran or Rann,[1.50] still used to describe that
extensive fen formed by the deposits of the Luni, and the equally
saturated saline streams from the southern desert of Dhat. It is one
hundred and fifty miles in length; and where broadest, from Bhuj to
Baliari, about seventy:[1.51] in which direction the caravans cross,
having as a place of halt an insulated oasis in this mediterranean salt
marsh. In the dry season, nothing meets the eye but an extensive and
glaring sheet of salt, spread over its insidious surface, full of
dangerous quicksands: and in the rains it is a dirty saline solution, up
to the camels’ girths in many places. The little oasis, the Khari Kaba,
furnishes pasture for this useful animal and rest for the traveller
pursuing his journey to either bank.
=The Mirage.=—It is on the desiccated borders[1.52] of this vast salt
marsh that the illusory phenomenon, the mirage, presents its fantastic
appearance, pleasing to all but the wearied traveller, who sees a haven
of rest in the embattled towers, the peaceful hamlet,[1.53] [18] or
shady grove, to which he hastens in vain; receding as he advances, till
“the sun in his might,” dissipating these “cloud-capp’d towers,” reveals
the vanity of his pursuit.
Such phenomena are common to the desert, more particularly where these
extensive saline depositions exist, but varying from certain causes. In
most cases, this powerfully magnifying and reflecting medium is a
vertical stratum; at first dense and opaque, it gradually attenuates
with increased temperature, till the maximum of heat, which it can no
longer resist, drives it off in an ethereal vapour. This optical
deception, well known to the Rajputs, is called _sikot_, or ‘winter
castles,’ because chiefly visible in the cold season: hence, possibly,
originated the equally illusory and delightful ‘Chateau en Espagne,’ so
well known in the west.[1.54]
=The Desert.=—From the north bank of the Luni to the south, and the
Shaikhavat frontier to the east, the sandy region commences. Bikaner,
Jodhpur, Jaisalmer are all sandy plains, increasing in volume as you
proceed westward. All this portion of territory is incumbent on a
sandstone formation: soundings of all the new wells made from Jodhpur to
Ajmer yielded the same result: sand, concrete siliceous deposits, and
chalk.
Jaisalmer is everywhere encircled by desert; and that portion round the
capital might not be improperly termed an oasis, in which wheat, barley,
and even rice are produced. The fortress is erected on the extremity of
a range of some hundred feet in elevation, which can be traced beyond
its southern confines to the ruins of the ancient Chhotan erected upon
them, and which tradition has preserved as the capital of a tribe, or
prince, termed Hapa, of whom no other trace exists. It is not unlikely
that this ridge may be connected with that which runs through the rich
province of Jalor; consequently an offset from the base of Abu.
Though all these regions collectively bear the term Marusthali, or
‘region of death’ (the emphatic and figurative phrase for the desert),
the restrictive definition applies to a part only, that under the
dominion of the Rathor race [19].
From Balotra on the Luni, throughout the whole of Dhat and Umrasumra,
the western portion of Jaisalmer, and a broad strip between the southern
limits of Daudputra and Bikaner, there is real solitude and desolation.
But from the Sutlej to the Rann, a space of five hundred miles of
longitudinal distance, and varying in breadth from fifty to one hundred
miles, numerous oases are found, where the shepherds from the valley of
the Indus and the Thal pasture their flocks. The springs of water in
these places have various appellations, _tar_, _par_, _rar_, _dar_, all
expressive of the element, round which assemble the Rajars, Sodhas,
Mangalias, and Sahariyas,[1.55] inhabiting the desert.
I will not touch on the salt lakes or natron beds, or the other products
of the desert, vegetable or mineral; though the latter might soon be
described, being confined to the jasper rock near Jaisalmer, which has
been much used in the beautiful arabesques of that fairy fabric, at
Agra, the mausoleum of Shah Jahan’s queen.
Neither shall I describe the valley of the Indus, or that portion
eastward of the stream, the termination of the sand ridges of the
desert. I will merely remark, that the small stream which breaks from
the Indus at Dara, seven miles north of the insulated Bakhar, and falls
into the ocean at Lakhpat, shows the breadth of this eastern portion of
the valley, which forms the western boundary of the desert. A traveller
proceeding from the Khichi or flats of Sind to the east, sees the line
of the desert distinctly marked, with its elevated _tibas_ or sand
ridges under which flows the Sankra, which is generally dry except at
periodical inundations. These sand-hills are of considerable elevation,
and may be considered the limit of the inundation of the ‘sweet river,’
the Mitha Maran, a Scythic or Tatar name for river, and by which alone
the Indus is known, from the Panjnad[1.56] to the ocean [20].
-----
Footnote 1.1:
Or ‘regal (_rāj_) dwelling (_thān_).‘
Footnote 1.2:
It is rather singular that the Sind River will mark this eastern
boundary, as does the Indus (or great Sind) that to the west. East of
this minor Sind the Hindu princes are not of pure blood, and are
excluded from Rajasthan or Rajwara.
Footnote 1.3:
[Rājputāna, as now officially defined, lies between lat. 23° 3´ and
30° 12´ N., and long. 69° 30´ and 78° 17´ E., the total area,
according to the Census Report, 1911, including Ajmer-Merwāra, being
131,698 square miles.]
Footnote 1.4:
Engraved by that meritorious artist Mr. Walker, engraver to the East
India Company, who, I trust, will be able to make a fuller use of my
materials hereafter. [This has been replaced by a modern map.]
Footnote 1.5:
[James Rennell, 1742-1830.]
Footnote 1.6:
When the war of 1817 broke out, copies of my map on a reduced scale
were sent to all the divisions of the armies in the field, and came
into possession of many of the staff. Transcripts were made which were
brought to Europe, and portions introduced into every recent map of
India. One map has, indeed, been given, in a manner to induce a
supposition that the furnisher of the materials was the author of
them. It has fulfilled a prediction of the Marquess of Hastings, who,
foreseeing the impossibility of such materials remaining private
property, “and the danger of their being appropriated by others,” and
desirous that the author should derive the full advantage of his
labours, had it signified that the claims for recompense, on the
records of successive governments, should not be deferred. It will not
be inferred the author is surprised at what he remarks. While he
claims priority for himself, he is the last person to wish to see a
halt in science—
“For emulation has a thousand sons.”
Footnote 1.7:
My esteemed friend, Graeme Mercer, Esq. (of Maevisbank), who
stimulated my exertions with his approbation.
Footnote 1.8:
Many incidents in these journeys would require no aid of imagination
to touch on the romantic, but they can have no place here.
Footnote 1.9:
Eastern tableland.
Footnote 1.10:
Sind River.
Footnote 1.11:
Parbati River.
Footnote 1.12:
Kali Sind River.
Footnote 1.13:
Passage of the Chambal and junction of the Par.
Footnote 1.14:
The Shaikh brought me specimens of the rock, which is siliceous; and
also a piece of brick of the very ancient fortress of Sehwan, and some
of the grain from its pits, charred and alleged by tradition to have
lain there since the period of Raja Bhartarihari, the brother of
Vikramaditya. It is not impossible that it might be owing to
Alexander’s terrific progress, and to their supplies being destroyed
by fire. Sehwan is conjectured by Captain Pottinger to be the capital
of Musicanus. [The capital of the Sogdoi has been identified with Alor
or Aror; but Cunningham places it between Alor and Uchh. The capital
of Mousikanos was possibly Alor, and Sehwān the Sindimana of the
Greeks. But, owing to changes in the course of the Lower Indus, it is
very difficult to identify ancient sites (McCrindle, _Alexander_, 157,
354 f.).]
Footnote 1.15:
His health was worn out at length, and he became the victim of
depressed spirits. He died suddenly: I believe poisoned. Fateh, almost
as zealous as Madari, also died in the pursuit. Geography has been
destructive to all who have pursued it with ardour in the East.
Footnote 1.16:
A valuable and ancient work, which I presented to the Royal Asiatic
Society.
Footnote 1.17:
It is, however, limited to Malwa, whose geography was greatly improved
and enlarged by the labours of Captain Dangerfield; and though my
materials could fill up the whole of this province, I merely insert
the chief points to connect it with Rajasthan.
Footnote 1.18:
Captain P. T. Waugh, 10th Regiment Light Cavalry, Bengal.
Footnote 1.19:
Mr. J. B. Fraser [whose book was published in 1825].
Footnote 1.20:
My last journey, in 1822-23, was from Udaipur, through these countries
towards the Delta of the Indus, but more with a view to historical and
antiquarian than geographical research. It proved the most fruitful of
all my many journeys. [The results are recorded in _Travels in Western
India_, published in 1839, after the author’s death.]
Footnote 1.21:
Guru Sikhar.
Footnote 1.22:
Its classic name is _Vetravati_, _Vetra_ being the common willow [or
reed] in Sanskrit; said by Wilford to be the same in Welsh.
Footnote 1.23:
Literally ‘the central (_madhya_) flat.’ [It means ‘Land of the Med
tribe.’]
Footnote 1.24:
Meaning ‘table (_pat_) mountain (_ar_).’—Although _ar_ may not be
found in any Sanskrit dictionary with the signification ‘mountain,’
yet it appears to be a primitive root possessing such
meaning—instance, Ar-buddha, ‘hill of Buddha’; Aravalli, ‘hill of
strength.’ _Ar_ is Hebrew for ‘mountain’ (qu. Ararat?) Ὅρος in Greek?
The common word for a mountain in Sanskrit, _gir_, is equally so in
Hebrew. [These derivations are out of date. The origin of the word
_patār_ is obscure. Sir G. Grierson, to whom the question was
referred, suggests a connexion with Marāthi _pathār_, ‘a tableland,’
or Gujarati _pathār_ (Skr. _prastara_, ‘expanse, extent’). The word is
probably not connected with Hindi _pāt_, ‘a board.’]
Footnote 1.25:
The Betwa River runs under the tableland just alluded to, on the east.
Footnote 1.26:
I am familiar with these regions, and confidently predict that when a
similar measurement shall be made from the Betwa to Kotah, these
results will little err, and the error will be in having made Kotah
somewhat too elevated, and the bed of the Betwa a little too low.
[Udaipur city is 1950 feet above sea-level.]
Footnote 1.27:
Central India, a term which I first applied as the title of the map
presented to the Marquess of Hastings, in 1815, ‘of Central and
Western India,’ and since become familiar. [Usually applied to the
Ganges-Jumna Duāb.]
Footnote 1.28:
Let it be remembered that the Aravalli, though it loses its tabular
form, sends its branches north, terminating at Delhi.
Footnote 1.29:
Those who have marched from Baroda towards Malwa and marked the
irregularities of surface will admit this chain of connexion of the
Vindhya and Aravalli.
Footnote 1.30:
‘The refuge of strength’ [?], a title justly merited, from its
affording protection to the most ancient sovereign race which holds
dominion, whether in the east or west—the ancient stock of the
Suryavans, the Heliadai of India, our ‘children of the sun,’ the
princes of Mewar. [Ārāvalli probably means ‘Corner Line.’]
Footnote 1.31:
It was my intention to have penetrated through their singular abodes;
and I had negotiated, and obtained of these ‘forest lords’ a promise
of hospitable passport, of which I have never allowed myself to doubt,
as the virtues of pledged faith and hospitality are ever to be found
in stronger keeping in the inverse ratio of civilization. Many years
ago one of my parties was permitted to range through this tract. In
one of the passes of their lengthened valleys ‘The Lord of the
Mountain’ was dead: the men were all abroad, and his widow alone in
the hut. Madari told his story, and claimed her surety and passport;
which the Bhilni delivered from the quiver of her late lord; and the
arrow carried in his hand was as well recognised as the cumbrous roll
with all its seals and appendages of a traveller in Europe.
Footnote 1.32:
_Meru_ signifies ‘a hill’ in Sanskrit, hence Komal, or properly
Kūmbhalmer, is ‘the hill’ or ‘mountain of Kūmbha,’ a prince whose
exploits are narrated. Likewise Ajmer is the ‘hill of Ajaya,’ the
‘Invincible’ hill. _Mer_ is with the long é, like _Mère_ in French, in
classical orthography. [Ajmer, ‘hill of Aja, Chauhān.’]
Footnote 1.33:
At the point of my descent this was characteristically illustrated by
my Rajput friend of Semar, whose domain had been invaded and cow-pens
emptied, but a few days before, by the mountain bandit of Sirohi. With
their booty they took the shortest and not most practicable road: but
though their alpine kine are pretty well accustomed to leaping in such
abodes, it would appear they had hesitated here. The difficulty was
soon got over by one of the Minas, who with his dagger transfixed one
and rolled him over the height, his carcase serving at once as a
precedent and a _stepping-stone_ for his horned kindred.
Footnote 1.34:
[“Oldest of all the physical features which intersect the continent is
the range of mountains known as the Arāvallis, which strikes across
the Peninsula from north-east to south-west, overlooking the sandy
wastes of Rājputāna. The Arāvallis are but the depressed and degraded
relics of a far more prominent mountain system, which stood, in
Palaeozoic times, on the edge of the Rājputāna Sea. The disintegrated
rocks which once formed part of the Arāvallis are now spread out in
wide red-stone plains to the east” (_IGI_, i. 1).]
Footnote 1.35:
Near this the Chambal first breaks into the Patar.
Footnote 1.36:
Here is the celebrated pass through the mountains.
Footnote 1.37:
Here the Niwaz breaks the chain.
Footnote 1.38:
Both celebrated passes, where the ranges are very complicated.
Footnote 1.39:
I have rescued a few of these from oblivion to present to my
countrymen.
Footnote 1.40:
Hence its name, _Vindhya_, ‘the barrier,’ to the further progress of
the sun in his northern declination. [Skr. root, _bind_, _bid_, ‘to
divide.’]
Footnote 1.41:
This the fourth Sind of India. We have, first, the Sind or Indus; this
little Sind; then the Kali Sind, or ‘black river’; and again the Sind
rising at Latoti, on the plateau west and above Sironj. _Sin_ is a
Scythic word for river (now unused), so applied by the Hindus. [Skr.
_Sindhu_, probably from the root _syand_, ‘to flow.’]
Footnote 1.42:
The falls of the Kali Sind through the rocks at Gagraun and the
Parbati at Chapra (Gugal) are well worthy of a visit. The latter,
though I encamped twice at Chapra, from which it was reputed five
miles, I did not see.
Footnote 1.43:
_Sangam_ is the point of confluence of two or more rivers, always
sacred to Mahadeva.
Footnote 1.44:
The Jumna, Chambal, and Sind [_triveni_, ‘triple braid’].
Footnote 1.45:
[650 miles.]
Footnote 1.46:
The only tribes not of Rajput blood.
Footnote 1.47:
The ‘virgin’ stream.
Footnote 1.48:
I do not repeat the names of towns forming the arrondissements of the
various States; they are distinctly laid down in the boundary lines of
each.
Footnote 1.49:
Thal is the general term for the sand ridges of the desert. [Skr.
_sthala_, ‘firm ground.’]
Footnote 1.50:
Most probably a corruption of _aranya_, or desert; [or _irina_,
_īrina_, ‘desert, salt soil’], so that the Greek mode of writing it is
more correct than the present.
Footnote 1.51:
[The area of the Rann is about 9000 square miles: its length 150,
breadth, 60 miles. Bhuj lies inland, not on the banks of the Rann.]
Footnote 1.52:
It is here the wild ass (_gorkhar_) roams at large, untamable as in
the day of the Arabian Patriarch of Uz, “whose house I have made the
wilderness, the barren land (or, according to the Hebrew, _salt
places_), his dwelling. He scorneth the multitude of the city, neither
regardeth he the crying of the driver” (Job xxxix. 6, 7).
Footnote 1.53:
Purwa.
Footnote 1.54:
I have beheld it from the top of the ruined fortress of Hissar with
unlimited range of vision, no object to diverge its ray, save the
miniature forests; the entire circle of the horizon a chain of more
than fancy could form of palaces, towers, and these airy ‘pillars of
heaven’ terminating in turn their ephemeral existence. But in the
deserts of Dhat and Umrasumra, where the shepherds pasture their
flocks, and especially where the alkaline plant is produced, the
stratification is more horizontal, and produces more of the watery
deception. It is this illusion to which the inspired writer refers,
when he says, “the mock pool of the desert shall become real water”
[Isaiah xxv. 7]. The inhabitants of the desert term it _Chitram_,
literally ‘the picture,’ by no means an unhappy designation.
Footnote 1.55:
_Sehraie_ [in the text], from _sahra_, ‘desert.’ Hence Sarrazin, or
Saracen, is a corruption from _sahra_, ‘desert,’ and _zadan_, ‘to
strike,’ contracted. _Rāhzani_, ‘to strike on the road’ (_rāh_).
_Rāhbar_, ‘on the road,’ corrupted by the Pindaris to _labar_, the
designation of their forays. [The true name is Sahariya, which has
been connected with that of the Savara, a tribe in Eastern India.
Saracen comes to us from the late Latin _Saraceni_, of which the
origin is unknown; it cannot be derived from the Arabic _Sharqi_,
‘eastern’ (see _New English Dictionary_, _s.v._).]
Footnote 1.56:
The confluent arms or sources of the Indus.
-----
BOOK II
HISTORY OF THE RĀJPUT TRIBES
CHAPTER 1
=The Purānas.=—Being desirous of epitomizing the chronicles of the
martial races of Central and Western India, it was essential to
ascertain the sources whence they draw, or claim to draw, their lineage.
For this purpose I obtained from the library of the Rana of Udaipur
their sacred volumes, the Puranas, and laid them before a body of
pandits, over whom presided the learned Jati Gyanchandra. From these
extracts were made of all the genealogies of the great races of Surya
and Chandra, and of facts historical and geographical.
Most of the Puranas[2.1.1] contain portions of historical as well as
geographical knowledge; but the Bhagavat, the Skanda, the Agni, and the
Bhavishya are the chief guides. It is rather fortunate than to be
regretted that their chronologies do not perfectly agree. The number of
princes in each line varies, and names are transposed; but we recognize
distinctly the principal features in each, affording the conclusion that
they are the productions of various writers, borrowing from some common
original source [21].
=Deluge Legend.=—The Genesis[2.1.2] of India commences with an event
described in the history of almost all nations, the deluge, which,
though treated with the fancy peculiar to the orientals, is not the less
entitled to attention. The essence of the extract from the Agni Purana
is this: “When ocean quitted his bounds and caused universal destruction
by Brahma’s command, Vaivaswata[2.1.3] Manu (Noah), who dwelt near the
Himalaya[2.1.4] mountains was giving water to the gods in the Kritamala
river, when a small fish fell into his hand. A voice commanded him to
preserve it. The fish expanded to an enormous size. Manu, with his sons
and their wives, and the sages, with the seed of every living thing,
entered into a vessel which was fastened to a horn on the head of the
fish, and thus they were preserved.”
Here, then, the grand northern chain is given to which the abode of the
great patriarch of mankind approximated. In the Bhavishya it is stated,
that “Vaivaswata (sun-born) Manu ruled at the mountain Sumeru. Of his
seed was Kakutstha Raja, who obtained sovereignty at Ayodhya,[2.1.5] and
his descendants filled the land and spread over the earth.”
I am aware of the meaning given to Sumeru, that thus the Hindus
designated the north pole of the earth. But they had also a mountain
with this same appellation of pre-eminence of Meru, ‘the hill,’ with the
prefix Su, ‘good, sacred’: the Sacred Hill.
=Meru, Sumeru.=—In the geography of the Agni Purana, the term is used as
a substantial geographical limit;[2.1.6] and some of the rivers flowing
from the mountainous ranges, whose relative position with Sumeru are
there defined, still retain their ancient appellations. Let us not
darken the subject, by supposing only allegorical meanings attached to
explicit points. In the distribution of their seven dwipas, or
continents, though they interpose seas of curds, milk, or wine, we
should not reject strong and evident facts, because subsequent ignorant
interpolators filled up the page with puerilities [22].
This sacred mountain (Sumeru) is claimed by the Brahmans as the abode of
Mahadeva,[2.1.7] Adiswar,[2.1.8] or Baghes[2.1.9]; by the Jains, as the
abode of Adinath,[2.1.10] the first Jiniswara, or Jain lord. Here they
say he taught mankind the arts of agriculture and civilized life. The
Greeks claimed it as the abode of Bacchus; and hence the Grecian fable
of this god being taken from the thigh of Jupiter, confounding _meros_
(thigh) with the _meru_ (hill) of this Indian deity. In this vicinity
the followers of Alexander had their Saturnalia, drank to excess of the
wine from its indigenous vines, and bound their brows with ivy
(_vela_)[2.1.11] sacred to the Baghes of the east and west, whose
votaries alike indulge in ‘strong drink.’
These traditions appear to point to one spot, and to one individual, in
the early history of mankind, when the Hindu and the Greek approach a
common focus; for there is little doubt that Adinath, Adiswara, Osiris,
Baghes, Bacchus, Manu, Menes designate the patriarch of mankind, Noah.
The Hindus can at this time give only a very general idea of the site of
Meru; but they appear to localize it in a space of which Bamian, Kabul,
and Ghazni would be the exterior points. The former of these cities is
known to possess remains of the religion of Buddha, in its caves and
colossal statues.[2.1.12] The Paropamisan Alexandria is near Bamian; but
the Meru and Nyssa[2.1.13] of Alexander are placed more to the eastward
by the Greek writers, and according to the cautious Arrian between the
Cophas and Indus. Authority localizes it between Peshawar and Jalalabad,
and calls it Merkoh, or Markoh,[2.1.14] "a bare rock 2000 feet high [23]
with caves to the westward, termed Bedaulat by the Emperor Humayun from
its dismal appearance."[2.1.15] This designation, however, of Dasht-i
Bedaulat, or ‘unhappy plain,’ was given to the tract between the cities
beforementioned [24].
The only scope of these remarks on Sumeru is to show that the Hindus
themselves do not make India within the Indus the cradle of their race,
but west, amidst the hills of Caucasus,[2.1.16] whence the sons of
Vaivaswata, or the ‘sun-born,’ migrated eastward to the Indus and
Ganges, and founded their first establishment in Kosala, the capital,
Ayodhya, or Oudh.
Most nations have indulged the desire of fixing the source whence they
issued, and few spots possess more interest than this elevated
Madhya-Bhumi, or ‘central region’ of Asia, where the Amu, Oxus, or
Jihun, and other rivers, have their rise, and in which both the Surya
and Indu[2.1.17] races (_Sakha_) claim the hill,[2.1.18] sacred to a
great patriarchal ancestor, whence they migrated eastward.
The Rajput tribes could scarcely have acquired some of their still
existing Scythic habits and warlike superstitions on the burning plains
of Ind. It was too hot to hail with fervent adoration the return of the
sun from his southern course to enliven the northern hemisphere. This
should be the religion of a colder clime, brought from their first
haunts, the sources of the Jihun and Jaxartes. The grand solstitial
festival, the Aswamedha, or sacrifice of the horse (the type of the
sun), practised by the children of Vaivaswata, the ‘sun-born,’ was most
probably simultaneously introduced from Scythia into the plains of Ind,
and west, by the sons of Odin, Woden, or Budha, into Scandinavia, where
it became the Hi-el or Hi-ul,[2.1.19] the festival of the winter
solstice; the grand jubilee of northern nations, and in the first ages
of Christianity, being so near the epoch of its rise, gladly used by the
first fathers of the church to perpetuate that event[2.1.20][25].
-----
Footnote 2.1.1:
“Every Purana,” says the first authority existing in Sanskrit lore,
“treats of five subjects: the creation of the universe; its progress,
and the renovation of the world; the genealogy of gods and heroes;
chronology, according to a fabulous system; and heroic history,
containing the achievements of demi-gods and heroes. Since each purana
contains a cosmogony, both mythological and heroic history, the works
which bear that title may not unaptly be compared to the Grecian
theogonies” (‘Essay on the Sanskrit and Pracrit Languages,’ by H. T.
Colebrooke, Esq.; _As. Res._ vol. vii. p. 202). [On the age of the
Purānas see Smith, _EHI_, 21 ff.]
Footnote 2.1.2:
Resolvable into Sanskrit, _janam_, ‘birth,’ and _is_ and _iswar_,
‘lords’ [γένω, γίγνομαι, Skr. root _jan_, ‘to generate’].
Footnote 2.1.3:
Son of the sun.
Footnote 2.1.4:
The snowy Caucasus. Sir William Jones, in an extract from a work
entitled _Essence of the Pooranas_, says that this event took place at
Dravira in the Deccan.
Footnote 2.1.5:
The present Ajodhya, capital of one of the twenty-two satrapies
constituting the Mogul Empire, and for some generations held by the
titular Vizir, who has recently assumed the regal title. [Ghāziu-d-dīn
Haidar in 1819.]
Footnote 2.1.6:
“To the south of Sumeru are the mountains Himavan, Hemakūta, and
Nishadha; to the north are the countries Nīl, Sveta, and Sringi.
Between Hemāchal and the ocean the land is Bhāratkhand, called Kukarma
Bhūmi (_land of vice_, opposed to Āryāvarta, or _land of virtue_), in
which the seven grand ranges are Mahendra, Malaya, Sahya, Suktimat,
Riksha, Vindhya, and Paripatra” (_Agni Purana_).
Footnote 2.1.7:
The Creator, literally ‘the Great God.’
Footnote 2.1.8:
The ‘first lord.’
Footnote 2.1.9:
Baghes, ‘the tiger lord.’ He wears a tiger’s or panther’s hide; which
he places beneath him. So Bacchus did. The phallus is the emblem of
each. Baghes has several temples in Mewar. [In identifying Bacchus
with a Hindu tiger god the author depended on _Asiatic Researches_, i.
258, viii. 51. For the Greek story in the text see Quintus Curtius
viii. 10; Diodorus iii. 63; Arrian, _Anabasis_, vii.]
Footnote 2.1.10:
First lord.
Footnote 2.1.11:
Vela is the general term for a climber, sacred to the Indian Bacchus
(Baghes, Adiswara, or Mahadeva), whose priests, following his example,
are fond of intoxicating beverages, or drugs. The amarbel, or immortal
vela, is a noble climber.
Footnote 2.1.12:
[“In the Tūmān of Zohāk and Bāmiān, the fortress of Zohāk is a
monument of great antiquity, and in good preservation, but the fort of
Bāmiān is in ruins. In the mountain-side caves have been excavated and
ornamented with plaster and paintings. Of these there are 12,000 which
are called Sumaj, and in former times were used by the people as
winter retreats. Three colossal figures are here: one is the statue of
a man, 80 yards in height; another that of a woman, 50 yards high, and
the third that of a child measuring 15 yards. Strange to relate, in
one of the caves is placed a coffin containing the body of one who
reposes in his last sleep. The oldest and most learned of antiquarians
can give no account of its origin, but suppose it to be of great
antiquity. In days of old the ancients prepared a medicament with
which they anointed corpses and consigned them to earth in a hard
soil. The simple, deceived by this art, attribute their preservation
to a miracle” (_Āīn_, ii. 409 f., with Jarrett’s notes). For Bāmiān
see _EB_, iii. 304 f.]
Footnote 2.1.13:
Nishadha is mentioned in the Purana as a mountain. If in the genitive
case (which the final syllable marks), it would be a local term given
from the city of Nissa. [Nysa has no connexion with Nishadha. It
probably lay near Jalalabad or Koh-i Mor (Smith, _EHI_, 53).]
Footnote 2.1.14:
_Meru_, Sanskrit, and _Koh_, Persian, for a ‘hill.’
Footnote 2.1.15:
_Asiatic Researches_, vol. vi. p. 497. Wilford appears to have
borrowed largely from that ancient store-house (as the Hindu would
call it) of learning, Sir Walter Raleigh’s _History of the World_. He
combines, however, much of what that great man had so singularly
acquired and condensed, with what he himself collected, and with the
aid of imagination has formed a curious mosaic. But when he took a
peep into “the chorographical description of the Terrestrial
Paradise,” I am surprised he did not separate the nurseries of mankind
before and after the flood. There is one passage, also, of Sir Walter
Raleigh which would have aided his hypothesis, that Eden was in Higher
Asia, between the common sources of the Jihun and other grand rivers:
the abundance of the _Ficus Indica_, or bar-tree, sacred to the first
lord, Adnath or Mahadeva.
“Now for the tree of knowledge of good and evil, some men have
presumed further; especially Gorapius Bocanus, who giveth himself the
honour to have found out the kind of this tree, which none of the
writers of former times could ever guess at, whereat Gorapius much
marvelleth.”
——“Both together went
Into the thickest wood; there soon they chose
The fig tree; not that kind for fruit renowned,
But such as at this day, to Indians known
In Malabar or Decan, spreads her arms
Branching so broad and long, that in the ground
The bended twigs take root, and daughters grow
About the mother tree, a pillar’d shade
High overarched, and echoing walks between.
There oft the Indian herdsman, shunning heat,
Shelters in cool and tends his pasturing herds.”
——“Those leaves
They gathered, broad as Amazonian targe.”
_Paradise Lost_, Book ix. 1100 ff.
Sir Walter strongly supports the Hindu hypothesis regarding the
locality of the nursery for rearing mankind, and that “India was the
first planted and peopled countrie after the flood” (p. 99). His first
argument is, that it was a place where the vine and olive were
indigenous, as amongst the Sakai Scythai (and as they still are,
together with oats, between Kabul and Bamian); and that Ararat could
not be in Armenia, because the Gordian mountains on which the ark
rested were in longitude 75°, and the Valley of Shinar 79° to 80°,
which would be reversing the tide of migration. “As they journeyed
_from the East_, they found a plain, in the land of Shinar, and they
dwelt there” (Genesis, chap. xi. ver. 2). He adds, “Ararat, named by
Moses, is not any one hill, but a general term for the great Caucasian
range; therefore we must blow up this mountain Ararat, or dig it down
and carry it out of Armenia, or find it elsewhere in a warmer country,
and east from Shinar.” He therefore places it in Indo-Scythia, in 140°
of longitude and 35° to 37° of latitude, “where the mountains do build
themselves exceeding high”: and concludes, "It was in the plentiful
warm East where Noah rested, where he planted the vine, where he
tilled the ground and lived thereon. Placuit vero Noacho agriculturæ
studium in qua tractanda ipse omnium peritissimus esse dicitur; ob
eamque rem, sua ipsius lingua, _Ish-Adamath_:[2.1.15.A] hoc est,
_Telluris Vir_, appellatur, celebratusque est. The study of husbandry
pleased Noah (says the excellent learned man, Arius Montanus) in the
order and knowledge of which it is said that Noah excelled all men,
and therefore was he called in his own language, _a man exercised in
the earth_." The title, character, and abode exactly suit the
description the Jains give of their first Jiniswara, Adinath, the
first lordly man, who taught them agriculture, even to “muzzling the
bull in treading out the corn.”
Had Sir Walter been aware that the Hindu sacred books styled their
country Aryavarta,[2.1.15.B] and of which the great Imaus is the
northern boundary, he would doubtless have seized it for his Ararat.
[Needless to say, these speculations are obsolete.]
Footnote 2.1.15.A:
In Sanskrit, _Īsh_, ‘Lord,’ _ādi_, ‘the first,’ _matti_, ‘Earth.’ [The
derivation is absurd: _matti_, ‘clay,’ is modern Hindi.] Here the
Sanskrit and Hebrew have the same meaning, ‘first lord of the earth.’
In these remote Rajput regions, where early manners and language
remain, the strongest phrase to denote a man or human being is
literally ‘earth.’ A chief describing a fray between his own followers
and borderers whence death ensued, says, _Meri matti māri_, ‘My earth
has been struck’: a phrase requiring no comment, and denoting that he
must have blood in return.
Footnote 2.1.15.B:
_Āryāvarta_, or the land of promise or virtue, cannot extend to the
flat plains of India south of the Himavat; for this is styled in the
_Purānas_ the very reverse, _kukarma des_, or land of vice. [Āryāvarta
is the land bounded by the Himalaya and Vindhya, from the eastern to
the western seas (Manu, _Laws_, ii. 22).]
Footnote 2.1.16:
Hindu, or Indu-kush or koh, is the local appellation; ‘mountain of the
moon.’ [Hindu-kush is said to mean ‘Hindu-slayer’ or ‘Indian
Caucasus.’]
Footnote 2.1.17:
Solar and lunar.
Footnote 2.1.18:
Meru, ‘the hill,’ is used distinctively, as in Jaisalmer (the capital
of the Bhatti tribe in the Western Desert), ‘the hill of Jaisal’;
Merwara, or the ‘mountainous region’; and its inhabitants Meras, or
‘mountaineers.’ Thus, also, in the grand epic the Ramayana (Book i. p.
236), Mena is the mountain-nymph, the daughter of Meru and spouse of
Himavat; from whom sprung two daughters, the river goddess Ganga and
the mountain-nymph Parbati. She is, in the Mahabharata, also termed
Saila, the daughter of Sail, another designation of the snowy chain;
and hence mountain streams are called in Sanskrit _silletee_ [?].
Saila bears the same attributes with the Phrygian Cybele, who was also
the daughter of a mountain of the same name; the one is carried, the
other drawn, by lions. Thus the Greeks also metamorphosed _Parbat
Pamer_, or ‘the mountain Pamer,’ into Paropamisan, applied to the
Hindu Koh west of Bamian: but the _Parbat pat Pamer_, or ‘Pamer chief
of hills,’ is mentioned by the bard Chand as being far east of that
tract, and under it resided Hamīra, one of the great feudatories of
Prithwiraja of Delhi. Had it been Paropanisan (as some authorities
write it), it would better accord with the locality where it takes up
the name, being near to Nyssa and Meru, of which Parbat or Pahar would
be a version, and form Paronisan, ‘the Mountain of Nyssa,’ the range
Nishadha of the Puranas. [The true form is Paropanisos: the suggested
derivation is impossible.]
Footnote 2.1.19:
_Haya_ or _Hi_, in Sanskrit, ‘horse’—_El_, ‘sun’: whence ἵππος and
ἕλιος. Ηλ appears to have been a term of Scythian origin for the sun;
and Hari, the Indian Apollo, is addressed as the sun. Hiul, or Jul, of
northern nations (qu. _Noel_ of France?), is the Hindu Sankrānti, of
which more will be said hereafter. [The feast was known as Hvil, Jul,
or Yule, and the suggested derivation is impossible.]
Footnote 2.1.20:
Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_.
-----
CHAPTER 2
=Puranic Genealogies.=—The chronicles of the Bhagavat and Agni,
containing the genealogies of the Surya (_sun_) and Indu (_moon_) races,
shall now be examined. The first of these, by calculation, brings down
the chain to a period six centuries subsequent to Vikramaditya (A.D.
650), so that these books may have been remodelled or commented on about
this period: their fabrication cannot be supposed.
Although portions of these genealogies by Sir William Jones, Mr.
Bentley, and Colonel Wilford, have appeared in the volumes of the
_Asiatic Researches_, yet no one should rest satisfied with the
inquiries of others, if by any process he can reach the fountain-head
himself.
If, after all, these are fabricated genealogies of the ancient families
of India, the fabrication is of ancient date, and they are all they know
themselves upon the subject. The step next in importance to obtaining a
perfect acquaintance with the genuine early history of nations, is to
learn what those nations repute to be such.
Doubtless the original Puranas contained much valuable historical
matter; but, at present, it is difficult to separate a little pure metal
from the base alloy of ignorant expounders and interpolators. I have but
skimmed the surface: research, to the capable, may yet be rewarded by
many isolated facts and important transactions, now hid under the veil
of ignorance and allegory.
=Neglect of History by the Hindus.=—The Hindus, with the decrease of
intellectual power, their possession of which is evinced by their
architectural remains, where just proportion and elegant mythological
device are still visible, lost the relish for the beauty of truth, and
adopted the monstrous in their writings as well as their edifices. But
for detection and shame, matters of history would be hideously distorted
even in civilized Europe; but in the East, in the moral decrepitude of
ancient Asia, with no judge to condemn, no public to praise, each
priestly expounder may revel in an unfettered imagination, and reckon
his admirers in proportion to the mixture of the marvellous[2.2.1] [26].
Plain historical truths have long ceased to interest this artificially
fed people.
If at such a comparatively modern period as the third century before
Christ, the Babylonian historian Berosus composed his fictions, which
assigned to that monarchy such incredible antiquity, it became capable
of refutation from the many historians of repute who preceded him. But
on the fabulist of India we have no such check. If Vyasa himself penned
these legends as now existing, then is the stream of knowledge corrupt
from the fountain-head. If such the source, the stream, filtering
through ages of ignorance, has only been increased by fresh impurities.
It is difficult to conceive how the arts and sciences could advance,
when it is held impious to doubt the truth of whatever has been handed
down, and still more to suppose that the degenerate could improve
thereon. The highest ambition of the present learned priesthood,
generation after generation, is to be able to comprehend what has thus
reached them, and to form commentaries upon past wisdom; which
commentaries are commented on _ad infinitum_. Whoever dare now aspire to
improve thereon must keep the secret in his own breast. They are but the
expounders of the olden oracles; were they more they would be infidels.
But this could not always have been the case.
With the Hindus, as with other nations, the progress to the heights of
science they attained must have been gradual; unless we take from them
the merit of original invention, and set them down as borrowers of a
system. These slavish fetters of the mind must have been forged at a
later period, and it is fair to infer that the monopoly of science and
religion was simultaneous. What must be the effect of such monopoly on
the impulses and operations of the understanding? Where such exists,
knowledge could not long remain stationary; it must perforce retrograde.
Could we but discover the period when religion[2.2.2] ceased to be a
_profession_ [27] and became hereditary (and that such there was these
very genealogies bear evidence), we might approximate the era when
science attained its height.
=The Priestly Office.=—In the early ages of these Solar and Lunar
dynasties, the priestly office was not hereditary in families; it was a
profession; and the genealogies exhibit frequent instances of branches
of these races terminating their martial career in the commencement of a
religious sect, or _gotra_, and of their descendants reassuming their
warlike occupations. Thus, of the ten sons of Ikshwaku,[2.2.3] three are
represented as abandoning worldly affairs and taking to religion; and
one of these, Kanina, is said to be the first who made an _agnihotra_,
or pyreum, and worshipped fire, while another son embraced commerce. Of
the Lunar line and the six sons of Pururavas, the name of the fourth was
Raya; “from him the fifteenth generation was Harita, who with his eight
brothers took to the office of religion, and established the Kausika
Gotra, or tribe of Brahmans.”
From the twenty-fourth prince in lineal descent from Yayati, by name
Bharadwaja, originated a celebrated sect, who still bear his name, and
are the spiritual teachers of several Rajput tribes.
Of the twenty-sixth prince, Manava, two sons devoted themselves to
religion, and established celebrated sects, viz. Mahavira, whose
descendants were the Pushkar Brahmans; and Sankriti, whose issue were
learned in the Vedas. From the line of Ajamidha these ministers of
religion were continually branching off.
In the very early periods, the princes of the Solar line, like the
Egyptians and Romans, combined the offices of the priesthood with kingly
power, and this whether Brahmanical or Buddhist.[2.2.4] Many of the
royal line, before and subsequent to Rama, passed great part of their
lives as ascetics; and in ancient sculpture and drawings the head is as
often adorned with the braided lock of the ascetic as with the diadem of
royalty.[2.2.5]
The greatest monarchs bestowed their daughters on these royal hermits
and sages [28]. Ahalya, the daughter of the powerful Panchala,[2.2.6]
became the wife of the ascetic Gautama. The sage Jamadagni espoused the
daughter of Sahasra[2.2.7] Arjuna, of Mahishmat,[2.2.8] king of the
Haihaya tribe, a great branch of the Yadu race.
Among the Egyptians, according to Herodotus [ii. 37, 141], the priests
succeeded to sovereignty, as they and the military class alone could
hold lands; and Sethos, the priest of Vulcan, caused a revolution, by
depriving the military of their estates.
We have various instances in India of the Brahmans from Jamadagni to the
Mahratta Peshwa, contesting for sovereignty; power[2.2.9] and homage
being still their great aim, as in the days of Vishvamitra[2.2.10] and
Vasishtha, the royal sages [29] whom “Janaka sovereign of Mithila,
addressed with folded hands in token of superiority.”
=Relations of Rajputs with Brahmans.=—But this deference for the
Brahmans is certainly, with many Rajput classes, very weak. In obedience
to prejudice, they show them outward civility; but, unless when their
fears or wishes interfere, they are less esteemed than the bards.
The story of the King Vishvamitra of Gadhipura[2.2.11] and the Brahman
Vasishtha, which fills so many sections of the first book of the
Ramayana,[2.2.12] exemplifies, under the veil of allegory, the contests
for power between the Brahmanical and military classes, and will serve
to indicate the probable period when the castes became immutable.
Stripped of its allegory, the legend appears to point to a time when the
division of the classes was yet imperfect; though we may infer, from the
violence of the struggle, that it was the last in which Brahmanhood
could be obtained by the military.
Vishvamitra was the son of Gadhi (of the race of Kausika), King of
Gadhipura, and contemporary of Ambarisha, King of Ayodhya or Oudh, the
fortieth prince from Ikshwaku; consequently about two hundred years
anterior to Rama. This event therefore, whence we infer that the system
of castes was approaching perfection, was probably about one thousand
four hundred years before Christ.
=Dates of the Genealogies.=—If proof can be given that these genealogies
existed in the days of Alexander, the fact would be interesting. The
legend in the Puranas, of the origin of the Lunar race, appears to
afford this testimony.
Vyasa, the author of the grand epic the Mahabharata, was son of Santanu
(of the race of Hari),[2.2.13] sovereign of Delhi, by Yojanagandha, a
fisherman’s daughter,[2.2.14] [30] consequently illegitimate. He became
the spiritual father, or preceptor, of his nieces, the daughters of
Vichitravirya, the son and successor of Santanu.
=The Herakles Legend.=—Vichitravirya had no male offspring. Of his three
daughters, one was named Pandaia[2.2.15]; and Vyasa, being the sole
remaining male branch of the house of Santanu, took his niece, and
spiritual daughter, Pandaia, to wife, and became the father of Pandu,
afterwards sovereign of Indraprastha.
Arrian gives the story thus: "It is further said that he
[Herakles][2.2.16] had a very numerous progeny of children born to him
in India ... [31] but that he had only one daughter.[2.2.17] The name of
this child was Pandaia, and the land in which she was born, and with the
sovereignty of which Herakles entrusted her, was called after her name
Pandaia" (_Indika_, viii.).
This is the very legend contained in the Puranas, of Vyasa (who was
Hari-kul-es, or chief of the race of Hari) and his spiritual daughter
Pandaia, from whom the grand race the Pandavas, and from whom Delhi and
its dependencies were designated the Pandava sovereignty.
Her issue ruled for thirty-one generations in direct descents, or from
1120 to 610 before Christ; when the military minister,[2.2.18] connected
by blood, was chosen by the chiefs who rebelled against the last Pandu
king, represented as “neglectful of all the cares of government,” and
whose deposition and death introduced a new dynasty.
Two other dynasties succeeded in like manner by the usurpation of these
military ministers, until Vikramaditya, when the Pandava sovereignty and
era of Yudhishthira were both overturned.
Indraprastha remained without a sovereign, supreme power being removed
from the north to the southern parts of India, till the fourth, or,
according to some authorities, the eighth century after Vikrama, when
the throne of Yudhishthira was once more occupied by the Tuar tribe of
Rajputs, claiming descents from the Pandus. To this ancient capital,
thus refounded, the new appellation of Delhi was given; and the dynasty
of the founder, Anangpal, lasted to the twelfth century, when he
abdicated in favour of his grandson,[2.2.19] Prithiviraja, the last
imperial Rajput sovereign of India, whose defeat and death introduced
the Muhammadans.
This line has also closed with the pageant of a prince, and a colony
returned from the extreme west is now the sole arbiter of the thrones of
Pandu and Timur.
Britain has become heir to the monuments of Indraprastha raised by the
descendants of Budha and Ila; to the iron pillar of the Pandavas, "whose
pedestal[2.2.20] [32] is fixed in hell"; to the columns reared to
victory, inscribed with characters yet unknown; to the massive ruins of
its ancient continuous cities, encompassing a space still larger than
the largest city in the world, whose mouldering domes and sites of
fortresses,[2.2.21] the very names of which are lost, present a noble
field for speculation on the ephemeral nature of power and glory. What
monument would Britain bequeath to distant posterity of her succession
to this dominion? Not one: except it be that of a still less perishable
nature, the monument of national benefit. Much is in our power: much has
been given, and posterity will demand the result.
-----
Footnote 2.2.1:
The celebrated Goguet remarks on the madness of most nations
pretending to trace their origin to infinity. The Babylonians, the
Egyptians, and the Scythians, particularly, piqued themselves on their
high antiquity, and the first assimilate with the Hindus in boasting
they had observed the course of the stars 473,000 years. Each heaped
ages on ages; but the foundations of this pretended antiquity are not
supported by probability, and are even of modern invention (_Origin of
Laws_).
Footnote 2.2.2:
It has been said that the Brahmanical religion was foreign to India;
but as to the period of importation we have but loose assertion. We
can easily give credit to various creeds and tenets of faith being
from time to time incorporated, ere the present books were composed,
and that previously the sons of royalty alone possessed the office.
Authorities of weight inform us of these grafts; for instance, Mr.
Colebrooke gives a passage in his _Indian Classes_: “A chief of the
twice-born tribe was brought by Vishnu’s eagle from Saca Dwipa; hence
Saca Dwipa Brahmins were known in Jambu Dwipa.” By Saka Dwipa, Scythia
is understood, of which more will be said hereafter. Ferishta also,
translating from ancient authorities, says, to the same effect, that
“in the reign of Mahraje, King of Canouj, a Brahmin came from Persia,
who introduced magic, idolatry, and the worship of the stars”; so that
there is no want of authority for the introduction of new tenets of
faith. [The passage, inaccurately quoted, is taken from Dow i. 16. See
Briggs’s translation, i. Introd. lxviii.]
Footnote 2.2.3:
See Table I. [now obsolete, not reprinted].
Footnote 2.2.4:
Some of the earlier of the twenty-four _Tirthakaras_, or Jain
hierarchs, trace their origin from the solar race of princes. [As
usual, Buddhism confused with Jainism.]
Footnote 2.2.5:
Even now the Rana of Mewar mingles spiritual duties with those of
royalty, and when he attends the temple of the tutelary deity of his
race, he performs himself all the offices of the high priest for the
day. In this point a strong resemblance exists to many of the races of
antiquity.
Footnote 2.2.6:
Prince of the country of Panjab, or five streams east of the Indus.
[Panchāla was in the Ganges-Jumna Duāb and its neighbourhood.]
Footnote 2.2.7:
The legend of this monarch stealing his son-in-law’s, the hermit’s,
cow (of which the Ramayana gives another version), the incarnation of
Parasuram, son of Jamadagni, and his exploits, appear purely
allegorical, signifying the violence and oppression of royalty over
the earth (_prithivi_), personified by the sacred _gao_, or cow; and
that the Brahmans were enabled to wrest royalty from the martial
tribe, shows how they had multiplied. On the derivatives from the word
_gao_, I venture an etymology for others to pursue:
ΓΑῙΑ, γέα, γῆ (_Dor._ γᾶ), that which produces all things (from γάω,
_genero_); the earth.—_Jones’s Dictionary._
ΓΆΛΑ, Milk. _Gaola_, Herdsman, in Sanskrit. Γαλατικοῖ, Κέλτοι,
Galatians, or Gauls, and Celts (allowed to be the same) would be the
shepherd races, the pastoral invaders of Europe [?].
Footnote 2.2.8:
Maheswar, on the Nerbudda River.
Footnote 2.2.9:
Hindustan abounds with Brahmans, who make excellent soldiers, as far
as bravery is a virtue; but our officers are cautious, from
experience, of admitting too many into a troop or company, for they
still retain their intriguing habits. I have seen nearly as many of
the Brahmans as of military in some companies; a dangerous error
[realized in the Great Mutiny].
Footnote 2.2.10:
The Brahman Vasishtha possessed a cow named Savala, so fruitful that
with her assistance he could accomplish whatever he desired. By her
aid he entertained King Vishvamitra and his army. It is evident that
this cow denotes some tract of country which the priest held (bearing
in mind that _gao_, _prithivi_, signify ‘the earth,’ as well as
‘cow’): a grant, beyond doubt, by some of Vishvamitra’s unwise
ancestors, and which he wished to resume. From her were supplied "the
oblations to the gods and the _pitrideva_ (father-gods, or ancestors),
the perpetual sacrificial fire, the burnt-offerings and sacrifices."
This was “the fountain of devotional acts”; this was the Savala for
which the king offered “a hundred thousand cows”; this was "the jewel
of which a king only should be proprietor."—The subjects of the
Brahman appeared not to relish such transfer, and by “the lowing of
the cow Savala” obtained numerous foreign auxiliaries, which enabled
the Brahman to set his sovereign at defiance. Of these “the Pahlavi
(Persian) kings, the dreadful Sakas (Sakai), and Yavanas (Greeks),
with scymitars and gold armour, the Kambojas,” etc., were each in turn
created by the all-producing cow. The armies of the Pahlavi kings were
cut to pieces by Vishvamitra; who at last, by continual
reinforcements, was overpowered by the Brahman’s levies. These
reinforcements would appear to have been the ancient Persians, the
Sacae, the Greeks, the inhabitants of Assam and Southern India, and
various races out of the pale of the Hindu religion; all classed under
the term _Mlechchha_, equivalents the ‘barbarian’ of the Greeks and
Romans.
The King Vishvamitra, defeated and disgraced by this powerful priest,
“like a serpent with his teeth broken, like the sun robbed by the
eclipse of its splendour, was filled with perturbation. Deprived of
his sons and array, stripped of his pride and confidence, he was left
without resource as a bird bereft of his wings.” He abandoned his
kingdom to his son, and like all Hindu princes in distress,
determined, by penitential rites and austerities, “to obtain
Brahmanhood.” He took up his abode at the sacred Pushkar, living on
fruits and roots, and fixing his mind, said, “I will become a
Brahman.” By these penances he attained such spiritual power that he
was enabled to usurp the Brahman’s office. The theocrats caution
Vishvamitra, thus determined to become a Brahman by austerity, that
“the divine books are to be observed with care only by those
acquainted with their evidence; nor does it become thee (Vishvamitra)
to subvert the order of things established by the ancients.” The
history of his wanderings, austerities, and the temptations thrown in
his way is related. The celestial fair were commissioned to break in
upon his meditations. The mother of love herself descended; while
Indra, joining the cause of the Brahmans, took the shape of the
kokila, and added the melody of his notes to the allurements of
Rambha, and the perfumed zephyrs which assailed the royal saint in the
wilderness. He was proof against all temptation, and condemned the
fair to become a pillar of stone. He persevered “till every passion
was subdued,” till “not a tincture of sin appeared in him,” and gave
such alarm to the whole priesthood, that they dreaded lest his
excessive sanctity should be fatal to them: they feared “mankind would
become atheists.” “The gods and Brahma at their head were obliged to
grant his desire of Brahmanhood; and Vashishtha, conciliated by the
gods, acquiesced in their wish, and formed a friendship with
Vishvamitra” [Muir, _Original Sanskrit Texts_, Part i. (1858), 75
ff.].
Footnote 2.2.11:
Kanauj, the ancient capital of the present race of Marwar. [This is a
myth.]
Footnote 2.2.12:
See translation of this epic, by Messrs. Carey and Marshman [in verse,
by R. T. H. Griffith].
Footnote 2.2.13:
Hari-Kula.
Footnote 2.2.14:
It is a very curious circumstance that Hindu legend gives to two of
their most celebrated authors, whom they have invested with a sacred
character, a descent from the aboriginal and impure tribes of India:
Vyasa from a fisherman, and Valmiki, the author of the other grand
epic the Ramayana, from a Baddhik or robber, an associate of the Bhil
tribe at Abu. The conversion of Valmiki (said to have been miraculous,
when in the act of robbing the shrine of the deity) is worked into a
story of considerable effect, in the works of Chand, from olden
authority.
Footnote 2.2.15:
The reason for this name is thus given. One of these daughters being
by a slave, it was necessary to ascertain which: a difficult matter,
from the seclusion in which they were kept. It was therefore left to
Vyasa to discover the pure of birth, who determined that nobility of
blood would show itself, and commanded that the princesses should walk
uncovered before him. The elder, from shame, closed her eyes, and from
her was born the blind Dhritarashtra, sovereign of Hastinapura; the
second, from the same feeling, covered herself with yellow ochre,
called _pandu_, and henceforth she bore the name of Pandya, and her
son was called Pandu; while the third stepped forth unabashed. She was
adjudged not of gentle blood, and her issue was Vidura.
Footnote 2.2.16:
A generic term for the sovereigns of the race of Hari, used by Arrian
as a proper name [?]. A section of the Mahabharata is devoted to the
history of the Harikula, of which race was Vyasa.
Arrian notices the similarity of the Theban and the Hindu Hercules,
and cites as authority the ambassador of Seleucus, Megasthenes, who
says: “This Herakles is held in special honour by the Sourasenoi, an
Indian tribe who possess two large cities, Methora and Cleisobora....
But the dress which this Herakles wore, Megasthenes tells us,
resembled that of the Theban Herakles, as the Indians themselves
admit.” [Arrian, _Indika_, viii., Methora is Mathura; Growse
(_Mathura_, 3rd ed. 279) suggests that Cleisobora is Krishnapura,
‘city of Krishna.’]
Diodorus has the same legend, with some variety. He says: "Hercules
was born amongst the Indians, and like the Greeks they furnish him
with a club and lion’s hide. In strength (_bala_) he excelled all men,
and cleared the sea and land of monsters and wild beasts. He had many
sons, but only one daughter. It is said that he built Palibothra, and
divided his kingdom amongst his sons (the Balika-putras, sons of
Bali). They never colonized; but in time most of the cities assumed a
democratical form of government (though some were monarchical) till
Alexander’s time." The combats of Hercules, to which Diodorus alludes,
are those in the legendary haunts of the Harikulas, during their
twelve years’ exile from the seats of their forefathers.
How invaluable such remnants of the ancient race of Harikula! How
refreshing to the mind yet to discover, amidst the ruins on the
Yamuna, Hercules (Baldeva, god of strength) retaining his club and
lion’s hide, standing on his pedestal at Baldeo, and yet worshipped by
the Suraseni! This name was given to a large tract of country round
Mathura, or rather round Surpura, the ancient capital founded by
Surasena, the grandfather of the Indian brother-deities, Krishna and
Baldeva, Apollo and Hercules. The title would apply to either; though
Baldeva has the attributes of the ‘god of strength.’ Both are _es_
(lords) of the race (_kula_) of Hari (Hari-kul-es), of which the
Greeks might have made the compound Hercules. Might not a colony after
the Great War have migrated westward? The period of the return of the
Heraclidae, the descendants of Atreus (Atri is progenitor of the
Harikula), would answer: it was about half a century after the Great
War. [These speculations are worthless.]
It is unfortunate that Alexander’s historians were unable to penetrate
into the arcana of the Hindus, as Herodotus appears to have done with
those of the Egyptians. The shortness of Alexander’s stay, the unknown
language in which their science and religion were hid, presented an
insuperable difficulty. They could have made very little progress in
the study of the language without discovering its analogy to their
own.
Footnote 2.2.17:
Arrian generally exercises his judgment in these matters, and is the
reverse of credulous. On this point he says, “Now to me it seems that
even if Herakles could have done a thing so marvellous, he could have
made himself longer-lived, in order to have intercourse with his
daughter when she was of mature age” [_Indika_, ix.].
Sandrocottus is mentioned by Arrian to be of this line; and we can
have no hesitation, therefore, in giving him a place in the dynasty of
Puru, the second son of Yayati, whence the patronymic used by the race
now extinct, as was Yadu, the elder brother of Puru. Hence
Sandrocottus, if not a Puru himself, is connected with the chain of
which the links are Jarasandha (a hero of the Bharat), Ripunjaya, the
twenty-third in descent, when a new race, headed by Sanaka and
Sheshnag, about six hundred years before Christ, usurped the seat of
the lineal descendants of Puru; in which line of usurpation is
Chandragupta, of the tribe Maurya, the Sandrocottus of Alexander, a
branch of this Sheshnag, Takshak, or Snake race, a race which,
stripped of its allegory, will afford room for subsequent
dissertation. The Prasioi of Arrian would be the stock of Puru; Prayag
is claimed in the annals yet existing as the cradle of their race.
This is the modern Allahabad; and the Eranaboas must be the Jumna, and
the point of junction with the Ganges, where we must place the capital
of the Prasioi. [For Sandrokottos or Chandragupta Maurya see Smith,
_EHI_, 42 ff. He certainly did not belong to the ‘Snake Race.’ The
Erannoboas (Skr. Hiranyavaha, ‘gold-bearing’) is the river Son. The
Prasioi (Skr. Prāchyās, ‘dwellers in the east’) had their capital at
Pātaliputra, the modern Patna (McCrindle, _Alexander_, 365 f.).]
Footnote 2.2.18:
Analogous to the _maire du palais_ of the first races of the Franks.
Footnote 2.2.19:
His daughter’s son. This is not the first or only instance of the
Salic law of India being set aside. There are two in the history of
the sovereigns of Anhilwara Patan. In all adoptions of this nature,
when the child ‘binds round his head the turban’ of his adopted
father, he is finally severed from the stock whence he had his birth.
[For the early history of Delhi see Smith, _EHI_, 386 ff.]
Footnote 2.2.20:
The khil, or iron pillar of the Pandus, is mentioned in the poems of
Chand. An infidel Tuar prince wished to prove the truth of the
tradition of its depth of foundation: "blood gushed up from the
earth’s centre, the pillar became loose (_dhili_)," as did the fortune
of the house from such impiety. This is the origin of _Delhi_. [The
inscription on the pillar proves the falsity of the legend, and the
name Delhi is older than the Tuar dynasty (_IGI_, xi. 233).]
Footnote 2.2.21:
I doubt if Shahpur is yet known. I traced its extent from the remains
of a tower between Humayun’s tomb and the grand column, the Kutb. In
1809 I resided four months at the mausoleum of Safdar Jang, the
ancestor of the present [late] King of Oudh, amidst the ruins of
Indraprastha, several miles from inhabited Delhi, but with which these
ruins forms detached links of connexion. I went to that retirement
with a friend now no more, Lieutenant Macartney, a name well known and
honoured. We had both been employed in surveying the canals which had
their sources in common from the head of the Jumna, where this river
leaves its rocky barriers, the Siwalik chain, and issues into the
plains of Hindustan. These canals on each side, fed by the parent
stream, returned the waters again into it; one through the city of
Delhi, the other on the opposite side. [Cunningham (_ASR_, i. 207 ff.)
proved that the true site of the ancient city, Siri, was the old
ruined fort to the north-east of Rāī Pithora’s stronghold, which is at
present called Shāhpur. This identification has been disputed by C. J.
Campbell (_JASB_, 1866, p. 206). But Cunningham gives good reasons for
maintaining his opinion. The place took its name from Sher Shāh and
his son Islām or Salīm Shāh. See also Carr Stephens, _Archaeological
and Monumental Remains of Delhi_ (1876), pp. 87 f., 190.]
-----
CHAPTER 3
=Princes of the Solar Line.=—Vyasa gives but fifty-seven princes of the
Solar line, from Vaivaswata Manu to Rama; and no list which has come
under my observation exhibits more than fifty-eight, for the same
period, of the Lunar race. How different from the Egyptian priesthood,
who, according to Herodotus, gave a list up to that period of three
hundred and thirty[2.3.1] sovereigns from their first prince, also the
‘sun-born[2.3.2] Menes!’
Ikshwaku was the son of Manu, and the first who moved to the eastward,
and founded Ayodhya.
Budha (Mercury) founded the Lunar line; but we are not told who
established their first capital, Prayag,[2.3.3] though we are authorized
to infer that it was founded by Puru, the sixth in descent from Budha
[33].
A succession of fifty-seven princes occupied Ayodhya from Ikshwaku to
Rama. From Yäyati’s sons the Lunar races descend in unequal lengths. The
lines from Yadu,[2.3.4] concluding with Krishna and his cousin Kansa,
exhibit fifty-seven and fifty-nine descents from Yayati; while
Yudhishthira,[2.3.5] Salya,[2.3.6] Jarasandha,[2.3.7] and
Vahurita,[2.3.8] all contemporaries of Krishna and Kansa, are fifty-one,
forty-six, and forty-seven generations respectively, from the common
ancestor Yayati.
=Solar and Lunar Genealogies.=—There is a wide difference between the
Solar and the Yadu branches of the Lunar lines; yet is that now given
fuller than any I have met with. Sir William Jones’s lists of the Solar
line give fifty-six, and of the Lunar (Budha to Yudhishthira) forty-six,
being one less in each than in the tables now presented; nor has he
given the important branch terminating with Krishna. So close an
affinity between lists, derived from such different authorities as this
distinguished character and myself had access to, shows that there was
some general source entitled to credit.
Mr. Bentley’s[2.3.9] lists agree with Sir William Jones’s, exhibiting
fifty-six and forty-six respectively for the last-mentioned Solar and
Lunar races. But, on a close comparison, he has either copied them or
taken from the same original source; afterwards transposing names which,
though aiding a likely hypothesis, will not accord with their historical
belief.
Colonel Wilford’s[2.3.10] Solar list is of no use; but his two dynasties
of Puru and Yadu of the Lunar race are excellent, that part of the line
of Puru, from Jarasandha to Chandragupta, being the only correct one in
print.
It is surprising Wilford did not make use of Sir William Jones’s Solar
chronology; but he appears to have dreaded bringing down Rama to the
period of Krishna, as he is known to have preceded by four generations
‘the Great War’ of the Yadu races.
It is evident that the Lunar line has reached us defective. It is
supposed so by their genealogists; and Wilford would have increased the
error by taking it as the standard, and reducing the Solar to conform
thereto.
Mr. Bentley’s method is therefore preferable; namely, to suppose eleven
princes omitted in the Lunar between Janmejaya and Prachinvat. But as
there is no [34] authority for this, the Lunar princes are distributed
in the tables collaterally with the Solar, preserving contemporaneous
affinity where synchronisms will authorise. By this means all hypothesis
will be avoided, and the genealogies will speak for themselves.
There is very little difference between Sir William Jones’s and Colonel
Wilford’s lists, in that main branch of the Lunar race, of which Puru,
Hastin, Ajamidha, Kuru, Santanu, and Yudhishthira are the most
distinguished links. The coincidence is so near as to warrant a
supposition of identity of source; but close inspection shows Wilford to
have had a fuller supply, for he produces new branches, both of Hastin’s
and Kuru’s progeny. He has also one name (Bhimasena) towards the close,
which is in my lists, but not in Sir William Jones’s; and immediately
following Bhimasena, both these lists exhibit Dilipa, wanting in my copy
of the Bhagavat, though contained in the Agni Purana: proofs of the
diversity of the sources of supply, and highly gratifying when the
remoteness of those sources is considered. There is also in my lists
Tansu, the nineteenth from Budha, who is not in the lists either of Sir
William Jones or Wilford. Again; Wilford has a Suhotra preceding Hastin,
who is not in Sir William Jones’s genealogies.[2.3.11]
Again; Jahnu is made the successor to Kuru; whereas the Purana (whence
my extracts) makes Parikshit the successor, who adopts the son of Jahnu.
This son is Viduratha, who has a place in all three. Other variations
are merely orthographical.
A comparison of Sir William Jones’s Solar genealogies with my tables
will yield nearly the same satisfactory result as to original
authenticity. I say Sir William Jones’s list, because there is no other
efficient one. We first differ at the fourth from Ikshwaku. In my list
this is Am-Prithu, of which he makes two names, Anenas and Prithu.
Thence to Purukutsa, the eighteenth, the difference is only in
orthography. To Irisuaka, the twenty-third in mine, the twenty-sixth in
Sir William Jones’s list, one name is above accounted for; but here are
two wanting in mine, Trasadasyu and Haryaswa. There is, also,
considerable difference in the orthography of those names which we have
in common. Again; we differ as to the successors of Champa, the
twenty-seventh, the founder of Champapur in Bihar. In Sir William’s,
Sadeva succeeds, and he is followed by Vijaya; but my authorities state
these both to be sons of Champa, and that Vijaya, the [35] younger, was
his successor, as the elder, Sadeva, took to religious austerity. The
thirty-third and thirty-sixth, Kesi and Dilipa, are not noticed by Sir
William Jones; but there is a much more important person than either of
these omitted, who is a grand link of connexion, and affording a good
synchronism of the earliest history. This is Ambarisha, the fortieth,
the contemporary of Gadhi, who was the founder of Gadhipura or Kanauj.
Nala, Sarura, and Dilipa (Nos. 44, 45, 54 of my lists) are all omitted
by Sir William Jones.
This comparative analysis of the chronologies of both these grand races
cannot fail to be satisfactory. Those which I furnish are from the
sacred genealogies in the library of a prince who claims common origin
with them, and are less liable to interpolation. There is scarcely a
chief of character for knowledge who cannot repeat the genealogy of his
line. The Prince of Mewar has a peculiarly retentive memory in this way.
The professed genealogists, the Bhats, must have them graven on their
memory, and the Charanas (the encomiasts) ought to be well versed
therein.
The first table exhibits two dynasties of the Solar race of Princes of
Ayodhya and Mithila Des, or Tirhut, which latter I have seen nowhere
else. It also exhibits four great and three lesser dynasties of the
Lunar race; and an eighth line is added, of the race of Yadu, from the
annals of the Bhatti tribe at Jaisalmer.
Ere quitting this halting-place in the genealogical history of the
ancient races, where the celebrated names of Rama, Krishna, and
Yudhishthira close the brazen age of India, and whose issue introduce
the present iron age, or Kali Yuga, I shall shortly refer to the few
synchronic points which the various authorities admit.
Of periods so remote, approximations to truth are the utmost to be
looked for; and it is from the Ramayana and the Puranas these
synchronisms are hazarded.
=Harischandra.=—The first commences with a celebrated name of the
Solar line, Harischandra, son of Trisanku, still proverbial for
his humility.[2.3.12] He is the twenty-fourth,[2.3.13] and
declared contemporary of Parasurama, who slew the celebrated
Sahasra-Arjuna[2.3.14] of [36] the Haihaya (Lunar) race, Prince of
Mahishmati on the Nerbudda. This is confirmed by the Ramayana,
which details the destruction of the military class and assumption
of political power by the Brahmans, under their chief Parasurama,
marking the period when the military class ‘lost the umbrella of
royalty,’ and, as the Brahmans ridiculously assert, their purity
of blood. This last, however, their own books sufficiently
contradict, as the next synchronism will show.
=Sagara.=—This synchronism we have in Sagara, the thirty-second prince
of the Solar line, the contemporary of Talajangha, of the Lunar line,
the sixth in descent from Sahasra Arjuna, who had five sons preserved
from the general slaughter of the military class by Parasurama, whose
names are given in the Bhavishya Purana.
Wars were constantly carried on between these great rival races, Surya
and Indu, recorded in the Puranas and Ramayana. The Bhavishya describes
that between Sagara and Talajangha “to resemble that of their ancestors,
in which the Haihayas suffered as severely as before.” But that they had
recovered all their power since Parasurama is evident from their having
completely retaliated on the Suryas, and expelled the father[2.3.15] of
Sagara from his capital of Ayodhya. Sagara and Talajangha appear to have
been contemporary with Hastin of Hastinapura, and with Anga, descended
from Budha, the founder of Angadesa,[2.3.16] or Ongdesa, and the Anga
race.
=Ambarisha.=—The Ramayana affords another synchronism; namely, that
Ambarisha of Ayodhya, the fortieth prince of the Solar line, was the
contemporary of Gadhi, the founder of Kanauj, and of Lomapada the Prince
of Angadesa.
=Krishna.=—The last synchronism is that of Krishna and Yudhishthira,
which terminates the [37] brazen, and introduces the Kali Yuga or iron
age. But this is in the Lunar line; nor have we any guide by which the
difference can be adjusted between the appearance of Rama of the Solar
and Krishna of the Lunar races.
Thus of the race of Krostu we have Kansa, Prince of Mathura, the
fifty-ninth, and his cousin Krishna, the fifty-eighth from Budha; while
of the line of Puru, descending through Ajamidha and Dvimidha, we have
Salya, Jarasandha, and Yudhishthira, the fifty-first, fifty-third, and
fifty-fourth respectively.
The race of Anga gives Prithusena as one of the actors and survivors of
the Mahabharata, and the fifty-third from Budha.
Thus, taking an average of the whole, we may consider fifty-five princes
to be the number of descents from Budha to Krishna and Yudhishthira;
and, admitting an average of twenty years for each reign, a period of
eleven hundred years; which being added to a like period calculated from
thence to Vikramaditya, who reigned fifty-six years before Christ, I
venture to place the establishment in India Proper of these two grand
races, distinctively called those of Surya and Chandra, at about 2256
years before the Christian era; at which period, though somewhat later,
the Egyptian, Chinese, and Assyrian monarchies are generally stated to
have been established,[2.3.17] and about a century and a half after that
great event, the Flood.
Though a passage in the Agni Purana indicates that the line of Surya, of
which Ikshwaku was the head, was the first colony which entered India
from Central Asia, yet we are compelled to place the patriarch Budha as
his contemporary, he being stated to have come from a distant region,
and married to Ila, the sister of Ikshwaku.
Ere we proceed to make any remarks on the descendants of Krishna and
Arjuna, who carry on the Lunar line, or of the Kushites and Lavites,
from Kusa and Lava, the sons of Rama, who carry on that of the Sun, a
few observations on the chief kingdoms established by their progenitors
on the continent of India will be hazarded in the ensuing Chapter [38].
-----
Footnote 2.3.1:
Herodotus ii. 99, 100.
Footnote 2.3.2:
The Egyptians claim the sun, also, as the first founder of the kingdom
of Egypt.
Footnote 2.3.3:
The Jaisalmer annals give in succession Prayag, Mathura, Kusasthala,
Dwaraka, as capitals of the Indu or Lunar race, in the ages preceding
the Bharat or Great War. Hastinapur was founded twenty generations
after these, by Hastin, from whom ramified the three grand Sakha, viz.
Ajamidha, Vimidha, and Purumidha, which diversified the Yadu race.
Footnote 2.3.4:
See Table I. [not reprinted].
Footnote 2.3.5:
Of Delhi—Indraprastha.
Footnote 2.3.6:
Salya, the founder of Aror on the Indus, a capital I had the good
fortune to discover. Salya is the Siharas of Abu-l Fazl. [_Āīn_, ii.
343.]
Footnote 2.3.7:
Jarasandha of Bihar.
Footnote 2.3.8:
Vahoorita, unknown yet. [? Bahuratha.]
Footnote 2.3.9:
_Asiatic Researches_, vol. v. p. 341.
Footnote 2.3.10:
_Ibid._ vol. v. p. 241.
Footnote 2.3.11:
I find them, however, in the Agni Purana.
Footnote 2.3.12:
[The tragical story of Harischandra is told by J. Muir, _Original
Sanskrit Texts_, i. 88 ff.]
Footnote 2.3.13:
Sahyadri Khanda of the Skanda Purana.
Footnote 2.3.14:
In the Bhavishya Purana this prince, Sahasra-Arjuna, is termed a
Chakravartin, or paramount sovereign. It is said that he conquered
Karkotaka of the Takshak, Turushka, or Snake race, and brought with
him the population of Mahishmati, and founded Hemanagara in the north
of India, on his expulsion from his dominions on the Nerbudda.
Traditionary legends yet remain of this prince on the Nerbudda, where
he is styled Sahasrabahu, or ‘with a thousand arms,’ figurative of his
numerous progeny. The Takshak, or Snake race, here alluded to, will
hereafter engage our attention. The names of animals in early times,
planets, and things inanimate, all furnished symbolic appellations for
the various races. In Scripture we have the fly, the bee, the ram to
describe the princes of Egypt, Assyria, and Macedonia; here we have
the snake, horse, monkey, etc. The Snake or Takshak race was one of
the most extensive and earliest of Higher Asia, and celebrated in all
its extent, and to which I shall have to recur hereafter. [By the
Takshak race, so often referred to, the author seems to mean a body of
Scythian snake-worshippers. There are instances of a serpent barrow,
and of the use of the snake as a form of ornament among the Scythians;
but beyond this the evidence of worship of the serpent is scanty (E.
H. Minns, _Scythians and Greeks_, 328 f., 66 note, 294, 318, 323,
etc.). It was really the Takka, a Panjāb tribe (Beal, _Si-yu-ki_, i.
165 ff.; Cunningham, _Ancient Geography of India_, 148 ff.; Stein,
_Rājatarangini_, i. 204 f.).]
In the Ramayana it is stated that the sacrificial horse was stolen by
“a serpent (Takshak) assuming the form of Ananta.”
Footnote 2.3.15:
“Asita, the father of Sagara, expelled by hostile kings of the
Haihayas, the Talajanghas, and the Sasa-vindus, fled to the Himavat
mountains, where he died, leaving his wives pregnant, and from one of
these Sagara was born” (Ramayana, i. 41). It was to preserve the Solar
race from the destruction which threatened it from the prolific Lunar
race, that the Brahman Parasurama armed: evidently proving that the
Brahmanical faith was held by the Solar race; while the religion of
Budha, the great progenitor of the Lunar, still governed his
descendants. This strengthened the opposition of the sages of the
Solar line to Vishvamitra’s (of Budha’s or the Lunar line) obtaining
Brahmanhood. That Krishna, of Lunar stock, prior to founding a new
sect, worshipped Budha, is susceptible of proof.
Footnote 2.3.16:
Angdes, Ongdes, or Undes adjoins Tibet. The inhabitants call
themselves Hungias, and appear to be the Hong-niu of the Chinese
authors, the Huns (Hūns) of Europe and India, which prove this Tartar
race to be Lunar, and of Budha. [Anga, the modern Bhāgalpur, is
confounded with Hundes or Tibet.]
Footnote 2.3.17:
Egyptian, under Misraim, 2188 B.C.; Assyrian, 2059; Chinese, 2207.
[The first Egyptian dynasty is now dated 5500 B.C.; Chinese, 2852
B.C.; Babylonian, 2300 B.C. Any attempt to establish an Indian
chronology from the materials used by the Author does not promise to
be successful.]
-----
CHAPTER 4
=Ayodhya.=—Ayodhya[2.4.1] was the first city founded by the race of
Surya. Like other capitals, its importance must have risen by slow
degrees; yet making every allowance for exaggeration, it must have
attained great splendour long anterior to Rama. Its site is well known
at this day under the contracted name of Oudh, which also designates the
country appertaining to the titular wazir of the Mogul empire; which
country, twenty-five years ago, nearly marked the limits of Kosala, the
pristine kingdom of the Surya race. Overgrown greatness characterized
all the ancient Asiatic capitals, and that of Ayodhya was immense.
Lucknow, the present capital, is traditionally asserted to have been one
of the suburbs of ancient Oudh, and so named by Rama, in compliment to
his brother Lakshman.
=Mithila.=—Nearly coeval in point of time with Ayodhya was
Mithila,[2.4.2] the capital of a country of the same name, founded by
Mithila, the grandson of Ikshwaku.
The name of Janaka,[2.4.3] son of Mithila, eclipsed that of the founder
and became the patronymic of this branch of the Solar race.
=Other Kingdoms.=—These are the two chief capitals of the kingdoms of
the Solar line described in [39] this early age; though there were
others of a minor order, such as Rohtas, Champapura,[2.4.4] etc., all
founded previously to Rama.
By the numerous dynasties of the Lunar race of Budha many kingdoms were
founded. Much has been said of the antiquity of Prayag; yet the first
capital of the Indu or Lunar race appears to have been founded by
Sahasra Arjuna, of the Haihaya tribe. This was Mahishmati on the
Nerbudda, still existing in Maheswar.[2.4.5] The rivalry between the
Lunar race and that of the Suryas of Ayodhya, in whose aid the
priesthood armed, and expelled Sahasra Arjuna from Mahishmati, has been
mentioned. A small branch of these ancient Haihayas[2.4.6] yet exist in
the line of the Nerbudda, near the very top of the valley at Sohagpur,
in Baghelkhand, aware of their ancient lineage; and, though few in
number, are still celebrated for their valour.[2.4.7]
=Dwarka.=—Kusasthali Dwarka, the capital of Krishna, was founded prior
to Prayag, to Surpur, or Mathura. The Bhagavat attributes the foundation
of the city to Anrita, the brother of Ikshwaku, of the Solar race, but
states not how or when the Yadus became possessed thereof.
The ancient annals of the Jaisalmer family of the Yadu stock give the
priority of foundation to Prayag, next to Mathura, and last to Dwarka.
All these cities are too well known to require description; especially
Prayag, at the confluence of the Yamuna and Ganges. The Prasioi were the
descendants of Puru[2.4.8] of Prayag, visited by Megasthenes, ambassador
of Seleucus, and the principal city of the Yadus, ere it sent forth the
four branches from Satwata. At Prayag resided the celebrated Bharat, the
son of Sakuntala.
In the Ramayana the Sasavindus[2.4.9] (another Yadu race) are inscribed
as allied with the Haihayas in the wars with the race of Surya; and of
this race was Sisupal[2.4.10] (the founder of Chedi[2.4.11]), one of the
foes of Krishna [40].
=Surpur.=—We are assured by Alexander’s historians that the country and
people round Mathura, when he invaded India, were termed Surasenoi.
There are two princes of the name of Sursen in the immediate ancestry of
Krishna; one his grandfather, the other eight generations anterior.
Which of these founded the capital Surpur,[2.4.12] whence the country
and inhabitants had their appellation, we cannot say. Mathura and
Cleisobara are mentioned by the historians of Alexander as the chief
cities of the Surasenoi. Though the Greeks sadly disfigure names, we
cannot trace any affinity between Cleisobara and Surpur.
=Hastinapura.=—The city of Hastinapura was built by Hastin a name
celebrated in the Lunar dynasties. The name of this city is still
preserved on the Ganges, about forty miles south of Hardwar,[2.4.13]
where the Ganges breaks through the Siwalik mountains and enters the
plains of India. This mighty stream, rolling its masses of waters from
the glaciers of the Himalaya, and joined by many auxiliary streams,
frequently carries destruction before it. In one night a column of
thirty feet in perpendicular height has been known to bear away all
within its sweep, and to such an occurrence the capital of Hastin is
said to have owed its ruin.[2.4.14] As it existed, however, long after
the Mahabharata, it is surprising it is not mentioned by the historians
of Alexander, who invaded India probably about eight centuries after
that event. In this abode of the sons of Puru resided Porus, one of the
two princes of that name, opponents of Alexander, and probably Bindusara
the son of Chandragupta, surmised to be the Abisares[2.4.15] and
Sandrakottos of Grecian authorities. Of the two princes named Porus
mentioned by Alexander’s [41] historians, one resided in the very cradle
of the Puru dynasties; the abode of the other bordered on the Panjab:
warranting an assertion that the Pori of Alexander were of the Lunar
race, and destroying all the claims various authors[2.4.16] have
advanced on behalf of the princes of Mewar.[2.4.17]
Hastin sent forth three grand branches, Ajamidha, Dvimidha, and
Purumidha. Of the two last we lose sight altogether; but Ajamidha’s
progeny spread over all the northern parts of India, in the Panjab and
across the Indus. The period, probably one thousand six hundred years
before Christ.
From Ajamidha,[2.4.18] in the fourth generation, was Bajaswa, who
obtained possessions towards the Indus, and whose five sons gave their
name, Panchala, to the Panjab, or space watered by the five rivers. The
capital founded by the younger brother, Kampila, was named
Kampilnagara.[2.4.19]
The descendants of Ajamidha by his second wife, Kesini, founded another
kingdom and dynasty, celebrated in the heroic history of Northern India.
This is the Kausika dynasty.
=Kanauj.=—Kusa had four sons, two of whom, Kusanabha and Kusamba, are
well known to traditional history, and by the still surviving cities
founded by them. Kusanabha founded the city of Mahodaya on the Ganges,
afterwards changed to Kanyakubja, or Kanauj, which maintained its
celebrity until the Muhammadan invasion of Shihabu-d-din (A.D. 1193),
when this overgrown city was laid prostrate for ever. It was not
unfrequently called Gadhipura, or the ‘city of Gadhi.’ This practice of
multiplying names of cities in the east is very destructive to history.
Abu-l Fazl has taken from Hindu authorities an account of Kanauj; and
could we admit the authority of a poet on such subjects, Chand, the bard
of Prithwiraja,[2.4.20] would afford materials. Ferishta states it in
the early ages to have been twenty-five coss [42] (thirty-five miles) in
circumference, and that there were thirty thousand shops for the sale of
the areca or beetle-nut only;[2.4.21] and this in the sixth century, at
which period the Rathor dynasty, which terminated with Jaichand, in the
twelfth, had been in possession from the end of the fifth century.
Kusamba also founded a city, called after his own name Kausambi.[2.4.22]
The name was in existence in the eleventh century; and ruins might yet
exist, if search were made on the shores of the Ganges, from Kanauj
southward.
The other sons built two capitals, Dharmaranya and Vasumati; but of
neither have we any correct knowledge.
Kuru had two sons, Sudhanush and Parikhshita. The descendants of the
former terminated with Jarasandha, whose capital was Rajagriha (the
modern Rajmahal) on the Ganges, in the province of Bihar.[2.4.23] From
Parikhshita descended the monarchs Santanu and Balaka: the first
producing the rivals of the Great War, Yudhishthira and Duryodhana; the
other the Balakaputras.
Duryodhana, the successor to the throne of Kuru, resided at the ancient
capital, Hastinapura; while the junior branch, Yudhishthira, founded
Indraprastha, on the Yamuna or Jumna, which name in the eighth century
was changed to Delhi.
The sons of Balaka founded two kingdoms: Palibothra, on the lower
Ganges; and Aror,[2.4.24] on the eastern bank of the Indus, founded by
Sahl [43].
One great arm of the tree of Yayati remains unnoticed, that of Uru or
Urvasu, written by others Turvasu. Uru was the father of a line of kings
who founded several empires. Virupa, the eighth prince from Uru, had
eight sons, two of whom are particularly mentioned as sending forth two
grand shoots, Druhyu and Bhabru. From Druhyu a dynasty was established
in the north. Aradwat, with his son Gandhara, is stated to have founded
a State: Prachetas is said to have become king of Mlecchhades, or the
barbarous regions. This line terminated with Dushyanta, the husband of
the celebrated Sakuntala, father of Bharat, and who, labouring under the
displeasure of some offended deity, is said by the Hindus to have been
the cause of all the woes which subsequently befell the race. The four
grandsons of Dushyanta, Kalanjar, Keral, Pand, and Chaul, gave their
names to countries.
=Kalanjar.=—Kalanjar is the celebrated fortress in Bundelkhand, so well
known for its antiquities, which have claimed considerable notice.
=Kerala.=—Of the second, Kerala, it is only known that in the list of
the thirty-six royal races in the twelfth century, the Kerala makes one,
but the capital is unknown.[2.4.25]
=Pandya.=—The kingdom founded by Pand may be that on the coast of
Malabar, the Pandu-Mandal of the Hindus, the Regia Pandiona of the
geographers of the west, and of which, probably, Tanjore is the modern
capital.[2.4.26]
=Chaul.=—Chaul[2.4.27] is in the Saurashtra peninsula, and on the coast,
towards Jagat Khunt, ‘the world’s end,’ and still retains its
appellation.
=Anga.=—The other shoot from Bhabru became celebrated. The thirty-fourth
prince, Anga, founded the kingdom of Angadesa, of which
Champapuri[2.4.28] was the [44] capital, established about the same time
with Kanauj, probably fifteen hundred years before Christ. With him the
patronymic was changed, and the Anga race became famous in ancient Hindu
history; and to this day Un-des still designates the Alpine regions of
Tibet bordering on Chinese Tartary.
Prithusena terminates the line of Anga; and as he survived the disasters
of the Great War, his race probably multiplied in those regions, where
caste appears never to have been introduced.
=Recapitulation.=—Thus have we rapidly reviewed the dynasties of Surya
and Chandra, from Manu and Budha to Rama, Krishna, Yudhishthira, and
Jarasandha; establishing, it is hoped, some new points, and perhaps
adding to the credibility of the whole.
The wrecks of almost all the vast cities founded by them are yet to be
traced in ruins. The city of Ikshwaku and Rama, on the Sarju;
Indraprastha, Mathura, Surpura, Prayag on the Yamuna; Hastinapura,
Kanyakubja, Rajagriha on the Ganges; Maheswar on the Nerbudda; Aror on
the Indus; and Kusasthali Dwarka on the shore of the Indian Ocean. Each
has left some memorial of former grandeur: research may discover others.
There is yet an unexplored region in Panchala; Kampilanagara its
capital, and those cities established west of the Indus by the sons of
Bajaswa.
Traces of the early Indo-Scythic nations may possibly reward the search
of some adventurous traveller who may penetrate into Transoxiana, on the
sites of Cyropolis, and the most northern Alexandria; in Balkh, and
amidst the caves of Bamian.
The plains of India retain yet many ancient cities, from whose ruins
somewhat may be gleaned to add a mite to knowledge; and where
inscriptions may be found in a character which, though yet
unintelligible, will not always remain so in this age of discovery. For
such let the search be general, and when once a key is obtained, they
will enlighten each other. Wherever the races of Kuru, Uru, and Yadu
have swayed, have been found ancient and yet undeciphered characters.
Much would reward him who would make a better digest of the historical
and geographical matter in the Puranas. But we must discard the idea
that the history of Rama, the Mahabharata of Krishna and the five
Pandava[2.4.29] brothers, are [45] mere allegory: an idea supported by
some, although their races, their cities, and their coins still exist.
Let us master the characters on the columns of Indraprastha, of Prayag
and Mewar, on the rocks of Junagarh,[2.4.30] at Bijolli, on the
Aravalli, and in the Jain temples scattered over India, and then we
shall be able to arrive at just and satisfactory conclusions.
-----
Footnote 2.4.1:
The picture drawn by Valmiki of the capital of the Solar race is so
highly coloured that Ayodhya might stand for Utopia, and it would be
difficult to find such a catalogue of metropolitan embellishments in
this, the iron age of Oudh. "On the banks of the Surayu is a large
country called Kosala, in which is Ayodhya, built by Manu, twelve
yojans (forty-eight miles) in extent, with streets regular and well
watered. It was filled with merchants, beautified by gardens,
ornamented with stately gates and high-arched porticoes, furnished
with arms, crowded with chariots, elephants, and horses, and with
ambassadors from foreign lands; embellished with palaces whose domes
resembled the mountain tops, dwellings of equal height, resounding
with the delightful music of the tabor, the flute, and the harp. It
was surrounded by an impassable moat, and guarded by archers.
Dasaratha was its king, a mighty charioteer. There were no atheists.
The affections of the men were in their consorts. The women were
chaste and obedient to their lords, endowed with beauty, wit,
sweetness, prudence, and industry, with bright ornaments and fair
apparel; the men devoted to truth and hospitality, regardful of their
superiors, their ancestors, and their gods.
“There were eight councillors; two chosen priests profound in the law,
besides another inferior council of six. Of subdued appetites,
disinterested, forbearing, pleasant, patient; not avaricious; well
acquainted with their duties and popular customs; attentive to the
army, the treasury; impartially awarding punishment even on their own
sons; never oppressing even an enemy; not arrogant; comely in dress;
never confident about doubtful matters; devoted to the sovereign.”
Footnote 2.4.2:
Mithila, the modern Tirhut in Bengal [including the modern districts
of Darbhanga, Champāran, and Muzaffarpur].
Footnote 2.4.3:
Kusadhwaja, father of Sita (spouse of Rama), is also called Janaka; a
name common in this line, and borne by the third prince in succession
after Suvarna Roma, the ‘golden-haired’ chief Mithila.
Footnote 2.4.4:
[Rohtās in the modern Shāhābād district; Champapura in Bhāgalpur.]
Footnote 2.4.5:
Familiarly designated as Sahasra Bahu ki Basti, or ‘the town of the
thousand-armed.’ [In Indore State (_IGI_, xvii. 8).]
Footnote 2.4.6:
The Haihaya race, of the line of Budha, may claim affinity with the
Chinese race which first gave monarchs to China [?].
Footnote 2.4.7:
Of this I have heard the most romantic proofs in very recent times.
Footnote 2.4.8:
Puru became the patronymic of this branch of the Lunar race. Of this
Alexander’s historians made Porus. The Suraseni of Methoras
(descendants of the Sursen of Mathura) were all Purus, the Prasioi of
Megasthenes [see p. 37, n.]. Allahabad yet retains its Hindu name of
Prayag, pronounced Prag.
Footnote 2.4.9:
The Hares. Sesodia is said to have the same derivation. [From Sesoda
in Mewār.]
Footnote 2.4.10:
The princes of Ranthambhor, expelled by Prithwiraja of Delhi, were of
this race.
Footnote 2.4.11:
The modern Chanderi [in the Gwalior State, _IGI_, x. 163 f.] is said
to be this capital, and one of the few to which no Englishman has
obtained entrance, though I tried hard in 1807. Doubtless it would
afford food for curiosity; for, being out of the path of armies in the
days of conquest and revolution, it may, and I believe does, retain
much worthy of research. [The capital of the Chedi or Kalachuri
dynasty was Tripura or Karanbel, near Jabalpur (_IGI_, x. 12).]
Footnote 2.4.12:
I had the pleasure, in 1814, of discovering a remnant of this city,
which the Yamuna has overwhelmed. [The ancient Sūryapura was near
Batesar, 40 miles south-east of Agra city. Sir H. Elliot
(_Supplemental Glossary_, 187) remarks that it is strange that the
Author so often claims the credit of discovery when its position is
fixed in a set of familiar verses. For Sūryapura see A. Führer,
_Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions_, 69.] The sacred place of
pilgrimage, Batesar, stands on part of it. My discovery of it was
doubly gratifying, for while I found out the Surasenoi of the Greeks,
I obtained a medal of the little known Apollodotus, who carried his
arms to the mouths of the Indus, and possibly to the centre of the
land of the Yadus. He is not included by Bayer in his lists of the
kings of Bactria, but we have only an imperfect knowledge of the
extent of that dynasty. The Bhagavat Purana asserts thirteen Yavan or
Ionian princes to have ruled in Balichdes [?] or Bactria, in which
they mention Pushpamitra Dvimitra. We are justified in asserting this
to be Demetrius, the son of Euthydemus, but who did not succeed his
father, as Menander intervened. Of this last conqueror I also possess
a medal, obtained amongst the Surasenoi, and struck in commemoration
of victory, as the winged messenger of heavenly peace extends the palm
branch from her hand. These two will fill up a chasm in the Bactrian
annals, for Menander is well known to them. Apollodotus would have
perished but for Arrian, who wrote the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea
in the second century, while commercial agent at Broach, or
classically Brigukachchha, the Barugaza of the Greeks. [The Periplus
of the Erythraean Sea was written by an unknown Greek merchant of
first century A.D. (McCrindle, _Commerce and Navigation_, Introd. p.
1).]
Without the notice this writer has afforded us, my Apollodotus would
have lost half its value. Since my arrival in Europe I have also been
made acquainted with the existence of a medal of Demetrius, discovered
in Bokhara, and on which an essay has been written by a _savant_ at
St. Petersburg.
Footnote 2.4.13:
The portal of Hari or Hara, whose trisula or trident is there.
Footnote 2.4.14:
Wilford says this event is mentioned in two Puranas as occurring in
the sixth or eighth generation of the Great War. Those who have
travelled in the Duab must have remarked where both the Ganges and
Jumna have shifted their beds.
Footnote 2.4.15:
[Abisares is Abhisāra in the modern Kashmīr State (Smith, _EHI_, 59).]
Footnote 2.4.16:
Sir Thomas Roe; Sir Thomas Herbert; the Holstein ambassador (by
Olearius); Della Valle; Churchill, in his collection: and borrowing
from these, D’Anville, Bayer, Orme, Rennell, etc.
Footnote 2.4.17:
The ignorance of the family of Mewar of the fact would by no means be
a conclusive argument against it, could it be otherwise substantiated;
but the race of Surya was completely eclipsed at that period by the
Lunar and new races which soon poured in from the west of the Indus,
and in time displaced them all.
Footnote 2.4.18:
Ajamidha, by his wife Nila, had five sons, who spread their branches
(Sakha) on both sides the Indus. Regarding three the Puranas are
silent, which implies their migration to distant regions. Is it
possible they might be the origin of the Medes? These Medes are
descendants of Yayati, third son of the patriarch Manu; and Madai,
founder of the Medes, was of Japhet’s line. Ajamidha, the patronymic
of the branch of Bajaswa, is from _Aja_, ‘a goat.’ The Assyrian Mede,
in Scripture, is typified by the goat. [These speculations are
worthless.]
Footnote 2.4.19:
Of this house was Draupadi, the wife, in common, of the five Pandava
brothers: manners peculiar to Scythia.
Footnote 2.4.20:
King of Delhi.
Footnote 2.4.21:
[Briggs i. 57. The accounts of the size of the city are extravagant
(Elphinstone, _HI_, 332 note; Cunningham, _ASR_, i. 279 ff.).]
Footnote 2.4.22:
An inscription was discovered at Kara on the Ganges, in which Yaspal
is mentioned as prince of the realm of Kausambi (_As. Res._ vol. ix.
p. 440). Wilford, in his Essay on the Geography of the Purans, says
“Causambi, near Alluhabad” (_As. Res._ vol. xiv.). [The site is
uncertain (Smith, _EHI_, 293, note).]
Footnote 2.4.23:
[Rājgīr in Patna District.]
Footnote 2.4.24:
Aror, or Alor, was the capital of Sind in remote antiquity: a bridge
over the stream which branched from the Indus, near Dara, is almost
the sole vestige of this capital of the Sogdoi of Alexander. On its
site the shepherds of the desert have established an extensive hamlet;
it is placed on a ridge of siliceous rock, seven miles east of the
insular Bakhar, and free from the inundations of the Indus. The Sodha
tribe, a powerful branch of the Pramara race, has ruled in these
countries from remote antiquity, and to a very late period they were
lords of Umarkot and Umrasumra, in which divisions was Aror. Sahl and
his capital were known to Abu-l Fazl, though he was ignorant of its
position, which he transferred to Debal, or Dewal, the modern Tatta.
This indefatigable historian thus describes it: “In ancient times
there lived a raja named Siharas (Sahl), whose capital was Alor, and
his dominions extended north to Kashmīr and south to the ocean”
[_Āīn_, ii. 343]. Sahl, or Sahr, became a titular appellation of the
country, its princes, and its inhabitants, the Sehraes. [See p. 21
above.] Alor appears to have been the capital of the kingdom of
Sigerdis, conquered by Menander of Bactria. Ibn Haukal, the Arabian
geographer, mentions it; but a superfluous point in writing has
changed Aror into Azor, or Azour, as translated by Sir W. Ouseley. The
illustrious D’Anville mentions it; but, in ignorance of its position,
quoting Abulfeda. says, in grandeur “Azour est presque comparable à
Mooltan.” I have to claim the discovery of several ancient capital
cities in the north of India: Surpur, on the Jumna, the capital of the
Yadus; Alor, on the Indus, the capital of the Sodhas; Mandodri,
capital of the Pariharas; Chandravati, at the foot of the Aravalli
mountains; and Valabhipura, in Gujarat, capital of the Balaka-raes,
the Balharas of Arab travellers. The Bala Rajput of Saurashtra may
have given the name to Valabhipura, as descendants of Balaka, from
Sahl of Aror. The blessing of the bard to them is yet, Tatta Multān ka
Rāo (‘lord of Tatta and Multan,’ the seats of the Balaka-putras): nor
is it improbable that a branch of these under the Indian Hercules,
Balaram, who left India after the Great War, may have founded Balich,
or Balkh, emphatically called the ‘mother of cities.’ The Jaisalmer
annals assert that the Yadu and Balaka branches of the Indu race ruled
Khorasan after the Great War, the Indo-Scythic races of Grecian
authors. Besides the Balakas, and the numerous branches of the
Indo-Medes, many of the sons of Kuru dispersed over these regions:
amongst whom we may place Uttara Kuru (_Northern Kurus_) of the
Puranas, the Ottorokorrhai of the Greek authors. Both the Indu and
Surya races were eternally sending their superfluous population to
those distant regions, when probably the same primeval religion
governed the races east and west of the Indus. [Much of this is
incorrect.]
Footnote 2.4.25:
[The Chera or Kerala kingdom comprised the Southern Konkans or Malabar
coast, the present Malabar district with Travancore and Cochin, the
dynasty being in existence early in the Christian era (Smith, _EHI_,
447; _IGI_, x. 192 f.).]
Footnote 2.4.26:
[The Pāndya kingdom included the Madura and Tinnevelly districts, with
parts of Trichinopoly, and sometimes Travancore, its capitals being
Madura, or Kūdal, and Korkai (Smith, _op. cit._ 449 f.; _IGI_, xix.
394 f.).]
Footnote 2.4.27:
From Chaul on the coast, in journeying towards Junagarh, and about
seven miles from the former, are the remains of an ancient city.
Footnote 2.4.28:
From the description in the Ramayana of King Dasaratha proceeding to
Champamalina, the capital of Lomapada, king of Anga (sixth in descent
from the founder), it is evident that it was a very mountainous
region, and the deep forests and large rivers presented serious
obstructions to his journey. From this I should imagine it impossible
that Angadesa should apply to a portion of Bengal, in which there is a
Champamalina, described by Colonel Francklin in his Essay on
Palibothra. [The Anga kingdom, with its capital at Champapuri, near
Bhāgalpur, corresponded to the modern districts of North Monghyr,
North Bhāgalpur, and Purnea west of the Mahananda river (_IGI_, v.
373).]
Footnote 2.4.29:
The history and exploits of the Pandavas and Harikulas are best known
in the most remote parts of India: amidst the forest-covered mountains
of Saurashtra, the deep woods and caves of Hidimba and Virat (still
the shelter of the savage Bhil and Koli), or on the craggy banks of
the Charmanvati (Chambal). In each, tradition has localized the
shelter of these heroes when exiled from the Yamuna; and colossal
figures cut from the mountain, ancient temples and caves inscribed
with characters yet unknown, attributed to the Pandavas, confirm the
legendary tale.
Footnote 2.4.30:
The ‘ancient city,’ _par eminence_, is the only name this old capital,
at the foot of, and guarding, the sacred mount Girnar, is known by.
Abu-l Fazl says it had long remained desolate and unknown, and was
discovered by mere accident. [_Āīn_, ii. 245. For a description of the
place see _BG_, viii. 487; E. C. Bayley, _Local Muhammadan Dynasties,
Gujarāt_, 182 ff.] Tradition even being silent, they gave it the
emphatic appellation of Juna (old) Garh (fortress). I have little
doubt that it is the Asaldurga, or Asalgarh, of the Guhilot annals;
where it is said that prince Asal raised a fortress, called after him,
near to Girnar, by the consent of the Dabhi prince, his uncle.
-----
CHAPTER 5
Having investigated the line from Ikshwaku to Rama, and that from Budha
(the parent and first emigrant of the Indu[2.5.1] race, from Saka Dwipa,
or Scythia, to Hindustan) to Krishna and Yudhishthira, a period of
twelve hundred years, we proceed to the second division and second table
of the genealogies.
=The Suryavansa or Solar Line.=—From Rama all the tribes termed
Suryavansa, or ‘Race of the Sun,’ claim descent, as the present princes
of Mewar, Jaipur, Marwar, Bikaner, and their numerous clans; while from
the Lunar (Indu) line of Budha and Krishna, the families of Jaisalmer
and Cutch (the Bhatti[2.5.2] and Jareja races), extending throughout the
Indian desert from the Sutlej to the ocean, deduce their pedigrees.
Rama preceded Krishna: but as their historians, Valmiki and Vyasa, who
wrote the events they witnessed, were contemporaries, it could not have
been by many years [46].
The present table contains the dynasties which succeeded these great
beacons of the Solar and Lunar races, and are three in number.[2.5.3]
1. The Suryavansa, descendants of Rama.
2. The Induvansa, descendants of Pandu through Yudhishthira.
3. The Induvansa, descendants of Jarasandha, monarch of Rajagriha.
The Bhagavat and Agni Puranas are the authorities for the lines from
Rama and Jarasandha; while that of Pandu is from the Raja Tarangini and
Rajavali.
The existing Rajput tribes of the Solar race claim descent from Lava and
Kusa, the two elder sons of Rama; nor do I believe any existing tribes
trace their ancestry to his other children, or to his brothers.
From the eldest son, Lava, the Ranas of Mewar claim descent: so do the
Bargujar tribe, formerly powerful within the confines of the present
Amber, whose representative now dwells at Anupshahr on the Ganges.
From Kusa descend the Kachhwaha[2.5.4] princes of Narwar and Amber, and
their numerous clans. Amber, though the first in power, is but a scion
of Narwar, transplanted about one thousand years back, whose chief, the
representative of the celebrated Prince Nala, enjoys but a sorry
district[2.5.5] of all his ancient possessions.
The house of Marwar also claims descent from this stem, which appears to
originate in an error of the genealogists, confounding the race of Kusa
with the Kausika of Kanauj and Kausambi. Nor do the Solar genealogists
admit this assumed pedigree.
The Amber prince in his genealogies traces the descent of the
Mewar[2.5.6] family from Rama to Sumitra, through Lava, the eldest
brother, and not through Kusa,[2.5.7] as in some copies of the Puranas,
and in that whence Sir William Jones had his lists [47].
Mr. Bentley, taking this genealogy from the same authority as Sir
William Jones, has mutilated it by a transposition, for which his
reasons are insufficient, and militate against every opinion of the
Hindus. Finding the names Vrihadbala and Vridasura, declared to be
princes contemporary with Yudhishthira, he transposes the whole ten
princes of his list intervening between Takshak[2.5.8] and
Bahuman.[2.5.9]
Bahuman,[2.5.10] or ‘the man with arms’ (Darazdasht or Longimanus) is
the thirty-fourth prince from Rama; and his reign must be placed nearly
intermediate between Rama and Sumitra, or his contemporary Vikrama, and
in the sixth century from either.
Sumitra concludes the line of Surya or Rama from the Bhagavat Purana.
Thence it is connected with the present line of Mewar, by Jai Singh’s
authorities; which list has been compared with various others, chiefly
Jain, as will be related in the annals of Mewar.
It will be seen that the line of Surya exhibits fifty-six princes, from
Lava, the son of Rama, to Sumitra, the last prince given in the Puranas.
Sir William Jones exhibits fifty-seven.
To these fifty-six reigns I should be willing to allow the average of
twenty years, which would give 1120 from Rama to Sumitra, who preceded
by a short period Vikramaditya; and as 1100 have been already calculated
to have preceded the era of Rama and Yudhishthira, the inference is,
that 2200 years elapsed from Ikshwaku, the founder of the Solar line, to
Sumitra.
=Chandravansa or the Lunar Line.=—From the Raja Tarangini and Rajavali
the Induvansa family (descendants of Pandu through Yudhishthira) is
supplied. These works, celebrated in Rajwara as collections of
genealogies and historical facts, by the Pandits Vidyadhara and
Raghunath, were compiled under the eye of the most learned prince of his
period, Sawai Jai Singh of Amber, and give the various dynasties which
ruled at Indraprastha, or Delhi, from Yudhishthira to Vikramaditya; and
although barren of events, may be considered of value in filling up a
period of entire darkness [48].
The Tarangini commences with Adinath[2.5.11] or Rishabhdeva,[2.5.12]
being the Jain[2.5.13] theogony. Rapidly noticing the leading princes of
the dynasties discussed, they pass to the birth of the kings
Dhritarashtra and Pandu, and their offspring, detailing the causes of
their civil strife, to that conflict termed the Mahabharata or Great
War.
=The Pandava Family.=—The origin of every family, whether of east or
west, is involved in fable. That of the Pandu[2.5.14] is entitled to as
much credence as the birth of Romulus, or other founders of a race.
Such traditions[2.5.15] were probably invented to cover some great
disgrace in the Pandu family, and have relation to the story already
related of Vyasa, and the debasement of this branch of the Harikulas.
Accordingly, on the death of Pandu, Duryodhana, nephew of Pandu (son of
Dhritarashtra, who from blindness could not inherit), asserted their
illegitimacy before the assembled kin at Hastinapura. With the aid,
however, of the priesthood, and the blind Dhritarashtra, his nephew,
Yudhishthira, elder son of Pandu, was invested by him with the seal of
royalty, in the capital, Hastinapura.
Duryodhana’s plots against the Pandu and his partisans were so numerous
that the five brothers determined to leave for a while their ancestral
abodes on the Ganges. They sought shelter in foreign countries about the
Indus, and were first protected by Drupada, king of Panchala, at whose
capital, Kampilanagara, the surrounding princes had arrived as suitors
for the hand of his daughter, Draupadi.[2.5.16] But the prize was
destined for the exiled Pandu, and the skill of Arjuna in archery
obtained him the fair, who “threw round his neck the (barmala) garland
of marriage.” The disappointed princes indulged their resentment against
the exile; but by Arjuna’s bow they suffered the fate of Penelope’s
suitors, and the Pandu brought home his bride, who became the wife in
common of the five brothers: manners[2.5.17] decisively Scythic [49].
The deeds of the brothers abroad were bruited in Hastinapura and the
blind Dhritarashtra’s influence effected their recall. To stop, however,
their intestine feuds, he partitioned the Pandu sovereignty; and while
his son, Duryodhana, retained Hastinapura, Yudhishthira founded the new
capital of Indraprastha; but shortly after the Mahabharata he abdicated
in favour of his grand-nephew, Parikshita, introducing a new era, called
after himself, which existed for eleven hundred years, when it was
overturned, and Indraprastha was conquered by Vikramaditya Tuar of
Ujjain, of the same race, who established an era of his own.
On the division of the Pandu sovereignty, the new kingdom of
Indraprastha eclipsed that of Hastinapura. The brothers reduced to
obedience the surrounding[2.5.18] nations, and compelled their princes
to sign tributary engagements (_paenama_).[2.5.19]
Yudhishthira, firmly seated on his throne, determined to signalize his
reign and paramount sovereignty, by the imposing and solemn rites of
Asvamedha[2.5.20] and Rajasuya.
=The Asvamedha.=—In these magnificent ceremonies, in which princes alone
officiate, every duty, down to that of porter, is performed by royalty.
The ‘Steed of Sacrifice’ was liberated under Arjuna’s care, having
wandered whither he listed for twelve months; and none daring to accept
this challenge of supremacy, he was reconducted to Indraprastha, where,
in the meanwhile, the hall of sacrifice was prepared, and all the
princes of the land were summoned to attend.
The hearts of the Kurus[2.5.21] burned with envy at the assumption of
supremacy by the Pandus, for the Prince of Hastinapura’s office was to
serve out the sacred food [50].
The rivalry between the races burst forth afresh; but Duryodhana, who so
often failed in his schemes against the safety of his antagonists,
determined to make the virtue of Yudhishthira the instrument of his
success. He availed himself of the national propensity for play, in
which the Rajput continues to preserve his Scythic[2.5.22] resemblance.
Yudhishthira fell into the snare prepared for him. He lost his kingdom,
his wife, and even his personal liberty and that of his brothers, for
twelve years, and became an exile from the plains of the Yamuna.
The traditional history of these wanderers during the term of probation,
their many lurking places now sacred, the return to their ancestral
abodes, and the grand battle (Mahabharata) which ensued, form highly
interesting episodes in the legends of Hindu antiquity.
To decide this civil strife, every tribe and chief of fame, from the
Caucasus to the ocean, assembled on Kurukshetra, the field on which the
empire of India has since more than once been contested[2.5.23] and
lost.
This combat was fatal to the dominant influence of the “fifty-six tribes
of Yadu.” On each of its eighteen days’ combat, myriads were slain; for
“the father knew not the son, nor the disciple his preceptor.”
Victory brought no happiness to Yudhishthira. The slaughter of his
friends disgusted him with the world, and he determined to withdraw from
it; previously performing, at Hastinapura, funeral rites for Duryodhana
(slain by the hands of Bhima), whose ambition and bad faith had
originated this exterminating war. “Having regained his kingdom, he
proclaimed a new era, and placing on the throne of Indraprastha,
Parikshita, grandson to Arjuna, retired to Dwarka with Krishna and
Baldeva: and since the war to the period of writing, 4636 years have
elapsed.”[2.5.24]
Yudhishthira, Baldeva, and Krishna, having retired with the wreck of
this ill-fated struggle to Dwarka, the two former had soon to lament the
death of Krishna, slain by one of the aboriginal tribes of Bhils;
against whom, from their shattered condition, they were unable to
contend. After this event, Yudhishthira, with [51] Baldeva and a few
followers, entirely withdrew from India, and emigrating northwards, by
Sind, to the Himalayan mountains, are there abandoned by Hindu
traditional history, and are supposed to have perished in the
snows.[2.5.25]
From Parikshita, who succeeded Yudhishthira, to Vikramaditya,
four[2.5.26] dynasties are given in a continuous chain, exhibiting
sixty-six princes to Rajpal, who, invading Kumaon, was slain by
Sukwanti. The Kumaun conqueror seized upon Delhi, but was soon
dispossessed by Vikramaditya, who transferred the seat of imperial power
from Indraprastha to Avanti, or Ujjain, from which time it became the
first meridian of the Hindu astronomy.
Indraprastha ceased to be a regal abode for eight centuries, when it was
re-established by Anangpal,[2.5.27] the founder of the Tuar race,
claiming descent from the Pandus. Then the name of Delhi superseded that
of Indraprastha.
"Sukwanti, a prince from the northern mountains of Kumaun, ruled
fourteen [52] years, when he was slain by Vikramaditya;[2.5.28] and from
the Bharat to this period 2915 years have elapsed."[2.5.29]
Such a period asserted to have elapsed while sixty-six princes occupied
the throne, gives an average of forty-four years to each; which is
incredible, if not absolutely impossible.
In another passage the compiler says: “I have read many books
(shastras), and all agreed to make one hundred princes, all of
Khatri[2.5.30] race, occupy the throne of Delhi from Yudhishthira to
Prithwiraja, a period of 4100 years,[2.5.31] after which the
Ravad[2.5.32] race succeeded.”
It is fortunate for these remnants of historical data that they have
only extended the duration of reigns, and not added more heads.
Sixty-six links are quite sufficient to connect Yudhishthira and
Vikramaditya.
We cannot object to the “one hundred princes” who fill the space
assigned from Yudhishthira to Prithwiraja, though there is no proportion
between the number which precedes and that which follows Vikramaditya,
the former being sixty-six, the latter only thirty-four princes,
although the period cannot differ half a century.
Let us apply a test to these one hundred kings, from Yudhishthira to
Prithwiraja: the result will be 2250 years.
This test is derived from the average rate of reigns of the chief
dynasties of Rajasthan, during a period of 633[2.5.33] to 663[2.5.34]
years, or from Prithwiraja to the present date.
Of Mewar 34[2.5.35] princes, or 19 years to each
reign.
Of Marwar 28 princes, or 23¼ ” ”
Of Amber 29 princes, or 22½ ” ”
Of Jaisalmer 28 princes, or 23¼ ” ”
giving an average of twenty-two years for each reign [53].
It would not be proper to ascribe a longer period to each reign, and it
were perhaps better to give the minimum, nineteen, to extended
dynasties; and to the sixty-six princes from Yudhishthira and
Vikramaditya not even so much, four revolutions[2.5.36] and usurpations
marking this period.
=Jarasandha.=—The remaining line, that of Jarasandha, taken from the
Bhagavat, is of considerable importance, and will afford scope for
further speculation.
Jarasandha was the monarch of Rajagriha,[2.5.37] or Bihar, whose son
Sahadeva, and grandson Marjari, are declared to have been contemporaries
of the Mahabharata, and consequently coeval with Parikshita, the Delhi
sovereign.
The direct line of Jarasandha terminates in twenty-three descents with
Ripunjaya, who was slain, and his throne assumed by his minister,
Sanaka, whose dynasty terminated in the fifth generation with
Nandivardandhana. Sanaka derived no personal advantage from his
usurpation, as he immediately placed his son, Pradyota, on the throne.
To these five princes one hundred and thirty-eight years are assigned.
A new race entered Hindustan, led by a conqueror termed Sheshnag, from
Sheshnagdesa,[2.5.38] who ascended the Pandu throne, and whose line
terminates in ten descents with Mahanandin, of spurious birth. This last
prince, who was also named Baikyat, carried on an exterminating warfare
against the ancient Rajput princes of pure blood, the Puranas declaring
that since the dynasty of Sheshnag the princes were Sudras. Three
hundred and sixty years are allotted to these ten princes.
=Chandragupta Maurya.=—A fourth dynasty commenced with Chandragupta
Maurya, of the same Takshak race.[2.5.39] The Maurya dynasty consisted
of ten princes, who are stated to have passed away in one hundred and
thirty-seven years. [322-185 B.C.]
=Sunga, Kanva Dynasties.=—The fifth dynasty of eight princes were from
Sringides, and are said to have ruled one hundred and twelve years, when
a prince of Kanvades deprived the last of life and kingdom. Of these
eight princes, four were of pure blood, when Kistna, by a Sudra woman,
succeeded. The dynasty of Kanvades terminates in twenty-three
generations with Susarman[2.5.40] [54].
=Recapitulation.=—Thus from the Great War six successive dynasties are
given, presenting a continuous chain of eighty-two princes, reckoning
from Sahadeva, the successor of Jarasandha, to Susarman.
To some of the short dynasties periods are assigned of moderate length:
but as the first and last are without such data, the test already
decided on must be applied; which will yield 1704 years, being six
hundred and four after Vikramaditya, whose contemporary will thus be
Basdeva, the fifty-fifth prince from Sahadeva of the sixth dynasty, said
to be a conqueror from the country of Katehr [or Rohilkhand]. If these
calculations possess any value, the genealogies of the Bhagavat are
brought down to the close of the fifth century following Vikramaditya.
As we cannot admit the gift of prophecy to the compilers of these books,
we may infer that they remodelled their ancient chronicles during the
reign of Susarman, about the year of Vikrama 600, or A.D. 546.
With regard to calculations already adduced, as to the average number of
years for the reigns of the foregoing dynasties, a comparison with those
which history affords of other parts of the world will supply the best
criterion of the correctness of the assumed data.
From the revolt of the ten tribes against Rehoboam[2.5.41] to the
capture of Jerusalem, a period of three hundred and eighty-seven years,
twenty kings sat on the throne of Judah, making each reign nineteen and
a half years; but if we include the three anterior reigns of Saul,
David, and Solomon, prior to the revolt, the result will be twenty-six
and a half years each.
From the dismemberment of the Assyrian[2.5.42] empire under
Sardanapalus, nearly nine hundred years before Christ, the three
consequent confluent dynasties of Babylonia, Assyria, and Media afford
very different results for comparison.
The Assyrian preserves the medium, while the Babylonish and Median run
into extremes. Of the nine princes who swayed Babylon, from the period
of its separation from, till its reunion to Assyria, a space of
fifty-two years, Darius, who ruled Media sixty [thirty-six] years [55],
outlived the whole. Of the line of Darius there were but six princes,
from the separation of the kingdoms to their reunion under Cyrus, a
period of one hundred and seventy-four years, or twenty-nine to each
reign.
The Assyrian reigns form a juster medium. From Nebuchadnezzar to
Sardanapalus we have twenty-two years to a reign; but from thence to the
extinction of this dynasty, eighteen.
The first eleven kings, the Heraclidae of Lacedaemon, commencing with
Eurysthenes (1078 before Christ), average thirty-two years; while in
republican Athens, nearly contemporary, from the first perpetual archon
until the office became decennial in the seventh Olympiad, the reigns of
the twelve chief magistrates average twenty-eight years and a half.
Thus we have three periods, Jewish, Spartan, and Athenian, each
commencing about eleven hundred years before Christ, not half a century
remote from the Mahabharata; with those of Babylonia, Assyria, and
Media, commencing where we quit the Grecian, in the eighth century
before the Christian era, the Jewish ending in the sixth century.
However short, compared with our Solar and Lunar dynasties, yet these,
combined with the average reigns of existing Hindu dynasties, will aid
the judgment in estimating the periods to be assigned to the lines thus
afforded, instead of following the improbable value attached by the
Brahmans.
From such data, longevity appears in unison with climate and simplicity
of life: the Spartan yielding the maximum of thirty-two to a reign,
while the more luxurious Athens gives twenty-eight and a half. The Jews,
from Saul to their exile “to the waters of Babylon,” twenty-six and a
half. The Medes equal the Lacedaemonians, and in all history can only be
paralleled by the princes of Anhilwara, one of whom, Chawand, almost
equalled Darius.[2.5.43]
Of the separated ten tribes, from the revolt to the captivity, twenty
kings of Israel passed away in two centuries, or ten years each.
The Spartan and Assyrian present the extremes of thirty-two and
eighteen, giving a medium of twenty-five years to a reign.
The average result of our four Hindu dynasties, in a period of nearly
seven hundred years, is twenty-two years.
From all which data, I would presume to assign from twenty to twenty-two
years to each reign in lines of fifty princes [56].
If the value thus obtained be satisfactory, and the lines of dynasties
derived from so many authorities correct, we shall arrive at the same
conclusion with Mr. Bentley; who, by the more philosophical process of
astronomical and genealogical combination, places Yudhishthira’s era in
the year 2825 of the world; which being taken from 4004 (the world’s age
at the birth of Christ) will leave 1179 before Christ for Yudhishthira’s
era, or 1123 before Vikramaditya.[2.5.44]
-----
Footnote 2.5.1:
Indu, Som, Chandra, in Sanskrit ‘the moon’; hence the Lunar race is
termed the Chandravansa, Somvansa, or Induvansa, most probably the
root of _Hindu_. [Pers. _hindū_, Skr. _sindhu_.]
Footnote 2.5.2:
The isolated and now dependent chieftainship of Dhat, of which Umarkot
is the capital, separates the Bhattis from the Jarejas. Dhat is now
amalgamated with Sind; its prince, of Pramara race and Sodha tribe,
ancient lords of all Sind.
Footnote 2.5.3:
A fourth and fifth might have been given, but imperfect. First the
descendants of Kusa, second son of Rama, from whence the princes of
Narwar and Amber: secondly, the descendants of Krishna, from whom the
princes of Jaisalmer.
Footnote 2.5.4:
In modern times always written and pronounced _Kutchwāha_.
Footnote 2.5.5:
It is in the plateau of Central India, near Shahabad.
Footnote 2.5.6:
Whatever dignity attaches to this pedigree, whether true or false,
every prince, and every Hindu of learning, admit the claims of the
princes of Mewar as heir to ‘the chair of Rama’; and a degree of
reverence has consequently attached, not only to his person, but to
the seat of his power. When Mahadaji Sindhia was called by the Rana to
reduce a traitorous noble in Chitor, such was the reverence which
actuated that (in other respects) little scrupulous chieftain, that he
could not be prevailed on to point his cannon on the walls within
which consent established ‘the throne of Rama.’ The Rana himself, then
a youth, had to break the ice, and fired a cannon against his own
ancient abode.
Footnote 2.5.7:
Bryant, in his _Analysis_, mentions that the children of the Cushite
Ham used his name in salutation as a mark of recognition. ‘Ram, Ram,’
is the common salutation in these Hindu countries; the respondent
often joining Sita’s name with that of her consort Rama, ‘Sita Ram.’
Footnote 2.5.8:
Twenty-eighth prince from Rama in Mr. Bentley’s list, and twenty-fifth
in mine.
Footnote 2.5.9:
Thirty-seventh in Mr. Bentley’s list and thirty-fourth in mine; but
the intervening names being made to follow Rama, Bahuman (written by
him _Banumat_) follows Takshak.
Footnote 2.5.10:
The period of time, also, would allow of their grafting the son of
Artaxerxes and father of Darius, the worshipper of Mithras, on the
stem of the adorers of Surya, while a curious notice of the Raja Jai
Singh’s on a subsequent name on this list which he calls Naushirwan,
strengthens the coincidence. Bahuman (see article ‘Bahaman,’
D’Herbelot’s _Bibl. Orient._) actually carried his arms into India,
and invaded the kingdoms of the Solar race of Mithila and Magadha. The
time is appropriate to the first Darius and his father; and Herodotus
[iii. 94] tells us that the richest and best of the satrapies of his
empire was the Hindu.
Footnote 2.5.11:
First lord.
Footnote 2.5.12:
Lord of the Bull.
Footnote 2.5.13:
Vidhyadhar was a Jain.
Footnote 2.5.14:
Pandu not being blessed with progeny, his queen made use of a charm by
which she enticed the deities from their spheres. To Dharma Raj
(Minos) she bore Yudhishthira; by Pavan (Aeolus) she had Bhima; by
Indra (Jupiter Coelus) she had Arjuna, who was taught by his sire the
use of the bow, so fatal in the Great War; and Nakula and Sahadeva
owed their birth to Aswini Kumar (Aesculapius) the physician of the
gods.
Footnote 2.5.15:
We must not disregard the intellect of the Amber prince, who allowed
these ancient traditions to be incorporated with the genealogy
compiled under his eye. The prince who obtained De Silva from Emmanuel
III. of Portugal, who combined the astronomical tables of Europe and
Asia, and raised these monuments of his scientific genius in his
favourite pursuit (astronomy) in all the capital cities of India,
while engrossed in war and politics, requires neither eulogy nor
defence.
Footnote 2.5.16:
Drupada was of the Aswa race, being descended from Bajaswa (or Hyaswa)
of the line of Ajamidha.
Footnote 2.5.17:
This marriage, so inconsistent with Hindu delicacy, is glossed over.
Admitting the polyandry, but in ignorance of its being a national
custom, puerile reasons are interpolated. In the early annals of the
same race, predecessors of the Jaisalmer family, the younger son is
made to succeed: also Scythic or Tatar. The manners of the Scythae
described by Herodotus are found still to exist among their
descendants: “a pair of slippers at the wife’s door” is a signal well
understood by all Eimauk husbands (Elphinstone’s _Caubul_, vol. ii. p.
251).
Footnote 2.5.18:
_Tarangini._
Footnote 2.5.19:
_Paenama_ is a [Persian] word peculiarly expressive of subserviency to
paramount authority, whether the engagement be in money or service:
from _pae_, ‘the foot.’
Footnote 2.5.20:
Sacrifice of the horse to the sun, of which a full description is
given hereafter.
Footnote 2.5.21:
Duryodhana, as the elder branch, retained his title as head of the
Kurus; while the junior, Yudhishthira, on the separation of authority,
adopted his father’s name, Pandu, as the patronymic of his new
dynasty. The site of the great conflict (or Mahabharata) between these
rival clans, is called Kurukshetra, or ‘Field of the Kurus.’
Footnote 2.5.22:
Herodotus describes the ruinous passion for play amongst the Scythic
hordes, and which may have been carried west by Odin into Scandinavia
and Germany. Tacitus tells us that the Germans, like the Pandus,
staked even personal liberty, and were sold as slaves by the winner
[_Germania_, 24].
Footnote 2.5.23:
On it the last Hindu monarch, Prithwiraja, lost his kingdom, his
liberty, and life.
Footnote 2.5.24:
Rajatarangini. The period of writing was A.D. 1740.
Footnote 2.5.25:
Having ventured to surmise analogies between the Hercules of the east
and west, I shall carry them a point further. Amidst the snows of
Caucasus, Hindu legend abandons the Harikulas, under their leaders
Yudhishthira and Baldeva: yet if Alexander established his altars in
Panchala, amongst the sons of Puru and the Harikulas, what physical
impossibility exists that a colony of them, under Yudhishthira and
Baldeva, eight centuries anterior, should have penetrated to Greece?
Comparatively far advanced in science and arms, the conquest would
have been easy. When Alexander attacked the ‘free cities’ of Panchala,
the Purus and Harikulas who opposed him evinced the recollections of
their ancestor, in carrying the figure of Hercules as their standard.
Comparison proves a common origin to Hindu and Grecian mythology; and
Plato says the Greeks had theirs from Egypt and the East. May not this
colony of the Harikulas be the Heraclidae, who penetrated into the
Peloponnesus (according to Volney) 1078 years before Christ,
sufficiently near our calculated period of the Great War? The
Heraclidae claimed from Atreus: the Harikulas claim from Atri.
Eurysthenes was the first king of the Heraclidae: Yudhishthira has
sufficient affinity in name to the first Spartan king not to startle
the etymologist, the _d_ and _r_ being always permutable in Sanskrit.
The Greeks or Ionians are descended from Yavan, or Javan, the seventh
from Japhet. The Harikulas are also Yavans claiming from Javan or
Yavan, the thirteenth in descent from Yayati, the third son of the
primeval patriarch. The ancient Heraclidae of Greece asserted they
were as old as the sun, and older than the moon. May not this boast
conceal the fact that the Heliadae (or _Suryavansa_) of Greece had
settled there anterior to the colony of the Indu (Lunar) race of
Harikula? In all that relates to the mythological history of the
Indian demi-gods, Baldeva (Hercules), Krishna or Kanhaiya (Apollo),
and Budha (Mercury), a powerful and almost perfect resemblance can be
traced between those of Hindu legend, Greece, and Egypt. Baldeva (the
god of strength) Harikula, is still worshipped as in the days of
Alexander; his shrine at Baldeo in Vraj (the Surasenoi of the Greeks),
his club a ploughshare, and a lion’s skin his covering. A Hindu
intaglio of rare value represents Hercules exactly as described by
Arrian, with a monogram consisting of two ancient characters now
unknown, but which I have found wherever tradition assigns a spot to
the Harikulas; especially in Saurashtra, where they were long
concealed on their exile from Delhi. This we may at once decide to be
the exact figure of Hercules which Arrian describes his descendants to
have carried as their standard, when Porus opposed Alexander. The
intaglio will appear in the _Trans. R.A.S._ [The speculations in this
note have no authority.]
Footnote 2.5.26:
The twenty-eighth prince, Khemraj, was the last in lineal descent from
Parikshita, the grand-nephew of Yudhishthira. The first dynasty lasted
1864 years. The second dynasty was of Visarwa, and consisted of
fourteen princes; this lasted five hundred years. The third dynasty
was headed by Mahraj, and terminated by Antinai, the fifteenth prince.
The fourth dynasty was headed by Dudhsen, and terminated by Rajpal,
the ninth and last king (Rajatarangini).
Footnote 2.5.27:
The Rajatarangini gives the date A.V. 848, or A.D. 792, for this; and
adds: “Princes from Siwalik, or northern hills, held it during this
time, and it long continued desolate until the Tuars.”
Footnote 2.5.28:
56 B.C. [Cunningham remarks that the defeat of Rāja Pāl of Delhi by
Sukwanti, Sukdati, or Sukāditya, Rāja of Kumaun, must be assigned to
A.D. 79: but he has little confidence in such traditions, unless
supported by independent evidence (_ASR_, i. 138).]
Footnote 2.5.29:
Raghunath.
Footnote 2.5.30:
Rājput, or Kshatriya.
Footnote 2.5.31:
This period of 4100 years may have been arrived at by the compiler
taking for granted the number of years mentioned by Raghunath as
having elapsed from the Mahabharata to Vikramaditya, namely 2915, and
adding thereto the well-authenticated period of Prithwiraja, who was
born in Samvat 1215: for if 2915 be subtracted from 4100, it leaves
1185, the period within thirty years of the birth of Prithwiraja,
according to the Chauhan chronicles.
Footnote 2.5.32:
Solar.
Footnote 2.5.33:
From S. 1250, or A.D. 1194, captivity and dethronement of Prithwiraja.
Footnote 2.5.34:
From S. 1212, A.D. 1516, the founding of Jaisalmer by Jaisal, to the
accession of Gaj Singh, the present prince, in S. 1876, or A.D. 1820.
Footnote 2.5.35:
Many of its early princes were killed in battle; and the present
prince’s father succeeded his own nephew, which was retrograding.
Footnote 2.5.36:
The historians sanction the propriety of these changes, in their
remarks, that the deposed were “deficient in [capacity for] the cares
and duties of government.”
Footnote 2.5.37:
Rajagriha, or Rajmahal, capital of Magadhades, or Bihar. [In Patna
district, _IGI_, xxi. 72.]
Footnote 2.5.38:
Figuratively, the country of the ‘head of the Snakes’; _Nag_, _Tak_,
or _Takshak_, being synonymous: and which I conclude to be the abode
of the ancient Scythic _Tachari_ of Strabo, the _Tak-i-uks_ of the
Chinese, the _Tajiks_ of the present day of Turkistan. This race
appears to be the same with that of the Turushka (of the Puranas), who
ruled on the Arvarma (the Araxes), in Sakadwipa, or Scythia. [This is
a confused reference to the Saisunāga dynasty, which took its name
from its founder, Sisunāga, and comprised roughly the present Patna
and Gaya districts, its capital being Rājagriha; the modern
Rājgīr-Sisunāga means ‘a young elephant,’ and has no connexion with
Sheshnāg, the serpent king (_Vishnu Purana_, 466 f.; Smith, _EHI_,
31).]
Footnote 2.5.39:
[Chandragupta Maurya was certainly not a “Takshak”: he was probably
“an illegitimate scion of the Nanda family” (Smith, _EHI_, 42).]
Footnote 2.5.40:
Mr. Bentley (‘On the Hindu System of Astronomy,’ _As. Res._ vol. viii.
pp. 236-7) states that the astronomer, Brahmagupta, flourished about
A.D. 527, or of Vikrama 583, shortly preceding the reign of Susarman;
that he was the founder of the system called the Kalpa of Brahma, on
which the present Hindu chronology is founded, and to which Mr.
Bentley says their historical data was transferred. This would
strengthen my calculations; but the weight of Mr. Bentley’s authority
has been much weakened by his unwarrantable attack on Mr. Colebrooke,
whose extent of knowledge is of double value from his entire aversion
to hypothesis. [The Sunga dynasty, founded by Pushyamitra, about 185
B.C., lasted till about 73 B.C., when the tenth king, Devabhūti, was
slain by his Brāhman minister, Vasudeva, who founded the Kānva
dynasty. He was followed by three kings, and the dynasty lasted only
forty-five years, the last member of it being slain, about 28 B.C., by
a king of the Andhra or Sātāvahana dynasty, then reigning in the
Deccan. For the scanty details see Smith, _EHI_, 198 ff.]
Footnote 2.5.41:
987 years before Christ.
Footnote 2.5.42:
For these and the following dates I am indebted to Goguet’s
chronological tables in his _Origin of Laws_.
Footnote 2.5.43:
[It is not clear to whom the author refers: Chāmunda Chāvada (A.D.
880-908): or Chāmunda Chaulukya (A.D. 997-1010), (_BG_, i. Part i.
154, 162).]
Footnote 2.5.44:
[The evidence quoted in this chapter by which the author endeavours to
frame a chronology for this early period, is untrustworthy. Mr.
Pargiter tentatively dates the great Bhārata battle about 1000 B.C.,
but the evidence is very uncertain (_JRAS_, January 1910, p. 56; April
1914, p. 294).]
-----
CHAPTER 6
=Rajputs and Mongols.=—Having thus brought down the genealogical history
of the ancient martial races of India, from the earliest period to
Yudhishthira and Krishna, and thence to Vikramaditya and the present
day, a few observations on the races invading India during that time,
and now ranked amongst the thirty-six royal races of Rajasthan,
affording scope for some curious analogies, may not be inopportune.
The tribes here alluded to are the Haihaya or Aswa, the Takshak, and the
Jat or Getae; the similitude of whose theogony, names in their early
genealogies, and many other points, with the Chinese, Tatar, Mogul,
Hindu, and Scythic races, would appear to warrant the assertion of one
common origin.
Though the periods of the passage of these tribes into India cannot be
stated with exactitude, the regions whence they migrated may more easily
be ascertained.
=Mongol Origin.=—Let us compare the origin of the Tatars and Moguls, as
given by their historian, Abulghazi, with the races we have been
treating of from the Puranas.
Mogol was the name of the Tatarian patriarch. His son was Aghuz,[2.6.1]
the founder of all the races of those northern regions, called Tatars
and Mogol [57]. Aghuz had six sons.[2.6.2] First, Kun,[2.6.3] ‘the sun,’
the Surya of the Puranas; secondly, Ai,[2.6.4] ‘the moon,’ the Indu of
the Puranas. In the latter, Ai, we have even the same name [Ayus] as in
the Puranas for the Lunar ancestor. The Tatars all claim from Ai, ‘the
moon,’ the Indus of the Puranas. Hence with them, as with the German
tribes, the moon was always a male deity. The Tatar Ai had a son,
Yulduz. His son was Hyu, from whom[2.6.5] came the first race of the
kings of China. The Puranic Ayus had a son, Yadu (pronounced Jadon);
from whose third son, Haya, the Hindu genealogist deduces no line, and
from whom the Chinese may claim their Indu[2.6.5] origin. Il Khan (ninth
from Ai) had two sons: first, Kian; and secondly, Nagas; whose
descendants peopled all Tatary. From Kian, Jenghiz Khan claimed
descent.[2.6.6] Nagas was probably the founder of the Takshak, or Snake
race[2.6.7] of the Puranas and Tatar genealogists, the Tak-i-uk Moguls
of De Guignes.
Such are the comparative genealogical origins of the three races. Let us
compare their theogony, the fabulous birth assigned by each for the
founder of the Indu race.
=Mongol and Hindu Traditions.=—1. The Puranic. “Ila (_the earth_),
daughter of the sun-born Ikshwaku, while wandering in the forests was
encountered by Budha (_Mercury_), and from the rape of Ila sprung the
Indu race.”
2. The Chinese account of the birth of Yu (Ayu), their first monarch. “A
star[2.6.8] (Mercury or Fo) struck his mother while journeying. She
conceived, and gave to the world Yu, the founder of the first dynasty
which reigned in China. Yu divided China into nine provinces, and began
to reign 2207[2.6.9] years before Christ” [58].
Thus the Ai of the Tatars, the Yu of the Chinese, and the Ayus of the
Puranas, evidently indicate the great Indu (Lunar) progenitor of the
three races. Budha (Mercury), the son of Indu (the moon), became the
patriarchal and spiritual leader; as Fo, in China; Woden and
Teutates,[2.6.10] of the tribes migrating to Europe. Hence it follows
that the religion of Buddha must be coeval with the existence of these
nations; that it was brought into India Proper by them, and guided them
until the schism of Krishna and the Suryas, worshippers of Bal, in time
depressed them, when the Buddha religion was modified into its present
mild form, the Jain.[2.6.11]
=Scythian Traditions.=—Let us contrast with these the origin of the
Scythic nations, as related by Diodorus;[2.6.12] when it will be
observed the same legends were known to him which have been handed down
by the Puranas and Abulghazi.
"The Scythians had their first abodes on the Araxes.[2.6.13] Their
origin was from a virgin born of the earth[2.6.14] of the shape of a
woman from the waist upwards, and below a serpent (symbol of Budha or
Mercury); that Jupiter had a son by her, named Scythes,[2.6.15] whose
name the nation adopted. Scythes had two sons, Palas and Napas (_qu._
the Nagas, or Snake race, of the Tatar genealogy?), who were celebrated
for their great actions, and who divided the countries; and the nations
were called after them, the Palians (_qu._ Pali?)[2.6.16] and Napians.
They led their forces as far as the Nile on Egypt, and subdued many
nations. They enlarged the empire of the Scythians as far as the Eastern
ocean, and to the Caspian and lake Moeotis. The nation had many kings,
from whom the Sacans (_Sakae_), the Massagetae (_Getae_ or _Jats_), the
Ari-aspians (_Aswas_ of Aria), and many other races. They overran
Assyria and Media[2.6.17] [59], overturning the empire, and
transplanting the inhabitants to the Araxes under the name of
Sauro-Matians."[2.6.18]
As the Sakae, Getae, Aswa, and Takshak are names which have crept in
amongst our thirty-six royal races, common with others also to early
civilization in Europe, let us seek further ancient authority on the
original abodes.
Strabo[2.6.19] says: "All the tribes east of the Caspian are called
Scythic. The Dahae[2.6.20] next the sea, the Massagetae (_great_ Gete)
and Sakae more eastward; but every tribe has a particular name. All are
nomadic: but of these nomads the best-known are the Asii,[2.6.21] the
Pasiani, Tochari, Sacarauli, who took Bactria from the Greeks. The
Sakae[2.6.22] (‘races’) have made in Asia irruptions similar to those of
the Cimmerians; thus they have been seen to possess themselves of
Bactria, and the best district of Armenia, called after them
Sakasenae."[2.6.23]
Which of the tribes of Rajasthan are the offspring of the Aswa and
Medes, of Indu race, returned under new appellations, we shall not now
stop to inquire, limiting our hypothesis to the fact of invasions, and
adducing some evidence of such being simultaneous with migrations of the
same bands into Europe. Hence the inference of a common origin between
the Rajput and early races of Europe; to support which, a similar
mythology, martial manners and poetry, language, and even music and
architectural ornaments, may be adduced.[2.6.24]
Of the first migrations of the Indu-Scythic Getae, Takshak, and Asii,
into India, that of Sheshnag (Takshak), from Sheshnagdes (Tocharistan?)
or Sheshnag, six centuries, by calculation, before Christ, is the first
noticed by the Puranas.[2.6.25] About this period a grand irruption of
the same races conquered Asia Minor, and [60] eventually Scandinavia;
and not long after the Asii and Tochari overturned the Greek kingdom of
Bactria, the Romans felt the power of the Asi,[2.6.26] the Chatti, and
Cimbri, from the Baltic shore.
“If we can show the Germans to have been originally Scythae or Goths
(Getes or Jits), a wide field of curiosity and inquiry is open to the
origin of government, manners, etc.; all the antiquities of Europe will
assume a new appearance, and, instead of being traced to the bands of
Germany, as Montesquieu and the greatest writers have hitherto done, may
be followed through long descriptions of the manners of the Scythians,
etc., as given by Herodotus. Scandinavia was occupied by the Scythae
five hundred years before Christ. These Scythians worshipped Mercury
(Budha), Woden or Odin, and believed themselves his progeny. The Gothic
mythology, by parallel, might be shown to be Grecian, whose gods were
the progeny of Coelus and Terra (Budha and Ella).[2.6.27] Dryads,
satyrs, fairies, and all the Greek and Roman superstition, may be found
in the Scandinavian creed. The Goths consulted the heart of victims, had
oracles, had sibyls, had a Venus in Freya, and Parcae in the
Valkyrie.”[2.6.28]
=The Scythian Descent of the Rajputs.=—Ere we proceed to trace these
mythological resemblances, let us adduce further opinions in proof of
the position assumed of a common origin of the tribes of early Europe
and the Scythic Rajput.
The translator of Abulghazi, in his preface, observes: "Our contempt for
the Tatars would lessen did we consider how nearly we stand related to
them, and that our ancestors originally came from the north of Asia, and
that our customs, laws, and way of living were formerly the same as
theirs. In short, that we are no other than a colony of Tatars.
"It was from Tatary those people came, who, under the successive names
of Cymbrians,[2.6.29] Kelts, and Gauls, possessed all the northern part
of Europe. What were the Goths, Huns, Alans, Swedes, Vandals, Franks,
but swarms of the same hive? The Swedish chronicles bring the
Swedes[2.6.30] from Cashgar, and [61] the affinity between the Saxon
language and Kipchak is great; and the Keltick language still subsisting
in Britany and Wales is a demonstration that the inhabitants are
descended from Tatar nations."
From between the parallels of 30° and 50° of north latitude, and from
75° to 95° of east longitude, the highlands of Central Asia, alike
removed from the fires of the equator and the cold of the arctic circle,
migrated the races which passed into Europe and within the Indus. We
must therefore voyage up the Indus, cross the Paropanisos, to the Oxus
or Jihun, to Sakatai[2.6.31] or Sakadwipa, and from thence and the
Dasht-i Kipchak conduct the Takshaks, the Getae, the Kamari, the Chatti,
and the Huns, into the plains of Hindustan.
We have much to learn in these unexplored regions, the abode of ancient
civilisation, and which, so late as Jenghiz Khan’s invasion, abounded
with large cities. It is an error to suppose that the nations of Higher
Asia were merely pastoral; and De Guignes, from original authorities,
informs us that when the Su invaded the Yueh-chi or Jats, they found
upwards of a hundred cities containing the merchandise of India, and
with the currency bearing the effigies of the prince.
Such was the state of Central Asia long before the Christian era, though
now depopulated and rendered desert by desolating wars, which have raged
in these countries, and to which Europe can exhibit no parallel. Timur’s
wars, in more modern times, against the Getic nation, will illustrate
the paths of his ambitious predecessors in the career of destruction.
If we examine the political limits of the great Getic nation in the time
of Cyrus, six centuries before Christ, we shall find them little
circumscribed in power on the rise of Timur, though twenty centuries had
elapsed [62].
=Jāts and Getae.=—At this period (A.D. 1330), under the last prince of
Getic race, Tughlak Timur Khan, the kingdom of Chagatai[2.6.32] was
bounded on the west by the Dasht-i Kipchak, and on the south by the
Jihun, on which river the Getic Khan, like Tomyris, had his capital.
Kokhand, Tashkent, Utrar,[2.6.33] Cyropolis, and the most northern of
the Alexandrias, were within the bounds of Chagatai.
The Getae, Jut, or Jat, and Takshak races, which occupy places amongst
the thirty-six royal races of India, are all from the region of Sakatai.
Regarding their earliest migrations, we shall endeavour to make the
Puranas contribute; but of their invasions in more modern times the
histories of Mahmud of Ghazni, and Timur abundantly acquaint us.
From the mountains of Jud[2.6.34] to the shores of Makran,[2.6.35] and
along the Ganges, the Jat is widely spread; while the Takshak name is
now confined to inscriptions or old writings.
Inquiries in their original haunts, and among tribes now under different
names, might doubtless bring to light their original designation, now
best known within the Indus; while the Takshak or Takiuk may probably be
discovered in the Tajik, still in his ancient haunts, the Transoxiana
and Chorasmia of classic authors; the Mawaru-n-nahr of the Persians; the
Turan, Turkistan, or Tocharistan of native geography; the abode of the
Tochari, Takshak, or Turushka invaders of India, described in the
Puranas and existing inscriptions.
The Getae had long maintained their independence when Tomyris defended
their liberty against Cyrus. Driven in successive wars across the
Sutlej, we shall elsewhere show them preserving their ancient habits, as
desultory cavaliers, under the Jat leader of Lahore, in pastoral
communities in Bikaner, the Indian desert and elsewhere, though they
have lost sight of their early history. The transition from pastoral to
agricultural pursuits is but short, and the descendant of the nomadic
Getae of Transoxiana is now the best husbandman on the plains of
Hindustan[2.6.36] [63].
The invasion of these Indu-Scythic tribes, Getae, Takshaks, Asii,
Chatti, Rajpali,[2.6.37] Huns, Kamari, introduced the worship of Budha,
the founder of the Indu or Lunar race.
Herodotus says the Getae were theists,[2.6.38] and held the tenets of
the soul’s immortality; so with the Buddhists.
Before, however, touching on points of religious resemblance between the
Asii, Getae, or Jut of Scandinavia (who gave his name to the Cimbric
Chersonese) and the Getae of Scythia and India, let us make a few
remarks on the Asii or Aswa.
=The Aswa.=—To the Indu race of Aswa (the descendants of Dvimidha and
Bajaswa), spread over the countries on both sides the Indus, do we
probably owe the distinctive appellation of Asia. Herodotus[2.6.39] says
the Greeks denominated Asia from the wife of Prometheus; while others
deduce it from a grandson of Manes, indicating the Aswa descendants of
the patriarch Manu. Asa,[2.6.40] Sakambhari,[2.6.41] Mata,[2.6.42] is
the divinity Hope, ‘mother-protectress of the Sakha,’ or races. Every
Rajput adores Asapurna, ‘the fulfiller of desire’; or, as Sakambhari
Devi (goddess protectress), she is invoked previous to any undertaking.
The Aswas were chiefly of the Indu race; yet a branch of the Suryas also
bore this designation. It appears to indicate their celebrity as
horsemen.[2.6.43] All of them worshipped the horse, which they
sacrificed to the sun. This grand rite, the Asvamedha, on the festival
of the winter solstice, would alone go far to exemplify their common
Scythic origin with the Getic Saka, authorising the inference of
Pinkerton, “that a grand Scythic nation extended from the Caspian to the
Ganges.”
=The Asvamedha.=—The Asvamedha was practised on the Ganges and Sarju by
the Solar princes [64], twelve hundred years before Christ, as by the
Getae in the time of Cyrus; “deeming it right,” says Herodotus [i. 216]
“to offer the swiftest of created to the chief of uncreated beings”: and
this worship and sacrifice of the horse has been handed down to the
Rajput of the present day. A description of this grand ceremony shall
close these analogies.
The Getic Asii carried this veneration for the steed, symbolic of their
chief deity the sun, into Scandinavia: equally so of all the early
German tribes, the Su, Suevi, Chatti, Sucimbri, Getae, in the forests of
Germany, and on the banks of the Elbe and Weser. The milk-white steed
was supposed to be the organ of the gods, from whose neighing they
calculated future events; notions possessed also by the Aswa, sons of
Budha (Woden), on the Yamuna and Ganges, when the rocks of Scandinavia
and the shores of the Baltic were yet untrod by man. It was this omen
which gave Darius Hystaspes[2.6.44] (_hinsna_, ‘to neigh,’ _aspa_, ‘a
horse’) a crown. The bard Chand makes it the omen of death to his
principal heroes. The steed of the Scandinavian god of battle was kept
in the temple of Upsala, and always “found foaming and sweating after
battle.” “Money,” says Tacitus, “was only acceptable to the German when
bearing the effigies of the horse.”[2.6.45]
In the Edda we are informed that the Getae, or Jats, who entered
Scandinavia, were termed Asi, and their first settlement
As-gard.[2.6.46]
Pinkerton rejects the authority of the Edda and follows Torfaeus, who
“from Icelandic chronicles and genealogies concludes Odin to have come
into Scandinavia in the time of Darius Hystaspes, five hundred years
before Christ.”
This is the period of the last Buddha, or Mahavira, whose era is four
hundred and seventy-seven years before Vikrama, or five hundred and
thirty-three before Christ.
The successor of Odin in Scandinavia was Gotama; and Gautama was the
successor of the last Buddha, Mahavira,[2.6.47] who as Gotama, or
Gaudama, is still adored from the Straits of Malacca to the Caspian Sea.
“Other antiquaries,” says Pinkerton, “assert another Odin, who was put
as the supreme deity one thousand years before Christ” [65].
Mallet admits two Odins, but Mr. Pinkerton wishes he had abided by that
of Torfaeus, in 500 A.C.
It is a singular fact that the periods of both the Scandinavian Odins
should assimilate with the twenty-second Buddha [Jain Tirthakara],
Neminath, and twenty-fourth and last, Mahavira; the first the
contemporary of Krishna, about 1000 or 1100 years, the last 533, before
Christ. The Asii, Getae, etc., of Europe worshipped Mercury as founder
of their line, as did the Eastern Asi, Takshaks, and Getae. The Chinese
and Tatar historians also say Buddha, or Fo, appeared 1027 years before
Christ. “The Yuchi, established in Bactria and along the Jihun,
eventually bore the name of Jeta or Yetan,[2.6.48] that is to say,
Getae. Their empire subsisted a long time in this part of Asia, and
extended even into India. These are the people whom the Greeks knew
under the name of Indo-Scythes. Their manners are the same as those of
the Turks.[2.6.49] Revolutions occurred in the very heart of the East,
whose consequences were felt afar.”[2.6.50]
The period allowed by all these authorities for the migration of these
Scythic hordes into Europe is also that for their entry into India.
The sixth century is that calculated for the Takshak from Sheshnagdesa;
and it is on this event and reign that the Puranas declare, that from
this period “no prince of pure blood would be found, but that the Sudra,
the Turushka, and the Yavan, would prevail.”
All these Indu-Scythic invaders held the religion of Buddha: and hence
the conformity of manners and mythology between the Scandinavian or
German tribes and the Rajputs increased by comparing their martial
poetry.
Similarity of religious manners affords stronger proofs of original
identity than language. Language is eternally changing—so are manners;
but an exploded custom or rite traced to its source, and maintained in
opposition to climate, is a testimony not to be rejected.
=Personal Habits, Dress.=—When Tacitus informs us that the first act of
a German on rising was ablution, it will be conceded this habit was not
acquired in [66] the cold climate of Germany, but must have been of
eastern[2.6.51] origin; as were “the loose flowing robe; the long and
braided hair, tied in a knot at the top of the head”; with many other
customs, personal habits, and superstitions of the Scythic Cimbri, Juts,
Chatti, Suevi, analogous to the Getic nations of the same name, as
described by Herodotus, Justin, and Strabo, and which yet obtain amongst
the Rajput Sakhae of the present day.
Let us contrast what history affords of resemblance in religion or
manners. First, as to religion.
=Theogony.=—Tuisto (Mercury) and Ertha (the earth) were the chief
divinities of the early German tribes. Tuisto[2.6.52] was born of the
Earth (Ila) and Manus (Manu). He is often confounded with Odin, or
Woden, the Budha of the eastern tribes, though they are the Mars and
Mercury of these nations.
=Religious Rites.=—The Suiones or Suevi, the most powerful Getic nation
of Scandinavia, were divided into many tribes, one of whom, the Su
(Yueh-chi or Jat), made human sacrifices in their consecrated
groves[2.6.53] to Ertha (Ila), whom all worshipped, and whose chariot
was drawn by a cow.[2.6.54] The Suevi worshipped Isis (Isa, Gauri, the
Isis and Ceres of Rajasthan), in whose rites the figure of a ship is
introduced; “symbolic,” observes Tacitus, “of its foreign
origin.”[2.6.55] The festival of Isa, or Gauri, wife of Iswara, at
Udaipur, is performed on the lake, and appears to be exactly that of
Isis and Osiris in Egypt, as described by Herodotus. On this occasion
Iswara (Osiris), who is secondary to his wife, has a stalk of the onion
in blossom in his hand; a root detested by the Hindus generally, though
adored by the Egyptians.
=Customs of War.=—They sung hymns in praise of Hercules, as well as
Tuisto or Odin, whose banners and images they carried to the field; and
fought in clans, using the feram or javelin, both in close and distant
combat. In all maintaining [67] the resemblance to the Harikula,
descendants of Budha, and the Aswa, offspring of Bajaswa, who peopled
those regions west of the Indus, and whose redundant population spread
both east and west.
The Suevi, or Suiones, erected the celebrated temple of Upsala, in which
they placed the statues of Thor, Woden, and Freya, the triple divinity
of the Scandinavian Asii, the Trimurti of the Solar and Lunar races. The
first (Thor, the thunderer, or god of war) is Hara, or Mahadeva, the
destroyer; the second (Woden) is Budha,[2.6.56] the preserver; and the
third (Freya) is Uma, the creative power.
The grand festival to Freya was in spring, when all nature revived; then
boars were offered to her by the Scandinavians, and even boars of paste
were made and swallowed by the peasantry.
As Vasanti, or spring personified, the consort of Hara is worshipped by
the Rajput, who opens the season with a grand hunt,[2.6.57] led by the
prince and his vassal chiefs, when they chase, slay, and eat the boar.
Personal danger is disregarded on this day, as want of success is
ominous that the Great Mother will refuse all petitions throughout the
year.
Pinkerton, quoting Ptolemy (who was fifty years after Tacitus), says
there were six nations in Yeutland or Jutland, the country of the Juts,
of whom were the Sablingii (Suevi,[2.6.58] or Suiones), the Chatti and
Hermandri, who extended to the estuary of the Elbe and Weser. There they
erected the pillar Irmansul to “the god of war,” regarding which
Sammes[2.6.59] observes: “some will have it to be Mars his pillar,
others Hermes Saul, or the pillar of Hermes or Mercury”; and he
naturally asks, “how did the Saxons come to be acquainted with the Greek
name of Mercury?”
Sacrificial pillars are termed _Sula_ in Sanskrit; which, conjoined with
Hara,[2.6.60] the Indian god of war, would be Harsula. The Rajput
warrior invokes Hara with his trident (trisula) to help him in battle,
while his battle-shout is ‘mar! mar!’ The Cimbri, one of the most
celebrated of the six tribes of Yeutland, derive their name from their
fame as warriors [68].[2.6.61]
Kumara[2.6.62] is the Rajput god of war. He is represented with seven
heads in the Hindu mythology: the Saxon god of war has six.[2.6.63] The
six-headed Mars of the Cimbri Chersonese, to whom was raised the
Irmansul on the Weser, was worshipped by the Sakasenae, the Chatti, the
Siebi or Suevi, the Jotae or Getae, and the Cimbri, evincing in name, as
in religious rites, a common origin with the martial warriors of
Hindustan.
=Rajput Religion.=—The religion of the martial Rajput, and the rites of
Hara, the god of battle, are little analogous to those of the meek
Hindus, the followers of the pastoral divinity, the worshippers of kine,
and feeders on fruits, herbs, and water. The Rajput delights in blood:
his offerings to the god of battle are sanguinary, blood and wine. The
cup (kharpara) of libation is the human skull. He loves them because
they are emblematic of the deity he worships; and he is taught to
believe that Hara loves them, who in war is represented with the skull
to drink the foeman’s blood, and in peace is the patron of wine and
women. With Parbati on his knee, his eyes rolling from the juice of the
phul (ardent spirits) and opium, such is this Bacchanalian divinity of
war. Is this Hinduism, acquired on the burning plains of India? Is it
not rather a perfect picture of the manners of the Scandinavian heroes?
The Rajput slays buffaloes, hunts and eats the boar and deer, and shoots
ducks and wild fowl (_kukkut_); he worships his horse, his sword, and
the sun, and attends more to the martial song of the bard than to the
litany of the Brahman. In the martial mythology and warlike poetry of
the Scandinavians a wide field exists for assimilation, and a comparison
of the poetical remains of the Asi of the east and west would alone
suffice to suggest a common origin.
=Bards.=—In the sacred Bardai of the Rajput we have the bard of our
Saxon ancestry; those reciters of warlike poetry, of whom Tacitus says,
“with their barbarous strains, they influence their minds in the day of
battle with a chorus of military virtue.”
A comparison, in so extensive a field, would include the whole of their
manners and religious opinions, and must be reserved for a distinct
work.[2.6.64] The Valkyrie [69], or fatal sisters of the Suevi or Siebi,
would be the twin sisters of the Apsaras, who summon the Rajput warrior
from the field of battle, and bear him to “the mansion of the sun,”
equally the object of attainment with the children of Odin in
Scandinavia, and of Budha and Surya in the plains of Scythia and on the
Ganges, like the Elysium[2.6.65] of the Heliadae of Greece.
In the day of battle we should see in each the same excitements to glory
and contempt of death, and the _dramatis personae_ of the field, both
celestial and terrestrial, move and act alike. We should see Thor, the
thunderer, leading the Siebi, and Hara (Siva) the Indian Jove, his own
worshippers (Sivseva); in which Freya, or Bhavani, and even the
preserver (Krishna) himself, not unfrequently mingle.
=War Chariots.=—The war chariot is peculiar to the Indu-Scythic nations,
from Dasaratha,[2.6.66] and the heroes of the Mahabharata, to the
conquest of Hindustan by the Muhammadans, when it was laid aside. On the
plains of Kurukshetra, Krishna became charioteer to his friend Arjun;
and the Getic hordes of the Jaxartes, when they aided Xerxes in Greece,
and Darius on the plains of Arbela,[2.6.67] had their chief strength in
the war chariot.
The war chariot continued to be used later in the south-west of India
than elsewhere, and the Kathi,[2.6.68] Khuman, Kumari of Saurashtra have
to recent times retained their Scythic habits, as their monumental
stones testify, expressing their being slain from their cars [70].
=Position of Women.=—In no point does resemblance more attach between
the ancient German and Scandinavian tribes, and the martial Rajput or
ancient Getae, than in their delicacy towards females.
“The Germans,” says Tacitus [_Germania_, viii.], “deemed the advice of a
woman in periods of exigence oracular.” So does the Rajput, as the bard
Chand often exemplifies; and hence they append to her name the epithet
_Devi_ (or contracted _De_), ‘god-like.’ “To a German mind,” says
Tacitus, “the idea of a woman led into captivity is insupportable”; and
to prevent this the Rajput raises the poignard against the heart which
beats only for him, though never to survive the dire necessity. It is
then they perform the sacrifice ‘johar,’ when every sakha (branch) is
cut off: and hence the Rajput glories in the title of _Sakha-band_, from
having performed the sakha; an awful rite, and with every appearance of
being the _sacaea_ of the Scythic Getae, as described by Strabo.[2.6.69]
=Gaming.=—In passion for play at games of chance, its extent and dire
consequences, the Rajput, from the earliest times, has evinced a
predilection, and will stand comparison with the Scythian and his German
offspring. The German staked his personal liberty, became a slave, and
was sold as the property of the winner. To this vice the Pandavas owed
the loss of their sovereignty and personal liberty, involving at last
the destruction of all the Indu [71] races; nor has the passion abated.
Religion even consecrates the vice; and once a year, on ‘the Festival of
Lamps’ (_Diwali_), all propitiate the goddess of wealth and fortune
(Lakshmi) by offering at her shrine.
Destitute of mental pursuits, the martial Rajput is often slothful or
attached to sensual pleasures, and when roused, reckless on what he may
wreak a fit of energy. Yet when order and discipline prevail in a
wealthy chieftainship, there is much of that patriarchal mode of life,
with its amusements, alike suited to the Rajput, the Getae of the Jihun,
or Scandinavian.
=Omens, Auguries.=—Divination by lots, auguries, and omens by flights of
birds, as practised by the Getic nations described by Herodotus, and
amongst the Germans by Tacitus, will be found amongst the Rajputs, from
whose works[2.6.70] on this subject might have been supplied the whole
of the Augurs and Aruspices, German or Roman.
=Love of Strong Drink.=—Love of liquor, and indulgence in it to excess,
were deep-rooted in the Scandinavian Asi and German tribes, and in which
they showed their Getic origin; nor is the Rajput behind his brethren
either of Scythia or Europe. It is the free use of this and similar
indulgences, prohibited by ordinances which govern the ordinary Hindu,
that first induced me to believe that these warlike races were little
indebted to India.
The Rajput welcomes his guest with the _munawwar piyala_, or ‘cup of
request,’ in which they drown ancient enmities. The heroes of Odin never
relished a cup of mead more than the Rajput his _madhu_;[2.6.71] and the
bards of Scandinavia and Rajwara are alike eloquent in the praise of the
bowl, on which the Bardai exhausts every metaphor, and calls it
ambrosial, immortal.[2.6.72] “The bard, as he sipped the ambrosia, in
which sparkled the ruby seed of the pomegranate, rehearsed the glory of
the race of the fearless.[2.6.73] May the king live for ever, alike
bounteous in gifts to the bard and the foe!” Even in the heaven of
Indra, the Hindu warrior’s paradise, akin to Valhalla [72], the Rajput
has his cup, which is served by the Apsaras, the twin sister of the
celestial Hebe of Scania. “I shall quaff full goblets amongst the gods,”
says the dying Getic warrior;[2.6.74] “I die laughing”: sentiments which
would be appreciated by a Rajput.
A Rajput inebriated is a rare sight: but a more destructive and recent
vice has usurped much of the honours of the ‘invitation cup,’ which has
been degraded from the pure ‘flower’[2.6.75] to an infusion of the
poppy, destructive of every quality. Of this pernicious habit we may use
the words which the historian of German manners applies to the tribes of
the Weser and Elbe, in respect to their love of strong drink: “Indulge
it, and you need not employ the terror of your arms; their own vices
will subdue them.”
The cup of the Scandinavian worshippers of Thor, the god of battle, was
a human skull, that of the foe, in which they showed their thirst of
blood; also borrowed from the chief of the Hindu Triad, Hara, the god of
battle, who leads his heroes in the ‘red field of slaughter’ with the
_khopra_[2.6.76] in his hand, with which he gorges on the blood of the
slain.
Hara is the patron of all who love war and strong drink, and is
especially the object of the Rajput warrior’s devotion: accordingly
blood and wine form the chief oblations to the great god of the Indus.
The Gosains,[2.6.77] the peculiar priests of Hara, or Bal, the sun, all
indulge in intoxicating drugs, herbs, and drinks. Seated on their lion,
leopard, or deer skins, their bodies covered with ashes, their hair
matted and braided, with iron tongs to feed the penitential fires, their
savage appearance makes them fit organs for the commands of the blood
and slaughter. Contrary, likewise, to general practice, the minister of
Hara, the god of war, at his death is committed to the earth, and a
circular tumulus is raised over him; and with some classes of Gosains,
small tumuli, whose form is the frustrum of a cone, with lateral steps,
the apex crowned with a cylindrical stone [73].[2.6.78]
=Funeral Ceremonies.=—In the last rites for the dead, comparison will
yield proofs of original similarity. The funeral ceremonies of
Scandinavia have distinguished the national eras, and the ‘age of fire’
and ‘the age of hills,’[2.6.79] designated the periods when the warrior
was committed to mother earth or consumed on the pyre.
Odin (Budha) introduced the latter custom, and the raising of tumuli
over the ashes when the body was burned; as also the practice of the
wife burning with her deceased lord. These manners were carried from
Sakadwipa, or Saka Scythia, “where the Geta,” says Herodotus [v. 5],
“was consumed on the pyre or burned alive with her lord.” With the
Getae, the Siebi or Suevi of Scandinavia, if the deceased had more than
one wife, the elder claimed the privilege of burning.[2.6.80] Thus,
“Nanna was consumed in the same fire with the body of her husband,
Balder, one of Odin’s companions.” But the Scandinavians were anxious to
forget this mark of their Asiatic origin, and were not always willing to
burn, or to make “so cruel and absurd a sacrifice to the manes of their
husbands, the idea of which had been picked up by their Scythian
ancestors, when they inhabited the warmer climates of Asia, where they
had their first abodes.”[2.6.81]
“The Scythic Geta,” says Herodotus [iv. 71], “had his horse sacrificed
on his funeral pyre; and the Scandinavian Geta had his horse and arms
buried with him, as they could not approach Odin on foot.”[2.6.82] The
Rajput warrior is carried to his final abode armed at all points as when
alive, his shield on his back and brand in hand; while his steed, though
not sacrificed, is often presented to the deity, and becomes a
perquisite of the priest.
=Sati.=—The burning of the dead warrior, and female immolation, or
_Sati_, are well-known rites, though the magnificent cenotaphs raised on
the spot of sacrifice are little known or visited by Europeans; than
which there are no better memorials of the rise and decline of the
States of the Rajput heptarchy. It is the son who raises the mausoleum
to the memory of his father; which last token of respect, or laudable
vanity, is only limited by the means of the treasury. It is
commemorative [74] of the splendour of his reign that the dome of his
father should eclipse that of his predecessor. In every principality of
Rajwara, the remark is applicable to chieftains as well as princes.
Each sacred spot, termed ‘the place of great sacrifice’ (Mahasati), is
the haunted ground of legendary lore. Amongst the altars on which have
burned the beauteous and the brave, the harpy[2.6.83] takes up her
abode, and stalks forth to devour the hearts of her victims. The Rajput
never enters these places of silence but to perform stated rites, or
anniversary offerings of flowers and water to the manes
(pitri-deva[2.6.84]) of his ancestors.
Odin[2.6.85] guarded his warriors’ final abode from rapine by means of
“wandering fires which played around the tombs”; and the tenth chapter
of the Salic law is on punishments against “carrying off the boards or
carpets of the tombs.” Fire and water are interdicted to such
sacrilegious spoliators.
The shihaba,[2.6.86] or wandering meteoric fires, on fields of battle
and in the places of ‘great sacrifice,’ produce a pleasing yet
melancholy effect; and are the source of superstitious dread and
reverence to the Hindu, having their origin in the same natural cause as
the ‘wandering fires of Odin’; the phosphorescent salts produced from
animal decomposition.
The Scandinavian reared the tumulus over the ashes of the dead; so did
the Geta of the Jaxartes, and the officiating priests of Hara, the Hindu
god of battle.
The noble picture drawn by Gibbon of the sepulture of the Getic Alaric
is paralleled by that of the great Jenghiz Khan. When the lofty mound
was raised, extensive forests were planted, to exclude for ever the
footsteps of man from his remains.
The tumulus, the cairn, or the pillar, still rises over the Rajput who
falls in [75] battle; and throughout Rajwara these sacrificial monuments
are found, where are seen carved in relief the warrior on his steed,
armed at all points; his faithful wife (_Sati_) beside him, denoting a
sacrifice, and the sun and moon on either side, emblematic of
never-dying fame.
=Cairns, Pillars.=—In Saurashtra, amidst the Kathi, Khuman, Bala, and
others of Scythic descent, the Paliya, or Jujhar (sacrificial pillars),
are conspicuous under the walls of every town, in lines, irregular
groups, and circles. On each is displayed in rude relief the warrior,
with the manner of his death, lance in hand, generally on horseback,
though sometimes in his car; and on the coast ‘the pirates of
Budha’[2.6.87] are depicted boarding from the shrouds. Amidst the Khuman
of Tatary the Jesuits found stone circles, similar to those met with
wherever the Celtic rites prevailed; and it would require no great
ingenuity to prove an analogy, if not a common origin, between Druidic
circles and the Indo-Scythic monumental remains. The trilithon, or seat,
in the centre of the judicial circle, is formed by a number sacred to
Hara, Bal, or the sun, whose priest expounds the law.
=Worship of Arms. The Sword.=—The devotion of the Rajput is still paid
to his arms, as to his horse. He swears ‘by the steel,’ and prostrates
himself before his defensive buckler, his lance, his sword, or his
dagger.
The worship of the sword (_asi_) may divide with that of the horse
(_aswa_) the honour of giving a name to the continent of Asia. It
prevailed amongst the Scythic Getae, and is described exactly by
Herodotus [iv. 62]. To Dacia and Thrace it was carried by Getic colonies
from the Jaxartes, and fostered by these lovers of liberty when their
hordes overran Europe.
The worship of the sword in the Acropolis of Athens by the Getic Attila,
with all the accompaniments of pomp and place, forms an admirable
episode in the history of the decline and fall of Rome; and had Gibbon
witnessed the worship of the double-edged sword (_khanda_) by the prince
of Mewar and all his chivalry, he might even have embellished his
animated account of the adoration of the scymitar, the symbol of Mars.
=Initiation to Arms.=—Initiation to military fame was the same with the
[76] German as with the Rajput, when the youthful candidate was
presented with the lance, or buckled with the sword; a ceremony which
will be noticed when their feudal manners are described; many other
traits of character will then be depicted. It would be easy to swell the
list of analogous customs, which even to the objects of dislike in
food[2.6.88] would furnish comparison between the ancient Celt and
Rajput; but they shall close with the detail of the most ancient of
rites.
=Asvamedha, the Horse Sacrifice.=—There are some things, animate and
inanimate, which have been common objects of adoration amongst the
nations of the earth, the sun, the moon, and all the host of heaven; the
sword; reptiles, as the serpent; animals, as the noblest, the horse.
This last was not worshipped as an abstract object of devotion, but as a
type of that glorious orb which has had reverence from every child of
nature. The plains of Tatary, the sands of Libya, the rocks of Persia,
the valley of the Ganges, and the wilds of Orinoco, have each yielded
votaries alike ardent in devotion to his effulgence:
Of this great world both eye and soul.
His symbolic worship and offerings varied with clime and habit; and
while the altars of Bal in Asia, of Belenus among the Celts of Gaul and
Britain, smoked with human sacrifices, the bull[2.6.89] bled to Mithras
in Babylon, and the steed was the victim to Surya on the Jaxartes and
Ganges.
The father of history says that the great Getae of Central Asia deemed
it right to offer the swiftest of created to the swiftest of non-created
beings. It is fair to infer that the sun’s festival with the Getae and
Aswa nations of the Jaxartes, as with those of Scandinavia, was the
winter solstice, the Sankrant of the Rajput and Hindu in general. _Hi_,
_Haya_, _Hywor_, _Aswa_ denote the steed in Sanskrit and its dialects.
In Gothic, _hyrsa_; Teutonic, _hors_; Saxon, _horse_. The grand festival
of the German tribes of the Baltic was the _Hiul_, or _Hiel_ (already
commented on), the Asvamedha[2.6.90] of the children of Surya, on the
Ganges.
=The Asvamedha Ceremonies.=—The ceremonies of the Asvamedha are too
expensive, and attended with too great risk, to be attempted by modern
princes. Of its fatal results we have many historical records, from the
first dawn of Indian history to the last of its princes, Prithwiraja.
The Ramayana, the Mahabharata, and the poems of Chand all illustrate
this imposing rite and its effects.[2.6.91]
The Ramayana affords a magnificent picture of the Asvamedha. Dasaratha,
monarch of Ayodhya, father of Rama, is represented as commanding the
rite: “Let the sacrifice be prepared, and the horse[2.6.92] liberated
from the north bank of the Sarju!”[2.6.93] A year being ended, and the
horse having returned from his wanderings,[2.6.94] The sacrificial
ground was prepared on the spot of liberation.
Invitations were sent to all surrounding monarchs to repair to Ayodhya:
King Kaikeya,[2.6.95] the king of Kasi,[2.6.96] Lomapada of
Angadesa,[2.6.97] Kosala of Magadhadesa,[2.6.98] with the kings of
Sindhu,[2.6.99] Sauvira,[2.6.100] and Saurashtra [78].[2.6.101]
d
When the sacrificial pillars are erected, the rites commence. This
portion of the ceremony, termed _Yupochchraya_, is thus minutely
detailed: "There were twenty-one yupas, or pillars,[2.6.102] of
octagonal shape, each twenty-one feet in height and four feet in
diameter, the capitals bearing the figure of a man, an elephant, or a
bull. They were of the various sorts of wood appropriated to holy rites,
overlaid with plates of gold and ornamented cloth, and adorned with
festoons of flowers. While the yupas were erecting, the Adhvaryu,
receiving his instructions from the Hotri, or sacrificing priest,
recited aloud the incantations.
"The sacrificial pits were in triple rows, eighteen in number, and
arranged in the form of the eagle. Here were placed the victims for
immolation; birds, aquatic animals, and the horse.
"Thrice was the steed of King Dasaratha led round the sacred fire by
Kosala, and as the priests pronounced the incantations he was
immolated[2.6.103] amidst shouts of joy.
"The king and queen, placed by the high priest near the horse, sat up
all night watching the birds; and the officiating priest, having taken
out the hearts, dressed them agreeably to the holy books. The sovereign
of men smelled the smoke of the offered hearts, acknowledging his
transgressions in the order in which they were committed.
"The sixteen sacrificing priests then placed (as commanded in the
ordinances) on the fire the parts of the horse. The oblation of all the
animals was made on wood, except that of the horse, which was on cane.
“The rite concluded with gifts of land to the sacrificing priests and
augurs; but the holy men preferring gold, ten millions of
jambunada[2.6.104] were bestowed on them” [79].
Such is the circumstantial account of the Asvamedha, the most imposing
and the earliest heathen rite on record. It were superfluous to point
out the analogy between it and similar rites of various nations, from
the chosen people to the Auspex of Rome and the confessional rite of the
Catholic church.
The Sankrant,[2.6.105] or Sivaratri (night of Siva), is the winter
solstice. On it the horse bled to the sun, or Balnath.
The Scandinavians termed the longest night the ‘mother night,’[2.6.106]
on which they held that the world was born. Hence the Beltane, the fires
of Bal or Belenus; the Hiul of northern nations, the sacrificial fires
on the Asvamedha, or worship of the sun, by the Suryas on the Ganges,
and the Syrians (Σύροι) and Sauromatae on the shores of the
Mediterranean.
The altars of the Phoenician Heliopolis, Balbee[2.6.107] or
Tadmor,[2.6.108] were sacred to the same divinity as on the banks of
Sarju, or Balpur, in Saurashtra, where "the horses of the sun ascended
from his fountain (_Surya-kund_)," to carry its princes to conquest.
From Syria came the instructors of the Celtic Druids, who made human
sacrifices, and set up the pillar of Belenus on the hills of Cambria and
Caledonia.
When “Judah did evil in the sight of the Lord, and built them high
places, and images, and groves, on every high hill and under every
tree,” the object was Bal, and the pillar (the lingam) was his symbol.
It was on his altar they burned incense, and “sacrificed unto the calf
on the fifteenth[2.6.109] day of the month” (the sacred Amavas of the
Hindus). The calf of Israel is the bull (_nandi_) of Balkesar or Iswara;
the Apis of the Egyptian Osiris [80].
=Sacred Trees.=—The ash was sacred to the sun-god in the west. The
asvattha (or pipal)[2.6.110] is the ‘chief of trees,’ say the books
sacred to Bal in the East: and death, or loss of limb, is incurred by
the sacrilegious mutilator of his consecrated groves,[2.6.111] where a
pillar is raised bearing the inhibitory edict.
We shall here conclude the analogy between the Indo-Scythic Rajput races
and those of early Europe. Much more might be adduced; the old Runic
characters of Scandinavia, the Celtic, and the Osci or Etruscan, might,
by comparison with those found in the cave temples and rocks in
Rajasthan and Saurashtra, yield yet more important evidence of original
similarity; and the very name of German (from wer, _bellum_)[2.6.112]
might be found to be derived from the _feud_ (_vair_) and _foe-man_
(_vairi_) of the Rajput.
If these coincidences are merely accidental, then has too much been
already said; if not, authorities are here recorded, and hypotheses
founded, for the assistance of others [81].
-----
Footnote 2.6.1:
Query, if from Mogol and Aghuz, compounded, we have not the Magog, son
of Japhet, of Scripture?
Footnote 2.6.2:
The other four sons are the remaining elements, personified: whence
the six races of Tatars. The Hindus had long but two races, till the
four Agnikula made them also six, and now thirty-six!
Footnote 2.6.3:
In Tatar, according to Abulghazi, the sun and moon.
Footnote 2.6.4:
De Guignes.
Footnote 2.6.5:
Sir W. Jones says the Chinese assert their Hindu origin; but a
comparison proves both these Indu races to be of Scythic origin. [Yadu
was son of Yayāti, and Haya was Yadu’s grandson, not son. The
comparison of Mongol with Hindu tradition is of no value.]
Footnote 2.6.6:
[For the Mongol genealogy see Howorth, _History of the Mongols_, Part
i. 35. Abu-l Fazl (_Akbarnāma_, trans. H. Beveridge, i. 171 f.) gives
the names as follows: Aghūz Khān, whose sons were—Kūn (Sun); Ai
(Moon); Yūlduz (Star); Kok or Gok (Sky); Tāgh (Mountain); Tangīz
(Sky)].
Footnote 2.6.7:
Naga and Takshak are Sanskrit names for a snake or serpent, the emblem
of Budha or Mercury. The Naga race, so well known to India, the
Takshaks or Takiuks of Scythia, invaded India about six centuries
before Christ.
Footnote 2.6.8:
De Guignes, _Sur les Dynasties des Huns_, vol. i. p. 7.
Footnote 2.6.9:
Nearly the calculated period from the Puranas.
Footnote 2.6.10:
_Tauth_, ‘father’ in Sanskrit [? tāta]. _Qu._ Teuths, and Toth, the
Mercury of Egypt?
Footnote 2.6.11:
[The author seems to confuse Budha (Mercury) with Gautama Buddha, the
teacher. Buddhism arose in India, not in Central Asia, and Jainism was
not a milder form of it, but an independent, and probably earlier,
religion.]
Footnote 2.6.12:
Diodorus Siculus book ii.
Footnote 2.6.13:
The Arvarma of the Puranas; the Jaxartes or Sihun. The Puranas thus
describe Sakadwipa or Scythia. Diodorus (lib. ii.) makes the Hemodus
the boundary between Saka-Scythia and India Proper.
Footnote 2.6.14:
Ila, the mother of the Lunar race, is the earth personified. Ertha of
the Saxons; ἔρα of the Greeks; _ard_ in Hebrew [?].
Footnote 2.6.15:
Scythes, from _Sakatai_, ‘Sakadwipa,’ and _is_, ‘Lord’: Lord of
Sakatai, or Scythia [?].
Footnote 2.6.16:
_Qu._ Whether the Scythic Pali may not be the shepherd invaders of
Egypt [?]. The Pali character yet exists, and appears the same as
ancient fragments of the Buddha inscriptions in my possession: many
letters assimilate with the Coptic.
Footnote 2.6.17:
The three great branches of the Indu (Lunar) Aswa bore the epithet of
_Midia_ (pronounced _Mede_), viz. Urumidha, Ajamidha, and Dvimidha.
_Qu._ The Aswa invaders of Assyria and Media, the sons of Bajaswa,
expressly stated to have multiplied in the countries west of the
Indus, emigrating from their paternal seats in Panchalaka? [_Mīdha_
means ‘pouring out seed, prolific,’ and has no connexion with Mede,
the Madai of Genesis x. 2; the Assyrian Mada.]
Footnote 2.6.18:
Sun-worshippers, the Suryavansa.
Footnote 2.6.19:
Strabo lib. xi. p. 511.
Footnote 2.6.20:
Dahya (one of the thirty-six tribes), now extinct.
Footnote 2.6.21:
The Asii and Tochari, the Aswa and Takshak, or Turushka races, of the
Puranas, of Sakadwipa [?]. “C’est vraisemblablement d’après le nom de
Tachari, que M. D’Anville aura cru devoir placer les tribus ainsi
dénommées dans le territoire qui s’appelle aujourdhui Tokarist’han,
situé, dit ce grand géographe, entre les montagnes et le Gihon ou
Amou” (Note 3, liv. xi. p. 254, Strabon).
Footnote 2.6.22:
Once more I may state _Sakha_ in Sanskrit has the aspirate: literally,
the ‘branches’ or ‘races.’ [_Saka_ and _Sākha_ have no connexion; see
Smith, _EHI_, 226.]
Footnote 2.6.23:
“La Sacasene étoit une contrée de l’Arménie sur les confins de
l’Albanie ou du Shirvan” (Note 4, tome i. p. 191, Strabon). “The
Sacasenae were the ancestors of the Saxons” (Turner’s _History of the
Anglo-Saxons_).
Footnote 2.6.24:
Herodotus (iv. 12) says: “The Cimmerians, expelled by the Massagetae,
migrated to the Crimea.” Here were the Thyssagetae, or western Getae
[the lesser Getae, Herodotus iv. 22]; and thence both the Getae and
Cimbri found their way to the Baltic. Rubruquis the Jesuit, describing
the monuments of the Comani in the Dasht-i Kipchak, whence these
tribes, says: “Their monuments and circles of stones are like our
Celtic or Druidical remains” (Bell’s _Collection_). The Khumān are a
branch of the Kāthi tribe of Saurashtra, whose paliyas, or funeral
monumental pillars, are seen in groups at every town and village. The
Chatti were one of the early German tribes. [Needless to say, the
German Chatti had no connexion with the Kāthi of Gujarāt.]
Footnote 2.6.25:
[The reference, again, is to the Saisunāga dynasty, p. 64 above.]
Footnote 2.6.26:
Asi was the term applied to the Getes, Yeuts, or Juts, when they
invaded Scandinavia and founded Yeutland or Jutland (see ‘_Edda_,’
Mallet’s Introduction).
Footnote 2.6.27:
Mercury and earth.
Footnote 2.6.28:
Pinkerton, _On the Goths_, vol. ii. p. 94. [All this is obsolete.]
Footnote 2.6.29:
Camari was one of the eight sons of Japhet, says Abulghazi: whence the
Camari, Cimmerii, or Cimbri. Kamari is one of the tribes of
Saurashtra. [Kymry = fellow-countrymen (Rhys, _Celtic Britain_, 116).]
Footnote 2.6.30:
The Suiones, Suevi, or Su. Now the Su, Yueh-chi, or Yuti, are Getes,
according to De Guignes. Marco Polo calls Cashgar, where he was in the
sixth century, the birthplace of the Swedes; and De la Croix adds,
that in 1691 Sparvenfeldt, the Swedish ambassador at Paris, told him
he had read in Swedish chronicles that Cashgar was their country. When
the Huns were chased from the north of China, the greater part retired
into the southern countries adjoining Europe. The rest passed directly
to the Oxus and Jaxartes; thence they spread to the Caspian and
Persian frontiers. In Mawaru-l-nahr (Transoxiana) they mixed with the
Su, the Yueh-chi, or Getes, who were particularly powerful, and
extended into Europe. One would be tempted to regard them as the
ancestors of those Getes who were known in Europe. Some bands of Su
might equally pass into the north of Europe, known as the Suevi. [The
meaning of Suevi is uncertain, but the word has no connexion with that
of any Central Asian tribe.]
Footnote 2.6.31:
Mr. Pinkerton’s research had discovered Sakatai, though he does not
give his authority (D’Anville) for the Sakadwipa of the Puranas!
“Sakitai, a region at the fountains of the Oxus and Jaxartes, styled
Sakita from the Sacae” (D’Anville, _Anc. Geog._). The Yadus of
Jaisalmer, who ruled Zabulistan and founded Ghazni, claim the
Chagatais as of their own Indu stock: a claim which, without deep
reflection, appeared inadmissible; but which I now deem worthy of
credit.
Footnote 2.6.32:
Chagatai, or Sakatai, the Sakadwipa of the Puranas (corrupted by the
Greeks to Scythia), “whose inhabitants worship the sun and whence is
the river Arvarma.” [For the Chagatai Mongols see Elias-Ross, _History
of the Moghuls of Central Asia_, Introd. 28 ff.]
Footnote 2.6.33:
Utrar, probably the Uttarakuru of ancient geography: the uttara
(northern) kuru (race); a branch of Indu stock.
Footnote 2.6.34:
Jadu ka dang, the Joudes of Rennell’s map; the Yadu hills high up in
the Panjab, where a colony of the Yadu race dwelt when expelled
Saurashtra. [The Salt Range in the Jhelum, Shāhpur, and Miānwāli
districts of the Panjāb, was known to ancient historians as Koh-i-Jūd,
or ‘the hills of Jūd,’ the name being applied by the Muhammadans to
this range on account of its resemblance to Mount Al-Jūdi, or Ararat.
The author constantly refers to it, and suggests that the name was
connected with the Indian Yadu, or Yādava tribe (_IGI_, xxi. 412;
Abu-l Fazl, _Akbarnāma_, i. 237; Elliot-Dowson, ii. 235, v. 561;
_Āīn_, ii. 405; _ASR_, ii. 17; Hughes, _Dict. of Islām_, 23).]
Footnote 2.6.35:
The Numri, or Lumri (foxes) of Baluchistan, are Jats [?]. These are
the Nomardies of Rennell. [They are believed to be aborigines (_IGI_,
xvi. 146; _Census Report, Baluchistan, 1911_, i. 17).]
Footnote 2.6.36:
[There is no evidence, beyond resemblance of name, to connect the Jats
with the Getae.]
Footnote 2.6.37:
Royal pastors [?]
Footnote 2.6.38:
[iv. 59.] The sun was their ‘great deity,’ though they had in Xamolxis
a lord of terror, with affinity to Yama, or the Hindu Pluto. “The
chief divinity of the Fenns, a Scythic race, was Yammalu” (Pinkerton’s
_Hist. of the Goths_, vol. ii. p. 215).
Footnote 2.6.39:
iv. 45 [Asia probably means ‘land of the rising sun.’]
Footnote 2.6.40:
Āsa, ‘hope.’
Footnote 2.6.41:
Sakambhari: from _sakham_, the plural of _sakha_, ‘branch or race,’
and _ambhar_, ‘covering, protecting.’ [The word means ‘herb
nourishing.’]
Footnote 2.6.42:
Mata, ‘mother.’
Footnote 2.6.43:
_Aswa_ and _haya_ are synonymous Sanskrit terms for ‘horse’; _asp_ in
Persian; and as applied by the prophet Ezekiel [xxxviii. 6] to the
Getic invasion of Scythia, A.C. 600: “the sons of Togarmah riding on
horses”; described by Diodorus, the period the same as the Takshak
invasion of India.
Footnote 2.6.44:
[Hystaspes is from old Persian, Vishtāspa, ‘possessor of horses.’ The
author derives it from a modern Hindi word _hīnsna_, ‘to neigh,’
possibly from recollection of the story in Herodotus iii. 85.]
Footnote 2.6.45:
[He possibly refers to the statement (_Germania_, v.), that their
coins bore the impress of a two-horse chariot.]
Footnote 2.6.46:
Asirgarh, ‘fortress of the Asi’ [_IGI_, vi. 12].
Footnote 2.6.47:
The great (_maha_) warrior (_vir_). [Buddha lived 567-487 B.C.:
Mahāvīra, founder of Jainism, died about 527 B.C.]
Footnote 2.6.48:
Yeutland was the name given to the whole Cimbric Chersonese, or
Jutland (Pinkerton, _On the Goths_).
Footnote 2.6.49:
Turk, Turushka, Takshak, or ‘Taunak, fils de Turc’ (Abulghazi,
_History of the Tatars_).
Footnote 2.6.50:
_Histoire des Huns_, vol. i. p. 42.
Footnote 2.6.51:
Though Tacitus calls the German tribes indigenous, it is evident he
knew their claim to Asiatic origin, when he asks, “Who would leave the
softer abodes of Asia for Germany, where Nature yields nothing but
deformity?”
Footnote 2.6.52:
In an inscription of the Geta or Jat Prince of Salindrapur (Salpur) of
the fifth century, he is styled “of the race of Tusta” (_qu._
Tuisto?). It is in that ancient nail-headed character used by the
ancient Buddhists of India, and still the sacred character of the
Tatar Lamas: in short, the Pali. All the ancient inscriptions I
possess of the branches of the Agnikulas, as the Chauhan, Pramara,
Solanki, and Parihara, are in this character. That of the Jat prince
styles him “Jat Kathida” (_qu._ of (da) Cathay?). From Tuisto and
Woden we have our Tuesday and Wednesday. In India, Wednesday is
Budhwar (Dies Mercurii), and Tuesday Mangalwar (Dies Martis), the
Mardi of the French.
Footnote 2.6.53:
Tacitus, _Germania_, xxxviii.
Footnote 2.6.54:
The gau, or cow, symbolic of Prithivi, the earth. On this see note, p.
33.
Footnote 2.6.55:
[_Germania_, ix.]
Footnote 2.6.56:
Krishna is the preserving deity of the Hindu triad. Krishna is of the
Indu line of Budha, whom he worshipped prior to his own deification.
Footnote 2.6.57:
‘Mahurat ka shikar.’
Footnote 2.6.58:
The Siebi of Tacitus.
Footnote 2.6.59:
Sammes’s _Saxon Antiquities_.
Footnote 2.6.60:
Hara is the Thor of Scandinavia; Hari is Budha, Hermes, or Mercury.
Footnote 2.6.61:
Mallet derives it from _kempfer_, ‘to fight.’ [The name is said to
mean ‘comrades’ (Rhys, _Celtic Britain_, 116). Irmansūl means ‘a
colossus,’ and has no connexion with Skr. _sūla_ (Grimm, _Teutonic
Mythology_, i. 115).]
Footnote 2.6.62:
_Ku_ is a mere prefix, meaning ‘evil’; ‘the evil striker (_Mar_).’
Hence, probably, the Mars of Rome. The birth of Kumar, the general of
the army of the gods, with the Hindus, is exactly that of the
Grecians, born of the goddess Jahnavi (Juno) without sexual
intercourse. Kumāra is always accompanied by the peacock, the bird of
Juno. [Kumāra probably means ‘easily dying’; there is no connexion
with Mars, originally a deity of vegetation.]
Footnote 2.6.63:
For a drawing of the Scandinavian god of battle see Sammes.
Footnote 2.6.64:
I have in contemplation to give to the public a few of the sixty-nine
books of the poems of Chand, the last great bard of the last Hindu
emperor of India, Prithwiraja. They are entirely heroic: each book a
relation of one of the exploits of this prince, the first warrior of
his time. They will aid a comparison between the Rajput and
Scandinavian bards, and show how far the Provençal Troubadour, the
Neustrienne Trouveur, and Minnesinger of Germany, have anything in
common with the Rajput Bardai. [For Rajput bards on horseback, drunk
with opium, singing songs to arouse warriors’ courage, see Manucci ii.
437 f.]
Footnote 2.6.65:
Ἥλυσιος, from Ἥλιος, ‘the sun’; also a title of Apollo, the Hari of
India. [The two words, from the accentuation, can have no connexion.]
Footnote 2.6.66:
This title of the father of Rama denotes a ‘charioteer’ [‘having ten
chariots.’ Harsha (A.D. 612-647) discarded the chariot (Smith, _EHI_,
339)].
Footnote 2.6.67:
The Indian satrapy of Darius, says Herodotus [iii. 94], was the
richest of all the Persian provinces, and yielded six hundred talents
of gold. Arrian informs us that his Indo-Scythic subjects, in his wars
with Alexander, were the élite of his army. Besides the Sakasenae, we
find tribes in name similar to those included in the thirty-six
Rajkula; especially the Dahae (Dahya, one of the thirty-six races).
The Indo-Scythic contingent was two hundred war chariots and fifteen
elephants, which were marshalled with the Parthii on the right, and
also near Darius’s person. By this disposition they were opposed to
the cohort commanded by Alexander in person. The chariots commenced
the action, and prevented a manœuvre of Alexander to turn the left
flank of the Persians. Of their horse, also, the most honourable
mention is made; they penetrated into the division where Parmenio
commanded, to whom Alexander was compelled to send reinforcements. The
Grecian historian dwells with pleasure on Indo-Scythic valour: “there
were no equestrian feats, no distant fighting with darts, but each
fought as if victory depended on his sole arm.” They fought the Greeks
hand to hand [Arrian, _Anabasis_, iii. 15].
But the loss of empire was decreed at Arbela, and the Sakae and
Indo-Scythae had the honour of being slaughtered by the Yavans of
Greece, far from their native land, in the aid of the king of kings.
Footnote 2.6.68:
The Kathi are celebrated in Alexander’s wars. The Kathiawar Kathi can
be traced from Multan (_the ancient abode_) [_mūlasthāna_, ‘principal
place’]. The Dahya (Dahae), Johya (the latter Hunnish), and Kathi are
amongst the thirty-six races. All dwelt, six centuries ago, within the
five streams and in the deserts south of the Ghara. The two last have
left but a name.
Footnote 2.6.69:
The Sakae had invaded the inhabitants on the borders of the Pontic
Sea: whilst engaged in dividing the booty, the Persian generals
surprised them at night, and exterminated them. To eternize the
remembrance of this event, the Persians heaped up the earth round a
rock in the plain where the battle was fought, on which they erected
two temples, one to the goddess Anaītis, the other to the divinities
Omanus and Anandate, and then founded the annual festival called
_Sacaea_, still celebrated by the possessors of Zela. Such is the
account by some authors of the origin of _Sacaea_. According to others
it dates from the reign of Cyrus only. This prince, they say, having
carried the war into the country of the Sakae (Massagetae of
Herodotus) lost a battle. Compelled to fall back on his magazines,
abundantly stored with provisions, but especially wine, and having
halted some time to refresh his army, he departed before the enemy,
feigning a flight, and leaving his camp standing full of provisions.
The Sakae, who pursued, reaching the abandoned camp stored with
provisions, gave themselves up to debauch. Cyrus returned and
surprised the inebriated and senseless barbarians. Some, buried in
profound sleep, were easily massacred; others occupied in drinking and
dancing, without defence, fell into the hands of armed foes: so that
all perished. The conqueror, attributing his success to divine
protection, consecrated this day to the goddess honoured in his
country, and decreed it should be called ‘the day of the _Sacaea_.’
This is the battle related by Herodotus, to which Strabo alludes,
between the Persian monarch and Tomyris, queen of the Getae. Amongst
the Rajput Sakha, all grand battles attended with fatal results are
termed _sakha_. When besieged, without hope of relief, in the last
effort of despair, the females are immolated, and the warriors,
decorated in saffron robes, rush on inevitable destruction. This is to
perform _sakha_, where every branch (sakha) is cut off. Chitor has to
boast of having thrice (and a half) suffered sakha. _Chitor sakha ka
pap_, ‘by the sin of the sack of Chitor,’ the most solemn adjuration
of the Guhilot Rajput. If such the origin of the festival from the
slaughter of the Sakae of Tomyris, it will be allowed to strengthen
the analogy contended for between the Sakae east and west the Indus.
[For the Sacaea festival see Sir J. Frazer, _The Golden Bough, The
Dying God_, 113 ff. It has no connexion with the Rajput Sākha, ‘a
fight,’ which, again, is a different word from Sākha, ‘a branch,
clan.’]
Footnote 2.6.70:
I presented a work on this subject to the Royal Asiatic Society, as
well as another on Palmistry, etc.
Footnote 2.6.71:
_Madhu_ is intoxicating drink, from _madhu_, ‘a bee,’ in Sanskrit
[madhu, ‘anything sweet’]. It is well known that mead is from honey.
It would be curious if the German mead was from the Indian madhu
(bee): then both cup (_kharpara_) and beverage would be borrowed.
[_Madhu_ does not mean ‘a bee’ in Sanskrit.]
Footnote 2.6.72:
_Amrita_ (immortal), from the initial privative and _mrit_, ‘death.’
Thus the _Immurthal_, or ‘vale of immortality,’ at Neufchatel, is as
good Sanskrit as German [?].
Footnote 2.6.73:
Abhai Singh, ‘the fearless lion,’ prince of Marwar, whose bard makes
this speech at the festal board, when the prince presented with his
own hand the cup to the bard.
Footnote 2.6.74:
Regner Lodbrog, in his dying ode, when the destinies summon him.
Footnote 2.6.75:
Phūl, the flower of the mahua tree, the favourite drink of a Rajput.
Classically, in Sanskrit it is _madhūka_, of the class Polyandria
Monogynia [_Bassia latifolia_] (see _As. Res._ vol. i. p. 300).
Footnote 2.6.76:
A human skull; in the dialects pronounced _khopar_: _Qu._ _cup_ in
Saxon? [Cup, in Low Latin _cuppa_.]
Footnote 2.6.77:
The Kanphara [or Kanphata] Jogis, or Gosains, are in great bodies,
often in many thousands, and are sought as allies, especially in
defensive warfare. In the grand military festivals at Udaipur to the
god of war, the scymitar, symbolic of Mars, worshipped by the
Guhilots, is entrusted to them [_IA_, vii. 47 ff.; _BG_, ix. part i.
543].
Footnote 2.6.78:
An entire cemetery of these, besides many detached, I have seen, and
also the sacred rites to their manes by the disciples occupying these
abodes of austerity, when the flowers of the _ak_ [_Calatropis
gigantea_] and leaves of evergreen were strewed on the grave, and
sprinkled with the pure element.
Footnote 2.6.79:
Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_, chap. xii.
Footnote 2.6.80:
Mallet chap. xii. vol. i. p. 289.
Footnote 2.6.81:
Edda.
Footnote 2.6.82:
Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_, chap. xii. The Celtic Franks had the
same custom. The arms of Chilperic, and the bones of the horse on
which he was to be presented to Odin, were found in his tomb.
Footnote 2.6.83:
The Dakini (the Jigarkhor of Sindh) is the genuine vampire [_Āīn_, ii.
338 f.]. Captain Waugh, after a long chase in the valley of Udaipur,
speared a hyena, whose abode was the tombs, and well known as the
steed on which the witch of Ar sallied forth at night. Evil was
predicted: and a dangerous fall, subsequently, in chasing an elk, was
attributed to his sacrilegious slaughter of the weird sister’s steed.
Footnote 2.6.84:
Pitri-deva, ‘Father-lords.’
Footnote 2.6.85:
Mallet chap. xii.
Footnote 2.6.86:
At Gwalior, on the east side of that famed fortress, where myriads of
warriors have fattened the soil, these phosphorescent lights often
present a singular appearance. I have, with friends whose eyes this
will meet, marked the procession of these lambent night-fires,
becoming extinguished at one place and rising at another, which, aided
by the unequal _locale_, have been frequently mistaken for the
Mahratta prince returning with his numerous torch-bearers from a
distant day’s sport. I have dared as bold a Rajput as ever lived to
approach them; whose sense of the levity of my desire was strongly
depicted, both in speech and mien: “men he would encounter, but not
the spirits of those erst slain in battle.” It was generally about the
conclusion of the rains that these lights were observed, when
evaporation took place from these marshy grounds impregnated with
salts.
Footnote 2.6.87:
At Dwarka, the god of thieves is called Budha Trivikrama, or of triple
energy: the Hermes Triplex, or three-headed Mercury of the Egyptians.
[No such cult is mentioned in the account of Dwārka, _BG_, viii. 601.]
Footnote 2.6.88:
Caesar informs us that the Celts of Britain would not eat the hare,
goose, or domestic fowl. The Rajput will hunt the first, but neither
eats it, nor the goose, sacred to the god of battle (Hara). The Rajput
of Mewar eats the jungle fowl, but rarely the domestic.
Footnote 2.6.89:
As he did also to Balnath (the god Bal) in the ancient times of India.
The _baldan_, or gift of the bull to the sun, is well recorded.
[_Baldān_, _balidāna_ does not mean the offering of a bull: it is the
daily presentation of a portion of the meat to Earth and other
deities.] There are numerous temples in Rajasthan of Baalim [?]; and
Balpur (Mahadeo) has several in Saurashtra. All represent the sun—
Peor his other name, when he enticed
Israel in Sittim, on their march from Nile.
_Paradise Lost_, book i. 412 f. [77].
The temple of Solomon was to Bal, and all the idolaters of that day
seem to have held to the grosser tenets of Hinduism.
Footnote 2.6.90:
In _Aswa_ (_medha_ signifies ‘to kill’) we have the derivation of the
ancient races, sons of Bajaswa, who peopled the countries on both
sides the Indus, and the probable etymon of _Asia_ [?]. The Assakenoi,
the Ariaspai of Alexander’s historians, and Aspasianae, to whom
Arsaces fled from Seleucus, and whom Strabo terms a Getic race, have
the same origin; hence Asigarh, ‘the fortress of the Asi’ (erroneously
termed Hansi), and Asgard were the first settlements of the Getic Asi
in Scandinavia. Alexander received the homage of all these Getic races
at ‘the mother of cities,’ Balkh, ‘seat of Cathaian Khan’ (the Jat
Kathida of my inscription), according to Marco Polo, from whom Milton
took his geography.
Footnote 2.6.91:
The last was undertaken by the celebrated Sawai Jai Singh of Amber;
but the milk-white steed of the sun, I believe, was not turned out, or
assuredly the Rathors would have accepted the challenge.
Footnote 2.6.92:
A milk-white steed is selected with peculiar marks. On liberation,
properly guarded, he wanders where he listeth. It is a virtual
challenge. Arjuna guarded the steed liberated by Yudhishthira; but
that sent round by Parikshita, his grandson, “was seized by the
Takshak of the north.” The same fate occurred to Sagara, father of
Dasaratha, which involved the loss of his kingdom.
Footnote 2.6.93:
The Sarju, or Gandak, from the Kumaun mountains, passes through
Kosalades, the dominion of Dasaratha.
Footnote 2.6.94:
The horse’s return after a year evidently indicates an astronomical
revolution, or the sun’s return to the same point in the ecliptic.
This return from his southern declination must have been always a day
of rejoicing to the Scythic and Scandinavian nations, who could not,
says Gibbon, fancy a worse hell than a large abode open to the cold
wind of the north. To the south they looked for the deity; and hence,
with the Rajputs, a religious law forbids their doors being to the
north.
Footnote 2.6.95:
Kaikeya is supposed by the translator, Dr. Carey, to be a king of
Persia, the Kaivansa preceding Darius. The epithet _Kai_ not
unfrequently occurs in Hindu traditional couplets. One, which I
remember, is connected with the ancient ruins of Abhaner in Jaipur,
recording the marriage of one of its princes with a daughter of
Kaikamb.
_Tu beti_ Kaikamb _ki, nam Parmala ho_, etc. ‘Thou art the daughter of
_Kaikamb_: thy name Fairy Garland.’ _Kai_ was the epithet of one of
the Persian dynasties. _Qu._ _Kam-bakhsh_, the Cambyses of the Greeks?
[Cambyses, Kābuzīya or Kambūzīya, possibly ‘a bard’ (Rawlinson,
_Herodotus_, iii. 543).]
Footnote 2.6.96:
Benares.
Footnote 2.6.97:
Tibet or Ava [N. Bengal]
Footnote 2.6.98:
Bihar.
Footnote 2.6.99:
Sind valley.
Footnote 2.6.100:
Unknown to me [W. and S. Panjab and its vicinity].
Footnote 2.6.101:
Peninsula of Kathiawar.
Footnote 2.6.102:
I have seen several of these sacrificial pillars of stone of very
ancient date. Many years ago, when all the Rajput States were
suffering from the thraldom of the Mahrattas, a most worthy and
wealthy banker of Surat, known by the family name of Trivedi, who felt
acutely for the woes inflicted by incessant predatory foes on the sons
of Rama and Krishna, told me, with tears in his eyes, that the evils
which afflicted Jaipur were to be attributed to the sacrilege of the
prince, Jagat Singh, who had dared to abstract the gold plates of the
sacrificial pillars, and send them to his treasury: worse than
Rehoboam, who, when he took away from the temple “the shields of gold
Solomon had made,” had the grace to substitute others of brass.
Whether, when turned into currency, it went as a war contribution to
the Mahrattas, or was applied to the less worthy use of his concubine
queen, ‘the essence of camphor,’ it was of a piece with the rest of
this prince’s unwise conduct. Jai Singh, who erected the pillars, did
honour to his country, of which he was a second founder, and under
whom it attained the height from which it has now fallen. [Some
sacrificial pillars (yūpa) were recently found in the bed of the Jumna
near Mathura, with inscriptions dated in the twenty-fourth year of
Kanishka’s reign, about A.D. 102.]
Footnote 2.6.103:
On the Nauroz, or festival of the new year, the Great Mogul slays a
camel with his own hand, which is distributed, and eaten by the court
favourites. [A camel is sacrificed at the Īdu-l-azha festival (Hughes,
_Dict. Islām_, 192 ff.).]
Footnote 2.6.104:
This was native gold, of a peculiarly dark and brilliant hue, which
was compared to the fruit jambu (not unlike a damson). Everything
forms an allegory with the Hindus; and the production of this metal is
appropriated to the period of gestation of Jahnavi, the river-goddess
(Ganges), when by Agni, or fire, she produced Kumara, the god of war,
the commander of the army of the gods. This was when she left the
place of her birth, the Himalaya mountain (the great storehouse of
metallic substances), whose daughter she is: and doubtless this is in
allusion to some very remote period, when, bursting her rock-bound
bed, Ganga exposed from ‘her side’ veins of this precious metal.
Footnote 2.6.105:
Little bags of brocade, filled with seeds of the sesamum or cakes of
the same, are distributed by the chiefs to friends on this occasion.
While the author writes, he has before him two of these, sent to him
by the young Mahratta prince, Holkar.
Footnote 2.6.106:
Sivaratri would be ‘father night’ [?]. Siva-Iswara is the ‘universal
father.’
Footnote 2.6.107:
Ferishta, the compiler of the imperial history of India, gives us a
Persian or Arabic derivation of this, from _Bal_, ‘the sun,’ and
_bec_, ‘an idol.’ [This has not been traced in Dow or Briggs.]
Footnote 2.6.108:
Corrupted to Palmyra, the etymon of which, I believe, has never been
given, which is a version of Tadmor. In Sanskrit, _tal_, or _tar_, is
the ‘date-tree’; _mor_ signifies ‘chief.’ We have more than one ‘city
of palms’ (_Talpur_) in India; and the tribe ruling in Haidarabad, on
the Indus, is called _Talpuri_, from the place whence they originated.
[Tadmor is Semitic, probably meaning ‘abounding in palms.’ The
suggested derivation is impossible.]
Footnote 2.6.109:
1 Kings xiv. 23.
Footnote 2.6.110:
_Ficus religiosa._ It presents a perfect resemblance to the popul
(poplar) of Germany and Italy, a species of which is the aspen. [They
belong to different orders.] So similar is it, that the specimen of
the pipal from Carolina is called, in the Isola Bella of the Lago
Maggiore, _Populus angulata_; and another, in the Jardin des Plantes
at Toulon, is termed the _Ficus populifolia, ou figuier à feuilles de
peuplier_. The aspen, or ash, held sacred by the Celtic priests, is
said to be the mountain-ash. ‘The calf of Bal’ is generally placed
under the pipal; and Hindu tradition sanctifies a never-dying stem,
which marks the spot where the Hindu Apollo, Hari (the sun), was slain
by the savage Bhil on the shores of Saurashtra. [This is known as the
Prāchi Pīpal, and death rites are performed close to it (_BG_, viii.
271, note 2).]
Footnote 2.6.111:
The religious feelings of the Rajput, though outraged for centuries by
Moguls and mercenary Pathans, will not permit him to see the axe
applied to the noble pipal or umbrageous bar (_Ficus indica_), without
execrating the destroyer. Unhappy the constitution of mind which
knowingly wounds religious prejudices of such ancient date! Yet is it
thus with our countrymen in the East, who treat all foreign prejudices
with contempt, shoot the bird sacred to the Indian Mars, slay the
calves of Bal, and fell the noble pipal before the eyes of the native
without remorse. He is unphilosophic and unwise who treats such
prejudices with contumely: prejudices beyond the reach of reason. He
is uncharitable who does not respect them; impolitic, who does not use
every means to prevent such offence by ignorance or levity. It is an
abuse of our strength, and an ungenerous advantage over their
weakness. Let us recollect who are the guardians of these fanes of
Bal, his pipal, and sacred bird (the peacock); the children of Surya
and Chandra, and the descendants of the sages of yore, they who fill
the ranks of our army, and are attentive, though silent, observers of
all our actions: the most attached, the most faithful, and the most
obedient of mankind! Let us maintain them in duty, obedience, and
attachment, by respecting their prejudices and conciliating their
pride. On the fulfilment of this depends the maintenance of our
sovereignty in India: but the last fifteen years have assuredly not
increased their devotion to us. Let the question be put to the
unprejudiced, whether their welfare has advanced in proportion to the
dominion they have conquered for us, or if it has not been in the
inverse ratio of this prosperity? Have not their allowances and
comforts decreased? Does the same relative standard between the
currency and conveniences of life exist as twenty years ago? Has not
the first depreciated twenty-five per cent, as half-batta stations and
duties have increased? For the good of ruler and servant, let these be
rectified. With the utmost solemnity, I aver, I have but the welfare
of all at heart in these observations. I loved the service, I loved
the native soldier. I have proved what he will do, where devoted,
when, in 1817, thirty-two firelocks of my guard attacked, defeated,
and dispersed a camp of fifteen hundred men, slaying thrice their
numbers.[2.6.111.A] Having quitted the scene for ever, I submit my
opinion dispassionately for the welfare of the one, and with it the
stability or reverse of the other.
Footnote 2.6.111.A:
What says the Thermopylae of India, Corygaum? Five hundred firelocks
against twenty thousand men! Do the annals of Napoleon record a more
brilliant exploit? Has a column been reared to the manes of the brave,
European and native, of this memorable day, to excite to future
achievement? What order decks the breast of the gallant Fitzgerald,
for the exploit on the field of Nagpur? At another time and place his
words, “At my peril be it! _Charge!_” would have crowned his crest!
These things call for remedy! [Korēgāon in Poona District, where
Captain Staunton defeated a large force of Mahrattas on January 1,
1818 (Wilson-Mill, _Hist. of India_, ii. (1846), 303 ff.).]
Footnote 2.6.112:
D’Anville’s derivation of German, from _wer_ (bellum) and _manus_.
[Possibly O. Irish, _gair_, ‘neighbour,’ or _gairm_, ‘battle-cry’
(_New Eng. Dict._ _s.v._).]
-----
CHAPTER 7
Having discussed the ancient genealogies of the martial races of
Rajasthan, as well as the chief points in their character and religion
analogous to those of early Europe, we proceed to the catalogue of the
Chhattis Rajkula, or ‘thirty-six royal races.’[2.7.1]
The table before the reader presents, at one view, the authorities on
which this list is given: they are as good as abundant. The first is
from a detached leaf of an ancient work, obtained from a Yati of a Jain
temple at the old city of Nadol, in Marwar. The second is from the poems
of Chand,[2.7.2] the bard of the last Hindu king of Delhi. The third is
from an estimable work contemporary with Chand’s, the Kumarpal
Charitra[2.7.3] or “History of the Monarchy of Anhilwara Patan.” The
fourth list is from the Khichi bard.[2.7.4] The fifth, from a bard of
Saurashtra.
From every one of the bardic profession, from all the collectors and
collections of Rajasthan, lists have been received, from which the
catalogue No. 6 has been formed, admitted by the genealogists to be more
perfect than any existing document. From it, therefore, in succession,
each race shall have its history rapidly sketched; though, as a text, a
single name is sufficient to fill many pages.
The first list is headed by an invocation to Mata Sakambhari Devi, or
mother-goddess, protectress of the races (sakha) [the mother of
vegetation].
Each race (sakha) has its Gotracharya,[2.7.5] a genealogical creed,
describing [82] the essential peculiarities, religious tenets, and
pristine locale of the clan. Every Rajput should be able to repeat this;
though it is now confined to the family priest or the genealogist. Many
chiefs, in these degenerate days, would be astonished if asked to repeat
their gotracharya, and would refer to the bard. It is a touchstone of
affinities, and guardian of the laws of intermarriage. When the
inhibited degrees of propinquity have been broken, it has been known to
rectify the mistake, where, however, “ignorance was bliss.”[2.7.6]
LIST OF THE THIRTY-SIX ROYAL
RACES OF RAJASTHAN.—OM! SAKAMBHARI MATA
──────────────────────────────┬──────────────────────────────
ANCIENT MSS.[t.1] │ CHAND BARDAI.[t.2]
──────────────────────────────┼──────────────────────────────
Ikshwaku. │ Ravya or Surya.
Surya. │ Sahsa or Soma.
Soma or Chandra. │ Yadu.
Yadu. │ Kakustha.
5 Chahuman (Chauhan). │ 5 Pramara.
Pramara. │ Chauhan.
Chalukya or Solanki. │ Chalukya.
Parihara. │ Chandak.
Chawara. │ Silar.
10 Dudia. │ 10 Abhira.
Rathor. │ Makwahana.
Gohil. │ Gohil.
Dabhi. │ Chapotkat.
Makwahana. │ Parihara.
15 Norka. │ 15 Rathor.
Aswaria. │ Deora.
Salar or Silara. │ Tak.
Sinda. │ Sindhu.
Sepat. │ Ananga.
20 Hun or Hūn. │ 20 Patak.
Kirjal. │ Pritihara.
Haraira. │ Didiota.
Rajpali. │ Karitpal.
Dhanpali. │ Kotpala.
25 Agnipali. │ 25 Hul.
Bala. │ Gaur.
Jhala. │ Nikumbha.
Bhagdola. │ Rajpalaka.
Motdan. │ Kani.
30 Mohor. │ 30 Kalchorak or Kurkara.
Kagair. │
Karjeo. │
Chadlia. │
Pokara. │
Nikumbha. │
36 Salala. │
──────────────────────────────┴──────────────────────────────
─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
KUMAR PAL CHARITRA.[t.3]
──────────────────────────────┬──────────────────────────────
Sanskrit Edition—MSS. │ Gujarati Dialect—MSS.
Ikshwaku. │ Gotchar Gohil.
Soma. │ Ani Gohil.
Yadu. │ Kathi.
Pramara. │ Kaser.
5 Chauhan. │ 5 Nikumbha.
Chalukya. │ Barbeta.
Chandak. │ Bawariya.
Silar (_Raj Tilak_) │ Maru.
Chapotkat. │ Makwahana.
10 Pritihara. │ 10 Dahima.
Sakranka. │ Dudia.
Kurpala. │ Bala.
Chandal. │ Baghel.
Ohil. │ Yadu.
15 Palaka. │ 15 Jethwa.
Maurya. │ Jareja.
Makwahana. │ Jat.
Dhanpala. │ Solanki.
Rajpalaka. │ Pramara.
20 Dahya. │ 20 Kaba.
Turandalika. │ Chawara.
Nikumbha. │ Chaurasima.
Hun. │ Khant.
Bala. │ Khyera.
25 Harial. │ 25 Rawali.
Mokar. │ Masania.
Pokara. │ Palani.
│ Hala.
│ Jhala
│ 30 Daharia.
│ Baharia.
│ Sarweya "_Chhattrya_
│ _tin Sar_."
│ Parihara.
│ Chauhan.
──────────────────────────────┴──────────────────────────────
──────────────────────────────┬──────────────────────────────────────────
KHICHI BARD.[t.4] │ CORRECTED LIST BY THE AUTHOR.
──────────────────────────────┼──────────────────────────────────────────
Guhilot. │ Ikshwaku, Kakutstha, or Surya.
Pramara. │ Anwai, Indu, Som, or Chandra.
Chauhan. │ Grahilot or Guhilot 24 Sakha.
Solanki. │ Yadu. 4
Rathor. │ 5 Tuar. 17
Tuar. │ Rathor. 13
Bargujar. │ Kushwaha or Kachhwaha.
Parihara. │ Pramara. 35
Jhala. │ Chahuman or Chauhan. 26
10 Yadu. │ 10 Chalukya or Solanki. 16
Kachhwaha. │ Parihara. 12
Gaur. │ Chawara. Single.
These subdivide: the │ Tak, Tāk, or Takshak.
following do not, and are │ Jat or Geta.
called Yaka, or single. │ 15 Hun or Hūn.
Sengar. │ Kathi.
Bala. │ Bala.
15 Kharwar. │ Jhala. 2
Chawara. │ Jethwa or Kamari.
Dahima. │ 20 Gohil.
Dahya. │ Sarweya.
Bais. │ Silar.
20 Gaharwal. │ Dabhi.
Nikumbha. │ Gaur 5
Dewat. │ 25 Doda or Dor.
Johya. │ Gaharwal.
Sikarwal. │ Bargujar 3
25 Dabhia. │ Sengar. Single.
Doda. │ Sikarwal. do.
Maurya. │ 30 Bais do.
Mokara. │ Dahia.
Abhira. │ Johya.
30 Kalchorak (Haya race). │ Mohil.
Agnipala. │ Nikumbha.
Aswaria or Sarja. │ Rajpali.
Hul. │ 36 Dahima. do.
Manatwal. │
Malia. │ Extra.
36 Chahil. │ Hul.
│ Daharya.
──────────────────────────────┴──────────────────────────────────────────
-----
Footnote t.1:
The author, after the invocation to “the mother protectress,” says, “I
write the names of the thirty-six royal tribes.”
Footnote t.2:
The bard Chand says, “Of the thirty-six races, the four Agnipalas are
the greatest—the rest are born of woman, but these from fire.”
Footnote t.3:
As the work is chiefly followed with the exploits of Kumarpal, who was
of Chauhan tribe, the author reserves it for a peroration to the last
“of all the mightiest is the Chauhan.”
Footnote t.4:
By name Moghji.
-----
Most of the kula (races) are divided into numerous branches[2.7.7]
(sakha), and these sakha subdivided into innumerable clans
(gotra),[2.7.8] the most important of which shall be given. A few of the
kula never ramified: these are termed _eka_, or ‘single’; and nearly
one-third are _eka_.
A table of the ‘eighty-four’ mercantile tribes, chiefly of Rajput
origin, shall also be furnished, in which the remembrance of some races
are preserved which would have perished. Lists of the aboriginal, the
agricultural and the pastoral tribes are also given to complete the
subject.
=Solar and Lunar Races.=—In the earlier ages there were but two races,
Surya and Chandra, to which were added the four Agnikulas[2.7.9]; in all
six. The others are subdivisions of Surya and Chandra, or the sakha of
Indo-Scythic origin, who found no difficulty in obtaining a place
(though a low one), before the Muhammadan era, amongst the thirty-six
regal races of Rajasthan. The former we may not unaptly consider as to
the time, as the Celtic, the latter as the Gothic, races of India. On
the generic terms Surya and Chandra, I need add nothing [83].
=Grahilot or Guhilot.=—_Pedigree_[2.7.10] _of the Suryavansi Rana, of
royal race, Lord of Chitor, the ornament of the thirty-six royal races._
By universal consent, as well as by the gotra of this race, its princes
are admitted to be the direct descendants of Rama, of the Solar line.
The pedigree is deduced from him, and connected with Sumitra, the last
prince mentioned in the genealogy of the Puranas.
As the origin and progressive history of this family will be fully
discussed in the “Annals of Mewar,” we shall here only notice the
changes which have marked the patronymic, as well as the regions which
have been under their sway, from Kanaksen, who, in the second century,
abandoned his native kingdom, Kosala, and established the race of Surya
in Saurashtra.
On the site of Vairat, the celebrated abode of the Pandavas during
exile, the descendant of Ikshwaku established his line, and his
descendant Vijaya, in a few generations, built Vijayapur.[2.7.11]
They became sovereigns, if not founders, of Valabhi, which had a
separate era of its own, called the Valabhi Samvat, according with S.
Vikrama 375.[2.7.12] Hence they became the Balakaraes, or kings of
Valabhi; a title maintained by successive dynasties of Saurashtra for a
thousand years after this period, as can be satisfactorily proved by
genuine history and inscriptions.
Gajni, or Gaini, was another capital, whence the last prince, Siladitya
(who was slain), and his family, were expelled by Parthian invaders in
the sixth century.
A posthumous son, called Grahaditya, obtained a petty sovereignty at
Idar. The change was marked by his name becoming the patronymic, and
Grahilot, _vulgo_ Guhilot, designated the Suryavansa of Rama.
With reverses and migration from the wilds of Idar to Ahar,[2.7.13] the
Guhilot was changed to Aharya, by which title the race continued to be
designated till the twelfth century, when the elder brother, Rahup,
abandoned his claim to "the [84] throne of Chitor," obtained[2.7.14] by
force of arms from the Mori,[2.7.15] and settled at Dungarpur, which he
yet holds, as well as the title Aharya; while the younger, Mahup,
established the seat of power at Sesoda, whence Sesodia set aside both
Aharya and Guhilot.
Sesodia is now the common title of the race; but being only a
subdivision, the Guhilot holds its rank in the kula.
The Guhilot kula is subdivided into twenty-four sakha,[2.7.16] or
ramifications, few of which exist:
1. Aharya At Dungarpur.
2. Mangalia In the Deserts.
3. Sesodia Mewar.
4. Pipara In Marwar.
5. Kalam ┐
6. Gahor │
7. Dhornia │
8. Goda │
9. Magrasa │
10. Bhimla ├ In few numbers, and mostly
11. Kamkotak │ now unknown.
12. Kotecha │
13. Sora │
14. Uhar │
15. Useba │
16. Nirrup ┘
17. Nadoria ┐
18. Nadhota │
19. Ojakra │
20. Kuchhra ├ Almost extinct.
21. Dosadh │
22. Betwara │
23. Paha │
24. Purot ┘ [85]
=Yadu, Yādava.=—The Yadu was the most illustrious of all the tribes of
Ind, and became the patronymic of the descendants of Budha, progenitor
of the Lunar (Indu) race. Yudhishthira and Baladeva, on the death of
Krishna and their expulsion from Delhi and Dwaraka, the last stronghold
of their power, retired by Multan across the Indus. The two first are
abandoned by tradition; but the sons of Krishna, who accompanied them
after an intermediate halt in the further Duab[2.7.17] of the five
rivers, eventually left the Indus behind, and passed into
Zabulistan,[2.7.18] founded Gajni, and peopled these countries even to
Samarkand.
The annals of Jaisalmer, which give this early history of their founder,
mix up in a confused manner[2.7.19] the cause of their being again
driven back into India; so that it is impossible to say whether it was
owing to the Greek princes who ruled all these countries for a century
after Alexander, or to the rise of Islamism.
Driven back on the Indus, they obtained possession of the Panjab and
founded Salivahanpur. Thence expelled, they retired across the Sutlej
and Ghara into the Indian deserts; whence expelling the Langahas, the
Johyas, Mohilas, etc., they founded successively Tanot, Derawar, and
Jaisalmer,[2.7.20] in S. 1212,[2.7.21] the present capital of the
Bhattis, the lineal successors of Krishna.
=Bhatti= was the exile from Zabulistan, and as usual with the Rajput
races on any such event in their annals, his name set aside the more
ancient patronymic, Yadu. The Bhattis subdued all the tracts south of
the Ghara; but their power has been greatly circumscribed since the
arrival of the Rathors. The Map defines their existing limits, and their
annals will detail their past history.
=Jāreja, Jādeja= is the most important tribe of Yadu race next to the
Bhatti. Its history is similar. Descended from Krishna, and migrating
simultaneously with the remains of the Harikulas, there is the strongest
ground for believing that their range was not so wide as that of the
elder branch, but that they settled themselves in the valley of the
Indus, more especially on the west shore in Seistan; and in nominal and
armorial distinctions, even in Alexander’s time, they retained the marks
of their ancestry [86].
Sambos, who brought on him the arms of the Grecians, was in all
likelihood a Harikula; and the Minnagara of Greek historians Samanagara
(‘city of Sama’), his capital.[2.7.22]
The most common epithet of Krishna, or Hari, was Shama or Syama, from
his dark complexion. Hence the Jareja bore it as a patronymic, and the
whole race were Samaputras (children of Sama), whence the titular name
Sambos of its princes.[2.7.23]
The modern Jareja, who, from circumstances has so mixed with the
Muhammadans of Sind as to have forfeited all pretensions to purity of
blood, partly in ignorance and partly to cover disgrace, says that his
origin is from Sham, or Syria, and of the stock of the Persian Jamshid:
consequently, Sam has been converted into Jam[2.7.24]; which epithet
designates one of the Jareja petty governments, the Jam Raj.
These are the most conspicuous of the Yadu race; but there are others
who still bear the original title, of which the head is the prince of
the petty State of Karauli on the Chambal.
This portion of the Yadu stock would appear never to have strayed far
beyond the ancient limits of the Suraseni,[2.7.25] their ancestral
abodes. They held the celebrated Bayana; whence expelled, they
established Karauli west, and Sabalgarh east, of the Chambal. The tract
under the latter, called Yaduvati, has been wrested from the family by
Sindhia. Sri Mathura[2.7.26] is an independent fief of Karauli, held by
a junior branch.
The Yadus, or as pronounced in the dialects Jadon, are scattered over
India, and many chiefs of consequence amongst the Mahrattas are of this
tribe.
There are eight sakha of the Yadu race:
1. Yadu Chief Karauli.
2. Bhatti Chief Jaisalmer.
3. Jareja Chief Cutch Bhuj.
4. Samecha Muhammadans in Sind.
5. Madecha ┐
6. Bidman ├ Unknown [87].
7. Badda │
8. Soha ┘
=Tuar, Tonwar, Tomara.=—The Tuar, though acknowledged as a subdivision
of the Yadu, is placed by the best genealogists as one of the
‘thirty-six,’ a rank to which its celebrity justly entitles it.
We have in almost every case the etymon of each celebrated race. For the
Tuar we have none; and we must rest satisfied in delivering the dictum
of the Bardai, who declares it of Pandu origin.
If it had to boast only of Vikramaditya, the paramount lord of India,
whose era, established fifty-six years before the Christian, still
serves as the grand beacon of Hindu chronology, this alone would entitle
the Tuar to the highest rank. But it has other claims to respect. Delhi,
the ancient Indraprastha, founded by Yudhishthira, and which tradition
says lay desolate for eight centuries, was rebuilt and peopled by
Anangpal Tuar, in S. 848 (A.D. 792), who was followed by a dynasty of
twenty princes, which concluded with the name of the founder, Anangpal,
in S. 1220 (A.D. 1164),[2.7.27] when, contrary to the Salic law of the
Rajputs, he abdicated (having no issue) in favour of his grandchild, the
Chauhan Prithviraja.
The Tuar must now rest on his ancient fame; for not an independent
possession remains to the race[2.7.28] which traces its lineage to the
Pandavas, boasts of Vikrama, and which furnished the last dynasty,
emperors of Hindustan.
It would be a fact unparalleled in the history of the world, could we
establish to conviction that the last Anangpal Tuar was the lineal
descendant of the founder of Indraprastha; that the issue of
Yudhishthira sat on the throne which he erected, after a lapse of 2250
years. Universal consent admits it, and the fact is as well established
as most others of a historic nature of such a distant period: nor can
any dynasty or family of Europe produce evidence so strong as the Tuar,
even to a much less remote antiquity.
The chief possessions left to the Tuars are the district of Tuargarh, on
the right bank of the Chambal towards its junction with the Jumna, and
the small [88] chieftainship of Patan Tuarvati in the Jaipur State, and
whose head claims affinity with the ancient kings of Indraprastha.
=Rāthor.=—A doubt hangs on the origin of this justly celebrated race.
The Rathor genealogies trace their pedigree to Kusa, the second son of
Rama; consequently they would be Suryavansa. But by the bards of this
race they are denied this honour; and although Kushite, they are held to
be the descendants of Kasyapa, of the Solar race, by the daughter of a
Daitya (Titan). The progeny of Hiranyakasipu is accordingly stigmatized
as being of demoniac origin. It is rather singular that they should have
succeeded to the Lunar race of Kusanabha, descendants of Ajamidha, the
founders of Kanauj. Indeed, some genealogists maintain the Rathors to be
of Kusika race.
The pristine locale of the Rathors is Gadhipura, or Kanauj, where they
are found enthroned in the fifth century; and though beyond that period
they connect their line with the princes of Kosala or Ayodhya, the fact
rests on assertion only.
From the fifth century their history is cleared from the mist of ages,
which envelops them all prior to this time; and in the period
approaching the Tatar conquest of India, we find them contesting with
the last Tuar and Chauhan kings of Delhi, and the Balakaraes of
Anhilwara, the right to paramount importance amidst the princes of Ind.
The combats for this phantom supremacy destroyed them all. Weakened by
internal strife, the Chauhan of Delhi fell, and his death exposed the
north-west frontier. Kanauj followed; and while its last prince,
Jaichand, found a grave in the Ganges, his son sought an asylum in
Marusthali, ‘the regions of death.’[2.7.29] Siahji was this son; the
founder of the Rathor dynasty in Marwar, on the ruins of the Pariharas
of Mandor. Here they brought their ancient martial spirit, and a more
valiant being exists not than can be found amongst the sons of Siahji.
The Mogul emperors were indebted for half their conquests to the _Lakh
Tarwar Rathoran_, ‘the 100,000 swords of the Rathors’; for it is beyond
a doubt that 50,000 of the blood of Siahji have been embodied at once.
But enough of the noble Rathors for the present.
The Rathor has twenty-four sakha: Dhandal, Bhadel, Chachkit, Duharia,
Khokra, Badara, Chajira, Ramdeva, Kabria, Hatundia, Malavat, Sunda,
Katecha, Maholi, Gogadeva, Mahecha, Jaisingha, Mursia, Jobsia, Jora,
etc., etc.[2.7.30] [89].
_Rathor Gotracharya._—Gotama[2.7.31] Gotra (race),—Mardawandani Sakha
(branch),—Sukracharya Guru (Regent of the planet Venus,
Preceptor),—Garupata Agni,[2.7.32]—Pankhani Devi (tutelary goddess,
winged).[2.7.33]
=Kachhwāha.=—The Kachhwaha race[2.7.34] is descended from Kusa, the
second son of Rama. They are the Kushites[2.7.35] as the Rajputs of
Mewar are the Lavites of India. Two branches migrated from Kosala: one
founded Rohtas on the Son, the other established a colony amidst the
ravines of the Kuwari, at Lahar.[2.7.36] In the course of time they
erected the celebrated fortress of Narwar, or Nirwar, the abode of the
celebrated Raja Nala, whose descendants continued to hold possession
throughout all the vicissitudes of the Tatar and Mogul domination, when
they were deprived of it by the Mahrattas, and the abode of Nala is now
a dependency of Sindhia.
In the tenth century a branch emigrated and founded Amber, dispossessing
the aborigines, the Minas, and adding from the Rajput tribe Bargujar,
who held Rajor and large possessions around. But even in the twelfth
century the Kachhwahas were but principal vassals to the Chauhan king of
Delhi; and they have to date their greatness, as the other families
(especially the Ranas of Mewar) of Rajasthan their decline, from the
ascent of the house of Timur to the throne of Delhi. The map shows the
limits of the sway of the Kachhwahas, including their branches, the
independent Narukas of Macheri, and the tributary confederated
Shaikhavats. The Kachhwaha subdivisions have been mislaid;[2.7.37] but
the present partition into Kothris (chambers), of which there are
twelve, shall be given in their annals.
=Agnikulas, Pramāra.=—1st _Pramara_. There are four races to whom the
Hindu genealogists have given Agni, or the element of fire, as
progenitor. The Agnikulas are therefore the sons of Vulcan, as the
others are of Sol,[2.7.38] Mercurius, and Terra [90].
The Agnikulas are the Pramara, the Parihara, the Chalukya or Solanki,
and the Chauhan.[2.3.39]
That these races, the sons of Agni, were but regenerated, and converted
by the Brahmans to fight their battles, the clearest interpretations of
their allegorical history will disclose; and, as the most ancient of
their inscriptions are in the Pali character, discovered wherever the
Buddhist religion prevailed, their being declared of the race of Tasta
or Takshak,[2.3.40] warrants our asserting the Agnikulas to be of this
same race, which invaded India about two centuries before Christ. It was
about this period that Parsvanatha the twenty-third Buddha,[2.3.41]
appeared in India; his symbol, the serpent. The legend of the snake
(Takshak) escaping with the celebrated work Pingala, which was recovered
by Garuda, the eagle of Krishna, is purely allegorical; and descriptive
of the contentions between the followers of Parswanatha, figured under
his emblem, the snake, and those of Krishna, depicted under his sign,
the eagle.
The worshippers of Surya probably recovered their power on the
exterminating civil wars of the Lunar races, but the creation of the
Agnikulas is expressly stated to be for the preservation of the altars
of Bal, or Iswara, against the Daityas, or Atheists.
The celebrated Abu, or Arbuda, the Olympus of Rajasthan, was the scene
of contention between the ministers of Surya and these Titans, and their
relation might, with the aid of imagination, be equally amusing with the
Titanic war of the ancient poets of the west [91]. The Buddhists claim
it for Adinath, their first Buddha; the Brahmans for Iswara, or, as the
local divinity styled Achaleswara.[2.7.42] The Agnikunda is still shown
on the summit of Abu, where the four races were created by the Brahmans
to fight the battles of Achaleswara and polytheism, against the
monotheistic Buddhists, represented as the serpents or Takshaks. The
probable period of this conversion has been hinted at; but of the
dynasties issuing from the Agnikulas, many of the princes professed the
Buddhist or Jain faith, to periods so late as the Muhammadan invasion.
The Pramara, though not, as his name implies, the ‘chief warrior,’ was
the most potent of the Agnikulas. He sent forth thirty-five sakha, or
branches, several of whom enjoyed extensive sovereignties. ‘The world is
the Pramar’s,’ is an ancient saying, denoting their extensive sway; and
the Naukot[2.7.43] Marusthali signified the nine divisions into which
the country, from the Sutlej to the ocean, was partitioned amongst them.
Maheswar, Dhar, Mandu, Ujjain, Chandrabhaga, Chitor, Abu, Chandravati,
Mhau Maidana, Parmavati, Umarkot, Bakhar, Lodorva, and Patan are the
most conspicuous of the capitals they conquered or founded.
Though the Pramara family never equalled in wealth the famed Solanki
princes of Anhilwara, or shone with such lustre as the Chauhan, it
attained a wider range and an earlier consolidation of dominion than
either, and far excelled in all, the Parihara, the last and least of the
Agnikulas, which it long held tributary.
Maheswar, the ancient seat of the Haihaya kings, appears to have been
the first seat of government of the Pramaras. They subsequently founded
Dharanagar, and Mandu on the crest of the Vindhya hills; and to them is
even attributed the city of Ujjain, the first meridian of the Hindus,
and the seat of Vikrama.
There are numerous records of the family, fixing eras in their history
of more modern times; and it is to be hoped that the interpretation of
yet undeciphered inscriptions may carry us back beyond the seventh
century.
The era[2.7.44] of Bhoj, the son of Munja, has been satisfactorily
settled; and an [92] inscription[2.7.45] in the nail-headed character,
carries it back a step further,[2.7.46] and elicits an historical fact
of infinite value, giving the date of the last prince of the Pramaras of
Chitor, and the consequent accession of the Guhilots.
The Nerbudda was no limit to the power of the Pramaras. About the very
period of the foregoing inscription, Ram Pramar held his court in
Telingana, and is invested by the Chauhan Bard, Chand, with the dignity
of paramount sovereign of India, and head of a splendid feudal[2.7.47]
association, whose members became independent on his death. The Bard
makes this a voluntary act of the Pramaras; but coupled with the
Guhilots’ violent acquisition of Chitor, we may suppose the successor of
Ram was unable to maintain such supremacy.
While Hindu literature survives the name of Bhoj Pramara and ‘the nine
gems’ of his court cannot perish; though it is difficult to say which of
the three[2.7.48] princes of this name is particularly alluded to, as
they all appear to have been patrons of science.
Chandragupta, the supposed opponent of Alexander, was a Maurya, and in
the sacred genealogies is declared of the race of Takshak. The ancient
inscriptions of the Pramars, of which the Maurya is a principal branch,
declare it of the race of Tasta and Takshak, as does that now given from
the seat of their power, Chitor.[2.7.49]
Salivahana, the conqueror of Vikramaditya, was a Takshak, and his era
set aside that of the Tuar in the Deccan.
Not one remnant of independence exists to mark the greatness of the
Pramaras: ruins are the sole records of their power. The prince of
Dhat,[2.7.50] in the Indian [93] desert, is the last phantom of royalty
of the race; and the descendant of the prince who protected Humayun,
when driven from the throne of Timur, in whose capital, Umarkot, the
great Akbar was born, is at the foot of fortune’s ladder; his throne in
the desert, the footstool of the Baloch, on whose bounty he is dependent
for support.
Among the thirty-five sakha of the Pramaras the Vihal was eminent, the
princes of which line appear to have been lords of Chandravati, at the
foot of the Aravalli. The Rao of Bijolia, one of the sixteen superior
nobles of the Rana’s court, is a Pramara of the ancient stock of Dhar,
and perhaps its most respectable representative.
THIRTY-FIVE SAKHA OF THE PRAMARAS
_Mori_ [or _Maurya_].—Of which was Chandragupta, and the princes of
Chitor prior to the Guhilot.
_Sodha._—Sogdoi of Alexander, the princes of Dhat in the Indian desert.
_Sankhla._—Chiefs of Pugal, and in Marwar.
_Khair._—Capital Khairalu.
_Umra and Sumra._—Anciently in the desert, now Muhammadans.
_Vihal, or Bihal._—Princes of Chandravati.
_Mepawat._—Present chief of Bijolia in Mewar.
_Balhar._—Northern desert.
_Kaba._—Celebrated in Saurashtra in ancient times, a few yet in Sirohi.
_Umata._—The princes of Umatwara in Malwa, there established for twelve
generations. Umatwara is the largest tract left to the Pramaras. Since
the war in 1817, being under the British interference, they cannot be
called independent.
_Rehar_ ┐
_Dhunda_ ├ Girasia petty chiefs in Malwa.
_Sorathia_ │
_Harer_[2.7.51] ┘
-----
Footnote 2.7.51:
[For a different list see _Census Report Rajputana, 1911_, i. 255.]
-----
Besides others unknown; as Chaonda, Khejar, Sagra, Barkota, Puni,
Sampal, Bhiba, Kalpusar, Kalmoh, Kohila, Papa, Kahoria, Dhand, Deba,
Barhar, Jipra, Posra, Dhunta, Rikamva, and Taika. Many of these are
proselytes to Islamism, and several beyond the Indus [94].
=Chahuman or Chauhan.=—On this race so much has been said
elsewhere,[2.7.52] that it would be superfluous to give more than a
rapid sketch of them here.
This is the most valiant of the Agnikulas, and it may be asserted not of
them only, but of the whole Rajput race. Actions may be recorded of the
greater part of each of the Chhattis-kula, which would yield to none in
the ample and varied pages of history; and though the ‘Talwar Rathoran’
would be ready to contest the point, impartial decision, with a
knowledge of their respective merits, must assign to the Chauhan the van
in the long career of arms.
Its branches (sakha) have maintained all the vigour of the original
stem; and the Haras, the Khichis, the Deoras, the Sonigiras, and others
of the twenty-four, have their names immortalised in the song of the
bard.
The derivation of Chauhan is coeval with his fabulous birth: ‘the
four-handed warrior’ (_Chatur-bhuja Chatur-bahu Vira_). All failed when
sent against the demons, but the Chauhan, the last creation of the
Brahmans to fight their battles against infidelity.
A short extract may be acceptable from the original respecting the birth
of the Chauhan, to guard the rites of our Indian Jove on this Olympus,
the sacred Abu: “the Guru of mountains, like Sumer or Kailas, which
Achaleswara made his abode. Fast but one day on its summit, and your
sins will be forgiven; reside there for a year, and you may become the
preceptor of mankind.”
=The Agnikunda Fire-pit.=—Notwithstanding the sanctity of Abu, and the
little temptation to disturb the anchorites of Bal, “the Munis, who
passed their time in devotion, whom desire never approached, who drew
support from the cow, from roots, fruits, and flowers,” yet did the
Daityas, envying their felicity, render the sacrifice impure, and stop
in transit the share of the gods. “The Brahmans dug the pit for
burnt-sacrifice to the south-west (nairrit); but the demons[2.7.53]
raised storms which darkened the air and filled it with clouds of sand,
showering ordure, blood, bones and flesh, with every impurity, on their
rites. Their penance was of no avail.”
Again they kindled the sacred fire; and the priests, assembling round
the Agnikunda,[2.7.54] prayed for aid to Mahadeo [95]. "From the
fire-fountain a figure issued forth, but he had not a warrior’s mien.
The Brahmans placed him as guardian of the gate, and thence his name,
Prithivi-dwara.[2.7.55] A second issued forth, and being formed in the
palm (_challu_) of the hand was named Chalukya. A third appeared and was
named Pramara.[2.7.56] He had the blessing of the Rishis, and with the
others went against the demons, but they did not prevail. Again
Vasishtha,[2.7.57] seated on the lotus, prepared incantations; again he
called the gods to aid: and, as he poured forth the libation, a figure
arose, lofty in stature, of elevated front, hair like jet, eyes rolling,
breast expanded, fierce, terrific, clad in armour, quiver filled, a bow
in one hand and a brand in the other, quadriform (_Chaturanga_),[2.7.58]
whence his name, _Chauhan_.
“Vasishtha prayed that his hope[2.7.59] might be at length fulfilled, as
the Chauhan was despatched against the demons. Sakti-devi[2.7.60] on her
lion, armed with the trident, descended, and bestowed her blessing on
the Chauhan, and as Asapurna, or Kalika, promised always to hear his
prayer. He went against the demons; their leaders he slew. The rest
fled, nor halted till they reached the depths of hell. Anhal slew the
demons. The Brahmans were made happy; and of his race was
Prithwiraja.”[2.7.61]
The genealogical tree of the Chauhans exhibits thirty-nine princes, from
Anhal, the first created Chauhan, to Prithwiraja, the last of the Hindu
emperors of India.[2.7.62] But whether the chain is entire we cannot
say. The inference is decidedly against its being so; for this creation
or regeneration is assigned to an age centuries anterior to
Vikramaditya: and we may safely state these converts to be of the
Takshak race, invaders of India at a very early period.
Ajaipal is a name celebrated in the Chauhan chronicles, as the founder
of the fortress of Ajmer, one of the earliest establishments of Chauhan
power.[2.7.63]
Sambhar,[2.7.64] on the banks of the extensive salt lake of the same
name, was probably anterior to Ajmer, and yielded an epithet to the
princes of this race, who [96] were styled Sambhari Rao. These continued
to be the most important places of Chauhan power, until the translation
of Prithwiraja to the imperial throne of Delhi threw a parting halo of
splendour over the last of its independent kings. There were several
princes whose actions emblazon the history of the Chauhans. Of these was
Manika Rae, who first opposed the progress of the Muhammadan arms. Even
the history of the conquerors records that the most obstinate opposition
which the arms of Mahmud of Ghazni encountered was from the prince of
Ajmer,[2.7.65] who forced him to retreat, foiled and disgraced, from
this celebrated stronghold, in his destructive route to Saurashtra.
The attack on Manika Rae appears to have been by Kasim, the general of
Walid, on the close of the first century of the Hegira.[2.7.66] The
second attack was at the end of the fourth century. A third was during
the reign of Bisaladeva, who headed a grand confederacy of the Rajput
princes against the foes of their religion. The celebrated Udayaditya
Pramar is enumerated amongst the chiefs acting in subserviency to the
Chauhan prince on this occasion, and as his death has been fixed by
unerring records in A.D. 1096, this combination must have been against
the Islamite king Maudud, the fourth from Mahmud; and to this victory is
the allusion in the inscription on the ancient pillar of Delhi.[2.7.67]
But these irruptions continued to the captivity and death of the last of
the Chauhans, whose reign exhibits a splendid picture of feudal manners.
The Chauhans sent forth twenty-four branches, of whom the most
celebrated are the existing families of Bundi and Kotah, in the division
termed Haravati. They have well maintained the Chauhan reputation for
valour. Six princely brothers shed their blood in one field, in the
support of the aged Shah Jahan against his rebellious son Aurangzeb, and
of the six but one survived his wounds.
The Khichis[2.7.68] of Gagraun and Raghugarh, the Deoras of Sirohi, the
Sonigiras of Jalor, the Chauhans of Sui Bah and Sanchor, and the
Pawechas of Pawagarh, have all immortalized themselves by the most
heroic and devoted deeds. Most of these families yet exist, brave as in
the days of Prithwiraja.
Many chiefs of the Chauhan race abandoned their faith to preserve their
lands, the Kaimkhani,[2.7.69] the Sarwanis, the Lowanis, the Kararwanis,
and the Bedwanas [97], chiefly residing in Shaikhavati, are the most
conspicuous. No less than twelve petty princes thus deserted their
faith: which, however, is not contrary to the Rajput creed; for even
Manu says, they may part with wife to preserve their land. Isaridas,
nephew of Prithwiraja, was the first who set this example.
_Twenty-four Sakha of the Chauhans._—Chauhan, Hara, Khichi, Sonigira,
Deora, Pabia, Sanchora, Goelwal, Bhadauria, Nirwan, Malani, Purbia,
Sura, Madrecha, Sankrecha, Bhurecha, Balecha, Tasera, Chachera, Rosia,
Chanda, Nikumbha, Bhawar, and Bankat.[2.7.70]
=Chalukya or Solanki.=—Though we cannot trace the history of this branch
of the Agnikulas to such periods of antiquity as the Pramara or Chauhan,
it is from the deficiency of materials, rather than any want of
celebrity, that we are unable to place it, in this respect, on a level
with them. The tradition of the bard makes the Solankis important as
princes of Sura on the Ganges, ere the Rathors obtained Kanauj.[2.7.71]
The genealogical test[2.7.72] claims Lohkot, said to be the ancient
Lahore, as a residence, which makes them of the same Sakha (Madhwani) as
the Chauhans. Certain it is, that in the eighth century we find the
Langahas[2.7.73] and Togras inhabiting Multan and the surrounding
country, the chief opponents of the Bhattis on their establishment in
the desert. They were princes of Kalyan, on the Malabar coast,[2.7.74]
which city still exhibits vestiges of ancient grandeur. It was from
Kalyan that a scion of the Solanki tree was taken, and engrafted on the
royal stem of the Chawaras of Anhilwara Patan.
It was in S. 987 (A.D. 931) that Bhojraj, the last of the Chawaras, and
the Salic law of India were both set aside, to make way for the young
Solanki, Mulraj,[2.7.75] who ruled Anhilwara for the space of
fifty-eight years. During the reign of his son and successor, Chamund
Rae,[2.7.76] Mahmud of Ghazni carried his desolating arms into the
kingdom of Anhilwara. With its wealth he raised those [98] magnificent
trophies of his conquest, among which the ‘Celestial Bride’ might have
vied with anything ever erected by man as a monument of folly.[2.7.77]
The wealth abstracted, as reported in the history of the conquerors, by
this scourge of India, though deemed incredible, would obtain belief, if
the commercial riches of Anhilwara could be appreciated. It was to India
what Venice was to Europe, the entrepôt of the products of both the
eastern and western hemispheres. It fully recovered the shock given by
Mahmud and the desultory wars of his successors; and we find Siddharaja
Jayasingha,[2.7.78] the seventh from the founder, at the head of the
richest, if not the most warlike, kingdom of India. Two-and-twenty
principalities at one time owned his power, from the Carnatic to the
base of the Himalaya Mountains; but his unwise successor drew upon
himself the vengeance of the Chauhan, Prithwiraja, a slip of which race
was engrafted, in the person of Kumarapala, on the genealogical tree of
the Solankis;[2.7.79] and it is a curious fact that this dynasty of the
Balakaraes alone gives us two examples of the Salic law of India being
violated. Kumarapala, installed on the throne of Anhilwara, ‘tied round
his head the turban of the Solanki.’ He became of the tribe into which
he was adopted. Kumarapala, as well as Siddharaja, was the patron of
Buddhism;[2.7.80] and the monuments erected under them and their
successors claim our admiration, from their magnificence and the
perfection of the arts; for at no period were they more cultivated than
at the courts of Anhilwara.
The lieutenants of Shihābu-d-din disturbed the close of Kumarapal’s
reign; and his successor, Balo Muldeo, closed this dynasty in S. 1284
(A.D. 1228), when a new dynasty, called the Vaghela (descendants of
Siddharaja) under Bīsaldeo, succeeded.[2.7.81] The dilapidations from
religious persecution were repaired; Somnath, renowned as Delphos of
old, rose from its ruins, and the kingdom of the Balakaraes was
attaining its pristine magnificence, when, under the fourth prince,
Karandeva, the angel of destruction appeared in the shape of Alau-d-din,
and the kingdom of Anhilwara was annihilated. The lieutenants of the
Tatar despot of Delhi let loose the spirit of intolerance and avarice on
the rich cities and fertile plains of Gujarat and Saurashtra. In
contempt of their faith, the altar of an Islamite Darvesh was placed in
contact with the shrine of Adinath, on the [99] most accessible of their
sacred mounts:[2.7.82] the statues of Buddha [the Jain Tirthankaras]
were thrown down, and the books containing the mysteries of their faith
suffered the same fate as the Alexandrian library. The walls of
Anhilwara were demolished; its foundations excavated, and again filled
up with the fragments of their ancient temples.[2.7.83]
The remnants of the Solanki dynasty were scattered over the land, and
this portion of India remained for upwards of a century without any
paramount head, until, by a singular dispensation of Providence, its
splendour was renovated, and its foundations rebuilt, by an adventurer
of the same race from which the Agnikulas were originally converts,
though Saharan the Tak hid his name and his tribe under his new epithet
of Zafar Khan, and as Muzaffar ascended the throne of Gujarat, which he
left to his son. This son was Ahmad, who founded Ahmadabad, whose most
splendid edifices were built from the ancient cities around it.[2.7.84]
=Bāghels.=—Though the stem of the Solankis was thus uprooted, yet was it
not before many of its branches (Sakha), like their own indigenous
bar-tree, had fixed themselves in other soils. The most conspicuous of
these is the Baghela[2.7.85] family, which gave its name to an entire
division of Hindustan; and Baghelkhand has now been ruled for many
centuries by the descendants of Siddharaja.
Besides Bandhugarh, there are minor chieftainships still in Gujarat of
the Baghela tribe. Of these, Pethapur and Tharad are the most
conspicuous. One of the chieftains of the second class in Mewar is a
Solanki, and traces his line immediately from Siddharaja: this is the
chief of Rupnagar,[2.7.86] whose stronghold commands one of the passes
leading to Marwar, and whose family annals would furnish a fine picture
of the state of border-feuds. Few of them, till of late years, have died
natural deaths.
The Solanki is divided into sixteen branches [100].
1. Baghela—Raja of Baghelkhand (capital Bandhugarh), Raos of Pitapur,
Tharad, and Adalaj, etc.
2. Birpura—Rao of Lunawara.
3. Bahala—Kalyanpur in Mewar, styled Rao, but serving the chief of
Salumbar.
4. Bhurta[2.7.87] ┐ In Baru, Tekra, and Chahir, in Jaisalmer.
5. Kalacha[2.7.87] ┘
6. Langaha—Muslims about Multan.
7. Togra—Muslims in the Panjnad.
8. Brika— ” ”
9. Surki—In Deccan.
10. Sarwaria[2.7.88]—Girnar in Saurashtra.
11. Raka—Toda in Jaipur.
12. Ranakia—Desuri in Mewar.
13. Kharara—Alota and Jawara, in Malwa.
14. Tantia—Chandbhar Sakanbari.[2.7.89]
15. Almecha—No land.
16. Kalamor—Gujarat.[2.7.90]
=Pratihāra or Parihāra.=—Of this, the last and least of the Agnikulas,
we have not much to say. The Pariharas never acted a conspicuous part in
the history of Rajasthan. They are always discovered in a subordinate
capacity, acting in feudal subjection to the Tuars of Delhi or the
Chauhans of Ajmer; and the brightest page of their history is the record
of an abortive attempt of Nahar Rao to maintain his independence against
Prithwiraja. Though a failure, it has immortalized his name, and given
to the scene of action,[2.7.91] one of the passes of the Aravalli, a
merited celebrity. Mandor[2.7.91] (classically Maddodara) was the
capital of the Parihars, and was the chief city of Marwar which owned
the sway of this tribe prior to the invasion and settlement of the
Rathors. It is placed five miles northward of the modern [101] Jodhpur,
and preserves some specimens of the ancient Pali character, fragments of
sculpture and Jain temples.
The Rathor emigrant princes of Kanauj found an asylum with the Parihars.
They repaid it by treachery, and Chonda, a name celebrated in the Rathor
annals, dispossessed the last of the Parihars, and pitched the flag of
the Rathors on the battlements of Mandor. The power of the Parihars had,
however, been much reduced previously by the princes of Mewar, who not
only abstracted much territory from them, but assumed the title of its
princes—Rana.[2.7.92]
The Parihara is scattered over Rajasthan, but I am unaware of the
existence of any independent chieftainship there. At the confluence of
the Kuhari, the Sind, and the Chambal, there is a colony of this race,
which has given its name to a commune of twenty-four villages, besides
hamlets, situated amidst the ravines of these streams. They were
nominally subjects of Sindhia; but it was deemed requisite for the line
of defence along the Chambal that it should be included within the
British demarcation, by which we incorporated with our rule the most
notorious body of thieves in the annals of Thug history.
The Parihars had twelve subdivisions, of which the chief were the Indha
and Sindhal: a few of both are still to be found about the banks of the
Luni.[2.7.93]
=Chāwara or Chaura.=—This tribe was once renowned in the history of
India, though its name is now scarcely known, or only in the chronicles
of the bard. Of its origin we are in ignorance. It belongs neither to
the Solar nor Lunar race, and consequently we may presume it to be of
Scythic origin.[2.7.94] The name is unknown in Hindustan, and is
confined, with many others originating from beyond the Indus, to the
peninsula of Saurashtra. If foreign to India proper, its establishment
must have been at a remote period, as we find individuals of it
intermarrying with the Suryavansa ancestry of the present princes of
Mewar, when this family were the lords of Valabhi.
The capital of the Chawaras was the insular Deobandar, on the coast of
Saurashtra, and the celebrated temple of Somnath, with many others on
this coast, dedicated to Balnath, or the sun, is attributed to this
tribe of the Sauras,[2.7.95] or [102] worshippers of the sun; most
probably the generic name of the tribe as well as of the
peninsula.[2.7.96]
By a natural catastrophe, or as the Hindu superstitious chroniclers will
have it, as a punishment for the piracies of the prince of Deo, the
element whose privilege he abused rose and overwhelmed his capital. As
all this coast is very low, such an occurrence is not improbable; though
the abandonment of Deo might have been compelled by the irruptions of
the Arabians, who at this period carried on a trade with these parts,
and the plunder of some of their vessels may have brought this
punishment on the Chawaras. That it was owing to some such political
catastrophe, we have additional grounds for belief from the annals of
Mewar, which state that its princes inducted the Chawaras into the seats
of the power they abandoned on the continent and peninsula of
Saurashtra.
At all events, the prince of Deo laid the foundation of Anhilwara Patan
in S. 802 (A.D. 746), which henceforth became the capital city of this
portion of India, in lieu of Valabhipura, which gave the title of
Balakaraes to its princes, the Balhara of the earlier Arabian
travellers, and following them, the geographers of Europe.[2.7.97]
Vana Raja (or, in the dialects, Banraj) was this founder, and his
dynasty ruled for one hundred and eighty-four years, when, as related in
the sketch of the Solanki tribe, Bhojraj, the seventh from the founder,
was deposed by his nephew.[2.7.98] It was during this dynasty that the
Arabian travellers[2.7.99] visited this court, of which they have left
but a confused picture. We are not, however, altogether in darkness
regarding the Chawara race, as in the Khuman Raesa, one of the
chronicles of Mewar, mention is made of the auxiliaries under a leader
named Chatansi, in the defence of Chitor against the first attack on
record of the Muhammadans.
When Mahmud of Ghazni invaded Saurashtra and captured its capital,
Anhilwara, he deposed its prince, and placed upon the throne, according
to Ferishta, a prince of the former dynasty, renowned for his ancient
line and purity of blood, and who is styled Dabichalima; a name which
has puzzled all European commentators. Now the Dabhi was a celebrated
tribe, said by some to be a branch of the [103] Chawara, and this
therefore may be a compound of Dabhi Chawara, or the Chaurasima, by some
called a branch of the ancient Yadus.[2.7.100]
This ancient connexion between the Suryavansi chiefs and the Chawaras,
or Sauras, of Saurashtra, is still maintained after a lapse of more than
one thousand years; for although an alliance with the Rana’s family is
deemed the highest honour that a Hindu prince can obtain, as being the
first in rank in Rajasthan, yet is the humble Chawara sought out, even
at the foot of fortune’s ladder, whence to carry on the blood of Rama.
The present heir-apparent of a line of ‘one hundred kings,’ the prince
Jawān Singh [1828-38], is the offspring of a Chawara mother, the
daughter of a petty chieftain of Gujarat.
It were vain to give any account of the present state of the families
bearing this name. They must depend upon the fame of past days; to this
we leave them.
=Tāk or Takshak.=—Takshak appears to be the generic term of the race
from which the various Scythic tribes, the early invaders of India,
branched off. It appears of more ancient application than Getae, which
was the parent of innumerable sakha. It might not be judicious to
separate them, though it would be speculative to say which was the
primitive title of the races called Scythic, after their country,
Sakatai or Sakadwipa, the land of the great Getae.
Abulghazi makes Taunak[2.7.101] the son of Turk or Targetai, who appears
to be the Turushka of the Puranas, the Tukyuks of the Chinese
historians, the nomadic Tokhari of Strabo, who aided to overturn the
Greek kingdom of Bactria, and gave their name to the grand division of
Asia, Tokharistan[2.7.102] or Turkistan: and there is every appearance
of that singular race, the Tajik,[2.7.103] still scattered over these
[104] regions, and whose history appears a mystery, being the
descendants of the Takshak.
It has been already observed, that ancient inscriptions in the Pali or
Buddhist character have been discovered in various parts of Rajasthan,
of the race called Tasta, Takshak, and Tak, relating to the tribes, the
Mori [or Maurya], Pramara, their descendants. Naga and Takshak are
synonymous appellations in Sanskrit for the snake, and the Takshak is
the celebrated Nagvansa of the early heroic history of India. The
Mahabharata describes, in its usual allegorical style, the wars between
the Pandavas of Indraprastha and the Takshaks of the north. The
assassination of Parikshita by the Takshak, and the exterminating
warfare carried on against them by his son and successor, Janamejaya,
who at last compelled them to sign tributary engagements, divested of
its allegory,[2.7.104] is plain historical fact.
When Alexander invaded India, he found the Paraitakai, the mountain
(_pahar_) Tak, inhabiting the Paropamisos range; nor is it by any means
unlikely that Taxiles,[2.7.105] the ally of the Macedonian king, was the
chief (_es_) of the Taks; and in the early history of the Bhatti princes
of Jaisalmer, when driven from Zabulistan, they dispossessed the Taks on
the Indus, and established themselves in their land, the capital of
which was called Salivahanpura; and as the date of this event is given
as 3008 of the Yudhishthira era, it is by no means unlikely that
Salivahana, or Salbhan (who was a Takshak), the conqueror of the Tuar
Vikrama, was of the very family dispossessed by the Bhattis, who
compelled them to migrate to the south.
The calculated period of the invasion of the Takshaks, or Nagvansa,
under Sheshnag, is about six or seven centuries before the Christian
era, at which very [105] period the Scythic invasion of Egypt and Syria,
“by the sons of Togarmah riding on horses” (the Aswas, or Asi), is alike
recorded by the prophet Ezekiel and Diodorus. The Abu Mahatma calls the
Takshaks “the sons of Himachal,” all evincing Scythic descent; and it
was only eight reigns anterior to this change in the Lunar dynasties of
India, that Parsvanath, the twenty-third Buddha [Jain Tirthankara],
introduced his tenets into India, and fixed his abode in the holy mount
Sarnet.[2.7.106]
Enough of the ancient history of the Tak; we will now descend to more
modern times, on which we shall be brief. We have already mentioned the
Takshak Mori [or Maurya] as being lords of Chitor from a very early
period; and but a few generations after the Guhilots supplanted the
Moris, this palladium of Hindu liberty was assailed by the arms of
Islam. We find amongst the numerous defenders who appear to have
considered the cause of Chitor their own, “the Tak from
Asirgarh.”[2.7.107] This race appears to have retained possession of
Asir for at least two centuries after this event, as its chieftain was
one of the most conspicuous leaders in the array of Prithwiraja. In the
poems of Chand he is called the “standard-bearer, Tak of Asir.”[2.7.108]
This ancient race, the foe of Janamejaya and the friend of Alexander,
closed its career in a blaze of splendour. The celebrity of the kings of
Gujarat will make amends for the obscurity of the Taks of modern times,
of whom a dynasty of fourteen kings followed each other in succession,
commencing and ending with the proud title of Muzaffar. It was in the
reign of Muhammad,[2.7.109] son of the first Tughlak, that an accident
to his nephew Firoz proved the dawn of the fortunes of the Tak;
purchased, however, with the change of name and religion. Saharan the
Tak was the first apostate of his line, who, under the name of
Wajihu-l-mulk, concealed both his origin and tribe. His son, Zafar Khan,
was raised by his patron Firoz to the government of Gujarat, about the
period when Timur invaded India. Zafar availed himself of the weakness
of his master and the distraction of the times, and mounted the throne
of Gujarat under the name of [106] Muzaffar.[2.7.110] He was
assassinated by the hand of his grandson, Ahmad, who changed the ancient
capital, Anhilwara, for the city founded by himself, and called
Ahmadabad, one of the most splendid in the east. With the apostasy of
the Tak,[2.7.111] the name appears to have been obliterated from the
tribes of Rajasthan; nor has my search ever discovered one of this name
now existing.
=Jat, Jāt.=—In all the ancient catalogues of the thirty-six royal races
of India the Jat has a place, though by none is he ever styled ‘Rajput’;
nor am I aware of any instance of a Rajput’s intermarriage with a
Jat.[2.7.112] It is a name widely disseminated over India, though it
does not now occupy a very elevated place amongst the inhabitants,
belonging chiefly to the agricultural classes.
In the Panjab they still retain their ancient name of Jat. On the Jumna
and Ganges they are styled Jāts, of whom the chief of Bharatpur is the
most conspicuous. On the Indus and in Saurashtra they are termed Jats.
The greater portion of the husbandmen in Rajasthan are Jats; and there
are numerous tribes beyond the Indus, now proselytes to the Muhammadan
religion, who derive their origin from this class.
Of its ancient history sufficient has been already said. We will merely
add, that the kingdom of the great Getae, whose capital was on the
Jaxartes, preserved its integrity and name from the period of Cyrus to
the fourteenth century, when it was converted from idolatry to the faith
of Islam. Herodotus [iv. 93-4] informs us that the Getae were theists
and held the tenet of the soul’s immortality; and De Guignes,[2.7.113]
from Chinese authorities, asserts that at a very early period they had
embraced the religion of Fo or Buddha.
The traditions of the Jats claim the regions west of the Indus as the
cradle of the race, and make them of Yadu extraction; thus corroborating
the annals of the Yadus, which state their migration from Zabulistan,
and almost inducing us to [107] dispense with the descent of this tribe
from Krishna, and to pronounce it an important colony of the Yueh-chi,
Yuti, or Jats. Of the first migration from Central Asia of this race
within the Indus we have no record; it might have been simultaneous with
the Takshak, from the wars of Cyrus or his ancestors.
It has been already remarked that the Jat divided with the Takshak the
claim of being the parent name of the various tribes called Scythic,
invaders of India; and there is now before the author an inscription of
the fifth century applying both epithets to the same prince,[2.7.114]
who is invested moreover with the Scythic quality of worshipping the
sun. It states, likewise, that the mother of this Jat prince was of Yadu
race: strengthening their claims to a niche amongst the thirty-six
Rajkulas, as well as their Yadu descent.
The fifth century of the Christian era, to which this inscription
belongs, is a period of interest in Jat history. De Guignes, from
original authorities, states the Yueh-chi or Jats to have established
themselves in the Panjab in the fifth and sixth centuries, and the
inscription now quoted applies to a prince whose capital is styled
Salindrapura in these regions; and doubtless the Salivahanpur[2.7.115]
where the Yadu Bhattis established themselves on the expulsion of the
Tak.
How much earlier than this the Jat penetrated into Rajasthan must be
left to more ancient inscriptions to determine: suffice it that in A.D.
440 we find him in power.[2.7.116]
When the Yadu was expelled from Salivahanpura, and forced to seek refuge
[108] across the Sutlej among the Dahia and Johya Rajputs of the Indian
desert, where they founded their first capital, Derawar, many from
compulsion embraced the Muhammadan faith; on which occasion they assumed
the name of Jat,[2.7.117] of which at least twenty different offsets are
enumerated in the Yadu chronicles.
That the Jats continued as a powerful community on the east bank of the
Indus and in the Panjab, fully five centuries after the period our
inscription and their annals illustrate, we have the most interesting
records in the history of Mahmud, the conqueror of India, whose progress
they checked in a manner unprecedented in the annals of continental
warfare. It was in 416 of the Hegira (A.D. 1026) that Mahmud marched an
army against the Jats, who had harassed and insulted him on the return
from his last expedition against Saurashtra. The interest of the account
authorizes its being given from the original.
“The Jats inhabited the country on the borders of Multan, along the
river that runs by the mountains of Jud.[2.7.118] When Mahmud reached
Multan, finding the Jat country defended by great rivers, he built
fifteen hundred boats,[2.7.119] each armed with six iron spikes
projecting from their prows, to prevent their being boarded by the
enemy, expert in this kind of warfare. In each boat he placed twenty
archers, and some with fire-balls of naphtha to burn the Jat fleet. The
monarch having determined on their extirpation, awaited the result at
Multan. The Jats sent their wives, children, and effects to Sind
Sagar,[2.7.120] and launched four thousand, or, as others say, eight
thousand boats well armed to meet the Ghaznians. A terrible conflict
ensued, but the projecting spikes sunk the Jat boats while others were
set on fire. Few escaped from this scene of terror; and those who did,
met with the more severe fate of captivity.”[2.7.121]
Many doubtless did escape; and it is most probable that the Jat
communities, on whose overthrow the State of Bikaner was founded, were
remnants of this very warfare [109].
Not long after this event the original empire of the Getae was
overturned, when many fugitives found a refuge in India. In 1360
Togultash Timur was the great Khan of the Getae nation; idolaters even
to this period. He had conquered Khorasan, invaded Transoxiana (whose
prince fled, but whose nephew, Amir Timur, averted its subjugation),
gained the friendship of Togultash, and commanded a hundred thousand
Getae warriors. In 1369, when the Getic Khan died, such was the
ascendancy obtained by Timur over his subjects, that the Kuriltai, or
general assembly, transferred the title of Grand Khan from the Getic to
the Chagatai Timur. In 1370 he married a Getic princess, and added
Khokhand and Samarkand to his patrimony, Transoxiana. Rebellions and
massacres almost depopulated this nursery of mankind, ere the Getae
abandoned their independence; nor was it till 1388, after six invasions,
in which he burnt their towns, brought away their wealth, and almost
annihilated the nation, that he felt himself secure.[2.7.122]
In his expedition into India, having overrun great part of Europe,
“taken Moscow, and slain the soldiers of the barbarous Urus,” he
encountered his old foes “the Getae, who inhabited the plains of Tohim,
where he put two thousand to the sword, pursuing them into the desert
and slaughtering many more near the Ghaggar.”[2.7.123]
Still the Jat maintained himself in the Panjab, and the most powerful
and independent prince of India at this day is the Jat prince of Lahore,
holding dominion over the identical regions where the Yueh-chi colonized
in the fifth century, and where the Yadus, driven from Ghazni,
established themselves on the ruins of the Taks. The Jat cavalier
retains a portion of his Scythic manners, and preserves the use of the
chakra or discus, the weapon of the Yadu Krishna in the remote age of
the Bharat.
=Hun or Hūn.=—Amongst the Scythic tribes who have secured for themselves
a niche with the thirty-six races of India, is the Hun. At what period
this race, so well known by its ravages and settlement in Europe,
invaded India, we know not.[2.7.124] Doubtless it was in the society of
many others yet found in the peninsula of [110] Saurashtra, as the
Kathi, the Bala, the Makwana, etc. It is, however, confined to the
genealogies of that peninsula; for although we have mention of the Hun
in the chronicles and inscriptions of India at a very early period, he
failed to obtain a place in the catalogue of the northern bards.
The earliest notice of the tribe is in an inscription[2.7.125] recording
the power of a prince of Bihar, who, amidst his other conquests,
“humbled the pride of the Huns.” In the annals of the early history of
Mewar, in the catalogue of princes who made common cause with this the
chief of all the Rajputs, when Chitor was assailed in the first
irruption of the Muhammadans, was Angatsi, lord of the Huns, who led his
quota on this occasion. De Guignes[2.7.126] describes Angat as being the
name of a considerable horde of Huns or Moguls; and Abulghazi says that
the Tartar tribe who guarded the great wall of China were termed
Angatti, who had a distinct prince with high pay and honour. The
countries inhabited by the Hiong-nou and the Ou-huon, the Turks and
Moguls, called ‘Tatar’ from Tatan,[2.7.127] the name of the country from
the banks of the Irtish along the mountains of Altai to the shores of
the Yellow Sea, are described at large by the historian of the Huns:
following whom and other original sources, the historian of the Fall of
Rome has given great interest to his narrative of their march into
Europe. But those who are desirous to learn all that relates to the past
history and manners of this people, must consult that monument of
erudition and research, the Geography of Malte-Brun.[2.7.128]
D’Anville,[2.7.129] quoting Cosmas the traveller, informs us that the
White Huns (λευκοὶ Ούννοι)[2.7.130] occupied the north of India; and it
is most probable a colony of these found their way into Saurashtra and
Mewar.
It is on the eastern bank of the Chambal, at the ancient Barolli, that
tradition assigns a residence to the Hun; and one of the celebrated
temples at that place, called the Singar Chaori, is the marriage hall of
the Hun prince, who is also declared to have been possessed of a
lordship on the opposite bank, occupying the [111] site of the present
town of Bhainsror. In the twelfth century the Hun must have possessed
consequence, to occupy the place he holds in the chronicle of the
princes of Gujarat. The race is not extinct. One of the most intelligent
of the living bards of India assured the author of their existence; and
in a tour where he accompanied him, redeemed his pledge, by pointing out
the residence of some in a village on the estuary of the Mahi, though
degraded and mixed with other classes.[2.7.131]
We may infer that few convulsions occurred in Central Asia, which drove
forth these hordes of redundant population to seek subsistence in
Europe, without India participating in such overflow. The only singular
circumstance is, by what means they came to be recognized as Hindus,
even though of the lowest class. Sudra we cannot term them; for although
the Kathi and the Bala cannot be regarded as, or classed with Rajputs,
they would scorn the rank of Sudra.
=Kāthi.=—Of the ancient notices of this people much has been already
said, and all the genealogists, both of Rajasthan and Saurashtra, concur
in assigning it a place amongst the royal races of India. It is one of
the most important tribes of the western peninsula, and which has
effected the change of the name from Saurashtra to Kathiawar.
Of all its inhabitants the Kathi retains most originality: his
religion, his manners, and his looks, all are decidedly Scythic. He
occupied, in the time of Alexander, that nook of the Panjab near the
confluent five streams. It was against these Alexander marched in
person, when he nearly lost his life, and where he left such a signal
memorial of his vengeance. The Kathi can be traced from these scenes
to his present haunts. In the earlier portion of the Annals of
Jaisalmer mention is made of their conflicts with the Kathi; and their
own traditions[2.7.132] fix their settlement in the peninsula from the
south-eastern part of the valley of the Indus, about the eighth
century.
In the twelfth century the Kathi were conspicuous in the wars with
Prithwiraja, there being several leaders of the tribe attached to his
army, as well as to that of [112] his rival, the monarch of
Kanauj.[2.7.133] Though on this occasion they acted in some degree of
subservience to the monarch of Anhilwara, it would seem that this was
more voluntary than forced.
The Kathi still adores the sun,[2.7.134] scorns the peaceful arts, and
is much less contented with the tranquil subsistence of industry than
the precarious earnings of his former predatory pursuits. The Kathi was
never happy but on horseback, collecting his blackmail, lance in hand,
from friend and foe.
We will conclude this brief sketch with Captain Macmurdo’s character of
this race. “The Kathi differs in some respects from the Rajput. He is
more cruel in his disposition, but far exceeds him in the virtue of
bravery;[2.7.135] and a character possessed of more energy than a Kathi
does not exist. His size is considerably larger than common, often
exceeding six feet. He is sometimes seen with light hair and
blue-coloured eyes. His frame is athletic and bony, and particularly
well adapted to his mode of life. His countenance is expressive, but of
the worst kind, being harsh, and often destitute of a single mild
feature.”[2.7.136]
=Bāla.=—All the genealogists, ancient and modern, insert the Bala tribe
amongst the Rajkulas. The birad, or ‘blessing,’ of the bard is _Tatta
Multan ka rao_,[2.7.137] indicative of their original abodes on the
Indus. They lay claim, however, to descent from the Suryavansi, and
maintain that their great ancestor, Bala or Bapa, was the offspring of
Lava, the eldest son of Rama; that their first settlement in Saurashtra
was at the ancient Dhank, in more remote periods called Mungi Paithan;
and that, in conquering the country adjacent, they termed it Balakshetra
(their capital Valabhipura), and assumed the title of Balarae. Here they
claim identity with the Guhilot race of Mewar: nor is it impossible that
they may be a branch of this family, which long held power in
Saurashtra.[2.7.138] Before the Guhilots adopted the worship of Mahadeo,
which period is indicated in their annals, the chief object of their
adoration was the sun, giving them that Scythic resemblance to which the
Balas have every appearance of claim [113].
The Balas on the continent of Saurashtra, on the contrary, assert their
origin to be Induvansa, and that they are the Balakaputras who were the
ancient lords of Aror on the Indus. It would be presumption to decide
between these claims; but I would venture to surmise that they might be
the offspring of Salya, one of the princes of the Mahabharata, who
founded Aror.
The Kathis claim descent from the Balas: an additional proof of northern
origin, and strengthening their right to the epithet of the bards,
‘Lords of Multan and Tatta.’ The Balas were of sufficient consequence in
the thirteenth century to make incursions on Mewar, and the first
exploit of the celebrated Rana Hamir was his killing the Bala chieftain
of Chotila.[2.7.139] The present chief of Dhank is a Bala, and the tribe
yet preserves importance in the peninsula.
=Jhāla Makwāna.=—This tribe also inhabits the Saurashtra peninsula. It
is styled Rajput, though neither classed with the Solar, Lunar, nor
Agnikula races; but though we cannot directly prove it, we have every
right to assign to it a northern origin. It is a tribe little known in
Hindustan or even Rajasthan, into which latter country it was introduced
entirely through the medium of the ancient lords of Saurashtra, the
present family of Mewar; a sanction which covers every defect. A
splendid act of self-devotion of the Jhala chief, when Rana Partap was
oppressed with the whole weight of Akbar’s power, obtained, with the
gratitude of this prince, the highest honours he could confer,—his
daughter in marriage, and a seat on his right hand. That it was the act,
and not his rank in the scale of the thirty-six tribes, which gained him
this distinction, we have decided proof in later times, when it was
deemed a mark of great condescension that the present Rana should
sanction a remote branch of his own family bestowing a daughter in
marriage on the Jhala ruler of Kotah.[2.7.140] This tribe has given its
name to one of the largest divisions of Saurashtra, Jhalawar, which
possesses several towns of importance. Of these Bankaner, Halwad, and
Dhrangadra are the principal.
Regarding the period of the settlement of the Jhalas tradition is
silent, as also on their early history: but the aid of its quota was
given to the Rana against the [114] first attacks of the Muhammadans;
and in the heroic history of Prithwiraja we have ample and repeated
mention of the Jhala chieftains who distinguished themselves in his
service, as well as in that of his antagonist, and the name of one of
these, as recorded by the bard Chand, I have seen inscribed on the
granite rock of the sacred Girnar, near their primitive abodes, where we
leave them. There are several subdivisions of the Jhala, of which the
Makwana is the principal.
=Jethwa, Jaithwa, Kamāri.=—This is an ancient tribe, and by all
authorities styled Rajput; though, like the Jhala, little known out of
Saurashtra, to one of the divisions of which it has given its name,
Jethwar. Its present possessions are on the western coast of the
peninsula: the residence of its prince, who is styled Rana, is
Porbandar.
In remote times their capital was Ghumli, whose ruins attest
considerable power, and afford singular scope for analogy, in
architectural device, with the style termed Saxon of Europe.[2.7.141]
The bards of the Jethwas run through a long list of one hundred and
thirty crowned heads, and in the eighth century have chronicled the
marriage of their prince with the Tuar refounder of Delhi. At this
period the Jethwa bore the name of Kamar; and Sahl Kamar is reported to
be the prince who was driven from Ghumli, in the twelfth century, by
invaders from the north. With this change the name of Kamar was sunk,
and that of Jethwa assumed, which has induced the author to style them
Kamari;[2.7.142] and as they, with the other inhabitants of this
peninsula, have all the appearance of Scythic descent, urging no
pretensions to connexion with the ancient races of India, they may be a
branch of that celebrated race, the Cimmerii of higher Asia, and the
Cimbri of Europe.
Their legends are as fabulous as fanciful. They trace their descent from
the monkey-god Hanuman, and confirm it by alleging the elongation of the
spine of their princes, who bear the epithet of Puncharia, or the
‘long-tailed,’ Ranas of Saurashtra. But the manners and traditions of
this race will appear more fully in the narrative of the author’s
travels amongst them.
=Gohil.=[2.7.143]—This was a distinguished race: it claims to be
Suryavansi, and with some pretension. The first residence of the Gohils
was Juna Khergarh, near the bend of the Luni in Marwar.[2.7.144] How
long they had been established here we know not. They took it from one
of the aboriginal Bhil chiefs named Kherwa, and had been in possession
of it for twenty generations when expelled by the [115] Rathors at the
end of the twelfth century. Thence migrating to Saurashtra, they fixed
at Piramgarh;[2.7.145] which being destroyed, one branch settled at
Bhagwa, and the chief marrying the daughter of Nandanagar or
Nandod,[2.7.146] he usurped or obtained his father-in-law’s estates; and
twenty-seven generations are enumerated, from Sompal to Narsingh, the
present Raja of Nandod. Another branch fixed at Sihor, and thence
founded Bhaunagar and Gogha. The former town, on the gulf of the Mahi,
is the residence of the Gohils, who have given their name, Gohilwar, to
the eastern portion of the peninsula of Saurashtra. The present chief
addicts himself to commerce, and possesses ships which trade to the gold
coast of Sofala.
=Sarwaiya or Sariaspa.=—Of this race tradition has left us only the
knowledge that it once was famous; for although, in the catalogues of
the bard, it is introduced as the “essence of the Khatri race,”[2.7.147]
we have only a few legends regarding its present degradation. Its name,
as well as this epithet of the bard, induces a belief that it is a
branch of the Aswas, with the prefix of _sar_, denoting ‘essence,’ or
priority. But it is useless to speculate on a name.
=Silār or Salār.=—Like the former, we have here but the shade of a name;
though one which, in all probability, originated the epithet Larike, by
which the Saurashtra peninsula was known to Ptolemy and the geographers
of early Europe. The tribe of Lar was once famous in Saurashtra, and in
the annals of Anhilwara mention is made of Siddharaja Jayasingha having
extirpated them throughout his dominions. Salar, or Silar, would
therefore be distinctively _the_ Lar.[2.7.148] Indeed, the author of the
Kumarpal Charitra styles it Rajtilak, or ‘regal prince’; but the name
only now exists amongst the mercantile classes professing the faith of
Buddha [Jainism]: it is inserted as one of the eighty-four. The greater
portion of these are of Rajput origin.
=Dabhi.=—Little can be said of this tribe but that it was once
celebrated in Saurashtra. By some it is called the branch of the Yadu,
though all the genealogists give it distinct importance. It now
possesses neither territory nor numbers.[2.7.149]
=Gaur.=—The Gaur tribe was once respected in Rajasthan, though it never
there attained to any considerable eminence. The ancient kings of Bengal
were of this race, and gave their name to the capital, Lakhnauti [116].
We have every reason to believe that they were possessors of the land
afterwards occupied by the Chauhans, as they are styled in all the old
chronicles the ‘Gaur of Ajmer.’ Repeated mention is made of them in the
wars of Prithwiraja, as leaders of considerable renown, one of whom
formed a small State in the centre of India, which survived through
seven centuries of Mogul domination, till it at length fell a prey
indirectly to the successes of the British over the Mahrattas, when
Sindhia in 1809 annihilated the power of the Gaur and took possession of
his capital, Sheopur.[2.7.150] A petty district, yielding about £5000
annually, is all this rapacious head of a predatory government has left
to the Gaur, out of about twelve lacs of annual revenue. The Gaur has
five sakha: Untahar, Silhala, Tur, Dusena, and Budana.[2.7.151]
=Dor or Doda.=—We have little to say of this race. Though occupying a
place in all the genealogies, time has destroyed all knowledge of the
past history of a tribe, to gain a victory over whom was deemed by
Prithwiraja worthy of a tablet.[2.7.152]
=Gaharwār.=—The Gaharwar Rajput is scarcely known to his brethren in
Rajasthan, who will not admit his contaminated blood to mix with theirs;
though, as a brave warrior, he is entitled to their fellowship. The
original country of the Gaharwar is in the ancient kingdom of
Kasi.[2.7.153] Their great ancestor was Khortaj Deva, from whom
Jasaunda, the seventh in descent, in consequence of some grand
sacrificial rites performed at Vindhyavasi, gave the title of Bundela to
his issue. Bundela has now usurped the name of Gaharwar, and become the
appellation of the immense tract which its various branches inhabit in
Bundelkhand, on the ruins of the Chandelas, whose chief cities,
Kalanjar, Mohini, and Mahoba, they took possession of.[2.7.154]
=Chandel.=—The Chandela, classed by some of the genealogists amongst the
thirty-six tribes, were powerful in the twelfth century, possessing the
whole of the regions between [117] the Jumna and Nerbudda, now occupied
by the Bundelas and Baghelas. Their wars with Prithwiraja, forming one
of the most interesting of his exploits, ended in the humiliation of the
Chandela, and prepared the way for their conquest by the Gaharwars; the
date of the supremacy of the Bundela Manvira was about A.D. 1200.
Madhukar Sah, the thirteenth in descent from him, founded Orchha on the
Betwa, by whose son, Birsingh Deva, considerable power was attained.
Orchha became the chief of the numerous Bundela principalities; but its
founder drew upon himself everlasting infamy, by putting to death the
wise Abu-l Fazl,[2.7.155] the historian and friend of the magnanimous
Akbar, and the encomiast and advocate of the Hindu race.
From the period of Akbar the Bundelas bore a distinguished part in all
the grand conflicts, to the very close of the monarchy: nor, amongst all
the brave chiefs of Rajasthan, did any perform more gallant or faithful
services than the Bundela chieftains of Orchha and Datia. Bhagwan of
Orchha commanded the advanced guard of the army of Shah Jahan. His son,
Subhkarana, was Aurangzeb’s most distinguished leader in the Deccan, and
Dalpat fell in the war of succession on the plains of Jajau.[2.7.156]
His descendants have not degenerated; nor is there anything finer in the
annals of the chivalry of the West, than the dignified and heroic
conduct of the father of the present chief.[2.7.157] The Bundela is now
a numerous race, while the name Gaharwar remains in their original
haunts.
=Bargūjar.=—This race is Suryavansi, and the only one, with the
exception of the Guhilot, which claims from Lava, the elder son of Rama.
The Bargujar held considerable possessions in Dhundhar,[2.7.158] and
their capital was the hill fortress of Rajor[2.7.159] in the
principality of Macheri. Rajgarh and Alwar were also their [118]
possessions. The Bargujars were expelled these abodes by the Kachhwahas.
A colony found refuge and a new residence at Anupshahr on the Ganges.
=Sengar.=—Of this tribe little is known, nor does it appear ever to have
obtained great celebrity. The sole chieftainship of the Sengars is
Jagmohanpur on the Jumna.[2.7.160]
=Sakarwāl.=—This tribe, like the former, never appears to have claimed
much notice amidst the princes of Rajasthan; nor is there a single
independent chieftain now remaining, although there is a small district
called after them, Sakarwar, on the right bank of the Chambal, adjoining
Jaduvati, and like it now incorporated in the province of Gwalior, in
Sindhia’s dominions. The Sakarwal is therefore reduced to subsist by
cultivation, or the more precarious employment of his lance, either as a
follower of others, or as a common depredator. They have their name from
the town of Sikri (Fatehpur), which was formerly an independent
principality.[2.7.161]
=Bais.=—The Bais has obtained a place amongst the thirty-six races,
though the author believes it but a subdivision of the Suryavansi, as it
is neither to be met with in the lists of Chand, nor in those of the
Kumarpal Charitra. It is now numerous, and has given its name to an
extensive district, Baiswara in the Duab, or the land between the Ganges
and Jumna.[2.7.162]
=Dahia.=—This is an ancient tribe, whose residence was the banks of the
Indus, near its confluence with the Sutlej; and although they retain a
place amongst the thirty-six royal races, we have not the knowledge of
any as now existing. They are mentioned in the annals of the Bhattis of
Jaisalmer, and from name as well as from locale, we may infer that they
were the Dahae of Alexander.[2.7.163]
=Joiya, Johya.=—This race possessed the same haunts as the Dahia, and
are always coupled with them. They, however, extended across the Ghara
into the northern desert of India, and in ancient chronicles are
entitled ‘Lords of Jangaldesa,’ a tract which comprehended Hariana,
Bhatner, and Nagor. The author possesses a work relative to this tribe,
like the Dahia, now extinct.[2.7.164]
=Mohil.=—We have no mode of judging of the pretensions of this race to
the place it is allowed to occupy by the genealogists. All that can be
learned of its past history is, that it inhabited a considerable tract
so late as the foundation of the present State of Bikaner, the Rathor
founders of which expelled, if not extirpated, the Mohil. With the
Malan, Malani, and Mallia, also extinct, it may [119] claim the honour
of descent from the ancient Malloi, the foes of Alexander, whose abode
was Multan. (_Qu._ Mohilthan?)[2.7.165]
=Nikumbha.=—Of this race, to which celebrity attaches in all the
genealogies, we can only discover that they were proprietors of the
district of Mandalgarh prior to the Guhilots.[2.7.166]
=Rājpāli.=—It is difficult to discover anything regarding this race,
which, under the names of Rajpali, Rajpalaka, or simply Pala, are
mentioned by all the genealogists; especially those of Saurashtra, to
which in all probability it was confined. This tends to make it Scythic
in origin; the conclusion is strengthened by the derivation of the name,
meaning ‘royal shepherd’: it was probably a branch of the ancient
Pali.[2.7.167]
=Dahariya.=—The Kumarpal Charitra is our sole authority for classing
this race with the thirty-six. Of its history we know nothing. Amongst
the princes who came to the aid of Chitor, when first assailed by the
arms of Islam, was ‘the lord of Debal, Dahir, Despati.’[2.7.168] From
the ignorance of the transcriber of the Guhilot annals, _Delhi_ is
written instead of _Debal_; but we not only have the whole of the names
of the Tuar race, but Delhi was not in existence at this time. Slight as
is the mention of this prince in the Chitor annals, it is nevertheless
of high value, as stamping them with authenticity; for this Dahir was
actually the despot of Sind, whose tragical end in his capital Debal is
related by Abu-l Fazl. It was in the ninety-ninth year of the Hegira
that he was attacked by Muhammad bin Kasim, the lieutenant of the Caliph
of Bagdad, and treated with the greatest barbarity.[2.7.169] Whether
this prince used Dahir as a proper name, or as that of his tribe, must
be left to conjecture.
=Dahima.=—The Dahima has left but the wreck of a great name.[2.7.170]
Seven centuries have swept away all recollection of a tribe who once
afforded one of the proudest themes for the song of the bard. The Dahima
was the lord of Bayana, and one of the most powerful vassals of the
Chauhan emperor, Prithwiraja. Three brothers of this house held the
highest offices under this monarch, and the period during which the
elder, Kaimas, was his minister, was the brightest in the history of the
Chauhan: but he fell a victim to a blind jealousy. Pundir, the second
brother [120], commanded the frontier at Lahore. The third, Chawand Rae,
was the principal leader in the last battle, where Prithwiraja fell,
with the whole of his chivalry, on the banks of the Ghaggar. Even the
historians of Shihabu-d-din have preserved the name of the gallant
Dahima, Chawand Rae, whom they style Khandirai; and to whose valour,
they relate, Shihabu-d-din himself nearly fell a sacrifice. With the
Chauhan, the race seems to have been extinguished. Rainsi, his only son,
was by this sister of Chawand Rae, but he did not survive the capture of
Delhi. This marriage forms the subject of one of the books of the bard,
who never was more eloquent than in the praise of the Dahima.[2.7.171]
ABORIGINAL RACES[2.7.172]
Bagri, Mer, Kaba, Mina, Bhil, Sahariya, Thori, Khangar, Gond, Bhar,
Janwar, and Sarad.
AGRICULTURAL AND PASTORAL TRIBES
Abhira or Ahir, Goala, Kurmi or Kulumbi, Gujar, and Jat
RAJPUT TRIBES TO WHICH NO SAKHA IS ASSIGNED
Jalia, Peshani, Sohagni, Chahira, Ran, Simala, Botila, Gotchar, Malan,
Uhir, Hul, Bachak, Batar, Kerach, Kotak, Busa, and Bargota.
CATALOGUE OF THE EIGHTY-FOUR MERCANTILE TRIBES
Sri Sri Mal, Srimal, Oswal, Bagherwal, Dindu, Pushkarwal, Mertawal,
Harsora, Surawal, Piliwal, Bhambu, Kandhelwal, Dohalwal, Kederwal,
Desawal, Gujarwal, Sohorwal, Agarwal, Jaelwal, Manatwal, Kajotiwal,
Kortawal, Chehtrawal, Soni, Sojatwal, Nagar, Mad, Jalhera, Lar, Kapol,
Khareta, Barari, Dasora, Bambarwal, Nagadra, Karbera, Battewara, Mewara,
Narsinghpura, Khaterwal, Panchamwal, Hanerwal, Sirkera, Bais, Stukhi,
Kambowal, Jiranwal, Baghelwal, Orchitwal, Bamanwal, Srigur, Thakurwal,
Balmiwal, Tepora, Tilota, Atbargi, Ladisakha, Badnora, Khicha, Gasora,
Bahaohar, Jemo, Padmora, Maharia, Dhakarwal, Mangora, Goelwal, Mohorwal,
Chitora, Kakalia, Bhareja, Andora, Sachora, Bhungrawal, Mandahala,
Bramania, Bagria, Dindoria, Borwal, Sorbia, Orwal, Nuphag, and Nagora.
(One wanting.)
-----
Footnote 2.7.1:
[This catalogue is now of historical or traditional, rather than of
ethnographical value. It includes some which are admittedly extinct:
others which are proved to be derived from Gurjara and other foreign
tribes, while it omits many clans which are most influential at the
present day, and some of those included in the list are now
represented by scattered groups outside Rājputāna.]
Footnote 2.7.2:
Of his works I possess the most complete copy existing.
Footnote 2.7.3:
Presented to the Royal Asiatic Society.
Footnote 2.7.4:
Moghji, one of the most intelligent bards of the present day; but,
heartbroken, he has now but the woes of his race to sing. Yet has he
forgot them for a moment to rehearse the deeds of Parsanga, who sealed
his fidelity by his death on the Ghaggar. Then the invisible mantle of
Bhavani was wrapt around him; and with the birad (_furor poeticus_)
flowing freely of their deeds of yore, their present degradation,
time, and place were all forgot. But the time is fast approaching when
he may sing with the Cambrian bard:
“Ye lost companions of my tuneful art,
Where are ye fled?”
Footnote 2.7.5:
One of two specimens shall be given in the proper place.
Footnote 2.7.6:
A prince of Bundi had married a Rajputni of the Malani tribe, a name
now unknown: but a bard repeating the ‘gotracharya,’ it was discovered
to have been about eight centuries before a ramification (sakha) of
the Chauhan, to which the Hara of Bundi belonged—divorce and expiatory
rites, with great unhappiness, were the consequences. What a contrast
to the unhallowed doctrines of polyandry, as mentioned amongst the
Pandavas, the Scythic nations, the inhabitants of Sirmor of the
present day, and pertaining even to Britain in the days of
Caesar!—“Uxores habent deni duodenique inter se communes,” says that
accurate writer, speaking of the natives of this island; “et maximè
fratres cum fratribus, parentesque cum liberis: sed si qui sint ex his
nati, eorum habentur liberi, quo primum virgo quaeque deducta est.”
Footnote 2.7.7:
_Aparam sakham_, ‘of innumerable branches,’ is inscribed on an ancient
tablet of the Guhilot race.
Footnote 2.7.8:
_Got_, _khanp_, denote a clan; its subdivisions have the patronymic
terminating with the syllable ‘_ot_,’ ‘_awat_,’ ‘_sot_,’ in the use of
which euphony alone is their guide: thus, _Saktawat_, ‘sons of Sakta’;
_Kurmasot_, ‘of Kurma’; _Mairawat_, or _mairot_, mountaineers, ‘sons
of the mountains.’ Such is the Greek _Mainote_, from _maina_, a
mountain, in the ancient Albanian dialect, of eastern origin.
Footnote 2.7.9:
From _agni_ (_qu._ _ignis?_) ‘fire,’ the sons of Vulcan, as the others
of Sol and Luna, or Lunus, to change the sex of the parent of the Indu
(moon) race.
Footnote 2.7.10:
_Vansavali, Suryavansi Rajkuli Rana Chitor ka Dhani, Chhattis Kuli
Sengar._—MSS. from the Rana’s library, entitled _Khuman Raesa_.
Footnote 2.7.11:
Always conjoined with Vairat—‘Vijayapur Vairatgarh.’ [Vairāt forty-one
miles north of Jaipur city. The reference in the text is merely a
bardic fable, there being no connexion between Vijaya and this place
(_ASR_, ii. 249).]
Footnote 2.7.12:
A.D. 319. The inscription recording this, as well as others relating
to Valabhi and this era, I discovered in Saurashtra, as well as the
site of this ancient capital, occupying the position of ‘Byzantium’ in
Ptolemy’s geography of India. They will be given in the _Transactions_
of the Royal Asiatic Society. [The Valabhi agrees with the Gupta era
(Smith, _EHI_, 20).]
Footnote 2.7.13:
Anandpur Ahar, or ‘Ahar the city of repose.’ By the tide of events,
the family was destined to fix their last capital, Udaipur, near Ahar.
Footnote 2.7.14:
The middle of the eighth century.
Footnote 2.7.15:
[Or Maurya], a Pramara prince.
Footnote 2.7.16:
[For a different list, see _Census Report, Rajputana, 1911_, i. 256.]
Footnote 2.7.17:
The place where they found refuge was in the cluster of hills still
called _Yadu ka dang_, ‘the Yadu hills’:—the _Joudes_ of Rennell’s
geography [see p. 75 above].
Footnote 2.7.18:
[Zabulistan, with its capital, Ghazni, in Afghanistan.]
Footnote 2.7.19:
The date assigned long prior to the Christian era, agrees with the
Grecian, but the names and manners are Muhammadan.
Footnote 2.7.20:
Lodorwa Patan, whence they expelled an ancient race, was their capital
before Jaisalmer. There is much to learn of these regions.
Footnote 2.7.21:
A.D. 1155.
Footnote 2.7.22:
[The capital of Sambos was Sindimana, perhaps the modern Sihwān
(Smith, _EHI_, 101).]
Footnote 2.7.23:
[This is very doubtful.]
Footnote 2.7.24:
They have an infinitely better etymology for this, in being
descendants of Jambuvati, one of Hari’s eight wives. [The origin of
the term Jām is very doubtful: see Yule, _Hobson-Jobson_, s.v.]
Footnote 2.7.25:
The Suraseni of Vraj, the tract so named, thirty miles around Mathura.
Footnote 2.7.26:
Its chief, Rao Manohar Singh, was well known to me, and was, I may
say, my friend. For years letters passed between us, and he had made
for me a transcript of a valuable copy of the Mahabharata.
Footnote 2.7.27:
[Vigraha-rāja, known as Vīsaladeva, Bīsal Deo, in the middle of the
twelfth century, is alleged to have conquered Delhi from a chief of
the Tomara clan. That chief was a descendant of Ānangapāla, who, a
century before, had built the Red Fort (Smith, _EHI_, 386).]
Footnote 2.7.28:
Several Mahratta chieftains deduce their origin from the Tuar race, as
Ram Rao Phalkia, a very gallant leader of horse in Sindhia’s State.
Footnote 2.7.29:
[This is a pure myth (Smith, _EHI_, 385, 413).]
Footnote 2.7.30:
[For a fuller list, see _Census Report, Rajputana, 1911_, i. 255 f.]
Footnote 2.7.31:
From this I should be inclined to pronounce the Rathors descendants of
a race (probably Scythic) professing the Buddhist faith, of which
Gotama was the last great teacher, and disciple of the last Buddha
Mahivira, in S. 477 (A.D. 533). [Buddhism and Jainism are, as usual,
confused.]
Footnote 2.7.32:
Enigmatical—‘Clay formation by fire’ (_agni_).
Footnote 2.7.33:
[The Kuldevi, or family goddess, of the Rāthors in Nāgnaichiān, whose
original title was Rājeswari or Ratheswari, her present name being
taken from the village of Nāgāna in Pachbhadra; and she has a temple
in the Jodhpur fort, with shrines under the _nīm_ tree (_Azadirachta
Indica_) which is held sacred in all Rathor settlements (_Census
Report, Marwar, 1891_, ii. 25).]
Footnote 2.7.34:
Erroneously written and pronounced Kutchwaha.
Footnote 2.7.35:
The resemblance between the Kushite Ramesa of Ayodhya and the Rameses
of Egypt is strong. Each was attended by his army of satyrs, Anubis
and Cynocephalus, which last is a Greek misnomer, for the animal
bearing this title is of the Simian family, as his images (in the
Turin museum) disclose, and the brother of the faithful Hanuman. The
comparison between the deities within the Indus (called _Nilab_, ‘blue
waters’) and those of the Nile in Egypt, is a point well worth
discussion. [These speculations are untenable.]
Footnote 2.7.36:
A name in compliment, probably, to the elder branch of their race,
Lava.
Footnote 2.7.37:
[See a list in _Census Report, Rajputana, 1911_, i. 255.]
Footnote 2.7.38:
There is a captivating elegance thrown around the theogonies of Greece
and Rome, which we fail to impart to the Hindu; though that elegant
scholar, Sir William Jones, could make even Sanskrit literature
fascinating; and that it merits the attempt intrinsically, we may
infer from the charm it possesses to the learned chieftain of
Rajasthan. That it is perfectly analogous to the Greek and Roman, we
have but to translate the names to show. For instance:—
Solar. Lunar.
Maricha (Lux) Atri.
Kasyapa (Uranus) Samudra (Oceanus).
Vaivaswata or Surya (Sol) Soma, or Ind (Luna; _qu._
Lunus?).
Vaivaswa Manu (Filius Solis) Brihaspati (Jupiter).
Ila (Terra) Budha (Mercurius).
Footnote 2.3.39:
[Hoernle (_JRAS_, 1905, p. 20) believes that the Parihāras were the
only sept which claimed fire-origin before Chand (_flor._ A.D. 1191).
But a legend of the kind was current in South India in the second
century A.D. (_IA_, xxxiv. 263).]
Footnote 2.3.40:
Figuratively, ‘the serpent.’
Footnote 2.3.41:
To me it appears that there were four distinguished Buddhas or wise
men, teachers of monotheism in India, which they brought from Central
Asia, with their science and its written character, the arrow or
nail-headed, which I have discovered wherever they have been,—in the
deserts of Jaisalmer, in the heart of Rajasthan, and the shores of
Saurashtra; which were their nurseries.
The first Budha is the parent of the Lunar race, A.C. 2250.
The second (twenty-second of the Jains), Nemnath, A.C. 1120.
The third (twenty-third do. ), Parsawanath, A.C. 650.
The fourth (twenty-fourth do. ), Mahivira, A.C. 533.
[The author confuses Budha, Mercury, with Buddha, the Teacher, and
mixes up Buddhists with Jains.]
Footnote 2.7.42:
_Achal_, ‘immovable,’ _eswara_, ‘lord.’
Footnote 2.7.43:
It extended from the Indus almost to the Jumna, occupying all the
sandy regions, Naukot, Arbuda or Abu, Dhat, Mandodri, Kheralu, Parkar,
Lodorva, and Pugal.
Footnote 2.7.44:
See _Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 227. [Rāja
Munja of Mālwa reigned A.D. 974-995. The famous Bhoja, his nephew, not
his son, 1018-60 (Smith, _EHI_, 395).]
Footnote 2.7.45:
Which will be given in the _Transactions of the Royal Asiatic
Society_.
Footnote 2.7.46:
S. 770, or A.D. 714.
Footnote 2.7.47:
“When the Pramar of Tilang took sanctuary with Har, to the thirty-six
tribes he made gifts of land. To Kehar he gave Katehr, to Rae Pahar
the coast of Sind, to the heroes of the shell the forest lands. Ram
Pramar of Tilang, the Chakravartin lord of Ujjain, made the gift. He
bestowed Delhi on the Tuars, and Patan on the Chawaras; Sambhar on the
Chauhans, and Kanauj on the Kamdhuj; Mardes on the Parihar, Sorath on
the Jadon, the Deccan on Jawala, and Cutch on the Charan” (_Poems of
Chand_). [This is an invention of the courtly bard.]
Footnote 2.7.48:
The inscription gives S. 1100 (A.D. 1044) for the third Bhoj: and this
date agrees with the period assigned to this prince in an ancient
Chronogrammatic Catalogue of reigns embracing all the Princes of the
name of Bhoj, which may therefore be considered authentic. This
authority assigns S. 631 and 721 (or A.D. 575 and 665) to the first
and second Bhoj.
Footnote 2.7.49:
Herbert has a curious story of Chitor being called Taxila; thence the
story of the Ranas being sons of Porus. I have an inscription from a
temple on the Chambal, within the ancient limits of Mewar, which
mentions Takshasilanagara, ‘the stone fort of the Tak,’ but I cannot
apply it. The city of Toda (Tonk, or properly Tanka) is called in the
Chauhan chronicles, Takatpur. [Takshasila, the Taxila of the Greeks,
the name meaning ‘the hewn rock,’ or more probably, ‘the rock of
Taksha,’ the Nāga king, is the modern Shāhderi in the Rāwalpindi
District, Panjāb (_IGI_, xxii. 200 f.).]
Footnote 2.7.50:
Of the Sodha tribe, a grand division of the Pramaras, and who held all
the desert regions in remote times. Their subdivisions, Umra and
Sumra, gave the names to Umarkot and Umrasumra, in which was the
insular Bakhar, on the Indus: so that we do not misapply etymology,
when we say in Sodha we have the Sogdoi of Alexander.
Footnote 2.7.52:
See _Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 133,
‘Comments on a Sanskrit Inscription.’
Footnote 2.7.53:
Asura-Daitya, which Titans were either the aboriginal Bhils or the
Scythic hordes.
Footnote 2.7.54:
I have visited this classic spot in Hindu mythology. An image of
Adipal (the ‘first-created’), in marble, still adorns its embankment,
and is a piece of very fine sculpture. It was too sacred a relic to
remove.
Footnote 2.7.55:
‘Portal or door (_dwar_) of the earth’; contracted to Prithihara and
Parihara.
Footnote 2.7.56:
‘The first striker.’
Footnote 2.7.57:
[In the Hāra version of the legend the presiding priest is
Visvāmitra.]
Footnote 2.7.58:
_Chatur_; _anga_, ‘body’ [_chaturbāhu_].
Footnote 2.7.59:
_Asa_, ‘hope,’ _purna_, to ‘fulfil’; whence the tutelary goddess of
the Chauhan race, Asapurna.
Footnote 2.7.60:
The goddess of energy (_Sakti_).
Footnote 2.7.61:
[Cunningham points out that in the original story only the Chauhān was
created from the fire-pit, the reference to other clans being a later
addition (_ASR_, ii. 255).]
Footnote 2.7.62:
Born in S. 1215, or A.D. 1159. [Anhala or Agnipāla is here the head of
the Chauhān line; but a different list appears in the _Hammīra
Mahākāvya_ of Nayachhandra Sūri (_IA_, viii. 55 ff.).]
Footnote 2.7.63:
[Ajmer is commonly said to have been founded by Rāja Aja, A.D. 145. It
was founded by Ajayadeva Chauhān about A.D. 1100 (_IA_, xxv. 162 f.).]
Footnote 2.7.64:
A name derived from the goddess Sakambhari, the tutelary divinity of
the tribes, whose statue is in the middle of the lake.
Footnote 2.7.65:
Dharma Dhiraj, father of Bisaladeva, must have been the defender on
this occasion.
Footnote 2.7.66:
[Muhammad bin Kāsim seems to have marched along the Indus valley, not
in the direction of Ajmer (Malik Muhammad Din, _Bahawalpur Gazetteer_,
i. 28).]
Footnote 2.7.67:
[This is doubtful. Maudūd seems to have not come further south than
Siālkot (Al Badaoni, _Muntakhabu-t-tawārīkh_, i. 49; Elliot-Dowson ii.
273, iv. 139 f., 199 f., v. 160 f.).]
Footnote 2.7.68:
[The author has barely noticed the Khīchis; for an account of them see
_ASR_, ii. 249 ff.]
Footnote 2.7.69:
About Fatehpur Jhunjhunu.
Footnote 2.7.70:
[For a different list see _Rajputana Census Report, 1911_, i. 255.]
Footnote 2.7.71:
[The Chalukya is a Gurjara tribe, the name being the Sanskritized form
of the old dynastic title, Chalkya, of the Deccan dynasty (A.D.
552-973); and of this Solanki is a dialectical variant (_IA_, xi. 24;
_BG_, i. Part i. 156, Part ii. 336).]
Footnote 2.7.72:
Solanki Gotracharya is thus: “Madhwani Sakha—Bharadwaja Gotra—Garh
Lohkot nikas—Sarasvati Nadi (river)—Sama Veda—Kapaliswar Deva—Karduman
Rikheswar—Tin Parwar Zunar (zone of three threads)—Keonj Devi—Mahipal
Putra (one of the Penates).” [Lohkot is Lohara in Kashmīr (Stein,
_Rājatarangini_, i. Introd. 108, ii. 293 ff.).]
Footnote 2.7.73:
Called Malkhani, being the sons of Mal Khan, the first apostate from
his faith to Islamism. Whether these branches of the Solankis were
compelled to quit their religion, or did it voluntarily, we know not.
Footnote 2.7.74:
Near Bombay. [In Thana District, not Malabar coast.]
Footnote 2.7.75:
Son of Jai Singh Solanki, the emigrant prince of Kalyan, who married
the daughter of Bhojraj. These particulars are taken from a valuable
little geographical and historical treatise, incomplete and without
title. [Mūlarāja Chaulukya, A.D. 961-96, was son of Bhūbhata:
Chāmunda, A.D. 997-1010; it was in the reign of Bhīma I. (1022-64)
that Mahmūd’s invasion in A.D. 1024 occurred (_BG_, i. Part i. 156 ff.
164).]
Footnote 2.7.76:
Called Chamund by Muhammadan historians.
Footnote 2.7.77:
[Ferishta i. 61.]
Footnote 2.7.78:
He ruled from S. 1150 to 1201 [A.D. 1094-1143]. It was his court that
was visited by El Edrisi, commonly called the Nubian geographer, who
particularly describes this prince as following the tenets of Buddha.
[He was probably not a Jain (_BG_, i. Part i. 179).]
Footnote 2.7.79:
[The Gujarāt account of the campaign is different (_BG_, i. Part i.
184 f.).]
Footnote 2.7.80:
[Kumārapāla made many benefactions to the Jains (_Ibid._ i. Part i.
190 f.).]
Footnote 2.7.81:
[Ajayapāla succeeded Kumārapāla. Bhima II. (A.D. 1179-1242), called
Bholo, ‘the simpleton,’ was the last of the Chaulukya dynasty, which
was succeeded by that of the Vāghelas (1219-1304). Vīsaladeva reigned
A.D. 1243-61. See a full account, _Ibid._ 194 ff.]
Footnote 2.7.82:
Satranjaya. [_IGI_, xix. 361 ff.]
Footnote 2.7.83:
In 1822 I made a journey to explore the remains of antiquity in
Saurashtra. I discovered a ruined suburb of the ancient Patan still
bearing the name of _Anhilwara_, the _Nahrwara_, which D’Anville had
“fort à cœur de retrouver.” I meditate a separate account of this
kingdom, and the dynasties which governed it.
Footnote 2.7.84:
[Zafar Khān, son of Sahāran of the Tānk tribe of Rājputs, embraced
Islam, and became viceroy of Gujarāt. According to Ferishta, he threw
off his allegiance to Delhi in 1396, or rather maintained a nominal
allegiance till 1403. Ahmad was grandson, not son, of Muzaffar.
(Ferishta iv. 2 f.; Bayley, _Dynasties of Gujarat_, 67 ff.; _BG_, i.
Part i. 232 f.).]
Footnote 2.7.85:
The name of this subdivision is from Bagh Rao, the son of Siddharāja;
though the bards have another tradition for its origin. [They take
their name from the village Vaghela near Anhilwāra (_BG_, i. Part i.
198).]
Footnote 2.7.86:
I knew this chieftain well, and a very good specimen he is of the
race. He is in possession of the famous war-shell of Jai Singh, which
is an heirloom.
Footnote 2.7.87:
Famous robbers in the deserts, known as the Malduts.
Footnote 2.7.88:
Celebrated in traditional history.
Footnote 2.7.89:
Desperate robbers. I saw this place fired and levelled in 1807, when
the noted Karim Pindari was made prisoner by Sindhia. It afterwards
cost some British blood in 1817.
Footnote 2.7.90:
[For another list see _Census Report, Rajputana, 1911_, i. 256.]
Footnote 2.7.91:
Though now desolate, the walls of this fortress attest its antiquity,
and it is a work that could not be undertaken in this degenerate age.
The remains of it bring to mind those of Volterra or Cortona, and
other ancient cities of Tuscany: enormous squared masses of stone
without any cement. [For a full account of Mandor, see Erskine iii.
_A._ 196 ff.]
Footnote 2.7.92:
This was in the thirteenth century [A.D. 1381], when Mandor was
captured, and its prince slain, by the Rawal of Chitor.
Footnote 2.7.93:
[Six sub-clans are named in _Census Report, Rajputana, 1911_, i. 255.]
Footnote 2.7.94:
[They have been supposed to be a branch of the Pramārs, but they are
certainly of Gurjara origin (_IA_, iv. 145 f.; _BG_, ix. Part i. 124,
488 f.; i. Part i. 149 ff.). According to Wilberforce-Bell, the word
Chaura in Gujarāt means ‘robber’ (_History of Kathiawad_, 51).]
Footnote 2.7.95:
The Σύροι of the Greek writers on Bactria, the boundary of the
Bactrian kingdom under Apollodotus. On this see the paper on Grecian
medals in the _Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society_, vol. i.
Footnote 2.7.96:
Many of the inhabitants of the south and west of India cannot
pronounce the _ch_, and invariably substitute the _s_. Thus the noted
Pindari leader Chitu was always called Situ by the Deccanis. Again,
with many of the tribes of the desert, the _s_ is alike a
stumbling-block, which causes many singular mistakes, when Jaisalmer,
the ‘hill of Jaisal,’ becomes Jahlmer, ‘the hill of fools.’
Footnote 2.7.97:
[The Balhara of Arab travellers of the tenth century were the
Rashtrakūta dynasty of Mālkhed, Balhara being a corruption of
Vallabharāja, Vallabha being the royal title (_BG_, i. Part ii. 209).]
Footnote 2.7.98:
[Vanarāja reigned from A.D. 765 to 780, and the dynasty is said to
have lasted 196 years, but the evidence is still incomplete. The name
of Bhojrāj does not appear in the most recent lists (_BG_, i. Part i.
152 ff.).]
Footnote 2.7.99:
_Rélations anciennes des Voyageurs_, par Renaudot.
Footnote 2.7.100:
[The true form of this puzzling term seems to be Dābshalīm, whose
story is told in Elliot-Dowson (ii. 500 ff., iv. 183). Much of the
account is mere tradition, but it has been plausibly suggested that
when Bhīma I., the Chaulukya king of Anhilwāra was defeated by Mahmūd
of Ghazni in A.D. 1024, the latter may have appointed Durlabha, uncle
of Bhīma, to keep order in Gujarāt, and that the two Dābshalīms may be
identified with Durlabha and his son (_BG_, i. Part i. 168). Also see
Ferishta i. 76; Bayley, _Muhammadan Dynasties of Gujarāt_, 32 ff.]
Footnote 2.7.101:
Abulghazi [_Hist. of the Turks, Moguls, and Tartars_, 1730, i. 5 f.]
says, when Noah left the ark he divided the earth amongst his three
sons: Shem had Iran: Japhet, the country of ‘Kuttup Shamach,’ the name
of the regions between the Caspian Sea and India. There he lived two
hundred and fifty years. He left eight sons, of whom Turk was the
elder and the seventh Camari, supposed the Gomer of Scripture. Turk
had four sons; the eldest of whom was Taunak, the fourth from whom was
Mogul, a corruption of Mongol, signifying _sad_, whose successors made
the Jaxartes their winter abode. [The word means ‘brave’ (Howorth,
_Hist. of the Mongols_, i. 27).] Under his reign no trace of the true
religion remained: idolatry reigned everywhere. Aghuz Khan succeeded.
The ancient Cimbri, who went west with Odin’s horde of Jats, Chattis,
and Su, were probably the tribes descended from Camari, the son of
Turk.
Footnote 2.7.102:
Tacash continued to be a proper name with the great Khans of Khārizm
(Chorasmia) until they adopted the faith of Muhammad. The father of
Jalal, the foe of Jenghiz Khan, was named Tacash. Tashkent on the
Jaxartes, the capital of Turkistan, may be derived from the name of
the race. Bayer says, “Tocharistan was the region of the Tochari, who
were the ancient Τώχαροι (Tochari), or Τάχαροι (Tacharoi).” Ammianus
Marcellinus says, “many nations obey the Bactrians, whom the Tochari
surpass” (_Hist. Reg. Bact._ p. 7).
Footnote 2.7.103:
This singular race, the Tajiks, are repeatedly mentioned by Mr.
Elphinstone in his admirable account of the kingdom of Kabul. They are
also particularly noticed as monopolising the commercial transactions
of the kingdom of Bokhara, in that interesting work, _Voyage
d’Orenbourg à Bokhara_, the map accompanying which, for the first
time, lays down authentically the sources and course of the Oxus and
Jaxartes. [The term Tājik means the settled population, as opposed to
the Turks or tent-dwellers. It is the same word as Tāzi, ‘Arab,’ still
surviving in the name of the Persian greyhound, which was apparently
introduced by the Arabs. Sykes (_Hist. of Persia_, ii. 153, note) and
Skrine-Ross (_The Heart of Asia_, 3, 364 note) state that the Tājiks
represent the Iranian branch of the Aryans.]
Footnote 2.7.104:
The Mahabharata describes this warfare against the snakes literally:
of which, in one attack, he seized and made a burnt-offering (hom) of
twenty thousand. It is surprising that the Hindu will accept these
things literally. It might be said he had but a choice of
difficulties, and that it would be as impossible for any human being
to make the barbarous sacrifice of twenty thousand of his species, as
it would be difficult to find twenty thousand snakes for the purpose.
The author’s knowledge of what barbarity will inflict leaves the fact
of the human sacrifice, though not perhaps to this extent, not even
improbable. In 1811 his duties called him to a survey amidst the
ravines of the Chambal, the tract called Gujargarh, a district
inhabited by the Gujar tribe. Turbulent and independent, like the sons
of Esau, their hand against every man and every man’s hand against
them, their nominal prince, Surajmall, the Jāt chief of Bharatpur,
pursued exactly the same plan towards the population of these
villages, whom they captured in a night attack, that Janamejaya did to
the Takshaks: he threw them into pits with combustibles, and actually
thus consumed them! This occurred not three-quarters of a century ago.
Footnote 2.7.105:
Arrian says that his name was Omphis [Āmbhi], and that his father
dying at this time, he did homage to Alexander, who invested him with
the title and estates of his father Taxiles. Hence, perhaps (from
_Tak_), the name of the Indus, _Attak_; [?] not _Atak_, or
‘forbidden,’ according to modern signification, and which has only
been given since the Muhammadan religion for a time made it the
boundary between the two faiths. [All these speculations are
valueless.]
Footnote 2.7.106:
In Bihar, during the reign of Pradyota, the successor of Ripunjaya.
Parsva’s symbol is the serpent of Takshak. His doctrines spread to the
remotest parts of India, and the princes of Valabhipura of Mandor and
Anhilwara all held to the tenets of Buddha. [As usual, Jains are
confounded with Buddhists. There is no reason to believe that the
Nāgas, a serpent-worshipping tribe, were not indigenous in India.]
Footnote 2.7.107:
This is the celebrated fortress in Khandesh, now in the possession of
the British.
Footnote 2.7.108:
In the list of the wounded at the battle of Kanauj he is mentioned by
name, as “Chatto the Tak.”
Footnote 2.7.109:
He reigned from A.D. 1324 to 1351.
Footnote 2.7.110:
‘The victorious’ [see p. 118 above].
Footnote 2.7.111:
The _Mirātu-l-Sikandari_ gives the ancestry of the apostate for
twenty-three generations; the last of whom was Sesh, the same which
introduced the Nagvansa, seven centuries before the Christian era,
into India. The author of the work gives the origin of the name of
Tak, or Tank, from _tarka_, ‘expulsion,’ from his caste, which he
styles Khatri, evincing his ignorance of this ancient race.
Footnote 2.7.112:
[Though apparently there is no legal connubium between Jāts and
Rājputs, the two tribes are closely connected, and it has been
suggested that both had their origin in invaders from Central Asia,
the leaders becoming Rājputs, the lower orders Jāt peasants. The
author, at the close of Vol. II., gives an inscription recording the
marriage of a Jāt with a Yādava princess.]
Footnote 2.7.113:
“The superiority of the Chinese over the Turks caused the great Khan
to turn his arms against the Nomadic Getae of Mawaru-l-nahr
(Transoxiana), descended from the Yueh-chi, and bred on the Jihun or
Oxus, whence they had extended themselves along the Indus and even
Ganges, and are there yet found. These Getae had embraced the religion
of Fo” (_Hist. Gén. des Huns_, tom. i. p. 375).
Footnote 2.7.114:
"To my foe, salutation! This foe how shall I describe? Of the race of
_Jat Kathida_, whose ancestor, the warrior Takshak, formed the garland
on the neck of Mahadeva." Though this is a figurative allusion to the
snake necklace of the father of creation, yet it evidently pointed to
the Jat’s descent from the Takshak. But enough has been said elsewhere
of the snake race, the parent of the Scythic tribes, which the divine
Milton seems to have taken from Diodorus’s account of the mother of
the Scythac:
“Woman to the waist, and fair;
But ended foul in many a scaly fold!”
_Paradise Lost_, Book ii. 650 f.
Whether the _Jat Kathida_ is the Jat or Getae of Cathay (_da_ being
the mark of the genitive case) we will leave to conjecture [?]. [Ney
Elias (_History of the Moghuls of Central Asia_, 75) suggests that the
theory of the connexion between Jāts and Getae was largely based on an
error regarding the term _jatah_, ‘rascal,’ applied as a mark of
reproach to the Moguls by the Chagatai.]
Footnote 2.7.115:
This place existed in the twelfth century as a capital; since an
inscription of Kamarpal, prince of Anhilwara, declares that this
monarch carried his conquests “even to Salpur.” There is Sialkot in
Rennell’s geography, and Wilford mentions “Sangala, a famous city in
ruins, sixty miles west by north of Lahore, situated in a forest, and
said to be built by Puru.”
Footnote 2.7.116:
At this time (A.D. 449) the Jut brothers, Hengist and Horsa, led a
colony from Jutland and founded the kingdom of Kent (_qu._ _Kantha_,
‘a coast,’ in Sanskrit, as in Gothic _Konta_?). The laws they there
introduced, more especially the still prevailing one of gavelkind,
where all the sons share equally, except the youngest who has a double
portion, are purely Scythic, and brought by the original Goth from the
Jaxartes. Alaric had finished his career, and Theodoric and Genseric
(_ric_, ‘king,’ in Sanskrit [?]) were carrying their arms into Spain
and Africa. [These speculations are valueless.]
Footnote 2.7.117:
Why should these proselytes, if originally Yadu, assume the name of
Jat or Jāt? It must be either that the Yadus were themselves the
Scythic Yuti or Yueh-chi, or that the branches intermarried with the
Jats, and consequently became degraded as Yadus, and the mixed issue
bore the name of the mother.
Footnote 2.7.118:
The Jadu ka Dang, ‘or hills of Yadu,’ mentioned in the sketch of this
race as one of their intermediate points of halt when they were driven
from India after the Mahabharata.
Footnote 2.7.119:
Near the spot where Alexander built his fleet, which navigated to
Babylon thirteen hundred years before.
Footnote 2.7.120:
Translated by Dow, ‘an island.’ Sind Sagar is one of the Duabas of the
Panjab. I have compared Dow’s translation of the earlier portion of
the history of Ferishta with the original, and it is infinitely more
faithful than the world gives him credit for. His errors are most
considerable in numerals and in weights and measures; and it is owing
to this that he has made the captured wealth of India appear so
incredible.
Footnote 2.7.121:
Ferishta vol. i. [The translation in the text is an abstract of that
of Dow (i. 72). That of Briggs (i. 81 f.) is more accurate. In neither
version is there any mention of the Sind Sāgar. Rose (_Glossary_, ii.
359) discredits the account of this naval engagement, and expresses a
doubt whether the Jats at this period occupied Jūd or the Salt
Ranges.]
Footnote 2.7.122:
[By the ‘Getae’ of the text the author apparently means Mongols.]
Footnote 2.7.123:
Abulghazi vol. ii. chap. 16. After his battle with Sultan Mahmud of
Delhi, Timur gave orders, to use the word of his historian, “for the
slaughter of a hundred thousand infidel slaves. The great mosque was
fired, and the souls of the infidels were sent to the abyss of hell.
Towers were erected of their heads, and their bodies were thrown as
food to the beasts and birds of prey. At Mairta the infidel Guebres
were flayed alive.” This was by order of Tamerlane, to whom the
dramatic historians of Europe assign every great and good quality!
Footnote 2.7.124:
[The first Hun invasion occurred in 455 A.D., and about 500 they
overthrew the Gupta Empire (Smith, _EHI_, 309, 316).]
Footnote 2.7.125:
_Asiatic Researches_, vol. i. p. 136.
Footnote 2.7.126:
_Hist. Gén. des Huns_, tom. iii. p. 238.
Footnote 2.7.127:
[The name Tatar is derived from that of the Ta-ta Mongols (_EB_, xxvi.
448).]
Footnote 2.7.128:
_Précis de Géographie universelle._ Malte-Brun traces a connexion
between the Hungarians and the Scandinavians, from similarity of
language: “A ces siècles primitifs où les Huns, les Goths, les Jotes,
les Ases, et bien d’autres peuples étaient réunis autour des anciens
autels d’Odin.” Several of the words which he affords us are Sanskrit
in origin. Vol. vi. p. 370.
Footnote 2.7.129:
_Eclaircissemens Géographiques sur la Carte de l’Inde_, p. 43 [Smith,
_EHI_, 315 ff.].
Footnote 2.7.130:
An orthography which more assimilates with the Hindu pronunciation of
the name Huon, or Oun, than Hun.
Footnote 2.7.131:
The same bard says that there are three or four houses of these Huns
at Trisawi, three coss from Baroda; and the Khichi bard, Moghji, says
their traditions record the existence of many powerful Hun princes in
India. [On the Huns in W. India see _BG_, i. Part i. 122 ff. The
difficulty in the text is now removed by the proof that many of them
became Rājputs.]
Footnote 2.7.132:
The late Captain Macmurdo, whose death was a loss to the service and
to literature, gives an animated account of the habits of the Kathi.
His opinions coincide entirely with my own regarding this race. See
vol. i. p. 270, _Trans. Soc. of Bombay_. [For accounts of the Kāthi
see _BG_, ix. Part i. 252 ff., viii. 122 ff. Under the Mahrattas
Kāthiāwār, the name of the Kāthi tract, was extended to the whole of
Saurāshtra (Wilberforce-Bell, _Hist. of Kathiawad_, 132 f.).]
Footnote 2.7.133:
It is needless to particularise them here. In the poems of Chand, some
books of which I have translated and purpose giving to the public, the
important part the Kathi had assigned to them will appear.
Footnote 2.7.134:
[In the form of a symbol like a spider, the rays forming the legs
(_BG_, ix. Part i. 257).]
Footnote 2.7.135:
It is the Rajput of Kathiawar, not of Rajasthan, to whom Captain
Macmurdo alludes.
Footnote 2.7.136:
Of their personal appearance, and the blue eye indicative of their
Gothic or Getic origin, the author will have occasion to speak more
particularly in his personal narrative.
Footnote 2.7.137:
‘Princes of Tatta and Multan.’
Footnote 2.7.138:
[The origin of the Bālas is not certain: they were probably Gurjaras
(_Ibid._ 495 f.).]
Footnote 2.7.139:
[Chotila in Kāthiāwār (_BG_, viii. 407).]
Footnote 2.7.140:
His son, Madho Singh, the present administrator, is the offspring of
the celebrated Zalim and a Ranawat chieftain’s daughter, which has
entitled his (Madho Singh’s) issue to marry far above their scale in
rank. So much does superiority of blood rise above all worldly
considerations with a Rajput, that although Zalim Singh held the reins
of the richest and best ordered State of Rajasthan, he deemed his
family honoured by his obtaining to wife for his grandson the daughter
of a Kachhwaha minor chieftain.
Footnote 2.7.141:
[Ghumli in the Barda hills, about 40 miles east of Porbandar
(Wilberforce-Bell, _Hist. of Kathiawad_, 49 f.; _BG_, viii. 440).]
Footnote 2.7.142:
[The terms Kamār and Kamāri seem to have disappeared.]
Footnote 2.7.143:
A compound word from goh, ‘strength’; Ila, ‘the earth.’ [This is out
of the question: cf. Guhilot.]
Footnote 2.7.144:
[For Kher, ‘the cradle of the Rathors,’ see Erskine iii. _A._ 199.]
Footnote 2.7.145:
[For the island of Piram in Ahmadabad district see _IGI_, xx. 149 f.,
and for the tradition Wilberforce-Bell, _op. cit._ 71 f.; _BG_, iv.
348, viii. 114.]
Footnote 2.7.146:
[The ancient Nandapadra in Rājpīpla, Bombay (_IGI_, xviii. 361; _BG_,
i. Part ii. 314).]
Footnote 2.7.147:
_Sarwaiya Khatri tain sar._
Footnote 2.7.148:
_Su_, as before observed, is a distinctive prefix, meaning
‘excellent.’ [The derivation is impossible. Lāta was S. Gujarāt.]
Footnote 2.7.149:
[For the Dābhi tribe, see _IA_, iii. 69 ff., 193 f.; Forbes,
_Rāsmāla_, 237 f.]
Footnote 2.7.150:
In 1807 the author passed through this territory, in a solitary ramble
to explore these parts, then little known; and though but a young
_Sub._, was courteously received and entertained both at Baroda and
Sheopur. In 1809 he again entered the country under very different
circumstances, in the suite of the British envoy with Sindhia’s court,
and had the grief to witness the operations against Sheopur, and its
fall, unable to aid his friends. The Gaur prince had laid aside the
martial virtues. He became a zealot in the worship of Vishnu, left off
animal food, was continually dancing before the image of the god, and
was far more conversant in the mystical poetry of Krishna and his
beloved Radha than in the martial song of the bard. His name was
Radhikadas, ‘the slave of Radha’; and, as far as he is personally
concerned, we might cease to lament that he was the last of his race.
Footnote 2.7.151:
[Only two sub-clans are named in _Rajputana Census Report, 1911_, i.
255. Gaur Rājputs are numerous in the United Provinces, and the Gaur
Brāhmans of Jaipur represent a foreign tribe merged into Hindu society
(_IA_, xi. 22). They can have no connexion with the Pāla or Sena
dynasty of Bengal (Smith, _EHI_, 397 ff.).]
Footnote 2.7.152:
See _Transactions of Royal Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 133. [They are
found in the Upper Ganges-Jumna Duab, and are Musalmāns.]
Footnote 2.7.153:
Benares.
Footnote 2.7.154:
[For the Gaharwār, see Crooke, _Tribes and Castes N.W.P. and Oudh_,
ii. 32 ff., and for the Gaharwār dynasty of Kanauj (Smith, _EHI_, 384
ff.).]
Footnote 2.7.155:
Slain at the instigation of Prince Salim, son of Akbar, afterwards the
emperor Jahangir. See this incident stated in the emperor’s own
_Commentaries_ [_Āīn_, i. Introd. xxiv. ff.].
Footnote 2.7.156:
[For Subhkaran Singh, see Manucci (i. 270, 272). Dalpat was one of his
patients (_Ibid._ ii. 298).]
Footnote 2.7.157:
On the death of Mahadaji Sindhia, the females of his family, in
apprehension of his successor (Daulat Rao), sought refuge and
protection with the Raja of Datia. An army was sent to demand their
surrender, and hostility was proclaimed as the consequence of refusal.
This brave man would not even await the attack, but at the head of a
devoted band of three hundred horse, with their lances, carried
destruction amongst their assailants, neither giving nor receiving
quarter: and thus he fell in defence of the laws of sanctuary and
honour. Even when grievously wounded, he would accept no aid, and
refused to leave the field, but disdaining all compromise awaited his
fate. The author has passed upon the spot where this gallant deed was
performed; and from his son, the present Raja, had the annals of his
house.
Footnote 2.7.158:
Amber or Jaipur, as well as Macheri, were comprehended in Dhundhar,
the ancient geographical designation [said to be derived from an
ancient sacrificial mound (_dhūndh_), on the western frontier of the
State, or from a demon-king, Dhūndhu (_IGI_, xiii. 385).]
Footnote 2.7.159:
The ruins of Rajor are about fifteen miles west of Rajgarh. A person
sent there by the author reported the existence of inscriptions in the
temple of Nilkantha Mahadeo.
Footnote 2.7.160:
[They are numerous in the United Provinces, but their origin and
traditions are uncertain.]
Footnote 2.7.161:
[See Crooke, _Tribes and Castes N.W.P. and Oudh_, iv. 263 ff.]
Footnote 2.7.162:
[They are almost certainly of mixed origin (Crooke, _op. cit._ i. 118
ff.).]
Footnote 2.7.163:
[They lived east of the Caspian Sea, and can have no connexion with
the Indian Dahia (Sykes, _Hist. of Persia_, i. 330).]
Footnote 2.7.164:
[Their origin is very uncertain; in Bahāwalpur they now repudiate
Rājput descent, and claim to be descendants of the Prophet (Rose,
_Glossary_, ii. 410 ff.; Malik Muhammad Din, _Gazetteer Bahawalpur_,
i. 23, 133 ff.).]
Footnote 2.7.165:
[The Malloi (Skt. Mālava) occupied the present Montgomery District,
and parts of Jhang. They had no connexion with Multan (Skt.
Mūlasthānapura), (Smith, _EHI_, 96; McCrindle, _Alexander_, 350 ff.).]
Footnote 2.7.166:
[They are a mixed race, early settlers in Alwar (Crooke, _Tribes and
Castes N.W.P. and Oudh_, iv. 86 ff.).]
Footnote 2.7.167:
The final syllable _ka_ is a mark of the genitive case [?].
Footnote 2.7.168:
‘Chief of a country,’ from _des_, ‘country,’ and _pati_, ‘chief.’
(_Qu._ δεσπότης?)
Footnote 2.7.169:
[_Āīn_, ii. 344 f. Dāhir was killed in action: the real tragedy was
the death of Muhammad bin Kāsim in consequence of a false accusation
(Elliot-Dowson i. 292).]
Footnote 2.7.170:
[Elliot (_Supplemental Glossary_, 262) writes the name Dhāhima, and
says they are found in Meerut District.]
Footnote 2.7.171:
Chand, the bard, thus describes Bayana, and the marriage of
Prithwiraja with the Dahimi: “On the summit of the hills of
Druinadahar, whose awful load oppressed the head of Sheshnag, was
placed the castle of Bayana, resembling Kailas. The Dahima had three
sons and two fair daughters: may his name be perpetuated throughout
this iron age! One daughter was married to the Lord of Mewat, the
other to the Chauhan. With her he gave in dower eight beauteous
damsels and sixty-three female slaves, one hundred chosen horses of
the breed of Irak, two elephants, and ten shields, a pallet of silver
for the bride, one hundred wooden images, one hundred chariots, and
one thousand pieces of gold.” The bard, on taking leave, says: “the
Dahima lavished his gold, and filled his coffers with the praises of
mankind. The Dahimi produced a jewel, a gem without price, the Prince
Rainsi.”
The author here gives a fragment of the ruins of Bayana, the ancient
abode of the Dahima.
Footnote 2.7.172:
[Many names in the following list are not capable of identification,
and their correct form is uncertain. Those of the mercantile tribes
are largely groups confined to Rājputāna.]
-----
CHAPTER 8
Having thus taken a review of the tribes which at various times
inhabited and still inhabit Hindustan, the subject must be concluded.
In so extensive a field it was impossible to introduce all that could
have been advanced on the distinctive marks in religion and manners; but
this deficiency will be remedied in the annals of the most prominent
races yet ruling, by which we shall prevent repetition.
The same religion governing the institutions of all these tribes
operates to counteract that dissimilarity in manners, which would
naturally be expected amidst so great a variety, from situation or
climate; although such causes do produce a material difference in
external habit. Cross but the elevated range which divides upland Mewar
from the low sandy region of Marwar, and the difference of costume and
manners will strike the most casual observer. But these changes are only
exterior and personal; the mental character is less changed, because the
same creed, the same religion (the principal former and reformer of
manners), guides them all.
=Distinctions between the Rājput States.=—We have the same mythology,
the same theogony, the same festivals, though commemorated with peculiar
distinctions. There are niceties in thought, as in dress, which if
possible to communicate would excite but little interest; when the tie
of a turban and the fold of a robe are, like Masonic symbols,
distinguishing badges of tribes. But it is in their domestic circle that
manners are best seen [122]; where restraint is thrown aside, and no
authority controls the freedom of expression. But does the European seek
access to this sanctum of nationality ere he gives his debtor and
creditor account of character, his balanced catalogue of virtues and
vices? He may, however, with the Rajput, whose independence of mind
places him above restraint, and whose hospitality and love of character
will always afford free communication to those who respect his opinions
and his prejudices, and who are devoid of that overweening opinion of
self, which imagines that nothing can be learned from such friendly
intercourse. The personal dissimilarity accordingly arises from locale;
the mental similarity results from a grand fixed principle, which,
whatever its intrinsic moral effect, whatever its incompatibility with
the elevated notions we entertain, has preserved to these races, as
nations, the enjoyment of their ancient habits to this distant period.
May our boasted superiority in all that exalts man above his fellows,
ensure to our Eastern empire like duration; and may these notions of our
own peculiarly favoured destiny operate to prevent us from laying
prostrate, in our periodical ambitious visitations, these the most
ancient relics of civilization on the face of the earth. For the dread
of their amalgamation with our empire will prevail, though such a result
would be opposed not only to their happiness, but to our own stability.
=Alliances with the British.=—With our present system of alliances, so
pregnant with evil from their origin, this fatal consequence (far from
desired by the legislative authorities at home) must inevitably ensue.
If the wit of man had been taxed to devise a series of treaties with a
view to an ultimate rupture, these would be entitled to applause as
specimens of diplomacy.
There is a perpetual variation between the spirit and the letter of
every treaty; and while the internal independence of each State is the
groundwork, it is frittered away and nullified by successive
stipulations, and these positive and negative qualities continue
mutually repelling each other, until it is apparent that independence
cannot exist under such conditions. Where discipline is lax, as with
these feudal associations, and where each subordinate vassal is master
of his own retainers, the article of military contingents alone would
prove a source of contention. By leading to interference with each
individual chieftain, it would render such aid worse than useless. But
this is a minor consideration to the tributary pecuniary stipulation
which, unsettled and undetermined, leaves a door open to a [123] system
of espionage into their revenue accounts—a system not only disgusting,
but contrary to treaty, which leaves ‘internal administration’ sacred.
These openings to dispute, and the general laxity of their governments
coming in contact with our regular system, present dangerous handles for
ambition: and who so blind as not to know that ambition to be
distinguished must influence every viceregent in the East? While deeds
in arms and acquisition of territory outweigh the meek éclat of civil
virtue, the periodical visitations to these kingdoms will ever be like
the comet’s,
Foreboding change to princes.
Our position in the East has been, and continues to be, one in which
conquest forces herself upon us. We have yet the power, however late, to
halt, and not anticipate her further orders to march. A contest for a
mud-bank has carried our arms to the Aurea Chersonesus, the limit of
Ptolemy’s geography. With the Indus on the left, the Brahmaputra to the
right, the Himalayan barrier towering like a giant to guard the Tatarian
ascent, the ocean and our ships at our back, such is our colossal
attitude! But if misdirected ambition halts not at the Brahmaputra, but
plunges in to gather laurels from the teak forest of Arakan, what surety
have we for these Hindu States placed by treaty within the grasp of our
control?
But the hope is cherished, that the same generosity which formed those
ties that snatched the Rajputs from degradation and impending
destruction, will maintain the pledge given in the fever of success,
“that their independence should be sacred”; that it will palliate faults
we may not overlook, and perpetuate this oasis of ancient rule, in the
desert of destructive revolution, of races whose virtues are their own,
and whose vices are the grafts of tyranny, conquest, and religious
intolerance.[2.8.1]
To make them known is one step to obtain for them, at least, the boon of
sympathy; for with the ephemeral power of our governors and the agents
of government, is it to be expected that the rod will more softly fall
when ignorance of their history prevails, and no kind association
springs from a knowledge of their martial achievements and yet proud
bearing, their generosity, courtesy, and extended hospitality? These are
Rajput virtues yet extant amidst all their revolutions, and which have
survived ages of Muhammadan bigotry and power; though to the honour of
the virtuous and magnanimous few among the crowned heads of eight
centuries, both Tatar and Mogul, there were some great souls [124]; men
of high worth, who appeared at intervals to redeem the oppression of a
whole preceding dynasty.
The high ground we assumed, and the lofty sentiments with which we
introduced ourselves amongst the Rajputs, arrogating motives of purity,
of disinterested benevolence, scarcely belonging to humanity, and to
which their sacred writings alone yielded a parallel, gave such exalted
notions of our right of exerting the attributes of divinity, justice,
and mercy, that they expected little less than almighty wisdom in our
acts; but circumstances have throughout occurred in each individual
State, to show we were mere mortals, and that the poet’s moral:
’Tis distance lends enchantment to the view,
was true in politics. Sorrow and distrust were the consequences—anger
succeeded; but the sense of obligation is still too powerful to operate
a stronger and less generous sentiment. These errors may yet be
redeemed, and our Rajput allies yet be retained as useful friends:
though they can only be so while in the enjoyment of perfect internal
independence, and their ancient institutions.
“No political institution can endure,” observes the eloquent historian
of the Middle Ages, “which does not rivet itself to the heart of men by
ancient prejudices or acknowledged merit. The feudal compact had much of
this character. In fulfilling the obligations of mutual assistance and
fidelity by military service, the energies of friendship were awakened,
and the ties of moral sympathy superadded to those of positive compact.”
We shall throw out one of the assumed causes which give stability to
political institutions; ‘acknowledged merit,’ which never belonged to
the loose feudal compact of Rajwara; but the absence of this strengthens
the necessary substitute, ‘ancient prejudices,’ which supply many
defects.
Our anomalous and inconsistent interference in some cases, and our
non-interference in others, operate alike to augment the dislocation
induced by long predatory oppression in the various orders of society,
instead of restoring that harmony and continuity which had previously
existed. The great danger, nay, the inevitable consequence of
perseverance in this line of conduct, will be their reduction to the
same degradation with our other allies, and their ultimate incorporation
with our already too extended dominion [125].
It may be contended, that the scope and tenor of these alliances were
not altogether unfitted for the period when they were formed, and our
circumscribed knowledge; but was it too late, when this knowledge was
extended, to purify them from the dross which deteriorated the two grand
principles of mutual benefit, on which all were grounded, viz. ‘perfect
internal independence’ to them, and ‘acknowledged supremacy’ to the
protecting power? It will be said, that even these corner-stones of the
grand political fabric are far from possessing those durable qualities
which the contracting parties define, but that, on the contrary, they
are the Ormuzd and Ahrimanes, the good and evil principles of
contention. But when we have superadded pecuniary engagements of
indefinite extent, increasing in the ratio of their prosperity, and
armed quotas or contingents of their troops, whose loose habits and
discipline would ensure constant complaint, we may certainly take credit
for having established a system which must compel that direct
interference, which the broad principle of each treaty professes to
check.
The inevitable consequence is the perpetuation of that denationalising
principle, so well understood by the Mahrattas, ‘_divide et impera_.’ We
are few; to use an Oriental metaphor, our agents must ‘use the eyes and
ears of others.’ That mutual dependence, which would again have arisen,
our interference will completely nullify. Princes will find they can
oppress their chiefs, chiefs will find channels by which their
sovereign’s commands may be rendered nugatory, and irresponsible
ministers must have our support to raise these undefined tributary
supplies; and unanimity, confidence, and all the sentiments of gratitude
which they owe, and acknowledge to be our due, will gradually fade with
the national degradation. That our alliances have this tendency cannot
be disputed. By their very nature they transfer the respect of every
class of subjects from their immediate sovereign to the paramount
authority and its subordinate agents. Who will dare to urge that a
government, which cannot support its internal rule without restriction,
can be national? that without power unshackled and unrestrained by
exterior council or espionage, it can maintain self-respect, the
corner-stone of every virtue with States as with individuals? This first
of feelings these treaties utterly annihilate. Can we suppose such
denationalised allies are to be depended upon in emergencies? or, if
allowed to retain a spark of their ancient moral inheritance, that it
[126] will not be kindled into a flame against us when opportunity
offers, instead of lighting up the powerful feeling of gratitude which
yet exists towards us in these warlike communities?
Like us they were the natural foes of that predatory system which so
long disturbed our power, and our preservation and theirs were alike
consulted in its destruction. When we sought their alliance, we spoke in
the captivating accents of philanthropy; we courted them to disunite
from this Ahrimanes of political convulsion. The benevolent motives of
the great mover of these alliances we dare not call in question, and his
policy coincided with the soundest wisdom. But the treaties might have
been revised, and the obnoxious parts which led to discord, abrogated,
at the expense of a few paltry lacs of tribute and a portion of
sovereign homage. It is not yet too late. True policy would enfranchise
them altogether from our alliance; but till then let them not feel their
shackles in the galling restraint on each internal operation. Remove
that millstone to national prosperity, the poignant feeling that every
increased bushel of corn raised in their long-deserted fields must send
its tithe to the British granaries. Let the national mind recover its
wonted elasticity, and they will again attain their former celebrity. We
have the power to advance this greatness, and make it and its result our
own; or, by a system unworthy of Britain, to retard and even quench it
altogether.[2.8.2]
Never were their national characteristics so much endangered as in the
seducing calm which followed the tempestuous agitations in which they
had so long floated; doubtful, to use their own figurative expression,
whether ‘the gift of our friendship, or our arms,’ were fraught with
greater evil. The latter they could not withstand; though it must never
be lost sight of, that, like ancient Rome when her glory was fading, we
use ‘the arms of the barbarians’ to defend our conquests against them!
Is the mind ever stationary? are virtue and high notions to be acquired
from contact and example? Is there no mind above the level of £10
monthly pay in all the native legions of the three presidencies of
India? no Odoacer, no Sivaji, [127] again to revive? Is the book of
knowledge and of truth, which we hold up, only to teach them submission
and perpetuate their weakness? Can we without fresh claims expect
eternal gratitude, and must we not rationally look for reaction in some
grand impulse, which, by furnishing a signal instance of the mutability
of power, may afford a lesson for the benefit of posterity?
Is the mantle of protection, which we have thrown over these warlike
races, likely to avert such a result? It might certainly, if imbued with
all those philanthropic feelings for which we took credit, act with
soporific influence, and extinguish the embers of international
animosity. ‘The lion and the lamb were to drink from the same fountain’;
they were led to expect the holy Satya Yug, when each man reposed under
his own fig-tree, which neither strife nor envy dared approach.
When so many nations are called upon, in a period of great calamity and
danger, to make over to a foreigner, their opposite in everything, their
superior in most, the control of their forces in time of war, the
adjudication of their disputes in time of peace, and a share in the
fruits of their renovating prosperity, what must be the result; when
each Rajput may hang up his lance in the hall, convert his sword to a
ploughshare, and make a basket of his buckler? What but the prostration
of every virtue? It commences with the basis of the Rajput’s—the martial
virtues; extinguish these and they will soon cease to respect
themselves. Sloth, low cunning and meanness will follow. What nation
ever maintained its character that devolved on the stranger the power of
protection! To be great, to be independent, its martial spirit must be
cherished; happy if within the bounds of moderation. Led away by
enthusiasm, the author experienced the danger of interference, when
observing but one side of the picture—the brilliant lights which shone
on their long days of darkness, not calculating the shade which would
follow the sudden glare.
On our cessation from every species of interference alone depends their
independence or their amalgamation—a crisis fraught with danger to our
overgrown rule.
Let Alexander’s speech to his veterans, tired of conquest and refusing
to cross the Hyphasis, be applied, and let us not reckon too strongly on
our empire of opinion: “Fame never represents matters truly as they are,
but on the contrary magnifies everything. This is evident; for our own
reputation and glory, though founded on solid truth, is yet more obliged
to rumour than reality.”[2.8.3]
We may conclude with the Macedonian conqueror’s reasons for showing the
[128] Persians and his other foreign allies so much favour: “The
possession of what we got by the sword is not very durable, but the
obligation of good offices is eternal. If we have a mind to keep Asia,
and not simply pass through it, our clemency must extend to them also,
and their fidelity will make our empire everlasting. As for ourselves,
we have more than we know what to do with, and it must be an insatiable,
avaricious temper which desires to continue to fill what already runs
over.”[2.8.4] [129]
-----
Footnote 2.8.1:
[The present relations of the States to the Government of India
justify these expectations.]
Footnote 2.8.2:
If Lord Hastings’ philanthropy, which rejoiced in snatching these
ancient States from the degradation of predatory warfare, expected
that in four short years order should rise out of the chaos of a
century, and “was prepared to visit with displeasure all symptoms of
internal neglect, arising from supineness, indifference, or concealed
ill-will”; if _he_ signified that “government would take upon itself
the task of restoring order,” and that “all changes” on this score
“would be demanded and rigidly exacted”: in fine, that “such
arrangements would be made as would deprive them of the power of
longer abusing the spirit of liberal forbearance, the motives of which
they were incapable of understanding or appreciating”; what have they
to hope from those without his sympathies?
Footnote 2.8.3:
Quintus Curtius, lib. ix. [ii. 6].
Footnote 2.8.4:
_Ibid._ lib. viii. [viii. 27].
-----
BOOK III
SKETCH OF A FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RĀJASTHĀN
CHAPTER 1
=Feudalism in Rājasthān.=—It is more than doubtful whether any code of
civil or criminal jurisprudence ever existed in any of these
principalities; though it is certain that none is at this day
discoverable in their archives. But there is a martial system peculiar
to these Rajput States, so extensive in its operation as to embrace
every object of society. This is so analogous to the ancient feudal
system of Europe, that I have not hesitated to hazard a comparison
between them, with reference to a period when the latter was yet
imperfect. Long and attentive observation enables me to give this
outline of a system, of which there exists little written evidence.
Curiosity originally, and subsequently a sense of public duty (lest I
might be a party to injustice), co-operated in inducing me to make
myself fully acquainted with the minutiae of this traditionary theory of
government; and incidents, apparently trivial in themselves, exposed
parts of a widely-extended system, which, though now disjointed, still
continue to regulate the actions of extensive communities, and lead to
the inference, that at one period it must have attained a certain degree
of perfection.
Many years have elapsed since I first entertained these opinions, long
before any connexion existed between these States and the British
Government; when their geography was little known to us, and their
history still less so. At that period I frequently travelled amongst
them for amusement, making these objects subservient thereto, and laying
the result freely before my Government. I had [130] abundant sources of
intelligence to guide me in forming my analogies; Montesquieu, Hume,
Millar, Gibbon[3.1.1]: but I sought only general resemblances and
lineaments similar to those before me. A more perfect, because more
familiar picture, has since appeared by an author,[3.1.2] who has drawn
aside the veil of mystery which covered the subject, owing to its being
till then but imperfectly understood. I compared the features of Rajput
society with the finished picture of this eloquent writer, and shall be
satisfied with having substantiated the claim of these tribes to
participation in a system, hitherto deemed to belong exclusively to
Europe. I am aware of the danger of hypothesis, and shall advance
nothing that I do not accompany by incontestable proofs.
=The Tribal System.=—The leading features of government amongst
semi-barbarous hordes or civilized independent tribes must have a
considerable resemblance to each other. In the same stages of society,
the wants of men must everywhere be similar, and will produce the
analogies which are observed to regulate Tatar hordes or German tribes,
Caledonian clans, the Rajput Kula (race), or Jareja Bhayyad
(brotherhood). All the countries of Europe participated in the system we
denominate feudal; and we can observe it, in various degrees of
perfection or deterioration, from the mountains of Caucasus to the
Indian Ocean. But it requires a persevering toil, and more
discriminating judgement than I possess, to recover all these relics of
civilization: yet though time, and still more oppression, have veiled
the ancient institutions of Mewar, the mystery may be penetrated, and
will discover parts of a system worthy of being rescued from oblivion.
=Influence of Muhammadans and Mahrattas.=—Mahratta cunning, engrafted on
Muhammadan intolerance, had greatly obscured these institutions. The
nation itself was passing rapidly away: the remnant which was left had
become a matter of calculation, and their records and their laws partook
of this general decay. The nation may recover; the physical frame may be
renewed; but the _morale_ of the society must be recast. In this chaos a
casual observer sees nothing to attract notice; the theory of government
appears, without any of the dignity which now marks our regular system.
Whatever does exist is attributed to fortuitous causes—to nothing
systematic: no fixed principle is discerned, and none is admitted; it is
deemed a mechanism without a plan. This opinion is hasty. Attention to
distinctions, though often merely nominal [131], will aid us in
discovering the outlines of a picture which must at some period have
been more finished; when real power, unrestrained by foreign influence,
upheld a system, the plan of which was original. It is in these remote
regions, so little known to the Western world, and where original
manners lie hidden under those of the conquerors, that we may search for
the germs of the constitutions of European States.[3.1.3] A contempt for
all that is Asiatic too often marks our countrymen in the East: though
at one period on record the taunt might have been reversed.
In remarking the curious coincidence between the habits, notions, and
governments of Europe in the Middle Ages, and those of Rajasthan, it is
not absolutely necessary we should conclude that one system was borrowed
from the other; each may, in truth, be said to have the patriarchal form
for its basis. I have sometimes been inclined to agree with the
definition of Gibbon, who styles the system of our ancestors the
offspring of chance and barbarism. “Le système féodal, assemblage
monstrueux de tant de parties que le tems et l’hazard ont réunies, nous
offre un objet très compliqué: pour l’étudier il faut le
décomposer.”[3.1.4] This I shall attempt.
The form, as before remarked, is truly patriarchal in these States,
where the greater portion of the vassal chiefs, from the highest of the
sixteen peers to the holders of a _charsa_[3.1.5] of land, claim
affinity in blood to the sovereign.[3.1.6]
The natural seeds are implanted in every soil, but the tree did not gain
[132] maturity except in a favoured aspect. The perfection of the system
in England is due to the Normans, who brought it from Scandinavia,
whither it was probably conveyed by Odin and the Sacasenae, or by
anterior migrations, from Asia; which would coincide with Richardson’s
hypothesis, who contends that it was introduced from Tatary. Although
speculative reasoning forms no part of my plan, yet when I observe
analogy on the subject in the customs of the ancient German tribes, the
Franks or Gothic races, I shall venture to note them. Of one thing there
is no doubt—knowledge must have accompanied the tide of migration from
the east: and from higher Asia emerged in the Asi, the Chatti, and the
Cimbric Lombard, who spread the system in Scandinavia, Friesland, and
Italy.
=Origin of Feuds.=—“It has been very common,” says the enlightened
historian of the Feudal System in the Middle Ages, “to seek for the
origin of feuds, or at least for analogies to them, in the history of
various countries; but though it is of great importance to trace the
similarity of customs in different parts of the world, we should guard
against seeming analogies, which vanish away when they are closely
observed. It is easy to find partial resemblances to the feudal system.
The relation of patron and client in the republic of Rome has been
deemed to resemble it, as well as the barbarians and veterans who held
frontier lands on the tenure of defending them and the frontier; but
they were bound not to an individual, but to the state. Such a
resemblance of fiefs may be found in the Zamindars of Hindustan and the
Timariots of Turkey. The clans of the Highlanders and Irish followed
their chieftain into the field: but their tie was that of imagined
kindred and birth, not the spontaneous compact of vassalage.”[3.1.7]
I give this at length to show, that if I still persist in deeming the
Rajput system a pure relation of feuds, I have before my eyes the danger
of seeming resemblances. But grants, deeds, charters, and traditions,
copies of all of which will be found in the Appendix, will establish my
opinions. I hope to prove that the tribes in the northern regions of
Hindustan did possess the system, and that it was handed down, and still
obtains, notwithstanding seven centuries of paramount sway of the Mogul
and Pathan dynasties, altogether opposed to them except in this feature
of government where there was an original similarity. In some of these
States—those least affected by conquest—the system remained freer from
innovation. It is, however, from Mewar chiefly that I shall deduce my
examples, as its internal [133] rule was less influenced by foreign
policy, even to the period at which the imperial power of Delhi was on
the decline.
=Evidence from Mewar.=—As in Europe, for a length of time, traditionary
custom was the only regulator of the rights and tenures of this system,
varying in each State, and not unfrequently (in its minor details) in
the different provinces of one State, according to their mode of
acquisition and the description of occupants when required. It is from
such circumstances that the variety of tenure and customary law
proceeds. To account for this variety, a knowledge of them is requisite;
nor is it until every part of the system is developed that it can be
fully understood. The most trifling cause is discovered to be the parent
of some important result. If ever these were embodied into a code (and
we are justified in assuming such to have been the case), the varied
revolutions which have swept away almost all relics of their history
were not likely to spare these. Mention is made of several princes of
the house of Mewar who legislated for their country; but precedents for
every occurring case lie scattered in formulas, grants, and traditionary
sayings. The inscriptions still existing on stone would alone, if
collected, form a body of laws sufficient for an infant community; and
these were always first committed to writing, and registered ere the
column was raised. The seven centuries of turmoil and disaster, during
which these States were in continual strife with the foe, produced many
princes of high intellect as well as valour. Sanga Rana, and his
antagonist, Sultan Babur, were revived in their no less celebrated
grandsons, the great Akbar and Rana Partap: the son of the latter, Amra,
the foe of Jahangir, was a character of whom the proudest nation might
be vain.
=Evidence from Inscriptions.=—The pen has recorded, and tradition handed
down, many isolated fragments of the genius of these Rajput princes, as
statesmen and warriors, touching the political division, regulations of
the aristocracy, and commercial and agricultural bodies. Sumptuary laws,
even, which append to a feudal system, are to be traced in these
inscriptions; the annulling of monopolies and exorbitant taxes; the
regulation of transit duties; prohibition of profaning sacred days by
labour; immunities, privileges, and charters to trades, corporations,
and towns; such as would, in climes more favourable to liberty, have
matured into a league, or obtained for these branches a voice in the
councils of the State. My search for less perishable documents than
parchment when I found the cabinet of the prince contained them not, was
unceasing; but though the bigoted Muhammadan destroyed [134] most of the
traces of civilization within his reach, perseverance was rewarded with
a considerable number. They are at least matter of curiosity. They will
evince that monopolies and restraints on commerce were well understood
in Rajwara, though the doctrines of political economy never gained
footing there. The setting up of these engraved tablets or pillars,
called Seoras,[3.1.8] is of the highest antiquity. Every subject
commences with invoking the sun and moon as witnesses, and concludes
with a denunciation of the severest penalties on those who break the
spirit of the imperishable bond. Tablets of an historical nature I have
of twelve and fourteen hundred years’ antiquity, but of grants of land
or privileges about one thousand years is the oldest. Time has destroyed
many, but man more. They became more numerous during the last three
centuries, when successful struggles against their foes produced new
privileges, granted in order to recall the scattered inhabitants. Thus
one contains an abolition of the monopoly of tobacco;[3.1.9] another,
the remission of tax on printed cloths, with permission to the country
manufacturers to sell their goods free of duty at the neighbouring
towns. To a third, a mercantile city, the abolition of war
contributions,[3.1.10] and the establishment of its internal judicial
authority. Nay, even where good manners alone are concerned, the
lawgiver appears, and with an amusing simplicity:[3.1.11] “From the
public feast none shall attempt to carry anything away.” “None shall eat
after sunset,” shows that a Jain obtained the edict. To yoke the bullock
or other animal for any work on the sacred Amavas,[3.1.12] is also
declared punishable. Others contain revocations of vexatious fees to
officers of the crown; “of beds and quilts[3.1.13]”; “the seizure of the
carts, implements, or cattle of the husbandmen,”[3.1.14]—the sole boon
in our own Magna Charta demanded for the husbandman. These and several
others, of which copies are annexed, need not be repeated. If even from
such memoranda a sufficient number could be collected of each prince’s
reign up to the olden time, what more could we desire to enable us to
judge of the genius of their princes, the wants and habits of the
people, their acts and occupations? The most ancient written customary
law of France is A.D. 1088,[3.1.15] at which time Mewar was in high
[135] prosperity; opposing, at the head of a league far more powerful
than France could form for ages after, the progress of revolution and
foreign conquest. Ignorance, sloth, and all the vices which wait on and
result from continual oppression in a perpetual struggle for existence
of ages’ duration, gradually diminished the reverence of the inhabitants
themselves for these relics of the wisdom of their forefathers. In
latter years, they so far forgot the ennobling feeling and respect for
‘the stone which told’ their once exalted condition, as to convert the
materials of the temple in which many of these stood into places of
abode. Thus many a valuable relic is built up in the castles of their
barons, or buried in the rubbish of the fallen pile.
=Books of Grants.=—We have, however, the books of grants to the chiefs
and vassals, and also the grand rent-roll of the country. These are of
themselves valuable documents. Could we but obtain those of remoter
periods, they would serve as a commentary on the history of the country,
as each contains the detail of every estate, and the stipulated service,
in horse and foot, to be performed for it. In later times, when
turbulence and disaffection went unpunished, it was useless to specify a
stipulation of service that was nugatory; and too often the grants
contained but the names of towns and villages, and their value; or if
they had the more general terms of service, none of its details.[3.1.16]
From all these, however, a sufficiency of customary rules could easily
be found to form the written law of fiefs in Rajasthan. In France, in
the sixteenth century, the variety of these customs amounted to two
hundred and eighty-five, of which only sixty[3.1.17] were of great
importance. The number of consequence in Mewar which have come to my
observation is considerable, and the most important will be given in the
Appendix. Were the same plan pursued there as in that ordinance which
produced the laws of Pays Coutumiers[3.1.18] of France, viz.
ascertaining those of each district, the materials are ready.
Such a collection would be amusing, particularly if the traditionary
were added to the engraved laws. They would often appear jejune, and
might involve contradictions; but we should see the wants of the people;
and if ever our connexion (which God forbid!) should be drawn closer, we
could then legislate without offending national customs or religious
prejudices. Could this, by any instinctive [136] impulse or external
stimulus, be effected by themselves, it would be the era of their
emersion from long oppression, and might lead to better notions of
government, and consequent happiness to them all.
=Noble Origin of the Rājput Race.=—If we compare the antiquity and
illustrious descent of the dynasties which have ruled, and some which
continue to rule, the small sovereignties of Rajasthan, with many of
celebrity in Europe, superiority will often attach to the Rajput. From
the most remote periods we can trace nothing ignoble, nor any vestige of
vassal origin. Reduced in power, circumscribed in territory, compelled
to yield much of their splendour and many of the dignities of birth,
they have not abandoned an iota of the pride and high bearing arising
from a knowledge of their illustrious and regal descent. On this
principle the various revolutions in the Rana’s family never encroached;
and the mighty Jahangir himself, the Emperor of the Moguls, became, like
Caesar, the commentator on the history of the tribe of Sesodia.[3.1.19]
The potentate of the twenty-two Satrapies of Hind dwells with proud
complacency on this Rajput king having made terms with him. He praises
heaven, that what his immortal ancestor Babur, the founder of the Mogul
dynasty, failed to do, the project in which Humayun had also failed, and
in which the illustrious Akbar, his father, had but partial success, was
reserved for him. It is pleasing to peruse in the commentaries of these
conquerors, Babur and Jahangir, their sentiments with regard to these
princes. We have the evidence of Sir Thomas Roe, the ambassador of
Elizabeth to Jahangir, as to the splendour of this race: it appears
throughout their annals and those of their neighbours.
=The Rāthors of Mārwār.=—The Rathors can boast a splendid pedigree; and
if we cannot trace its source with equal certainty to such a period of
antiquity as the Rana’s, we can, at all events, show the Rathor monarch
wielding the sceptre at Kanauj, at the time the leader of an unknown
tribe of the Franks was paving the way towards the foundation of the
future kingdom of France. Unwieldy greatness caused the sudden fall of
Kanauj in the twelfth century, of which the existing line of Marwar is a
renovated scion.[3.1.20]
=The Kachhwāhas of Amber.=—Amber is a branch of the once illustrious and
ancient [137] Nishadha, now Narwar, which produced the ill-fated prince
whose story[3.1.21] is so interesting. Revolution and conquest compelled
them to quit their ancestral abodes. Hindustan was then divided into no
more than four great kingdoms. By Arabian[3.1.22] travellers we have a
confused picture of these States. But all the minor States, now existing
in the west, arose about the period when the feudal system was
approaching maturity in France and England.
The others are less illustrious, being the descendants of the great
vassals of their ancient kings.
=The Sesodias of Mewār.=—Mewar exhibits a marked difference from all the
other States in her policy and institutions. She was an old-established
dynasty when these renovated scions were in embryo. We can trace the
losses of Mewar, but with difficulty her acquisitions; while it is easy
to note the gradual aggrandisement of Marwar and Amber, and all the
minor States. Marwar was composed of many petty States, whose ancient
possessions formed an allodial vassalage under the new dynasty. A
superior independence of the control of the prince arises from the
peculiarity of the mode of acquisition; that is, with rights similar to
the allodial vassals of the European feudal system.
=Pride of Ancestry.=—The poorest Rajput of this day retains all the
pride of ancestry, often his sole inheritance; he scorns to hold the
plough, or to use his lance but on horseback. In these aristocratic
ideas he is supported by his reception amongst his superiors, and the
respect paid to him by his inferiors. The honours and privileges, and
the gradations of rank, amongst the vassals of the Rana’s house, exhibit
a highly artificial and refined state of society. Each of the superior
rank is entitled to a banner, kettle-drums preceded by heralds and
silver maces, with peculiar gifts and personal honours, in commemoration
of some exploit of their ancestors.
=Armorial Bearings.=—The martial Rajputs are not strangers to armorial
bearings,[3.1.23] now so indiscriminately used in Europe. The great
banner of Mewar exhibits a golden sun [138] on a crimson field; those of
the chiefs bear a dagger. Amber displays the _panchranga_, or
five-coloured flag. The lion rampant on an argent field is extinct with
the State of Chanderi.[3.1.24]
In Europe these customs were not introduced till the period of the
Crusades, and were copied from the Saracens; while the use of them
amongst the Rajput tribes can be traced to a period anterior to the war
of Troy. In the Mahabharat, or great war, twelve hundred years before
Christ, we find the hero Bhishma exulting over his trophy, the banner of
Arjuna, its field adorned with the figure of the Indian Hanuman.[3.1.25]
These emblems had a religious reference amongst the Hindus, and were
taken from their mythology, the origin of all devices.
=The Tribal Palladium.=—Every royal house has its palladium, which is
frequently borne to battle at the saddle-bow of the prince. Rao Bhima
Hara, of Kotah, lost his life and protecting deity together. The late
celebrated Khichi[3.1.26] leader, Jai Singh, never took the field
without the god before him. ‘Victory to Bajrang’ was his signal for the
charge so dreaded by the Mahratta, and often has the deity been
sprinkled with his blood and that of the foe. Their ancestors, who
opposed Alexander, did the same, and carried the image of Hercules
(_Baldeva_) at the head of their array.[3.1.27]
=Banners.=—The custom (says Arrian) of presenting banners as an emblem
of sovereignty over vassals, also obtained amongst the tribes of the
Indus when invaded by Alexander. When he conquered the Saka and tribes
east of the Caspian, he divided the provinces amongst the princes of the
ancient families, for which they paid homage, engaged to serve with a
certain quota of troops, and received from his own hand a banner; in all
of which he followed the customs of the country. But in these we see
only the outline of the system; we must descend to more modern days to
observe it more minutely. A grand picture is drawn of the power of
Mewar, when the first grand irruption of the Muhammadans occurred in the
first century of their era; when “a hundred[3.1.28] kings, its allies
and dependents, had their thrones raised in Chitor,” for its defence and
their own individually [139], when a new religion, propagated by the
sword of conquest, came to enslave these realms. This invasion was by
Sind and Makran; for it was half a century later ere ‘the light’ shone
from the heights of Pamir[3.1.29] on the plains of the Jumna and Ganges.
From the commencement of this religious war in the mountains westward of
the Indus, many ages elapsed ere the ‘King of the Faith’ obtained a seat
on the throne of Yudhishthira. Chand, the bard, has left us various
valuable memorials of this period, applicable to the subject
historically as well as to the immediate topic. Visaladeva, the monarch
whose name appears on the pillar of victory at Delhi, led an army
against the invader, in which, according to the bard, “the banners of
eighty-four princes were assembled.” The bard describes with great
animation the summons sent for this magnificent feudal levy from the
heart of Antarbedi,[3.1.30] to the shores of the western sea, and it
coincides with the record of his victory, which most probably this very
army obtained for him. But no finer picture of feudal manners exists
than the history of Prithwiraja, contained in Chand’s poems. It is
surprising that this epic should have been allowed so long to sleep
neglected: a thorough knowledge of it, and of others of the same
character, would open many sources of new knowledge, and enable us to
trace many curious and interesting coincidences.[3.1.31]
In perusing these tales of the days that are past, we should be induced
to conclude that the Kuriltai of the Tatars, the Chaugan of the Rajput,
and the Champ de Mars of the Frank, had one common origin.
=Influence of Caste.=—Caste has for ever prevented the inferior classes
of society from being incorporated with this haughty _noblesse_. Only
those of pure blood in both lines can hold fiefs of the crown. The
highest may marry the daughter of a Rajput, whose sole [140] possession
is a ‘skin of land’:[3.1.32] the sovereign himself is not degraded by
such alliance. There is no moral blot, and the operation of a law like
the Salic would prevent any political evil resulting therefrom. Titles
are granted, and even fiefs of office, to ministers and civil servants
not Rajputs; they are, however, but official, and never confer
hereditary right. These official fiefs may have originally arisen, here
and in Europe, from the same cause; the want of a circulating medium to
pay the offices. The Mantris[3.1.33] of Mewar prefer estates to
pecuniary stipend, which gives more consequence in every point of view.
All the higher offices—as cup-bearer, butler, stewards of the household,
wardrobe, kitchen, master of the horse—all these are enumerated as
ministerialists[3.1.34] at the court of Charlemagne in the dark ages of
Europe, and of whom we have the duplicates. These are what the author of
the Middle Ages designates as “improper feuds.”[3.1.35] In Mewar the
prince’s architect, painter, physician, bard, genealogist, heralds, and
all the generation of the foster-brothers, hold lands. Offices are
hereditary in this patriarchal government; their services personal. The
title even appends to the family, and if the chance of events deprive
them of the substance, they are seldom left destitute. It is not
uncommon to see three or four with the title of pardhan or
premier.[3.1.36]
But before I proceed further in these desultory and general remarks, I
shall commence the chief details of the system as described in times
past, and, in part, still obtaining in the principality of the Rana of
Mewar. As its geography and distribution are fully related in their
proper place, I must refer the reader to that for a preliminary
understanding of its localities.
=Estates of Chief and Fiscal Land.=—The local disposition of the estates
was admirably contrived. Bounded on three sides, the south, east, and
west, by marauding barbarous tribes of Bhils, Mers, and Minas, the
circumference of this circle was subdivided into estates for the chiefs,
while the _khalisa_, or fiscal land, the best and richest, was in the
heart of the country, and consequently well protected [141]. It appears
doubtful whether the khalisa lands amounted to one-fourth of those
distributed in grant to the chiefs. The value of the crown demesne as
the nerve and sinew of sovereignty, was well known by the former heads
of this house. To obtain any portion thereof was the reward of important
services; to have a grant of a few acres near the capital for a garden
was deemed a high favour; and a village in the amphitheatre or valley,
in which the present capital is situated, was the _ne plus ultra_ of
recompense. But the lavish folly of the present prince, out of this
tract, twenty-five miles in circumference, has not preserved a single
village in his khalisa. By this distribution, and by the inroads of the
wild tribes in the vicinity, or of Moguls and Mahrattas, the valour of
the chiefs were kept in constant play.
The country was partitioned into districts, each containing from fifty
to one hundred towns and villages, though sometimes exceeding that
proportion. The great number of Chaurasis[3.1.37] leads to the
conclusion that portions to the amount of eighty-four had been the
general subdivision. Many of these yet remain: as the ‘Chaurasi’ of
Jahazpur and of Kumbhalmer: tantamount to the old ‘hundreds’ of our
Saxon ancestry. A circle of posts was distributed, within which the
quotas of the chiefs attended, under ‘the Faujdar of the Sima’ (_vulgo_
Sim), or commander of the border. It was found expedient to appoint from
court this lord of the frontier, always accompanied by a portion of the
royal insignia, standard, kettle-drums, and heralds, and being generally
a civil officer, he united to his military office the administration of
justice.[3.1.38] The higher vassals never attended personally at these
posts, but deputed a confidential branch of their family, with the quota
required. For the government of the districts there were conjoined a
civil and a military officer: the latter generally a vassal of the
second rank. Their residence was the chief place of the district,
commonly a stronghold.
The division of the chiefs into distinct grades, shows a highly
artificial state of society.
First class.—We have the Sixteen, whose estates were from fifty thousand
to one hundred thousand rupees and upwards, of yearly rent. These appear
in the [142] presence only on special invitation, upon festivals and
solemn ceremonies, and are the hereditary councillors of the
crown.[3.1.39]
Second class, from five to fifty thousand rupees. Their duty is to be
always in attendance. From these, chiefly, faujdars and military
officers are selected.[3.1.39]
Third class is that of Gol[3.1.39] holding lands chiefly under five
thousand rupees, though by favour they may exceed this limit. They are
generally the holders of separate villages and portions of land, and in
former times they were the most useful class to the prince. They always
attended on his person, and indeed formed his strength against any
combination or opposition of the higher vassals.
Fourth class.—The offsets of the younger branches of the Rana’s own
family, within a certain period, are called the _babas_, literally
‘infants,’ and have appanages bestowed on them. Of this class are
Shahpura and Banera; too powerful for subjects.[3.1.40] They hold on
none of the terms of the great clans, but consider themselves at the
disposal of the prince. These are more within the influence of the
crown. Allowing adoption into these houses, except in the case of near
kindred, is assuredly an innovation; they ought to revert to the crown,
failing immediate issue, as did the great estate of Bhainsrorgarh, two
generations back. From these to the holder of a _charsa_, or hide of
land, the peculiarity of tenure and duties of each will form a subject
for discussion.
=Revenues and Rights of the Crown.=—I need not here expatiate upon the
variety of items which constitute the revenues of the prince, the
details of which will appear in their proper place. The land-tax in the
khalisa demesne is, of course, the chief source of supply; the transit
duties on commerce and trade, and those of the larger towns and
commercial marts, rank next. In former times more attention was paid to
this important branch of income, and the produce was greater because
less shackled. The liberality on the side of the crown was only equalled
by the integrity of the merchant, and the extent to which it was carried
would imply an almost Utopian degree of perfection in their mutual
qualities of liberality and honesty; the one, perhaps, generating the
other. The remark of a merchant recently, on the vexatious train of
duties and espionage attending their collection, is not merely
figurative: "our ancestors tied their invoice to the horns of the
oxen[3.1.42] at the first frontier post of customs, and no intermediate
questions [143] were put till we passed to the opposite or sold our
goods, when it was opened and payment made accordingly; but now every
town has its rights." It will be long ere this degree of confidence is
restored on either side; extensive demand on the one is met by fraud and
evasion on the other, though at least one-half of these evils have
already been subdued.
=Mines and Minerals.=—The mines were very productive in former times,
and yielded several lacs to the princes of Mewar.[3.1.43] The rich tin
mines of Jawara produced at one time a considerable proportion of
silver. Those of copper are abundant, as is also iron on the now
alienated domain on the Chambal; but lead least of all.[3.1.44]
The marble quarries also added to the revenue; and where there is such a
multiplicity of sources, none are considered too minute to be applied in
these necessitous times.
=Barār.=—_Barar_ is an indefinite term for taxation, and is connected
with the thing taxed: as _ghanim-barar_,[3.1.45] ‘war-tax’; _ghar
ginti-barar_,[3.1.46] ‘house-tax’; _hal-barar_, ‘plough-tax’;
_neota-barar_, ‘marriage-tax’; and others, both of old and new standing.
The war-tax was a kind of substitute for the regular mode of levying the
rents on the produce of the soil; which was rendered very difficult
during the disturbed period, and did not accord with the wants of the
prince. It is also a substitute in those mountainous regions, for the
_jarib_,[3.1.47] where the produce bears no proportion to the cultivated
surface; sometimes from poverty of soil, but often from the reverse, as
in Kumbhalmer, where the choicest crops are produced on the cultivated
terraces, and on the sides of its mountains, which abound with springs,
yielding the richest canes and cottons, and where experiment has proved
that four crops can be raised in the same patch of soil within the year.
The offering on confirmation of estates (or fine on renewal) is now,
though a very small, yet still one source of supply; as is the annual
and triennial payment of the quit-rents of the Bhumia chiefs. Fines in
composition of offences may also be mentioned: and they might be larger,
if more activity were introduced in the detection of offenders [144].
These governments are mild in the execution of the laws; and a heavy
fine has more effect (especially on the hill tribes) than the execution
of the offender, who fears death less than the loss of property.
=Khar-Lakar.=—The composition for ‘wood and forage’ afforded a
considerable supply. When the princes of Mewar were oftener in the
tented field than in the palace, combating for their preservation, it
was the duty of every individual to store up wood and forage for the
supply of the prince’s army. What originated in necessity was converted
into an abuse and annual demand. The towns also supplied a certain
portion of provisions; where the prince halted for the day these were
levied on the community; a goat or sheep from the shepherd, milk and
flour from the farmer. The maintenance of these customs is observable in
taxes, for the origin of which it is impossible to assign a reason
without going into the history of the period; they scarcely recollect
the source of some of these themselves. They are akin to those known
under the feudal tenures of France, arising from exactly the same
causes, and commuted for money payments; such as the _droit de giste et
de chevauche_.[3.1.48] Many also originated in the perambulations of
these princes to visit their domains;[3.1.49] a black year in the
calendar to the chief and the subject. When he honoured the chief by a
visit, he had to present horses and arms, and to entertain his prince,
in all which honours the cultivators and merchants had to share. The
duties on the sale of spirits, opium, tobacco, and even to a share of
the garden-stuff, affords also modes of supply [145].[3.1.50]
-----
Footnote 3.1.1:
_Miscellaneous Works_, vol. iii.
Footnote 3.1.2:
Hallam’s _Middle Ages_.
Footnote 3.1.3:
It is a high gratification to be supported by such authority as M. St.
Martin, who, in his _Discours sur l’Origine et l’Histoire des
Arsacides_, thus speaks of the system of government termed feudal,
which I contend exists amongst the Rajputs: "On pense assez
généralement que cette sorte de gouvernement qui dominait il y a
quelques siècles, et qu’on appelle _système féodal_, était
particulière à l’Europe, et que c’est dans les forêts de la Germanie
qu’il faut en chercher l’origine. Cependant, si au lieu d’admettre les
faits sans les discuter, comme il arrive trop souvent, on examinait un
peu cette opinion, elle disparaitrait devant la critique, ou du moins
elle se modifierait singulièrement; et l’on verrait que, si c’est des
forêts de la Germanie que nous avons tiré le gouvernement féodal, il
n’en est certainement pas originaire. Si l’on veut comparer l’Europe,
telle qu’elle était au xii^e siècle, avec la monarchie fondée en Asie
par les Arsacides trois siècles avant notre ère, partout on verra des
institutions et des usages pareils. On y trouvera les mêmes dignités,
et jusqu’aux mêmes titres, etc., etc. Boire, chasser, combattre, faire
et défaire des rois, c’étaient là les nobles occupations d’un Parthe"
(_Journal Asiatique_, vol. i. p. 65). It is nearly so with the Rajput.
Footnote 3.1.4:
Gibbon, _Miscell._ vol. iii. Du gouvernement féodal.
Footnote 3.1.5:
A ‘skin or hyde.’ Millar (chap. v. p. 85) defines a ‘hyde of land,’
the quantity which can be cultivated by a single plough. A _charsa_,
‘skin or hyde’ of land, is as much as one man can water; and what one
can water is equal to what one plough can cultivate. If irrigation
ever had existence by the founders of the system, we may suppose this
the meaning of the term which designated a _knight’s fee_. It may have
gone westward with emigration. [The English ‘hide’: “the amount
considered adequate for the support of one free family with its
dependants: at an early date defined as being as much land as could be
tilled by one plough in a year,” has no connexion with ‘hide,’ ‘a
skin.’ It is O.E. _hīd_, from _híw_, _híg_, ‘household.’ ‘Hide,’ ‘a
skin,’ is O.E. _hýd_ (_New English Dict. ssv._).]
Footnote 3.1.6:
_Bapji_, ‘sire,’ is the appellation of royalty, and, strange enough,
whether to male or female; while its offsets, which form a numerous
branch of vassals, are called _babas_, ‘the infants.’
Footnote 3.1.7:
Hallam’s _Middle Ages_, vol. i. p. 200.
Footnote 3.1.8:
Sanskrit, _Sūla_.
Footnote 3.1.9:
See Appendix, No. XII.
Footnote 3.1.10:
See Appendix, No. XIII.
Footnote 3.1.11:
See Appendix, No. XIV.
Footnote 3.1.12:
‘Full moon’ (See Appendix, No. XIII.).
Footnote 3.1.13:
It is customary, when officers of the Government are detached on
service, to exact from the towns where they are sent both bed and
board.
Footnote 3.1.14:
Seized for public service, and frequently to exact a composition in
money.
Footnote 3.1.15:
Hallam, vol. i. p. 197.
Footnote 3.1.16:
Some of these, of old date, I have seen three feet in length.
Footnote 3.1.17:
Hallam, vol. i. p. 199.
Footnote 3.1.18:
Hallam notices these laws by this technical phrase.
Footnote 3.1.19:
Sesodia is the last change of name which the Rana’s race has
undergone. It was first Suryavansa, then Grahilot or Guhilot, Aharya,
and Sesodia. These changes arise from revolutions and local
circumstances.
Footnote 3.1.20:
[The Rāthor dynasty of Kanauj is a myth (Smith, _EHI_, 385).]
Footnote 3.1.21:
Nala and Damayanti.
Footnote 3.1.22:
_Relations anciennes des Voyageurs_, par Renaudot.
Footnote 3.1.23:
It is generally admitted that armorial bearings were little known till
the period of the Crusades, and that they belong to the east. The
twelve tribes of Israel were distinguished by the animals on their
banners, and the sacred writings frequently allude to the ‘Lion of
Judah.’ The peacock was a favourite armorial emblem of the Rajput
warrior; it is the bird sacred to their Mars (Kumara), as it was to
Juno, his mother, in the west. The feather of the peacock decorates
the turban of the Rajput and the warrior of the Crusade, adopted from
the Hindu through the Saracens. “Le paon a toujours été l’emblême de
la noblesse. Plusieurs chevaliers ornaient leurs casques des plumes de
cet oiseau; un grand nombre de familles nobles le portaient dans leur
blazon ou sur leur cimier; quelques-uns n’en portaient que la queue”
(Art. “Armoirie,” _Dict. de l’ancien Régime_).
Footnote 3.1.24:
I was the first European who traversed this wild country, in 1807, not
without some hazard. It was then independent: about three years after
it fell a prey to Sindhia. [Several ancient dynasties used a crest
(_lānchhana_), and a banner (_dhvaja_): see the list in _BG_, i. Part
ii. 299.]
Footnote 3.1.25:
The monkey-deity. [Known as Bajrang, Skt. vajranga, ‘of powerful
frame.’]
Footnote 3.1.26:
The Khichis are a branch of the Chauhans, and Khichiwara lies east of
Haravati.
Footnote 3.1.27:
[Quintus Curtius, viii. 14, 46; Arrian, _Indika_, viii.]
Footnote 3.1.28:
See Annals of Mewar, and note from D’Anville.
Footnote 3.1.29:
The Pamir range is a grand branch of the Indian Caucasus. Chand, the
bard, designates them as the “Parbat Pat Pamir,” or Pamir Lord of
Mountains. From Pahār and Pamir the Greeks may have compounded
Paropanisos, in which was situated the most remote of the Alexandrias.
[?]
Footnote 3.1.30:
The space between the grand rivers Ganges and Jumna, well known as the
Duab.
Footnote 3.1.31:
Domestic habits and national manners are painted to the life, and no
man can well understand the Rajput of yore who does not read these.
Those were the days of chivalry and romance, when the assembled
princes contended for the hand of the fair, who chose her own lord,
and threw to the object of her choice, in full court, the _barmala_,
or garland of marriage. Those were the days which the Rajput yet loves
to talk of, when the glance of an eye weighed with a sceptre: when
three things alone occupied him: his horse, his lance, and his
mistress; for she is but the third in his estimation, after all: to
the two first he owed her.
Footnote 3.1.32:
Charsa, a ‘hide or skin’ [see p. 156 above].
Footnote 3.1.33:
‘Ministers,’ from _Mantra_, ‘mystification’ [‘a sacred text, spell’].
Footnote 3.1.34:
It is probably of Teutonic origin, and akin to _Mantri_, which
embraces all the ministers and councillors of loyalty (Hallam, p.
195). [?]
Footnote 3.1.35:
Hallam, p. 193.
Footnote 3.1.36:
One I know, in whose family the office has remained since the period
of Prithwiraja, who transferred his ancestor to the service of the
Rana’s house seven hundred years ago. He is not merely a nominal
hereditary minister, for his uncle actually held the office; but in
consequence of having favoured the views of a pretender to the crown,
its active duties are not entrusted to any of the family.
Footnote 3.1.37:
The numeral eighty-four. [In the ancient Hindu kingdoms the full
estate was a group of 84 villages, smaller units being called Byālisa,
42, or Chaubīsa, 24 (Baden-Powell, _The Village Community_, 198, and
see a valuable article in Elliot, _Supplemental Glossary_, 178 ff.)]
Footnote 3.1.38:
Now each chief claims the right of administering justice in his own
domain, that is, in civil matters; but in criminal cases they ought
not without the special sanction of the crown. Justice, however, has
long been left to work its own way, and the self-constituted
tribunals, the panchayats, sit in judgment in all cases where property
is involved.
Footnote 3.1.39:
See Appendix, No. XX.
Footnote 3.1.40:
[They are heads of the Rānāwat sub-tribe. The latter enjoys the right,
on succession, of having a sword sent to him with full honours, on
receipt of which he goes to Udaipur to be installed (Erskine ii. A.
92).]
Footnote 3.1.42:
Oxen and carts are chiefly used in the _Tandas_, or caravans, for
transportation of goods in these countries; camels further to the
north.
Footnote 3.1.43:
[On the mines of Mewār, see _IA_, i. 63 f.]
Footnote 3.1.44:
The privilege of coining is a reservation of royalty. No subject is
allowed to coin gold or silver, though the Salumbar chief has on
sufferance a copper currency. The mint was a considerable source of
income, and may be again when confidence is restored and a new
currency introduced. The Chitor rupee is now thirty-one per cent
inferior to the old Bhilara standard, and there was one struck at the
capital even worse, and very nearly as bad as the _moneta nigra_ of
Philip the Fair of France, who allowed his vassals the privilege of
coining it. [For an account of the past and present coinage of Mewār,
see W. W. Webb, _Currencies of the Hindu States of Rajputana_, 3 ff.]
Footnote 3.1.45:
Enemy.
Footnote 3.1.46:
Numbering of houses.
Footnote 3.1.47:
A measure of land [usually 55 English yards]
Footnote 3.1.48:
Hallam, vol. i. p. 232.
Footnote 3.1.49:
Hume describes the necessity for our earlier kings making these tours
to consume the produce, being in kind. So it is in Mewar; but I fancy
the supply was always too easily convertible into circulating medium
to be the cause there.
Footnote 3.1.50:
See Appendix, No. X.
-----
CHAPTER 2
=Legislative Authority.=—During the period still called ‘the good times
of Mewar,’ the prince, with the aid of his civil council, the four
ministers of the crown and their deputies, promulgated all the
legislative enactments in which the general rights and wants of the
community were involved. In these the martial vassals or chiefs had no
concern: a wise exclusion, comprehending also their immediate
dependents, military, commercial, and agricultural. Even now, the little
that is done in these matters is effected by the civil administration,
though the Rajput Pardhans have been too apt to interfere in matters
from which they ought always to be kept aloof, being ever more tenacious
of their own rights than solicitous for the welfare of the community.
=Panchāyats.=—The neglect in the legislation of late years was supplied
by the self-constituted tribunals, the useful panchayats, of which
enough has been said to render further illustration unnecessary. Besides
the resident ruler of the district, who was also a judicial functionary,
there was, as already stated, a special officer of the government in
each frontier thana, or garrison post. He united the triple occupation
of embodying the quotas, levying the transit duties, and administering
justice, in which he was aided at the chabutra[3.2.1] or court, by
assembling the Chauthias or assessors of justice. Each town and village
has its chauthia, the members of which are elected by their
fellow-citizens, and remain as long as they conduct themselves
impartially in disentangling the intricacies of complaints preferred to
them.
They are the aids to the Nagarseth, or chief magistrate, an hereditary
office in every large city in Rajasthan. Of this chauthia the Patel and
Patwari[3.2.2] are generally members. The former of these, like the
Dasaundhi of the Mahrattas, resembles in his duties the decanus of
France and the tithing-man in England. The chauthia and panchayat of
these districts are analogous to the assessors of [146] justice called
_scabini_[3.2.3] in France, who held the office by election or the
concurrence of the people. But these are the special and fixed council
of each town; the general panchayats are formed from the respectable
population at large, and were formerly from all classes of society.
The chabutras, or terraces of justice, were always established in the
khalisa, or crown demesne. It was deemed a humiliating intrusion if they
sat within the bounds of a chief. To ‘erect the flag’ within his limits,
whether for the formation of defensive posts or the collection of
duties, is deemed a gross breach of his privileged independence, as to
establish them within the walls of his residence would be deemed equal
to sequestration. It often becomes necessary to see justice enforced on
a chief or his dependent, but it begets eternal disputes and
disobedience, till at length they are worried to compliance by rozina.
=Rozīna.=—When delay in these matters, or to the general commands of the
prince, is evinced, an officer or herald is deputed with a party of
four, ten, or twenty horse or foot, to the fief of the chief, at whose
residence they take up their abode; and carrying, under the seal, a
warrant to furnish them with specified daily (_rozina_) rations, they
live at free quarters till he is quickened into compliance with the
commands of the prince. This is the only accelerator of the slow
movements of a Rajput chieftain in these days, whether for his
appearance at court or the performance of an act of justice. It is often
carried to a harassing excess, and causes much complaint.
In cases regarding the distribution of justice or the internal economy
of the chief’s estates, the government officers seldom interfere. But of
their panchayats I will only remark, that their import amongst the
vassals is very comprehensive; and when they talk of the ‘_panch_,’ it
means the ‘collective wisdom.’ In the reply to the remonstrance of the
Deogarh vassals,[3.2.4] the chief promises never to undertake any
measure without their deliberation and sanction.
On all grand occasions where the general peace or tranquillity of the
government is threatened, the chiefs form the council of the sovereign.
Such subjects are always first discussed in the domestic councils of
each chief; so that when the [147] _witenagemot_ of Mewar was assembled,
each had prepared himself by previous discussion, and was fortified by
abundance of advice.
To be excluded the council of the prince is to be in utter disgrace.
These grand divans produce infinite speculation, and the ramifications
which form the opinions are extensive. The council of each chief is, in
fact, a miniature representation of the sovereign’s. The greater
sub-vassals, his civil pardhan, the mayor of the household, the
purohit,[3.2.5] the bard, and two or three of the most intelligent
citizens, form the minor councils, and all are separately deliberating
while the superior court is in discussion. Thus is collected the wisdom
of the magnates of Rajwara.
=Military Service.=—In Mewar, during the days of her glory and
prosperity, fifteen thousand horse, bound by the ties of fidelity and
service, followed their prince into the field, all supported by lands
held by grant; from the chief who headed five hundred of his own
vassals, to the single horseman.
=Knight’s Fee or Single Horsemen.=—A knight’s fee in these States
varies. For each thousand rupees of annual rent, never less than two,
and generally three horsemen were furnished; and sometimes three horse
and three foot soldiers, according to the exigencies of the times when
the grant was conferred. The different grants[3.2.6] appended will show
this variety, and furnish additional proof that this, and all similar
systems of policy, must be much indebted to chance for the shape they
ultimately take. The knight’s fee, when William the Conqueror
partitioned England into sixty thousand such portions, from each of
which a soldier’s service was due, was fixed at £20. Each portion
furnished its soldier or paid escuage. The knight’s fee of Mewar may be
said to be two hundred and fifty rupees, or about £30.
=Limitations of Service.=—In Europe, service was so restricted that the
monarch had but a precarious authority. He could only calculate upon
forty days’ annual service from the tenant of a knight’s fee. In
Rajasthan it is very different: “at home and abroad, service shall be
performed when demanded”; such is the condition of the tenure.
For state and show, a portion of the greater vassals[3.2.7] reside at
the capital for [148] some months, when they have permission to retire
to their estates, and are relieved by another portion. On the grand
military festival the whole attend for a given time; and when the prince
took the field, the whole assembled at their own charge; but if
hostilities carried them beyond the frontier they were allowed certain
rations.
=Escuage or Scutage.=—Escuage or scutage, the phrase in Europe to denote
the amercement[3.2.8] for non-attendance, is also known and exemplified
in deeds. Failure from disaffection, turbulence, or pride, brought a
heavy fine; the sequestration of the whole or part of the estate.[3.2.9]
The princes of these States would willingly desire to see escuage more
general. All have made this first attempt towards an approximation to a
standing army; but, though the chiefs would make compensation to get rid
of some particular service, they are very reluctant to renounce lands,
by which alone a fixed force could be maintained. The rapacity of the
court would gladly fly to scutages, but in the present impoverished
state of the fiefs, such if injudiciously levied would be almost
equivalent to resumption; but this measure is so full of difficulty as
to be almost impracticable.
=Inefficiency of this Form of Government.=—Throughout Rajasthan the
character and welfare of the States depend on that of the sovereign: he
is the mainspring of the system—the active power to set and keep in
motion all these discordant materials; if he relax, each part separates,
and moves in a narrow sphere of its own. Yet will the impulse of one
great mind put the machine in regular movement, which shall endure
during two or three imbecile successors, if no fresh exterior force be
applied to check it. It is a system full of defects; yet we see them so
often balanced by virtues, that we are alternately biassed by these
counteracting qualities; loyalty and patriotism, which combine a love of
the institutions, religion, and manners of the country, are the
counterpoise to systematic evil. In no country has the system ever
proved efficient. It has been one of eternal excitement and irregular
action; inimical to order, and the repose deemed necessary after
conflict for recruiting the national strength. The absence of an
external foe was but the signal for disorders within, which increased to
a terrific height in the feuds of the two great rival factions of Mewar,
the clans of [149] Chondawat[3.2.10] and Saktawat,[3.2.11] as the
weakness of the prince augmented by the abstraction of his personal
domain, and the diminution of the services of the third class of vassals
(the Gol), the personal retainers of the crown; but when these feuds
broke out, even with the enemy at their gates, it required a prince of
great nerve and talent to regulate them. Yet is there a redeeming
quality in the system, which, imperfect as it is, could render such
perilous circumstances but the impulse to a rivalry of heroism.
=Rivalry of the Chondāwat and Saktāwat Sub-clans.=—When Jahangir had
obtained possession of the palladium of Mewar, the ancient fortress of
Chitor, and driven the prince into the wilds and mountains of the west,
an opportunity offered to recover some frontier lands in the plains, and
the Rana with all his chiefs was assembled for the purpose. But the
Saktawats asserted an equal privilege with their rivals to form the
vanguard;[3.2.12] a right which their indisputable valour (perhaps
superior to that of the other party) rendered not invalid. The
Chondawats claimed it as an hereditary privilege, and the sword would
have decided the matter but for the tact of the prince. “The harawal to
the clan which first enters Untala,” was a decision which the Saktawat
leader quickly heard; while the other could no longer plead his right,
when such a gauntlet was thrown down for its maintenance.
Untala is the frontier fortress in the plains, about eighteen miles east
of the capital, and covering the road which leads from it to the more
ancient one of Chitor. It is situated on a rising ground, with a stream
flowing beneath its walls, which are of solid masonry, lofty, and with
round towers at intervals.[3.2.13] In the centre was the governor’s
house, also fortified. One gate only gave admission to this castle.
The clans, always rivals in power, now competitors in glory, moved off
at the same time, some hours before daybreak—Untala the goal, the
harawal the reward! Animated with hope—a barbarous and cruel foe the
object of their prowess—their wives and families spectators, on their
return, of the meed of enterprise; the bard [150], who sang the praise
of each race at their outset, demanding of each materials for a new
wreath, supplied every stimulus that a Rajput could have to exertion.
The Saktawats made directly for the gateway, which they reached as the
day broke, and took the foe unprepared; but the walls were soon manned,
and the action commenced. The Chondawats, less skilled in topography,
had traversed a swamp, which retarded them—but through which they
dashed, fortunately meeting a guide in a shepherd of Untala. With more
foresight than their opponents, they had brought ladders. The chief led
the escalade, but a ball rolled him back amidst his vassals; it was not
his destiny to lead the harawal! Each party was checked. The Saktawat
depended on the elephant he rode, to gain admission by forcing the gate;
but its projecting spikes deterred the animal from applying its
strength. His men were falling thick around him, when a shout from the
other party made him dread their success. He descended from his seat,
placed his body on the spikes, and commanded the driver, on pain of
instant death, to propel the elephant against him. The gates gave way,
and over the dead body of their chief his clan rushed to the combat! But
even this heroic surrender of his life failed to purchase the honour for
his clan. The lifeless corpse of his rival was already in Untala, and
this was the event announced by the shout which urged his sacrifice to
honour and ambition. When the Chondawat chief fell, the next in rank and
kin took the command. He was one of those arrogant, reckless Rajputs,
who signalized themselves wherever there was danger, not only against
men but tigers, and his common appellation was the Benda Thakur (‘mad
chief’) of Deogarh. When his leader fell, he rolled the body in his
scarf; then tying it on his back, scaled the wall, and with his lance
having cleared the way before him he threw the dead body over the
parapet of Untala, shouting, “The vanguard to the Chondawat! we are
first in!” The shout was echoed by the clan, and the rampart was in
their possession nearly at the moment of the entry of the Saktawats. The
Moguls fell under their swords: the standard of Mewar was erected in the
castle of Untala, but the leading of the vanguard remained with the
Chondawats[3.2.14] [151].
This is not the sole instance of such jealousies being converted into a
generous and patriotic rivalry; many others could be adduced throughout
the greater principalities, but especially amongst the brave Rathors of
Marwar.
It was a nice point to keep these clans poised against each other; their
feuds were not without utility, and the tact of the prince frequently
turned them to account. One party was certain to be enlisted on the side
of the sovereign, and this alone counter-balanced the evil tendencies
before described. To this day it has been a perpetual struggle for
supremacy; and the epithets of ‘loyalist’ and ‘traitor’ have been
alternating between them for centuries, according to the portion they
enjoyed of the prince’s favour, and the talents and disposition of the
heads of the clans to maintain their predominance at court. The
Saktawats are weaker in numbers, but have the reputation of greater
bravery and more genius than their rivals. I am inclined, on the whole,
to assent to this opinion; and the very consciousness of this reputation
must be a powerful incentive to its preservation.
When all these governments were founded and maintained on the same
principle, a system of feuds, doubtless, answered very well; but it
cannot exist with a well-constituted monarchy. Where individual will
controls the energies of a nation, it must eventually lose its
liberties. To preserve their power, the princes of Rajasthan surrendered
a portion of theirs to the emperors of Delhi. They made a nominal
surrender to him of their kingdoms receiving them back with a sanad, or
grant, renewed on each lapse: thereby acknowledging him as lord
paramount. They received, on these occasions, the khilat of honour and
investiture, consisting of elephants, horses, arms, and jewels; and to
their hereditary title of ‘prince’ was added by the emperor, one of
dignity, _mansab_.[3.2.15] Besides this acknowledgment of supremacy,
they offered _nazarana_[3.2.16] and homage, especially on the festival
of Nauroz (the new year), engaging to attend the royal presence when
required, at the head of a stipulated number of their vassals. The
emperor presented them with a royal standard, kettle-drums, and other
insignia, which headed the array of each prince. Here we have all the
chief incidents of a great feudal sovereignty. Whether the Tatar
sovereigns borrowed these customs from their princely vassals, or
brought them from the highlands of Asia, from the Oxus [152] and
Jaxartes, whence, there is little doubt, many of these Sachha Rajputs
originated, shall be elsewhere considered.
=Akbar’s Policy towards the Rājputs.=—The splendour of such an array,
whether in the field or at the palace, can scarcely be conceived. Though
Humayun had gained the services of some of the Rajput princes, their aid
was uncertain. It was reserved for his son, the wise and magnanimous
Akbar, to induce them to become at once the ornament and support of his
throne. The power which he consolidated, and knew so well to wield, was
irresistible; while the beneficence of his disposition, and the wisdom
of his policy, maintained what his might conquered. He felt that a
constant exhibition of authority would not only be ineffectual but
dangerous, and that the surest hold on their fealty and esteem would be
the giving them a personal interest in the support of the monarchy.
=Alliances between Moguls and Rājputs.=—Akbar determined to unite the
pure Rajput blood to the scarcely less noble stream which flowed from
Aghuz Khan, through Jenghiz, Timur, and Babur, to himself, calculating
that they would more readily yield obedience to a prince who claimed
kindred with them, than to one purely Tatar; and that, at all events, it
would gain the support of their immediate kin, and might in the end
become general. In this supposition he did not err. We are less
acquainted with the obstacles which opposed his first success than those
he subsequently encountered; one of which neither he nor his descendants
ever overcame in the family of Mewar, who could never be brought to
submit to such alliance.
Amber, the nearest to Delhi and the most exposed, though more open to
temptation than to conquest, in its then contracted sphere, was the
first to set the example.[3.2.17] Its Raja Bhagwandas gave his daughter
to Humayun;[3.2.18] and subsequently this practice became so common,
that some of the most celebrated emperors were the offspring of Rajput
princesses. Of these, Salim, called after his accession, Jahangir; his
ill-fated son, Khusru; Shah Jahan;[3.2.19] Kambakhsh,[3.2.20] the
favourite of his father; Aurangzeb, and his rebellious son Akbar, whom
his Rajput kin would have placed on the throne had his genius equalled
their power, are the most prominent instances. Farrukhsiyar, when the
empire began to totter, furnished the last instance of a Mogul sovereign
[153] marrying a Hindu princess,[3.2.21] the daughter of Raja Ajit
Singh, sovereign of Marwar.
These Rajput princes became the guardians of the minority of their
imperial nephews, and had a direct stake in the empire, and in the
augmentation of their estates.
=Rājputs in the Imperial Service.=—Of the four hundred and sixteen
Mansabdars, or military commanders of Akbar’s empire, from leaders of
two hundred to ten thousand men, forty-seven were Rajputs, and the
aggregate of their quotas amounted to fifty-three thousand
horse:[3.2.22] exactly one-tenth of the united Mansabdars of the empire,
or five hundred and thirty thousand horse.[3.2.23] Of the forty-seven
Rajput leaders, there were seventeen whose mansabs were from one
thousand to five thousand horse, and thirty from two hundred to one
thousand.
The princes of Amber, Marwar, Bikaner, Bundi, Jaisalmer, Bundelkhand,
and even Shaikhawati, held mansabs of above one thousand; but Amber
only, being allied to the throne, had the dignity of five thousand.
The Raja Udai Singh of Marwar, surnamed the Fat, chief of the Rathors,
held but the mansab of one thousand, while a scion of his house, Rae
Singh of Bikaner, had four thousand. This is to be accounted for by the
dignity being thrust upon the head of that house. The independent
princes of Chanderi, Karauli, Datia, with the tributary feudatories of
the larger principalities, and members of the Shaikhawat federation,
were enrolled on the other grades, from four to seven hundred. Amongst
these we find the founder of the Saktawat clan, who, quarrelling with
his brother, Rana Partap of Mewar, gave his services to Akbar. In short
it became general, and what originated in force or persuasion, was soon
coveted from interested motives; and as nearly all the States submitted
in [154] time to give queens to the empire, few were left to stigmatize
this dereliction from Hindu principle.
Akbar thus gained a double victory, securing the good opinions as well
as the swords of these princes in his aid. A judicious perseverance
would have rendered the throne of Timur immovable, had not the
tolerant principles and beneficence of Akbar, Jahangir, and Shah Jahan
been lost sight of by the bigoted and bloodthirsty Aurangzeb; who,
although while he lived his commanding genius wielded the destinies of
this immense empire at pleasure, alienated the affections, by
insulting the prejudices, of those who had aided in raising the empire
to the height on which it stood. This affection withdrawn, and the
weakness of Farrukhsiyar substituted for the strength of Aurangzeb, it
fell and went rapidly to pieces. Predatory warfare and spoliation rose
on its ruins. The Rajput princes, with a short-sighted policy, at
first connived at, and even secretly invited the tumult; not
calculating on its affecting their interests. Each looked to the
return of ancient independence, and several reckoned on great
accession of power. Old jealousies were not lessened by the part which
each had played in the hour of ephemeral greatness; and the prince of
Mewar, who preserved his blood uncontaminated, though with loss of
land, was at once an object of respect and envy to those who had
forfeited the first pretensions[3.2.24] of a Rajput. It was the only
ovation the Sesodia[3.2.25] had to boast for centuries of oppression
and spoliation, whilst their neighbours were basking in court favour.
The great increase of territory of these princes nearly equalled the
power of Mewar, and the dignities thus acquired from the sons of
Timur, they naturally wished should appear as distinguished as his
ancient title. Hence, while one inscribed on his seal “The exalted in
dignity, a prince amongst princes, and king of kings,”[3.2.26] the
prince of Mewar preserved his royal simplicity in “Maharana Bhima
Singh, son of Arsi.” But this is digression.
=Results of Feudalism.=—It would be difficult to say what would be the
happiest form of government for these States without reference to their
neighbours. Their own feudal customs would seem to have worked well. The
experiment of centuries has secured [155] to them political existence,
while successive dynasties of Afghans and Moguls, during eight hundred
years, have left but the wreck of splendid names. Were they to become
more monarchical, they would have everything to dread from unchecked
despotism, over which even the turbulence of their chiefs is a salutary
control.
Were they somewhat more advanced towards prosperity, the crown demesne
redeemed from dissipation and sterility, and the chiefs enabled to bring
their quotas into play for protection and police, recourse should never
be had to bodies of mercenary troops, which practice, if persevered in,
will inevitably change their present form of government. This has
invariably been the result, in Europe as well as Rajasthan, else why the
dread of standing armies?
=Employment of Mercenaries.=—Escuage is an approximating step. When
Charles VII. of France[3.2.27] raised his companies of ordnance, the
basis of the first national standing army ever embodied in Europe, a tax
called ‘taille’ was imposed to pay them, and Guienne rebelled. Kotah is
a melancholy instance of subversion of the ancient order of society.
Mewar made the experiment from necessity sixty years ago, when rebellion
and invasion conjoined; and a body of Sindis were employed, which
completed their disgust, and they fought with each other till almost
mutually exterminated, and till all faith in their prince was lost.
Jaipur had adopted this custom to a greater extent; but it was an
ill-paid band, neither respected at home nor feared abroad. In Marwar
the feudal compact was too strong to tolerate it, till Pathan predatory
bands, prowling amidst the ruins of Mogul despotism, were called in to
partake in each family broil; the consequence was the weakening of all,
and opening the door to a power stronger than any, to be the arbiter of
their fate.
=General Duties of the Pattāwat, or Vassal Chief of Rājasthān.=—“The
essential principle of a fief was a mutual contract of support and
fidelity. Whatever obligations it laid upon the vassal of service to his
lord, corresponding duties of protection were imposed by it on the lord
towards his vassal. If these were transgressed on either side, the one
forfeited his land, the other his signiory or rights over it.”[3.2.28]
In this is comprehended the very foundation of feudal policy, because in
its simplicity we recognize first principles involving mutual
preservation. The best [156] commentary on this definition of simple
truth will be the sentiments of the Rajputs themselves in two papers:
one containing the opinions of the chiefs of Marwar on the reciprocal
duties of sovereign and vassal;[3.2.29] the other, those of the
sub-vassals of Deogarh, one of the largest fiefs in Rajasthan, of their
rights, the infringement of them, and the remedy.[3.2.30]
If, at any former period in the history of Marwar, its prince had thus
dared to act, his signiory and rights over it would not have been of
great value; his crown and life would both have been endangered by these
turbulent and determined vassals. How much is comprehended in that
manly, yet respectful sentence: “If he accepts our services, then he is
our prince and leader; if not, but our equal, and we again his brothers,
claimants of and laying claim to the soil.” In the remonstrance of the
sub-vassals of Deogarh, we have the same sentiments on a reduced scale.
In both we have the ties of blood and kindred, connected with and
strengthening national policy. If a doubt could exist as to the
principle of fiefs being similar in Rajasthan and in Europe, it might be
set at rest by the important question long agitated by the feodal
lawyers in Europe, “whether the vassal is bound to follow the standard
of his lord against his own kindred or against his sovereign”: which in
these States is illustrated by a simple and universal proof. If the
question were put to a Rajput to whom his service is due, whether to his
chief or his sovereign, the reply would be, _Raj ka malik wuh,
pat[3.2.31] ka malik yih_: ‘He is the sovereign of the State, but this
is my _head_’: an ambiguous phrase, but well understood to imply that
his own immediate chief is the only authority he regards.
This will appear to militate against the right of remonstrance (as in
the case of the vassals of Deogarh), for they look to the crown for
protection against injustice; they annihilate other rights by admitting
appeal higher than this. Every class looks out for some resource against
oppression. The sovereign is the last applied to on such occasions, with
whom the sub-vassal has no bond of connexion. He can receive no favour,
nor perform any service, but through his own immediate superior; and
presumes not to question (in cases not personal to himself) the
propriety of his chief’s actions, adopting implicitly his feelings [157]
and resentments. The daily familiar intercourse of life is far too
engrossing to allow him to speculate, and with his lord he lives a
patriot or dies a traitor. In proof of this, numerous instances could be
given of whole clans devoting themselves to the chief against their
sovereign;[3.2.32] not from the ties of kindred, for many were aliens to
blood; but from the ties of duty, gratitude, and all that constitutes
clannish attachment, superadded to feudal obligation. The sovereign, as
before observed, has nothing to do with those vassals not holding
directly from the crown; and those who wish to stand well with their
chiefs would be very slow in receiving any honours or favours from the
general fountain-head. The Deogarh chief sent one of his sub-vassals to
court on a mission; his address and deportment gained him favour, and
his consequence was increased by a seat in the presence of his
sovereign. When he returned, he found this had lost him the favour of
his chief, who was offended, and conceived a jealousy both of his prince
and his servant. The distinction paid to the latter was, he said,
subversive of his proper authority, and the vassal incurred by his
vanity the loss of estimation where alone it was of value.
=Obligations of a Vassal.=—The attempt to define all the obligations of
a vassal would be endless: they involve all the duties of kindred in
addition to those of obedience. To attend the court of his chief; never
to absent himself without leave; to ride with him a-hunting; to attend
him at the court of his sovereign or to war, and even give himself as a
hostage for his release; these are some of the duties of a vassal.
-----
Footnote 3.2.1:
Literally ‘terrace,’ or ‘altar.’
Footnote 3.2.2:
[Headman and accountant.]
Footnote 3.2.3:
They were considered a sort of jury, bearing a close analogy to the
_judices selecti_, who sat with the praetor in the tribunal of Rome
(Hallam).
Footnote 3.2.4:
See Appendix, No. III.
Footnote 3.2.5:
Family priest.
Footnote 3.2.6:
See Appendix, Nos. IV. V. and VI.
Footnote 3.2.7:
See Appendix, No.XX. art. 6; the treaty between the chiefs and his
vassals defining service.
Footnote 3.2.8:
Appendix, No. XVI.
Footnote 3.2.9:
Both of which I have witnessed.
Footnote 3.2.10:
A clan called after Chonda, eldest son of an ancient Rana, who
resigned his birthright.
Footnote 3.2.11:
Sakta was the son of Rana Udai Singh, founder of Udayapura, or
Udaipur. The feuds of these two clans, like those of the Armagnacs and
Bourguignons, “qui couvrirent la France d’un crêpe sanglant,” have
been the destruction of Mewar. It requires but a change of names and
places, while reading the one, to understand perfectly the history of
the other.
Footnote 3.2.12:
Harāwal.
Footnote 3.2.13:
It is now in ruins, but the towers and part of the walls are still
standing.
Footnote 3.2.14:
An anecdote appended by my friend Amra (the bard of the Sangawats, a
powerful division of the Chondawats, whose head is Deogarh, often
alluded to, and who alone used to lead two thousand vassals into the
field) was well attested. Two Mogul chiefs of note were deeply engaged
in a game of chess when the tumult was reported to them. Feeling
confident of success, they continued their game; nor would they desist
till the inner castle of this ‘donjon keep’ was taken, and they were
surrounded by the Rajputs, when they coolly begged they might be
allowed to terminate their game. This the enemy granted; but the loss
of their chiefs had steeled their breasts against mercy, and they were
afterwards put to death. [Compare the similar case of Ganga, Rāja of
Mysore, who was surprised, by the treachery of his ministers, while
occupied in a game of chess (L. Rice, _Mysore Gazetteer_ (1897), 1i.
319.)]
Footnote 3.2.15:
[‘Office, prerogative.’ For a full account of the Mansab system, see
Irvine, _Army of the Indian Moghuls_, 3 ff.]
Footnote 3.2.16:
Fine of relief.
Footnote 3.2.17:
[There were earlier instances of alliances between Muhammadan princes
and Hindus. The mother of Fīroz Shāh, born A.D. 1309, was a Bhatti
lady: Khizr Khān married Deval Devi, a Vāghela lady of Gujarāt
(Elliot-Dowson, iii. 271 f., 545; Elphinstone, 395).]
Footnote 3.2.18:
[There is no evidence for this statement (Smith, _Akbar_, 58, 225).]
Footnote 3.2.19:
The son of the Princess Jodh Bai, whose magnificent tomb still excites
admiration at Sikandra, near Agra.
Footnote 3.2.20:
‘Gift of Love.’ [Kāmbakhsh had a Hindu wife, Kalyān Kumāri, daughter
of Amar Chand and sister of Sagat Singh, Zamīndār of Manoharpur.
Professor Jadunath Sarkar has been unable to trace a Hindu wife of
Akbar, son of Aurangzeb.]
Footnote 3.2.21:
To this very marriage we owe the origin of our power. When the
nuptials were preparing, the emperor fell ill. A mission was at that
time at Delhi from Surat, where we traded, of which Mr. Hamilton was
the surgeon. He cured the king, and the marriage was completed. In the
oriental style, he desired the doctor to name his reward; but instead
of asking anything for himself, he demanded a grant of land for a
factory on the Hoogly for his employers. It was accorded, and this was
the origin of the greatness of the British empire in the East. Such an
act deserved at least a column; but neither “storied urn nor animated
bust” marks the spot where his remains are laid [C. R. Wilson, _Early
Annals of the English in Bengal_, ii. 235, see p. 468 below].
Footnote 3.2.22:
Abu-l Fazl [_Āīn_, i. 308 ff.].
Footnote 3.2.23:
The infantry, regulars, and militia, exceeded 4,000,000.
Footnote 3.2.24:
See, in the Annals of Mewar, the letter of Rae Singh of Bikaner (who
had been compelled to submit to this practice), on hearing that Rana
Partap’s reverses were likely to cause a similar result. It is a noble
production, and gives the character of both.
Footnote 3.2.25:
The tribe to which the princes of Mewar belonged.
Footnote 3.2.26:
_Raj Rajeswara_, the title of the prince of Marwar: the prince of
Amber, _Raj Rajindra_.
Footnote 3.2.27:
Hallam, vol. i. p. 117.
Footnote 3.2.28:
Hallam, vol. i. p. 173.
Footnote 3.2.29:
See Appendix, No. I.
Footnote 3.2.30:
See Appendix, Nos. II. and III.
Footnote 3.2.31:
_Pat_ means ‘head,’ ‘chief.’
Footnote 3.2.32:
The death of the chief of Nimaj, in the Annals of Marwar, and Sheogarh
Feud, in the Personal Narrative, Vol. II.
-----
CHAPTER 3
=Feudal Incidents.=—I shall now proceed to compare the more general
obligations of vassals, known under the term of ‘Feudal Incidents’ in
Europe, and show their existence in Rajasthan. These were six in number:
1. Reliefs; 2. Fines of alienation; 3. Escheats; 4. Aids; 5. Wardship;
6. Marriage [158].
=Relief.=—The first and most essential mark of a feudal relation exists
in all its force and purity here: it is a perpetually recurring mark of
the source of the grant, and the solemn renewal of the pledge which
originally obtained it. In Mewar it is a virtual and _bona fide_
surrender of the fief and renewal thereof. It is thus defined in
European polity: “A relief[3.3.1] is a sum of money due from every one
of full age taking a fief by descent.” It was arbitrary, and the
consequent exactions formed a ground of discontent; nor was the tax
fixed till a comparatively recent period.
By Magna Charta reliefs were settled at rates proportionate to the
dignity of the holder.[3.3.2] In France the relief was fixed by the
customary laws at one year’s revenue.[3.3.3] This last has long been the
settled amount of _nazarana_, or fine of relief, in Mewar.
=Fine paid on Succession.=—On the demise of a chief, the prince
immediately sends a party, termed the _zabti_ (sequestrator), consisting
of a civil officer and a few soldiers, who take possession of the State
in the prince’s name. The heir sends his prayer to court to be installed
in the property, offering the proper relief. This paid, the chief is
invited to repair to the presence, when he performs homage, and makes
protestations of service and fealty; he receives a fresh grant, and the
inauguration terminates by the prince girding him with a sword, in the
old forms of chivalry. It is an imposing ceremony, performed in a full
assembly of the court, and one of the few which has never been
relinquished. The fine paid, and the brand buckled to his side, a steed,
turban, plume, and dress of honour given to the chief, the
investiture[3.3.4] is [159] complete; the sequestrator returns to court,
and the chief to his estate, to receive the vows and congratulations of
his vassals.[3.3.5]
In this we plainly perceive the original power (whether exercised or
not) of resumption. On this subject more will appear in treating of the
duration of grants. The _kharg bandhai_, or ‘binding of the sword,’ is
also performed when a Rajput is fit to bear arms; as amongst the ancient
German tribes, when they put into the hands of the aspirant for fame a
lance. Such are the substitutes for the _toga virilis_ of the young
Roman. The Rana himself is thus ordained a knight by the first of his
vassals in dignity, the chief of Salumbar.
=Renunciation of Reliefs.=—In the demoralization of all those States,
some of the chiefs obtained renunciation of the fine of relief, which
was tantamount to making a grant in perpetuity, and annulling the most
overt sign of paramount sovereignty. But these and many other important
encroachments were made when little remained of the reality, or when it
was obscured by a series of oppressions unexampled in any European
State.
It is in Mewar alone, I believe, of all Rajasthan, that these marks of
fealty are observable to such an extent. But what is remarked elsewhere
upon the fiefs being movable, will support the doctrine of resumption
though it might not be practised: a prerogative may exist without its
being exercised.
=Fine of Alienation.=—Rajasthan never attained this refinement
indicative of the dismemberment of the system; so vicious and
self-destructive a notion never had existence in these States.
Alienation does not belong to a system of fiefs: the lord would never
consent to it, but on very peculiar occasions.
In Cutch, amongst the Jareja[3.3.6] tribes, sub-vassals may alienate
their estates; but this privilege is dependent on the mode of
acquisition. Perhaps the only knowledge we have in Rajasthan of
alienation requiring the sanction of the lord paramount, is in donations
for pious uses: but this is partial. We see in the remonstrance of the
Deogarh vassals the opinion they entertained of their lord’s alienation
of their sub-fees to strangers, and without the Rana’s consent; which,
with a similar train of conduct, produced sequestration of his fief till
they were reinducted [160].
=Tenants of the Crown may Alienate.=—The agricultural tenants,
proprietors of land held of the crown, may alienate their rights upon a
small fine, levied merely to mark the transaction. But the tenures of
these non-combatants and the holders of fees are entirely distinct, and
cannot here be entered on, further than to say that the agriculturist
is, or was, the proprietor of the soil; the chief, solely of the tax
levied thereon. But in Europe the alienation of the _feudum paternum_
was not good without the consent of the kindred in the line of
succession.[3.3.7] This would involve sub-infeudation and frerage, which
I shall touch on distinctly, many of the troubles of these countries
arising therefrom.
=Escheats and Forfeitures.=—The fiefs which were only to descend in
lineal succession reverted to the crown on failure of heirs, as they
could not be bequeathed by will. This answers equally well for England
as for Mewar. I have witnessed escheats of this kind, and foresee more,
if the pernicious practice of unlimited adoption do not prevent the Rana
from regaining lands, alienated by himself at periods of contention.
Forfeitures for crimes must, of course, occur, and these are partial or
entire, according to the delinquency.
In Marwar, at this moment, nearly all the representatives of the great
fiefs of that country are exiles from their homes: a distant branch of
the same family, the prince of Idar, would have adopted a similar line
of conduct but for a timely check from the hand of benevolence.[3.3.8]
There is, or rather was, a class of lands in Mewar appended to the
crown, of which it bestowed life-rents on men of merit. These were
termed Chhorutar, and were given and taken back, as the name implies; in
contradistinction to grants which, though originating in good behaviour,
not only continued for life but descended in perpetuity. Such places are
still so marked in the rent-roll, but they are seldom applied to the
proper purpose.
=Aids.=—Aids, implying ‘free gifts,’ or ‘benevolences,’ as they were
termed in a European code, are well known. The _barar_ (war-tax) is well
understood in Mewar, and is levied on many occasions for the necessities
of the prince or the head of a clan. It is a curious fact, that the
_dasaundh_, or ‘tenth,’ in Mewar, as in Europe, was the [161] stated sum
to be levied in periods of emergency or danger. On the marriage of the
daughters of the prince, a benevolence or contribution was always
levied: this varied. A few years ago, when two daughters and a
granddaughter were married to the princes of Jaisalmer, Bikaner, and
Kishangarh, a schedule of one-sixth, to portion the three, was made out;
but it did not realize above an eighth. In this aid the civil officers
of government contribute equally with the others. It is a point of
honour with all to see their sovereign’s daughters married, and for once
the contribution merited the name of benevolence. But it is not levied
solely from the coffers of the rich; by the chiefs it is exacted of
their tenantry of all classes, who, of course, wish such subjects of
rejoicing to be of as rare occurrence as possible.
“These feudal aids are deserving of our notice as the commencement of
taxation, of which they long answered the purpose, till the craving
necessities and covetous policy of kings established for them more
durable and onerous burthens.”[3.3.9]
The great chiefs, it may be assumed, were not backward, on like
occasions, to follow such examples, but these gifts were more voluntary.
Of the details of aids in France we find enumerated, “paying the relief
of the suzerain on taking possession of his lands”;[3.3.10] and by Magna
Charta our barons could levy them on the following counts: to make the
baron’s eldest son a knight, to marry his eldest daughter, or to redeem
his person from captivity. The latter is also one occasion for the
demand in all these countries. The chief is frequently made prisoner in
their predatory invasions, and carried off as a hostage for the payment
of a war contribution. Everything disposable is often got rid of on an
occasion of this kind. Cœur de Lion would not have remained so long
in the dungeons of Austria had his subjects been Rajputs. In Amber the
most extensive benevolence, or _barar_,[3.3.11] is on the marriage of
the Rajkumar, or heir apparent.
=Wardship.=—This does exist, to foster the infant vassal during
minority; but often terminating, as in the system of Europe, in the
nefarious act of defrauding a helpless infant, to the pecuniary benefit
of some court favourite. It is accordingly [162] here undertaken
occasionally by the head of the clan; but two strong recent instances
brought the dark ages, and the purchase of wardships for the purpose of
spoliation, to mind. The first was in the Deogarh chief obtaining by
bribe the entire management of the lands of Sangramgarh, on pretence of
improving them for the infant, Nahar Singh, whose father was
incapacitated by derangement. Nahar was a junior branch of the clan
Sangawat, a subdivision of the Chondawat clan, both Sesodias of the
Rana’s blood. The object, at the time, was to unite them to Deogarh,
though he pleaded duty as head of the clan. His nomination of young
Nahar as his own heir gives a colouring of truth to his intentions; and
he succeeded, though there were nearer of kin, who were set aside (at
the wish of the vassals of Deogarh and with the concurrence of the
sovereign) as unfit to head them or serve him.
Another instance of the danger of permitting wardships, particularly
where the guardian is the superior in clanship and kindred, is
exemplified in the Kalyanpur estate in Mewar. That property had been
derived from the crown only two generations back, and was of the annual
value of ten thousand rupees. The mother having little interest at
court, the Salumbar chief, by bribery and intrigue, upon paying a fine
of about one year’s rent, obtained possession—ostensibly to guard the
infant’s rights; but the falsehood of this motive was soon apparent.
There were duties to perform on holding it which were not thought of. It
was a frontier post, and a place of rendezvous for the quotas to defend
that border from the incursions of the wild tribes of the south-west.
The Salumbar chief, being always deficient in the quota for his own
estate, was not likely to be very zealous in his muster-roll for his
ward’s, and complaints were made which threatened a change. The chief of
Chawand was talked of as one who would provide for the widow and minor,
who could not perform the duties of defence.
The sovereign himself often assumes the guardianship of minors; but the
mother is generally considered the most proper guardian for her infant
son. All others may have interests of their own; she can be actuated by
his welfare alone. Custom, therefore, constitutes her the guardian; and
with the assistance of the elders of the family, she rears and educates
the young chief till he is fit to be girded with the sword
[163].[3.3.12]
The Faujdar, or military manager, who frequently regulates the household
as well as the subdivisions of the estate, is seldom of the kin or clan
of the chief: a wise regulation, the omission of which has been known to
produce, in these _maires du palais_ on a small scale, the same results
as will be described in the larger. This officer, and the civil
functionary who transacts all the pecuniary concerns of the estate, with
the mother and her family, are always considered to be the proper
guardians of the minor. ‘Blood which could not inherit,’ was the
requisite for a guardian in Europe,[3.3.13] as here; and when neglected,
the results are in both cases the same.
=Marriage.=—Refinement was too strong on the side of the Rajput to admit
this incident, which, with that of wardship (both partial in Europe),
illustrated the rapacity of the feudal aristocracy. Every chief, before
he marries, makes it known to his sovereign. It is a compliment which is
expected, and is besides attended with some advantage, as the prince
invariably confers presents of honour, according to the station of the
individual.
No Rajput can marry in his own clan; and the incident was originated in
the Norman institutes, to prevent the vassal marrying out of his class,
or amongst the enemies of his sovereign.[3.3.14]
Thus, setting aside marriage (which even in Europe was only partial and
local) and alienation, four of the six chief incidents marking the
feudal system are in force in Rajasthan, viz. relief, escheats, aids,
and wardships.
=Duration of Grants.=—I shall now endeavour to combine all the knowledge
I possess with regard to the objects attained in granting lands, the
nature and durability of these grants, whether for life and renewable,
or in perpetuity. I speak of the rules as understood in Mewar. We ought
not to expect much system in what was devoid of regularity, even
according to the old principles of European feudal law, which, though
now reduced to some fixed principles, originated in, and was governed
by, fortuitous circumstances; and after often changing its character,
ended in despotism, oligarchy, or democracy.
=Classes of Landholders.=—There are two classes of Rajput landholders in
Mewar, though the one greatly exceeds the other in number. One is the
Girasia Thakur, or lord; the other the Bhumia. The Girasia chieftain is
he who holds (_giras_) by grant (_patta_) of the [164] prince, for which
he performs service with specified quotas at home and abroad, renewable
at every lapse, when all the ceremonies of resumption,[3.3.15] the fine
of relief,[3.3.16] and the investiture take place.
The Bhumia does not renew his grant, but holds on prescriptive
possession. He succeeds without any fine, but pays a small annual
quit-rent, and can be called upon for local service in the district
which he inhabits for a certain period of time. He is the counterpart of
the allodial proprietor of the European system, and the real zamindar of
these principalities. Both have the same signification; from _bhum_ and
_zamin_, ‘land’: the latter is an exotic of Persian origin.
=Girāsia.=—Girasia is from _giras_, ‘a subsistence’; literally and
familiarly ‘a mouthful.’ Whether it may have a like origin with the
Celtic word _gwas_,[3.3.17] said to mean ‘a servant,’[3.3.18] and whence
the word vassal is derived, I shall leave to etymologists to decide, who
may trace the resemblance to the _girasia_, the vassal chieftain of the
Rajputs. All the chartularies or pattas[3.3.19] commence, "To ...
_giras_ has been ordained."
=Whether Resumable.=—It has always been a subject of doubt whether
grants were resumable at pleasure, or without some delinquency imputable
to the vassal. Their duration in Europe was, at least, the life of the
possessor, when they reverted[3.3.20] to the fisc. The whole of the
ceremonies in cases of such lapse are decisive on this point in Mewar.
The right to resume, therefore, may be presumed to exist; while the
non-practice of it, the formalities of renewal being gone through, may
be said to render the right a dead letter. But to prove its existence I
need only mention, that so late as the reign of Rana Sangram,[3.3.21]
the fiefs of Mewar were actually movable; and little more than a century
and a half has passed since this practice ceased. Thus a Rathor would
shift, with family, chattels, and retainers, from the north into the
wilds of Chappan;[3.3.22] while the Saktawat relieved would occupy the
plains at the foot of the Aravalli;[3.3.23] or a Chondawat would
exchange his [165] abode on the banks of the Chambal with a Pramara or
Chauhan from the table-mountain, the eastern boundary of Mewar.[3.3.24]
Since these exchanges were occurring, it is evident the fiefs (_pattas_)
were not grants in perpetuity. This is just the state of the benefices
in France at an early period, as described by Gibbon, following
Montesquieu: “Les bénéfices étoient amovibles; bientôt ils les rendirent
perpétuels, et enfin héréditaires.”[3.3.25] This is the precise
gradation of fiefs in Mewar; movable, perpetual, and then hereditary.
The sons were occasionally permitted to succeed their fathers;[3.3.26]
an indulgence which easily grew into a right, though the crown had the
indubitable reversion. It is not, however, impossible that these
changes[3.3.27] were not of ancient authority, but arose from the policy
of the times to prevent infidelity.
We ought to have a high opinion of princes who could produce an effect
so powerful on the minds of a proud and turbulent nobility. The son was
heir to the title and power over the vassals’ personals and movables,
and to the allegiance of his father, but to nothing which could endanger
that allegiance.
A proper apportioning and mixture of the different clans was another
good result to prevent their combinations in powerful families, which
gave effect to rebellion, and has tended more than external causes to
the ruin which the State of Mewar exhibits.
=Nobility: Introduction of Foreign Stocks.=—Throughout the various
gradations of its nobility, it was the original policy to introduce some
who were foreign in country and blood. Chiefs of the Rathor, Chauhan,
Pramara, Solanki, and Bhatti tribes were intermingled. Of these several
were lineal descendants of the most ancient races of the kings of Delhi
and Anhilwara Patan;[3.3.28] and from these, in order to preserve the
purity of blood, the princes of Mewar took their wives, when the other
princes of Hind assented to [166] the degradation of giving daughters in
marriage to the emperors of Delhi. The princes of Mewar never yielded in
this point, but preserved their ancient manners amidst all vicissitudes.
In like manner did the nobles of the Rana’s blood take daughters from
the same tribes; the interest of this foreign race was therefore
strongly identified with the general welfare, and on all occasions of
internal turmoil and rebellion they invariably supported their prince.
But when these wise institutions were overlooked, when the great clans
increased and congregated together, and the crown demesne was
impoverished by prodigality, rebellions were fostered by Mahratta
rapacity, which were little known during the lengthened paramount sway
of the kings of Delhi. This foreign admixture will lead us to the
discussion of the different kinds of grants: a difference, perhaps, more
nominal than real, but exhibiting a distinction so wide as to imply
grants resumable and irresumable.
=Kāla Pattas.=—It is elsewhere related that two great clans, descendants
of the Ranas Rae Mall and Udai Singh, and their numerous scions, forming
subdivisions with separate titles or patronymics, compose the chief
vassalage of this country.
=Exogamy.=—Chondawat and Saktawat are the stock; the former is
subdivided into ten, the latter into about six clans. Rajputs never
intermarry with their own kin: the prohibition has no limit; it extends
to the remotest degree. All these clans are resolvable into the generic
term of ‘the race’ or Kula Sesodia. A Sesodia man and woman cannot unite
in wedlock—all these are therefore of the blood royal; and the essayists
on population would have had a fine field in these quarters a century
ago, ere constant misery had thinned the country, to trace the numerous
progeny of Chonda and Sakta in the Genesis[3.3.29] of Mewar. The Bhat’s
genealogies would still, to a certain extent, afford the same means.
Descent gives a strength to the tenure of these tribes which the foreign
nobles do not possess; for although, from all that has been said, it
will be evident that a right of reversion and resumption existed (though
seldom exercised, and never but in cases of crime), yet the foreigner
had not this strength in the soil, even though of twenty generations’
duration. The epithet of _kala patta_, or ‘black grant,’ attaches to the
foreign grant, and is admitted by the holder, from which the kinsman
thinks himself exempt. It is virtually a grant resumable; nor can the
possessors feel that security which the other widely affiliated
aristocracies afford [167]. When, on a recent occasion, a revision of
all the grants took place, the old ones being called in to be renewed
under the sign-manual of the reigning prince, the minister himself
visited the chief of Salumbar, the head of the Chondawats, at his
residence at the capital, for this purpose. Having become possessed of
several villages in the confusion of the times, a perusal of the grant
would have been the means of detection; and on being urged to send to
his estate for it, he replied, pointing to the palace, “My grant is in
the foundation of that edifice”: an answer worthy of a descendant of
Chonda, then only just of age. The expression marks the spirit which
animates this people, and recalls to mind the well-known reply of our
own Earl Warenne, on the very same occasion, to the _quo warranto_ of
Edward: “By their swords my ancestors obtained this land, and by mine
will I maintain it.”
Hence it may be pronounced that a grant of an estate is for the life of
the holder, with inheritance for his offspring in lineal descent or
adoption, with the sanction of the prince, and resumable for crime or
incapacity:[3.3.30] this reversion and power of resumption being marked
by the usual ceremonies on each lapse of the grantee, of sequestration
(_zabti_), of relief (_nazarana_), of homage and investiture of the
heir. Those estates held by foreign nobles differ not in tenure; though,
for the reasons specified, they have not the same grounds of security as
the others, in whose welfare the whole body is interested, feeling the
case to be their own: and their interests, certainly, have not been so
consulted since the rebellions of S. 1822,[3.3.31] and subsequent years.
Witness the Chauhans of Bedla and Kotharia (in the Udaipur valley), and
the Pramar of the plateau of Mewar, all chiefs of the first rank.
The difficulty and danger of resuming an old-established grant in these
countries are too great to be lightly risked. Though in all these
estates there is a mixture of foreign Rajputs, yet the blood of the
chief predominates; and these must have a leader of their own, or be
incorporated in the estates of the nearest of kin. This increase might
not be desirable for the crown, but the sub-vassals cannot be turned
[168] adrift; a resumption therefore in these countries is widely felt,
as it involves many. If crime or incapacity render it necessary, the
prince inducts a new head of that blood; and it is their pride, as well
as the prince’s interest, that a proper choice should be made. If, as
has often occurred, the title be abolished, the sub-vassals retain their
sub-infeudations, and become attached to the crown.
Many estates were obtained, during periods of external commotion, by
threats, combination, or the avarice of the prince—his short-sighted
policy, or that of his ministers—which have been remedied in the late
reorganization of Mewar; where, by retrograding half a century, and
bringing matters as near as possible to the period preceding civil
dissension, they have advanced at least a century towards order.
=Bhūmia, the Allodial Proprietor.=—It is stated in the historical annals
of this country that the ancient clans, prior to Sanga Rana,[3.3.32] had
ceased, on the rising greatness of the subsequent new division of clans,
to hold the higher grades of rank; and had, in fact, merged into the
general military landed proprietors of this country under the term
_bhumia_, a most expressive and comprehensive name, importing absolute
identity with the soil: _bhum_ meaning ‘land,’ and being far more
expressive than the newfangled word, unknown to Hindu India, of
_zamindar_, the ‘land-holder’ of Muhammadan growth. These Bhumias, the
scions of the earliest princes, are to be met with in various parts of
Mewar; though only in those of high antiquity, where they were defended
from oppression by the rocks and wilds in which they obtained a footing;
as in Kumbhalmer, the wilds of Chappan, or plains of Mandalgarh, long
under the kings, and where their agricultural pursuits maintained them.
Their clannish appellations, Kumbhawat, Lunawat, and Ranawat, distinctly
show from what stem and when they branched off; and as they ceased to be
of sufficient importance to visit the court on the new and continually
extending ramifications, they took to the plough. But while they
disdained not to derive a subsistence from labouring as husbandmen, they
never abandoned their arms; and the Bhumia, amid the crags of the alpine
Aravalli where he pastures his cattle or cultivates his fields,
preserves the erect mien and proud spirit of his ancestors, with more
tractability, and less arrogance and folly, than his more [169] courtly
but now widely separated brethren, who often make a jest of his
industrious but less refined qualifications.[3.3.33] Some of these yet
possess entire villages, which are subject to the payment of a small
quit-rent: they also constitute a local militia, to be called in by the
governor of the district, but for which service they are entitled to
rations or _peti_.[3.3.34] These, the allodial[3.3.35] tenantry of our
feudal system, form a considerable body in many districts, armed with
matchlock, sword, and shield. In Mandalgarh, when their own interests
and the prince’s unite (though the rapacity of governors, pupils of the
Mahratta and other predatory schools, have disgusted these
independents), four thousand Bhumias could be collected. They held and
maintained without support the important fortress of that district,
during half a century of turmoil, for their prince. Mandalgarh is the
largest district of Mewar, and in its three hundred and sixty towns and
villages many specimens of ancient usage may be found. The Solanki held
largely here in ancient days, and the descendant of the princes of Patan
still retains his Bhum and title of Rao.[3.3.36]
=Feudal Militia.=—All this feudal militia pay a quit-rent to the crown,
and perform local but limited service on the frontier garrison; and upon
invasion,[3.3.37] when the _Kher_ is called out, the whole are at the
disposal of the prince on furnishing rations only. They assert that they
ought not to pay this quit-rent and perform service also; but this may
be doubted, since the sum is so small. To elude it, they often performed
service under some powerful chief, where faction or court interest [170]
caused it to be winked at. To serve without a _patta_ is the great
object of ambition. _Ma ka bhum_, ‘my land,’ in their Doric tongue, is a
favourite phrase.[3.3.38]
Circumstances have concurred to produce a resemblance even to the
refined fiction of giving up their allodial property to have it
conferred as a fief. But in candour it should be stated, that the only
instances were caused by the desire of being revenged on the immediate
superiors of the vassals. The Rathor chief of Dabla held of his
superior, the Raja of Banera, three considerable places included in the
grant of Banera. He paid homage, an annual quit-rent, was bound to
attend him personally to court, and to furnish thirty-five horse in case
of an invasion. During the troubles, though perfectly equal to their
performance, he was remiss in all these duties. His chief, with
returning peace, desired to enforce the return to ancient customs, and
his rights so long withheld; but the Rathor had felt the sweets of
entire independence, and refused to attend his summons. To the warrant
he replied, “his head and Dabla were together”; and he would neither pay
the quit-rent nor attend his court. This refractory spirit was reported
to the Rana; and it ended in Dabla being added to the fisc, and the
chief’s holding the rest as a vassal of the Rana, but only to perform
local service. There are many other petty free proprietors on the Banera
estate, holding from small portions of land to small villages; but the
service is limited and local in order to swell the chief’s miniature
court. If they accompany him, he must find rations for them and their
steeds.
So cherished is this tenure of Bhum, that the greatest chiefs are always
solicitous to obtain it, even in the villages wholly dependent on their
authority: a decided proof of its durability above common grants. The
various modes in which it is acquired, and the precise technicalities
which distinguished its tenure, as well as the privileges attached to
it, are fully developed in translations of different deeds on the
subject [171].[3.3.39]
=Rajas of Banera and Shāhpura.=—We have also, amongst the nobility of
Mewar, two who hold the independent title of prince or raja, one of whom
is by far too powerful for a subject. These are the Rajas of Banera and
Shahpura, both of the blood royal. The ancestor of the first was the
twin-brother of Rana Jai Singh; the other, a Ranawat, branched off from
Rana Udai Singh.
They have their grants renewed, and receive the khilat of investiture;
but they pay no relief, and are exempt from all but personal attendance
at their prince’s court, and the local service of the district in which
their estates are situated. They have hitherto paid but little attention
to their duties, but this defect arose out of the times. These lands
lying most exposed to the imperial headquarters at Ajmer, they were
compelled to bend to circumstances, and the kings were glad to confer
rank and honour on such near relations of the Rana’s house. He bestowed
on them the titles of Raja, and added to the Shahpura chief’s patrimony
a large estate in Ajmer, which he now holds direct of the British
Government, on payment of an annual tribute.
=Form and Substance of Grant.=—To give a proper idea of the variety of
items forming these chartularies, I append several[3.3.40] which exhibit
the rights, privileges, and honours, as well as the sources of income,
while they also record the terms on which they are granted. Many
royalties have been alienated in modern times by the thoughtless
prodigality of the princes; even the grand mark of vassalage, the fine
of relief, has been forgiven to one or two individuals; portions of
transit duties, tolls on ferries, and other seignorial rights; coining
copper currency; exactions of every kind, from the levy of toll for
night protection of merchandise and for the repairs of fortifications,
to the share of the depredations of the common robber, will sufficiently
show the demoralization of the country.
=Division of Pattas, or Sub-infeudation.=—Many years ago, when the
similarity of the systems first struck my attention, I took one of the
grants or _pattas_ of a great vassal of Jaipur, and dissected it in all
its minutiae, with the aid of a very competent authority who had resided
as one of the managers of the chief. This document, in which the
subdivision of the whole clan is detailed, materially aided me in
developing the system [172].
The court and the household economy of a great chieftain is a miniature
representation of the sovereign’s: the same officers, from the pardhan,
or minister, to the cup-bearer (_paniyari_), as well as the same
domestic arrangements. He must have his _shish-mahall_,[3.3.41] his
_bari-mahall_,[3.3.42] and his _mandir_,[3.3.43] like his prince. He
enters the _dari-sala_, or carpet hall, the minstrel[3.3.44] preceding
him rehearsing the praises of his family; and he takes his seat on his
throne, while the assembled retainers, marshalled in lines on the right
and left, simultaneously exclaim, “Health to our chief!” which
salutation he returns by bowing to all as he passes them. When he is
seated, at a given signal they all follow the example, and shield
rattles against shield as they wedge into their places.
We have neither the kiss nor individual oaths of fidelity administered.
It is sufficient, when a chief succeeds to his patrimony, that his
‘_an_’[3.3.45] is proclaimed within his _sim_ or boundary. Allegiance is
as hereditary as the land: “I am your child; my head and sword are
yours, my service is at your command.” It is a rare thing for a Rajput
to betray his Thakur, while the instances of self-devotion for him are
innumerable: many will be seen interspersed in these papers. Base
desertion, to their honour be it said, is little known, and known only
to be execrated. Fidelity to the chief, Swamidharma, is the climax of
all the virtues. The Rajput is taught from his infancy, in the song of
the bard, to regard it as the source of honour here, and of happiness
hereafter. The poet Chand abounds with episodes on the duty and beauty
of fidelity; nor does it require a very fervid imagination to picture
the affections which such a life is calculated to promote, when the
chief is possessed of the qualities to call them forth. At the chase his
vassals attend him: in the covert of the forest, the ground their social
board, they eat their repast together, from the venison or wild boar
furnished by the sport of the day; nor is the cup neglected. They are
familiarly admitted at all times to his presence, and accompany him to
the court of their mutual sovereign. In short, they are
inseparable.[3.3.46]
Their having retained so much of their ancient manners and customs,
during [173] centuries of misery and oppression, is the best evidence
that those customs were riveted to their very souls. The Rajput of
character is a being of the most acute sensibility; where honour is
concerned, the most trivial omission is often ignorantly construed into
an affront.
=Provision for Chief’s Relations.=—In all the large estates the chief
must provide for his sons or brothers, according to his means and the
number of immediate descendants. In an estate of sixty to eighty
thousand rupees of annual rent, the second brother might have a village
of three to five thousand of rent. This is his patrimony (_bapota_): he
besides pushes his fortune at the court of his sovereign or abroad.
Juniors share in proportion. These again subdivide, and have their
little circle of dependents. Each new family is known by the name of the
founder conjoined to that of his father and tribe: _Man Meghsinghgot
Saktawat_; that is, ‘Man, family of Megh, tribe Saktawat.’ The
subdivisions descend to the lowest denomination.
=Charsa.=—_Charsa_, a ‘hide of land,’ or about sufficient to furnish an
equipped cavalier. It is a singular coincidence that the term for the
lowest subdivision of land for military service should be the same
amongst the Rajputs as in the English system. Besides being similar in
name, it nearly corresponds in actual quantity. From the beginning of
the Anglo-Saxon government the land was divided into hides, each
comprehending what could be cultivated by a single plough.[3.3.47] Four
hides constituted one knight’s fee,[3.3.48] which is stated to be about
forty acres. The Charsa may have from twenty-five to thirty bighas;
which are equal to about ten acres—the Saxon hide.
For what these minor vassals held to be their rights on the great
pattawats, the reader is again referred to the letter of protest of the
inferior pattawats of the Deogarh estate—it may aid his judgement; and
it is curious to observe how nearly the subject of their prayer to the
sovereign corresponded with the edict of Conrad of Italy,[3.3.49] in the
year 1037, which originated in disagreements between the great lords and
their vassals on the subject of sub-infeudations [174].
The extent to which the subdivision before mentioned is carried in some
of the Rajput States, is ruinous to the protection and general welfare
of the country. It is pursued in some parts till there is actually
nothing left sufficiently large to share, or to furnish subsistence for
one individual: consequently a great deprivation of services to the
State ensues. But this does not prevail so much in the larger
principalities as in the isolated tributary Thakurats or lordships
scattered over the country; as amongst the Jarejas of Cutch, the tribes
in Kathiawar, and the small independencies of Gujarat bordering on the
greater western Rajput States. This error in policy requires to be
checked by supreme authority, as it was in England by Magna
Charta,[3.3.50] when the barons of those days took such precautions to
secure their own seignorial rights.
=Brotherhood.=—The system in these countries of minute subdivision of
fiefs is termed _bhayyad_,[3.3.51] or brotherhood, synonymous to the
tenure by frerage of France, but styled only an approximation to
sub-infeudation.[3.3.52] "Give me my _bat_ (share)," says the Rajput,
when he attains to man’s estate, ‘the bat of the bhayyad,’ the portion
of the frerage; and thus they go on clipping and paring till all are
impoverished. The ‘customs’ of France[3.3.53] preserved the dignities of
families and the indivisibility of a feudal homage, without exposing the
younger sons of a gentleman to beggary and dependence. It would be a
great national benefit if some means could be found to limit this
subdivision, but it is an evil difficult of remedy. The divisibility of
the Cutch and Kathiawar frerage, carried to the most destructive extent,
is productive of litigation, crime, and misery. Where it has proper
limits it is useful; but though the idea of each rood supporting its man
is very poetical, it does not and cannot answer in practice. Its limit
in Mewar we would not undertake to assert, but the vassals are careful
not to let it become too small; they send the extra numbers to seek
their fortunes abroad. In this custom, and the difficulty of finding
_daejas_, or dowers, for their daughters, we have the two chief causes
of infanticide amongst the Rajputs, which horrible practice was not
always confined to the female.
The author of the Middle Ages exemplifies ingeniously the advantages of
sub-[175]infeudation, by the instance of two persons holding one
knight’s fee; and as the lord was entitled to the service of one for
forty days, he could commute it for the joint service of the two for
twenty days each. He even erects as a maxim on it, that “whatever
opposition was made to the rights of sub-infeudation or frerage, would
indicate decay in the military character, the living principle of feudal
tenure”;[3.3.54] which remark may be just where proper limitation
exists, before it reaches that extent when the impoverished vassal would
descend to mend his shoes instead of his shield. Primogeniture is the
corner-stone of feudality, but this unrestricted sub-infeudation would
soon destroy it.[3.3.55] It is strong in these States; its rights were
first introduced by the Normans from Scandinavia. But more will appear
on this subject and its technicalities, in the personal narrative of the
author.
-----
Footnote 3.3.1:
“Plusieurs possesseurs de fiefs, ayant voulu en laisser
perpétuellement la propriété à leurs descendans, prirent des
arrangemens avec leur Seigneur; et, outre ce qu’ils donnèrent pour
faire le marché, ils s’engagèrent, eux et leur postérité, à abandonner
pendant une année, au Seigneur, la jouissance entière du fief, chaque
fois que le dit fief changerait de main. C’est ce qui forma le droit
de _relief_. Quand un gentilhomme avait dérogé, il pouvait effacer
cette tache moyennant finances, et ce qu’il payait s’appelait
_relief_, il recevait pour quittance des lettres de _relief_ ou de
réhabilitation” (Art. ‘Relief,’ _Dict. de l’anc. Régime_).
Footnote 3.3.2:
Namely, “the heir or heirs of an earl, for an entire earldom, one
hundred pounds; the heir or heirs of a baron, for an entire barony,
one hundred marks; the heir or heirs of a knight, for a whole knight’s
fee, one hundred shillings at most” (Art. III. Magna Charta).
Footnote 3.3.3:
“Le droit de rachat devoit se payer à chaque mutation d’héritier, et
se paya même d’abord en ligne directe.—La coutume la plus générale
l’avait fixé à une année du revenue” (_L’Esprit des Loix_, livre xxxi.
chap. xxxiii.)
Footnote 3.3.4:
That symbolic species of investiture denominated ‘improper
investiture,’ the delivery of a turf, stone, and wand, has its
analogies amongst the mountaineers of the Aravalli. The old baron of
Badnor, when the Mer villages were reduced, was clamorous about his
feudal rights over those wild people. It was but the point of honour.
From one he had a hare, from another a bullock, and so low as a pair
of sticks which they use on the festivals of the Holi. These marks of
vassalage come under the head of ‘petite serjanteri’ (petit
serjeantry) in the feudal system of Europe (see Art. XLI. of Magna
Charta).
Footnote 3.3.5:
["All Rājput Jāgīrdārs, or holders of assigned lands, pay _nazarāna_
on the accession of a new Mahārāna, and on certain other occasions,
while most of them pay a fine called _Kaid_ [‘imprisonment’] on
succeeding to these estates. On the death of a Rājput Jāgīrdār, his
estates immediately revert to the Darbār, and so remain until his son
or successor is recognized by the Mahārāna, when the grant is renewed,
and a fresh lease taken" (Erskine ii. A. 71).]
Footnote 3.3.6:
Jareja is the title of the Rajput race in Cutch; they are descendants
of the Yadus, and claim from Krishna. In early ages they inhabited the
tracts on the Indus and in Seistan [p. 102 above].
Footnote 3.3.7:
Wright on Tenures, _apud_ Hallam, vol. i. p. 185.
Footnote 3.3.8:
The Hon. Mr. Elphinstone, Governor of Bombay. As we prevented the
spoliation of Idar by the predatory powers, we are but right in seeing
that the head does not become the spoliator himself, and make these
brave men “wish any change but that which we have given them.”
Footnote 3.3.9:
Hallam.
Footnote 3.3.10:
Ducange, _apud_ Hallam.
Footnote 3.3.11:
_Barar_ is the generic name for taxation.
Footnote 3.3.12:
The charter of Henry I. promises the custody of heirs to the mother or
next of kin (Hallam, vol. ii. p. 429).
Footnote 3.3.13:
Hallam, vol. i. p. 190.
Footnote 3.3.14:
[The rule of tribal exogamy, whatever may be its origin, is much more
primitive than the author supposed (Sir J. G. Frazer, _Totemism and
Exogamy_, i. 54 ff.).]
Footnote 3.3.15:
_Zabti_, ‘sequestration.’
Footnote 3.3.16:
_Nazarana._
Footnote 3.3.17:
It might not be unworthy of research to trace many words common to the
Hindu and the Celt; or to inquire whether the Kimbri, the Juts or
Getae, the Sakasena, the Chatti of the Elbe and Cimbric Chersonese,
and the ancient Britons, did not bring their terms with their bards
and _vates_ (the Bhats and Bardais) from the highland of Scythia east
of the Caspian, which originated the nations common to both, improved
beyond the Wolga and the Indus [?].
Footnote 3.3.18:
Hallam, vol. i. 155. [Welsh, Cornish _gwas_, ‘a servant.’]
Footnote 3.3.19:
_Patta_, a ‘patent’ or ‘grant’; _Pattāwat_, ‘holder of the fief or
grant.’
Footnote 3.3.20:
Montesquieu, chaps. xxv., liv., xxxi.
Footnote 3.3.21:
Ten generations ago. [At present an estate is not liable to
confiscation save for some gross political offence (Erskine ii. A.
71).]
Footnote 3.3.22:
The mountainous and woody region to the south-west, dividing Mewar
from Gujarat.
Footnote 3.3.23:
The grand chain dividing the western from the central States of
Rajasthan.
Footnote 3.3.24:
Such changes were triennial; and, as I have heard the prince himself
say, so interwoven with their customs was this rule that it caused no
dissatisfaction; but of this we may be allowed at least to doubt. It
was a perfect check to the imbibing of local attachment; and the
prohibition against erecting forts for refuge or defiance, prevented
its growth if acquired. It produced the object intended, obedience to
the prince, and unity against the restless Mogul. Perhaps to these
institutions it is owing that Mewar alone never was conquered by the
kings during the protracted struggle of seven centuries; though at
length worried and worn out, her power expired with theirs, and
predatory spoliation completed her ruin.
Footnote 3.3.25:
Gibbon, _Misc. Works_, vol. iii. p. 189; _Sur le système féodal
surtout en France_.
Footnote 3.3.26:
Hallam, quoting Gregory of Tours; the picture drawn in A.D. 595.
Footnote 3.3.27:
"Fiefs had partially become hereditary towards the end of the first
race: in these days they had not the idea of an ‘unalienable fief.’"
Montesquieu, vol. ii. p. 431. The historian of the Middle Ages doubts
if ever they were resumable at pleasure, unless from delinquency.
Footnote 3.3.28:
The Nahlwara of D’Anville and the Arabian travellers of the eighth
century, the capital of the Balhara kings.
Footnote 3.3.29:
_Janam_, ‘birth’; _es_, ‘lord’ or ‘man.’ [See p. 24 above.]
Footnote 3.3.30:
“La loi des Lombards oppose les bénéfices à la propriété. Les
historiens, les formules, les codes des différens peuples barbares,
tous les monumens qui nous restent, sont unanimes. Enfin, ceux qui ont
écrit le livre des fiefs, nous apprennent, que d’abord les Seigneurs
purent les ôter à leur volonté, qu’ensuite ils les assurèrent pour un
an, et après les donnèrent pour la vie” (_L’Esprit des Loix_, chap.
xvi. livre 30).
Footnote 3.3.31:
A.D. 1766.
Footnote 3.3.32:
Contemporary and opponent of Sultan Babur.
Footnote 3.3.33:
Many of them taking wives from the degraded but aboriginal races in
their neighbouring retreats, have begot a mixed progeny, who, in
describing themselves, unite the tribes of father and mother.
Footnote 3.3.34:
Literally, ‘a belly-full.’
Footnote 3.3.35:
Allodial property is defined (Hallam, vol. i. p. 144) as “land which
had descended by inheritance, subject to no burthen but public
defence. It passed to all the children equally; in failure of
children, to the nearest kindred.” Thus it is strictly the _Miras_ or
_Bhum_ of the Rajputs: inheritance, patrimony. In Mewar it is
divisible to a certain extent; but in Cutch, to infinity: and is
liable only to local defence. The holder of bham calls it his
_Adyapi_, _i.e._ of old, by prescriptive right; not by written deed.
Montesquieu, describing the conversion of allodial estates into fiefs,
says, “These lands were held by Romans or Franks (_i.e._ freemen) not
the king’s vassals,” viz. lands exterior and anterior to the monarchy.
We have Rathor, Solanki, and other tribes, now holding bhum in various
districts, whose ancestors were conquered by the Sesodias, but left in
possession of small portions insufficient to cause jealousy. Some of
these may be said to have converted their lands into fiefs, as the
Chauhan lord of ——, who served the Salumbar chief.
Footnote 3.3.36:
Amidst ruins overgrown with forest, I discovered on two tables of
stone the genealogical history of this branch, which was of
considerable use in elucidating that of Anhilwara, and which
corresponded so well with the genealogies of a decayed bard of the
family, who travelled the country for a subsistence, that I feel
assured they formerly made good use of these marble records.
Footnote 3.3.37:
See Appendix, Nos. XVI. and XVII.
Footnote 3.3.38:
I was intimately acquainted with, and much esteemed, many of these
Bhumia chiefs—from my friend Paharji (the rock), Ranawat of Amargarh,
to the Kumbhawat of Sesoda on the highest point, lord of the pass of
the Aravalli; and even the mountain lion, Dungar Singh who bore
amongst us, from his old raids, the familiar title of Roderic Dhu. In
each situation I have had my tents filled with them; and it was one of
the greatest pleasures I ever experienced, after I had taken my leave
of them, perhaps for ever, crossed the frontiers of Mewar, and
encamped in the dreary pass between it and Marwar, to find that a body
of them had been my guards during the night. This is one of the many
pleasing recollections of the past. Fortunately for our happiness, the
mind admits their preponderance over opposite feelings. I had much to
do in aiding the restoration of their past condition; leaving, I
believe, as few traces of error in the mode as could be expected,
where so many conflicting interests were to be reconciled.
Footnote 3.3.39:
See Appendix.
Footnote 3.3.40:
See Appendix, Nos. IV., V., VI.
Footnote 3.3.41:
Mirror apartments. [To meet the demand for the glass mosaics seen in
the palaces of Rājputāna, the Panjab, and Burma, the industry of
blowing glass globes, silvered inside, came into existence. The globes
are broken into fragments, and set in cement (in Burma in laquer), and
used to decorate the walls (Watt, _Comm. Prod._ 563, 717 f.). There is
a Shīsh Mahall in the Agra Fort.]
Footnote 3.3.42:
Gardens on the terrace within the palace.
Footnote 3.3.43:
Private temple of worship.
Footnote 3.3.44:
Dholi.
Footnote 3.3.45:
_An_ is the oath of allegiance. Three things in Mewar are royalties a
subject cannot meddle with: 1, _An_, or oath of allegiance; 2, _Dan_,
or transit dues on commerce; 3, _Khan_, or mines of the precious
metals.
Footnote 3.3.46:
I rather describe what they were, than what they are. Contentions and
poverty have weakened their sympathies and affections; but the mind of
philanthropy must hope that they will again become what they have
been.
Footnote 3.3.47:
Millar’s _Historical View of the English Government_, p. 85. [See p.
156 above.]
Footnote 3.3.48:
Hume, _History of England_, Appendix II. vol. ii. p. 291.
Footnote 3.3.49:
“1. That no man should be deprived of his fief, whether held of the
emperor or mesne lord, but by the laws of the empire and _judgement of
his peers_. 2. That from such judgement the vassal might appeal to his
sovereign. 3. That fiefs should be inherited by sons and their
children, or in their failure by brothers, provided they were _feuda
paterna_, such as had descended from the father. 4. That the lord
should not alienate the fief of his vassal without his consent.”
Footnote 3.3.50:
By the revised statute, _Quia emptores_, of Edw. I., which forbids it
in excess, under penalty of forfeiture (Hallam, vol. i. p. 184).
Footnote 3.3.51:
_Bhayyad_, ‘frerage’.
Footnote 3.3.52:
Hallam, vol. i. p. 186.
Footnote 3.3.53:
_Ibid._
Footnote 3.3.54:
Hallam, vol. i. p. 186.
Footnote 3.3.55:
“Le _droit d’aînesse_ a causé, pendant l’existence du régime féodal,
une multitude de guerres et de procès. Notre histoire nous présente, à
chaque page, des cadets réduits à la mendicité, se livrant à toutes
sortes de brigandages pour réparer les torts de la fortune; des aînés,
refusant la légitime à leurs frères; des cadets, assassinant leur aîné
pour lui succéder, etc.” (see article, ‘Droit d’aînesse,’ _Dict. de
l’Ancien Régime_).
-----
CHAPTER 4
=Rakhwāli.=—I now proceed to another point of striking resemblance
between the systems of the east and wrest, arising from the same
causes—the unsettled state of society, and the deficiency of paramount
protection. It is here called _rakhwali_,[3.4.1] or ‘preservation’; the
_salvamenta_ of Europe.[3.4.2] To a certain degree it always existed in
these States; but the interminable predatory warfare of the last half
century increased it to so frightful an extent that superior authority
was required to redeem the abuses it had occasioned. It originated in
the necessity of protection; and the modes of obtaining it, as well as
the compensation [176] when obtained, were various. It often consisted
of money or kind on the reaping of each harvest: sometimes in a
multiplicity of petty privileges and advantages, but the chief object
was to obtain _bhum_: and here we have one solution of the constituted
_bhumia_,[3.4.3] assimilating, as observed, to the allodial proprietor.
Bhum thus obtained is irrevocable; and in the eager anxiety for its
acquisition we have another decided proof of every other kind of tenure
being deemed resumable by the crown.
It was not unfrequent that application for protection was made to the
nearest chief by the tenants of the fisc; a course eventually sanctioned
by the Government, which could not refuse assent where it could not
protect. Here, then, we revert to first principles; and ‘seignorial
rights’ may be forfeited, when they cease to yield that which ought to
have originated them, viz. benefit to the community. Personal service at
stated periods, to aid in the agricultural[3.4.4] economy of the
protector, was sometimes stipulated, when the husbandmen were to find
implements and cattle,[3.4.5] and to attend whenever ordered. The
protected calls the chief ‘patron’; and the condition may not unaptly be
compared to that of personal commendation,[3.4.6] like _salvamenta_,
founded on the disturbed state of society. But what originated thus was
often continued and multiplied by avarice, and the spirit of rapine,
which disgraced the Rajput of the last half century, though he had
abundance of apologies for ‘scouring the country.’ But all _salvamenta_
and other marks of vassalage, obtained during these times of desolation,
were annulled in the settlement which took place between the Rana and
his chiefs, in A.D. 1818[3.4.7] [177].
But the crown itself, by some singular proceeding, possesses, or did
possess, according to the _Patta Bahi_, or Book of Grants, considerable
_salvamenta_ right, especially in the districts between the new and
ancient capitals, in sums of from twenty to one hundred rupees in
separate villages.
To such an extent has this _rakhwali_[3.4.8] been carried when
protection was desired, that whole communities have ventured their
liberty, and become, if not slaves, yet nearly approaching the condition
of slaves, to the protector. But no common visitation ever leads to an
evil of this magnitude. I mention the fact merely to show that it does
exist; and we may infer that the chief, who has become the arbiter of
the lives and fortunes of his followers, must have obtained this power
by devoting all to their protection. The term thus originated, and
probably now (with many others) written for the first time in English
letters in this sense, is _Basai_.
=Basāi, Slavery.=—Slavery is to be found in successive stages of society
of Europe, but we have no parallel in Rajwara (at least in name) to the
agricultural serfs and _villains_ of Europe; nor is there any
intermediate term denoting a species of slavery between the
_Gola_[3.4.9] of the Hindu chief’s household and the free Rajput but the
singular one of _basai_, which must be explained, since it cannot be
translated. This class approximates closely to the _tributarii_ and
_coloni_, perhaps to the _servi_, of the Salic Franks, “who were
cultivators of the earth, and subject to residence upon their master’s
estate, though not destitute of property or civil rights.”[3.4.10]
Precisely the condition of the cultivator in Haraoti who now tills for a
taskmaster the fields he formerly owned, degraded to the name of
_hali_,[3.4.11] a ploughman.
“When small proprietors,” says Hallam, “lost their lands by mere rapine,
we may believe their liberty was hardly less endangered.” The _hali_ of
Haraoti knows the bitter truth of this inference, which applies to the
subject immediately before us, [178] the _basai_. The portion of liberty
the latter has parted with, was not originally lost through compulsion
on the part of the protector, but from external violence, which made
this desperate remedy necessary. Very different from the _hali_ of
Kotah, who is servile though without the title—a serf in condition but
without the patrimony; compelled to labour for subsistence on the land
he once owned; chained to it by the double tie of debt and strict
police; and if flight were practicable, the impossibility of bettering
his condition from the anarchy around would render it unavailing. This
is not the practice under the patriarchal native government, which, with
all its faults, retains the old links of society, with its redeeming
sympathies; but springs from a _maire du palais_, who pursued an
unfeeling and mistaken policy towards this class of society till of late
years. Mistaken ambition was the origin of the evil; he saw his error,
and remedied it in time to prevent further mischief to the State. This
octogenarian ruler, Zalim Singh of Kotah, is too much of a philosopher
and politician to let passion overcome his interests and reputation; and
we owe to the greatest despot a State ever had the only regular charter
which at present exists in Rajasthan, investing a corporate body with
the election of their own magistrates and the making of their own laws,
subject only to confirmation; with all the privileges which marked in
the outset the foundation of the free cities of Europe, and that of
boroughs in England.
It is true that, in detached documents, we see the spirit of these
institutions existing in Mewar, and it is as much a matter of
speculation, whether this wise ruler promulgated this novelty as a trap
for good opinions, or from policy and foresight alone: aware, when all
around him was improving, from the shackles of restraint being cast
aside, that his retention of them must be hurtful to himself. Liberality
in this exigence answered the previous purpose of extortion. His system,
even then, was good by comparison; all around was rapine, save in the
little oasis kept verdant by his skill, where he permitted no other
oppression than his own.
This charter is appended[3.4.12] as a curiosity in legislation, being
given thirty years ago. Another, for the agriculturists’ protection, was
set up in A.D. 1821. No human being prompted either; though the latter
is modelled from the proceedings in Mewar, and may have been intended,
as before observed, to entrap applause.
In every district of Haraoti the stone was raised to record this
ordinance [179].
=Gola—Das= (_Slaves_).—Famine in these regions is the great cause of
loss of liberty: thousands were sold in the last great famine. The
predatory system of the Pindaris and mountain tribes aided to keep it
up. Here, as amongst the Franks, freedom is derived through the mother.
The offspring of a _goli_[3.4.13] or _dasi_ must be a slave. Hence the
great number of golas in Rajput families, whose illegitimate offspring
are still adorned in Mewar, as our Saxon slaves were of old, with a
silver ring round the left ankle, instead of the neck. They are well
treated, and are often amongst the best of the military
retainers;[3.4.14] but are generally esteemed in proportion to the
quality of the mother, whether Rajputni, Muslim, or of the degraded
tribes: they hold confidential places about the chiefs of whose blood
they are. The great-grandfather of the late chief of Deogarh used to
appear at court with three hundred _golas_[3.4.15] on horseback in his
train, the sons of Rajputs, each with a gold ring round his ankle: men
whose lives were his own. This chief could then head two thousand
retainers, his own vassals.[3.4.16]
=Slavery due to Gambling.=—Tacitus[3.4.17] describes the baneful effects
of gambling amongst the German tribes, as involving personal liberty;
their becoming slaves, and being subsequently sold by the winner. The
Rajput’s passion for gaming, as remarked in the history of the tribes,
is strong; and we can revert to periods long anterior to Tacitus, and
perhaps before the woods of Germany were peopled with the worshippers of
Tuisto, for the antiquity of this vice amongst the Rajput warriors,
presenting a highly interesting picture of its pernicious effects.
Yudhishthira having staked and lost the throne of India to Duryodhana,
to recover it hazarded the beautiful and virtuous Draupadi. By the
loaded dice of his foes she became the _goli_ of the Kaurava, who,
triumphing in his pride, would have unveiled her in public; but the
deity presiding over female modesty preserved her from the rude gaze of
the assembled host; the miraculous scarf lengthened as he withdrew it,
till tired, he desisted at the instance of superior interposition.
Yudhishthira, not satisfied with this, staked twelve years of his
personal liberty, and became an exile from the haunts of Kalindi, a
wanderer in the wilds skirting the distant ocean [180].
The illegitimate sons of the Rana are called _das_, literally ‘slave’:
they have no rank, though they are liberally provided for. _Basai_
signifies ‘acquired slavery’; in contradistinction to _gola_, ‘an
hereditary slave.’ The gola can only marry a goli: the lowest Rajput
would refuse his daughter to a son of the Rana of this kind. The basai
can redeem[3.4.18] his liberty: the gola has no wish to do so, because
he could not improve his condition nor overcome his natural defects. To
the basai nothing dishonourable attaches: the class retain their
employments and caste, and are confined to no occupation, but it must be
exercised with the chief’s sanction. Individuals reclaimed from
captivity, in gratitude have given up their liberty: communities, when
this or greater evils threatened, have done the same for protection of
their lives, religion, and honour. Instances exist of the population of
towns being in this situation. The greater part of the inhabitants of
the estate of Bijolli are the basai of its chief, who is of the Pramara
tribe: they are his subjects; the Rana, the paramount lord, has no sort
of authority over them. Twelve generations have elapsed since his
ancestor conducted this little colony into Mewar, and received the
highest honours and a large estate on the plateau of its border, in a
most interesting country.[3.4.19]
The only badge denoting the basai is a small tuft of hair on the crown
of the head. The term interpreted has nothing harsh in it, meaning
‘occupant, dweller, or settler.’ The numerous towns in India called
_Basai_ have this origin: chiefs abandoning their ancient haunts, and
settling[3.4.20] with all their retainers and chattels in new abodes.
From this, the town of Basai near Tonk (Rampura), derived its name, when
the Solanki prince was compelled to abandon his patrimonial lands in
Gujarat; his subjects of all classes accompanying him voluntarily, in
preference to submitting to foreign rule. Probably the foundation of
Bijolli was similar; though only the name of Basai now attaches to the
inhabitants. It is not uncommon [181], in the overflowing of gratitude,
to be told, “You may sell me, I am your basai.”[3.4.21]
=Private Feuds—Composition.=—In a state of society such as these
sketches delineate, where all depends on the personal character of the
sovereign, the field for the indulgence of the passions, and especially
of that most incident to the uncontrollable habits of such
races—revenge—must necessarily be great. Private feuds have tended, with
the general distraction of the times, to desolate this country. Some
account of their mode of prosecution, and the incidents thence arising,
cannot fail to throw additional light on the manners of society, which
during the last half-century were fast receding to a worse than
semi-barbarous condition, and, aided by other powerful causes, might
have ended in entire annihilation. The period was rapidly advancing,
when this fair region of Mewar, the garden of Rajasthan, would have
reverted to its primitive sterility. The tiger and the wild boar had
already become inmates of the capital, and the bats flitted undisturbed
in the palaces of her princes. The ante-courts, where the chieftains and
their followers assembled to grace their prince’s cavalcade, were
overgrown with dank shrubs and grass, through which a mere footpath
conducted the ‘descendant of a hundred kings’ to the ruins of his
capital.
In these principalities the influence of revenge is universal. Not to
prosecute a feud is tantamount to an acknowledgement of
self-degradation; and, as in all countries where the laws are
insufficient to control individual actions or redress injuries, they
have few scruples as to the mode of its gratification. Hence feuds are
entailed with the estates from generation to generation. To sheathe the
sword till ‘a feud is balanced’ (their own idiomatic expression), would
be a blot never to be effaced from the escutcheon.
In the Hindu word which designates a feud we have another of those
striking coincidences in terms to which allusion has already been made:
_vair_ is ‘a feud,’ _vairi_, ‘a foe.’ The Saxon term for the composition
of a feud, _wergild_, is familiar to every man. In some of these States
the initial vowel is hard, and [182] pronounced _bair_. In Rajasthan,
_bair_ is more common than _vair_, but throughout the south-west _vair_
only is used. In these we have the original Saxon word _war_,[3.4.22]
the French _guer_. The Rajput _wergild_ is land or a daughter to wife.
In points of honour the Rajput is centuries in advance of our Saxon
forefathers, who had a legislative remedy for every bodily injury, when
each finger and toe had its price.[3.4.23] This might do very well when
the injury was committed on a hind, but the Rajput must have blood for
blood. The monarch must be powerful who can compel acceptance of the
compensation, or _mund-kati_.[3.4.24]
The prosecution of a feud is only to be stopped by a process which is
next to impracticable; namely, by the party injured volunteering
forgiveness, or the aggressor throwing himself as a suppliant unawares
on the clemency of his foe within his own domains: a most trying
situation for each to be placed in, yet not unexampled, and revenge in
such a case would entail infamy. It was reserved for these degenerate
days to produce such an instance.
=Amargarh-Shāhpura Feud.=—The Raja of Shahpura, one of the most powerful
of the chiefs of Mewar, and of the Rana’s blood, had a feud with the
Ranawat chief, the Bhumia proprietor of Amargarh. Ummeda,[3.4.25] the
chief of Shahpura, held two estates: one was the grant of the kings of
Delhi, the other of his own sovereign, and each amounting to
£10,000[3.4.26] of annual rent, besides the duties on commerce. His
estate in Mewar was in the district of Mandalgarh, where also lay his
antagonist’s; their bounds were in common and some of the lands were
intermixed: this led to disputes, threats, and blows, even in the towns
of their fathers, between their husbandmen. The Bhumia Dilel was much
less powerful; he was lord of only ten villages, not yielding above
£1200 a year; but they were compact and well managed, and he was [183]
popular amongst his brethren, whose swords he could always command. His
castle was perched on a rock, and on the towers facing the west (the
direction of Shahpura) were mounted some swivels: moreover a belt of
forest surrounded it, through which only two or three roads were cut, so
that surprise was impossible. Dilel had therefore little to fear, though
his antagonist could bring two thousand of his own followers against
him. The feud burned and cooled alternately; but the Raja’s exposed
villages enabled Dilel to revenge himself with much inferior means. He
carried off the cattle, and sometimes the opulent subjects, of his foe,
to his donjon-keep in Amargarh for ransom. Meanwhile the husbandmen of
both suffered, and agriculture was neglected, till half the villages
held by Ummeda in Mandalgarh became deserted. The Raja had merited this
by his arrogance and attempts to humble Dilel, who had deserved more of
the sympathies of his neighbours than his rival, whose tenants were
tired of the payments of _barchi-dohai_.[3.4.27]
Ummeda was eccentric, if the term be not too weak to characterize acts
which, in more civilized regions, would have subjected him to coercion.
He has taken his son and suspended him by the cincture to the pinnacle
of his little chapel at Shahpura, and then called on the mother to come
and witness the sight. He would make excursions alone on horseback or on
a swift camel, and be missing for days. In one of these moods he and his
foe Dilel encountered face to face within the bounds of Amargarh. Dilel
only saw a chief high in rank at his mercy. With courtesy he saluted
him, invited him to his castle, entertained him, and pledged his health
and forgiveness in the _munawwar piyala_:[3.4.28] they made merry, and
in the cup agreed to extinguish the remembrance of the feud.
Both had been summoned to the court of the sovereign. The Raja proposed
that they should go together, and invited him to go by Shahpura. Dilel
accordingly saddled his twenty steeds, moved out his equipage, and
providing himself with fitting raiment, and funds to maintain him at the
capital, accompanied the Raja to receive the return of his hospitality.
They ate from the same platter,[3.4.29] drank of the same cup and
enjoyed the song and dance. They even went together to [184] their
devotions, to swear before their deity what they had pledged in the
cup—oblivion of the past. But scarcely had they crossed the threshold of
the chapel, when the head of the chief of Amargarh was rolling on the
pavement, and the deity and the altar were sprinkled with his blood! To
this atrocious and unheard-of breach of the laws of hospitality, the
Raja added the baseness of the pilferer, seizing on the effects of his
now lifeless foe. He is said, also, with all the barbarity and malignity
of long-treasured revenge, to have kicked the head with his foot,
apostrophising it in the pitiful language of resentment. The son of
Dilel, armed for revenge, collected all his adherents, and confusion was
again commencing its reign. To prevent this, the Rana compelled
restitution of the horses and effects; and five villages from the estate
of the Raja were the _mund-kati_ (wergild) or compensation to the son of
Dilel. The rest of the estate of the murderer was eventually
sequestrated by the crown.
The feuds of Arja and Sheogarh are elsewhere detailed, and such
statements could be multiplied. Avowal of error and demand of
forgiveness, with the offer of a daughter in marriage, often stop the
progress of a feud, and might answer better than appearing as a
suppliant, which requires great delicacy of contrivance.[3.4.30] Border
disputes[3.4.31] are most prolific in the production of feuds, and the
Rajput lord-marchers have them entailed on them as regularly as their
estates. The border chiefs of Jaisalmer and Bikaner carry this to such
extent that it often involved both states in hostilities. The _vair_ and
its composition in Mandalgarh will, however, suffice for the present to
exemplify these things.
=Rajput Pardhans or Premiers.=—It would not be difficult, amongst the
_Majores Domus Regiae_ of these principalities, to find parallels to the
_Maires du Palais_ of France. Imbecility in the chief, whether in the
east or west, must have the same consequences; and more than one State
in India will present us with the joint appearance of the phantom and
the substance of royalty. The details of [185] personal attendance at
court will be found elsewhere. When not absent on frontier duties, or by
permission at their estates, the chiefs resided with their families at
the capital; but a succession of attendants was always secured, to keep
up its splendour and perform personal service at the palace. In Mewar,
the privileges and exemptions of the higher class are such as to exhibit
few of the marks of vassalage observable at other courts. Here it is
only on occasion of particular festivals and solemnities that they ever
join the prince’s cavalcade, or attend at court. If full attendance is
required, on the reception of ambassadors, or in discussing matters of
general policy, when they have a right to hear and advise as the
hereditary council (_panchayat_) of the State, they are summoned by an
officer, with the prince’s _juhar_,[3.4.32] and his request. On grand
festivals the great _nakkaras_, or kettle-drums, beat at three stated
times; the third is the signal for the chief to quit his abode and mount
his steed. Amidst all these privileges, when it were almost difficult to
distinguish between the prince and his great chiefs, there are occasions
well understood by both, which render the superiority of the former
apparent: one occurs in the formalities observed on a lapse; another,
when at court in personal service, the chief once a week mounts guard at
the palace with his clan. On these occasions the vast distance between
them is seen. When the chief arrives in the grand court of the palace
with his retainers, he halts under the balcony till intimation is given
to the prince, who from thence receives his obeisance and duty. This
over, he retires to the great _darikhana_, or hall of audience,
appropriated for these ceremonies, where carpets are spread for him and
his retainers. At meals the prince sends his compliments, requesting the
chief’s attendance at the _rasora_[3.4.33] or ‘feasting hall,’ where
with other favoured chiefs he partakes of dinner with the prince. He
sleeps in the hall of audience, and next morning with the same
formalities takes his leave. Again, in the summons to the presence from
their estates, instant obedience is requisite. But in this, attention to
their rank is studiously shown by _ruqa_, written by the private
secretary, with the sign-manual of the prince attached, and sealed with
the private finger-ring. For the inferior grades, the usual seal of
state entrusted to the minister is used.
But these are general duties. In all these States some great court
favourite [186], from his talents, character, or intrigue, holds the
office of premier. His duties are proportioned to his wishes, or the
extent of his talents and ambition; but he does not interfere with the
civil administration, which has its proper minister. They, however, act
together. The Rajput premier is the military minister, with the
political government of the fiefs; the civil minister is never of this
caste. Local customs have given various appellations to this officer. At
Udaipur he is called _bhanjgarh_; at Jodhpur, _pardhan_; at Jaipur
(where they have engrafted the term used at the court of Delhi)
_musahib_; at Kotah, _kiladar_, and _diwan_ or regent. He becomes a most
important personage, as dispenser of the favours of the sovereign.
Through him chiefly all requests are preferred, this being the surest
channel to success. His influence, necessarily, gives him unbounded
authority over the military classes, with unlimited power over the
inferior officers of the State. With a powerful body of retainers always
at his command, it is surprising we have not more frequently our ‘mayors
of Burgundy and Dagoberts,’[3.4.34] our ‘Martels and Pepins,’ in
Rajasthan.
We have our hereditary Rajput premiers in several of these States: but
in all the laws of succession are so regulated that they could not usurp
the throne of their prince, though they might his functions.
When the treaty was formed between Mewar and the British Government, the
ambassadors wished to introduce an article of guarantee of the office of
pardhan to the family of the chief noble of the country, the Rawat of
Salumbar. The fact was, as stated, that the dignity was hereditary in
this family; but though the acquisition was the result of an act of
virtue, it had tended much towards the ruin of the country, and to the
same cause are to be traced all its rebellions.
[Illustration:
SALUMBAR.
_To face page 216._
]
The ambassador was one of the elders of the same clan, being the grand
uncle of the hereditary pardhan. He had taken a most active share in the
political events of the last thirty years, and had often controlled the
councils of his prince during this period, and actually held the post of
premier himself when stipulating [187] for his minor relative. With the
ascendancy he exercised over the prince, it may be inferred that he had
no intention of renouncing it during his lifetime; and as he was
educating his adopted heir to all his notions of authority, and
initiating him in the intrigues of office, the guaranteed dignity in the
head of his family would have become a nonentity,[3.4.35] and the Ranas
would have been governed by the deputies of their mayors. From both
those evils the times have relieved the prince. The crimes of Ajit had
made his dismissal from office a point of justice, but imbecility and
folly will never be without ‘mayors.’
When a Rana of Udaipur leaves the capital, the Salumbar chief is
invested with the government of the city and charge of the palace during
his absence. By his hands the sovereign is girt with the sword, and from
him he receives the mark of inauguration on his accession to the throne.
He leads, by right, the van in battle; and in case of the siege of the
capital, his post is the _surajpol_,[3.4.36] and the fortress which
crowns it, in which this family had a handsome palace, which is now
going fast to decay.
It was the predecessor of the present chief of Salumbar who set up a
pretender and the standard of rebellion; but when foreign aid was
brought in, he returned to his allegiance and the defence of the
capital. Similar sentiments have often been awakened in patriotic
breasts, when roused by the interference of foreigners in their internal
disputes. The evil entailed on the State by these hereditary offices
will appear in its annals.
In Marwar the dignity is hereditary in the house of Awa; but the last
brave chief who held it became the victim of a revengeful and capricious
sovereign,[3.4.37] [188] who was jealous of his exploits; and dying, he
bequeathed a curse to his posterity who should again accept the office.
It was accordingly transferred to the next in dignity, the house of
Asop. The present chief, wisely distrusting the prince whose reign has
been a series of turmoils, has kept aloof from court. When the office
was jointly held by the chiefs of Nimaj and Pokaran, the tragic end of
the former afforded a fine specimen of the prowess and heroism of the
Rathor Rajput. In truth, these pardhans of Marwar have always been
mill-stones round the necks of their princes; an evil interwoven in
their system when the partition of estates took place amidst the sons of
Jodha in the infancy of this State. It was, no doubt, then deemed
politic to unite to the interests of the crown so powerful a branch,
which when combined could always control the rest; but this gave too
much equality.
=The Chief of Pokaran.=—Deo Singh, the great-grandfather of the Pokaran
chief alluded to, used to sleep in the great hall of the palace with
five hundred of his clan around him. “The throne of Marwar is in the
sheath of my dagger,” was the repeated boast of this arrogant chieftain.
It may be anticipated that either he or his sovereign would die a
violent death. The lord of Pokaran was entrapped, and instant death
commanded; yet with the sword suspended over his head, his undaunted
spirit was the same as when seated in the hall, and surrounded by his
vassals. “Where, traitor, is now the sheath that holds the fortunes of
Marwar?” said the prince. The taunt recoiled with bitterness when he
loftily replied, “With my son at Pokaran I have left it.” No time was
given for further insult; his head rolled at the steps of the palace;
but the dagger of Pokaran still haunts the imaginations of these
princes, and many attempts have been made to get possessed of their
stronghold on the edge of the desert.[3.4.38] The narrow escape of the
present chief will be related hereafter, with the sacrifice of his
friend and coadjutor, the chief of Nimaj.
=Premiers in Kotah and Jaisalmer.=—In Kotah and Jaisalmer the power of
the ministers is supreme. We might describe their situation in the words
of Montesquieu. "The Pepins kept their princes in a state of
imprisonment in the palace, showing them once a year to the people. On
this occasion they made such ordinances as were directed [189] by the
mayor; they also answered ambassadors, but the mayor framed the
answer."[3.4.39]
Like those of the Merovingian race, these puppets of royalty in the east
are brought forth to the Champ de Mars once a year, at the grand
military festival, the Dasahra. On this day, presents provided by the
minister are distributed by the prince. Allowances for every branch of
expenditure are fixed, nor has the prince the power to exceed them. But
at Kotah there is nothing parsimonious, though nothing superfluous. On
the festival of the birth of Krishna, and other similar feasts, the
prince likewise appears abroad, attended by all the insignia of royalty.
Elephants with standards precede; lines of infantry and guns are drawn
up; while a numerous cavalcade surrounds his person. The son of the
minister sometimes condescends to accompany his prince on horseback; nor
is there anything wanting to magnificence, but the power to control or
alter any part of it. This failing, how humiliating to a proud mind,
acquainted with the history of his ancestors and imbued with a portion
of their spirit, to be thus muzzled, enchained, and rendered a mere
pageant of state! This chain would have been snapped, but that each link
has become adamantine from the ties this ruler has formed with the
British Government. He has well merited our protection; though we never
contemplated to what extent the maintenance of these ties would involve
our own character. But this subject is connected with the history of an
individual who yields to none of the many extraordinary men whom India
has produced, and who required but a larger theatre to have drawn the
attention of the world. His character will be further elucidated in the
Annals of Haravati [190].
-----
Footnote 3.4.1:
See Appendix, Nos. VII., VIII., and IX.
Footnote 3.4.2:
This is the ‘_sauvement_ ou _vingtain_’ of the French system: there it
ceased with the cause. “Les guerres (feudal) cessèrent avec le régime
féodal, et les paysans n’eurent plus besoin de la protection du
Seigneur; on ne les força pas moins de réparer son château, et de lui
payer le droit qui se nommait de _sauvement_ ou _vingtain_” (Art.
‘Château,’ _Dict. de l’Ancien Régime_).
Footnote 3.4.3:
The chief might lose his _patta_ lands, and he would then dwindle down
into the _bhumia_ proprietor, which title only lawless force could
take from him. See Appendix, No. IX.
Footnote 3.4.4:
See Appendix, No. X., Art. II.
Footnote 3.4.5:
This species would come under the distinct term of Hydages due by
soccage vassals, who in return for protection supply carriages and
work (Hume, vol. ii. p. 308).
Footnote 3.4.6:
Hallam, vol. i. p. 169.
Footnote 3.4.7:
In indulging my curiosity on this subject, I collected some hundred
engagements, and many of a most singular nature. We see the chieftain
stipulating for fees on marriages; for a dish of the good fare at the
wedding feast, which he transfers to a relation of his district if
unable to attend himself; portions of fuel and provender; and even
wherewithal to fill the wassail cup in his days of merriment. The
Rajput’s religious notions are not of so strict a character as to
prevent his even exacting his _rakhwali_ dues from the church lands,
and the threat of slaughtering the sacred flock of our Indian Apollo
has been resorted to, to compel payment when withheld. Nay, by the
chiefs it was imposed on things locomotive: on caravans, or Tandas of
merchandise, wherever they halted for the day, _rakhwali_ was
demanded. Each petty chief through whose district or patch of
territory they travelled, made a demand, till commerce was dreadfully
shackled; but it was the only way in which it could be secured. It was
astonishing how commerce was carried on at all; yet did the cloths of
Dacca and the shawls of Kashmir pass through all such restraints, and
were never more in request. Where there is demand no danger will deter
enterprise; and commerce flourished more when these predatory armies
were rolling like waves over the land, than during the succeeding
halcyon days of pacification.
Footnote 3.4.8:
The method by which the country is brought under this tax is as
follows: “When the people are almost ruined by continual robberies and
plunders, the leader of the band of thieves, or some friend of his,
proposes that, for a sum of money annually paid, he will keep a number
of men in arms to protect such a tract of ground, or as many parishes
as submit to the contribution. When the terms are agreed upon he
ceases to steal, and thereby the contributors are safe: if any one
refuse to pay, he is immediately plundered. To colour all this
villainy, those concerned in the robberies pay the tax with the rest;
and all the neighbourhood must comply or be undone. This is the case
(among others), with the whole low country of the shire of Ross”
(Extract from Lord Lovat’s Memorial to George I. on the State of the
Highlands of Scotland, in A.D. 1724).
Footnote 3.4.9:
In Persian _ghulām_, literally ‘slave’; evidently a word of the same
origin with the Hindu _gola_. [The words have no connexion.]
Footnote 3.4.10:
Hallam, vol. i. p. 217.
Footnote 3.4.11:
From _hal_, ‘a plough.’ _Syl_ is ‘a plough’ in Saxon (Turner’s
_Anglo-Saxons_). The _h_ and _s_ are permutable throughout Rajwara.
[The words have no connexion.] In Marwar, _Salim Singh_ is pronounced
_Halim Hingh_.
Footnote 3.4.12:
See Appendix, No. XI.
Footnote 3.4.13:
Female slave.
Footnote 3.4.14:
See Appendix, No. XIX.
Footnote 3.4.15:
The reader of Dow’s translation of Ferishta [i. 134] may recollect
that when Kutbu-d-din was left the viceroy of the conqueror he is made
to say: “He gave the country to Gola the son of Pittu Rai.” [“He
delivered over the country to the Gola, or natural son, of Pithow Ray”
(Briggs’ trans. i. 128).] Dow mistakes this appellation of the natural
brother of the last Hindu sovereign for a proper name. He is mentioned
by the bard Chand in his exploits of Prithwiraja.
Footnote 3.4.16:
I have often received the most confidential messages, from chiefs of
the highest rank, through these channels. [There are, at the present
day, several bastard castes originally composed of the illegitimate
children of men of rank, Rājputs, Brāhmans, Mahājans, and others.
These are now recruited from the descendants of such persons, and from
recently born illegitimate children (_Census Report, Rajputana, 1911_,
i. 249f.).]
Footnote 3.4.17:
_Germania_, xxiv.
Footnote 3.4.18:
The _das_ or ‘slave’ may hold a fief in Rajasthan, hut he never can
rise above the condition in which this defect of birth has placed him.
“L’affranchissement consistait à sortir de la classe des serfs, par
l’acquisition d’un fief, ou settlement d’un fonds. La nécessité où
s’étaient trouvés les seigneurs féodaux de vendre une partie de leurs
terres, pour faire leurs équipages des croisades, avait rendu ces
acquisitions communes; mais le fief n’anoblissait qu’à la troisième
génération.” Serfs who had twice or thrice been champions, or saved
the lives of their masters, were also liberated. “Un évêque d’Auxerre
déclara qu’il n’affranchirait gratuitement, qui que ce soit, s’il
n’avait reçu quinze blessures à son service” (see Article
‘Affranchissement,’ _Dict. de l’ancien Régime_).
Footnote 3.4.19:
I could but indistinctly learn whether this migration, and the species
of paternity here existing, arose from rescuing them from Tatar
invaders, or from the calamity of famine.
Footnote 3.4.20:
_Basna_, ‘to settle.’
Footnote 3.4.21:
I had the happiness to be the means of releasing from captivity some
young chiefs, who had been languishing in Mahratta fetters as hostages
for the payment of a war contribution. One of them, a younger brother
of the Purawat division, had a mother dying to see him; but though he
might have taken her house in the way, a strong feeling of honour and
gratitude made him forgo this anxious visit: “I am your Rajput, your
gola, your basai.” He was soon sent off to his mother. Such little
acts, mingling with public duty, are a compensation for the many
drawbacks of solitude, gloom, and vexation, attending such situations.
They are no sinecures or beds of roses—ease, comfort, and health,
being all subordinate considerations.
Footnote 3.4.22:
Gilbert on _Tenures_, art. “Warranty,” p. 169. [Wergild, _wer_, ‘man,’
_gield_, _gieldan_; _vair_ is Skt. _vīra_, ‘hero’; O.E. _wer_, O.H.G.
_werran_, ‘to embroil,’ Fr. _guerre_.]
Footnote 3.4.23:
“The great toe took rank as it should be, and held to double the sum
of the others, for which ten scyllinga was the value without the nail,
which was thirty scealta to boot” (Turner’s _Anglo-Saxons_, vol. ii.
p. 133).
Footnote 3.4.24:
Appendix, No. XVIII. The laws of composition were carried to a much
greater extent amongst the Hindu nations than even amongst those of
the Anglo-Saxons, who might have found in Manu all that was ever
written on the subject, from the killing of a Brahman by design to the
accidental murder of a dog. The Brahman is four times the value of the
soldier, eight of the merchant, and sixteen times of the Sudra. “If a
Brahman kill one of the soldier caste (without malice), a bull and one
thousand cows is the fine of expiation. If he slays a merchant, a bull
and one hundred cows is the fine. If a Sudra or lowest class, ten
white cows and a bull to the priest is the expiation” [_Laws_, xi. 127
ff.]. Manu legislated also for the protection of the brute creation,
and if the priest by chance kills a cat, a frog, a dog, a lizard, an
owl, or a crow, he must drink nothing but milk for three days and
nights, or walk four miles in the night.
Footnote 3.4.25:
_Ummeda_, ‘hope.’
Footnote 3.4.26:
Together £20,000, equal to £100,000 of England, if the respective
value of the necessaries of life be considered.
Footnote 3.4.27:
_Barchi_ is ‘a lance.’ In these marauding days, when there was a
riever in every village, they sallied out to ‘run the country,’ either
to stop the passenger on the highway or the inhabitant of the city.
The lance at his breast, he would call out _dohai_, an invocation of
aid. During harvest time _barchi-dohai_ used to be exacted.
Footnote 3.4.28:
‘Cup of invitation.’ [_Munawwar_, Pers. ‘bright, splendid.’]
Footnote 3.4.29:
This is a favourite expression, and a mode of indicating great
friendship: ‘to eat of the same platter (_thali_), and drink of the
same cup (_piyala_).’
Footnote 3.4.30:
The Bundi feud with the Rana is still unappeased, since the
predecessor of the former slew the Rana’s father. It was an
indefensible act, and the Bundi prince was most desirous to terminate
it. He had no daughter to offer, and hinted a desire to accompany me
_incog._ and thus gain admission to the presence of the Rana. The
benevolence and generosity of this prince would have insured him
success; but it was a delicate matter, and I feared some exposure from
any arrogant hot-headed Rajput ere the scene could have been got up.
The Raja Bishan Singh of Bundi is since dead [in 1828]; a brave and
frank Rajput; he has left few worthier behind. His son [Rām Singh,
1821-89], yet a minor, promises well. The protective alliance, which
is to turn their swords into ploughshares, will prevent their becoming
foes; but they will remain sulky border-neighbours, to the fostering
of disputes and the disquiet of the merchant and cultivator.
Footnote 3.4.31:
Sim—Kankar.
Footnote 3.4.32:
A salutation, only sent by a superior to an inferior.
Footnote 3.4.33:
The kitchen is large enough for a fortress, and contains large eating
halls. Food for seven hundred of the prince’s court is daily dressed.
This is not for any of the personal servants of the prince, or female
establishments; all these are separate.
Footnote 3.4.34:
Dagobert commended his wife and son Clovis to the trust of Ega, with
whom she jointly held the care of the palace. On his death, with the
aid of more powerful lords, she chose another mayor. He confirmed
their grants for life. They made his situation hereditary; but which
could only have held good from the crowd of imbeciles who succeeded
Clovis, until the descendant of this mayor thrust out his children and
seized the crown. This change is a natural consequence of unfitness;
and if we go back to the genealogies (called sacred) of the Hindus, we
see there a succession of dynasties forced from their thrones by their
ministers. Seven examples are given in the various dynasties of the
race of Chandra. (See Genealogical Tables, No. II.) [The above is in
some ways inaccurate, but it is unnecessary to correct it, as it is
not connected with the question of premiers in Rājputāna: see _EB_,
xvii. 938.]
Footnote 3.4.35:
So many sudden deaths had occurred in this family, that the branch in
question (Ajit Singh’s) were strongly suspected of ‘heaping these
mortal murders on their crown,’ to push their elders from their seats.
The father of Padma, the present chief, is said to have been taken off
by poison; and Pahar Singh, one generation anterior, returning
grievously wounded from the battle of Ujjain, in which the southrons
first swept Mewar, was not permitted to recover. The mother of the
present young chief of the Jhala tribe of the house of Gogunda, in the
west, was afraid to trust him from her sight. She is a woman of great
strength of mind and excellent character, but too indulgent to an only
son. He is a fine bold youth, and, though impatient of control, may be
managed. On horseback with his lance, in chase of the wild boar, a
more resolute cavalier could not be seen. His mother, when he left the
estate alone for court, which he seldom did without her accompanying
him, never failed to send me a long letter, beseeching me to guard the
welfare of her son. My house was his great resort: he delighted to
pull over my books, or go fishing or riding with me.
Footnote 3.4.36:
_Surya_, ‘sun’; and _pol_, ‘gate.’ _Poliya_, ‘a porter.’
Footnote 3.4.37:
“The _cur_ can bite,” the reply of this chief, either personally, or
to the person who reported that his sovereign so designated him, was
never forgiven.
Footnote 3.4.38:
His son, Sabal Singh, followed in his footsteps, till an accidental
cannon-shot relieved the terrors of the prince.
Footnote 3.4.39:
_L’Esprit des Loix_, chap. vi. livre 31.
-----
CHAPTER 5
=Adoption.=—The hereditary principle, which perpetuates in these States
their virtues and their vices, is also the grand preservative of their
political existence and national manners: it is an imperishable
principle, which resists time and innovation: it is this which made the
laws of the Medes and Persians, as well as those of the Rajputs,
unalterable. A chief of Mewar, like his sovereign, never dies: he
disappears to be regenerated. ‘_Le roi est mort, vive le roi!_’ is a
phrase, the precise virtue of which is there well understood. Neither
the crown nor the greater fiefs are ever without heirs. Adoption is the
preservative of honours and titles; the great fiefs of Rajasthan can
never become extinct.[3.5.1] But, however valuable this privilege, which
the law of custom has made a right, it is often carried to the most
hurtful and foolish extent. They have allowed the limit which defined it
to be effaced, and each family, of course, maintains a custom, so
soothing to vanity, as the prospect of having their names revived in
their descendants. This has resulted from the weakness of the prince and
the misery of the times. Lands were bestowed liberally which yielded
nothing to their master, who, in securing a nominal obedience and
servitude, had as much as the times made them worth when given; but with
returning prosperity and old customs, these great errors have become too
visible. Adoptions are often made during the life of the incumbent when
without prospect of issue. The chief and his wife first agitate the
subject in private; it is then confided to the little council of the
fief, and when propinquity and merit unite, they at once petition the
prince to confirm their wishes, which are generally acceded to. So many
interests are to be consulted on this occasion, that the blind
partiality of the chief to any particular object is always counterpoised
by the elders of the clan, who must have a pride in seeing a proper
Thakur[3.5.2] at their head, and who prefer the nearest of kin, to
prevent the disputes which would be attendant on neglect in this point
[191].
On sudden lapses, the wife is allowed the privilege, in conjunction with
those interested in the fief, of nomination, though the case is seldom
left unprovided for: there is always a presumptive heir to the smallest
sub-infeudation of these estates. The wife of the deceased is the
guardian of the minority of the adopted.
=The Case of Deogarh.=—The chief of Deogarh, one of the sixteen
Omras[3.5.3] of Mewar, died without issue. On his death-bed he
recommended to his wife and chiefs Nahar Singh for their adoption. This
was the son of the independent chieftain of Sangramgarh, already
mentioned. There were nearer kin, some of the seventh and eighth
degrees, and young Nahar was the eleventh. It was never contemplated
that the three last gigantic[3.5.4] chieftains of Deogarh would die
without issue, or the branches, now claimants from propinquity, would
have been educated to suit the dignity; but being brought up remote from
court, they had been compelled to seek employment where obtainable, or
to live on the few acres to which their distant claim of birth
restricted them. Two of these, who had but the latter resource to fly
to, had become mere boors; and of two who had sought service abroad by
arms, one was a cavalier in the retinue of the prince, and the other a
hanger-on about court: both dissipated and unfitted, as the frerage
asserted, ‘to be the chieftains of two thousand Rajputs, the sons of one
father.’[3.5.5] Much interest and intrigue were carried on for one of
these, and he was supported by the young prince and a faction. Some of
the senior Pattawats of Deogarh are men of the highest character, and
often lamented the sombre qualities of their chief, which prevented the
clan having that interest in the State to which its extent and rank
entitled it. While these intrigues were in their infancy, they adopted a
decided measure; they brought home young Nahar from his father’s
residence, and ‘bound round his head the turban of the deceased.’ In his
name the death of the late chief was announced. It was added, that he
hoped to see his friends after the stated days of _matam_ or mourning;
and he performed all the duties of the son of Deogarh, and lighted the
funeral pyre.
When these proceedings were reported, the Rana was highly and justly
incensed. The late chief had been one of the rebels of S. 1848;[3.5.6]
and though pardon had been [192] granted, yet this revived all the
recollection of the past, and he felt inclined to extinguish the name of
Sangawat.[3.5.7]
In addition to the common sequestration, he sent an especial one with
commands to collect the produce of the harvest then reaping, charging
the sub-vassals with the design of overturning his lawful authority.
They replied very submissively, and artfully asserted that they had only
given a son to Gokuldas, not an heir to Deogarh; that the sovereign
alone could do this, and that they trusted to his nominating one who
would be an efficient leader of so many Rajputs in the service of the
Rana. They urged the pretensions of young Nahar, at the same time
leaving the decision to the sovereign. Their judicious reply was well
supported by their ambassador at court, who was the bard of Deogarh, and
had recently become, though _ex officio_, physician to the
prince.[3.5.8] The point was finally adjusted, and Nahar was brought to
court, and invested with the sword by the hand of the sovereign, and he
is now lord of Deogarh Madri, one of the richest and most powerful
fiefs[3.5.9] of Mewar. Madri was the ancient name of the estate; and
Sangramgarh, of which Nahar was the heir, was severed from it, but by
some means had reverted to the crown, of which it now holds. The
adoption of Nahar by Gokuldas leaves the paternal estate without an
immediate heir; and his actual father being mad, if more distant claims
are not admitted, it is probable that Sangramgarh will eventually revert
to the fisc.
=Reflections.=—The system of feuds must have attained considerable
maturity amongst the Rajputs, to have left such traces, notwithstanding
the desolation that has swept the land: but without circumspection these
few remaining customs will become a dead letter. Unless we abstain from
all internal interference, we must destroy the links which connect the
prince and his vassals; and, in lieu of a system decidedly imperfect, we
should leave them none at all, or at least not a system of feuds, the
only one they can comprehend. Our friendship has rescued them from
exterior foes, and time will restore the rest. With the dignity and
[193] establishments of their chiefs, ancient usages will revive; and
_nazarana_ (relief), _kharg bandhai_ (investiture), _dasaundh_ (aids or
benevolence, literally ‘the tenth’), and other incidents, will cease to
be mere ceremonies. The desire of every liberal mind, as well as the
professed wish of the British Government, is to aid in their renovation,
and this will be best effected by not meddling with what we but
imperfectly understand.[3.5.10]
We have nothing to apprehend from the Rajput States if raised to their
ancient prosperity. The closest attention to their history proves beyond
contradiction that they were never capable of uniting, even for their
own preservation: a breath, a scurrilous stanza of a bard, has severed
their closest confederacies. No national head exists amongst them as
amongst the Mahrattas; and each chief being master of his own house and
followers, they are individually too weak to cause us any alarm.
No feudal government can be dangerous as a neighbour; for defence it has
in all countries been found defective; and for aggression, totally
inefficient. Let there exist between us the most perfect understanding
and identity of interests; the foundation-step to which is to lessen or
remit the galling, and to us contemptible tribute, now exacted,
enfranchise them from our espionage and agency, and either unlock them
altogether from our dangerous embrace, or let the ties between us be
such only as would ensure grand results: such as general commercial
freedom and protection, with treaties of friendly alliance. Then, if a
Tatar or a Russian invasion threatened our eastern empire, fifty
thousand Rajputs would be no despicable allies.[3.5.11]
=Rajput Loyalty and Patriotism.=—Let us call to mind what they did when
they fought for Aurangzeb: they are still unchanged, if we give them the
proper stimulus. Gratitude, honour, and fidelity, are terms which at one
time were the foundation of all the virtues of a Rajput. Of the theory
of these sentiments he is still enamoured; but, unfortunately, for his
happiness, the times have left him but little scope for the practice
[194] of them. Ask a Rajput which is the greatest of crimes? he will
reply, ‘_gunchhor_,’ ‘forgetfulness of favours.’ This is his most
powerful term for ingratitude. Gratitude with him embraces every
obligation of life, and is inseparable from _swamidharma_, ‘fidelity to
his lord.’ He who is wanting in these is not deemed fit to live, and is
doomed to eternal pains in Pluto’s[3.5.12] realm hereafter.[3.5.13]
“It was a powerful feeling,” says an historian[3.5.14] who always
identifies his own emotions with his subject, “which could make the
bravest of men put up with slights and ill-treatment at the hand of
their sovereign, or call forth all the energies of discontented exertion
for one whom they never saw, and in whose character there was nothing to
esteem. Loyalty has scarcely less tendency to refine and elevate the
heart than patriotism itself.” That these sentiments were combined, the
past history of the Rajputs will show;[3.5.15] and to the strength of
these ties do they owe their political existence, which has outlived
ages of strife. But for these, they would have been converts and vassals
to the Tatars, who would still have been enthroned in Delhi. Neglect,
oppression, and religious interference, sunk one of the greatest
monarchies of the world;[3.5.16] made Sivaji a hero, and converted the
peaceful husbandmen of the Kistna and Godavari into a brave but
rapacious soldier.
We have abundant examples, and I trust need not exclaim with the wise
minister of Akbar, “who so happy as to profit by them?”[3.5.17]
The Rajput, with all his turbulence, possesses in an eminent degree both
loyalty and patriotism; and though he occasionally exhibits his
refractory spirit to his [195] father and sovereign,[3.5.18] we shall
see of what he is capable when his country is threatened with
dismemberment, from the history of Mewar, and the reign of Ajit Singh of
Marwar. In this last we have one of the noblest examples history can
afford of unbounded devotion. A prince, whom not a dozen of his subjects
had ever seen, who had been concealed from the period of his birth
throughout a tedious minority to avoid the snares of a tyrant,[3.5.19]
by the mere magic of a name kept the discordant materials of a great
feudal association in subjection, till, able to bear arms, he issued
from his concealment to head these devoted adherents, and reconquer what
they had so long struggled to maintain. So glorious a contest, of twenty
years’ duration, requires but an historian to immortalize it.
Unfortunately we have only the relation of isolated encounters, which,
though exhibiting a prodigality of blood and acts of high devotion, are
deficient in those minor details which give unity and interest to the
whole.
=Gallant Services to the Empire.=—Let us take the Rajput character from
the royal historians themselves, from Akbar, Jahangir, Aurangzeb. The
most brilliant conquests of these monarchs were by their Rajput allies;
though the little regard the latter had for opinion alienated the
sympathies of a race, who when rightly managed, encountered at command
the Afghan amidst the snows of Caucasus, or made the furthest Cheronese
tributary to the empire. Assam, where the British arms were recently
engaged, and for the issue of which such anxiety was manifested in the
metropolis of Britain, was conquered by a Rajput prince,[3.5.20] whose
descendant is now an ally of the British Government.
But Englishmen in the east, as elsewhere, undervalue everything not
national. They have been accustomed to conquest, not reverses: though it
is only by studying the character of those around them that the latter
can be avoided and this superiority maintained. Superficial observers
imagine that from lengthened predatory spoliation the energy of the
Rajput has fled: an idea which is at once erroneous and dangerous. The
vices now manifest from oppression will disappear [196] with the cause,
and with reviving prosperity new feelings will be generated, and each
national tie and custom be strengthened. The Rajput would glory in
putting on his saffron robes[3.5.21] to fight for such a land, and for
those who disinterestedly laboured to benefit it.
Let us, then, apply history to its proper use. We need not turn to
ancient Rome for illustration of the dangers inseparable from wide
dominion and extensive alliances. The twenty-two Satrapies of India, the
greater part of which are now the appanage of Britain, exhibited, even a
century ago, one of the most splendid monarchies history has made known,
too extensive for the genius of any single individual effectually to
control. Yet was it held together, till encroachment on their rights,
and disregard to their habits and religious opinions, alienated the
Rajputs, and excited the inhabitants of the south to rise against their
Mogul oppressors. ‘Then was the throne of Aurangzeb at the mercy of a
Brahman, and the grandson[3.5.22] of a cultivator in the province of
Khandesh held the descendants of Timur pensioners on his bounty’ [197].
-----
Footnote 3.5.1:
[The abandonment of the policy of escheat or lapse, and the
recognition of the right of adoption were announced by Lord Canning in
1859.]
Footnote 3.5.2:
As in Deogarh.
Footnote 3.5.3:
[Umara, plural of Amīr, ‘a chief.’]
Footnote 3.5.4:
Gokuldas, the last chief, was one of the finest men I ever beheld in
feature and person. He was about six feet six, perfectly erect, and a
Hercules in bulk. His father at twenty was much larger, and must have
been nearly seven feet high. It is surprising how few of the chiefs of
this family died a natural death. It has produced some noble Rajputs.
Footnote 3.5.5:
_Ek bap ka beta._
Footnote 3.5.6:
A.D. 1792.
Footnote 3.5.7:
That of the clan of Deogarh.
Footnote 3.5.8:
Apollo [Krishna] is the patron both of physicians and poets; and
though my friend Amra does not disgrace him in either calling, it was
his wit, rather than his medical degree, that maintained him at court.
He said it was not fitting that the sovereign of the world should be
served by clowns or opium-eaters; and that young Nahar, when educated
at court under the Rana’s example, would do credit to the country: and
what had full as much weight as any of the bard’s arguments was, that
the fine of relief on the _Talwar bandhai_ (or girding on of the
sword) of a lac of rupees, should be immediately forthcoming.
Footnote 3.5.9:
Patta. [About 30 miles south of Udaipur city.]
Footnote 3.5.10:
Such interference, when inconsistent with past usage and the genius of
the people, will defeat the very best intentions. On the grounds of
policy and justice, it is alike incumbent on the British Government to
secure the maintenance of their present form of government, and not to
repair, but to advise the repairs of the fabric, and to let their own
artists alone be consulted. To employ ours would be like adding a
Corinthian capital to a column of Ellora, or replacing the mutilated
statue of Baldeva with a limb from the Hercules Farnese. To have a
chain of prosperous independent States on our only exposed frontier,
the north-west, attached to us from benefits, and the moral conviction
that we do not seek their overthrow, must be a desirable policy.
Footnote 3.5.11:
[The author’s prediction has been realized by recent events.]
Footnote 3.5.12:
_Yamaloka._
Footnote 3.5.13:
The _gunchhor_ (ungrateful) and _satchhor_ (violator of his faith) are
consigned, by the authority of the bard, to sixty-thousand years’
residence in hell. Europeans, in all the pride of mastery, accuse the
natives of want of gratitude, and say their language has no word for
it. They can only know the _namak-haram_ [‘he that is false to his
salt’] of the Ganges. _Gunchhor_ is a compound of powerful import, as
ingratitude and infidelity are the highest crimes. It means,
literally, "abandoner (from _chhorna_, ‘to quit’) of virtue (_gun_)."
Footnote 3.5.14:
Hallam, vol. i. p. 323.
Footnote 3.5.15:
Of the effects of loyalty and patriotism combined, we have splendid
examples in Hindu history and tradition. A more striking instance
could scarcely be given than in the recent civil distractions at
Kotah, where a mercenary army raised and maintained by the Regent,
either openly or covertly declared against him, as did the whole
feudal body to a man, the moment their young prince asserted his
subverted claims, and in the cause of their rightful lord abandoned
all consideration of self, their families and lands, and with their
followers offered their lives to redeem his rights or perish in the
attempt. No empty boast, as the conclusion testified. God forbid that
we should have more such examples of Rajput devotion to their sense of
fidelity to their lords!
Footnote 3.5.16:
See statement of its revenues during the last emperor, who had
preserved the empire of Delhi united.
Footnote 3.5.17:
Abu-l Fazl uses this expression when moralizing on the fall of
Shihabu-d-din, king of Ghazni and first established monarch of
India, slain by Prithwiraja, the Hindu sovereign of Delhi [_Āīn_,
ii. 302]. [Muhammad Ghori, Shihābu-d-dīn, was murdered on the road
to Ghazni by a fanatic of the Mulāhidah sect, in March, A.D. 1206
(_Tabakāt-ī-Nāsiri_, in Elliot-Dowson ii. 297, 235). According to
the less probable account of Ferishta (Briggs, i. 185), he was
murdered at Rohtak by a gang of Gakkhars or rather Khokhars (Rose,
_Glossary_, ii. 275).]
Footnote 3.5.18:
The Rajput, who possesses but an acre of land, has the proud feeling
of common origin with his sovereign, and in styling him _bapji_
(sire), he thinks of him as the common father or representative of the
race. What a powerful incentive to action!
Footnote 3.5.19:
Aurangzeb.
Footnote 3.5.20:
Raja Man of Jaipur, who took Arakan, Orissa, and Assam. Raja Jaswant
Singh of Marwar retook Kabul for Aurangzeb, and was rewarded by
poison. Raja Ram Singh Hara, of Kotah, made several important
conquests; and his grandson, Raja Isari Singh, and his five brothers,
were left on one field of battle.
Footnote 3.5.21:
When a Rajput is determined to hold out to the last in fighting, he
always puts on a robe dyed in saffron. [This was the common practice,
saffron being the colour of the bridal robe (Malcolm, _Memoir of
Central India_, 2nd ed. i. 358; Grant Duff, _Hist. of the Mahrattas_,
317; Forbes, _Rāsmālā_, 408).]
Footnote 3.5.22:
Sindhia.
-----
APPENDIX
=PAPERS REFERRED TO IN THE SKETCH OF A
FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN=
BEING
LITERAL TRANSLATIONS _from_ INSCRIPTIONS _and_ ORIGINAL
DOCUMENTS, _most of which are in the_ AUTHOR’S POSSESSION
No. I
_Translation of a Letter from the expatriated Chiefs[3.a.1] of Marwar to
the Political Agent of the British Government, Western Rajput
States._
After compliments.
We have sent to you a confidential person, who will relate what regards
us. The Sarkar Company are sovereigns of Hindustan, and you know well
all that regards our condition. Although there is nothing which respects
either ourselves or our country hid from you, yet is there matter
immediately concerning us which it is necessary to make known.
Sri Maharaja and ourselves are of one stock, all Rathors. He is our
head, we his servants: but now anger has seized him, and we are
dispossessed of our country. Of the estates, our patrimony and our
dwelling, some have been made khalisa,[3.a.2] and those who endeavour to
keep aloof expect the same fate. Some under the most solemn pledge of
security have been inveigled and suffered death, and others imprisoned.
Mutasadis,[3.a.3] officers of state, men of the soil and those foreign
to it, have been seized, and the most unheard-of deeds and cruelties
inflicted, which we cannot even write. Such a spirit has possessed his
mind as never was known to any former prince of Jodhpur. His forefathers
have reigned for generations; our forefathers were their ministers and
advisers, and whatever was performed was by the collective wisdom of the
council of our chiefs. Before the face of his ancestors, our own
ancestors have slain and been slain; and in performing services to the
kings,[3.a.4] they made the State of Jodhpur what it is. Wherever Marwar
was concerned, there our fathers were to be found, and with their lives
preserved the land. Sometimes our head was a minor; even then by the
wisdom of our fathers and their services, the land was kept firm under
our feet, and thus has it descended from generation to generation.
Before his eyes (Raja Man’s) we have performed good service: when at
that perilous time the host of Jaipur[3.a.5] surrounded [198] Jodhpur on
the field we attacked it; our lives and fortunes were at stake, and God
granted us success; the witness is God Almighty. Now, men of no
consideration are in our prince’s presence; hence this reverse. _When
our services are acceptable, then is he our lord; when not, we are again
his brothers and kindred, claimants and laying claim to the land._
He desires to dispossess us; but can we let ourselves be dispossessed?
The English are masters of all India. The chief of —— sent his agent to
Ajmer; he was told to go to Delhi. Accordingly Thakur —— went there, but
no path was pointed out. If the English chiefs will not hear us, who
will? The English allow no one’s lands to be usurped, and our birthplace
is Marwar—from Marwar we must have bread. A hundred thousand
Rathors—where are they to go to? From respect to the English alone have
we been so long patient, and without acquainting your government of our
intentions, you might afterwards find fault; therefore we make it known,
and we thereby acquit ourselves to you. What we brought with us from
Marwar we have consumed, and even what we could get on credit; and now,
when want must make us perish, we are ready and can do anything.[3.a.6]
The English are our rulers, our masters. Sri Man Singh has seized our
lands; by your government interposing these troubles may be settled, but
without its guarantee and intervention we can have no confidence
whatever. Let us have a reply to our petition. We will wait it in
patience; but if we get none, the fault will not be ours, having given
everywhere notice. Hunger will compel man to find a remedy. For such a
length of time we have been silent from respect to your government
alone: our own Sarkar is deaf to complaint. But to what extreme shall we
wait? Let our hopes be attended to. Sambat 1878, Sawan sudi duj.
(August 1821.)
True Translation:
(Signed) JAMES TOD.
No. II
_Remonstrance of the Sub-Vassals of Deogarh against their chief, Rawat
Gokul Das._
1. He respects not the privileges or customs established of old.
2. To each Rajput’s house a charas[3.a.7] or hide of land was attached:
this he has resumed.
3. Whoever bribes him is a true man: who does not, is a thief.
4. Ten or twelve villages established by his pattayats[3.a.8] he has
resumed, and left their families to starve.
5. From time immemorial sanctuary (_saran_) has been esteemed sacred:
this he has abolished.
6. On emergencies he would pledge his oath to his subjects (_ryots_),
and afterwards plunder them.
7. In old times, it was customary when the presence of his chiefs and
kindred was required, to invite them by letter: a fine is now the
warrant of summons: thus lessening their dignity.
8. Such messengers, in former times, had a taka[3.a.9] for their ration
(_bhatta_); now he imposes two rupees [199].
9. Formerly, when robberies occurred in the mountains within the limits
of Deogarh, the loss was made good: now all complaint is useless, for
his faujdar[3.a.10] receives a fourth of all such plunder. The
Mers[3.a.11] range at liberty; but before they never committed murder:
now they slay as well as rob our kin; nor is there any redress, and such
plunder is even sold within the town of Deogarh.
10. Without crime, he resumes the lands of his vassals for the sake of
imposition of fines; and after such are paid, he cuts down the green
crops, with which he feeds his horses.
11. The cultivators[3.a.12] on the lands of the vassals he seizes by
force, extorts fines, or sells their cattle to pay them. Thus
cultivation is ruined and the inhabitants leave the country.
12. From oppression the town magistrates[3.a.13] of Deogarh have fled to
Raepur. He lays in watch to seize and extort money from them.
13. When he summons his vassals for purposes of extortion and they
escape his clutches, he seizes on their wives and families. Females,
from a sense of honour, have on such occasions thrown themselves into
wells.
14. He interferes to recover old debts, distraining the debtor of all he
has in the world: half he receives.
15. If any one have a good horse, by fair means or foul he contrives to
get it.
16. _When Deogarh was established, at the same time were our allotments:
as is his patrimony, so is our patrimony._[3.a.14] Thousands have been
expended in establishing and improving them, yet our rank, privileges,
and rights he equally disregards.
17. From these villages, founded by our forefathers, he, at will, takes
four or five skins of land and bestows them on foreigners; and thus the
ancient proprietors are reduced to poverty and ruin.
18. From of old, all his Rajput kin had daily rations, or portions of
grain: for four years these rights have been abolished.
19. From ancient times the pattayats formed his council; now he consults
only foreigners. What has been the consequence? the whole annual revenue
derived from the mountains is lost.
20. From the ancient Bhum[3.a.15] of the Frerage[3.a.16] the
mountaineers carry off the cattle, and instead of redeeming them, this
faujdar sets the plunderers up to the trick of demanding
rakhwali.[3.a.17]
21. Money is justice, and there is none other: whoever has money may be
heard. The bankers and merchants have gone abroad for protection, but he
asks not where they are.
22. When cattle are driven off to the hills, and we do ourselves justice
and recover them, we are fined, and told that the mountaineers have his
pledge. Thus our dignity is lessened. Or if we seize one of these
marauders, a party is sent to liberate him, for which the faujdar [200]
receives a bribe. Then a feud ensues at the instigation of the liberated
Mer, and the unsupported Rajput is obliged to abandon his
patrimony.[3.a.18] There is neither protection nor support. The chief is
supine, and so regardless of honour, that he tells us to take money to
the hills and redeem our property. Since this faujdar had power, ‘poison
has been our fate.’ Foreigners are all in all, and the home-bred are set
aside. Deccanis and plunderers enjoy the lands of his brethren. Without
fault, the chiefs are deprived of their lands, to bring which into order
time and money have been lavished. Justice there is none.
Our rights and privileges in his family are the same as his in the
family of the Presence.[3.a.19] Since you[3.a.20] entered Mewar, lands
long lost have been recovered. What crimes have we committed that at
this day we should lose ours?
We are in great trouble.[3.a.21]
No. III
Maharaja Sri Gokuldas to the four ranks (_char misl_) of Pattayats of
Deogarh, commanding. Peruse.
Without crime no vassal shall have his estate or charsas disseized.
Should any individual commit an offence, it shall be judged by the _four
ranks_ (char misl), my brethren, and then punished. Without consulting
them on all occasions I shall never inflict punishment.[3.a.22] To this
I swear by Sri Nathji. No departure from this agreement shall ever
occur. S. 1874; the 6th Pus.
[Illustration:
REPRODUCTION OF SANSKRIT GRANT.
_To face page 232._
]
No. IV
_Grant from Maharana Ari Singh, Prince of Mewar, to the Sindi Chief,
Abdu-l Rahim Beg._
Ramji![3.a.23]
Ganeshji![3.a.23] Eklingji![3.a.23]
Sri Maharaja Dhiraj Maharana Ari Singh to Mirza Abdu-l Rahim Beg
Adilbegot, commanding.
Now some of our chiefs having rebelled and set up the impostor Ratna
Singh, brought the [201] Deccani army and erected batteries against
Udaipur, in which circumstances your services have been great and tended
to the preservation of our sovereignty: therefore, in favour towards
you, I have made this grant, which your children and children’s children
shall continue to enjoy. You will continue to serve faithfully; and
whoever of my race shall dispossess you or yours, on him be Eklingji and
the sin of the slaughter of Chitor.
_Particulars._
1st. In estates, 200,000 rupees.
2nd. In cash annually, 25,000.
3rd. Lands outside the Debari gate, 10,000.
4th. As a residence, the dwelling-house called Bharat Singh’s.
5th. A hundred bighas of land outside the city for a garden.
6th. The town of Mithun in the valley, to supply wood and forage.
7th. To keep up the tomb of Ajmeri Beg, who fell in action, one hundred
bighas of land.
_Privileges and Honours._
8th. A seat in Darbar and rank in all respects equal to the chieftain of
Sadri.[3.a.24]
9th. Your kettle-drums (Nakkara) to beat to the exterior gate, but with
one stick only.
10th. Amar Balaona,[3.a.25] and a dress of honour on the Dasahra[3.a.26]
festival.
11th. Drums to beat to Ahar. All other privileges and rank like the
house of Salumbar.[3.a.27] Like that house, yours shall be from
generation to generation; therefore according to the valuation of your
grant you will serve.
12th. Your brothers or servants, whom you may dismiss, I shall not
entertain or suffer my chief to entertain.
13th. The Chamars[3.a.28] and Kirania[3.a.29] you may use at all times
when alone, but never in the Presence.
14th. Munawwar Beg, Anwar Beg, Chaman Beg, are permitted seats in front
of the throne; Amar Balaona, and honorary dresses on Dasahra, and seats
for two or three other relatives who may be found worthy the honour.
15th. Your agent (_Vakil_) shall remain at court with the privileges due
to his rank.
By command:
SAH MOTI RAM BOLIA,
S. 1826 (A.D. 1770) Bhadon (August) sudi 11 Somwar (Monday).
No. V
_Grant of the Patta of Bhainsror to Rawat Lal Singh, one of the sixteen
great vassals of Mewar._
Maharaja Jagat Singh to Rawat Lal Singh Kesarisinghgot,[3.a.30]
commanding.
Now to you the whole Pargana of Bhainsror[3.a.31] is granted as _Giras_,
viz. [202]:
Town of Bhainsror 3000 1500
Fifty-two others (names uninteresting),
besides one in the valley of the
capital. Total value 62,000 31,000[3.a.32]
With two hundred and forty-eight horse and two hundred and forty-eight
foot, good horse and good Rajputs, you will perform service. Of this,
forty-eight horse and forty-eight foot are excused for the protection of
your fort; therefore with two hundred foot and two hundred horse you
will serve when and wherever ordered. The first grant was given in Pus,
S. 1798, when the income inserted was over-rated. Understanding this,
the Presence (huzur) ordered sixty thousand of annual value to be
attached to Bhainsror.
No. VI
_Grant from Maharana Sangram Singh of Mewar to his Nephew,
the Prince Madho Singh, heir-apparent to the principality of
Jaipur._
SRI RAMJAYATI
(_Victory to Rama_).
SRI GANESH PRASAD SRI EKLING PRASAD
(_By favour of (_By favour of
Ganesh_). Eklinga_).
[Illustration: (_See notes [3.a.33] and [3.a.34] below._)]
Maharaja Dhiraj Maharana Sri Sangram Singh, Adisatu, commanding. To my
nephew, Kunwar Madho Singhji, _giras_ (a fief) has been granted, viz.:
The fief (_patta_) of Rampura; therefore, with one thousand horse and
two thousand foot, you will perform service during six months annually;
and when foreign service is required, three thousand foot and three
thousand horse.
While the power of the Presence is maintained in these districts you
will not be dispossessed.
By command:
PANCHOLI RAECHAND and MEHTA MUL DAS.
S. 1785 (A.D. 1729); Chait sudi 7th; Mangalwar (Tuesday).
_Addressed in the Rana’s own hand._
To my nephew Madho Singh[3.a.35] [203]. My child, I have given you
Rampura: while mine, you shall not be deprived of it. Done.
No. VII
_Grant of Bhum Rakhwali (Salvamenta) from the village of Dongla to
Maharaja Khushhal Singh._
S. 1806 (A.D. 1750), _the first of Sawan (July)_.
1st. A field of one hundred and fifty-one bighas, of which thirty-six
are irrigated.
2nd. One hundred and two bighas of waste and unirrigated, viz.:
Six bighas cultivated by Govinda the oilman.
Three, under Hira and Tara the oilmen.
Seventeen cultivated by the mason Hansa, and Lal the oilman.
Four bighas of waste and forest land (_parti_, _aryana_) which
belonged to Govinda and Hira, etc., etc.; and so on
enumerating all the fields composing the above aggregate.
_Dues and Privileges_
Pieces of money 12.
Grain 24 maunds.
On the festivals of Rakhi, Diwali, and Holi, one
copper coin from each house.
Serana at harvest.
Shukri from the Brahmans.
Transit duties for protection of merchandise, viz.,
a pice on every cart-load, and half a pice
for each bullock.
Two platters on every marriage feast.
--------------
No. VIII
_Grant of Bhum by the Inhabitants of Amli to Rawat Fateh Singh of Amet._
S. 1814 (A.D. 1758)
The Ranawats Sawant Singh and Subhag Singh had Amli in grant; but they
were oppressive to the inhabitants, slew the Patels Jodha and Bhagi, and
so ill-treated the Brahmans, that Kusal and Nathu sacrificed themselves
on the pyre. The inhabitants demanded the protection of the Rana, and
the pattayats were changed; and now the inhabitants grant in rakhwali
one hundred and twenty-five bighas as bhum to Fateh Singh[3.a.36] [204].
No. IX
_Grant of Bhum by the Inhabitants of the Town of Dongla to Maharaja
Zorawar Singh, of Bhindar._
To Sri Maharaja Zorawar Singh, the Patels, traders, merchants, Brahmans,
and united inhabitants of Dongla, make agreement.
Formerly the ‘runners’ in Dongla were numerous: to preserve us from whom
we granted bhum to the Maharaja. To wit:
One well, that of Hira the oilman.
One well, that of Dipa the oilman.
One well, that of Dewa the oilman.
In all, three wells, being forty-four bighas of irrigated (_piwal_), and
one hundred and ninety-one bighas of unirrigated (_mal_) land. Also a
field for juar.
_Customs or Dignities (Maryad) attached to the Bhum._
1st. A dish (_kansa_) on every marriage.
2nd. Six hundred rupees ready cash annually.
3rd. All Bhumias, Girasias, the high roads, passes from raids and
‘runners,’ and all disturbances whatsoever, the Maharaja must settle.
When the Maharaja is pleased to let the inhabitants of Dongla reinhabit
their dwellings, then only can they return to them.[3.a.37]
Written by the accountant Kacchia, on the full moon of Jeth, S. 1858,
and signed by all the traders, Brahmans, and towns-people.
------------------
No. X
_Grant of Bhum by the Prince of Mewar to an inferior Vassal._
Maharana Bhim Singh to Baba Ram Singh, commanding.
Now a field of two hundred and twenty-five bighas in the city of
Jahazpur, with the black orchard (_sham bagh_) and a farm-house
(_nohara_) for cattle, has been granted you in bhum.
Your forefathers recovered for me Jahazpur and served with fidelity; on
which account this bhum is renewed. Rest assured no molestation shall be
offered, nor shall any pattayat interfere with you.
_Privileges._
One serana.[3.a.38]
Two halmas [205].[3.a.39]
Offerings of coco-nuts on the Holi and Dasahra festivals.
From every hundred bullock-loads[3.a.40] of merchandise, twelve annas.
From every hundred and twenty-five ass-loads, six annas.
From each horse sold within Jahazpur, two annas.
From each camel sold, one anna.
From each oil-mill, one pula.
From each iron mine (_madri_), a quarter rupee.
From each distillation of spirits, a quarter rupee.
From each goat slain, one pice.
On births and marriages,[3.a.41] five platters (_kansa_).
The handful (_inch_) from every basket of greens.
With every other privilege attached to bhum.
Irrigated land (_piwal_) 51 bighas.
Unirrigated land (_mal_) 110 "
Mountain land (_magra_) 40 "
Meadow land (_bira_) 25 "
——
226 bighas.
——
Asarh (June) S. 1853 (A.D. 1797).
No. XI
_Charter of Privileges and Immunities granted to the town of
Jhalrapatan, engraved on a Pillar in that City._
S. 1853 (A.D. 1797), corresponding with the Saka 1718, the sun being in
the south, the season of cold, and the happy month of Kartika,[3.a.42]
the enlightened half of the month, being Monday the full moon.
Maharaja Dhiraj Sri Ummed Singh Deo,[3.a.43] the Faujdar[3.a.44] Raj
Zalim Singh [206] and Kunwar Madho Singh, commanding. To all the
inhabitants of Jhalrapatan, Patels,[3.a.45] Patwaris,[3.a.46]
Mahajans,[3.a.47] and to all the thirty-six castes, it is written.
At this period entertain entire confidence, build and dwell.
Within this abode all forced contributions and confiscations are for
ever abolished. The taxes called Bhalamanusi,[3.a.48] Anni,[3.a.49] and
Rekha Barar,[3.a.50] and likewise all Bhetbegar,[3.a.51] shall cease.
To this intent is this stone erected, to hold good from year to year,
now and evermore. There shall be no violence in this territory. This is
sworn by the cow to the Hindu and the hog to the Musalman: in the
presence of Captain Dilel Khan, Chaudhari Sarup Chand, Patel Lalo, the
Mahesri Patwari Balkishan, the architect Kalu Ram, and the stone-mason
Balkishan.
Parmo[3.a.52] is for ever abolished. Whoever dwells and traffics within
the town of Patan, one half of the transit duties usually levied in
Haravati are remitted; and all mapa (meter’s) duties are for ever
abolished.
------------------
No. XII
_Abolitions, Immunities, Prohibitions, etc. etc. Inscription in the
Temple of Lachhmi Narayan at Akola._
In former times tobacco was sold in one market only. Rana Raj Singh
commanded the monopoly to be abolished. S. 1645.
Rana Jagat Singh prohibited the seizure of the cots and quilts by the
officers of his government from the printers of Akola.
------------------
No. XIII
_Privileges and Immunities granted to the Printers of Calico and
Inhabitants of the Town of Great Akola in Mewar._
Maharana Bhim Singh, commanding, to the inhabitants of Great Akola.
Whereas the village has been abandoned from the assignments levied by
the garrison of Mandalgarh, and it being demanded of its population how
it could again be rendered prosperous, they unanimously replied: "Not to
exact beyond the dues and contributions (_dand dor_) established of
yore; to erect the pillar promising never to exact above half the
produce of the crops, or to molest the persons of those who thus paid
their dues."
The Presence agreed, and this pillar has been erected. May Eklinga look
to him who breaks this command. The hog to the Musalman and the cow to
the Hindu.
Whatever contributions (_dand_) parmo,[3.a.53] puli,[3.a.54] heretofore
levied shall be paid [207].
All crimes committed within the jurisdiction of Akola to be tried by its
inhabitants, who will sit in justice on the offender and fine him
according to his faults.
On Amavas[3.a.55] no work shall be done at the well[3.a.56] or at the
oil-mill, nor printer put his dye-pot on the fire.[3.a.57]
Whoever breaks the foregoing, may the sin of the slaughter of Chitor be
upon him.
This pillar was erected in the presence of Mehta Sardar Singh, Sanwal
Das, the Chaudharis Bhopat Ram and Daulat Ram, and the assembled Panch
of Akola.
Written by the Chaudhari Bhopji, and engraved by the stonecutter Bhima.
S. 1856 (A.D. 1800)
------------------
No. XIV
_Prohibition against Guests carrying away Provisions from the Public
Feast._[3.a.58]
Sri Maharana Sangram Singh to the inhabitants of Marmi.
On all feasts of rejoicing, as well as those on the ceremonies for the
dead, none shall carry away with them the remains of the feast. Whoever
thus transgresses shall pay a fine to the crown of one hundred and one
rupees. S. 1769 (A.D. 1713), Chait Sudi 7th.
------------------
No. XV
Maharana Sangram Singh to the merchants and bankers of Bakrol.
The custom of furnishing quilts (_sirak_)[3.a.59] of which you complain
is of ancient date. Now when the collectors of duties, their officers,
or those of the land revenue stop at Bakrol, the merchants will furnish
them with beds and quilts. All other servants will be supplied by the
other inhabitants.
Should the dam of the lake be in any way injured, whoever does not aid
in its repair shall, as a punishment, feed one hundred and one Brahmans.
Asarh 1715, or June A.D. 1659 [208].
------------------
No. XVI
_Warrant of the Chief of Bijolli to his Vassal, Gopaldas Saktawat._
Maharaja Mandhata to Saktawat Gopaldas, be it known.
At this time a daily fine of four rupees is in force against you. Eighty
are now due; Ganga Ram having petitioned in your favour, forty of this
will be remitted. Give a written declaration to this effect—that with a
specified quota you will take the field; if not, you will stand the
consequences.
Viz.: One good horse and one matchlock, with appurtenances complete, to
serve at home and abroad (_des pardes_), and to run the country[3.a.60]
with the Kher.
When the levy (_kher_) takes the field, Gopaldas must attend in person.
Should he be from home, his retainers must attend, and they shall
receive rations from the presence. Sawan sudi das (August 10) S. 1782.
------------------
No. XVII
Maharaja Udaikaran to the Saktawat Shambhu Singh. Be it known.
I had annexed Gura to the fisc, but now, from favour, restore it to you.
Make it flourish, and serve me at home and abroad, with one horse, and
one foot soldier.
When abroad you shall receive rations (_bhatta_) as follows:
Flour 3 lb.
Pulse 4 ounces.
Butter (_ghi_) 2 pice weight.
Horses’ feed 4 seers at 22 takas each seer, of daily
allowance.
If for defence of the fort you are required, you will attend with all
your dependents, and bring your wife, family, and chattels; for which,
you will be exempted from two years of subsequent service. Asarh 14, S.
1834 [209].
------------------
No. XVIII
_Bhum in Mundkati, or Compensation for Blood, to Jeth Singh Chondawat._
The Patel’s son went to bring home his wife with Jeth’s Rajputs as a
guard. The party was attacked, the guard killed, and there having been
no redress for the murder, twenty-six bighas have been granted in
mundkati[3.a.61] (compensation).
No. XIX
Rawat Megh Singh to his natural brother, Jamna Das, a patta (_fief_) has
been granted, viz.:
The village of Rajpura, value Rupees 401
A garden of mogra flowers[3.a.62] 11
——
Rupees 412
——
Serve at home and abroad with fidelity: contributions and aids pay
according to custom, and as do the rest of the vassals. Jeth 14th, S.
1874.
No. XX
_Charter given by the Rana of Mewar, accepted and signed by all his
Chiefs; defining the duties of the contracting Parties._
A.D. 1818.
Siddh Sri Maharana Dhiraj, Maharana Bhim Singh, to all the nobles my
brothers and kin, Rajas, Patels, Jhalas, Chauhans, Chondawats, Panwars,
Sarangdeots, Saktawats, Rathors, Ranawats, etc., etc.
Now, since S. 1822 (A.D. 1776), during the reign of Sri Ari
Singhji,[3.a.63] when the troubles commenced, laying ancient usages
aside, undue usurpations of the land have been made: therefore on this
day, Baisakh badi 14th, S. 1874 (A.D. 1818), the Maharana assembling all
his chiefs, lays down the path of duty in new ordinances.
1st. All lands belonging to the crown obtained since the troubles, and
all lands seized by one chief from another, shall be restored.
2nd. All Rakhwali,[3.a.64] Bhum, Lagat,[3.a.65] established since the
troubles, shall be renounced.
3rd. Dhan,[3.a.66] Biswa,[3.a.67] the right of the crown alone, shall be
renounced.
4th. No chiefs shall commit thefts or violence within the boundaries of
their estates. They shall entertain no Thugs,[3.a.68] foreign thieves or
thieves of the country, as Moghias,[3.a.68] Baoris,[3.a.68]
Thoris:[3.a.68] but those who shall adopt peaceful habits may remain;
but should any return to their old pursuits, their heads shall instantly
be taken off. All property stolen shall be made good by the proprietor
of the estate within the limits of which it is plundered [210].
5th. Home or foreign merchants, traders, Kafilas,[3.a.69]
Banjaras,[3.a.70] who enter the country, shall be protected. In no wise
shall they be molested or injured, and whoever breaks this ordinance,
his estate shall be confiscated.
6th. According to command, at home or abroad service must be performed.
Four divisions (_chaukis_) shall be formed of the chiefs, and each
division shall remain three months in attendance at court, when they
shall be dismissed to their estates. Once a year, on the festival of the
Dasahra,[3.a.71] all the chiefs shall assemble with their quotas ten
days previous thereto, and twenty days subsequent they shall be
dismissed to their estates. On urgent occasions, and whenever their
services are required, they shall repair to the Presence.
7th. Every Pattawat holding a separate patta from the Presence shall
perform separate service. They shall not unite or serve under the
greater Pattawats: and the sub-vassals of all such chiefs shall remain
with and serve their immediate Pattawat.[3.a.72]
8th. The Maharana shall maintain the dignities due to each chief
according to his degree.
9th. The Ryots shall not be oppressed: there shall be no new exactions
or arbitrary fines. This is ordained.
10th. What has been executed by Thakur Ajit Singh and sanctioned by the
Rana, to this all shall agree.[3.a.73]
11th. Whosoever shall depart from the foregoing, the Maharana shall
punish. In doing so the fault will not be the Rana’s. Whoever fails, on
him be the oath (_an_) of Eklinga and the Maharana.
[Here follow the signatures of all the chieftains of rank in Mewar,
which it is needless to insert] [211].
[Illustration:
PALACE OF UDAIPUR.
_To face page 247._
]
-----
Footnote 3.a.1:
The names omitted to prevent any of them falling a sacrifice to the
blind fury of their prince. The brave chief of Nimaj has sold his
life, but dearly. In vain do we look in the annals of Europe for such
devotion and generous despair as marked his end, and that of his brave
clan. He was a perfect gentleman in deportment, modest and mild, and
head of a powerful clan.
Footnote 3.a.2:
Fiscal, that is, sequestrated.
Footnote 3.a.3:
Clerks, and inferior officers of government.
Footnote 3.a.4:
Alluding to the sovereigns of Delhi. In the magnificent feudal
assemblage at this gorgeous court, where seventy-six princes stood in
the Divan (_Diwan-i-Khass_) each by a pillar covered with plates of
silver, the Marwar prince had the right hand of all. I have an
original letter from the great-grandfather of Raja Man to the Rana,
elate with this honour.
Footnote 3.a.5:
In 1806.
Footnote 3.a.6:
The historian of the Middle Ages justly remarks, that “the most deadly
hatred is that which men, exasperated by proscription and forfeitures,
bear their country.”
Footnote 3.a.7:
Hide or skin, from the vessel used in irrigation being made of
leather.
Footnote 3.a.8:
The vassals, or those holding fiefs (patta) of Deogarh.
Footnote 3.a.9:
A copper coin, equal to twopence.
Footnote 3.a.10:
Military commander; a kind of inferior _maire du palais_, on every
Rajput chieftain’s estate, and who has the military command of the
vassals. He is seldom of the same family, but generally of another
tribe.
Footnote 3.a.11:
Mountaineers.
Footnote 3.a.12:
Of the Jat and other labouring tribes.
Footnote 3.a.13:
Chauthias. In every town there is an unpaid magistracy, of which the
head is the Nagar Seth, or chief citizen, and the four Chauthias,
tantamount to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, who hold their courts and
decide in all civil cases.
Footnote 3.a.14:
Here are the precise sentiments embodied in the remonstrances of the
great feudal chiefs of Marwar to their prince; see Appendix, No. I.
Footnote 3.a.15:
The old allodial allotments.
Footnote 3.a.16:
Bhayyad.
Footnote 3.a.17:
The _salvamenta_ of our feudal writers; the _blackmail_ of the north.
Footnote 3.a.18:
‘Watan.’
Footnote 3.a.19:
The Rana.
Footnote 3.a.20:
The Author.
Footnote 3.a.21:
With the articles of complaint of the vassals of Deogarh and the short
extorted charter, to avoid future cause for such, we may contrast the
following: "Pour avoir une idée du brigandage que les nobles
exerçaient à l’époque où les premieres _chartes_ furent accordées, il
suffit d’en lire quelques-unes, et l’on verra que le seigneur y
disait:—‘Je promets de ne point _voler, extorquer_ les biens et les
meubles des habitans, de les délivrer des _totes_ ou _rapines_, et
autres _mauvaises coutumes_, et de ne plus commettre envers eux
d’exactions.’—En effet, dans ces tems malheureux, vivres, meubles,
chevaux, voitures, dit le savant Abbé de Mably, tout était enlevé par
l’insatiable et aveugle avidité des seigneurs" (Art. ‘Chartres,’
_Dict. de l’Ancien Régime_).
Footnote 3.a.22:
This reply to the remonstrance of his vassals is perfectly similar in
point to the 43rd article of Magna Charta.
Footnote 3.a.23:
Invocations to Ram, Ganesh (god of wisdom), and Eklinga, the
patron-divinity of the Sesodia Guhilots.
Footnote 3.a.24:
The first of the foreign vassals of the Rana’s house. [Bari Sādri,
about 50 miles E.S.E. of Udaipur city, held by the senior noble of
Mewār, a Rājput of the Jhāla sub-sept, styled Rāja of Sādri (Erskine
ii. A. 93).]
Footnote 3.a.25:
A horse furnished by the prince, always replaced when he dies,
therefore called Amar, or immortal.
Footnote 3.a.26:
The grand military festival, when a muster is made of all the Rajput
quotas.
Footnote 3.a.27:
The first of the home-chieftains.
Footnote 3.a.28:
The tail of the wild ox, worn across the saddle-bow.
Footnote 3.a.29:
An umbrella or shade against the sun; from _kiran_, ‘a ray.’
Footnote 3.a.30:
Clan (_got_) of Kesari Singh, one of the great branches of the
Chondawats.
Footnote 3.a.31:
On the left bank of the Chambal.
Footnote 3.a.32:
To explain these double _rekhs_, or estimates, one is the full value,
the other the deteriorated rate.
Footnote 3.a.33:
The bhala, or lance, is the sign-manual of the Salumbar chieftain, as
hereditary premier of the state.
Footnote 3.a.34:
Is a monogram forming the word _Sahai_, being the sign-manual of the
prince.
Footnote 3.a.35:
_Bhanaij_ is sister’s son; as _Bhatija_ is brother’s son. It will be
seen in the Annals, that to support this prince to the succession of
the Jaipur Gaddi, both Mewar and Jaipur were ruined, and the power of
the Deccanis established in both countries.
Footnote 3.a.36:
This is a proof of the value attached to bhum, when granted by the
inhabitants, as the first act of the new proprietor though holding the
whole town from the crown, was to obtain these few bighas as bhum.
After having been sixty years in that family, Amli has been resumed by
the crown: the bhum has remained with the chief.
Footnote 3.a.37:
This shows how bhum was extorted in these periods of turbulence, and
that this individual gift was as much to save them from the effects of
the Maharaja’s violence as to gain protection from that of others.
Footnote 3.a.38:
A seer on each maund of produce.
Footnote 3.a.39:
The labour of two ploughs (_hal_). _Halma_ is the personal service of
the husbandman with his plough for such time as is specified. _Halma_
is precisely the detested _corvée_ of the French régime. “Les
_corvées_ sont tout ouvrage ou service, soit de corps ou de charrois
et bêtes, pendant le jour, qui est dû à un seigneur. Il y avait deux
sortes de _corvées_: les réelles et les personnelles, etc. Quelquefois
le nombre des _corvées_ était fixe: mais, le plus souvent, elles
étaient à volonté du seigneur, et c’est ce qu’on appelait _corvées à
merci_” (Art. ‘Corvée,’ _Dict. de l’anc. Régime_). Almost all the
exactions for the last century in Mewar may come under this latter
denomination.
Footnote 3.a.40:
A great variety of oppressive imposts were levied by the chiefs during
these times of trouble, to the destruction of commerce and all
facility of travelling. Everything was subject to tax, and a long
train of vexatious dues exacted for “repairs of forts, boats at
ferries, night-guards, guards of passes,” and other appellations, all
having much in common with the ‘Droit de _Péage_’ in France. “Il n’y
avait pas de ponts, de gués, de chaussées, d’écluses, de défilés, de
portes, etc., où les féodaux ne fissent payer un droit à ceux que
leurs affaires ou leur commerce forçaient de voyager” (_Dict. de
l’anc. Régime_).
Footnote 3.a.41:
The privileges of our Rajput chieftains on the marriages of their
vassals and cultivating subjects are confined to the best dishes of
the marriage feast or a pecuniary commutation. This is, however,
though in a minor degree, one of the vexatious claims of feudality of
the French system, known under the term _noçages_, where the seigneur
or his deputy presided, and had the right to be placed in front of the
bride, “et de chanter à la fin du répas, une chanson guillerette.” But
they even carried their insolence further, and "poussèrent leur mépris
pour les villains (the agricultural classes of the Rajput system)
jusqu’à exiger que leurs chiens eussent _leur couvert_ auprès de la
mariée, et qu’on les laissât manger sur la table" (Art. ‘Noçages,’
_Dict. de l’anc. Régime_).
Footnote 3.a.42:
December.
Footnote 3.a.43:
The Raja of Kotah.
Footnote 3.a.44:
Commander of the forces and regent of Kotah.
Footnote 3.a.45:
Officers of the land revenue.
Footnote 3.a.46:
Land accountants.
Footnote 3.a.47:
The mercantile class.
Footnote 3.a.48:
Literally ‘good behaviour.’
Footnote 3.a.49:
An agricultural tax.
Footnote 3.a.50:
Tax for registering.
Footnote 3.a.51:
This includes in one word the forced labour exacted from the working
classes: the _corvée_ of the French system.
Footnote 3.a.52:
Grain thrown on the inhabitants at an arbitrary rate; often resorted
to at Kotah, where the regent is farmer general.
Footnote 3.a.53:
Grain, the property of the government, thrown on the inhabitants for
purchase at an arbitrary valuation.
Footnote 3.a.54:
The handful from each sheaf at harvest.
Footnote 3.a.55:
A day sacred to the Hindu, being that which divides the month.
Footnote 3.a.56:
Meaning, they shall not irrigate the fields.
Footnote 3.a.57:
This part of the edict is evidently the instigation of the Jains, to
prevent the destruction of life, though only that of insects.
Footnote 3.a.58:
The cause of this sumptuary edict was a benevolent motive, and to
prevent the expenses on these occasions falling too heavily on the
poorer classes. It was customary for the women to carry away under
their petticoats (_ghaghra_) sufficient sweetmeats for several days’
consumption. The great Jai Singh of Amber had an ordinance restricting
the number of guests to fifty-one on these occasions, and prohibited
to all but the four wealthy classes the use of sugar-candy: the others
were confined to the use of molasses and brown sugar. To the lower
vassals and the cultivators these feasts were limited to the coarser
fare; to juar flour, greens and oil. A dyer who on the Holi feasted
his friends with sweetmeats of fine sugar and scattered about balls
made of brown sugar, was fined five thousand rupees for setting so
pernicious an example. The _sadh_, or marriage present, from the
bridegroom to the bride’s father, was limited to fifty-one rupees. The
great sums previously paid on this score were preventives of
matrimony. Many other wholesome regulations of a much more important
kind, especially those for the suppression of infanticide, were
instituted by this prince.
Footnote 3.a.59:
‘Defence against the cold weather’ (_si_). This in the ancient French
régime came under the denomination of “_Albergie_ ou Hébergement, un
droit royal. Par exemple, ce ne fut qu’après le règne de Saint Louis,
et moyennant finances, que les habitans de Paris et de Corbeil
s’affranchirent, les premiers de fournir au roi et à sa suite de bons
oreillers et d’excellens lits de plumes, tant qu’il séjournait dans
leur ville, et les seconds de le régaler quand il passait par leur
bourg.”
Footnote 3.a.60:
The ‘Daurayat’ or runners, the term applied to the bands who swept the
country with their forays in those periods of general confusion, are
analogous to the armed bands of the Middle Ages, who in a similar
manner desolated Europe under the term _routiers_, tantamount to our
_rabars_ (on the road), the _labars_ of the Pindaris in India. The
Rajput Daurayat has as many epithets as the French _routier_, who were
called _escorcheurs_, _tard veneurs_ (of which class Gopaldas appears
to have been), _mille-diables_, _Guilleries_, etc. From the Crusades
to the sixteenth century, the nobles of Europe, of whom these bands
were composed (like our Rajputs), abandoned themselves to this sort of
life; who, to use the words of the historian, “préférèrent la vie
vagabonde à laquelle ils s’étoient accoutumés dans le camp, à
retourner cultiver leurs champs. C’est alors que se formèrent ces
bandes qu’on vit parcourir le royaume et étendre sur toutes les
provinces le fléau de leurs inclinations destructives, répandre
partout l’effroi, la misère, le deuil et le désespoir; mettre les
villes à contribution, piller et incendier les villages, égorger les
laboureurs, et se livrer à des accès de cruauté qui font frémir”
(_Dict. de l’ancien régime et des abus féodaux_, art. ‘Routier,’ p.
422).
We have this apology for the Rajput _routiers_, that the nobles of
Europe had not; they were driven to it by perpetual aggressions of
invaders. I invariably found that the reformed _routier_ was one of
the best subjects: it secured him from indolence, the parent of all
Rajput vices.
Footnote 3.a.61:
_Mund_, ‘the head’; _kati_, ‘cut.’
Footnote 3.a.62:
[The double jasmine, _Jasminum sambac_.]
Footnote 3.a.63:
The rebellion broke out during the reign of this prince.
Footnote 3.a.64:
Salvamenta.
Footnote 3.a.65:
Dues.
Footnote 3.a.66:
Transit duty.
Footnote 3.a.67:
Ditto.
Footnote 3.a.68:
Different descriptions of thieves. [The Moghias are settled
principally in E. Mewār; if not identical with, they are closely
allied to, the Bāori (Luard, _Ethnographic Survey, Central India_,
App. V. 17 ff.). Gen. C. Hervey (_Some Records of Crime_, i. 386 ff.)
makes frequent references to dacoities committed by them from their
headquarters, Nīmach. The Bāori or Bāwariya are a notorious criminal
tribe (Rose, _Glossary_, ii. 70 ff.; M. Kennedy, _Notes on Criminal
Classes in Bombay Presidency_, 173 ff., 198 ff.). The Thori in Mārwār
claim Rājput origin, and are connected with the Aheri, or nomad
hunters (_Census Report, Mārwār, 1891_, ii. 194). According to Rose
(_op. cit._ iii. 466) those in the Panjāb are rather vagrants than
actual criminals.]
Footnote 3.a.69:
Caravans of merchandise, whether on camels, bullocks, or in carts.
Footnote 3.a.70:
Caravans of bullocks, chiefly for the transport of grain and salt.
Footnote 3.a.71:
On this festival the muster of all the feudal retainers is taken by
the Rana in person, and honorary dresses and dignities are bestowed.
Footnote 3.a.72:
This article had become especially necessary, as the inferior chiefs,
particularly those of the third class, had amalgamated themselves with
the head of their clans, to whom they had become more accountable than
to their prince.
Footnote 3.a.73:
This alludes to the treaty which this chief had formed, as the
ambassador of the Rana, with the British Government.
-----
BOOK IV
ANNALS OF MEWĀR
CHAPTER 1
We now proceed to the history of the States of Rajputana, and shall
commence with the Annals of Mewar, and its princes.
=Titles of Mewār Chiefs: descent from the Sun.=—These are styled Ranas,
and are the elder branch of the Suryavansi, or ‘children of the sun.’
Another patronymic is Raghuvansi, derived from a predecessor of Rama,
the focal point of each scion of the solar race. To him, the conqueror
of Lanka,[4.1.1] the genealogists endeavour to trace the solar lines.
The titles of many of these claimants are disputed; but the Hindu tribes
yield unanimous suffrage to the prince of Mewar as the legitimate heir
to the throne of Rama, and style him Hindua Suraj, or ‘Sun of the
Hindus.’[4.1.2] He is universally allowed to be the first of the
‘thirty-six royal tribes’; nor has a doubt ever been raised respecting
his purity of descent. Many of these tribes[4.1.3] have been swept away
by time; and the genealogist, who abhors a vacuum in his mystic page,
fills up their place with others, mere scions of some ancient but
forgotten stem.
=Stability of Mewār State.=—With the exception of Jaisalmer, Mewar is
the only dynasty of these races[4.1.3] which has outlived eight
centuries of foreign domination, in the same lands where [212] conquest
placed them. The Rana still possesses nearly the same extent of
territory which his ancestors held when the conqueror from Ghazni first
crossed the ‘blue waters’[4.1.4] of the Indus to invade India; while the
other families now ruling in the northwest of Rajasthan are the relics
of ancient dynasties driven from their pristine seats of power, or their
junior branches, who have erected their own fortunes. This circumstance
adds to the dignity of the Ranas, and is the cause of the general homage
which they receive, notwithstanding the diminution of their power.
Though we cannot give the princes of Mewar an ancestor in the Persian
Nushirwan, nor assert so confidently as Sir Thomas Roe his claims to
descent from the celebrated Porus,[4.1.5] the opponent of Alexander, we
can carry him into the regions of antiquity more remote than the
Persian, and which would satisfy the most fastidious in respect to
ancestry.
=Origin of the Rājputs.=—In every age and clime we observe the same
eager desire after distinguished pedigree, proceeding from a feeling
which, though often derided, is extremely natural. The Rajaputras are,
however, scarcely satisfied with discriminating their ancestors from the
herd of mankind. Some plume themselves on a celestial origin, whilst
others are content to be demi-celestial; and those who cannot advance
such lofty claims, rather than acknowledge the race to have originated
in the ordinary course of nature, make their primeval parent of demoniac
extraction; accordingly, several of the dynasties who cannot obtain a
niche amongst the children of the sun or moon, or trace their descent
from some royal saint, are satisfied to be considered the offspring of
some Titan (_Daitya_). These puerilities are of modern fabrication, in
cases where family documents have been lost, or emigration has severed
branches from the parent stock; who, increasing in power, but ignorant
of their birth, have had recourse to fable to supply the void. Various
authors, borrowing from the same source, have assigned the seat of Porus
to the Rana’s family; and coincidence of name has been the cause of the
family being alternately elevated and depressed. Thus the incidental
circumstance of the word Rhamnae being found in Ptolemy’s geography, in
countries bordering on Mewar, furnishes our ablest geographers[4.1.6]
with a reason [213] for planting the family there in the second century;
while the commentators[4.1.7] on the geography of the Arabian travellers
of the ninth and tenth centuries[4.1.8] discover sufficient evidence in
“the kingdom of Rahmi, always at war with the Balhara sovereign,” to
consider him (notwithstanding Rahmi is expressly stated “not to be much
considered for his birth or the antiquity of his kingdom”) as the prince
of Chitor, celebrated in both these points.
The translator of the _Periplus of the Erythrean Sea_, following
D’Anville,[4.1.9] makes Ozene (Ujjain) the capital of a Porus,[4.1.10]
who sent an embassy to Augustus to regulate their commercial
intercourse, and whom he asserts to be the ancestor of the Rana. But to
show how guarded we should be in admitting verbal resemblance to decide
such points, the title of Rana is of modern adoption, even so late as
the twelfth century; and was assumed in consequence of the victorious
issue of a contest with the Parihara prince of Mandor, who bore the
title of Rana, and who surrendered it with his life and capital to the
prince of Mewar. The latter substituted it for the more ancient
appellation of Rawal;[4.1.11] but it was not till the thirteenth century
that the novel distinction was generally recognized by neighbouring
powers. Although we cannot for a moment admit the Rahmi, or even the
Rhamnae of Ozene, to be connected with this family, yet Ptolemy appears
to have given the real ancestor in his Baleokouroi, the Balhara monarchs
of the Arabian travellers, the Valabhiraes of Saurashtra, who were the
ancestors of the princes of Mewar.[4.1.12]
Before we proceed, it is necessary to specify the sources whence
materials were obtained for the Annals of Mewar, and to give some idea
of the character they merit as historical data [214].
=Sources of the History.=—For many years previous to sojourning at the
court of Udaipur, sketches were obtained of the genealogy of the family
from the rolls of the bards. To these was added a chronological sketch,
drawn up under the eye of Raja Jai Singh of Amber, with comments of some
value by him, and which served as a ground-work. Free access was also
granted to the Rana’s library, and permission obtained to make copies of
such MSS. as related to his history. The most important of these was the
Khuman Raesa,[4.1.13] which is evidently a modern work founded upon
ancient materials, tracing the genealogy to Rama, and halting at
conspicuous beacons in this long line of crowned heads, particularly
about the period of the Muhammadan irruption in the tenth century, the
sack of Chitor by Alau-d-din in the thirteenth century, and the wars of
Rana Partap with Akbar, during whose reign the work appears to have been
recast.
The next in importance were the Rajvilas, in the Vraj Bhakha, by Man
Kabeswara;[4.1.14] and the Rajratnakar,[4.1.15] by Sudasheo Bhat: both
written in the reign of Rana Raj Singh, the opponent of Aurangzeb: also
the Jaivilas, written in the reign of Jai Singh, son of Raj Singh. They
all commence with the genealogies of the family, introductory to the
military exploits of the princes whose names they bear.
The Mamadevi Prasistha is a copy of the inscriptions[4.1.16] in the
temple of ‘the Mother of the Gods’ at Kumbhalmer. Genealogical rolls of
some antiquity were obtained from the widow of an ancient family bard,
who had left neither children nor kindred to follow his profession.
Another roll was procured from a priest of the Jains residing in
Sandrai, in Marwar, whose ancestry had enjoyed from time immemorial the
title of Guru, which they held at the period of the sack of Valabhipura
in the fifth century, whence they emigrated simultaneously with the
Rana’s ancestors. Others were obtained from Jain priests at Jawad in
Malwa. Historical documents possessed by several chiefs were readily
furnished, and extracts were made from works, both Sanskrit and Persian,
which incidentally mention the family. To these were added traditions or
biographical anecdotes furnished in conversation by the Rana, or men of
intellect amongst his chiefs [215], ministers, or bards, and
inscriptions calculated to reconcile dates; in short, every
corroborating circumstance was treasured up which could be obtained by
incessant research during sixteen years. The Commentaries of Babur and
Jahangir, the Institutes of Akbar, original grants, public and autograph
letters of the emperors of Delhi and their ministers, were made to
contribute more or less; yet, numerous as are the authorities cited, the
result may afford but little gratification to the general reader, partly
owing to the unpopularity of the subject, partly to the inartificial
mode of treating it.
=Kanaksen.=—At least ten genealogical lists, derived from the most
opposite sources, agree in making Kanaksen the founder of this dynasty;
and assign his emigration from the most northern of the provinces of
India to the peninsula of Saurashtra in S. 201, or A.D. 145. We shall,
therefore, make this the point of outset; though it may be premised that
Jai Singh, the royal historian and astronomer of Amber, connects the
line with Sumitra (the fifty-sixth descendant from the deified Rama),
who appears to have been the contemporary of Vikramaditya, B.C. 56.
The country of which Ayodhya (now Oudh) was the capital, and Rama
monarch, is termed, in the geographical writings of the Hindus, Kosala;
doubtless from the mother of Rama, whose name was Kausalya.[4.1.17] The
first royal emigrant from the north is styled, in the Rana’s archives,
Kosala-putra, ‘son of Kosala.’
=Titles of the Chiefs.=—Rama had two sons, Lava and Kusa: from the
former the Rana’s family claim descent. He is stated to have built
Lahore, the ancient Lohkot;[4.1.18] and the branch from which the
princes of Mewar are descended resided there until Kanaksen emigrated to
Dwarka. The difficulty of tracing these races through a long period of
years is greatly increased by the custom of changing the appellation of
the tribe, from conquest, locality, or personal celebrity. Sen[4.1.19]
seems to have been the martial termination for many generations: this
was followed by Dit, or Aditya, a term for the ‘sun.’ The first change
in the name of the tribe was on their expulsion from Saurashtra, when
for the generic term of Suryavansi was substituted the particular
appellation of Guhilot. This name was maintained till another event
dispersed the family, and when they settled in [216] Ahar,[4.1.20]
Aharya became the appellative of the branch. This continued till loss of
territory and new acquisitions once more transferred the dynasty to
Sesoda,[4.1.21] a temporary capital in the western mountains. The title
of Ranawat, borne by all descendants of the blood royal since the
eventful change which removed the seat of government from Chitor to
Udaipur, might in time have superseded that of Sesodia, if continued
warfare had not checked the increase of population; but the Guhilot
branch of the Suryavansi still retain the name of Sesodia.
Having premised thus much, we must retrograde to the darker ages,
through which we shall endeavour to conduct this celebrated dynasty,
though the clue sometimes nearly escapes from our hands in these
labyrinths of antiquity.[4.1.22] When it is recollected to what violence
this family has been subjected during the last eight centuries, often
dispossessed of all but their native hills and compelled to live on
their spontaneous produce, we could scarcely expect that historical
records should be preserved. Chitor was thrice sacked and destroyed, and
the existing records are formed from fragments, registers of births and
marriages, or from the oral relations of the bards.
=Legend of Kanaksen.=—By what route Kanaksen, the first emigrant of the
solar race, found his way into Saurashtra from Lohkot, is uncertain: he,
however, wrested dominion from a prince of the Pramara race, and founded
Birnagara in the second century (A.D. 144). Four generations afterwards,
Vijayasen, whom the prince of Amber calls Nushirwan, founded Vijayapur,
supposed to be where Dholka now stands, at the head of the Saurashtra
peninsula.[4.1.23] Vidarba was also founded by him, the name of which
was afterwards changed to Sihor. But the most celebrated was the
capital, Valabhipura, which for years baffled all search, till it was
revealed in its now humbled condition as Walai, ten miles west [217] of
Bhaunagar. The existence of this city was confirmed by a celebrated Jain
work, the Satrunjaya Mahatma.[4.1.24] The want of satisfactory proof of
the Rana’s emigration from thence was obviated by the most unexpected
discovery of an inscription of the twelfth century, in a ruined temple
on the tableland forming the eastern boundary of the Rana’s present
territory, which appeals to the ‘walls of Valabhi’ for the truth of the
action it records. And a work written to commemorate the reign of Rana
Raj Singh opens with these words: “In the west is Sorathdes,[4.1.25] a
country well known: the barbarians invaded it, and conquered
Bal-ka-nath;[4.1.26] all fell in the sack of Valabhipura, except the
daughter of the Pramara.” And the Sandrai roll thus commences: “When the
city of Valabhi was sacked, the inhabitants fled and founded Bali,
Sandrai, and Nadol in Mordar des.”[4.1.27] These are towns yet of
consequence, and in all the Jain religion is still maintained, which was
the chief worship of Valabhipura when sacked by the ‘barbarian.’ The
records preserved by the Jains give S.B. 205 (A.D. 524) as the date of
this event.[4.1.28]
The tract about Valabhipura and northward is termed Bal, probably from
the tribe of Bala, which might have been the designation of the Rana’s
tribe prior to that of Grahilot; and most probably Multan, and all these
regions of the Kathi, Bala, etc., were dependent on Lohkot, whence
emigrated Kanaksen; thus strengthening the surmise of the Scythic
descent of the Ranas, though now installed in the seat of Rama. The sun
was the deity of this northern tribe, as of the Rana’s ancestry, and the
remains of numerous temples to this grand object of Scythic homage are
still to be found scattered over the peninsula; whence its name,
Saurashtra, the country of the Sauras, or Sun-worshippers; the
Surastrene or Syrastrene of ancient geographers; its inhabitants, the
_Suros_ (Σύρων) of Strabo.[4.1.29]
Besides these cities, the MSS. give Gayni[4.1.30] as the last refuge of
the family [218] when expelled Saurashtra. One of the poetic chronicles
thus commences: “The barbarians had captured Gajni. The house of
Siladitya was left desolate. In its defence his heroes fell; of his seed
but the name remained.”
=Invaders of Saurāshtra.=—These invaders were Scythic, and in all
probability a colony from the Parthian kingdom, which was established in
sovereignty on the Indus in the second century, having their capital at
Saminagara, where the ancient Yadu ruled for ages: the Minnagara[4.1.31]
of Arrian, and the Mankir of the Arabian geographers. It was by this
route, through the eastern portion of the valley of the Indus, that the
various hordes of Getae or Jats, Huns, Kamari, Kathi, Makwahana, Bala
and Aswaria, had peopled this peninsula, leaving traces still visible.
The period is also remarkable when these and other Scythic hordes were
simultaneously abandoning higher Asia for the cold regions of Europe and
the warm plains of Hindustan. From the first to the sixth century of the
Christian era, various records exist of these irruptions from the north.
Gibbon, quoting De Guignes, mentions one in the second century, which
fixed permanently in the Saurashtra peninsula; and the latter, from
original authorities, describes another of the Getae or Jats, styled by
the Chinese Yueh-chi, in the north of India.[4.1.32] But the authority
directly in point is that of Cosmas, surnamed Indikopleustes, who was in
India during the reign of Justinian, and that of the first monarch of
the Chinese dynasty of Leam.[4.1.33] Cosmas [219] had visited Kalyan,
included in the Balhara kingdom; and he mentions the Ephthalites, or
White Huns, under their king Golas, as being established on the Indus at
the very period of the invasion of Valabhipura.[4.1.34]
Arrian, who resided in the second century at Barugaza (Broach),
describes a Parthian sovereignty as extending from the Indus to the
Nerbudda.[4.1.35] Their capital has already been mentioned, Minnagara.
Whether these, the Abtelites[4.1.36] of Cosmas, were the Parthian
dynasty of Arrian, or whether the Parthians were supplanted by the Huns,
we must remain in ignorance, but to one or the other we must attribute
the sack of Valabhipura.
The legend of this event affords scope for speculation, both as regards
the conquerors and the conquered, and gives at least a colour of truth
to the reputed Persian ancestry of the Rana: a subject which will be
distinctly considered. The solar orb, and its type, fire, were the chief
objects of adoration of Siladitya of Valabhipura. Whether to these was
added that of the lingam, the symbol of Balnath (the sun), the primary
object of worship with his descendants, may be doubted. It was certainly
confined to these, and the adoption of ‘strange gods’ by the Suryavansi
Guhilot is comparatively of modern invention.[4.1.37]
=The Fountain of the Sun.=—There was a fountain (_Suryakunda_) ‘sacred
to the sun’ at Valabhipura, from which arose, at the summons of
Siladitya (according to the legend) the seven-headed horse Saptasva,
which draws the car of Surya, to bear him to battle. With such an
auxiliary no foe could prevail; but a wicked minister revealed to the
enemy the secret of annulling this aid, by polluting the sacred fountain
with blood. This accomplished, in vain did the prince call on Saptasva
to save him from the strange and barbarous foe: the charm was broken,
and with it sunk the dynasty of Valabhi. Who the ‘barbarian’ was that
defiled with blood of kine [220] the fountain of the sun,[4.1.38]
whether Getae, Parthian, or Hun, we are left to conjecture. The Persian,
though he venerated the bull, yet sacrificed him on the altar of
Mithras;[4.1.39] and though the ancient Guebre purifies with the
urine[4.1.40] of the cow, he will not refuse to eat beef; and the
iniquity of Cambyses, who thrust his lance into the flank of the
Egyptian Apis, is a proof that the bull was abstractedly no object of
worship. It would be indulging a legitimate curiosity, could we by any
means discover how these ‘strange’ tribes obtained a footing amongst the
Hindu races; for so late as seven centuries ago we find Getae, Huns,
Kathi, Ariaspas, Dahae, definitively settled, and enumerated amongst the
Chhattis rajkula. How much earlier the admission, no authority states;
but mention is made of several of them aiding in the defence of Chitor,
on the first appearance of the faith of Islam upwards of eleven hundred
years ago.
-----
Footnote 4.1.1:
Said to be Ceylon; an idea scouted by the Hindus, who transfer Lanka
to a very distant region. [The latter is certainly not the common
belief.]
Footnote 4.1.2:
This descendant of one hundred kings shows himself in cloudy weather
from the _surya-gaukhra_, or ‘balcony of the sun.’
Footnote 4.1.3:
See _History of the Tribes_.
Footnote 4.1.4:
_Nilab_ from _nil_, ‘blue,’ and _ab_, ‘water’; hence the name of the
Nile in Egypt and in India [?]. _Sind_, or _Sindhu_, appears to be a
Scythian word: _Sin_ in the Tatar, _t sin_ in Chinese, ‘river.’ [It is
Sanskrit, meaning ‘divider.’] Hence the inhabitants of its higher
course termed it _aba sin_, ‘parent stream’; and thus, very probably,
_Abyssinia_ was formed by the Arabians; ‘the country on the Nile,’ or
_aba sin_. [Abyssinia is ‘land of the Habashi, or negroes.’]
Footnote 4.1.5:
See p. 47 above.
Footnote 4.1.6:
D’Anville and Rennell. [The Rhamnae have been identified with the
Brāhūi of Baluchistān (McCrindle, _Ptolemy_, 159). Lassen places them
on the Nerbudda.]
Footnote 4.1.7:
Maurice and others.
Footnote 4.1.8:
_Relations anciennes des voyageurs_, par Renaudot.
Footnote 4.1.9:
D’Anville (_Antiquités de l’Inde_) quotes Nicolas of Damascus as his
authority, who says the letter written by Porus, prince of Ozene, was
in the Greek character.
Footnote 4.1.10:
This _Porus_ is a corruption of _Puar_, once the most powerful and
conspicuous tribe in India; classically written Pramara, the dynasty
which ruled at Ujjain for ages. [This is not certain (Smith, _EHI_,
60, note).]
Footnote 4.1.11:
_Rawal_, or _Raul_, is yet borne as a princely title by the Aharya
prince of Dungarpur, and the Yadu prince of Jaisalmer, whose ancestors
long ruled in the heart of Scythia. _Raoul_ seems to have been titular
to the Scandinavian chiefs of Scythic origin. The invader of Normandy
was _Raoul_, corrupted to _Rollon_ or _Rollo_. [The words, of course,
have no connexion: Rāwal, Skt. _rājakula_, ‘royal family.’]
Footnote 4.1.12:
The Balhara kings, and their capital Nahrwala, or Anhilwara Patan,
have given rise to much conjecture amongst the learned. We shall,
before this work is closed, endeavour to condense what has been said
by ancient and modern authorities on the subject; and from
manuscripts, ancient inscriptions, and the result of a personal visit
to this ancient domain, to set the matter completely at rest. [See p.
122 above.] [“Hippokoura, the royal seat of Baleo Kouros” (_Periplus_,
viii. 83). Baleo Kouros has been identified with Vilivāyakura, a name
found on coins of the Andhra dynasty (_BG_, i. Part ii. 158;
McCrindle, _Ptolemy_, 179).]
Footnote 4.1.13:
_Khuman_ is an ancient title of the earlier princes, and still used.
It was borne by the son of _Bappa_, the founder, who retired to
Transoxiana, and there ruled and died: the very country of the ancient
Scythic _Khomani_.
Footnote 4.1.14:
Lord of rhyme.
Footnote 4.1.15:
Sea of gems.
Footnote 4.1.16:
These inscriptions will be described in the Personal Narrative.
Footnote 4.1.17:
[It is the other way: Kausalya took her name from Kosala.]
Footnote 4.1.18:
[See p. 116 above.]
Footnote 4.1.19:
_Sen_, ‘army’; _kanak_, ‘gold.’ [Kanaksen is entirely mythical. It has
been suggested that the name is a reminiscence of the connexion of the
great Kushān Emperor, Kanishka, with Gujarāt and Kāthiāwār (_BG_, i.
Part i. 101).]
Footnote 4.1.20:
Ahar, or Ar, is in the valley of the present capital, Udaipur.
Footnote 4.1.21:
The origin of this name is from the trivial occurrence of the expelled
prince of Chitor having erected a town to commemorate the spot, where
after an extraordinarily hard chase he killed a hare (_sasu_).
Footnote 4.1.22:
The wild fable which envelops or adorns the cradle of every
illustrious family is not easily disentangled. The bards weave the web
with skill, and it clings like ivy round each modern branch, obscuring
the aged stem, in the time-worn branches of which monsters and
demi-gods are perched, whose claims of affinity are held in high
estimation by these ‘children of the sun,’ who would deem it criminal
to doubt that the loin-robe (_dhoti_) of their great founder, Bapa
Rawal, was less than five hundred cubits in circumference, that his
two-edged sword (_khanda_), the gift of the Hindu Proserpine, weighed
an ounce less than sixty-four pounds, or that he was an inch under
twenty feet in height.
Footnote 4.1.23:
[Vijayapur has been doubtfully identified with Bījapur in the
Ahmadābād district (_BG_, i. Part i. 110).]
Footnote 4.1.24:
Presented to the Royal Asiatic Society of London.
Footnote 4.1.25:
Sorath or Saurashtra.
Footnote 4.1.26:
The ‘lord of Bal.’
Footnote 4.1.27:
Mārwār.
Footnote 4.1.28:
[The date of the fall of Valabhi is very uncertain (Smith, _EHI_, 315,
note). It is said to have been destroyed in the reign of Sīlāditya
VI., the last of the dynasty, about A.D. 776 (Duff, _Chronology of
India_, 31, 67, 308).]
Footnote 4.1.29:
[There is possibly a confusion with the Soras of Aelian (xv. 8) which
has been identified by Caldwell (_Dravidian Grammar_, 17) with the
Σῶραι of Ptolemy, and with the Chola kingdom of Southern India.
Surāshtra or Saurāshtra, ‘land of the Sus,’ was afterwards
Sanskritized into ‘goodly country’ (Monier Williams, _Skt. Dict._
s.v.; _BG_, i. Part i. 6).]
Footnote 4.1.30:
Gaini, or Gajni, is one of the ancient names of Cambay (the port of
Valabhipura), the ruins of which are about three miles from the modern
city. Other sources indicate that these princes held possessions in
the southern continent of India, as well as in the Saurashtra
peninsula. Talatalpur Patan, on the Godavari, is mentioned, which
tradition asserts to be the city of Deogir; but which, after many
years’ research, I discovered in Saurashtra, it being one of the
ancient names of Kandala. In after times, when succeeding dynasties
held the title of Balakarae, though the capital was removed inland to
Anhilwara Patan, they still held possession of the western shore, and
Cambay continued the chief port. [For the identification of Gajni with
Cambay see _IA_, iv. 147; _BG_, vi. 213 note. The site of Devagiri has
been identified with Daulatābād (_BG_, i. Part ii. 136; Beal,
_Buddhist Records of the Western World_, ii. 255, note).]
Footnote 4.1.31:
The position of Minnagara has occupied the attention of geographers
from D’Anville to Pottinger. Sind being conquered by Omar, general of
the caliph Al-Mansur (Abbasi), the name of Minnagara was changed to
Mansura, “une ville célèbre sur le rivage droit du Sind ou Mehran.”
“Ptolémée fait aussi mention de cette ville; mais en la déplaçant,”
etc. D’Anville places it about 26°, but not so high as Ulug Bég, whose
tables make it 26° 40´. I have said elsewhere that I had little doubt
that Minnagara, handed down to us by the author of the _Periplus_ as
the μετρόπολις τῆς Σκυθίας, was the Saminagara of the Yadu Jarejas,
whose chronicles claim Seistān as their ancient possession, and in all
probability was the stronghold (_nagara_) of Sambos, the opponent of
Alexander. On every consideration, I am inclined to place it on the
site of Sehwan. The learned Vincent, in his translation of the
_Periplus_, enters fully and with great judgment upon this point,
citing every authority, Arrian, Ptolemy, Al-Biruni, Edrisi, D’Anville,
and De la Rochette. He has a note (26, p. 386, vol. i.) which is
conclusive, could he have applied it: “Al-Birun [equi-distant] between
Debeil and Mansura.” D’Anville also says: “de Mansora à la ville
nommée Birun, la distance est indiquée de quinze parasanges dans
Abulféda,” who fixes it, on the authority of Abu-Rehan (surnamed
Al-Biruni from his birthplace), at 26° 40´. The ancient name of
Haidarabad, the present capital of Sind, was Nerun (نيرون;) or Nirun,
and is almost equi-distant, as Abulfeda says, between Debal (Dewal or
Tatta) and Mansura, Sehwan, or Minnagara, the latitude of which,
according to my construction, is 26° 11´. Those who wish to pursue
this may examine the _Éclaircissemens sur la Carte de l’Inde_, p. 37
_et seq._, and Dr. Vincent’s estimable translation, p. 386. [The site
of Minnagara, like those of all the cities in the delta of the Indus,
owing to changes in the course of the river, is very uncertain.
Jhajhpur or Mungrapur has been suggested (McCrindle, _Ptolemy_, 72,
_Periplus_, 1086 f.). Nīrūn has been identified with Helāi, a little
below Jarak, on the high road from Tatta to Haidarābād (Elliot-Dowson
i. 400).]
Footnote 4.1.32:
See _History of the Tribes_, p. 107, and translation of Inscription
No. I. _Vide_ Appendix.
Footnote 4.1.33:
Considerable intercourse was carried on between the princes of India
and China from the earliest periods; but particularly during the
dynasties of Sum, Leam and Tam, from the fourth to the seventh
centuries, when the princes from Bengal and Malabar to the Panjab sent
embassies to the Chinese monarchs. The dominions of these Hindu
princes may yet be identified. [Cosmas flourished in the sixth century
A.D., and never reached India proper (_EB_, vii. 214).]
Footnote 4.1.34:
[Gollas was Mihiragula (Smith, _EHI_, 317).]
Footnote 4.1.35:
[_Ibid._ 230 f.]
Footnote 4.1.36:
D’Herbelot (vol. i. p. 179) calls them the Haiathelah or Indoscythae,
and says that they were apparently from Thibet, between India and
China. De Guignes (tome i. p. 325) is offended with this explanation,
and says: “Cette conjecture ne peut avoir lieu, les Euthélites n’ayant
jamais demeuré dans le Thibet.” A branch of the Huns, however, did
most assuredly dwell in that quarter, though we will not positively
assert that they were the Abtelites. The Haihaya was a great branch of
the Lunar race of Yayati, and appears early to have left India for the
northern regions, and would afford a more plausible etymology for the
Haiathelah than the Te-le, who dwelt on the waters (_ab_) of the Oxus.
This branch of the Hunnish race has also been termed Nephthalite, and
fancied one of the lost tribes of Israel [?].
Footnote 4.1.37:
Ferishta, in the early part of his history [i. Introd. lxviii f.],
observes that, some centuries prior to Vikramaditya, the Hindus
abandoned the simple religion of their ancestors, made idols, and
worshipped the host of heaven, which faith they had from Kashmir, the
foundry of magic superstition.
Footnote 4.1.38:
Divested of allegory, it means simply that the supply of water was
rendered impure, and consequently useless to the Hindus, which
compelled them to abandon their defences and meet death in the open
field. Alau-d-din practised the same _ruse_ against the celebrated
Achal, the Khichi prince of Gagraun, which caused the surrender of
this impregnable fortress. “It matters not,” observes an historian
whose name I do not recollect, “whether such things are true, it is
sufficient that they were believed. We may smile at the mention of the
ghost, the evil genius of Brutus, appearing to him before the battle
of Pharsalia; yet it never would have been stated, had it not
assimilated with the opinions and prejudices of the age.” And we may
deduce a simple moral from “the parent orb refusing the aid of his
steed to his terrestrial offspring,” viz. that he was deserted by the
deity. Fountains sacred to the sun and other deities were common to
the Persians, Scythians, and Hindus, and both the last offered steeds
to him in sacrifice. Vide _History of the Tribes_, article
‘Aswamedha,’ p. 91.
Footnote 4.1.39:
The Baldan, or sacrifice of the bull to Balnath, is on record, though
now discontinued amongst the Hindus. [_Baldān_ = _balidāna_, ‘a
general offering to the gods.’]
Footnote 4.1.40:
Pinkerton, who is most happy to strengthen his aversion for the Celt,
seizes on a passage in Strabo, who describes him as having recourse to
the same mode of purification as the Guebre. Unconscious that it may
have had a religious origin, he adduces it as a strong proof of the
uncleanliness of their habits.
-----
CHAPTER 2
=The Refugee Queen.=—Of the prince’s family, the queen Pushpavati alone
escaped the sack of Valabhi, as well as the funeral pyre, upon which, on
the death of Siladitya, his other wives were sacrificed. She was a
daughter of the Pramara prince of Chandravati [221], and had visited the
shrine of the universal mother, Amba-Bhavani, in her native land, to
deposit upon the altar of the goddess a votive offering consequent to
her expectation of offspring. She was on her return, when the
intelligence arrived which blasted all her future hopes, by depriving
her of her lord, and robbing him, whom the goddess had just granted to
her prayers, of a crown. Excessive grief closed her pilgrimage. Taking
refuge in a cave in the mountains of Malia, she was delivered of a son.
Having confided the infant to a Brahmani of Birnagar named Kamlavati,
enjoining her to educate the young prince as a Brahman, but to marry him
to a Rajputni,[4.2.1] she mounted the funeral pile to join her lord.
Kamlavati, the daughter of the priest of the temple, was herself a
mother, and she performed the tender offices of one to the orphan
prince, whom she designated Goha, or ‘cave-born.’[4.2.2] The child was a
source of perpetual uneasiness to its protectors: he associated with
Rajput children, killing birds, hunting wild animals, and at the age of
eleven was totally unmanageable: to use the words of the legend, “How
should they hide the ray of the sun?”
=The Legend of Goha.=—At this period Idar was governed by a chief of the
savage race of Bhil; his name, Mandalika.[4.2.3] The young Goha
frequented the forests in company with the Bhils, whose habits better
assimilated with his daring nature than those of the Brahmans. He became
a favourite with the Vanaputras, or ‘children of the forest,’ who
resigned to him Idar with its woods and mountains. The fact is mentioned
by Abu-l Fazl,[4.2.4] and is still repeated by the bards, with a
characteristic version of the incident, of which doubtless there were
many. The Bhils having determined in sport to elect a king, the choice
fell on Goha; and one of the young savages, cutting his finger, applied
the blood as the tīka of sovereignty to his forehead. What was done in
sport was confirmed by the old forest chief. The sequel fixes on Goha
the stain of ingratitude, for he slew his benefactor, and no motive is
assigned in the legend for the deed. Goha’s name became the patronymic
of his descendants, who were styled Guhilot, classically Grahilot, in
time softened to Gehlot.
We know very little concerning these early princes but that they dwelt
in this mountainous region for eight generations; when the Bhils, tired
of a foreign rule, assailed Nagaditya, the eighth prince, while hunting,
and deprived him of life and Idar. The descendants of Kamlavati (the
Birnagar Brahmani), who retained the office of priest in the family,
were again the preservers of the line of Valabhi. The infant Bappa, son
of Nagaditya [222], then only three years old, was conveyed to the
fortress of Bhander,[4.2.5] where he was protected by a Bhil of Yadu
descent. Thence he was removed for greater security to the wilds of
Parasar. Within its impervious recesses rose the three-peaked
(_trikuta_) mountain, at whose base was the town of Nagindra,[4.2.6] the
abode of Brahmans, who performed the rites of the ‘great god.’ In this
retreat passed the early years of Bappa, wandering through these Alpine
valleys, amidst the groves of Bal and the shrines of the brazen calf.
The most antique temples are to be seen in these spots—within the dark
gorge of the mountain, or on its rugged summit—in the depths of the
forest, and at the sources of streams, where sites of seclusion, beauty,
and sublimity alternately exalt the mind’s devotion. In these regions
the creative power appears to have been the earliest, and at one time
the sole, object of adoration, whose symbols, the serpent-wreathed
phallus (lingam), and its companion, the bull, were held sacred even by
the ‘children of the forest.’ In these silent retreats Mahadeva
continued to rule triumphant, and the most brilliant festivities of
Udaipur were those where his rites are celebrated in the nine days
sacred to him, when the Jains and Vaishnavas mix with the most zealous
of his votaries; but the strange gods from the plains of the Yamuna and
Ganges have withdrawn a portion of the zeal of the Guhilots from their
patron divinity Eklinga, whose diwan,[4.2.7] or viceregent, is the Rana.
The temple of Eklinga, situated in one of the narrow defiles leading to
the capital, is an immense structure, though more sumptuous than
elegant. It is built entirely of white marble, most elaborately carved
and embellished; but lying in the route of a bigoted foe, it has
undergone many dilapidations. The brazen bull, placed under his own
dome, facing the sanctuary of the phallus, is nearly of the natural
size, in a recumbent posture. It is cast (hollow) of good shape, highly
polished and without flaw, except where the hammer of the Tatar had
opened a passage in the hollow flank in search of treasure[4.2.8] [223].
=The Marriage of Bappa.=—Tradition has preserved numerous details of
Bappa’s[4.2.9] infancy, which resembles the adventures of every hero or
founder of a race. The young prince attended the sacred kine, an
occupation which was honourable even to the ‘children of the sun,’ and
which they still pursue: possibly a remnant of their primitive Scythic
habits. The pranks of the royal shepherd are the theme of many a tale.
On the Jhal Jhulni, when swinging is the amusement of the youth of both
sexes, the daughter of the Solanki chief of Nagda and the village
maidens had gone to the groves to enjoy this festivity, but they were
unprovided with ropes. Bappa happened to be at hand, and was called by
the Rajput damsels to forward their sport. He promised to procure a rope
if they would first have a game at marriage. One frolic was as good as
another, and the scarf of the Solankini was united to the garment of
Bappa, the whole of the village lasses joining hands with his as the
connecting link; and thus they performed the mystical number of
revolutions round an aged tree. This frolic caused his flight from
Nagda, and originated his greatness, but at the same time burthened him
with all these damsels; and hence a heterogeneous issue, whose
descendants still ascribe their origin to the prank of Bappa round the
old mango-tree of Nagda. A suitable offer being shortly after made for
the young Solankini’s hand, the family priests of the bridegroom, whose
duty it was, by his knowledge of palmistry, to investigate the fortunes
of the bride, discovered that she was already married: intelligence
which threw the family into the greatest consternation.[4.2.10] Though
Bappa’s power over his brother shepherds was too strong to create any
dread of disclosure as to his being the principal in this affair, yet
was it too much to expect that a secret, in which no less than six
hundred of the daughters of Eve were concerned, could long remain such?
Bappa’s mode of swearing his companions to secrecy is preserved. Digging
a small pit, and taking a pebble in his hand, “Swear,” cried he,
“secrecy and obedience to me in good and in evil; that you will reveal
to me all that you hear, and failing, desire that the good deeds of your
forefathers may, like this pebble (dropping it into the pit) fall into
the Washerman’s well.”[4.2.11] They took the oath. The Solanki chief,
however, heard that [224] Bappa was the offender, who, receiving from
his faithful scouts intimation of his danger, sought refuge in one of
the retreats which abound in these mountains, and which in after-times
proved the preservation of his race. The companions of his flight were
two Bhils: one of Undri, in the valley of the present capital; the other
of Solanki descent, from Oghna Panarwa, in the western wilds. Their
names, Baleo and Dewa, have been handed down with Bappa’s; and the
former had the honour of drawing the tika of sovereignty with his own
blood on the forehead of the prince, on the occasion of his taking the
crown from the Mori.[4.2.12] It is pleasing to trace, through a series
of ages, the knowledge of a custom still ‘honoured in the observance.’
The descendants of Baleo of Oghna and the Undri Bhil still claim the
privilege of performing the tika on the inauguration of the descendants
of Bappa.
=Oghna Panarwa.=—Oghna Panarwa is the sole spot in India which enjoys a
state of natural freedom. Attached to no State, having no foreign
communications, living under its own patriarchal head, its chief, with
the title of Rana, whom one thousand hamlets scattered over the
forest-crowned valleys obey, can, if requisite, appear at ‘the head of
five thousand bows.’ He is a Bhumia Bhil of mixed blood, from the
Solanki Rajput, on the old stock of pure (ujla) Bhils, the autochthones
(if such there be of any country) of Mewar. Besides making the tika of
blood from an incision in the thumb, the Oghna chief takes the prince by
the arm and seats him on the throne, while the Undri Bhil holds the
salver of spices and sacred grains of rice[4.2.13] used in making the
tika.
But the solemnity of being seated on the throne of Mewar is so
expensive, that many of these rites have fallen into disuse. Jagat Singh
was the last prince whose coronation was conducted with the ancient
magnificence of this princely house. It cost the sum of ninety lakhs of
rupees (£1,125,000), nearly one entire year’s revenue of the State in
the days of its prosperity, and which, taking into consideration the
comparative value of money, would amount to upwards of four millions
sterling[4.2.14] [225].
To resume the narrative: though the flight of Bappa and its cause are
perfectly natural, we have another episode; when the bard assuming a
higher strain has recourse to celestial machinery for the _dénouement_
of this simple incident: but “an illustrious race must always be crowned
with its proper mythology.” Bappa who was the founder of a line of a
‘hundred kings,’ feared as a monarch, adored as more than mortal, and,
according to the legend, ‘still living’ (_charanjiva_), deserves to have
the source of his pre-eminent fortune disclosed, which, in Mewar, it
were sacrilege to doubt. While he pastured the sacred kine in the
valleys of Nagindra, the princely shepherd was suspected of
appropriating the milk of a favourite cow to his own use. He was
distrusted and watched, and although indignant, the youth admitted that
they had reason to suspect him, from the habitual dryness of the brown
cow when she entered the pens at even.[4.2.15] He watched, and traced
her to a narrow dell, when he beheld the udder spontaneously pouring its
stores amidst the shrubs. Under a thicket of cane a hermit was reposing
in a state of abstraction, from which the impetuosity of the shepherd
soon roused him. The mystery was revealed in the phallic symbol of the
‘great God,’ which daily received the lacteal shower, and raised such
doubts of the veracity of Bappa.
No eye had hitherto penetrated into this natural sanctuary of the rites
of the Hindu Creator, except the sages and hermits of ancient days (of
whom this was the celebrated Harita),[4.2.16] whom this bounteous cow
also fed.
Bappa related to the sage all he knew of himself, received his blessing,
and retired; but he went daily to visit him, to wash his feet, carry
milk to him, and gather such wild flowers as were acceptable offerings
to the deity. In return he received lessons of morality, and was
initiated into the mysterious rites of Siva: and at length he was
invested with the triple cordon of faith (_tin parwa zunnar_)[4.2.17] by
the hands of the sage, who became his spiritual guide, and bestowed on
his pupil the title of [226] ‘Regent (Diwan) of Eklinga.’ Bappa had
proofs that his attentions to the saint and his devotions to Eklinga
were acceptable, by a visit from his consort, ‘the lion-born goddess.’
From her hand he received the panoply of celestial fabrication, the work
of Viswakarma (the Vulcan of Eastern mythology), which outvies all the
arms ever forged for Greek or Trojan. The lance, bow, quiver, and
arrows; a shield and sword (more famed than Balisarda)[4.2.18] which the
goddess girded on him with her own hand: the oath of fidelity and
devotion was the ‘relief’ of this celestial investiture. Thus initiated
into the mysteries of ‘the first’ (_adi_), admitted under the banners of
Bhavani, Harita resolved to leave his pupil to his fortunes, and to quit
the worship of the symbol for the presence of the deity in the mansions
above. He informed Bappa of his design, and commanded him to be at the
sacred spot early on the following morn; but Bappa showed his
materiality by oversleeping himself, and on reaching the spot the sage
had already made some progress in his car, borne by the Apsaras, or
celestial messengers. He checked his aerial ascent to give a last token
of affection to his pupil; and desiring him to reach up to receive his
blessing, Bappa’s stature was extended to twenty cubits; but as he did
not reach the car, he was commanded to open his mouth, when the sage did
what was recorded as performed, about the same period, by Muhammad, who
spat into the mouth of his favourite nephew, Husain, the son of Ali.
Bappa showed his disgust and aversion by blinking, and the projected
blessing fell on his foot, by which squeamishness he obtained only
invulnerability by weapons instead of immortality. The saint was soon
lost in the cerulean space. Thus marked as the favourite of heaven, and
having learned from his mother that he was nephew to the Mori prince of
Chitor, he ‘disdained a shepherd’s slothful life,’ and with some
companions from these wilds quitted his retreat, and for the first time
emerged into the plains. But, as if the brand of Bhavani was
insufficient, he met with another hermit in the forest of the Tiger
Mount,[4.2.19] the famed Gorakhnath, who presented to him the
double-edged sword,[4.2.20] which, with the proper incantation, could
‘sever rocks.’ With this he opened the road to fortune leading to the
throne of Chitor [227].
Chitor was at this period held by the Mori prince of the Pramar race,
the ancient lords of Malwa, then paramount sovereigns of Hindustan: but
whether this city was then the chief seat of power is not known. Various
public works, reservoirs, and bastions, yet retain the name of this
race.
Bappa’s connexion with the Mori[4.2.21] obtained him a good reception;
he was enrolled amongst the sawants or leaders, and a suitable estate
conferred upon him. The inscription of the Mori prince’s reign, so often
alluded to, affords a good idea of his power, and of the feudal manners
of his court. He was surrounded by a numerous nobility, holding estates
on the tenure of military service, but whom he had disgusted by his
neglect, and whose jealousy he had provoked by the superior regard shown
to Bappa. A foreign foe appearing at this time, instead of obeying the
summons to attend, they threw up their grants, and tauntingly desired
him to call on his favourite.[4.2.22]
Bappa undertook the conduct of the war, and the chiefs, though
dispossessed of their estates, accompanied him from a feeling of shame.
The foe was defeated and driven out of the country; but instead of
returning to Chitor, Bappa continued his course to the ancient seat of
his family, Gajni, expelled the ‘barbarian’ called Salim, placed on the
throne a chief of the Chaura tribe,[4.2.23] and returned with the
discontented nobles. Bappa, on this occasion, is said to have married
the daughter of his enemy. The nobles quitted Chitor, leaving their
defiance with their prince. In vain were the spiritual preceptor
(_Guru_) and foster-brother (_Dhabhai_) sent as ambassadors: their only
reply was, that as they had ‘eaten his salt,’ they would forbear their
vengeance for twelve months. The noble deportment of Bappa won their
esteem, and they transferred to him their service and homage. With the
temptation of a crown, the gratitude of the Grahilot was given to the
winds. On return they assaulted and carried Chitor, and, in the words of
the chronicle, “Bappa took Chitor from the Mori and became himself the
mor (crown) of the land”: he obtained by universal consent the title of
‘sun of the Hindus (_Hindua suraj_), preceptor of princes (_Raj Guru_),
and universal lord (_Chakravartin_)’ [228].
He had a numerous progeny, some of whom returned to their ancient seats
in Saurashtra, whose descendants were powerful chieftains in that tract
so late as Akbar’s reign.[4.2.24] Five sons went to Marwar, and the
ancient Gohils ‘of the land of Kher,’ expelled and driven to
Gohilwal,[4.2.25] have lost sight of their ancestry, and by a singular
fatality are in possession of the wreck of Valabhipura, ignorant of its
history and their connexion with it, mixing with Arabs and following
marine and mercantile pursuits; and the office of the bard having fallen
into disrepute, they cannot trace their forefathers beyond
Kherdhar.[4.2.26]
The close of Bappa’s career is the strangest part of the legend, and
which it might be expected they would be solicitous to suppress.
Advanced in years, he abandoned his children and his country, carried
his arms west to Khorasan, and there established himself, and married
new wives from among the ‘barbarians,’ by whom he had a numerous
offspring.[4.2.27]
Bappa had reached the patriarchal age of one hundred when he died. An
old volume of historical anecdotes, belonging to the chief of Delwara,
states that he became an ascetic at the foot of Meru, where he was
buried alive after having overcome all the kings of the west, as in
Ispahan, Kandahar, Kashmir, Irak, Iran, Turan, and Kafiristan; all of
whose daughters he married, and by whom he had one hundred and thirty
sons, called the Nausshahra Pathans. Each of these founded a tribe,
bearing the name of the mother. His Hindu children were ninety-eight in
number, and were called Agni-upasi Suryavansi, or ‘sunborn
fire-worshippers.’ The chronicles also record that (in like manner as
did the subjects of the Bactrian king Menander, though from a different
motive) the subjects of Bappa quarrelled for the disposal of his
remains. The Hindu wished the fire to consume them; the ‘barbarian’ to
commit them to earth; but on raising the pall while the dispute was
raging, innumerable flowers of the lotus were found in the place of the
remains of mortality: these were conveyed and planted in the lake. This
is precisely what is related of the end of the Persian Nushirwan[4.2.28]
[229].
=The Question of Dates.=—Having thus briefly sketched the history of the
founder of the Guhilot dynasty in Mewar, we must now endeavour to
establish the epoch of this important event in its annals. Although
Bappa Rawal was nine generations after the sack of Valabhipura, the
domestic annals give S. 191 (A.D. 135) for his birth; which the bards
implicitly following, have vitiated the whole chronology. An important
inscription[4.2.29] in a character little known, establishes the fact of
the Mori dynasty being in possession of Chitor in S. 770 (A.D. 714). Now
the annals of the Rana’s house expressly state Bappa Rawal to be the
nephew of the Mori prince of Chitor; that at the age of fifteen he was
enrolled amongst the chieftains of his uncle, and that the vassals
(before alluded to), in revenge for the resumption of their grants by
the Mori, dethroned him and elevated as their sovereign the youthful
Bappa. Notwithstanding this apparently irreconcilable anachronism, the
family traditions accord with the inscription, except in date. Amidst
such contradictions the development of the truth seemed impossible.
Another valuable inscription of S. 1024 (A.D. 968), though giving the
genealogy from Bappa to Sakti Kumar and corroborating that from Chitor,
and which furnished convincing evidence, was not sanctioned by the
prince or his chroniclers, who would admit nothing as valid that
militated against their established era 191 for the birth of their
founder. After six years’ residence and unremitting search amid ruins,
archives, inscriptions, traditions, and whatever could throw light upon
this point, the author quitted Udaipur with all these doubts in his
mind, for Saurashtra, to prosecute his inquiries in the pristine abodes
of the race. Then it was that he was rewarded, beyond his most sanguine
expectations, by the discovery of an inscription which reconciled these
conflicting authorities and removed every difficulty. This marble, found
in the celebrated temple of Somnath,[4.2.30] made mention of a distinct
era, viz. the Valabhi Samvat, as being used in Saurashtra; which era was
three hundred and seventy-five years subsequent to Vikramaditya.[4.2.31]
On the sack of Valabhi thirty thousand families abandoned this ‘city of
a hundred temples,’ and led by their priests found a retreat for
themselves and their faith [230] in Mordardes (Marwar), where they
erected the towns of Sandrai and Bali, in which latter we recognise the
name of the city whence they were expelled. The religion of Valabhi, and
consequently of the colonists, was the Jain; and it was by a priest
descended from the survivors of this catastrophe, and still with their
descendants inhabiting those towns, that these most important documents
were furnished to the author. The Sandrai roll assigns the year 305
(Valabhi era) for the destruction of Valabhi: another, also from Jain
authority, gives 205; and as there were but nine princes from Vijayasen,
the founder, to its fall, we can readily believe the first a numerical
error. Therefore 205 + 375 = 580 S. Vikrama (A.D. 524), for the invasion
of Saurashtra by ‘the barbarians from the north,’ and sack of
Valabhipura.
Now if from 770, the date of the Mori tablet, we deduct 580, there
remains 190; justifying the pertinacity with which the chroniclers of
Mewar adhered to the date given in their annals for the birth of Bappa,
viz. 191: though they were ignorant that this period was dated from the
flight from Valabhipura.
Bappa, when he succeeded to the Mori prince, is said to have been
fifteen years old; and his birth being one year anterior to the Mori
inscription of 770 + 14 = S.V. 784 (A.D. 728),[4.2.32] is the period for
the foundation of the Guhilot dynasty in Mewar: since which, during a
space of eleven hundred years, fifty-nine princes lineally descended
from Bappa have sat on the throne of Chitor.
Though the bards and chroniclers will never forgive the temerity which
thus curtails the antiquity of their founder, he is yet placed in the
dawn of chivalry, when the Carlovingian dynasty was established in the
west, and when Walid, whose bands planted ‘the green standard’ on the
Ebro, was ‘commander of the faithful.’
From the deserted and now forgotten ‘city of the sun,’ Aitpur, the abode
of wild beasts and savage Bhils, another memorial[4.2.33] of the princes
of Mewar was obtained. It relates to the prince Sakti Kumar. Its date is
S. 1024 (A.D. 968), and it contains the names of fourteen of his
ancestors in regular succession. Amongst these is Bappa, or Saila. When
compared with the chronicles and [231] family archives, it was highly
gratifying to find that, with the exception of one superfluous name and
the transposition of others, they were in perfect accordance.
Hume says, “Poets, though they disfigure the most certain history by
their fictions, and use strange liberties with truth, when they are the
sole historians, as among the Britons, have commonly some foundation for
their wildest exaggerations.” The remark is applicable here; for the
names which had been mouldering for nine centuries, far from the abode
of man, are the same they had worked into their poetical legends. It was
at this exact epoch that the arms of Islam, for the first time, crossed
the Indus. In the ninety-fifth year of the Hegira,[4.2.34] Muhammad bin
Kasim, the general of the Caliph Walid, conquered Sind, and penetrated
(according to early Arabian authors) to the Ganges; and although Elmacin
mentions only Sind, yet other Hindu States were at this period convulsed
from the same cause: witness the overthrow of Manikrae of Ajmer, in the
middle of the eighth century, by a foe ‘coming in ships,’ Anjar
specified as the point where they landed. If any doubt existed that it
was Kasim who advanced to Chitor[4.2.35] and was defeated by Bappa, it
was set at rest by finding at this time in Chitor ‘Dahir,[4.2.36] the
prince of Debil.’ Abu-l Fazl[4.2.37] records, from Arabian authorities,
that Dahir was lord of Sind, and resided at his capital, Debal, the
first place captured by Kasim in 95. His miserable end, and the
destruction of his house, are mentioned by the historian, and account
for the son being found with the Mori prince of Chitor.
Nine princes intervened between Bappa and Sakti Kumar, in two centuries
(twenty-two years to each reign): just the time which should elapse from
the founder, who ‘abandoned his country for Iran,’ in S. 820, or A.D.
764. Having thus established four epochs in the earlier history of the
family, viz.—Kanaksen’, A.D. 144; 2, Siladitya, and sack of Valabhi,
A.D. 524; 3, Establishment in Chitor and Mewar, A.D. 720; 4, Sakti
Kumar, A.D. 1068;[4.2.38] we may endeavour to relieve this narrative by
the notices which regard their Persian descent [232].
-----
Footnote 4.2.1:
[This corroborates Bhandarkar’s theory that the Guhilots sprang from
Nāgar Brāhmans.]
Footnote 4.2.2:
[This is a folk-etymology to explain the name Guhilot, probably
derived from Guha or Guhasena (A.D. 559-67), the fourth and apparently
the first great Valabhi monarch (_BG_, i. Part i. 85).]
Footnote 4.2.3:
[Mandalīka seems to mean ‘ruler of a district’ (_mandal_), (Bayley,
_Dynasties of Gujarāt_, 183).]
Footnote 4.2.4:
[_Āīn_, ii. 268.]
Footnote 4.2.5:
Fifteen miles south-west of Jharol, in the wildest region in India.
[In Gwalior State, _IGI_, viii. 72.]
Footnote 4.2.6:
Or Nagda, still a place of religious resort, about ten miles north of
Udaipur. Here I found several very old inscriptions relative to the
family, which preserve the ancient denomination Gohil instead of
Gehlot. One of these is about nine centuries old. [The ancient name
was Nāgahrida (Erskine ii. A. 106).]
Footnote 4.2.7:
Ekling-ka-Diwan is the common title of the Rana.
Footnote 4.2.8:
Amongst the many temples where the brazen calf forms part of the
establishment of Balkesar, there is one sacred to Nandi alone, at Nain
in the valley. This lordly bull has his shrine attended as devoutly as
was that of Apis at Memphis; nor will Eklinga yield to his brother
Serapis. The changes of position of the Apis at Nain are received as
indications of the fruitfulness of the seasons, though it is not
apparent how such are contrived.
Footnote 4.2.9:
_Bappa_ is not a proper name, it signifies merely a ‘child.’ [This is
wrong: it is the old Prākrit form of _bāp_, ‘father’ (_IA_, xv. 275
f.; _BG_, i. Part i. 84).] He is frequently styled _Saila_, and in
inscriptions _Sailadīsa_, ‘the mountain lord.’
Footnote 4.2.10:
[The legend implies that Bāpa, from association with Bhīls, was
regarded to be of doubtful origin.]
Footnote 4.2.11:
Deemed in the East the most impure of all receptacles. These wells are
dug at the sides of streams, and give a supply of pure water filtering
through the sand.
Footnote 4.2.12:
[The right is said to have been enjoyed by the Bhils till the time of
Rāna Hamīr Singh, who died A.D. 1364, and it was recognised in
Dungarpur till fairly recent times (Erskine ii. A. 228). The Jāts have
the same right in Bīkaner (Rose, _Glossary_, ii. 301): Mers in
Porbandar (Wilberforce-Bell, _Hist. of Kathiawad_, 53): Kandhs in
Kalahandi (Russell, _Tribes and Castes Central Provinces_, iii. 465,
and cf. ii. 280).]
Footnote 4.2.13:
Hence, perhaps, the name _khushka_ for tika. [_Khushka_, _khushk_,
‘dry,’ is plain boiled rice without seasoning.] Grains of ground rice
in curds is the material of the primitive tika, which the author has
had applied to him by a lady in Gujargarh, one of the most savage
spots in India, amidst the _levée en masse_, assembled hostilely
against him, but separated amicably.
Footnote 4.2.14:
Such the pride of these small kingdoms in days of yore, and such their
resources, till reduced by constant oppression! But their public works
speak what they could do, and have done; witness the stupendous work
of marble, and its adjacent causeway, which dams the lake of Rajsamand
at Kankrauli, and which cost upwards of a million. When the spectator
views this expanse of water, this ‘royal sea’ (_rajsamand_) on the
borders of the plain; the pillar of victory towering over the plains
of Malwa, erected on the summit of Chitor by Rana Mokal; their palaces
and temples in this ancient abode; the regal residence erected by the
princes when ejected, must fill the observer with astonishment at the
resources of the State. They are such as to explain the metaphor of my
ancient friend Zalim Singh, who knew better than we the value of this
country: “Every pinch of the soil of Mewar contains gold.”
Footnote 4.2.15:
_Godhūli_, the dust raised at the time when the cows come home.
Footnote 4.2.16:
On this spot the celebrated temple of Eklinga was erected, and the
present high priest traces sixty-six descents from Harita to himself.
To him (through the Rana) I was indebted for the copy of the Sheo
(_Siva_) Purana presented to the Royal Asiatic Society.
Footnote 4.2.17:
[_Zunnār_ is an Arabic word, the Hindi _janeo_.]
Footnote 4.2.18:
[The sword stolen from Orlando by Brunello, given to Rogero (Ariosto,
_Orlando Furioso_).]
Footnote 4.2.19:
The _Nahra Magra_, seven miles from the eastern pass leading to the
capital, where the prince has a hunting seat surrounded by several
others belonging to the nobles, but all going to decay. The tiger and
wild boar now prowl unmolested, as none of the ‘unlicensed’ dare shoot
in these royal preserves.
Footnote 4.2.20:
They surmise that this is the individual blade which is yet annually
worshipped by the sovereign and chiefs on its appropriate day, one of
the nine sacred to the god of war; a rite completely Scythic. I had
this relation from the chief genealogists of the family, who gravely
repeated the incantation: “By the preceptor, Gorakhnath and the great
god, Eklinga; by Takshka the serpent, and the sage Harita; by Bhavani
(Pallas) strike!”
Footnote 4.2.21:
Bappa’s mother was a Pramar, probably from Abu or Chandravati, near to
Idar; and consequently Bappa was nephew to every Pramar in existence.
[The Morya or Maurya sub-clan of the Pramārs still exists (_Census
Report, Rajputana, 1911_, i. 255). For traces of the Mauryas in W.
India see _BG_, i. Part ii. 284, note.]
Footnote 4.2.22:
We are furnished with a catalogue of the tribes which served the Mori
prince, which is extremely valuable, from its acquainting us with the
names of tribes no longer existing.
Footnote 4.2.23:
[See p. 121, above.]
Footnote 4.2.24:
See _Āīn_, ii. 247, which speaks of fifty thousand [8000] Guhilots in
Sorath.
Footnote 4.2.25:
Pepara Guhilots.
Footnote 4.2.26:
The ‘land of Kher,’ on the south-west frontier of Marwar, near the
Luni river.
Footnote 4.2.27:
The reigning prince told the author that there was no doubt of Bappa
having ended his days among ‘the Turks’: a term now applied to all
Muhammadans by the Hindu, but at that time confined to the inhabitants
of Turkistan, the Turushka of the Puranas, and the Takshak of early
inscriptions.
Footnote 4.2.28:
[Recent inquiries identify Bappa, whose name is merely a title, with
either Mahendrāji ii. or Kālbhoja, early chiefs of Mewār (Erskine ii.
B. 8). It has been suggested that his legend is mixed up with that of
Bappa or Saila of Valabhi, the story of his retreat to Irān
representing the latter being carried as a captive to Mansūra on the
fall of Valabhi or Gandhār (_BG_, i. Part i. 94, note 2). In any case,
the whole story is mere legend, a tale like that of the mysterious
disappearance of Romulus and other kings (Sir J. Frazer, _Lectures on
the Early History of the Kingship_, 269 ff.). A similar tale is told
of Rāna Uda in later Mewār history.]
Footnote 4.2.29:
_Vide_ Appendix, Translation, No. II.
Footnote 4.2.30:
See Translation, No. III.
Footnote 4.2.31:
[The Valabhi era begins in A.D. 318-19.]
Footnote 4.2.32:
This will make Bappa’s attainment of Chitor fifteen years posterior to
Muhammad bin Kasim’s invasion. I have observed generally a discrepancy
of ten years between the Samvat and Hegira; the Hegira reckoned from
the sixteenth year of Muhammad’s mission, and would if employed
reconcile this difficulty. [The traditional dates are untrustworthy,
being based on a confused reminiscence of Valabhi history (_IA_, xv.
275). A list of the chiefs of Mewār, with the dates as far as can be
ascertained, is given by Erskine (ii. B. 8 ff.).]
Footnote 4.2.33:
See Translation of Inscription, No. IV.
Footnote 4.2.34:
A.D. 713, or S. 769: the Inscription 770 of Man Mori, against whom
came the ‘barbarian.’
Footnote 4.2.35:
I was informed by a friend, who had seen the papers of Captain
Macmurdo, that he had a notice of Kasim’s having penetrated to
Dungarpur. Had this gentleman lived, he would have thrown much light
on these Western antiquities. [Muhammad bin Kāsim does not seem to
have attacked Ajmer: the place was not founded till A.D. 1000 (Watson,
_Gazetteer_, i. A. 9).]
Footnote 4.2.36:
By an orthographical error, the modern Hindu, ignorant of Debal, has
written Delhi. But there was no lord of Delhi at this time: he is
styled Dahir, Despat (lord) of Debal, from _des_, ‘a country,’ and
_pat_, ‘the head.’
Footnote 4.2.37:
_Āīn_, ii. 344 f.
Footnote 4.2.38:
[The dates are open to much question. It is known from inscriptions
that Sakti Kumār was alive in A.D. 977.]
-----
CHAPTER 3
=Connexion of the Rānas with Persia.=—Historic truth has, in all
countries, been sacrificed to national vanity: to its gratification
every obstacle is made to give way; fictions become facts, and even
religious prejudices vanish in this mirage of the imagination. What but
this spurious zeal could for a moment induce any genuine Hindu to
believe that, only twelve centuries ago, ‘an eater of beef’ occupied the
chair of Rama, and enjoyed by universal acclaim the title of ‘Sun of the
Hindus’; or that the most ancient dynasty in the world could owe its
existence to the last of the Sassanian kings:[4.3.1] that a slip from
such a tree could be surreptitiously grafted on that majestic stem,
which has flourished from the golden to the iron age, covering the land
with its branches? That there existed a marked affinity in religious
rites between the Rana’s family and the Guebres, or ancient Persians, is
evident. With both, the chief object of adoration was the sun; each bore
the image of the orb on their banners. The chief day in the seven[4.3.2]
was dedicated to the sun; to it is sacred the chief gate of the city,
the principal bastion of every fortress. But though the faith of Islam
has driven away the fairy inhabitants from the fountains of Mithras,
that of Surya has still its devotees on the summit of Chitor, as at
Valabhi: and could we trace with accuracy their creeds to a distant age,
we might discover them to be of one family, worshipping the sun at the
fountains of the Oxus and Jaxartes.
The darkest period of Indian history is during the six centuries
following Vikramaditya, which are scarcely enlightened by a ray of
knowledge: but India was undergoing great changes, and foreign tribes
were pouring in from the north. To this period, the sixth century, the
genealogies of the Puranas are brought down, which expressly declare
(adopting the prophetic spirit to conceal [233] the alterations and
additions they then underwent) that at this time the genuine line of
princes would be extinct, and that a mixed race would rule conjointly
with foreign barbarians; as the Turushka, the Mauna,[4.3.3] the
Yavan,[4.3.4] the Gorind, and Garddhabin.[4.3.5] There is much of truth
in this; nor is it to be doubted that many of the Rajput tribes entered
India from the north-west regions about this period. Gor and Gardhaba
have the same signification; the first is Persian; the second its
version in Hindi, meaning the ‘wild ass,’ an appellation of the Persian
monarch Bahram, surnamed Gor from his partiality to hunting that animal.
Various authorities state Bahramgor being in India in the fifth century,
and his having there left progeny by a princess of Kanauj. A passage
extracted by the author from an ancient Jain MS. indicates that “in S.
523 Raja Gardhabela, of Kakustha, or Suryavansa, ruled in Valabhipura.”
It has been surmised that Gardhabela was the son of Bahramgor, a son of
whom is stated to have obtained dominion at Patan; which may be borne in
mind when the authorities for the Persian extraction of the Rana’s
family are given.[4.3.6]
The Hindus, when conquered by the Muhammadans, naturally wished to gild
the chains they could not break. To trace a common, though distant,
origin with the conquerors was to remove some portion of the taint of
dishonour which arose from giving their daughters in marriage to the
Tatar emperors of Delhi; and a degree of satisfaction was derived from
assuming that the blood thus corrupted once flowed from a common
fountain[4.3.7] [234].
Further to develop these claims of Persian descent, we shall commence
with an extract from the Upadesa Prasād, a collection of historic
fragments in the Magadhi dialect. "In Gujardes (Gujarat) there are
eighty-four cities. In one of these, Kaira, resided the Brahman
Devaditya, the expounder of the Vedas. He had an only child, Subhaga
(_of good fortune_) by name, at once a maiden and a widow. Having
learned from her preceptor the solar incantation, incautiously repeating
it, the sun appeared and embraced her, and she thence became
pregnant.[4.3.8] The affliction of her father was diminished when he
discovered the parent; nevertheless [as others might be less charitable]
he sent her with a female attendant to Valabhipura, where she was
delivered of twins, male and female. When grown up the boy was sent to
school; but being eternally plagued about his mysterious birth, whence
he received the nickname of Ghaibi (‘concealed’), in a fit of irritation
he one day threatened to kill his mother if she refused to disclose the
author of his existence. At this moment the sun revealed himself: he
gave the youth a pebble, with which it was sufficient to touch his
companions in order to overcome them. Being carried before the Balhara
prince, who menaced Ghaibi, the latter slew him with the pebble, and
became himself sovereign of Saurashtra, taking the name of
Siladitya[4.3.9] (from _sila_, ‘a stone or pebble,’ and _aditya_, ‘the
sun’): his sister was married to the Raja of Broach." Such is the
literal translation of a fragment totally unconnected with the history
of the Rana’s family, though evidently bearing upon it. The father of
Siladitya, according to the Sandrai roll and other authorities of that
period, is Suraj (the sun) Rao, though two others make a Somaditya
intervene[4.3.10] [235].
Let us see what Abu-l Fazl says of the descent of the Ranas from
Nushirwan: “The chief of the State was formerly called Rāwal, but for a
long time past has been known as Rāna. He is of the Ghelot clan, and
pretends to descent from Noshirwān the Just. An ancestor of this family
through the vicissitudes of fortune came to Berār and was distinguished
as the chief of Narnālah. About eight hundred years previous to the
present time[4.3.11] Narnālah was taken by the enemy and many were
slain. One Bāpa, a child, was carried by his mother from this scene of
desolation to Mewār, and found refuge with Rājah Mandalīkh, a
Bhīl.”[4.3.12]
The work which has furnished all the knowledge which exists on the
Persian ancestry of the Mewar princes is the _Maasiru-l-Umara_, or that
(in the author’s possession) founded on it, entitled _Bisatu-l-Ghanim_,
or ‘Display of the Foe,’ written in A.H. 1204[4.3.13] [A.D. 1789]. The
writer of this work styles himself Lachhmi Narayan Shafik Aurangabadi,
or ‘the rhymer of Aurangabad.’ He professes to give an account of
Sivaji, the founder of the Mahratta empire; for which purpose he goes
deep into the lineage of the Ranas of Mewar, from whom Sivaji was
descended,[4.3.14] quoting at length the Maasiru-l-Umara, from which the
following is a literal translation: "It is well known that the Rajas of
Udaipur are exalted over all the princes of Hind. Other Hindu princes,
before they can succeed to the throne of their fathers, must receive the
khushka, or tilak of regality and investiture, from them. This type of
sovereignty is received with humility and veneration. The khushka of
these princes is made with human blood: their title is Rana, and they
deduce [236] their origin from Noshirwan-i-Adil (_i.e._ the Just), who
conquered the countries of ——,[4.3.15] and many parts of Hindustan.
During his lifetime his son Noshizad, whose mother was the daughter of
Kaiser of Rum,[4.3.16] quitted the ancient worship and embraced the
‘faith[4.3.17] of the Christians,’ and with numerous followers entered
Hindustan. Thence he marched a great army towards Iran, against his
father Noshirwan; who despatched his general, Rambarzin,[4.3.18] with
numerous forces to oppose him. An action ensued, in which Noshizad was
slain; _but his issue remained in Hindustan, from whom are descended the
Ranas of Udaipur_. Nushirwan had a wife from the Khakhan[4.3.19] of
China, by whom he had a son called Hormuz, declared heir to the throne
shortly before his death. As according to the faith of the
fire-worshippers[4.3.20] it is not customary either to bury or to burn
the dead, but to leave the corpse exposed to the rays of the sun, so it
is said the body of Nushirwan has to this day suffered no decay, but is
still fresh."
I now come to the account of Yazd, "the son of Shahriyar, the son of
Khusru Parves, the son of Hormuz, the son of Nushirwan.
"Yazd was the last king of Ajam. It is well known he fought many battles
with the Muhammadans. In the fifteenth year of the caliphat, Rustam, son
of Ferokh, a great chief, was slain in battle by Saad-bin-wakas, who
commanded for Omar, which was the death-blow to the fortunes of the
house of Sassan: so that a remnant of it did not remain in A.H. 31, when
Iran was seized by the Muhammadans. This battle had lasted four days
when Rustam Ferokzad was slain by the hand of Hilkal, the son of Al
Kumna, at Saad’s command [237]; though Firdausi asserts by Saad himself.
Thirty thousand Muslims were slain, and the same number of the men of
Ajam. To count the spoils was a torment. During this year (the
thirty-first), the sixteenth of the prophet,[4.3.21] the era of the
Hegira was introduced. In A.H. 17 Abu Musa of Ashur seized Hormuz, the
son of the uncle of Yazdegird, whom he sent with Yazdegird’s daughter to
Imam Husain, and another daughter to Abubakr.
"Thus far have I[4.3.22] extracted from the history of the
fire-worshippers. He who has a mind to examine these, let him do so. The
people of the religion of Zardusht have a full knowledge of all these
events, with their dates; for the pleasure of their lives is the
obtaining accounts of antiquity and astronomical knowledge, and their
books contain information of two and three thousand years. It is also
told, that when the fortunes of Yazdegird were on the wane, his family
dispersed to different regions. The second daughter, Shahr Banu, was
married to Imam Husain,[4.3.23] who, when he fell a martyr (shahid), an
angel carried her to heaven. The third daughter, Banu, was seized by a
plundering Arab and carried into the wilds of Chichik, thirty coss from
Yazd. Praying to God for deliverance, she instantly disappeared; and the
spot is still held sacred by the Parsis, and named ‘the secret abode of
perfect purity.’ Hither, on the twenty-sixth of the month Bahman, the
Parsis yet repair to pass a month in pilgrimage, living in huts under
indigenous vines skirting the rock, out of whose fissures water falls
into a fountain below: but if the unclean approach the spring, it ceases
to flow.
“Of the eldest daughter of Yazdegird, Maha Banu, the Parsis have no
accounts; but the books of Hind give evidence to her arrival in that
country, and that from her issue is the tribe Sesodia. But, at all
events, this race is either of the seed of Nushishad, the son of
Nushirwan, or of that of the daughter of Yazdegird.”[4.3.24]
Thus have we adduced, perhaps, all the points of evidence for the
supposed Persian origin of the Rana’s family. The period of the invasion
of Saurashtra by Nushishad, who mounted the throne A.D. 531, corresponds
well with the sack of Valabhi, A.D. 524 [238]. The army he collected in
Laristan to depose his father might have been from the Parthians, Getae,
Huns, and other Scythic races then on the Indus, though it is unlikely,
with such an object in view as the throne of Persia, that he would waste
his strength in Saurashtra. Khusru Parvez, grandson of Nushirwan the
great, and who assumed this title according to Firdausi, married Marian,
the daughter of Maurice, the Greek emperor of Byzantium. She bore him
Shirauah (the Siroes of the early Christian writers), who slew his
father. It is difficult to separate the actions of the two Nushirwans,
and still more to say which of them merited the epithet of _adil_, or
‘just.’
According to the ‘Tables’ in Moreri,[4.3.25] Nushishad, son of Khusru
the Great, reigned from A.D. 531 to 591. This is opposed to the
_Maasiru-l-Umara_, which asserts that he was slain during his rebellion.
Siroes, son of Khusru (the second Nushirwan) by his wife Marian,
alternately called the friend and foe of the Christians, did raise the
standard of revolt, and met the fate attributed to Nushishad; on which
Yazdegird, his nephew, was proclaimed. The crown was intended for
Shirauah’s younger brother, which caused the revolt, during which the
elder sought refuge in India.
These revolutions in the Sassanian house were certainly simultaneous
with those which occurred in the Rana’s, and no barrier existed to the
political intercourse at least between the princely worshippers of Surya
and Mithras. It is, therefore, curious to speculate even on the
possibility of such a pedigree to a family whose ancestry is lost in the
mists of time; and it becomes interesting when, from so many authentic
sources, we can raise testimonies which would furnish, to one even
untinctured with the love of hypothesis, grounds for giving ancestors to
the Ranas in Maurice of Byzantium and Cyrus (Khusru) of Persia [239]. We
have a singular support to these historic relics in a geographical fact,
that places on the site of the ancient Valabhi a city called Byzantium,
which almost affords conclusive proof that it must have been the son of
Nushirwan who captured Valabhi and Gajni, and destroyed the family of
Siladitya; for it would be a legitimate occasion to name such conquest
after the city where his Christian mother had had birth.[4.3.26]
Whichever of the propositions we adopt at the command of the author of
The Annals of Princes, namely, “that the Sesodia race is of the seed of
Nushishad, son of Nushirwan, or of that of Mahabanu, daughter of
Yazdegird,” we arrive at a singular and startling conclusion, viz. that
the ‘Hindua Suraj, descendant of a hundred kings,’ the undisputed
possessor of the honours of Rama, the patriarch of the Solar race, is
the issue of a Christian princess: that the chief prince amongst the
nations of Hind can claim affinity with the emperors of ‘the mistress of
the world,’ though at a time when her glory had waned, and her crown had
been transferred from the Tiber to the Bosphorus.
But though I deem it morally impossible that the Ranas should have their
lineage from any _male_ branch of the Persian house, I would not equally
assert that Mahabanu, the fugitive daughter of Yazdegird, may not have
found a husband, as well as sanctuary, with the prince of Saurashtra;
and she may be the Subhagna (mother of Siladitya), whose mysterious
amour with the ‘sun’[4.3.27] compelled her to abandon her native city of
Kaira. The son of Marian had been in Saurashtra, and it is therefore not
unlikely that her grandchild should there seek protection in the
reverses of her family.
The Salic law is here in full force, and honours, though never acquired
by the female, may be stained by her; yet a daughter of the noble house
of Sassan might be permitted to perpetuate the line of Rama without the
reproach of taint.[4.3.28]
We shall now abandon this point to the reader, and take leave of
Yazdegird,[4.3.29] the last of the house of Sassan, in the words of the
historian of Rome: “Avec lui, on voit périr pour jamais la gloire et
l’empire des Perses. Les rochers du Mazendaran et les sables du Kerman,
furent les seuls[4.3.30] asiles que les vainqueurs laissèrent aux
sectateurs de Zoroastre”[4.3.31] [240].
-----
Footnote 4.3.1:
Yezdegird died A.D. 651.
Footnote 4.3.2:
_Surajwar_, or _Adityawar_, Sun-day; and the other days of the week,
from the other planets, which Western nations have taken from the
East.
Footnote 4.3.3:
See _History of the Tribes_, pp. 123, 135, articles ‘Takshak,’ and
‘Jhala,’ or _Makwahana_, in all probability the _Mauna_ of the
_Puranas_ [?].
Footnote 4.3.4:
The Yavan, or Greek princes, who apparently continued to rule within
the Indus after the Christian era, were either the remains of the
Bactrian dynasty or the independent kingdom of Demetrius or
Apollodotus, who ruled in the Panjab, having as their capital Sagala,
changed by Demetrius to Euthymedia. Bayer says, in his _Hist. Reg.
Bact._, p. 84: “I find from Claudius Ptolemy, that there was a city
within the Hydaspes yet nearer the Indus, called Sagala, also
Euthymedia; but I scarcely doubt that Demetrius called it Euthydemia,
from his father, after his death and that of Menander. Demetrius was
deprived of his patrimony A.U.C. 562.” [The site of Sagala is
uncertain—Chiniot, Shāhkot, Siālkot (_IGI_, ii. 80 f.; McCrindle,
_Ptolemy_, 122 ff.).]
On this ancient city, Sagala, I have already said much; conjecturing
it to be the Salbhanpura of the Yadus when driven from Zabulistan, and
that of the Yuch-chi or Yuti, who were fixed there from Central Asia
in the fifth century, and if so early as the second century, when
Ptolemy wrote, may have originated the change of Yuti-media, the
‘Central Yuti.’ The numerous medals which I possess, chiefly found
within the probable limits of the Greek kingdom of Sagala, either
belong to these princes or the Parthian kings of Minnagara on the
Indus. The legends are in Greek on one side, and in the Sassanian
character on the reverse. Hitherto I have not deciphered the names of
any but those of Apollodotus and Menander; but the titles of ‘Great
King,’ ‘Saviour,’ and other epithets adopted by the Arsacidae, are
perfectly legible. The devices, however, all incline me to pronounce
them Parthian. It would be curious to ascertain how these Greeks and
Parthians gradually merged into the Hindu population [see _IGI_, ii.
137].
Footnote 4.3.5:
[The list in the Vishnu Purāna (474 f.) gives 7 Abhīras, 10
Garddhabas, 16 Sakas, 14 Tushāras, 13 Mundas, 11 Maunas. On the
impossibility of reducing the Purānic accounts to order see Smith,
_EHI_, 274.]
Footnote 4.3.6:
[Rawlinson (_Seventh Oriental Monarchy_, 298) regards the eastern
adventure of Bahrāmgor, Varahran V., as mythical. Sykes (_Hist. of
Persia_, i. 470) thinks they can hardly be authentic, “but I do not
reject it as entirely devoid of historical basis.”]
Footnote 4.3.7:
The Hindu genealogist, in ignorance of the existence of Aghuz Khan,
the Tatar patriarch, could not connect the chain of Chagatai with
Chandra. The Brahman, better read, supplied the defect, and with his
doctrine of the metempsychosis animated the material frame of the
beneficent Akbar with the ‘good genius’ of a Hindu; and that of their
mortal foe, Aurangzeb, with one of evil destiny, being that of
Kalayavana, the foe of Krishna. They gravely assert that Akbar visited
his ancient hermitage at the confluence of the Ganges and Jumna, and
excavated the implements of penance used by him in his former shape,
as one of the sages of ancient times; while such is their aversion to
Aurangzeb, that they declare the final avatar, Time (_Kal_), on his
white steed, will appear in his person. The Jaisalmer annals affirm
that the whole Turkish (_Turushka_) race of Chagatai are of Yadu
stock; while the Jam Jareja of Cutch traces his descent from the
Persian Jamshid, contemporary with Solomon. These are curious claims,
but the Rana’s family would consider such vanity criminal.
Footnote 4.3.8:
[For legends of women impregnated by the sun see Frazer, _Golden
Bough_, Part vii. vol. i. 74 ff.]
Footnote 4.3.9:
This is probably the Siladitya of the Satrunjaya Mahatma, who repaired
the temple on Satrunjaya in S. 477 (A.D. 421). [A mere folk
etymology—Sīlāditya, from _sil_, ‘to worship,’ _āditya_, ‘the sun.’]
Footnote 4.3.10:
In perusing this fragment we are struck by the similarity of
production of these Hindu Heliadae and that of the celebrated Tatar
dynasty from which Jenghiz Khan was descended. The Niruns, or
‘children of light,’ were from an amour of the sun with Alung Goa,
from which Jenghiz was the ninth in descent. Authorities quoted by
Petis de la Croix, in his life of this conqueror, and likewise by
Marigny, in his _History of the Saracens_, affirm Jenghiz Khan to be a
descendant of Yazdegird, the last Sassanian prince. Jenghiz was an
idolater, and hated the very name of Muhammadan [see Howorth, _Hist.
of the Mongols_, i. 37 ff.]. A courtier telling Aurangzeb of his
celestial ancestry, gravely quoting the affair of the mother of the
race of Timur with the sun, the bigoted monarch coarsely replied,
“Mama qahba bud,” which we will not translate.
Footnote 4.3.11:
Akbar commenced his reign A.D. 1556, and had been forty years on the
throne when the ‘Institutes’ were composed by the Abu-l Fazl. [The
translation of Gladwin in the original text has been replaced by that
of Jarrett, _Āīn_, ii. 268.]
Footnote 4.3.12:
Orme [_Historical Fragments_, Notes, p. xxii] was acquainted with this
passage, and shows his knowledge of the Hindu character by observing
that it was a strange pedigree to assign a Hindu prince, for Khusru,
of the religion of Zoroaster, though compelled to many abstinences,
was not restrained from eating beef: and Anquetil du Perron says of
the Parsis, their descendants, that they have refrained since their
emigration from slaying the cow merely to please the Hindu.
Footnote 4.3.13:
The cryptographic date is contained in the numerical value of the
letters which compose the title:
┐ As the total is only 1183,
B. S. A. T. a. l. G. N. A. E. M. ├ either the date is wrong,
2. 60. 1. 9. 1. 9. 1000. 50. 1. 10. 40. │ or a deficient value
┘ given to the numerals.
Footnote 4.3.14:
Wilford, who by his indefatigable research and knowledge of Sanskrit
had accumulated extensive materials, unhappily deteriorated by a too
credulous imagination, yet containing much valuable matter available
to those sufficiently familiar with the subject to select with safety,
has touched on this, and almost on every other point in the circle of
Hindu antiquities. Ali Ibrahim, a learned native of Benares, was
Wilford’s authority for asserting the Rana’s Persian descent, who
stated to him that he had seen the original history, which was
entitled, Origin of the Peishwas from the Ranas of Mewar. (Ibrahim
must have meant the Satara princes, whose ministers were the Peshwas.)
From this authority three distinct emigrations of the Guebres, or
ancient Persians, are recorded, from Persia into Gujarat. The first in
the time of Abu Bakr, A.D. 631; the second on the defeat of Yazdegird,
A.D. 651; and the third when the descendants of Abbas began to
prevail, A.D. 749. Also that a son of Noshirwan landed near Surat with
eighteen thousand of his subjects, from Laristan, and were well
received by the prince of the country. Abu-l Fazl confirms this
account by saying, "the followers of Zoroaster, when they fled from
Persia, settled in _Surat_," the contracted term for the peninsular of
Saurashtra, as well as the city of this name [_Āīn_, ii. 243].
Footnote 4.3.15:
The names are obliterated in the original. Ferishta [i. Introd. lxxix]
informs us that Ramdeo Rathor, sovereign of Kanauj, was made tributary
by Firoz ‘Sassan’; and that Partap Chand, who usurped the throne of
Ramdeo, neglecting to pay this tribute, Noshirwan marched into India
to recover it, and in his progress subdued Kabul and the Panjab. From
the striking coincidence of these original and decisive authorities,
we may rest assured that they had recourse to ancient records, both of
the Guebres and the Hindus, for the basis of their histories, which
research may yet discover.
Footnote 4.3.16:
Maurice, emperor of Byzantium. [Sykes (_Hist. of Persia_, ii. 495)
calls the son of Nushirwān Nushishad, and mentions his rebellion
against his father. There seems to be no evidence that Nushishad
reached India: he was slain after he revolted (Malcolm, _Hist.
Persia_, 2nd ed. i. 112 ff.).]
Footnote 4.3.17:
_Din-i-Tarsar._ See Ebn Haukal, art. ‘Serir,’ or Russia; whose king, a
son of Bahram Chassin, whom he styles a _Tersar_ or Christian, first
possessed it about the end of the sixth century.
Footnote 4.3.18:
The _Verames_ of Western historians [Malcolm, _op. cit._ i. 113].
Footnote 4.3.19:
_Khakhan_ was the title of the kings of Chinese Tartary. It was held
by the leader of the Huns, who at this period held power on the
Caspian: it was also held by the Urus, Khuzr, Bulgar, Serir, all terms
for Russia, before its _Kaisar_ was cut down into _Tzar_, for the
original of which, the kings of Rome, as of Russia, were indebted to
the Sanskrit _Kesar_, a ‘lion’ [Lat. Caesar] (_vide_ Ibn Haukal, art.
‘Khozr’).
Footnote 4.3.20:
Din-i-Majusi; literally, ‘faith of the Magi.’
Footnote 4.3.21:
Muhammad, born A.D. 578; the Hegira, or flight, A.D. 622.
Footnote 4.3.22:
It must be borne in mind that it is the author of the
_Maasiru-l-Umara_, not the rhymer of Aurungabad, who is speaking.
Footnote 4.3.23:
[This is the Persian tradition (Sykes, _op. cit._ ii. 44).]
Footnote 4.3.24:
For the extract from “The Annals of Princes (_Maasiru-l-Umara_)” let
us laud the memory of the rhymer of Aurungabad. An original copy,
which I in vain attempted to procure in India, is stated by Sir
William Ouseley to be in the British Museum. We owe that country a
large debt, for we have robbed her of all her literary treasures,
leaving them to sleep on the shelves of our public institutions.
[There is no real evidence of the Persian descent of the Rānas, and it
has been suggested that the story is based on the fire symbols on the
coinage found in Kāthiawār and Mewār, these, though in the main
Indo-Scythic, betraying from about sixth century a more direct
Sassanian influence (_BG_, i. Part i. 102). At the same time recent
discoveries indicate Persian influence in N. India.]
Footnote 4.3.25:
Vide _Grand Dictionnaire Historique_.
Footnote 4.3.26:
[Byzantium cannot have been a Greek colony, the name apparently
representing Vijayanta, now Vijayadurga, the southern entrance of the
Vāghotan River in Ratnagiri (McCrindle, _Ptolemy_, 47; _BG_, i. Part
ii. 174 f.).]
Footnote 4.3.27:
It will be recollected that the various authorities given state Raja
Suraj (_sun_), of Kakustha race, to be the father of Siladitya.
_Kakustha_ is a term used synonymously with _Suryavansa_, according to
the Solar genealogists. Those who may be inclined to the Persian
descent may trace it from _Kaikaus_, a well-known epithet in the
Persian dynasties. I am unacquainted with the etymology of Kakustha;
but it may possibly be from _ka_, ‘of or belonging to,’ _Kusa_ (Cush),
the second son of Rama [?]. I have already hinted that the Assyrian
Medes might be descendants of Hyaspa, a branch of the Indu-Mede of the
family of Yayati which bore the name of _Kausika_. [The reference in
the text may be to Kakutstha, grandson of Ikshwāku, who is said to
have taken his name because he stood on the hump (_Kukuda_) of Indra
when he was turned into a bull (Wilson, _Vishna Purāna_, 361).]
Footnote 4.3.28:
“The moral consequence of a pedigree,” says Hume, “is differently
marked by the influence of law and custom. The male sex is deemed more
noble than the female. The association of our ideas pursues the
regular descent of honour and estates from father to son, and their
wives, however essential, are considered only in the light of foreign
auxiliaries” (_Essays_, vol. ii. p. 192). Not unlike the Rajput axiom,
though more coarsely expressed; “It is, who planted the tree, not
where did it grow,” that marks his idea of the comparative value of
the side whence honours originate; though purity of blood in both
lines is essential.
Footnote 4.3.29:
A new era had commenced, not of Yazdegird’s accession, as is supposed,
which would have been vain indeed, when the throne was tottering under
him, but consequent to the completion of the grand cycle of 1440
years. He was slain at Merv in A.D. 651, the 31st of the Hegira; on
the eleventh year of which, or A.D. 632 (according to Moreri), he
commenced his reign.
Footnote 4.3.30:
Gibbon was wrong. India afforded them an asylum, and their issue
constitutes the most wealthy, the most respected, and the most
enlightened part of the native community of Bombay and the chief towns
of that presidency.
Footnote 4.3.31:
Gibbon, _Miscellaneous Works_, ‘Sur la Monarchie des Mèdes,’ vol. iii.
-----
CHAPTER 4
=Samarsi, Samar Singh.=—Having established Bappa on the throne of Chitor
S. 784 (A.D. 728), we will proceed to glean from the annals, from the
period of his departure for Iran, S. 820 (A.D. 764) to another halting
point—the reign of Samarsi, S. 1249 (A.D. 1193);[4.4.1] an important
epoch, not only in the history of Mewar, but to the whole Hindu race;
when the diadem of sovereignty was torn from the brow of the Hindu to
adorn that of the Tatar. We shall not, however, overleap the four
intervening centuries, though we may not be able to fill up the reigns
of the eighteen princes[4.4.2] whose “banner at this time was a golden
sun on a crimson field,”[4.4.3] and several of whose names yet live
recorded “with an iron pen on the rock” of their native abodes.
An intermediate period, from Bappa to Samarsi, that of Sakti Kumar, is
fixed by the Aitpur inscription in S. 1024 (A.D. 968); and from the more
perishable yet excellent authority of an ancient Jain MS. the era of
Allat, the ancestor of Sakti Kumar, was S. 922 (A.D. 866), four
generations anterior. From Bappa’s departure for Iran, in A.D. 764, to
the subversion of Hindu dominion in the reign of Samarsi, in A.D. 1193,
we find recorded an intermediate Islamite invasion. This was during the
reign of Khuman, between A.D. 812 and 836, which event forms the chief
subject of the Khuman-Raesa, the most ancient of the poetic chronicles
of Mewar [241].
As the history of India at this period is totally dark, we gladly take
advantage of the lights thus afforded. By combining these facts with
what is received as authentic, though scarcely less obscure or more
exact than these native legends, we may furnish materials for the future
historian. With this view, let us take a rapid sketch of the irruptions
of the Arabians into India, from the rise of Islamism to the foundation
of the Ghaznivid empire, which sealed the fate of the Hindus. The
materials are but scanty. El-Makin, in his history of the Caliphs,
passes over such intercourse almost without notice. Abu-l-Fazl, though
not diffuse, is minute in what he does say, and we can confide in his
veracity. Ferishta has a chapter devoted to this subject, which merits a
better translation than yet exists.[4.4.4] We shall, however, in the
first place, touch on Bappa’s descendants, till we arrive at the point
proper for the introduction of the intended sketch.
Of the twenty-four tribes of Guhilot, several issued from the founder,
Bappa. Shortly after the conquest of Chitor, Bappa proceeded to
Saurashtra and married the daughter of Yusufgol, prince of the island of
Bandardiva.[4.4.5] With his bride he conveyed to Chitor the statue of
Vyanmata, the tutelary goddess of her race, who still divides with
Eklinga the devotion of the Guhilot princes. The temple in which he
enshrined this islandic goddess yet stands on the summit of Chitor, with
many other monuments assigned by tradition to Bappa. This princess bore
him Aparajit, who from being born in Chitor was nominated successor to
the throne, to the exclusion of his less fortunate elder brother, Asil
(born of the daughter of the Kaba (Pramara) prince of Kalibao near
Dwaraka), who, however, obtained possessions in Saurashtra, and founded
a race called the Asila Guhilots,[4.4.6] whose descendants were so
numerous, even in Akbar’s reign, as to [242] be supposed able to bring
into the field fifty thousand men at arms. We have nothing important to
record of the actions of Aparajit, who had two sons, Kalbhoj[4.4.7] and
Nandkumar. Kalbhoj succeeded Aparajit, and his warlike qualities are
extolled in an inscription discovered by the author in the valley of
Nagda. Nandkumar slew Bhimsen Dor (_Doda_), and possessed himself of
Deogarh in the Deccan.
=Khumān I.=—Khuman succeeded Kalbhoj. His name is remarkable in the
history of Mewar. He came to the throne at the beginning of the ninth
century, when Chitor was assailed by another formidable invasion of
Muhammadans. The chief object of the Khuman Raesa is to celebrate the
defence made on this occasion, and the value of this Raesa consists in
the catalogue of the princes who aided in defending this bulwark of the
Hindu faith. The bard, in an animated strain, makes his sovereign on
this occasion successfully defend the ‘crimson standard’ of Mewar, treat
with contempt the demand for tribute, and after a violent assault, in
which the ‘barbarian’ is driven back, follow and discomfit him in the
plan, carrying back the hostile leader, Mahmud, captive. With this
event, which introduces the name of Mahmud two centuries before the
conqueror of Ghazni, we will pause, and resume the promised sketch of
the intercourse of Arabia and Hindustan at this period.
=The Muhammadan Invasion, A.D. 644-55.=—The first intimation of the
Moslems attempting the invasion of India is during the caliphat of Omar,
who built the port of Bassorah at the mouth of the Tigris, chiefly to
secure the trade of Gujarat and Sind; into which latter country a
powerful army penetrated under Abul Aas,[4.4.8] who was killed in battle
at Aror. The Caliph Osman, who succeeded Omar, sent to explore the state
of India, while he prepared an army to invade it in person: a design
which he never fulfilled. The generals of the Caliph Ali made conquests
in Sind, which they abandoned at Ali’s death. While Yazid was governor
of Khorasan several attempts were made on India, as also during the
caliphat of Abdu-l Malik, but without any lasting [243] results. It was
not till the reign of Walid[4.4.9] that any successful invasion took
place. He not only finally conquered Sind and the adjoining continent of
India, but rendered tributary all that part of India on this side the
Ganges.[4.4.10] What an exalted idea must we not form of the energy and
rapidity of such conquests, when we find the arms of Islam at once on
the Ganges and the Ebro, and two regal dynasties simultaneously cut off,
that of Roderic, the last of the Goths of Andaloos, and Dahir Despati in
the valley of the Indus. It was in A.H. 99 (A.D. 712, S. 774) that
Muhammad bin Kasim vanquished and slew Dahir, prince of Sind, after
numerous conflicts. Amongst the spoils of victory sent to the caliph on
this occasion were the daughters of the subjugated monarch, who were the
cause of Kasim’s destruction,[4.4.11] when he was on the eve of carrying
the war against Raja [244] Harchand of Kanauj. Some authorities state
that he actually prosecuted it; and as Sind remained a dependency of the
caliphat during several successive reigns, the successor of Kasim may
have executed his plans. Little is said of India from this period to the
reign of Al-Mansur, except in regard to the rebellion of Yazid in
Khorasan, and the flight of his son to Sind. The eight sovereigns, who
rapidly followed, were too much engaged with the Christians of the west
and the Huns on the Caspian to think of India. Their armies were then in
the heart of France, which was only saved from the Koran by their
overthrow at Tours by Charles Martel.
GUHILOT AND CONTEMPORARY PRINCES[4.4.13]
GUHILOT │ Eras. │ CALIPHS OF │ Eras. │Remarks.
PRINCES │ │ │BAGHDAD and │ │ │
│ S │C.E.│ KINGS OF │ A.H. │ A.D. │
│ │ │ GHAZNI. │ │ │
────────────────┼────┼────┼────────────┼──────────┼───────────┼────────────────────
│ │ │_Caliphs of_│ │ │
│ │ │ _Baghdad._ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
Bappa, born│769 │713 │ Walid (7th │ 86 to 96 │705 to 715 │Conquered India to
│ │ │ Ummaiya │ │ │the Ganges.
│ │ │ Caliph) │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
——— obtained│784 │728 │ Omar II. │99 to 102 │718 to 721 │Sindi conquered. The
│ │ │ (9th │ │ │
Chitor│ │ │ do.) │ │ │Mori prince of
│ │ │ │ │ │Chitor attacked by
│ │ │ │ │ │Muhammad (son of
│ │ │ │ │ │Kasim), the General
│ │ │ │ │ │of Omar.
│ │ │ │ │ │
——— governs│ │ │Hasham (10th│104 to 125│723 to 742 │Battle of Tours,
│ │ │ do.) │ │ │
Mewar│ │ │ │ │ │A.D. 732, and
│ │ │ │ │ │defeat of the
│ │ │ │ │ │Caliph’s army,
│ │ │ │ │ │under Abdulrahman,
│ │ │ │ │ │by Charles Martel.
│ │ │ │ │ │
——— abandons│820 │764 │ Al-Mansur │136 to 158│754 to 775 │Final conquest of
│ │ │ Abbasi │ │ │
Chitor│ │ │ (2nd do.) │ │ │Sind, and the name
│ │ │ │ │ │of its capital,
│ │ │ │ │ │Aror, changed to
│ │ │ │ │ │Mansura. Bappa,
│ │ │ │ │ │founder of the
│ │ │ │ │ │Guhilot race in
│ │ │ │ │ │Mewar, retires to
│ │ │ │ │ │Iran.
│ │ │ │ │ │
Aparajit, │ │ │ Harunu-r- │170 to 193│786 to 809 │Partition of the
Kalbhoj │ │ │rashid (5th │ │ │caliphat amongst
│ │ │ do.) │ │ │Harun’s sons. The
│ │ │ │ │ │second, Al-Mamun,
│ │ │ │ │ │obtains Zabulistan,
│ │ │ │ │ │Sind, and India,
│ │ │ │ │ │and ruled them till
│ │ │ │ │ │A.D. 813, when he
│ │ │ │ │ │became Caliph.
│ │ │ │ │ │
Khuman │868 │812 │ Al-Mamun │198 to 218│813 to 833 │Invasion and attack
│ │ │ (7th │ │ │
│ to │ to │ do.) │ │ │on Chitor from
│892 │836 │ │ │ │Zabulistan.
│ │ │ │ │ │
Bhartaribhat. │ │ │ │ │ │
Singhji. │ │ │ │ │ │
Allat. │ │ │ │ │ │
Narabahan. │ │ │ _Kings of │ │ │
│ │ │ Ghazni._ │ │ │
Salivahan. │ │ │ │ │ │
Sakti Kumar │1024│968 │ Alptigin │ 350 │ 957 │Inscription of
│ │ │ │ │ │Sakti-kumar from
│ │ │ │ │ │ruins of Aitpur.
│ │ │ │ │ │
Amba Pasao. │ │ │ │ │ │
Naravarman │ │ │ Sabuktigin │ 367 │ 977 │Invasion of India.
Jasuvarman [or │ │ │ Mahmud │387 to 418│997 to 1027│Invasions of India,
Kirtivarman] │ │ │ │ │ │destruction of
│ │ │ │ │ │Aitpur.
────────────────┴────┴────┴────────────┴──────────┴───────────┴────────────────────
Al-Mansur, when only the lieutenant of the Caliph Abbas, held the
government of Sind and of India, and made the island of Bakhar on the
Indus, and the adjacent Aror,[4.4.14] the ancient capital, his
residence, naming it Mansura; and it was during his government that
Bappa Rawal abandoned Chitor for Iran.
The celebrated Harunu-r-rashid, contemporary of Charlemagne, in
apportioning his immense empire amongst his sons, gave to the second,
Al-Mamun, Khorasan, Zabulistan, Kabulistan, Sind, and Hindustan.[4.4.15]
Al-Mamun, on the death of Harun, deposed his brother, and became caliph
in A.H. 198 or A.D. 813, and ruled to 833, the exact period of the reign
of Khuman, prince of Chitor. The domestic history brings the enemy
assailant of Chitor from Zabulistan; and as the leader’s name is given
_Mahmud Khorasan Pat_, there can be little doubt that it is an error
arising from ignorance of the copyist, and should be _Mamun_.
=Mahmūd’s Invasion.=—Within twenty years after this event, the sword of
conquest and conversion was withdrawn from India, and Sind was the only
province left to Mutawakkil (A.D. 850 [847-861]), the grandson of Harun,
for a century after whom the throne of Baghdad, like that of ancient
Rome, was sold by her praetorians to the highest bidder. From this time
we find no mention whatever of Hindustan, or even of Sind, until
Sabuktigin,[4.4.16] governor of Khorasan, hoisted the standard of
independent sovereignty at Ghazni. In A.H. 365 (A.D. 974) he carried his
arms [245] across the Indus, forcing the inhabitants to abandon the
religion of their ancestors, and to read the Koran from the altars of
Bal and Krishna. Towards the close of this century he made his last
invasion, accompanied by his son, the celebrated Mahmud, destined to be
the scourge of the Hindu race, who early imbibed the paternal lesson
inculcating the extirpation of infidels. Twelve several visitations did
Mahmud make with his Tatar hordes, sweeping India of her riches,
destroying her temples and architectural remains, and leaving the
country plunged in poverty and ignorance. From the effect of these
incursions she never recovered; for though she had a respite of a
century between Mahmud and the final conquest, it was too short to
repair what it had cost ages to rear: the temples of Somnath, of Chitor,
and Girnar are but types of the magnificence of past times. The memorial
of Sakti Kumar proves him to have been the contemporary of Sabuktigin,
and to one of his son’s visitations is attributed the destruction of the
‘city of the sun’ (Aitpur),[4.4.17] his capital.
=Attack on Chitor.=—Having thus condensed the little information
afforded by Muhammadan historians of the connexion between the caliphs
of Baghdad and princes of Hind, from the first to the end of the fourth
century of the Hegira, we shall revert to the first recorded attack on
the Mori prince of Chitor, which brought Bappa into notice. This was
either by Yazid or Muhammad bin Kasim from Sind.[4.4.18] Though in the
histories of the caliphs we can only expect to find recorded those
expeditions which were successful, or had some lasting results, there
are inroads of their revolted lieutenants or their frontier deputies,
which frequently, though indistinctly, alluded to in Hindu annals, have
no place in Muhammadan records. Throughout the period mentioned there
was a stir amongst the Hindu nations, in which we find confusion and
dethronement from an unknown invader, who is described as coming
sometimes by Sind, sometimes by sea, and not unfrequently as a demon and
magician; but invariably as _mlechchha_, or ‘barbarian.’[4.4.19] From S.
750 to S. 780 (A.D. 694 to [246] 724), the annals of the Yadus, the
Chauhans, the Chawaras, and the Guhilots, bear evidence to simultaneous
convulsions in their respective houses at this period. In S. 750 (A.H.
75) the Yadu Bhatti was driven from his capital Salpura in the Panjab,
across the Sutlej into the Indian desert; the invader named Farid. At
the same period Manika Rae, the Chauhan prince of Ajmer, was assailed
and slain.[4.4.20]
=The Muster of the Clans.=—The first of the Khichi princes who occupied
the Duab of Sindsagar in the Panjab, as well as the ancestor of the
Haras established in Golkonda, was expelled at the same time. The
invader is treated in the genuine Hindu style as a Danava, or demon, and
is named Ghairaram[4.4.21] (_i.e._ restless), from Kujliban,[4.4.22] a
term geographically given to a portion of the Himalaya mountains about
the glaciers of the Ganges. The ancestor of the founder of Patan was
expelled from his petty islandic dominion on the coast of Saurashtra at
the same time. This is the period when Yazid was the caliph’s lieutenant
in Khorasan, and when the arms of Walid conquered to the Ganges; nor is
there a doubt that Yazid or Kasim was the author of all these
revolutions in the Hindu dynasties. We are supported in this by the
names of the princes contained in the catalogue who aided to defend
Chitor and the Mori prince on this occasion. It is evident that Chitor
was, alternately with Ujjain, the seat of sovereignty of the Pramara at
this period, and, as it became the rallying point of the Hindus, that
this race was the first in consequence.[4.4.23] We find the prince of
Ajmer, and the quotas of Saurashtra and Gujarat [247]; Angatsi, lord of
the Huns; Busa, the lord of the North; Sheo, the prince of the Jarejas;
the Johya, lord of Jangaldes; the Aswaria, the Sepat, the Kulhar, the
Malan, the Ohir, the Hul, and many others, having nothing of the Hindu
in name, now extinct. But the most conspicuous is ‘Dahir Despati from
Debal.’ This is erroneously written Delhi, the seat of the Tuars;
whereas we recognize the name of the prince of Sind, slain by Kasim,
whose expatriated son doubtless found refuge in Chitor.[4.4.24]
=The Defeat of the Enemy.=—This attack on the Mori prince was defeated
chiefly through the bravery of the youthful Guhilot. The foe from
Kujliban, though stated to have advanced by Mathura, retreated by
Saurashtra and Sind, pursued by Bappa. He found the ancient seat of his
ancestors, Gajni,[4.4.25] still in the possession of the ‘Asur’: a term
as well as _mlechchha_, or ‘barbarian,’ always given to the Islamite at
this period. Salim, who held Gajni, was attacked and forced to
surrender, and Bappa inducted into this stronghold of his ancestors a
nephew of his own. It is no less singular than honourable to their
veracity that the annals should record the fact, so contrary to their
religion, of Bappa having married the daughter of the conquered Salim;
and we have a right to infer that it was from the influence acquired by
this union that he ultimately abandoned the sovereignty of Mewar and the
title of ‘Hindua Suraj’ to become the founder of the ‘one hundred and
thirty tribes of Naushahra [248] Pathans’ of the west. It is fair to
conclude from all these notices regarding the founder of the Guhilot
race in Chitor that he must have abjured his faith for that of Islam;
and it is probable (though the surmise must ever remain unproved) that,
under some new title applicable to such change, we may have, in one of
the early distinguished leaders of ‘the Faith,’ the ancestor of the
Guhilots.
=Khumān II.=—Let us now proceed to the next irruption of the Islamite
invaders in the reign of Khuman, from A.D. 812 to 836. Though the leader
of this attack is styled ‘Mahmud Khorasan Pat,’ it is evident from the
catalogue of Hindu princes who came to defend Chitor that this ‘lord of
Khorasan’ was at least two centuries before the son of Sabuktigin; and
as the period is in perfect accordance with the partition of the
caliphat by Harun amongst his sons, we can have no hesitation in
assigning such invasion to Mamun, to whose share was allotted Khorasan,
Sind, and the Indian dependencies. The records of this period are too
scanty to admit of our passing over in silence even a barren catalogue
of names, which, as texts, with the aid of collateral information, may
prove of some benefit to the future antiquarian and historian.
"From Gajni came the Guhilot; the Tak from Asir; from Narlai the
Chauhan; the Chalukya from Rahargarh; from Setubandha the Jarkhera; from
Mandor the Khairavi; from Mangrol the Makwahana; from Jethgarh the
Joria; from Taragarh the Rewar; the Kachhwaha from Narwar; from Sanchor
the Kalam; from Junagarh the Dasanoh; from Ajmer the Gaur; from
Lohadargarh the Chandano; from Dasaundi the Dor; from Delhi the Tuar;
from Patan the Chawara, preserver of royalty (_Rajdhar_); from Jalor the
Sonigira; from Sirohi the Deora; from Gagraun the Khichi; the Jadon from
Junagarh; the Jhala from Patri; from Kanauj the Rathor; from Chotiala
the Bala; from Piramgarh the Gohil; from Jaisalgarh the Bhatti; the Busa
from Lahore; the Sankhla from Roneja; the Sehat from Kherligarh; from
Mandalgarh the Nikumbha; the Bargujar from Rajor; from Karangarh the
Chandel; from Sikar the Sikarwal; from Umargarh the Jethwa; from Pali
the Bargota; from Khantargarh the Jareja; from Jirga the Kherwar; from
Kashmir the Parihara."
Of the Guhilot from Gajni we have said enough; nor shall we comment on
the Tak, or his capital, Asir, which now belongs to the British
Government. The Chauhan, who came from Narlai, was a celebrated branch
of the Ajmer [249] house, and claims the honour of being the parent of
the Sonigiras of Jalor and the Deoras of Sirohi. Nadol is mentioned by
Ferishta as falling a prey to one of Mahmud’s invasions, who destroyed
its ancient temples; but from erroneous punctuation it is lost in the
translation as Bazule.[4.4.26] Of Rahargarh and the Jarkhera from
Setubandha (on the Malabar coast) nothing is known.[4.4.27] Of the
Khairavi from Mandor we can only say that it appears to be a branch of
the Pramaras (who reckoned Mandor one of the nine strongholds,
‘_Nau-kot_,’ under its dominion), established anterior to the Pariharas,
who at this period had sovereignty in Kashmir. Both the Dor and his
capital, Dasaundi, are described in ancient books as situated on the
Ganges below Kanauj.
It is a subject of regret that the annals do not mention the name of the
Tuar prince of Delhi, which city could not have been refounded above a
century when this call was made upon its aid. Abu-l Fazl, Ferishta,
their translators, and those who have followed them have been corrected
by the _Edinburgh Review_, whose critical judgment on this portion of
ancient history is eminently good. I possess the original Hindu record
used by Abu-l Fazl, which gives S. 829 for the first Anangpal instead of
S. 429; and as there were but nineteen princes who intervened until his
dynasty was set aside by the Chauhan, it requires no argument to support
the _four_ instead of _eight_ centuries. The former will give the just
average of twenty-one years to a reign. The name of Anangpal was titular
in the family, and the epithet was applied to the last as to the first
of the race.
The name of the Chawara prince of Patan (Anhilwara) being recorded
amongst the auxiliaries of Khuman, is another satisfactory proof of the
antiquity of this invasion; for this dynasty was extinct, and succeeded
by the Solankis, in S. 998 (A.D. 942), fifty years prior to Mahmud of
Ghazni, who captured Patan during the reign of Chawand, the second
Solanki prince.[4.4.28]
The Sonigira, who came from Jalor, is a celebrated branch of the Chauhan
race, but we are ignorant of the extent of time that it held this
fortress: and as nothing can invalidate the testimonies afforded by the
names of the Chawara of [250] Patan, the Kachhwaha of Narwar, the Tuar
of Delhi, and the Rathor from Kanauj, there can be no hesitation at
pointing out the anachronisms of the chronicle, which states the Deora
from Sirohi, the Khichi from Gagraun, or the Bhatti from Jaisalgarh,
amongst the levies on this occasion; and which we must affirm to be
decided interpolations, the two first being at that period in possession
of the Pramara, and the latter not erected for three centuries later.
That the Deoras, the Khichis, and the Bhattis came to the aid of Khuman,
we cannot doubt; but the copyist, ignorant even of the names of the
ancient capitals of these tribes, Chhotan, Sindsagar, and Tanot,
substituted those which they subsequently founded.
The Jadon (Yadu) from Junagarh (Girnar) was of the race of Krishna, and
appeared long to have held possession of this territory; and the names
of the Khengars, of this tribe, will remain as long as the stupendous
monuments they reared on this sacred hill. Besides the Jadon, we find
Saurashtra sending forth the Jhalas, the Balas, and the Gohils to the
aid of the descendant of the lord of Valabhipura, whose paramount
authority they once all acknowledged, and who appeared to have long
maintained influence in that distant region.
Of the tribe of Busa, who left their capital, Lahore, to succour Chitor,
we have no mention, further than the name being enumerated amongst the
unassigned tribes of Rajputs.[4.4.29] Ferishta frequently notices the
princes of Lahore in the early progress of Islamism, though he does not
tell us the name of the tribe. In the reign of the caliph Al-Mansur,
A.H. 143 (A.D. 761), the Afghans of Kirman and Peshawar, who, according
to this authority, were a Coptic colony expelled from Egypt,[4.4.30] had
increased in such numbers as to abandon their residence about the ‘hill
of Sulaiman,’ and crossing the Indus, wrested possessions from the Hindu
princes of Lahore. This frontier warfare with a tribe which, though it
had certainly not then embraced the faith of Islam, brought to their
succour the forces of the caliph in Zabulistan, so that in five months
seventy battles were fought with varied success; but the last, in which
the Lahore prince carried his arms to Peshawar,[4.4.31] produced a
peace. Hence arose a union of interests between them and the hill tribe
of Gakkhar, and all the Kohistan west of the Indus was ceded to them
[251] on the condition of guarding this barrier into Hindustan against
invasion. For this purpose the fortress of Khaibar was erected in the
chief pass of the Koh-i-Daman. For two centuries after this event
Ferishta is silent on this frontier warfare, stating that henceforth
Hindustan was only accessible through Sind. When Aliptigin first crossed
the Indus, the prince of Lahore and the Afghans still maintained this
alliance and united to oppose him. Jaipal was then prince of Lahore; and
it is on this event that Ferishta, for the first time, mentions the
tribe of Bhatti,[4.4.32] “at the advice of whose prince he conferred the
command of the united forces on an Afghan chief,” to whom he assigned
the provinces of Multan and Lamghan. From this junction of interests the
princes of Lahore enjoyed comparative security, until Sabuktigin and
Mahmud compelled the Afghans to serve them: then Lahore was captured.
The territory dependent upon Lahore, at this period, extended from
Sirhind to Lamghan, and from Kashmir to Multan. Bhatinda divided with
Lahore the residence of its princes. Their first encounter was at
Lingham, on which occasion young Mahmud first distinguished himself, and
as the historian says, “the eyes of the heavens were obscured at seeing
his deeds.”[4.4.33] A tributary engagement was the result, which Jaipal
soon broke; and being aided by levies from all the princes of Hindustan,
marched an army of one hundred thousand men against Sabuktigin, and was
again defeated on the banks of the Indus. He was at length invested and
taken in Bhatinda by Mahmud, when he put himself to death.[4.4.34] The
successors of Jaipal are mentioned merely as fugitives, and always
distinct from the princes of Delhi. It is most probable that they were
of the tribe termed Busa in the annals of Mewar, possibly a subdivision
of another; though Ferishta calls the prince of Lahore a Brahman.
The Sankhla from Roneja. Both tribe and abode are well known: it is a
subdivision of the Pramara. Harbuji Sankhla was the Paladin of Marwar,
in which Roneja was situated.
The Sehat from Kherligarh was a northern tribe, dwelling about the
Indus, and though entirely unknown to the modern genealogists of India,
is frequently mentioned in the early history of the Bhattis, when their
possessions extended on both sides of the Hyphasis. As intermarriages
between the Bhattis and Sehats are [252] often spoken of, it must have
been Rajput. It most probably occupied the province of Swat, the Suvat
of D’Anville, a division of the province of Ashthanagar, where dwelt the
Assakenoi of Alexander; concerning which this celebrated geographer
says, “Il est mention de Suvat comme d’un canton du pays d’Ash-nagar
dans la même géographie turque” (_Ecl._ p. 25). The whole of this ground
was sacred to the Jadon tribe from the most remote antiquity, from
Multan, the hills of Jud, to Aswinikot (the Tshehin-kote of D’Anville),
which, built on the point of confluence of the Choaspes of the Greeks
with the Indus, marks the spot where dwelt the Assakenoi, corroborated
by the Puranas, which mention the partition of all these territories
amongst the sons of Bajaswa, the lord of Kampilnagara, the grand
subdivision of the Yadu race. In all likelihood the Sehat, who came to
the aid of Khuman of Chitor, was a branch of these Assakenoi, the
opponents of Alexander.[4.4.35] The modern town of Dinkot appears to
occupy the site of Aswinikot, though D’Anville feels inclined to carry
it into the heart of Bajaur and place it on the rock (_silla_)
Aornos.[4.4.36] Such the Sehat; not improbably the Soha, one of the
eight subdivisions of the Yadu.[4.4.37] When, in S. 785, the Bhatti
chief Rao Tanu was driven across the Sutlej, the Sehats are mentioned
with other tribes as forming the army of Husain Shah, with the Barahas,
the Judis, and Johyas (the Juds and Jinjohyas of Babur), the Butas, and
the ‘men of Dud.’
The Chandel, from Karangarh, occupied the tracts now termed Bundelkhand.
We shall pass over the other auxiliary tribes and conclude with the
Parihar, who came from Kashmir on this occasion; a circumstance entirely
overlooked in the dissertation on this tribe;[4.4.38] nor does this
isolated fact afford room for further discussion on a race which
expelled the Pramaras from Mandor.
Such aids, who preserved Khuman when assailed by the ‘Khorasan Pat,’
fully demonstrate the antiquity of the annals, which is further attested
by inscriptions. Khuman fought twenty-four great battles, and his name,
like that of Caesar, became a family distinction. At Udaipur, if you
make a false step, or even sneeze, you hear the ejaculation of ‘Khuman
aid you!’ Khuman, by the advice of the Brahmans, resigned the gaddi to
his younger son, Jograj; but again resumed [253] it, slaying his
advisers and execrating the name of Brahman, which he almost
exterminated in his own dominions. Khuman was at length slain by his own
son, Mangal; but the chiefs expelled the parricide, who seized upon
Lodorwa in the northern desert, and there established the Mangalia
Guhilots.
=Bhartribhat III.=—Bhartribhat (familiarly Bhato) succeeded. In his
reign, and in that of his successor, the territory dependent on Chitor
was greatly increased. All the forest tribes, from the banks of the Mahi
to Abu, were subjugated, and strongholds erected, of which Dharangarh
and Ujargarh still remain to maintain them. He established no less than
thirteen[4.4.39] of his sons in independent possessions in Malwa and
Gujarat, and these were distinguished as the Bhatera Guhilots.
We shall now leap over fifteen generations; which, though affording a
few interesting facts to the antiquary, would not amuse the general
reader. We will rest satisfied with stating that the Chauhans of Ajmer
and the Guhilots of Chitor were alternately friends and foes; that
Durlabh Chauhan was slain by Bersi Rawal in a grand battle fought at
Kawaria, of which the Chauhan annals state ‘that their princes were now
so powerful as to oppose the chief of Chitor.’ Again, in the next reign,
we find the renowned Bisaldeo, son of Durlabh, combining with Rawal
Tejsi of Chitor to oppose the progress of Islamite invasion: facts
recorded by inscriptions as well as by the annals. We may close these
remarks on the fifteen princes, from Khuman to Samarsi, with the words
of Gibbon on the dark period of Guelphic annals: “It may be presumed
that they were illiterate and valiant; that they plundered in their
youth, and reared churches in their old age; that they were fond of
arms, horses, and hunting”; and, we may add, continued bickering with
their vassals within when left unemployed by the enemy from without
[254].
-----
Footnote 4.4.1:
[“We now know that Samar Singh was alive up to 1299, only four years
before Alāu-d-dīn’s siege of Chitor, and that in several inscriptions
his dates are given as 1273, 1274, 1285, etc.... Instead of being the
father of Karan Singh I., as stated by Tod, Samar Singh came eight
generations after him, and was the father of Ratan Singh I., who,
according to Muhammadan historians, was the ruler of Chitor during the
reign of Alāu-d-dīn, and the husband of Padmini” (Erskine ii. A. 14
f.)]
Footnote 4.4.2:
See Genealogical Table.
Footnote 4.4.3:
This, according to the roll, was the standard of Bappa.
Footnote 4.4.4:
Amongst the passages which Dow [i. 37] has slurred over in his
translation is the interesting account of the origin of the Afghans;
who, when they first came in contact with those of the new faith, in
A.H. 62, dwelt around the Koh-i-Sulaiman. Ferishta, quoting authority,
says: "The Afghans were Copts, ruled by Pharaun, many of whom were
converted to the laws and religion of Moses; but others, who were
stubborn in their worship to their gods, fled towards Hindustan, and
took possession of the country adjoining the Koh-i-Sulaiman. They were
visited by Kasim from Sind, and in the 143rd year of the Hegira had
possessed themselves of the provinces of Kirman, Peshawar, and all
within their bounds (_sinoran_)," which Dow has converted into a
province. The whole geographical description of the Kohistan, the
etymology of the term _Rohilla_, and other important matter, is
omitted by him [see Briggs, trans. i. 6 f.].
Footnote 4.4.5:
[The island Diu.] Yūsufgol is stated to have held Chaul on the
mainland. He was most probably the father of Vanaraja Chawara, the
founder of Patan Anhilwara, whose ancestors, on the authority of the
Kumarpal Charitra, were princes of Bandardiva, held by the Portuguese
since the time of Albuquerque, who changed its name to Deo. [But
Yūsufgol, if he existed, must have been a Musalmān. Vanarāja Chāwara
was son of Jayasekhara, said to have been slain in battle, A.D. 696,
leaving his wife pregnant (_BG_, i. Part i. 150 f.). Yūsufgol does not
appear in the local history.]
Footnote 4.4.6:
The ancient roll from which this is taken mentions Asil giving his
name to a fortress, called Asilgarh. His son, Bijai Pal, was slain in
attempting to wrest Khambayat (Cambay) from Sangram Dabhi. One of his
wives, from a violent death, was prematurely delivered of a boy,
called Setu; and as, in such cases, the Hindu supposes the deceased to
become a discontented spirit (_churail_), Churaila became the name of
the tribe. Bija, the twelfth from Asil, obtained Sonal from his
maternal uncle, Khengar Dabhi, prince of Girnar, but was slain by Jai
Singh Deo, prince of Surat. From these names compounded, Dabi and
Churaila, we may have the Dabisalima of Mahmud. [The Asil Guhilots are
now included in the Mers of the Kāthiawār coast; their numbers are
exaggerated in the text (_Āīn_, ii. 247; _BG_, ix. Parti. 126).] [See
p. 266 above.]
Footnote 4.4.7:
Also called Karna. He it was who excavated the Boraila lake, and
erected the grand temple of Eklinga on the site of the hermitage of
Harita, whose descendant, the present officiating priest, reckons
sixty-six descents, while the princes of Mewar amount to seventy-two
in the same period.
Footnote 4.4.8:
[Ferishta (i. 2) calls him Sayyid bin Abiu-l-Aas.]
Footnote 4.4.9:
See Table next page.
Footnote 4.4.10:
Marigny (quoting El-Makin), _Hist. of the Arabians_, vol. ii. p. 283;
_Mod. Univ. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 47.
Footnote 4.4.11:
“The two young princesses, in order to revenge the death of their
father, represented falsely to the Khalif that Muhammad bin Kasim had
been connected with them. The Khalif, in a rage, gave order for
Muhammad bin Kasim to be sewed up in a raw hide, and sent in that
condition to court. When the mandate arrived at Tatta, Kasim was
prepared to carry an expedition against Harchand, monarch of Kanauj.
When he arrived at court, the Khalif showed him to the daughters of
Dahir, who expressed their joy upon beholding their father’s murderer
in such a condition” [_Āīn_, ii. 345; Elliot-Dowson i. 209 f.].
Footnote 4.4.13:
[The Mewār dates are quite untrustworthy (see Erskine iii. B. 8 f.).]
Footnote 4.4.14:
Aror is seven miles east of Bakhar.
Footnote 4.4.15:
Marigny, vol. iii. p. 83; _Univ. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 162.
Footnote 4.4.16:
His father’s name was Aliptigin, termed a slave by Ferishta and his
authorities; though El-Makin gives him an ancestor in Yazdegird. [He
was a slave (Elliot-Dowson iv. 159).]
Footnote 4.4.17:
_Ait_, contracted from _Aditya_: hence _Itwar_, ‘Sunday.’
Footnote 4.4.18:
[This is not corroborated by Musulmān authorities.]
Footnote 4.4.19:
Even from the puerilities of Hindu legends something may be extracted.
A mendicant dervesh, called Roshan Ali (_i.e._ the ‘_light_ of Ali’),
had found his way to Garh Bitli (the ancient name of the Ajmer
fortress), and having thrust his hand into a vessel of curds destined
for the Raja, had his finger cut off. The disjointed member flew to
Mecca, and was recognized as belonging to the saint. An army was
equipped in the disguise of horse-merchants, which invaded Ajmer,
whose prince was slain. May we not gather from this incident that an
insult to the first Islamite missionary, in the person of Roshan Ali,
brought upon the prince the arms of the Caliph? The same Chauhan
legends state that Ajaipal was prince of Ajmer at this time; that in
this invasion by sea he hastened to Anjar (on the coast of Cutch),
where he held the ‘guard of the ocean’ (_Samudra ki Chauki_), where he
fell in opposing the landing. An altar was erected on the spot, on
which was sculptured the figure of the prince on horseback, with his
lance at rest, and which still annually attracts multitudes at the
‘fair (Mela) of Ajaipal.’ The subsequent invasion alluded to in the
text, of S. 750 (A.D. 694), is marked by a curious anecdote. When the
‘Asurs’ had blockaded Ajmer, Lot, the infant son of Manika Rae, was
playing on the battlements, when an arrow from the foe killed the heir
of Ajmer, who has ever since been worshipped amongst the lares and
penates of the Chauhans; and as he had on a silver chain anklet at the
time, this ornament is forbid to the children of the race. In all
these Rajput families there is a putra (_adolescens_) amongst the
penates, always one who has come to an untimely end, and chiefly
worshipped by females; having a strong resemblance to the rites in
honour of Adonis. We have traced several Roman and Grecian terms to
Sanskrit origin; may we add that of _lares_, from _larla_, ‘dear’ or
‘beloved’? [?].
Footnote 4.4.20:
[The story is “puerile and fictitious: independent of which the Arabs
had quite enough to do nearer home” (Elliot-Dowson i. 426).]
Footnote 4.4.21:
[Persian: not a likely name.]
Footnote 4.4.22:
Signifying ‘Elephant forests,’ and described in a Hindu map (stamped
on cloth and painted) of India from Kujliban to Lanka, and the
provinces west of the Indus to Calcutta; presented by me to the Royal
Asiatic Society.
Footnote 4.4.23:
The list of the vassal princes at the court of the Mori confirms the
statement of the bard Chand, of the supremacy of Ram Pramara, and the
partition of his dominion, as described (see p. 63, note) amongst the
princes who founded separate dynasties at this period; hitherto in
vassalage or subordinate to the Pramara. We can scarcely suppose the
family to have suffered any decay since their ancestor, Chandragupta,
connected by marriage with as well as the ally of the Grecian
Seleucus, and who held Greeks in his pay. From such connexion, the
arts of sculpture and architecture may have derived a character
hitherto unnoticed. Amidst the ruins of Barolli are seen sculptured
the Grecian helmet; and the elegant ornament, the Kumbha, or ‘vessel
of desire,’ on the temple of Annapurna (_i.e._ ‘giver of food’), the
Hindu Ceres, has much affinity to the Grecian device. From the
inscription (see No. 2) it is evident that Chitor was an appanage of
Ujjain, the seat of Pramar empire. Its monarch, Chandragupta (Mori
[Maurya]), degraded into the barber (Maurya) tribe, was the descendant
of Srenika, prince of Rajagriha, who, according to the Jain work,
Kalpadruma Kalka, flourished in the year 477 before Vikramaditya, and
from whom Chandragupta was the thirteenth in descent. The names as
follows: Kanika, Udsen, and nine in succession of the name of Nanda,
thence called the Nau-nanda. These, at twenty-two years to a reign
(see p. 64), would give 286 years, which -477 = 191 s.v. + 56 = 247
A.C. Now it was in A.C. 260, according to Bayer, that the treaty was
formed between Seleucus and Chandragupta; so that this scrap of Jain
history may be regarded as authentic and valuable. Asoka (a name of
weight in Jain annals) succeeded Chandragupta. He by Kunala, whose son
was Samprati, with whose name ends the line of Srenika, according to
the authority from which I made the extract. The name of Samprati is
well known from Ajmer to Saurashtra, and his era is given in a
valuable chronogrammatic catalogue in an ancient Jain manuscript from
the temple of Nadol, at 202 of the Virat Samvat. He is mentioned both
traditionally and by books as the great supporter of the Jain faith,
and the remains of temples dedicated to Mahavira, erected by this
prince, yet exist at Ajmer, on Abu, Kumbhalmer, and Girnar. [Much of
this needs correction, which cannot be done in the limits of a note.
For the Nanda dynasty see Smith, _EHI_, 40, and for Chandragupta
Maurya and Asoka, 115 ff.]
Footnote 4.4.24:
[This and the second catalogue are fictions. They conflict with the
conditions then existing in Gujarāt, and such motley arrays are a
favourite bardic theme (Forbes, _Rāsmāla_, 31, note; _ASR_, ii. 379).]
Footnote 4.4.25:
It has already been stated that the ancient name of Cambay was Gaini
or Gajni, whose ruins are three miles from the present city [see p.
254 above]. There is also a Gajni on the estuary of the Mahi, and
Abu-l Fazl incidentally mentions a Gajnagar as one of the most
important fortresses of Gujarat, belonging to Ahmad Shah; in
attempting to obtain which by stratagem, his antagonist, Hoshang, king
of Malwa, was made prisoner. I am unaware of the site of this place,
though there are remains of an extensive fortress near the capital,
founded by Ahmad, and which preserves no name. It may be the ancient
Gajnagar. [The Author confuses the place in Gujarāt with Jājnagar or
Jājpur in Orissa, captured through a stratagem by Hoshang (_Āīn_, ii.
219; Ferishta iv. 178; _BG_, i. Part i. 359).]
Footnote 4.4.26:
I presented to the Royal Asiatic Society two inscriptions from Nadol,
one dated S. 1024, the other 1039. They are of Prince Lakha, and state
as instances of his power that he collected the transit duties at the
further barrier of Patan, and levied tribute from the prince of
Chitor. He was the contemporary of Mahmud, who devastated Nadol. I
also discovered inscriptions of the twelfth century relative to this
celebrated Chauhan family, in passing from Udaipur to Jodhpur. [Dow
(i. 170) writes “Tilli and Buzule”; Briggs (i. 196) has “Baly and
Nadole”; Elliot-Dowson (ii. 229) writes “Pāli and Nandūl,” the
differences being due to misreading of the Arabic script.]
Footnote 4.4.27:
[Setubandha is the causeway made by Rāma to Lanka or Ceylon (_IGI_, v.
81).]
Footnote 4.4.28:
[Chāmunda reigned A.D. 997-1010; Anhilwāra was captured under Bhīma I.
(1022-64).]
Footnote 4.4.29:
See p. 144.
Footnote 4.4.30:
[Ferishta i. 6.]
Footnote 4.4.31:
The scene of action was between Peshawar and Kirman, the latter lying
ninety miles south-west of the former.
Footnote 4.4.32:
Dow omits this in his translation [see Briggs i. Introd. 9, i. 16].
Footnote 4.4.33:
The sense of this passage has been quite perverted by Dow [see Briggs
i. 16].
Footnote 4.4.34:
[See Smith, _EHI_, 382.]
Footnote 4.4.35:
[The capital of the Assakenoi was Massaga, near the Malakand Pass
(Smith, _EHI_, 54; McCrindle, _Alexander_, 334 f.).]
Footnote 4.4.36:
[For the site see Smith, _EHI_, 56, note 2.]
Footnote 4.4.37:
See p. 104.
Footnote 4.4.38:
See p. 119 f.
Footnote 4.4.39:
By name, Kulanagar, Champaner, Choreta, Bhojpur, Lunara, Nimthor,
Sodara, Jodhgarh, Sandpur, Aitpur, and Gangabheva. The remaining two
are not mentioned.
-----
CHAPTER 5
Although the whole of this chain of ancestry, from Kanaksen in the
second, Vijaya the founder of Valabhi in the fourth, to Samarsi in the
thirteenth century, cannot be discriminated with perfect accuracy, we
may affirm, to borrow a metaphor, that “the two extremities of it are
riveted in truth”: and some links have at intervals been recognized as
equally valid. We will now extend the chain to the nineteenth century.
=Samar Singh, Samarsi: The Tuars of Delhi.=—Samarsi was born in S.
1206.[4.5.1] Though the domestic annals are not silent on his acts, we
shall recur chiefly to the bard of Delhi[4.5.2] for his character and
actions, and the history of the period. Before we proceed, however, a
sketch of the political condition of Hindustan during the last of the
Tuar sovereigns of Delhi, derived from this authority and in the bard’s
own words, may not be unacceptable. "In Patan is Bhola Bhim the
Chalukya, of iron frame.[4.5.3] On the mountain Abu, Jeth Pramara, in
battle immovable as the star of the north. In Mewar is Samar Singh, who
takes tribute from the mighty, a wave of iron in the path of Delhi’s
foe. In the midst of all, strong in his own strength, Mandor’s prince,
the arrogant Nahar Rao, the might of Maru, fearing none. In Delhi the
chief of all [255] Ananga, at whose summons attended the princes of
Mandor, Nagor, Sind, Jalwat,[4.5.4] and others on its confines,
Peshawar, Lahore, Kangra, and its mountain chiefs, with Kasi,[4.5.5]
Prayag,[4.5.6] and Garh Deogir. The lords of Simar[4.5.7] were in
constant danger of his power." The Bhatti, since their expulsion from
Zabulistan, had successively occupied as capitals, Salivahanapur in the
Panjab, Tanot, Derawar, which last they founded, and the ancient
Lodorwa, which they conquered in the desert; and at the period in
question were constructing their present residence, Jaisalmer. In this
nook they had been fighting for centuries with the lieutenants of the
Caliph at Aror, occasionally redeeming their ancient possessions as far
as the city of the Tak on the Indus. Their situation gave them little
political interest in the affairs of Hindustan until the period of
Prithiraj, one of whose principal leaders, Achales, was the brother of
the Bhatti prince. Anangpal, from this description, was justly entitled
to be termed the paramount sovereign of Hindustan; but he was the last
of a dynasty of nineteen princes, who had occupied Delhi nearly four
hundred years, from the time of the founder Bilan Deo, who, according to
a manuscript in the author’s possession, was only an opulent Thakur when
he assumed the ensigns of royalty in the then deserted Indraprastha,
taking the name of Anangpal,[4.5.8] ever after titular in the family.
The Chauhans of Ajmer owed at least homage to Delhi at this time,
although Bisaldeo had rendered it almost nominal; and to Someswar, the
fourth in descent, Anangpal was indebted for the preservation of this
supremacy against the attempts of Kanauj, for which service he obtained
the Tuar’s daughter in marriage, the issue of which was Prithiraj, who
when only eight years of age was proclaimed successor to the Delhi
throne.
=Prithiraj.=—Jaichand of Kanauj and Prithiraj bore the same relative
situation to Anangpal; Bijaipal, the father of the former, as well as
Someswar, having had a daughter of the Tuar to wife. This originated the
rivalry between the Chauhans and Rathors, which ended in the destruction
of both. When Prithiraj mounted the throne of Delhi, Jaichand not only
refused to acknowledge his supremacy, but set forth his own claims to
this distinction. In these he was supported by the prince of Patan [256]
Anhilwara (the eternal foe of the Chauhans), and likewise by the
Parihars of Mandor. But the affront given by the latter, in refusing to
fulfil the contract of bestowing his daughter on the young Chauhan,
brought on a warfare, in which this first essay was but the presage of
his future fame. Kanauj and Patan had recourse to the dangerous
expedient of entertaining bands of Tatars, through whom the sovereign of
Ghazni was enabled to take advantage of their internal broils.
Samarsi, prince of Chitor, had married the sister of Prithiraj, and
their personal characters, as well as this tie, bound them to each other
throughout all these commotions, until the last fatal battle on the
Ghaggar. From these feuds Hindustan never was free. But unrelenting
enmity was not a part of their character: having displayed the valour of
the tribe, the bard or Nestor of the day would step in, and a marriage
would conciliate and maintain in friendship such foes for two
generations. From time immemorial such has been the political state of
India, as represented by their own epics, or in Arabian or Persian
histories: thus always the prey of foreigners, and destined to remain
so. Samarsi had to contend both with the princes of Patan and Kanauj;
and although the bard says “he washed his blade in the Jumna,” the
domestic annals slur over the circumstance of Siddharaja-Jayasingha
having actually made a conquest of Chitor; for it is not only included
in the eighteen capitals enumerated as appertaining to this prince, but
the author discovered a tablet[4.5.9] in Chitor, placed there by his
successor, Kumarpal, bearing the date S. 1206, the period of Samarsi’s
birth. The first occasion of Samarsi’s aid being called in by the
Chauhan emperor was on the discovery of treasure at Nagor, amounting to
seven millions of gold, the deposit of ancient days. The princes of
Kanauj and Patan, dreading the influence which such sinews of war would
afford their antagonist, invited Shihabu-d-din to aid their designs of
humiliating the Chauhan, who in this emergency sent an embassy to
Samarsi. The envoy was Chand Pundir, the vassal chief of Lahore, and
guardian of that frontier. He is conspicuous from this time to the hour
“when he planted his lance at the ford of the Ravi,” and fell in
opposing the passage of Shihabu-d-din. The presents he carries, the
speech with which he greets the Chitor prince, his reception, reply, and
dismissal are all preserved by [257] Chand. The style of address and the
apparel of Samarsi betoken that he had not laid aside the office and
ensigns of a ‘Regent of Mahadeva.’ A simple necklace of the seeds of the
lotus adorned his neck; his hair was braided, and he is addressed as
Jogindra, or chief of ascetics. Samarsi proceeded to Delhi; and it was
arranged, as he was connected by marriage with the prince of Patan, that
Prithiraj should march against this prince, while he should oppose the
army from Ghazni. He (Samarsi) accordingly fought several indecisive
battles, which gave time to the Chauhan to terminate the war in Gujarat
and rejoin him. United, they completely discomfited the invaders, making
their leader prisoner. Samarsi declined any share of the discovered
treasure, but permitted his chiefs to accept the gifts offered by
Chauhan. Many years elapsed in such subordinate warfare, when the prince
of Chitor was again constrained to use his buckler in defence of Delhi
and its prince, whose arrogance and successful ambition, followed by
disgraceful inactivity, invited invasion with every presage of success.
Jealousy and revenge rendered the princes of Patan, Kanauj, Dhar, and
the minor courts indifferent spectators of a contest destined to
overthrow them all.
=The Death of Samar Singh.=—The bard gives a good description of the
preparations for his departure from Chitor, which he was destined never
to see again. The charge of the city was entrusted to a favourite and
younger son, Karna: which disgusted the elder brother, who went to the
Deccan to Bidar, where he was well received by an Abyssinian
chief,[4.5.10] who had there established himself in sovereignty. Another
son, either on this occasion or on the subsequent fall of Chitor, fled
to the mountains of Nepal, and there spread the Guhilot line.[4.5.11] It
is in this, the last of the books of Chand, termed _The Great Fight_,
that we have the character of Samarsi fully delineated. His arrival at
Delhi is hailed with songs of joy as a day of deliverance. Prithiraj and
his court advance seven miles to meet him, and the description of the
greeting of the king of Delhi and his sister, and the chiefs on either
side who recognize ancient friendships, is most animated. Samarsi reads
his brother-in-law an indignant lecture on his unprincely inactivity,
and throughout the book divides attention with him.
In the planning of the campaign, and march towards the Ghaggar to meet
the foe [258], Samarsi is consulted, and his opinions are recorded. The
bard represents him as the Ulysses of the host: brave, cool, and skilful
in the fight; prudent, wise, and eloquent in council; pious and decorous
on all occasions; beloved by his own chiefs, and reverenced by the
vassals of the Chauhan. In the line of march no augur or bard could
better explain the omens, none in the field better dress the squadrons
for battle, none guide his steed or use his lance with more address. His
tent is the principal resort of the leaders after the march or in the
intervals of battle, who were delighted by his eloquence or instructed
by his knowledge. The bard confesses that his precepts of government are
chiefly from the lips of Khuman;[4.5.12] and of his best episodes and
allegories, whether on morals, rules for the guidance of ambassadors,
choice of ministers, religious or social duties (but especially those of
the Rajput to the sovereign), the wise prince of Chitor is the general
organ.
On the last of three days’ desperate fighting Samarsi was slain,
together with his son Kalyan, and thirteen thousand of his household
troops and most renowned chieftains.[4.5.13] His beloved Pirtha, on
hearing the fatal issue, her husband slain, her brother captive, the
heroes of Delhi and Chitor “asleep on the banks of the Ghaggar, in the
wave of the steel,” joined her lord through the flame, nor waited the
advance of the Tatar king, when Delhi was carried by storm, and the last
stay of the Chauhans, Prince Rainsi, met death in the assault. The
capture of Delhi and its monarch, the death of his ally of Chitor, with
the bravest and best of their troops, speedily ensured the further and
final success of the Tatar arms; and when Kanauj fell, and the traitor
to his nation met his fate in the waves of the Ganges, none were left to
contend with Shihabu-d-din the possession of the regal seat of the
Chauhan. Scenes of devastation, plunder, and massacre commenced, which
lasted through ages; during which nearly all that was sacred in religion
or celebrated in art was destroyed by these ruthless and barbarous
invaders. The noble Rajput, with a spirit of constancy and enduring
courage, seized every opportunity to turn upon his oppressor. By his
perseverance and valour he wore out entire dynasties of foes,
alternately yielding ‘to his fate,’ or restricting the circle of
conquest. Every road in Rajasthan was moistened with torrents of blood
of the [259] spoiled and the spoiler. But all was of no avail; fresh
supplies were ever pouring in, and dynasty succeeded dynasty, heir to
the same remorseless feeling which sanctified murder, legalized
spoliation, and deified destruction. In these desperate conflicts entire
tribes were swept away whose names are the only memento of their former
existence and celebrity.
=Gallant Resistance of the Rājputs.=—What nation on earth would have
maintained the semblance of civilization, the spirit or the customs of
their forefathers, during so many centuries of overwhelming depression
but one of such singular character as the Rajput? Though ardent and
reckless, he can, when required, subside into forbearance and apparent
apathy, and reserve himself for the opportunity of revenge. Rajasthan
exhibits the sole example in the history of mankind of a people
withstanding every outrage barbarity can inflict, or human nature
sustain, from a foe whose religion commands annihilation, and bent to
the earth, yet rising buoyant from the pressure, and making calamity a
whetstone to courage. How did the Britons at once sink under the Romans,
and in vain strive to save their groves, their druids, or the altars of
Bal from destruction! To the Saxons they alike succumbed; they, again,
to the Danes; and this heterogeneous breed to the Normans. Empire was
lost and gained by a single battle, and the laws and religion of the
conquered merged in those of the conquerors. Contrast with these the
Rajputs; not an iota of their religion or customs have they lost, though
many a foot of land. Some of their States have been expunged from the
map of dominion; and, as a punishment of national infidelity, the pride
of the Rathor, and the glory of the Chalukya, the overgrown Kanauj and
gorgeous Anhilwara, are forgotten names! Mewar alone, the sacred bulwark
of religion, never compromised her honour for her safety, and still
survives her ancient limits; and since the brave Samarsi gave up his
life, the blood of her princes has flowed in copious streams for the
maintenance of this honour, religion, and independence.
=Karan Singh I.: Ratan Singh.=—Samarsi had several sons;[4.5.14] but
Karna was his heir, and during his minority his mother, Kuramdevi, a
princess of Patan, nobly maintained what his father left. She headed her
Rajputs and gave battle[4.5.15] in person to Kutbu-d-din, near [260]
Amber, when the viceroy was defeated and wounded. Nine Rajas, and eleven
chiefs of inferior dignity with the title of Rawat, followed the mother
of their prince.
Karna (the radiant) succeeded in S. 1249 (A.D. 1193); but he was not
destined to be the founder of a line in Mewar.[4.5.16] The annals are at
variance with each other on an event which gave the sovereignty of
Chitor to a younger branch, and sent the elder into the inhospitable
wilds of the west, to found a city[4.5.17] and perpetuate a
line.[4.5.18] It is stated generally that Karna had two sons, Mahup and
Rahup; but this is an error: Samarsi and Surajmall were brothers: Karna
was the son of the former and Mahup was his son, whose mother was a
Chauhan of Bagar. Surajmall had a son named Bharat, who was driven from
Chitor by a conspiracy. He proceeded to Sind, obtained Aror from its
prince, a Musalman, and married the daughter of the Bhatti chief of
Pugal, by whom he had a son named Rahup. Kama died of grief for the loss
of Bharat and the unworthiness of Mahup, who abandoned him to live
entirely with his maternal relations, the Chauhans.
The Sonigira chief of Jalor had married the daughter of Karna, by whom
he had a child named Randhol,[4.5.19] whom by treachery he placed on the
throne of Chitor, slaying the chief Guhilots. Mahup being unable to
recover his rights, and unwilling to make any exertion, the chair of
Bappa Rawal would have passed to the Chauhans but for an ancient bard of
the house. He pursued his way to Aror, held by old Bharat as a fief of
Kabul. With the levies of Sind he marched to claim the right abandoned
by Mahup and at Pali encountered and defeated the Sonigiras. The
retainers of Mewar flocked to his standard, and by their aid he
enthroned himself in Chitor. He sent for his father and mother,
Ranangdevi, whose dwelling on the Indus was made over to a younger
brother, who bartered his faith for Aror, and held it as a vassal of
Kabul.
=Rāhup.=—Rahup obtained Chitor in S. 1257 (A.D. 1201), and shortly after
sustained the attack of Shamsu-d-din, whom he met and overcame in a
battle at Nagor. Two [261] great changes were introduced by this prince;
the first in the title of the tribe, to Sesodia; the other in that of
its prince, from Rawal to Rana. The puerile reason for the former has
already been noticed;[4.5.20] the cause of the latter is deserving of
more attention. Amongst the foes of Rahup was the Parihar prince of
Mandor: his name Mokal, with the title of Rana. Rahup seized him in his
capital and brought him to Sesoda, making him renounce the rich district
of Godwar and his title of Rana, which he assumed himself, to denote the
completion of his feud. He ruled thirty-eight years in a period of great
distraction, and appears to have been well calculated, not only to
uphold the fallen fortunes of the State, but to rescue them from utter
ruin. His reign is the more remarkable by contrast with his successors,
nine of whom are ‘pushed from their stools’ in the same or even a
shorter period than that during which he upheld the dignity.
From Rahup to Lakhamsi [Lakshman Singh], in the short space of half a
century, nine princes of Chitor were crowned, and at nearly equal
intervals of time followed each other to ‘the mansions of the sun.’ Of
these nine, six fell in battle. Nor did they meet their fate at home,
but in a chivalrous enterprise to redeem the sacred Gaya from the
pollution of the barbarian. For this object these princes successively
fell, but such devotion inspired fear, if not pity or conviction, and
the bigot renounced the impiety which Prithimall purchased with his
blood, and until Alau-d-din’s reign, this outrage to their prejudices
was renounced. But in this interval they had lost their capital, for it
is stated as the only occurrence in Bhonsi’s[4.5.21] reign that he [262]
“recovered Chitor” and made the name of Rana be acknowledged by all. Two
memorials are preserved of the nine princes from Rahup to Lakhamsi, and
of the same character: confusion and strife within and without. We will,
therefore, pass over these to another grand event in the vicissitudes of
this house, which possesses more of romance than of history, though the
facts are undoubted.
-----
Footnote 4.5.1:
[For the error in his date see p. 281 above.]
Footnote 4.5.2:
The work of Chand is a universal history of the period in which he
wrote. In the sixty-nine books, comprising one hundred thousand
stanzas, relating to the exploits of Prithiraj, every noble family of
Rajasthan will find some record of their ancestors. It is accordingly
treasured amongst the archives of each race having any pretensions to
the name of Rajput. From this he can trace his martial forefathers who
‘drank of the wave of battle’ in the passes of Kirman when the ‘cloud
of war rolled from Himachal’ to the plains of Hindustan. The wars of
Prithiraj, his alliances, his numerous and powerful tributaries, their
abodes and pedigrees, make the works of Chand invaluable as historic
and geographical memoranda, besides being treasures in mythology,
manners, and the annals of the mind. To read this poet well is a sure
road to honour, and my own Guru was allowed, even by the professional
bards, to excel therein. As he read I rapidly translated about thirty
thousand stanzas. Familiar with the dialects in which it is written, I
have fancied that I seized occasionally the poet’s spirit; but it were
presumption to suppose that I embodied all his brilliancy, or fully
comprehended the depth of his allusions. But I knew for whom he wrote.
The most familiar of his images and sentiments I heard daily from the
mouths of those around me, the descendants of the men whose deeds he
rehearses. I was enabled thus to seize his meaning, where one more
skilled in poetic lore might have failed, and to make my prosaic
version of some value. [For Chand Bardāi see Grierson, _Modern
Literary History of Hindustan_, 3 f.]
Footnote 4.5.3:
[Bhīma II., Chaulukya, known as Bhola, ‘the simpleton,’ A.D.
1179-1242.]
Footnote 4.5.4:
Unknown, unless the country on the ‘waters’ (_jal_) of Sind.
Footnote 4.5.5:
Benares.
Footnote 4.5.6:
Allahabad.
Footnote 4.5.7:
The cold regions (_si_, ‘cold’).
Footnote 4.5.8:
_Ananga_ is a poetical epithet of the Hindu Cupid, literally
‘incorporeal’; but, according to good authority, applicable to the
founder of the desolate abode, _palna_ being ‘to support,’ and _anga_,
with the primitive _an_, ‘without body.’
Footnote 4.5.9:
See Inscription No. 5.
Footnote 4.5.10:
Styled Habshi Padshah.
Footnote 4.5.11:
[The Gorkhas or Gurkhas are said to have reached Nepal through Kumaun
after the fall of Chitor (_IGI_, xix. 32).]
Footnote 4.5.12:
I have already mentioned that Khuman became a patronymic and title
amongst the princes of Chitor.
Footnote 4.5.13:
[The battle was fought at Tarāīn or Talāwari in the Ambāla District,
Panjāb, in 1192.]
Footnote 4.5.14:
Kalyanrae, slain with his father; Kumbhkaran, who went to Bidar; a
third, the founder of the Gorkhas. [This assertion, based on the
authority of Chand, is incorrect, Samar Singh being misplaced, and
succeeded by Ratan Singh (Erskine ii. A. 146).]
Footnote 4.5.15:
This must be the battle mentioned by Ferishta (see Dow, p. 169, vol.
ii.).
Footnote 4.5.16:
He had a son, Sarwan, who took to commerce. Hence the mercantile
Sesodia caste, Sarwania.
Footnote 4.5.17:
Dungarpur, so named from _dungar_, ‘a mountain.’
Footnote 4.5.18:
[The facts are that after "Karan Singh the Mewār family divided into
two branches—one with the title of Rāwal, the other Rāna. In the
first, or Rāwal, branch were Khem or Kshem Singh, the eldest son of
Karan Singh, Sāmant Singh, Kumār Singh, Mathan Singh, Padam Singh,
Jeth Singh, Tej Singh, Samar Singh, and Ratan Singh, all of whom
reigned at Chitor; while in the Rāna branch were Rāhup, a younger son
of Karan Singh, Narpat, Dinkaran, Jaskaran, Nāgpāl, Puranpāl, Prithi
Pāl, Bhuvān Singh, Bhīm Singh, Jai Singh, and Lakshman Singh, who
ruled at Sesoda, and called themselves Sesodias. Thus, instead of
having to fit in something like ten generations between Samar Singh,
who, as we know, was alive in 1299, and the siege of Chitor, which
certainly took place in 1303, we find that those ten princes were not
descendants of Samar Singh at all, but the contemporaries of his seven
immediate predecessors on the _gaddi_ of Chitor and of himself, and
that both Ratan Singh, the son of Samar Singh, and Lakshman Singh, the
contemporary of Ratan Singh, were descended from a common ancestor,
Karan Singh I., nine and eleven generations back respectively. It is
also possible to reconcile the statement of the Musalmān historians
that Ratan Singh (called Rāī Ratan) was ruler of Chitor during the
siege—a statement corroborated by an inscription at Rājnagar—with the
generally accepted story that it was Rāna Lakshman Singh who fell in
defence of the fort" (Erskine ii. A. 15).]
Footnote 4.5.19:
So pronounced, but properly written Randhaval, ‘the standard of the
field.’
Footnote 4.5.20:
See note, p. 252.
Footnote 4.5.21:
His second son, Chandra, obtained an appanage on the Chambal, and his
issue, well known as Chandarawats, constituted one of the most
powerful vassal clans of Mewar. Rampura (Bhanpura) was their
residence, yielding a revenue of nine lakhs (£110,000), held on the
tenure of service which, from an original grant in my possession from
Rana Jagat Singh to his nephew Madho Singh, afterwards prince of
Amber, was three thousand horse and foot (see p. 235), and the fine of
investiture was seventy-five thousand rupees. Madho Singh, when prince
of Amber, did what was invalid as well as ungrateful; he made over
this domain, granted during his misfortunes, to Holkar, the first limb
lopped off Mewar. The Chandarawat proprietor continued, however, to
possess a portion of the original estate with the fortress of Amad,
which it maintained throughout all the troubles of Rajwara till A.D.
1821. It shows the attachment to custom that the young Rao applied and
received ‘the sword’ of investiture from his old lord paramount, the
Rana, though dependent on Holkar’s forbearance. But a minority is
proverbially dangerous in India. Disorder from party plots made Amad
troublesome to Holkar’s government, which as his ally and preserver of
tranquillity we suppressed by blowing up the walls of the fortress.
This is one of many instances of the harsh, uncompromising nature of
our power, and the anomalous description of our alliances with the
Rajputs. However necessary to repress the disorder arising from the
claims of ancient proprietors and the recent rights of Holkar, or the
new proprietor, Ghafur Khan, yet surrounding princes, and the general
population, who know the history of past times, lament to see a name
of five hundred years’ duration thus summarily extinguished, which
chiefly benefits an upstart Pathan. Such the vortex of the ambiguous,
irregular, and unsystematic policy, which marks many of our alliances,
which protect too often but to injure, and gives to our office of
general arbitrator and high constable of Rajasthan a harsh and
unfeeling character. Much of this arises from ignorance of the past
history; much from disregard of the peculiar usages of the people; or
from that expediency which too often comes in contact with moral
fitness, which will go on until the day predicted by the Nestor of
India, when “_one sikka_ (seal) alone will be used in Hindustan.”
-----
CHAPTER 6
=Lakhamsi: Lachhman Singh.=—Lakhamsi[4.6.1] succeeded his father in S.
1331 (A.D. 1275), a memorable era in the annals, when Chitor, the
repository of all that was precious yet untouched of the arts of India,
was stormed, sacked, and treated with remorseless barbarity by the
Pathan [Khilji] emperor, Alau-d-din. Twice it was attacked by this
subjugator of India. In the first siege it escaped spoliation, though at
the price of its best defenders: that which followed is the first
successful assault and capture of which we have any detailed account.
=Bhīm Singh: Padmini.=—Bhimsi was the uncle of the young prince, and
protector during his minority. He had espoused the daughter of Hamir
Sank (Chauhan) of Ceylon, the cause of woes unnumbered to the Sesodias.
Her name was Padmini,[4.6.2] a title bestowed only on the superlatively
fair, and transmitted with renown to posterity by tradition and the song
of the bard. Her beauty, accomplishments, exaltation, and destruction,
with other incidental circumstances, constitute the subject of one of
the most popular traditions of Rajwara. The Hindu bard recognizes the
fair, in preference to fame and love of conquest, as the motive for the
attack of Alau-d-din, who [263] limited his demand to the possession of
Padmini; though this was after a long and fruitless siege. At length he
restricted his desire to a mere sight of this extraordinary beauty, and
acceded to the proposal of beholding her through the medium of mirrors.
Relying on the faith of the Rajput, he entered Chitor slightly guarded,
and having gratified his wish, returned. The Rajput, unwilling to be
outdone in confidence, accompanied the king to the foot of the fortress,
amidst many complimentary excuses from his guest at the trouble he thus
occasioned. It was for this that Ala risked his own safety, relying on
the superior faith of the Hindu. Here he had an ambush; Bhimsi was made
prisoner, hurried away to the Tatar camp, and his liberty made dependent
on the surrender of Padmini.
=The Siege of Chitor.=—Despair reigned in Chitor when this fatal event
was known, and it was debated whether Padmini should be resigned as a
ransom for their defender. Of this she was informed, and expressed her
acquiescence. Having provided wherewithal to secure her from dishonour,
she communed with two chiefs of her own kin and clan of Ceylon, her
uncle Gora, and his nephew Badal, who devised a scheme for the
liberation of their prince without hazarding her life or fame.
Intimation was dispatched to Ala that on the day he withdrew from his
trenches the fair Padmini would be sent, but in a manner befitting her
own and his high station, surrounded by her females and handmaids; not
only those who would accompany her to Delhi, but many others who desired
to pay her this last mark of reverence. Strict commands were to be
issued to prevent curiosity from violating the sanctity of female
decorum and privacy. No less than seven hundred covered litters
proceeded to the royal camp. In each was placed one of the bravest of
the defenders of Chitor, borne by six armed soldiers disguised as
litter-porters. They reached the camp. The royal tents were enclosed
with _kanats_ (walls of cloth); the litters were deposited, and half an
hour was granted for a parting interview between the Hindu prince and
his bride. They then placed their prince in a litter and returned with
him, while the greater number (the supposed damsels) remained to
accompany the fair to Delhi.[4.6.3] But Ala had no intention to permit
Bhimsi’s return, and was becoming jealous of the long interview he
enjoyed, when, instead of the prince and Padmini, the devoted band
issued from their litters: but Ala was too well guarded. Pursuit was
ordered, while these covered the retreat till they perished to a man. A
fleet horse was in reserve for [264] Bhimsi, on which he was placed, and
in safety ascended the fort, at whose outer gate the host of Ala was
encountered. The choicest of the heroes of Chitor met the assault. With
Gora and Badal at their head, animated by the noblest sentiments, the
deliverance of their chief and the honour of their queen, they devoted
themselves to destruction, and few were the survivors of this slaughter
of the flower of Mewar. For a time Ala was defeated in his object, and
the havoc they had made in his ranks, joined to the dread of their
determined resistance, obliged him to desist from the enterprise.
Mention has already been made of the adjuration,“by the sin of the sack
of Chitor.” Of these sacks they enumerate _three and a half_. This is
the ‘half’; for though the city was not stormed, the best and bravest
were cut off (_sakha_). It is described with great animation in the
Khuman Raesa. Badal was but a stripling of twelve, but the Rajput
expects wonders from this early age. He escaped, though wounded, and a
dialogue ensues between him and his uncle’s wife, who desires him to
relate how her lord conducted himself ere she joins him. The stripling
replies: “He was the reaper of the harvest of battle; I followed his
steps as the humble gleaner of his sword. On the gory bed of honour he
spread a carpet of the slain; a barbarian prince his pillow, he laid him
down, and sleeps surrounded by the foe.” Again she said: "Tell me,
Badal, how did my love (_piyar_) behave?" “Oh! mother, how further
describe his deeds when he left no foe to dread or admire him?” She
smiled farewell to the boy, and adding, “My lord will chide my delay,”
sprung into the flame.
Alau-d-din, having recruited his strength, returned to his object,
Chitor. The annals state this to have been in S. 1346 (A.D. 1290), but
Ferishta gives a date thirteen years later.[4.6.4] They had not yet
recovered the loss of so many valiant men who had sacrificed themselves
for their prince’s safety, and Ala carried on his attacks more closely,
and at length obtained the hill at the southern point, where he
entrenched himself. They still pretend to point out his trenches; but so
many have been formed by subsequent attacks that we cannot credit the
assertion. The poet has found in the disastrous issue of this siege
admirable materials for his song. He represents the Rana, after an
arduous day, stretched on his pallet, and during a night of watchful
anxiety, pondering on the means by which he might preserve from the
general destruction one at least of his twelve sons; when a voice [265]
broke on his solitude, exclaiming, “_Main bhukhi ho_”;[4.6.5] and
raising his eyes, he saw, by the dim glare of the chiragh,[4.6.6]
advancing between the granite columns, the majestic form of the guardian
goddess of Chitor. “Not satiated,” exclaimed the Rana, “though eight
thousand of my kin were late an offering to thee?” “I must have regal
victims; and if twelve who wear the diadem bleed not for Chitor, the
land will pass from the line.” This said, she vanished.
On the morn he convened a council of his chiefs, to whom he revealed the
vision of the night, which they treated as the dream of a disordered
fancy. He commanded their attendance at midnight; when again the form
appeared, and repeated the terms on which alone she would remain amongst
them. “Though thousands of barbarians strew the earth, what are they to
me? On each day enthrone a prince. Let the kirania,[4.6.7] the chhatra
and the chamara,[4.6.7] proclaim his sovereignty, and for three days let
his decrees be supreme: on the fourth let him meet the foe and his fate.
Then only may I remain.”
Whether we have merely the fiction of the poet, or whether the scene was
got up to animate the spirit of resistance, matters but little, it is
consistent with the belief of the tribe; and that the goddess should
openly manifest her wish to retain as her tiara the battlements of
Chitor on conditions so congenial to the warlike and superstitious
Rajput was a gage readily taken up and fully answering the end. A
generous contention arose amongst the brave brothers who should be the
first victim to avert the denunciation. Arsi urged his priority of
birth: he was proclaimed, the umbrella waved over his head, and on the
fourth day he surrendered his short-lived honours and his life. Ajaisi,
the next in birth, demanded to follow; but he was the favourite son of
his father, and at his request he consented to let his brothers precede
him. Eleven had fallen in turn, and but one victim remained to the
salvation of the city, when the Rana, calling his chiefs around him,
said, “Now I devote myself for Chitor.”
=The Johar.=—But another awful sacrifice was to precede this act of
self-devotion in that horrible rite, the _Johar_,[4.6.8] where the
females are immolated to preserve them from pollution or captivity. The
funeral pyre was lighted within the ‘great subterranean retreat,’[4.6.9]
in chambers impervious to the light [266] of day, and the defenders of
Chitor beheld in procession the queens, their own wives and daughters,
to the number of several thousands. The fair Padmini closed the throng,
which was augmented by whatever of female beauty or youth could be
tainted by Tatar lust. They were conveyed to the cavern, and the opening
closed upon them, leaving them to find security from dishonour in the
devouring element.
A contest now arose between the Rana and his surviving son; but the
father prevailed, and Ajaisi, in obedience to his commands, with a small
band passed through the enemy’s lines, and reached Kelwara in safety.
The Rana, satisfied that his line was not extinct, now prepared to
follow his brave sons; and calling around him his devoted clans, for
whom life had no longer any charms, they threw open the portals and
descended to the plains, and with a reckless despair carried death, or
met it, in the crowded ranks of Ala. The Tatar conqueror took possession
of an inanimate capital, strewed with brave defenders, the smoke yet
issuing from the recesses where lay consumed the once fair object of his
desire; and since this devoted day the cavern has been sacred: no eye
has penetrated its gloom, and superstition has placed as its guardian a
huge serpent, whose ‘venomous breath’ extinguishes the light which might
guide intruders to ‘the place of sacrifice.’
=The Conquests of Alāu-d-dīn.=—Thus fell, in A.D. 1303, this celebrated
capital, in the round of conquest of Alau-d-din, one of the most
vigorous and warlike sovereigns who have occupied the throne of India.
In success, and in one of the means of attainment, a bigoted hypocrisy,
he bore a striking resemblance to Aurangzeb; and the title of
‘Sikandaru-s-Sani,’ or the second Alexander, which he assumed and
impressed on his coins, was no idle vaunt. The proud Anhilwara, the
ancient Dhar and Avanti, Mandor and Deogir, the seats of the Solankis,
the Pramaras, the Pariharas and Taks, the entire Agnikula race, were
overturned for ever by Ala. Jaisalmer, Gagraun, Bundi, the abodes of the
Bhatti, the Khichi, and the Hara, with many of minor importance,
suffered all the horrors of assault from this foe of the race, though
destined again to raise their heads. The Rathors of Marwar and the [267]
Kachhwahas of Amber were yet in a state of insignificance: the former
were slowly creeping into notice as the vassals of the Pariharas, while
the latter could scarcely withstand the attacks of the original Mina
population. Ala remained in Chitor some days, admiring the grandeur of
his conquest; and having committed every act of barbarity and wanton
dilapidation which a bigoted zeal could suggest, overthrowing the
temples and other monuments of art, he delivered the city in charge to
Maldeo, the chief of Jalor, whom he had conquered and enrolled amongst
his vassals. The palace of Bhim and the fair Padmini alone appears to
have escaped the wrath of Ala; it would be pleasing could we suppose any
kinder sentiment suggested the exception, which enables the author of
these annals to exhibit the abode of the fair of Ceylon.
[Illustration:
PALACE OF RĀNA BHĪM AND PADMINI.
_To face page 312._
]
=The Flight of Rāna Ajai Singh.=—The survivor of Chitor, Rana Ajaisi,
was now in security at Kelwara, a town situated in the heart of the
Aravalli mountains, the western boundary of Mewar, to which its princes
had been indebted for twelve centuries of dominion. Kelwara is at the
highest part of one of its most extensive valleys, termed the Shero
Nala, the richest district of this Alpine region. Guarded by faithful
adherents, Ajaisi cherished for future occasion the wrecks of Mewar. It
was the last behest of his father that when he attained ‘one hundred
years’ (a figurative expression for dying) the son of Arsi, the elder
brother, should succeed him. This injunction, from the deficiency of the
qualities requisite at such a juncture in his own sons, met a ready
compliance. Hamir was this son, destined to redeem the promise of the
genius of Chitor and the lost honours of his race, and whose birth and
early history fill many a page of their annals. His father, Arsi, being
out on a hunting excursion in the forest of Ondua, with some young
chiefs of the court, in pursuit of the boar entered a field of maize,
when a female offered to drive out the game. Pulling one of the stalks
of maize, which grows to the height of ten or twelve feet, she pointed
it, and mounting the platform made to watch the corn, impaled the hog,
dragged him before the hunters, and departed. Though accustomed to feats
of strength and heroism from the nervous arms of their countrywomen, the
act surprised them. They descended to the stream at hand, and prepared
the repast, as is usual, on the spot. The feast was held, and comments
were passing on the fair arm which had transfixed the boar, when a ball
of clay from a sling fractured a limb of the prince’s steed. Looking in
the direction whence it [268] came, they observed the same damsel, from
her elevated stand,[4.6.10] preserving her fields from aerial
depredators; but seeing the mischief she had occasioned she descended to
express her regret and then returned to her pursuit. As they were
proceeding homewards after the sports of the day, they again encountered
the damsel, with a vessel of milk on her head, and leading in either
hand a young buffalo. It was proposed, in frolic, to overturn her milk,
and one of the companions of the prince dashed rudely by her; but
without being disconcerted, she entangled one of her charges with the
horse’s limbs and brought the rider to the ground. On inquiry the prince
discovered that she was the daughter of a poor Rajput of the Chandano
tribe.[4.6.11] He returned the next day to the same quarter and sent for
her father, who came and took his seat with perfect independence close
to the prince, to the merriment of his companions, which was checked by
Arsi asking his daughter to wife. They were yet more surprised by the
demand being refused. The Rajput, on going home, told the more prudent
mother, who scolded him heartily, made him recall the refusal, and seek
the prince. They were married, and Hamir was the son of the Chandano
Rajputni.[4.6.12] He remained little noticed at the maternal abode till
the catastrophe of Chitor. At this period he was twelve years of age,
and had led a rustic life, from which the necessity of the times
recalled him.
=Mewār occupied by the Musalmāns: The Exploit of Hamīr.=—Mewar was now
occupied by the garrisons of Delhi, and Ajaisi had besides to contend
with the mountain chiefs, amongst whom Munja Balaicha was the most
formidable, who had, on a recent occasion, invaded the Shero Nala, and
personally encountered the Rana, whom he wounded on the head with a
lance. The Rana’s sons, Sajansi and Ajamsi, though fourteen and fifteen,
an age at which a Rajput ought to indicate his future character, proved
of little aid in the emergency. Hamir was summoned, and accepted the
feud against Munja, promising to return successful or not at all. In a
few days he was seen entering the pass of Kelwara with Munja’s head at
his saddle-bow. Modestly placing the trophy at his uncle’s feet, he
exclaimed: “Recognize the head of your foe!” Ajaisi ‘kissed his
beard,’[4.6.13] and observing that fate had stamped empire on his
forehead, impressed [269] it with a tika of blood from the head of the
Balaicha. This decided the fate of the sons of Ajaisi; one of whom died
at Kelwara, and the other, Sajansi, who might have excited a civil war,
was sent from the country.[4.6.14] He departed for the Deccan, where his
issue was destined to avenge some of the wrongs the parent country had
sustained, and eventually to overturn the monarchy of Hindustan; for
Sajansi was the ancestor of Sivaji, the founder of the Satara throne,
whose lineage[4.6.15] is given in the chronicles of Mewar.
=Rāna Hamīr Singh, A.D. 1301-64.=—Hamir succeeded in S. 1357 (A.D.
1301), and had sixty-four years granted to him to redeem his country
from the ruins of the past century, which period had elapsed since India
ceased to own the paramount sway of her native princes. The day on which
he assumed the ensigns of rule he gave, in the _tika daur_, an earnest
of his future energy, which he signalized by a rapid inroad into the
heart of the country of the predatory Balaicha, and captured their
stronghold Pusalia. We may here explain the nature of this custom of a
barbaric chivalry.
=The Inaugural Foray.=—The tika daur signifies the foray of
inauguration, which obtained from time immemorial on such events, and is
yet maintained where any semblance of hostility will allow its
execution. On the morning of installation, having previously received
the tika of sovereignty, the prince at the head of his retainers makes a
foray into the territory of any one with whom he may have a feud, or
with whom he may be indifferent as to exciting one; he captures a
stronghold or plunders a town, and returns with the trophies. If amity
should prevail with all around, which the prince cares not to disturb,
they have still a mock representation of the custom. For many reigns
after the Jaipur princes united their fortunes to the throne of Delhi
their frontier town, Malpura, was the object of the tika daur of the
princes of Mewar.
=Chitor under a Musalmān Garrison.=—“When Ajmall[4.6.16] went another
road,” as the bard figuratively describes the demise of Rana Ajaisi,
“the son of Arsi unsheathed the sword, thence never stranger to his
hand.” Maldeo remained with the royal garrison at Chitor,[4.6.17] but
Hamir [270] desolated their plains, and left to his enemies only the
fortified towns which could safely be inhabited. He commanded all who
owned his sovereignty either to quit their abodes, and retire with their
families to the shelter of the hills on the eastern and western
frontiers, or share the fate of the public enemy. The roads were
rendered impassable from his parties, who issued from their retreats in
the Aravalli, the security of which baffled pursuit. This destructive
policy of laying waste the resources of their own country, and from this
asylum attacking their foes as opportunity offered, has obtained from
the time of Mahmud of Ghazni in the tenth, to Muhammad, the last who
merited the name of Emperor of Delhi, in the eighteenth century.
=Resistance of Hamīr Singh.=—Hamir made Kelwara[4.6.18] his residence,
which soon became the chief retreat of the emigrants from the plains.
The situation was admirably chosen, being covered by several ranges,
guarded by intricate defiles, and situated at the foot of a pass leading
over the mountain into a still more inaccessible retreat (where
Kumbhalmer now stands),[4.6.19] well watered and wooded, with abundance
of pastures and excellent indigenous fruits and roots. This tract, above
fifty miles in breadth, is twelve hundred feet above the level of the
plains and three thousand above the sea, with a considerable quantity of
arable land, and free communication to obtain supplies by the passes of
the western declivity from Marwar, Gujarat, or the friendly Bhils, of
the west, to whom this house owes a large debt of gratitude. On various
occasions the communities of Oghna and Panarwa furnished the princes of
Mewar with five thousand bowmen, supplied them with provisions, or
guarded the safety of their families when they had to oppose the foe in
the field. The elevated plateau of the eastern frontier presented in its
forests and dells many places of security; but Ala[4.6.20] traversed
these in person, destroying as he went: neither did they possess the
advantages of climate and natural productions arising from the elevation
of the other. Such was the state of Mewar: its places of strength
occupied by the foe, cultivation and peaceful objects neglected from the
persevering hostility of Hamir, when a proposal of marriage came from
the Hindu governor of Chitor, which was immediately accepted, contrary
to the [271] wishes of the prince’s advisers.
=The Recovery of Chitor.=—Whether this was intended as a snare to entrap
him, or merely as an insult, every danger was scouted by Hamir which
gave a chance to the recovery of Chitor. He desired that ‘_the
coco-nut_[4.6.21] _might be retained_’ coolly remarking on the dangers
pointed out, "My feet shall at least tread in the rocky steps in which
my ancestors have moved. A Rajput should always be prepared for
reverses; one day to abandon his abode covered with wounds, and the next
to reascend with the _maur_ (crown) on his head." It was stipulated that
only five hundred horse should form his suite. As he approached Chitor,
the five sons of the Chauhan advanced to meet him, but on the portal of
the city no toran,[4.6.22] or nuptial emblem, was suspended. He,
however, accepted the unsatisfactory reply to his remark on this
indication of treachery, and ascended for the first time the ramp of
Chitor. He was received in the ancient halls of his ancestors by Rao
Maldeo, his son Banbir, and other chiefs, _with folded hands_. The bride
was brought forth, and presented by her father without any of the
solemnities practised on such occasions; ‘the knot of their garments
tied and their hands united,’ and thus they were left. The family priest
recommended patience, and Hamir retired with his bride to the apartments
allotted for them. Her kindness and vows of fidelity overcame his
sadness upon learning that he had married a widow. She had been wedded
to a chief of the Bhatti tribe, shortly afterwards slain, and when she
was so young as not to recollect even his appearance. He ceased to
lament the insult when she herself taught him how it might be avenged,
and that it might even lead to the recovery of Chitor. It is a privilege
possessed by the bridegroom to have one specific favour complied with as
a part of the dower (_daeja_), and Hamir was instructed by his bride to
ask for Jal, one of the civil [272] officers of Chitor, and of the Mehta
tribe. With his wife so obtained, and the scribe whose talents remained
for trial, he returned in a fortnight to Kelwara. Khetsi was the fruit
of this marriage, on which occasion Maldeo made over all the hill tracts
to Hamir. Khetsi was a year old when one of the penates
(Khetrpal)[4.6.23] was found at fault, on which she wrote to her parents
to invite her to Chitor, that the infant might be placed before the
shrine of the deity. Escorted by a party from Chitor, with her child she
entered its walls; and instructed by the Mehta, she gained over the
troops who were left, for the Rao had gone with his chief adherents
against the Mers of Madri. Hamir was at hand. Notice that all was ready
reached him at Bagor. Still he met opposition that had nearly defeated
the scheme; but having forced admission, his sword overcame every
obstacle, and the oath of allegiance (_an_) was proclaimed from the
palace of his fathers.
The Sonigira on his return was met with ‘a salute of arabas,’[4.6.24]
and Maldeo himself carried the account of his loss to the Khilji king
Mahmud, who had succeeded Ala. The ‘standard of the sun’ once more shone
refulgent from the walls of Chitor, and was the signal for return to
their ancient abodes from their hills and hiding-places to the adherents
of Hamir. The valleys of Kumbhalmer and the western highlands poured
forth their ‘streams of men,’ while every chief of true Hindu blood
rejoiced at the prospect of once more throwing off the barbarian yoke.
So powerful was this feeling, and with such activity and skill did Hamir
follow up this favour of fortune, that he marched to meet Mahmud, who
was advancing to recover his lost possessions. The king unwisely
directed his march by the eastern plateau, where numbers were rendered
useless by the intricacies of the country. Of the three steppes which
mark the physiognomy of this tract, from the first ascent from the plain
of Mewar to the descent at Chambal, the king had encamped on the
central, at Singoli, where he was attacked, defeated, and made prisoner
by Hamir, who slew Hari Singh, brother of Banbir, in single combat. The
king suffered a confinement of three months in Chitor, nor was liberated
till he had surrendered Ajmer, Ranthambor, Nagor, and Sui Sopur, besides
paying fifty lakhs of rupees and one hundred elephants. Hamir would
exact no promise of cessation from further inroads, but contented
himself with assuring him that from such he should be prepared to defend
Chitor, not within, but without the walls [273].[4.6.25]
Banbir, the son of Maldeo, offered to serve Hamir, who assigned the
districts of Nimach, Jiran, Ratanpur, and the Kerar to maintain the
family of his wife in becoming dignity; and as he gave the grant he
remarked: “Eat, serve, and be faithful. You were once the servant of a
Turk, but now of a Hindu of your own faith; for I have but taken back my
own, the rock moistened by the blood of my ancestors, the gift of the
deity I adore, and who will maintain me in it; nor shall I endanger it
by the worship of a fair face, as did my predecessor.” Banbir shortly
after carried Bhainsror by assault, and this ancient possession guarding
the Chambal was again added to Mewar. The chieftains of Rajasthan
rejoiced once more to see a Hindu take the lead, paid willing homage,
and aided him with service when required.
=The Power of Rāna Hamīr Singh.=—Hamir was the sole Hindu prince of
power now left in India: all the ancient dynasties were crushed, and the
ancestors of the present princes of Marwar and Jaipur brought their
levies, paid homage, and obeyed the summons of the prince of Chitor, as
did the chiefs of Bundi, Gwalior, Chanderi, Raesin, Sikri, Kalpi, Abu,
etc.
Extensive as was the power of Mewar before the Tatar occupation of
India, it could scarcely have surpassed the solidity of sway which she
enjoyed during the two centuries following Hamir’s recovery of the
capital. From this event to the next invasion from the same Cimmerian
abode, led by Babur, we have a succession of splendid names recorded in
her annals, and though destined soon to be surrounded by new Muhammadan
dynasties, in Malwa and Gujarat as well as Delhi, yet successfully
opposing them all. The distracted state of affairs when the races of
Khilji, Lodi, and Sur alternately struggled for and obtained the seat of
dominion, Delhi, was favourable to Mewar, whose power was now so
consolidated that she not only repelled armies from her territory, but
carried war abroad, leaving tokens of victory at Nagor, in Saurashtra,
and to the walls of Delhi.
=Public Works.=—The subjects of Mewar must have enjoyed not only a long
repose, but high prosperity during this period, judging from their
magnificent public works, when a triumphal [274] column must have cost
the income of a kingdom to erect, and which ten years’ produce of the
crown-lands of Mewar could not at this time defray. Only one of the
structures prior to the sack of Chitor was left entire by Ala, and is
yet existing, and this was raised by private and sectarian hands. It
would be curious if the unitarian profession of the Jain creed was the
means of preserving this ancient relic from Ala’s wrath.[4.6.26] The
princes of this house were great patrons of the arts, and especially of
architecture; and it is a matter of surprise how their revenues, derived
chiefly from the soil, could have enabled them to expend so much on
these objects and at the same time maintain such armies as are
enumerated. Such could be effected only by long prosperity and a mild,
paternal system of government; for the subject had his monuments as well
as the prince, the ruins of which may yet be discovered in the more
inaccessible or deserted portions of Rajasthan. Hamir died full of
years, leaving a name still honoured in Mewar, as one of the wisest and
most gallant of her princes, and bequeathing a well-established and
extensive power to his son.
=Kshetra or Khet Singh, A.D. 1364-82.=—Khetsi succeeded in S. 1421 (A.D.
1365) to the power and to the character of his father. He captured Ajmer
and Jahazpur from Lila Pathan, and reannexed Mandalgarh, Dasor, and the
whole of Chappan (for the first time) to Mewar. He obtained a victory
over the Delhi monarch Humayun[4.6.27] at Bakrol; but unhappily his life
terminated in a family broil with his vassal, the Hara chief of
Bumbaoda, whose daughter he was about to espouse.
=Laksh Singh, A.D. 1382-97.=—Lakha Rana, by this assassination, mounted
the throne in Chitor in S. 1439 (A.D. 1373). His first act was the
entire subjugation of the mountainous region of Merwara, and the
destruction of its chief stronghold, Bairatgarh, where he erected
Badnor. But an event of much greater importance than settling his
frontier, and which most powerfully tended to the prosperity of the
country, was the discovery of the tin and silver mines of Jawara, in the
tract wrested by Khetsi from the Bhils of Chappan.[4.6.28] Lakha Rana
has the merit of having first worked them, though their existence is
superstitiously alluded to so early as the period of the founder. It is
said the ‘seven metals’ (_haft-dhat_)[4.6.29] were formerly [275]
abundant; but this appears figurative. We have no evidence for the gold,
though silver, tin, copper, lead, and antimony were yielded in abundance
(the first two from the same matrix), but the tin that has been
extracted for many years past yields but a small portion of
silver.[4.6.30] Lakha Rana defeated the Sankhla Rajputs of
Nagarchal,[4.6.31] at Amber. He encountered the emperor Muhammad Shah
Lodi, and on one occasion defeated a royal army at Badnor; but he
carried the war to Gaya, and in driving the barbarian from this sacred
place was slain.[4.6.32] Lakha is a name of celebrity, as a patron of
the arts and benefactor of his country. He excavated many reservoirs and
lakes, raised immense ramparts to dam their waters, besides erecting
strongholds. The riches of the mines of Jawara were expended to rebuild
the temples and palaces levelled by Ala. A portion of his own palace yet
exists, in the same style of architecture as that, more ancient, of
Ratna and the fair Padmini; and a minster (_mandir_) dedicated to the
creator (Brahma), an enormous and costly fabric, is yet entire. Being to
‘the One,’ and consequently containing no idol, it may thus have escaped
the ruthless fury of the invaders.
Lakha had a numerous progeny, who have left their clans called after
them, as the Lunawats and Dulawats, now the sturdy allodial proprietors
of the Alpine regions bordering on Oghna, Panarwa, and other tracts in
the Aravalli.[4.6.33] But a circumstance which set aside the rights of
primogeniture, and transferred the crown of Chitor from his eldest son,
Chonda, to the younger, Mokal, had nearly carried it to another line.
The consequences of making the elder branch a powerful vassal clan with
claims to the throne, and which have been the chief cause of its
subsequent prostration, we will reserve for another chapter [276].
-----
Footnote 4.6.1:
[Rāna Lachhman Singh was not, strictly speaking, ruler of Chitor. He
belonged to the Rāna branch, and succeeded Jai Singh. When Chitor was
invested he came to help his relation, Rāwal Ratan Singh, husband of
Padmini, and ruler of Chitor, and was killed, with seven of his sons
(Erskine ii. B. 10).]
Footnote 4.6.2:
[‘The Lotus.’ Ferishta in his account of the siege says nothing of
Padmini (i. 353 f.). Her story is told in _Āīn_, ii. 269 f.]
Footnote 4.6.3:
[A folk-tale of the ‘Horse of Troy’ type, common in India; see Rhys
Davids, _Buddhist India_, 4 f.; Ferishta ii. 115; Grant Duff, _Hist.
Mahrattas_, 64, note; cf. Herodotus v. 20.]
Footnote 4.6.4:
[Chitor was captured in August 1303 (Ferishta i. 353; Elliot-Dowson
iii. 77).]
Footnote 4.6.5:
‘I am hungry.’
Footnote 4.6.6:
Lamp.
Footnote 4.6.7:
These are the insignia of royalty. The _kirania_ is a parasol, from
_kiran_, ‘a ray’: the _chhatra_ is the umbrella, always red; the
_chamara_, the flowing tail of the wild ox, set in a gold handle, and
used to drive away the flies.
Footnote 4.6.8:
[Sir G. Grierson informs me that _Johar_ or _Jauhar_ is derived from
_Jatugriha_, ‘a house built of lac or other combustibles,’ in allusion
to the story in the _Mahābhārata_ (i. chap. 141-151) of the attempted
destruction of the Pāndavas by setting such a building on fire. For
other examples of the rite see Ferishta i. 59 f.; Elliot-Dowson i.
313, 536 f., iii. 426, 433, iv. 277, 402, v. 101; Forbes, _Rās Māla_,
286; Malcolm, _Memoir Central India_, 2nd ed. i. 483. For recent cases
Irvine, _Army of the Indian Moghuls_, 242; _Punjab Notes and Queries_,
iv. 102 ff.]
Footnote 4.6.9:
The Author has been at the entrance of this retreat, which, according
to the Khuman Raesa, conducts to a subterranean palace, but the
mephitic vapours and venomous reptiles did not invite to adventure,
even had official situation permitted such slight to these prejudices.
The Author is the only Englishman admitted to Chitor since the days of
Herbert, who appears to have described what he saw.
Footnote 4.6.10:
A stand is fixed upon four poles in the middle of a field, on which a
guard is placed armed with a sling and clay balls, to drive away the
ravens, peacocks, and other birds that destroy the corn.
Footnote 4.6.11:
One of the branches of the Chauhan.
Footnote 4.6.12:
[The same tale is told of Dhadīj, grandson of Prithirāj, the ancestor
of the Dahiya Jāts (Rose, _Glossary_, ii. 220; Risley, _People of
India_, 2nd ed., 179 f.).]
Footnote 4.6.13:
This is an idiomatic phrase; Hamir could have had no beard.
Footnote 4.6.14:
_Des desa._
Footnote 4.6.15:
Ajaisi, Sajansi, Dalipji, Sheoji, Bhoraji, Deoraj, Ugarsen, Mahulji,
Kheluji, Jankoji, Satuji, Sambhaji, Sivaji (the founder of the
Mahratta nation), Sambhaji, Ramraja, usurpation of the Peshwas. The
Satara throne, but for the jealousies of Udaipur, might on the
imbecility of Ramraja have been replenished from Mewar. It was offered
to Nathji, the grandfather of the present chief Sheodan Singh,
presumptive heir to Chitor. Two noble lines were reared from princes
of Chitor expelled on similar occasions; those of Sivaji and the
Gorkhas of Nepal. [This pedigree is largely the work of the bards. But
the Mahrattas, who seem to be chiefly sprung from the Kunbi peasantry,
claim Rājput origin, and several of their clans bear Rājput names. It
is said that in 1836 the Rāna of Mewār was satisfied that the Bhonslas
and certain other families had the right to be regarded as Rājputs
(_Census Report, Bombay_, 1901, i. 184 f.; Russell, _Tribes and Castes
Central Provinces_, iv. 199 ff.).]
Footnote 4.6.16:
This is a poetical version of the name of Ajaisi; a liberty frequently
taken by the bards for the sake of rhyme.
Footnote 4.6.17:
[From an inscription at Chitor it appears that the fort remained in
the charge of Muhammadans up to the time of Muhammad Tughlak
(1324-51), who appointed Māldeo of Jālor governor (Erskine ii. A.
16).]
Footnote 4.6.18:
The lake he excavated here, the Hamir-talao, and the temple of the
protecting goddess on its bank, still bear witness of his acts while
confined to this retreat.
Footnote 4.6.19:
See Plate, view of Kumbhalmer.
Footnote 4.6.20:
I have an inscription, and in Sanskrit, set up by an apostate chief or
bard in his train, which I found in this tract.
Footnote 4.6.21:
This is the symbol of an offer of marriage.
Footnote 4.6.22:
The toran is the symbol of marriage. It consists of three wooden bars,
forming an equilateral triangle; mystic in shape and number, and
having the apex crowned with the effigies of a peacock, it is placed
over the portal of the bride’s abode. At Udaipur, when the princes of
Jaisalmer, Bikaner, and Kishangarh simultaneously married the two
daughters and granddaughter of the Rana, the torans were suspended
from the battlements of the tripolia, or three-arched portal, leading
to the palace. The bridegroom on horseback, lance in hand, proceeds to
break the toran (_toran torna_), which is defended by the damsels of
the bride, who from the parapet assail him with missiles of various
kinds, especially with a crimson powder made from the flowers of the
_palasa_, at the same time singing songs fitted to the occasion,
replete with double-entendres. At length the toran is broken amidst
the shouts of the retainers; when the fair defenders retire. The
similitude of these ceremonies in the north of Europe and in Asia
increases the list of common affinities, and indicates the violence of
rude times to obtain the object of affection; and the lance, with
which the Rajput chieftain breaks the toran, has the same emblematic
import as the spear, which, at the marriage of the nobles in Sweden,
was a necessary implement in the furniture of the marriage chamber
(vide Mallett, _Northern Antiquities_). [The custom perhaps represents
a symbol of marriage by capture, but it has also been suggested that
it symbolizes the luck of the bride’s family which the bridegroom
acquires by touching the arch with his sword (see Luard, _Ethnographic
Survey Central India_, 22; Enthoven, _Folk-lore Notes Gujarāt_, 69;
Russell, _Tribes and Castes Central Provinces_, ii. 410).]
Footnote 4.6.23:
[Khetrpāl, Kshetrapāla, is guardian of the field (_Kshetra_).]
Footnote 4.6.24:
A kind of arquebuss [properly the gun-carriage. Irvine, _Army of the
Indian Moghuls_, 140 ff.]
Footnote 4.6.25:
Ferishta does not mention this conquest over the Khilji emperor; but
as Mewar recovered her wonted splendour in this reign, we cannot doubt
the truth of the native annals. [There is a mistake here. The
successor of Alāu-d-dīn was Kutbu-d-dīn Mubārak, who came to the
throne in 1316. Ferishta says that Rāī Ratan Singh of Chitor, who had
been taken prisoner in the siege, was released by the cleverness of
his daughter, and that Alāu-d-dīn ordered his son, Khizr Khān, to
evacuate the place, on which the Rāī became tributary to Alāu-d-dīn.
Also in 1312 the Rājputs threw the Muhammadan officers over the
ramparts and asserted their independence (Ferishta, trans. Briggs, i.
363, 381). Erskine says that the attack was made by Muhammad Tughlak
(1324-51).]
Footnote 4.6.26:
[The Jain tower, known as Kirtti Stamb, ‘pillar of fame,’ erected in
the twelfth or thirteenth century by Jīja, a Bagherwāl Mahājan, and
dedicated to Ādināth, the first Jain Tīrthankara or saint.]
Footnote 4.6.27:
[The contemporary of Khet Singh at Delhi was Fīroz Shāh Tughlak.]
Footnote 4.6.28:
[The mines at Jāwar, sixteen miles south of Udaipur city, produce
lead, zinc, and some silver. The mention of tin in the text seems
wrong (Watt, _Dict. Econ. Prod._ vi. Part iv. 356; _Comm. Prod._
1077).]
Footnote 4.6.29:
_Haft-dhat_, corresponding to the planets, each of which ruled a
metal: hence Mihr, ‘the sun,’ for gold; Chandra, ‘the moon,’ for
silver.
Footnote 4.6.30:
They have long been abandoned, the miners are extinct, and the
protecting deities of mines are unable to get even a flower placed on
their shrines, though some have been reconsecrated by the Bhils, who
have converted Lakshmi into Sitalamata (Juno Lucina), whom the Bhil
females invoke to pass them through danger.
Footnote 4.6.31:
Jhunjhunu, Singhana, and Narbana formed the ancient Nagarchal
territory.
Footnote 4.6.32:
[There was no Sultān Muhammad Shāh Lodi, and that dynasty did not
begin till 1451. Fīroz Shāh (1351-88) was contemporary of Laksh Singh
at Delhi. It is not likely that a Rājput in the fourteenth century
conducted a campaign at Gaya in Bengal; but, according to Har Bilas
Sarda, author of a recent monograph on Rāna Kūmbha, the fact is
corroborated by inscriptions, Peterson, _Bhaunagar Inscriptions_, 96,
117, 119.]
Footnote 4.6.33:
The Sarangdeot chief of Kanor (on the borders of Chappan), one of the
sixteen lords of Mewar, is also a descendant of Lakha, as are some of
the tribes of Sondwara, about Pharphara and the ravines of the Kali
Sind.
-----
CHAPTER 7
If devotion to the fair sex be admitted as a criterion of civilization,
the Rajput must rank high. His susceptibility is extreme, and fires at
the slightest offence to female delicacy, which he never forgives. A
satirical impromptu, involving the sacrifice of Rajput prejudices,
dissolved the coalition of the Rathors and Kachhwahas, and laid each
prostrate before the Mahrattas, whom when united they had crushed: and a
jest, apparently trivial, compromised the right of primogeniture to the
throne of Chitor, and proved more disastrous in its consequences than
the arms either of Moguls or Mahrattas.
=Chonda renounces his Birthright.=—Lakha Rana was advanced in years, his
sons and grandsons established in suitable domains, when ‘the coco-nut
came’ from Ranmall, prince of Marwar, to affiance his daughter with
Chonda, the heir of Mewar. When the embassy was announced, Chonda was
absent, and the old chief was seated in his chair of state surrounded by
his court. The messenger of Hymen was courteously received by Lakha, who
observed that Chonda would soon return and take the gage; “for,” added
he, drawing his fingers over his moustaches, “I don’t suppose you send
such playthings to an old greybeard like me.” This little sally was of
course applauded and repeated; but Chonda, offended at delicacy being
sacrificed to wit, declined accepting the symbol which his father had
even in jest supposed might be intended for him: and as it could not be
returned without gross insult to Ranmall, the old Rana, incensed at his
son’s obstinacy, agreed to accept it himself, provided Chonda would
swear to renounce his birthright in the event of his having a son, and
be to the child but the ‘first of his Rajputs.’ He swore by Eklinga to
fulfil his father’s wishes.
=Rāna Mokala, A.D. 1397-1433.=—Mokalji was the issue of this union, and
had attained the age of five when the Rana resolved to signalize his
finale by a raid against the enemies of their faith [277], and to expel
the ‘barbarian’ from the holy land of Gaya. In ancient times this was by
no means uncommon, and we have several instances in the annals of these
States of princes resigning ‘the purple’ on the approach of old age, and
by a life of austerity and devotion, pilgrimage and charity, seeking to
make their peace with heaven “for the sins inevitably committed by all
who wield a sceptre.” But when war was made against their religion by
the Tatar proselytes to Islam, the Sutlej and the Ghaggar were as the
banks of the Jordan—Gaya, their Jerusalem, their holy land; and if there
destiny filled his cup, the Hindu chieftain was secure of
beatitude,[4.7.1] exempted from the troubles of ‘second birth’;[4.7.2]
and borne from the scene of probation in celestial cars by the
Apsaras,[4.7.3] was introduced at once into the ‘realm of the
sun.’[4.7.4] Ere, however, the Rana of Chitor journeyed to this bourne,
he was desirous to leave his throne unexposed to civil strife. The
subject of succession had never been renewed; but discussing with Chonda
his warlike pilgrimage to Gaya, from which he might not return, he
sounded him by asking what estates should be settled on Mokal. “The
throne of Chitor,” was the honest reply; and to set suspicion at rest,
he desired that the ceremony of installation should be performed
previous to Lakha’s departure. Chonda was the first to pay homage and
swear obedience and fidelity to his future sovereign: reserving, as the
recompense of his renunciation, the first place in the councils, and
stipulating that in all grants to the vassals of the crown, his symbol
(the lance) should be superadded to the autograph of the prince. In all
grants the lance of Salumbar[4.7.5] still precedes the monogram of the
Rana.[4.7.6]
The sacrifice of Chonda to offended delicacy and filial respect was
great, for he had all the qualities requisite for command. Brave, frank,
and skilful, he conducted all public affairs after his father’s
departure and death, to the benefit of the minor and the State. The
queen-mother, however, who is admitted as the natural guardian of her
infant’s rights on all such occasions, felt umbrage and discontent at
her loss of power; forgetting that, but for Chonda, she would never
[278] have been mother to the Rana of Mewar. She watched with a jealous
eye all his proceedings; but it was only through the medium of suspicion
she could accuse the integrity of Chonda, and she artfully asserted
that, under colour of directing state affairs, he was exercising
absolute sovereignty, and that if he did not assume the title of Rana,
he would reduce it to an empty name. Chonda, knowing the purity of his
own motives, made liberal allowance for maternal solicitude; but
upbraiding the queen with the injustice of her suspicions, and advising
a vigilant care to the rights of Sesodias, he retired to the court of
Mandu, then rising into notice, where he was received with the highest
distinctions, and the district of Halar[4.7.7] was assigned to him by
the king.
=Rāthor Influence in Mewār.=—His departure was the signal for an influx
of the kindred of the queen from Mandor. Her brother Jodha (who
afterwards gave his name to Jodhpur) was the first, and was soon
followed by his father, Rao Ranmall, and numerous adherents, who deemed
the arid region of Maru-des, and its rabri, or maize porridge, well
exchanged for the fertile plains and wheaten bread of Mewar.
=Raghudeva, the Mewār Hero.=—With his grandson on his knee, the old Rao
“would sit on the throne of Bappa Rawal, on whose quitting him for play,
the regal ensigns of Mewar waved over the head of Mandor.” This was more
than the Sesodia nurse[4.7.8] (an important personage in all Hindu
governments) could bear, and bursting with indignation, she demanded of
the queen if her kin was to defraud her own child of his inheritance.
The honesty of the nurse was greater than her prudence. The creed of the
Rajput is to ‘obtain sovereignty,’ regarding the means as secondary and
this avowal of her suspicions only hastened their designs. The queen
soon found herself without remedy, and a remonstrance to her father
produced a hint which threatened the existence of her offspring. Her
fears were soon after augmented by the assassination of Raghudeva, the
second brother of Chonda, whose estates were Kelwara and Kawaria. To the
former place, where he resided aloof from the court, Rao Ranmall sent a
dress of honour, which etiquette requiring him to put on when presented,
the prince was assassinated in the act. Raghudeva was so much beloved
for his virtues, courage, and manly beauty, that his [279] murder became
martyrdom, and obtained for him divine honours, and a place amongst the
_Di Patres_ (_Pitrideva_) of Mewar. His image is on every hearth, and is
daily worshipped with the Penates. Twice in the year his altars receive
public homage from every Sesodia, from the Rana to the serf.[4.7.9]
=The Expulsion of the Rāthor Party.=—In this extremity the queen-mother
turned her thoughts to Chonda, and it was not difficult to apprise him
of the danger which menaced the race, every place of trust being held by
her kinsmen, and the principal post of Chitor by a Bhatti Rajput of
Jaisalmer. Chonda, though at a distance, was not inattentive to the
proverbially dangerous situation of a minor amongst the Rajputs. At his
departure he was accompanied by two hundred Aherias or huntsmen, whose
ancestors had served the princes of Chitor from ancient times. These had
left their families behind, a visit to whom was the pretext for their
introduction to the fort. They were instructed to get into the service
of the keepers of the gates, and, being considered more attached to the
place than to the family, their object was effected. The queen-mother
was counselled to cause the young prince to descend daily with a
numerous retinue to give feasts to the surrounding villages, and
gradually to increase the distance, but not to fail on the ‘festival of
lamps’[4.7.10] to hold the feast (_got_) at Gosunda.[4.7.11]
These injunctions were carefully attended to. The day arrived, the feast
was held at Gosunda; but the night was closing in, and no Chonda
appeared. With heavy hearts the nurse, the Purohit,[4.7.12] and those in
the secret moved homeward, and had reached the eminence called Chitori,
when forty horsemen passed them at the gallop, and at their head Chonda
in disguise, who by a secret sign paid homage as he passed to his
younger brother and sovereign. Chonda and [280] his band had reached the
Rampol,[4.7.13] or upper gate, unchecked. Here, when challenged, they
said they were neighbouring chieftains, who, hearing of the feast at
Gosunda, had the honour to escort the prince home. The story obtained
credit; but the main body, of which this was but the advance, presently
coming up, the treachery was apparent. Chonda unsheathed his sword, and
at his well-known shout the hunters were speedily in action. The Bhatti
chief, taken by surprise, and unable to reach Chonda, launched his
dagger at and wounded him, but was himself slain; the guards at the
gates were cut to pieces, and the Rathors hunted out and killed without
mercy.
=Death of Rāo Ranmall.=—The end of Rāo Ranmall was more ludicrous than
tragical. Smitten with the charms of a Sesodia handmaid of the queen,
who was compelled to his embrace, the old chief was in her arms,
intoxicated with love, wine, and opium, and heard nothing of the tumult
without. A woman’s wit and revenge combined to make his end afford some
compensation for her loss of honour. Gently rising, she bound him to his
bed with his own Marwari turban:[4.7.14] nor did this disturb him, and
the messengers of fate had entered ere the opiate allowed his eyes to
open to a sense of his danger. Enraged, he in vain endeavoured to
extricate himself; and by some tortuosity of movement he got upon his
legs, his pallet at his back like a shell or shield of defence. With no
arms but a brass vessel of ablution, he levelled to the earth several of
his assailants, when a ball from a matchlock extended him on the floor
of the palace. His son Jodha was in the lower town, and was indebted to
the fleetness of his steed for escaping the fate of his father and
kindred, whose bodies strewed the _terre-pleine_ of Chitor, the merited
reward of their usurpation and treachery.
=The Revenge of Chonda.=—But Chonda’s revenge was not yet satisfied. He
pursued Rao Jodha, who, unable to oppose him, took refuge with Harbuji
Sankhla, leaving Mandor to its fate. This city Chonda entered by
surprise, and holding it till his sons Kantatji and Manjaji arrived with
reinforcements, the Rathor treachery was repaid by their keeping
possession of the capital during twelve years. We might here leave the
future founder of Jodhpur, had not this feud led to the junction of the
rich [281] province of Godwar to Mewar, held for three centuries and
again lost by treachery. It may yet involve a struggle between the
Sesodias and Rathors.[4.7.15]
“Sweet are the uses of adversity.” To Jodha it was the first step in the
ladder of his eventual elevation. A century and a half had scarcely
elapsed since a colony, the wreck of Kanauj, found an asylum, and at
length a kingdom, taking possession of one capital and founding another,
abandoning Mandor and erecting Jodhpur. But even Jodha could never have
hoped that his issue would have extended their sway from the valley of
the Indus to within one hundred miles of the Jumna, and from the desert
bordering on the Sutlej to the Aravalli mountains: that one hundred
thousand swords should at once be in the hands of Rathors, ‘the sons of
one father’ (_ek Bap ke Betan_).
If we slightly encroach upon the annals of Marwar, it is owing to its
history and that of Mewar being here so interwoven, and the incidents
these events gave birth so illustrative of the national character of
each, that it is, perhaps, more expedient to advert to the period when
Jodha was shut out from Mandor, and the means by which he regained that
city, previous to relating the events of the reign of Mokal.
=Harbuji Sānkhla.=—Harbuji Sankhla, at once a soldier and a devotee, was
one of those Rajput cavaliers ‘_sans peur et sans reproche_,’ whose life
of celibacy and perilous adventure was mingled with the austere devotion
of an ascetic; by turns aiding with his lance the cause which he deemed
worthy, or exercising an unbounded hospitality towards the stranger.
This generosity had much reduced his resources when Jodha sought his
protection. It was the eve of the _Sada-bart_, one of those hospitable
rites which, in former times, characterized Rajwara. This ‘perpetual
charity’ supplies food to the stranger and traveller, and is distributed
not only by individual chiefs and by the government, but by
subscriptions of communities. Even in Mewar, in her present impoverished
condition, the offerings to the gods in support of their shrines and the
establishment of the _Sada-bart_ were simultaneous. Hospitality is a
virtue pronounced to belong more peculiarly to a semi-barbarous
condition. Alas! for refinement and ultra-civilization, strangers to the
happiness enjoyed by Harbuji Sankhla. Jodha, with one hundred and twenty
followers, came to solicit the ‘stranger’s fare’: but unfortunately it
was too late, the _Sada-bart_ had been distributed. In this exigence,
Harbuji recollected that there was a wood [282] called _mujd_,[4.7.16]
used in dyeing, which among other things in the desert regions is
resorted to in scarcity. A portion of this was bruised, and boiled with
some flour, sugar, and spices, making altogether a palatable pottage;
and with a promise of better fare on the morrow, it was set before the
young Rao and his followers, who, after making a good repast, soon
forgot Chitor in sleep. On waking, each stared at his fellow, for their
mustachios were dyed with their evening’s meal; but the old chief, who
was not disposed to reveal his expedient, made it minister to their
hopes by giving it a miraculous character, and saying “that as the grey
of age was thus metamorphosed into the tint of morn[4.7.17] and hope, so
would their fortunes become young, and Mandor again be theirs.”
Elevated by this prospect, they enlisted Harbuji on their side. He
accompanied them to the chieftain of Mewa, “whose stables contained one
hundred chosen steeds.” Pabuji, a third independent of the same stamp,
with his ‘coal-black steed,’ was gained to the cause, and Jodha soon
found himself strong enough to attempt the recovery of his capital. The
sons of Chonda were taken by surprise: but despising the numbers of the
foe, and ignorant who were their auxiliaries, they descended sword in
hand to meet the assailants. The elder[4.7.18] son of Chonda with many
adherents was slain; and the younger, deserted by the subjects of
Mandor, trusted to the swiftness of his horse for escape; but being
pursued, was overtaken and killed on the boundary of Godwar. Thus Jodha,
in his turn, was revenged, but the ‘feud was not balanced.’ Two sons of
Chitor had fallen for one chief of Mandor. But wisely reflecting on the
original aggression, and the superior power of Mewar, as well as his
being indebted for his present success to foreign aid, Jodha sued for
peace, and offered as the _mundkati_, or ‘price of blood,’ and ‘to
quench the feud,’ that the spot where Manja fell should be the future
barrier of the two States. The entire province of Godwar was
comprehended in the cession, which for three centuries withstood every
contention, till the internal dissensions of the last half century,
which grew out of the cause by which [283] it was obtained, and the
change of succession in Mewar severed this most valuable
acquisition.[4.7.19]
Who would imagine, after such deadly feuds between these rival States,
that in the very next succession these hostile frays were not only
buried in oblivion, but that the prince of Marwar abjured ‘his turban
and his bed’ till he had revenged the assassination of the prince of
Chitor, and restored his infant heir to his rights? The annals of these
States afford numerous instances of the same hasty, overbearing
temperament governing all; easily moved to strife, impatient of revenge,
and steadfast in its gratification. But this satisfied, resentment
subsides. A daughter of the offender given to wife banishes its
remembrance, and when the bard joins the lately rival names in the
couplet, each will complacently curl his mustachio over his lip as he
hears his ‘renown expand like the lotus,’ and thus ‘the feud is
extinguished.’ Thus have they gone on from time immemorial, and will
continue, till what we may fear to contemplate. They have now neither
friend nor foe but the British. The Tatar invader sleeps in his tomb,
and the Mahratta depredator is muzzled and enchained. To return.
=Mokal, A.D. 1397-1433.=—Mokal, who obtained the throne by Chonda’s
surrender of his birthright, was not destined long to enjoy the
distinction, though he evinced qualities worthy of heading the Sesodias.
He ascended the throne in S. 1454 (A.D. 1398), at an important era in
the history of India; when Timur, who had already established the race
of Chagatai in the kingdoms of Central Asia, and laid prostrate the
throne of Byzantium, turned his arms towards India. But it was not a
field for his ambition; and the event is not even noticed in the annals
of Mewar: a proof that it did not affect their repose. But they record
an attempted invasion by the king of Delhi, which is erroneously stated
to have been by Firoz Shah. A grandson of this prince had indeed been
set up, and compelled to flee from the arms of Timur, and as the
direction of his flight was Gujarat, it is not unlikely that the
recorded attempt to penetrate by the passes of Mewar may have been his
[284]. Be this as it may, the Rana Mokal anticipated and met him beyond
the passes of the Aravalli, in the field of Raepur, and compelled him to
abandon his enterprise. Pursuing his success, he took possession of
Sambhar and its salt lakes, and otherwise extended and strengthened his
territory, which the distracted state of the empire consequent to
Timur’s invasion rendered a matter of little difficulty. Mokal finished
the palace commenced by Lakha, now a mass of ruins; and erected the
shrine of Chaturbhuja, ‘the four-armed deity,’[4.7.20] in the western
hills.
=Lāl Bāi.=—Besides three sons, Rana Mokal had a daughter, celebrated for
her beauty, called Lal Bai, or ‘the ruby.’ She was betrothed to the
Khichi chieftain of Gagraun, who at the Hathleva[4.7.21] demanded the
pledge of succour on foreign invasion. Dhiraj, the son of the Khichi,
had come to solicit the stipulated aid against Hoshang of Malwa, who had
invested their capital. The Rana’s headquarters were then at Madri, and
he was employed in quelling a revolt of the mountaineers, when Dhiraj
arrived and obtained the necessary aid. Madri was destined to be the
scene of the termination of Mokal’s career: he was assassinated by his
uncles, the natural brothers of his father, from an unintentional
offence, which tradition has handed down in all its details.
=Assassination of Rāna Mokal.=—Chacha and Mera were the natural sons of
Khetsi Rana (the predecessor of Lakha); their mother a fair handmaid of
low descent, generally allowed to be a carpenter’s daughter. ‘The fifth
sons of Mewar’ (as the natural children are figuratively termed) possess
no rank, and though treated with kindness, and entrusted with
confidential employments, the sons of the chiefs of the second class
take precedence of them, and ‘sit higher on the carpet.’ These brothers
had the charge of seven hundred horse in the train of Rana Mokal at
Madri. Some chiefs at enmity with them, conceiving that they had
overstepped their privileges, wished to see them humiliated. Chance
procured them the opportunity: which, however, cost their prince his
life. Seated in a grove with his chiefs around him, he inquired the name
of a particular tree. The Chauhan chief, feigning ignorance, whispered
him to ask either of the brothers; and not perceiving their scope, he
artlessly did so. “Uncle, what tree is this?” The sarcasm thus prompted
they considered as reflecting on their birth (being sons [285] of the
carpenter’s daughter), and the same day, while Mokal was at his
devotions, and in the act of counting his rosary, one blow severed his
arm from his body, while another stretched him lifeless. The brothers,
quickly mounting their steeds, had the audacity to hope to surprise
Chitor, but the gates were closed upon them.
=Rāna Kūmbha, A.D. 1433-68.=—Though the murder of Mokal is related to
have no other cause than the sarcasm alluded to, the precautions taken
by the young prince Kumbha,[4.7.22] his successor, would induce a belief
that this was but the opening of a deep-laid conspiracy. The traitors
returned to the stronghold near Madri, and Kumbha trusted to the
friendship and good feeling of the prince of Marwar in this emergency.
His confidence was well repaid. The prince put his son at the head of a
force, and the retreat of the assassins being near his own frontier,
they were encountered and dislodged. From Madri they fled to Pai, where
they strengthened a fortress in the mountains named Ratakot; a lofty
peak of the compound chain which encircles Udaipur, visible from the
surrounding country, as are the remains of this stronghold of the
assassins. It would appear that their lives were dissolute, for they had
carried off the virgin daughter of a Chauhan, which led to their
eventual detection and punishment. Her father, Suja, had traced the
route of the ravishers, and, mixing with the workmen, found that the
approaches to the place of their concealment were capable of being
scaled. He was about to lay his complaint before his prince, when he met
the cavalcade of Kumbha and the Rathor. The distressed father, ‘covering
his face,’ disclosed the story of his own and daughter’s dishonour. They
encamped till night at Delwara, when, led by the Chandana, they issued
forth to surprise the authors of so many evils.
=Suja and the Tiger.=—Arrived at the base of the rock, where the parapet
was yet low, they commenced the escalade, aided by the thick foliage.
The path was steep and rugged, and in the darkness of the night each had
grasped his neighbour’s skirt for security. Animated by a just revenge,
the Chauhan (Suja) led the way, when on reaching a ledge of the rock the
glaring eyeballs of a tigress flashed upon him. Undismayed, he squeezed
the hand of the Rathor prince who followed him, and who on perceiving
the object of terror instantly buried his poignard in her heart. This
omen was superb. They soon reached the summit. Some had ascended the
parapet; others were scrambling over, when the minstrel [286] slipping,
fell, and his drum, which was to have accompanied his voice in singing
the conquest, awoke by its crash the daughter of Chacha. Her father
quieted her fears by saying it was only “the thunder and the rains of
Bhadon”: to fear God only and go to sleep, for their enemies were safe
at Kelwa. At this moment the Rao and his party rushed in. Chacha and
Mera had no time to avoid their fate. Chacha was cleft in two by the
Chandana, while the Rathor prince laid Mera at his feet, and the spoils
of Ratakot were divided among the assailants.
-----
Footnote 4.7.1:
_Mukti._
Footnote 4.7.2:
This is a literal phrase, denoting further transmigration of the soul,
which is always deemed a punishment. The soldier who falls in battle
in the faithful performance of his duty is alone exempted, according
to their martial mythology, from the pains of ‘second birth.’
Footnote 4.7.3:
The fair messengers of heaven.
Footnote 4.7.4:
_Suraj Mandal._
Footnote 4.7.5:
The abode of the chief of the various clans of Chondawat.
Footnote 4.7.6:
_Vide_ p. 235.
Footnote 4.7.7:
[Hālār in W. Kāthiāwār (_BG_, viii. 4).]
Footnote 4.7.8:
The _Dhāi_. The _Dhābhāis_, or ‘foster-brothers,’ often hold lands in
perpetuity, and are employed in the most confidential places; on
embassies, marriages, etc.
Footnote 4.7.9:
On the 8th day of the Dasahra, or ‘military festival,’ when the levies
are mustered at the Chaugan, or ‘Champ de Mars,’ and on the 10th of
Chait his altars are purified, and his image is washed and placed
thereon. Women pray for the safety of their children; husbands, that
their wives may be fruitful. Previously to this, a son of Bappa Rawal
was worshipped; but after the enshrinement of Raghudeva, the adoration
of Kulisputra was gradually abolished. Nor is this custom confined to
Mewar: there is a deified _Putra_ in every Rajput family—one who has
met a violent death. Besides Eklinga, the descendants of Bappa have
adopted numerous household divinities: the destinies of life and
death, Baenmata the goddess of the Chawaras, Nagnachian the serpent
divinity of the Rathors, and Khetrapal, or ‘fosterer of the field,’
have with many others obtained a place on the Sesodia altars. This
festival may not unaptly be compared to that of Adonis amongst the
Greeks, for the _Putra_ is worshipped chiefly by women.
Footnote 4.7.10:
The _Diwali_, from _diwa_, ‘a lamp.’ This festival is in honour of
Lakshmi, goddess of wealth.
Footnote 4.7.11:
Seven miles south of Chitor, on the road to Malwa.
Footnote 4.7.12:
The family priest and instructor of youth.
Footnote 4.7.13:
_Rampol_, ‘the gate of Ram.’
Footnote 4.7.14:
Often sixty cubits in length.
Footnote 4.7.15:
[Godwār, including the Bāli and Desuri districts in S.E. Mārwār, is
now known as the Desuri Hukūmat: see Erskine iii. A. 180 f.]
Footnote 4.7.16:
The wood of Solomon’s temple is called _almug_; the prefix _al_ is
merely the article [?]. This is the wood also mentioned in the annals
of Gujarat, of which the temple to Adinath was constructed. It is said
to be indestructible even by fire. It has been surmised that the
fleets of Tyre frequented the Indian coast: could they thence have
carried the _Almujd_ for the temple of Solomon? [Almug, according to
the _Encyclopædia Biblica_ (i. 1196) is either Brazil-wood or red
sandalwood (_Pterocarpus santalinus_). Sir G. Watt, who has kindly
examined the question, thinks it very improbable that the _mujd_ of
the text is almug wood, because neither the true sandalwood (_Santalum
album_) nor the red sandalwood (_Pterocarpus santalinus_) is found in
Rājputāna. He identifies the _mujd_ of the text with _Moringa
concanensis_, a small tree found wild in Sind and the Konkan, which
yields a gum of considerable value, and its congener _Moringa
pterygosperma_ (_Comm. Prod._ 784), the horse-radish tree of India, is
used as a dye in Jamaica, and probably could be so used in India.]
Footnote 4.7.17:
This wood has a brownish-red tint.
Footnote 4.7.18:
This is related with some variation in other annals of the period.
Footnote 4.7.19:
There is little hope, while British power acts as high constable and
keeper of the peace in Rajwara, of this being recovered: nor, were it
otherwise, would it be desirable to see it become an object of
contention between these States. Marwar has attained much grandeur
since the time of Jodha, and her resources are more unbroken than
those of Mewar, who, if she could redeem, could not, from its exposed
position, maintain the province against the brave Rathor.
Footnote 4.7.20:
[The four-armed Vishnu, the favourite deity of the Mertia Rāthors
(_Census Report, Rajputana, 1891_, ii. 26).]
Footnote 4.7.21:
The ceremony of joining hands.
Footnote 4.7.22:
[His mother was a Pramār, Subhāgya Devi, daughter of Rāja Jaitmall,
Sānkhla.]
-----
CHAPTER 8
=Rāna Kūmbha, A.D. 1433-68.=—Kumbha succeeded his father in S. 1475
(A.D. 1419);[4.8.1] nor did any symptom of dissatisfaction appear to
usher in his reign, which was one of great success amidst no common
difficulties. The bardic historians[4.8.2] do as much honour to the
Marwar prince, who had made common cause with their sovereign in
revenging the death of his father, as if it had involved the security of
his crown; but this was a precautionary measure of the prince, who was
induced thus to act from several motives, and, above all, in accordance
with usage, which stigmatizes the refusal of aid when demanded: besides
‘Kumbha was the nephew of Marwar.’
It has rarely occurred in any country to have possessed successively so
many energetic princes as ruled Mewar through several centuries. She was
now in the middle path of her glory, and enjoying the legitimate triumph
of seeing the foes of her religion captives on the rock of her power. A
century had elapsed since the bigot Ala had wreaked his vengeance on the
different monuments of art. Chitor had recovered the sack, and new
defenders had sprung up in the place [287] of those who had fallen in
their ‘saffron robes,’ a sacrifice for her preservation. All that was
wanting to augment her resources against the storms which were
collecting on the brows of Caucasus and the shores of the Oxus, and were
destined to burst on the head of his grandson Sanga, was effected by
Kumbha; who with Hamir’s energy, Lakha’s taste for the arts, and a
genius comprehensive as either and more fortunate, succeeded in all his
undertakings, and once more raised the ‘crimson banner’ of Mewar upon
the banks of the Ghaggar, the scene of Samarsi’s defeat. Let us contrast
the patriarchal Hindu governments of this period with the despotism of
the Tatar invader.
From the age of Shihabu-d-din, the conqueror of India, and his
contemporary Samarsi, to the time we have now reached, two entire
dynasties, numbering twenty-four emperors and one empress, through
assassination, rebellion, and dethronement, had followed in rapid
succession, yielding a result of only nine years to a reign. Of Mewar,
though several fell in defending their altars at home or their religion
abroad, eleven princes suffice to fill the same period.
It was towards the close of the Khilji dynasty that the satraps of Delhi
shook off its authority and established subordinate kingdoms: Bijapur
and Golkonda in the Deccan; Malwa, Gujarat, Jaunpur in the east; and
even Kalpi had its king. Malwa and Gujarat had attained considerable
power when Kumbha ascended the throne. In the midst of his prosperity
these two States formed a league against him, and in S. 1496 (A.D. 1440)
both kings, at the head of powerful armies, invaded Mewar. Kumbha met
them on the plains of Malwa bordering on his own State, and at the head
of one hundred thousand horse and foot and fourteen hundred elephants,
gave them an entire defeat, carrying captive to Chitor Mahmud the Khilji
sovereign of Malwa.
Abu-l Fazl relates this victory, and dilates on Kumbha’s greatness of
soul in setting his enemy at liberty, not only without ransom but with
gifts.[4.8.3] Such is the character of the Hindu: a mixture of
arrogance, political blindness, pride, and generosity. To spare a
prostrate foe is the creed of the Hindu cavalier, and he carries all
such maxims to excess. The annals, however, state that Mahmud was
confined six months in Chitor; and that the trophies of conquest were
retained we have evidence from Babur, who mentions receiving from the
son of his opponent, Sanga, the crown of the Malwa king.
=The Tower of Victory.=—But there is a more durable [288] monument than
this written record of victory: the triumphal pillar in Chitor, whose
inscriptions detail the event, “when, shaking the earth, the lords of
Gujarkhand and Malwa, with armies overwhelming as the ocean, invaded
Medpat.” Eleven years after this event Kumbha laid the foundations of
this column, which was completed in ten more: a period apparently too
short to place “this ringlet on the brow of Chitor, which makes her look
down upon Meru with derision.” We will leave it, with the aspiration
that it may long continue a monument of the fortune of its
founders.[4.8.4]
It would appear that the Malwa king afterwards united his arms with
Kumbha, as, in a victory gained over the imperial forces at Jhunjhunu,
when ‘he planted his standard in Hissar,’ the Malwa troops were combined
with those of Mewar. The imperial power had at this period greatly
declined: the Khutba was read in the mosques in the name of Timur, and
the Malwa king had defeated, single-handed, the last Ghorian sultan of
Delhi.
=The Fortresses of Mewār.=—Of eighty-four fortresses for the defence of
Mewar, thirty-two were erected by Kumbha. Inferior only to Chitor is
that stupendous work called after him Kumbhalmer,[4.8.5] ‘the hill of
Kumbha,’ from its natural position, and the works he raised, impregnable
to a native army. These works were on the site of a more ancient
fortress, of which the mountaineers long held possession. Tradition
ascribes it to Samprati Raja, a Jain prince in the second century, and a
descendant of Chandragupta;[4.8.6] and the ancient Jain temples appear
to confirm the tradition. When Kumbha captured Nagor he brought away the
gates, with the statue of the god Hanuman, who gives his name to the
gate which he still guards. He also erected a citadel on a peak of Abu,
within the fortress of the ancient Pramara, where he often resided. Its
magazine and alarm-tower still bear Kumbha’s name; and in a rude temple
the bronze effigies of Kumbha and his father still receive divine
honours.[4.8.7] Centuries have passed since the princes of Mewar had
influence here, but the incident marks the vivid remembrance of their
condition. He fortified the passes between the western frontier and Abu,
and erected the fort Vasanti near the present Sirohi, and that of
Machin, to defend the Shero Nala and Deogarh against the Mers of
Aravalli. He re-established Ahor and other smaller [289] forts to
overawe the Bhumia[4.8.8] Bhil of Jharol and Panarwa, and defined the
boundaries of Marwar and Mewar.
=Temples.=—Besides these monuments of his genius, two consecrated to
religion have survived: that of Kumbha Sham, on Abu, which, though
worthy to attract notice elsewhere, is here eclipsed by a crowd of more
interesting objects; the other, one of the largest edifices existing,
cost upwards of a million sterling, towards which Kumbha contributed
eighty thousand pounds. It is erected in the Sadri pass leading from the
western descent of the highlands of Mewar, and is dedicated to
Rishabhadeva.[4.8.9] Its secluded position has preserved it from bigoted
fury, and its only visitants now are the wild beasts who take shelter in
its sanctuary. Kumbha Rana was also a poet: but in a far more elevated
strain than the troubadour princes, his neighbours, who contented
themselves with rehearsing their own prowess or celebrating their lady’s
beauty. He composed a _tika_, or appendix to the ‘Divine
Melodies,’[4.8.10] in praise of Krishna. We can pass no judgment on
these inspirations of the royal bard, as we are ignorant whether any are
preserved in the records of the house: a point his descendant, who is
deeply skilled in such lore, might probably answer.
=Mīra Bāi.=—Kumbha married a daughter of the Rathor of Merta, the first
of the clans of Marwar. Mira Bai[4.8.11] was the most celebrated
princess of her time for beauty and romantic piety. Her compositions
were numerous, though better known to the worshippers of the Hindu
Apollo than to the ribald bards. Some of her odes and hymns to the deity
are preserved and admired. Whether she imbibed her poetic piety from her
husband, or whether from her he caught the sympathy which produced the
‘sequel to the songs of Govinda,’ we cannot determine. Her history is a
romance, and her excess of devotion at every shrine of the favourite
deity with the fair of Hind, from the Yamuna to ‘the world’s
end,’[4.8.12] gave rise to many [290] tales of scandal. Kumbha mixed
gallantry with his warlike pursuits. He carried off the daughter of the
chief of Jhalawar, who had been betrothed to the prince of Mandor: this
renewed the old feud, and the Rathor made many attempts to redeem his
affianced bride. His humiliation was insupportable, when through the
purified atmosphere of the periodical rains “the towers of Kumbhalmer
became visible from the castle of Mandor, and the light radiated from
the chamber of the fair through the gloom of a night in Bhadon,[4.8.13]
to the hall where he brooded o’er his sorrows.” It was surmised that
this night-lamp was an understood signal of the Jhalani, who pined at
the decree which ambition had dictated to her father, in consigning her
to the more powerful rival of her affianced lord. The Rathor exhausted
every resource to gain access to the fair, and had once nearly succeeded
in a surprise by escalade, having cut his way in the night through the
forest in the western and least guarded acclivity: but, as the bard
equivocally remarks, "though he cut his way through the _jhal_
(brushwood), he could not reach the _Jhalani_."
=The Assassination of Rāna Kūmbha, A.D. 1468.=—Kumbha had occupied the
throne half a century; he had triumphed over the enemies of his race,
fortified his country with strongholds, embellished it with temples, and
with the superstructure of her fame had laid the foundation of his
own—when, the year which should have been a jubilee was disgraced by the
foulest blot in the annals; and his life, which nature was about to
close, terminated by the poignard of an assassin—that assassin, his son!
=Rāna Uda, A.D. 1468-73.=—This happened in S. 1525 (A.D. 1469). Uda was
the name of the parricide, whose unnatural ambition, and impatience to
enjoy a short lustre of sovereignty, bereft of life the author of his
existence. But such is the detestation which marks this unusual crime
that, like that of the Venetian traitor, his name is left a blank in the
annals, nor is Uda known but by the epithet _Hatyara_, ‘the murderer.’
Shunned by his kin, and compelled to look abroad for succour to maintain
him on the throne polluted by his crime, Mewar in five years of
illegitimate rule lost half the consequence which had cost so many to
acquire. He made the Deora prince independent in Abu, and bestowed
Sambhar, Ajmer, and adjacent districts on the prince of Jodhpur[4.8.14]
as the price of his friendship. But, a prey to remorse, he felt that he
[291] could neither claim regard from, nor place any dependence upon,
these princes, though he bribed them with provinces. He humbled himself
before the king of Delhi, offering him a daughter in marriage to obtain
his sanction to his authority; “but heaven manifested its vengeance to
prevent this additional iniquity, and preserve the house of Bappa Rawal
from dishonour.” He had scarcely quitted the divan (_diwankhana_), on
taking leave of the king, when a flash of lightning struck the _Hatyara_
to the earth, whence he never arose.[4.8.15] The bards pass over this
period cursorily, as one of their race was the instrument of Uda’s
crime.
=Banishment of the Chārans.=—There has always been a jealousy between
the Mangtas, as they term all classes ‘who extend the palm,’ whether
Brahmans, Yatis, Charans, or Bhats; but since Hamir, the Charan
influence had far eclipsed the rest. A Brahman astrologer predicted
Kumbha’s death through a Charan, and as the class had given other cause
of offence, Kumbha banished the fraternity his dominions, resuming all
their lands: a strong measure in those days, and which few would have
had nerve to attempt or firmness to execute. The heir-apparent, Raemall,
who was exiled to Idar for what his father deemed an impertinent
curiosity,[4.8.16] had attached one of these bards to his suite, whose
ingenuity got the edict set aside, and his race restored to their lands
and the prince’s favour. Had they taken off the Brahman’s head, they
might have falsified the prediction which unhappily was too soon
fulfilled.[4.8.17]
=Rāna Rāemall, A.D. 1473-1508.=—Raemall succeeded in S. 1530 (A.D. 1474)
by his own valour to the seat of Kumbha. He had fought and defeated the
usurper, who on this occasion fled to the king of Delhi and offered him
a daughter of Mewar. After his death in the manner described, the Delhi
monarch, with Sahasmall [292] and Surajmall, sons of the parricide,
invaded Mewar, encamping at Siarh, now Nathdwara. The chiefs were
faithful to their legitimate prince, Raemall, and aided by his allies of
Abu and Girnar, at the head of fifty-eight thousand horse and eleven
thousand foot, he gave battle to the pretender and his imperial ally at
Ghasa. The conflict was ferocious. ‘The streams ran blood,’ for the sons
of the usurper were brave as lions; but the king was so completely
routed that he never again entered Mewar.
Raemall bestowed one daughter on Surji (Yadu), the chief of Girnar; and
another on the Deora, Jaimall of Sirohi, confirming his title to Abu as
her dower. He sustained the warlike reputation of his predecessors, and
carried on interminable strife with Ghiyasu-d-din of Malwa, whom he
defeated in several pitched battles, to the success of which the valour
of his nephews, whom he had pardoned, mainly contributed. In the last of
these encounters the Khilji king sued for peace, renouncing the
pretensions he had formerly urged.[4.8.18] The dynasty of Lodi next
enjoyed the imperial bauble, and with it Mewar had to contest her
northern boundary.
=The Sons of Rāna Rāemall.=—Raemall had three sons, celebrated in the
annals of Rajasthan: Sanga, the competitor of Babur, Prithiraj, the
Rolando of his age, and Jaimall. Unhappily for the country and their
father’s repose, fraternal affection was discarded for deadly hate, and
their feuds and dissensions were a source of constant alarm. Had discord
not disunited them, the reign of Raemall would have equalled any of his
predecessors. As it was, it presented a striking contrast to them: his
two elder sons banished; the first, Sanga, self-exiled from perpetual
fear of his life, and Prithiraj, the second, from his turbulence; while
the youngest, Jaimall, was slain through his intemperance. A sketch of
these feuds will present a good picture of the Rajput character, and
their mode of life when their arms were not required against their
country’s foes.
Sanga[4.8.19] and Prithiraj were the offspring of the Jhali queen;
Jaimall was by another mother. What moral influence the name he bore
had on Prithiraj we can surmise only from his actions, which would
stand comparison with those of his prototype [293] the Chauhan of
Delhi, and are yet the delight of the Sesodia. When they assemble at
the feast after a day’s sport, or in a sultry evening spread the
carpet on the terrace to inhale the leaf or take a cup of
kusumbha,[4.8.20] a tale of Prithiraj recited by the bard is the
highest treat they can enjoy. Sanga, the heir-apparent, was a contrast
to his brother. Equally brave, his courage was tempered by reflection;
while Prithiraj burned with a perpetual thirst for action, and often
observed “that fate must have intended him to rule Mewar.” The three
brothers, with their uncle, Surajmall, were one day discussing these
topics, when Sanga observed that, though heir to ‘the ten thousand
towns’ of Mewar, he would waive his claims, and trust them, as did the
Roman brothers, to the omen which should be given by the priestess of
Charani Devi at Nahra Magra,[4.8.21] the ‘Tiger’s Mount.’ They
repaired to her abode. Prithiraj and Jaimall entered first, and seated
themselves on a pallet: Sanga followed and took possession of the
panther hide of the prophetess; his uncle, Surajmall, with one knee
resting thereon. Scarcely had Prithiraj disclosed their errand, when
the sibyl pointed to the panther-hide[4.8.22] as the decisive omen of
sovereignty to Sanga, with a portion to his uncle. They received the
decree as did the twins of Rome. Prithiraj drew his sword and would
have falsified the omen, had not Surajmall stepped in and received the
blow destined for Sanga, while the prophetess fled from their fury.
Surajmall and Prithiraj were exhausted with wounds, and Sanga fled
with five sword-cuts and an arrow in his eye, which destroyed the
sight for ever. He made for the sanctuary of Chaturbhuja, and passing
Sivanti, took refuge with Bida (Udawat), who was accoutred for a
journey, his steed standing by him. Scarcely had he assisted the
wounded heir of Mewar to alight when Jaimall galloped up in pursuit.
The Rathor guarded the sanctuary, and gave up his life in defence of
his guest, who meanwhile escaped.
=Retirement of Sanga.=—Prithiraj recovered from his wounds; and Sanga,
aware of his implacable enmity, had recourse to many expedients to avoid
discovery. He, who at a future period leagued a hundred thousand men
against the descendant of Timur, was compelled to associate with
goat-herds, expelled the peasant’s abode as too stupid [294] to tend his
cattle, and, precisely like our Alfred the Great, having in charge some
cakes of flour, was reproached with being more desirous of eating than
tending them. A few faithful Rajputs found him in this state, and,
providing him with arms and a horse, they took service with Rao
Karamchand, Pramar, chief of Srinagar,[4.8.23] and with him ‘ran the
country.’ After one of these raids, Sanga one day alighted under a
banian tree, and placing his dagger under his head, reposed, while two
of his faithful Rajputs, whose names are preserved,[4.8.24] prepared his
repast, their steeds grazing by them. A ray of the sun penetrating the
foliage, fell on Sanga’s face, and discovered a snake, which, feeling
the warmth, had uncoiled itself and was rearing its crest over the head
of the exile:[4.8.25] a bird of omen[4.8.26] had perched itself on the
crested serpent, and was chattering aloud. A goat-herd named Maru,
‘versed in the language of birds,’ passed at the moment Sanga awoke. The
prince repelled the proffered homage of the goat-herd, who, however, had
intimated to the Pramara chief that he was served by ‘royalty.’[4.8.27]
The Pramara kept the secret, and gave Sanga a daughter to wife, and
protection till the tragical end of his brother called him to the
throne.
=The Adventures of Prithirāj.=—When the Rana heard of the quarrel which
had nearly deprived him of his heir, he banished Prithiraj, telling him
that he might live on his bravery and maintain himself with strife. With
but five horse[4.8.28] Prithiraj quitted the paternal abode, and made
for Bali in Godwar. These dissensions following the disastrous
conclusion of the last reign, paralysed the country, and the wild tribes
of the west and the mountaineers of the Aravalli so little respected the
garrison of Nadol (the chief town of Godwar), that they carried their
depredations to the plains. Prithiraj halted at Nadol, and having to
procure some necessaries pledged a ring to the merchant who had sold it
to him; the merchant recognized the prince, and learning the cause of
his disguise, proffered his services in the scheme which the prince had
in view for the restoration of order in Godwar, being determined to
evince to his father that he had resources independent of birth. The
Minas were the aboriginal proprietors of all these regions; the Rajputs
were interlopers and conquerors. A Rawat of this tribe had regained
their ancient haunts, and held his petty court at the [295] town of
Narlai in the plains, and was even served by Rajputs. By the advice of
Ojha, the merchant, Prithiraj enlisted himself and his band among the
adherents of the Mina. On the Aheria, or ‘hunter’s festival,’ the
vassals have leave to rejoin their families. Prithiraj, who had also
obtained leave, rapidly retraced his steps, and despatching his Rajputs
to dislodge the Mina, awaited the result in ambush at the gate of the
town. In a short time the Mina appeared on horseback, and in full flight
to the mountains for security, Prithiraj pursued, overtook, and
transfixed him with his lance to a kesula tree, and setting fire to the
village, he slew the Minas as they sought to escape the flames. Other
towns shared the same fate, and all the province of Godwar, with the
exception of Desuri, a stronghold of the Madrecha Chauhans, fell into
his power. At this time Sada Solanki, whose ancestor had escaped the
destruction of Patan and found refuge in these mountainous tracts, held
Sodhgarh. He had espoused a daughter of the Madrecha, but the grant of
Desuri and its lands[4.8.29] in perpetuity easily gained him to the
cause of Prithiraj.
Prithiraj having thus restored order in Godwar, and appointed Ojha and
the Solanki to the government thereof, regained the confidence of his
father; and his brother Jaimall being slain at this time, accelerated
his forgiveness and recall. Ere he rejoins Raemall we will relate the
manner of this event. Jaimall was desirous to obtain the hand of Tara
Bai, daughter of Rao Surthan,[4.8.30] who had been expelled Toda by the
Pathans. The price of her hand was the recovery of this domain: but
Jaimall, willing to anticipate the reward, and rudely attempting access
to the fair, was slain by the indignant father. The quibbling remark of
the bard upon this event is that "Tara was not the star (_tara_) of his
destiny." At the period of this occurrence Sanga was in concealment,
Prithiraj banished, and Jaimall consequently looked to as the heir of
Mewar. The Rana, when incited to revenge, replied with a magnanimity
which deserves to be recorded, "that he who had thus dared to insult the
honour of a [296] father, and that father in distress, richly merited
his fate"; and in proof of his disavowal of such a son he conferred on
the Solanki the district of Badnor.
=Prithirāj recalled.=—This event led to the recall of Prithiraj, who
eagerly took up the gage disgraced by his brother. The adventure was
akin to his taste. The exploit which won the hand of the fair Amazon,
who, equipped with bow and quiver, subsequently accompanied him in many
perilous enterprises, will be elsewhere related.
Surajmall (the uncle), who had fomented these quarrels, resolved not to
belie the prophetess if a crown lay in his path. The claims acquired
from his parricidal parent were revived when Mewar had no sons to look
to. Prithiraj on his return renewed the feud with Surajmall, whose
‘vaulting ambition’ persuaded him that the crown was his destiny, and he
plunged deep into treason to obtain it. He joined as partner in his
schemes Sarangdeo, another descendant of Lakha Rana, and both repaired
to Muzaffar, the sultan of Malwa.[4.8.31] With his aid they assailed the
southern frontier, and rapidly possessed themselves of Sadri, Bataro,
and a wide tract extending from Nai to Nimach, attempting even Chitor.
With the few troops at hand Raemall descended to punish the rebels, who
met the attack on the river Gambhir.[4.8.32] The Rana, fighting like a
common soldier, had received two-and-twenty wounds, and was nearly
falling through faintness, when Prithiraj joined him with one thousand
fresh horse, and reanimated the battle. He selected his uncle Surajmall,
whom he soon covered with wounds. Many had fallen on both sides, but
neither party would yield; when worn out they mutually retired from the
field, and bivouacked in sight of each other.
=Interview between Prithirāj and Sūrajmall.=—It will show the manners
and feelings so peculiar to the Rajput, to describe the meeting between
the rival uncle and nephew,—unique in the details of strife, perhaps,
since the origin of man. It is taken from a MS. of the Jhala chief who
succeeded Surajmall in Sadri. Prithiraj visited his uncle, whom he found
in a small tent reclining on a pallet, having just had ‘the barber’
(_nai_) to sew up his wounds. He rose, and met his nephew with the
customary respect, as if nothing unusual had occurred; but the exertion
caused some of the wounds to open afresh, when the following dialogue
ensued:
_Prithiraj._—“Well, uncle, how are your wounds?”
_Surajmall._—“Quite healed, my child, since I have the pleasure of
seeing you” [297].
_Prithiraj._—"But, uncle (_kaka_), I have not yet seen the
Diwanji.[4.8.33] I first ran to see you, and I am very hungry; have you
anything to eat?"
Dinner was soon served, and the extraordinary pair sat down and ‘ate off
the same platter’;[4.8.34] nor did Prithiraj hesitate to eat the
pan,[4.8.35] presented on his taking leave.
_Prithiraj._—“You and I will end our battle in the morning, uncle.”
_Surajmall._—“Very well, child; come early!”
They met; but Sarangdeo bore the brunt of the conflict, receiving
thirty-five wounds. During “four gharis[4.8.36] swords and lances were
plied, and every tribe of Rajput lost numbers that day”; but the rebels
were defeated and fled to Sadri, and Prithiraj returned in triumph,
though with seven wounds, to Chitor. The rebels, however, did not
relinquish their designs, and many personal encounters took place
between the uncle and nephew: the latter saying he would not let him
retain “as much land of Mewar as would cover a needle’s point”; and
Suja[4.8.37] retorting, that he would allow his nephew to redeem only as
much “as would suffice to lie upon.” But Prithiraj gave them no rest,
pursuing them from place to place. In the wilds of Batara they formed a
stockaded retreat of the dhao tree,[4.8.38] which abounds in these
forests. Within this shelter, horses and men were intermingled: Suja and
his coadjutor communing by the night-fire in their desperate plight,
when their cogitations were checked by the rush and neigh of horses.
Scarcely had the pretender exclaimed “This must be my nephew!” when
Prithiraj dashed his steed through the barricade and entered with his
troops. All was confusion, and the sword showered its blows
indiscriminately. The young prince reached his uncle, and dealt him a
blow which would have levelled him, but for the support of Sarangdeo,
who upbraided him, adding that “a buffet now was more than a score of
wounds in former days”: to which Suja rejoined, “only when dealt by my
nephew’s hand.” Suja demanded a parley; and calling on the prince to
stop the combat, he continued: "If I am killed, it matters not—my
children are Rajputs, they will run the [298] country to find support;
but if you are slain, what will become of Chitor? My face will be
blackened, and my name everlastingly reprobated."
The sword was sheathed, and as the uncle and nephew embraced, the latter
asked the former, "What were you about, uncle, when I came?"—“Only
talking nonsense, child, after dinner.” "But with me over your head,
uncle, as a foe how could you be so negligent?"—“What could I do? you
had left me no resource, and I must have some place to rest my head!”
There was a small temple near the stockade, to which in the morning
Prithiraj requested his uncle to accompany him to sacrifice to
Kali,[4.8.39] but the blow of the preceding night prevented him.
Sarangdeo was his proxy. One buffalo had fallen, and a goat was about to
follow, when the prince turned his sword on Sarangdeo. The combat was
desperate; but Prithiraj was the victor, and the head of the traitor was
placed as an offering on the altar of Time. The Gaunda[4.8.40] was
plundered, the town of Batara recovered, and Surajmall fled to Sadri,
where he only stopped to fulfil his threat, “that if he could not retain
its lands he would make them over to those stronger than the
king”;[4.8.41] and having distributed them amongst Brahmans and bards,
he finally abandoned Mewar. Passing through the wilds of
Kanthal,[4.8.42] he had an omen which recalled the Charani’s prediction:
“a wolf endeavouring in vain to carry off a kid defended by maternal
affection.” This was interpreted as ‘strong ground for a dwelling.’ He
halted, subdued the aboriginal tribes, and on this spot erected the town
and stronghold of Deolia, becoming lord of a thousand villages, which
have descended to his offspring, who now enjoy them under British
protection. Such was the origin of Partabgarh Deolia.[4.8.43]
=Prithirāj poisoned: Death of Rāna Rāemall.=—Prithiraj was poisoned by
his brother-in-law, of Abu, whom he had punished for maltreating his
sister, and afterwards confided in. His death was soon followed by that
of Rana Raemall, who, though not equal to his predecessors, was greatly
respected, and maintained the dignity of his station amidst no ordinary
calamities [299].[4.8.44]
CHAPTER 9
=Rāna Sanga or Sangrām Singh; A.D. 1508-27=.—Sangram, better known in
the annals of Mewar as Sanga (called Sanka by the Mogul
historians),[4.9.1] succeeded in S. 1565 (A.D. 1509). With this prince
Mewar reached the summit of her prosperity. To use their own metaphor,
“he was the kalas[4.9.2] on the pinnacle of her glory.” From him we
shall witness this glory on the wane; and though many rays of splendour
illuminated her declining career, they served but to gild the ruin.
The imperial chair, since occupied by the Tuar descendant of the Pandus,
and the first and last of the Chauhans, and which had been filled
successively by the dynasties of Ghazni and Ghor, the Khilji and Lodi,
was now shivered to pieces, and numerous petty thrones were constructed
of its fragments. Mewar little dreaded these imperial puppets, “when
Amurath to Amurath succeeded,” and when four kings reigned
simultaneously between Delhi and Benares.[4.9.3] The kings of Malwa,
though leagued with those of Gujarat, conjoined to the rebels, could
make no impression on Mewar when Sanga led her heroes. Eighty thousand
horse, seven Rajas of the highest rank, nine Raos, and one hundred and
four chieftains bearing the titles of Rawal and Rawat, with five hundred
war elephants, followed him into the field. The princes of Marwar and
Amber[4.9.4] did him homage, and the Raos of Gwalior Ajmer, Sikri,
Raesen,[4.9.5] Kalpi, Chanderi [300], Bundi, Gagraun, Rampura, and Abu,
served him as tributaries or held of him in chief.
Sanga did not forget those who sheltered him in his reverses. Karamchand
of Srinagar had a grant of Ajmer and the title of Rao for his son
Jagmall, the reward of his services in the reduction of Chanderi.
=The Administration and Wars of Rāna Sanga.=—In a short space of time,
Sanga entirely allayed the disorders occasioned by the intestine feuds
of his family; and were it permitted to speculate on the cause which
prompted a temporary cession of his rights and his dignities to his more
impetuous brother, it might be discerned in a spirit of forecast, and of
fraternal and patriotic forbearance, a deviation from which would have
endangered the country as well as the safety of his family. We may
assume this, in order to account for an otherwise pusillanimous
surrender of his birthright, and being in contrast to all the subsequent
heroism of his life, which, when he resigned, was contained within the
wreck of a form. Sanga organized his forces, with which he always kept
the field, and ere called to contend with the descendant of Timur, he
had gained eighteen pitched battles against the kings of Delhi and
Malwa. In two of these he was opposed by Ibrahim Lodi in person, at
Bakrol and Ghatoli, in which last battle the imperial forces were
defeated with great slaughter, leaving a prisoner of the blood royal to
grace the triumph of Chitor. The Pilakhal (yellow rivulet) near Bayana
became the northern boundary of Mewar, with the Sind River to the
east,—touching Malwa to the south, while his native hills were an
impenetrable barrier to the west. Thus swaying, directly or by control,
the greater part of Rajasthan, and adored by the Rajputs for the
possession of those qualities they hold in estimation, Sanga was
ascending to the pinnacle of distinction; and had not fresh hordes of
Usbeks and Tatars from the prolific shores of the Oxus and Jaxartes
again poured down on the devoted plains of Hindustan, the crown of the
Chakravartin[4.9.6] might again have encircled the brow of a Hindu, and
the banner of supremacy been transferred from Indraprastha to the
battlements of Chitor. But Babur arrived at a critical time to rally the
dejected followers of the Koran, and to collect them around his own
victorious standard.
=Invasions from Central Asia.=—From the earliest recorded periods of her
history, India has been the prey of [301] the more hardy population from
the central regions of Asia. From this fact we may infer another,
namely, that its internal form of government was the same as at the
present day, partitioned into numerous petty kingdoms, of tribes and
clans, of a feudal federation, a prey to all the jealousies inseparable
from such a condition. The historians of Alexander bear ample testimony
to such form of government, when the Panjab alone possessed many
sovereigns, besides the democracies of cities. The Persians overran it,
and Darius the Mede accounted India the richest of his satrapies. The
Greeks, the Parthians have left in their medals the best proofs of their
power; the Getae or Yuti followed; and from the Ghori Shihabu-d-din to
the Chagatai Babur, in less than three centuries, five invasions are
recorded, each originating a dynasty. Sanga’s opponent was the last, and
will continue so until the rays of knowledge renovate the ancient
nursery of the human race,—then may end the anomaly in the history of
power, of a handful of Britons holding the succession to the Mede, the
Parthian, and the Tatar. But, however surprise may be excited at
witnessing such rapidity of change, from the physical superiority of man
over man, it is immeasurably heightened at the little moral consequence
which in every other region of the world has always attended such
concussions. Creeds have changed, races have mingled, and names have
been effaced from the page of history; but in this corner of
civilization we have no such result, and the Rajput remains the same
singular being, concentrated in his prejudices, political and moral, as
in the days of Alexander, desiring no change himself, and still less to
cause any in others. Whatever be the conservative principle, it merits a
philosophic analysis; but more, a proper application and direction, by
those to whom the destinies of this portion of the globe are confided;
for in this remote spot there is a nucleus of energy, on which may
accumulate a mass for our support or our destruction.
To return: a descendant of the Turushka of the Jaxartes, the ancient foe
of the children of Surya and Chandra, was destined to fulfil the
prophetic Purana which foretold dominion “to the Turushka, the Yavan,”
and other foreign races in Hind; and the conquered made a right
application of the term Turk, both as regards its ancient and modern
signification, when applied to the conquerors from Turkistan. Babur, the
opponent of Sanga, was king of Ferghana, and of Turki race. His
dominions were on both sides the Jaxartes, a portion of ancient [302]
Sakatai, or Sakadwipa (Scythia), where dwelt Tomyris the Getic queen
immortalized by Herodotus, and where her opponent erected Cyropolis, as
did in after-times the Macedonian his most remote Alexandria. From this
region did the same Getae, Jat, or Yuti, issue, to the destruction of
Bactria, two centuries before the Christian era, and also five
subsequent thereto to found a kingdom in Northern India. Again, one
thousand years later, Babur issued with his bands to the final
subjugation of India. As affecting India alone, this portion of the
globe merits deep attention; but as the _officina gentium_, whence
issued those hordes of Asii, Jats, or Yeuts (of whom the Angles were a
branch), who peopled the shores of the Baltic, and the precursors of
those Goths who, under Attila and Alaric, altered the condition of
Europe, its importance is vastly enhanced.[4.9.7] But on this occasion
it was not redundant population which made the descendant of Timur and
Jenghiz abandon the Jaxartes for the Ganges, but unsuccessful ambition:
for Babur quitted the delights of Samarkand as a fugitive, and commenced
his enterprise, which gave him the throne of the Pandus, with less than
two thousand adherents.
=Character of Bābur.=—The Rajput prince had a worthy antagonist in the
king of Ferghana. Like Sanga, he was trained in the school of adversity,
and like him, though his acts of personal heroism were even romantic, he
tempered it with that discretion which looks to its results. In A.D.
1494, at the tender age of twelve, he succeeded to a kingdom; ere he was
sixteen he defeated several confederacies and conquered Samarkand, and
in two short years again lost and regained it. His life was a tissue of
successes and reverses; at one moment hailed lord of the chief kingdoms
of Transoxiana; at another flying, unattended, or putting all to hazard
in desperate single combats, in one of which he slew five champions of
his enemies. Driven at length from Ferghana, in despair he crossed the
Hindu-Kush, and in 1519 the Indus. Between the Panjab and Kabul he
lingered seven years, ere he advanced to measure his sword with Ibrahim
of Delhi. Fortune returned to his standard; Ibrahim was slain, his army
routed and dispersed, and Delhi and Agra opened their gates to the
fugitive king of Ferghana. His reflections on success evince it was his
due: “Not to me, O God! but to thee, be the victory!” says the
chivalrous Babur. A year had elapsed in possession of Delhi, ere he
ventured against the most powerful of his antagonists, Rana Sanga of
Chitor.
[Illustration:
RUINS OF THE FORTRESS OF BAYĀNA.
_To face page 352._
]
With all Babur’s qualities as a soldier, supported by the hardy clans of
the ‘cloud mountains’ (_Belut Tagh_) [303] of Karateghin,[4.9.8] the
chances were many that he and they terminated their career on the
‘yellow rivulet’ of Bayana. Neither bravery nor skill saved him from
this fate, which he appears to have expected. What better proof can be
desired than Babur’s own testimony to the fact, that a horde of invaders
from the Jaxartes, without support or retreat, were obliged to entrench
themselves to the teeth in the face of their Rajput foe, alike brave and
overpowering in numbers? To ancient jealousies he was indebted for not
losing his life instead of gaining a crown, and for being extricated
from a condition so desperate that even the frenzy of religion, which
made death martyrdom in “this holy war,” scarcely availed to expel the
despair which so infected his followers, that in the bitterness of his
heart he says “there was not a single person who uttered a manly word,
nor an individual who delivered a courageous opinion.”
=The Battle of Khānua, March 16, 1527.=—Babur advanced from Agra and
Sikri to oppose Rana Sanga, in full march to attack him at the head of
almost all the princes of Rajasthan. Although the annals state some
points which the imperial historian has not recorded, yet both accounts
of the conflict correspond in all the essential details. On the 5th of
Kartik, S. 1584[4.9.9] (A.D. 1528), according to the annals, the Rana
raised the siege of Bayana, and at Khanua encountered the advanced guard
of the Tatars, amounting to fifteen hundred men, which was entirely
destroyed; the fugitives carrying to the main body the accounts of the
disaster, which paralysed their energies, and made them entrench for
security, instead of advancing with the confidence of victory.
Reinforcements met the same fate, and were pursued to the camp.
Accustomed to reverses, Babur met the check without dismay, and adopted
every precaution [304] that a mind fertile in expedients could suggest
to reassure the drooping spirits of his troops. He threw up
entrenchments, in which he placed his artillery, connecting his guns by
chains, and in the more exposed parts _chevaux de frise_, united by
leather ropes: a precaution continued in every subsequent change of
position. Everything seemed to aid the Hindu cause: even the Tatar
astrologer asserted that as Mars was in the west, whoever should engage
coming from the opposite quarter should be defeated. In this state of
total inactivity, blockaded in his encampment, Babur remained near a
fortnight, when he determined to renounce his besetting sin, and merit
superior aid to extricate himself from his peril: the _naïveté_ of his
vow must be given in his own words.[4.9.10] But the destruction of the
wine flasks would appear only to have added to the existing
consternation, and made him, as a last resort, appeal to their faith.
Having addressed them in a speech of [305] manly courage, though
bordering on despair, he seized the happy moment that his exhortation
elicited, to swear them on the Koran to conquer or perish.[4.9.11]
Profiting by this excitement, he broke up his camp, to which he had been
confined nearly a month, and marched in order of battle to a position
two miles in advance, the Rajputs skirmishing up to his guns. Without a
regular circumvallation, his movable pallisadoes and guns chained, he
felt no security. The inactivity of Sanga can scarcely escape censure,
however we may incline to palliate it by supposing that he deemed his
enemy in the toils, and that every day’s delay brought with it increased
danger to him. Such reasoning would be valid, if the heterogeneous mass
by which the prince of Mewar was surrounded had owned the same patriotic
sentiments as himself: but he ought to have known his countrymen, nor
overlooked the regulating maxim of their ambition, _get land_. Delay was
fatal to this last coalition against the foes of his race. Babur is
silent on the point to which the annals ascribe their discomfiture, a
negotiation pending his blockade at Khanua; but these have preserved it,
with the name of the traitor who sold the cause of his country. The
negotiation[4.9.12] had reached this point, that on condition of Babur
being left Delhi and its dependencies, the Pilakhal at Bayana should be
the boundary of their respective dominions, and even an annual tribute
was offered to the Rana [306]. We can believe that in the position Babur
then was, he would not scruple to promise anything. The chief of Raesen,
by name Salehdi, of the Tuar tribe, was the medium of communication, and
though the arrangement was negatived, treason had effected the salvation
of Babur.
On March 16 the attack commenced by a furious onset on the centre and
right wing of the Tatars, and for several hours the conflict was
tremendous. Devotion was never more manifest on the side of the Rajput,
attested by the long list of noble names amongst the slain as well as
the bulletin of their foe, whose artillery made dreadful havoc in the
close ranks of the Rajput cavalry, which could not force the
entrenchments, nor reach the infantry which defended them. While the
battle was still doubtful, the Tuar traitor who led the van (_harawal_)
went over to Babur, and Sanga was obliged to retreat from the field,
which in the onset promised a glorious victory, himself severely wounded
and the choicest of his chieftains slain: Rawal Udai[4.9.13] Singh of
Dungarpur, with two hundred of his clan; Ratna of Salumbar, with three
hundred of his Chondawat kin; Raemall Rathor, son of the prince of
Marwar, with the brave Mertia leaders Khetsi and Ratna; Ramdas the
Sonigira Rao; Uja the Jhala; Gokuldas Pramara; Manikchand and
Chandrbhan, Chauhan chiefs of the first rank in Mewar; besides a host of
inferior names.[4.9.14] Hasan Khan of Mewat, and a son of the last Lodi
king of Delhi, who coalesced with Sanga, were amongst the
killed.[4.9.15] Triumphal pyramids were raised of the heads of the
slain, and on a hillock which overlooked the field of battle a tower of
skulls was erected; and the conqueror assumed the title of _Ghazi_,
which has ever since been retained by his descendants.
=The Death of Rāna Sanga.=—Sanga retreated towards the hills of Mewat,
having announced his fixed determination never to re-enter Chitor but
with victory. Had his life been spared to his country, he might have
redeemed the pledge; but the year of his defeat was the last of his
existence, and he died at Baswa,[4.9.16] on the frontier of Mewat, not
without suspicion of poison. It is painful to record the surmise that
his ministers prompted the deed, and the cause is one which would fix a
deep stain on the country; namely, the purchase by regicide of
inglorious ease and stipulated safety, in [307] preference to privations
and dangers, and to emulating the manly constancy of their prince, who
resolved to make the heavens his canopy till his foe was crushed—a
determination which was pursued with the most resolute perseverance by
some of his gallant successors.
=Evils resulting from Polygamy.=—Polygamy is the fertile source of evil,
moral as well as physical, in the East. It is a relic of barbarism and
primeval necessity, affording a proof that ancient Asia is still young
in knowledge. The desire of each wife,[4.9.17] that her offspring should
wear a crown, is natural; but they do not always wait the course of
nature for the attainment of their wishes, and the love of power too
often furnishes instruments for any deed, however base. When we see,
shortly after the death of Sanga, the mother of his second son
intriguing with Babur, and bribing him with the surrender of Ranthambhor
and the trophy of victory, the crown of the Malwa king, to supplant the
lawful heir, we can easily suppose she would not have scrupled to remove
any other bar. On this occasion, however, the suspicion rests on the
ministers alone. That Babur respected and dreaded his foe we have the
best proof in his not risking another battle with him; and the blame
which he bestows on himself for the slackness of his pursuit after
victory is honourable to Sanga, who is always mentioned with respect in
the commentaries of the conqueror: and although he generally styles him
the Pagan, and dignifies the contest with the title of “the holy war,”
yet he freely acknowledges his merit when he says, “Rana Sanga attained
his present high eminence by his own valour and his sword.”
=Appearance of Rāna Sanga.=—Sanga Rana was of the middle stature, but of
great muscular strength; fair in complexion, with unusually large eyes,
which appear to be peculiar to his descendants.[4.9.18] He exhibited at
his death but the fragments of a warrior: one eye was lost in the broil
with his brother; an arm in an action with the Lodi king of Delhi, and
he was a cripple owing to a limb being broken by a cannon-ball in
another [308]; while he counted eighty wounds from the sword or the
lance on various parts of his body. He was celebrated for energetic
enterprise, of which his capture of Muzaffar, king of Malwa, in his own
capital, is a celebrated instance; and his successful storm of the
almost impregnable Ranthambhor, though ably defended by the imperial
general Ali, gained him great renown. He erected a small palace at
Khanua, on the line which he determined should be the northern limit of
Mewar; and had he been succeeded by a prince possessed of his foresight
and judgment, Babur’s descendants might not have retained the
sovereignty of India. A cenotaph long marked the spot where the fire
consumed the remains of this celebrated prince. Sanga had seven sons, of
whom the two elder died in non-age. He was succeeded by the third son,
=Rāna Ratan Singh II., A.D. 1527-31.=—Ratna (S. 1586, A.D. 1530)
possessed all the arrogance and martial virtue of his race. Like his
father, he determined to make the field his capital, and commanded that
the gates of Chitor never should be closed, boasting that “its portals
were Delhi and Mandu.” Had he been spared to temper by experience the
exuberance of youthful impetuosity, he would have well seconded the
resolution of his father, and the league against the enemies of his
country and faith. But he was not destined to pass the age always
dangerous to the turbulent and impatient Rajput, ever courting strife if
it would not find him. He had married by stealth the daughter of
Prithiraj of Amber, probably before the death of his elder brothers made
him heir to Chitor. His double-edged sword, the proxy of the Rajput
cavalier, represented Ratna on this occasion.[4.9.19] Unfortunately it
was kept but too secret; for the Hara prince of Bundi,[4.9.20] in
ignorance of the fact, demanded and obtained her to wife, and carried
her to his capital. The consequences are attributable to the Rana alone,
for he ought, on coming to the throne, to have espoused her; but his
vanity was flattered at the mysterious transaction, which he deemed
would prevent all application for the hand of his ‘affianced’ (_manga_).
The bards of Bundi are rather pleased to record the power of their
princes, who dared to solicit and obtain the hand of the ‘bride’ of
Chitor. The princes of Bundi had long been attached to the Sesodia
house: and from the period when their common ancestors fought together
on the banks of the Ghaggar against [309] Shihabu-d-din, they had
silently grown to power under the wing of Mewar, and often proved a
strong plume in her pinion. The Hara inhabited the hilly tract on her
eastern frontier, and though not actually incorporated with Mewar, they
yet paid homage to her princes, bore her ensigns and titles, and in
return often poured forth their blood. But at the tribunal of
Ananga,[4.9.21] the Rajput scattered all other homage and allegiance to
the winds. The maiden of Amber saw no necessity for disclosing her
secret or refusing the brave Hara, of whom fame spoke loudly, when Ratna
delayed to redeem his proxy.
=Death of Rāna Ratan Singh.=—The unintentional offence sank deep into
the heart of the Rana, and though he was closely connected with the
Hara, having married his sister, he brooded on the means of revenge, in
the attainment of which he sacrificed his own life as well as that of
his rival. The festival of the Aheria[4.9.22] (the spring hunt), which
has thrice been fatal to the princes of Mewar, gave the occasion, when
they fell by each other’s weapons. Though Ratna enjoyed the dignity only
five years, he had the satisfaction to see the ex-king of Ferghana, now
founder of the Mogul dynasty of India, leave the scene before him, and
without the diminution of an acre of land to Mewar since the fatal day
of Bayana. Rana Ratna was succeeded by his brother,
=Rāna Bikramajīt, A.D. 1531-35.=—Bikramajit,[4.9.23] in S. 1591 (A.D.
1535). This prince had all the turbulence, without the redeeming
qualities of character, which endeared his brother to his subjects; he
was insolent, passionate, and vindictive, and utterly regardless of that
respect which his proud nobles rigidly exacted. Instead of appearing at
their head, he passed his time amongst wrestlers and prize-fighters, on
whom and a multitude of ‘paiks,’ or foot soldiers, he lavished those
gifts and that approbation, to which the aristocratic Rajput, the
equestrian order of Rajasthan, arrogated exclusive right. In this
innovation he probably imitated his foes, who had learned the
superiority of infantry, despised by the Rajput, who, except in sieges,
or when ‘they spread the carpet and hamstrung their steeds,’ held the
foot-soldier very cheap. The use of artillery was now becoming general,
and the [310] Muslims soon perceived the necessity of foot for their
protection: but prejudice operated longer upon the Rajput, who still
curses ‘those vile guns,’ which render of comparatively little value the
lance of many a gallant soldier; and he still prefers falling with
dignity from his steed to descending to an equality with his mercenary
antagonist.
An open rupture was the consequence of such innovation, and (to use the
figurative expression for misrule) ‘Papa Bai ka Raj’[4.9.24] was
triumphant; the police were despised; the cattle carried off by the
mountaineers from under the walls of Chitor; and when his cavaliers were
ordered in pursuit, the Rana was tauntingly told to send his paiks.
=The Attack by Bahādur, Sultān of Gujarāt.=—Bahadur, sultan of Gujarat,
determined to take advantage of the Rajput divisions, to revenge the
disgrace of the defeat and captivity of his predecessor
Muzaffar.[4.9.25] Reinforced by the troops of Mandu, he marched against
the Rana, then encamped at Loicha, in the Bundi territory. Though the
force was overwhelming, yet with the high courage which belonged to his
house, Bikramajit did not hesitate to give battle; but he found weak
defenders in his mercenary paiks, while his vassals and kin not only
kept aloof, but marched off in a body to defend Chitor, and the
posthumous son of Sanga Rana, still an infant.
There is a sanctity in the very name of Chitor, which from the earliest
times secured her defenders; and now, when threatened again by ‘the
barbarian,’ such the inexplicable character of the Rajput, we find the
heir of Surajmall abandoning his new capital of Deolia, to pour out the
few drops which yet circulated in his veins in defence of the abode of
his fathers.
‘The son of Bundi,’ with a brave band of five hundred Haras, also came;
as did the Sonigira and Deora Raos of Jalor and Abu, with many
auxiliaries from all parts of Rajwara. This was the most powerful effort
hitherto made by the sultans of Central India, and European
artillerists[4.9.26] are recorded in these [311] annals as brought to
the subjugation of Chitor. The engineer is styled ‘Labri Khan of
Fringan,’ and to his skill Bahadur was indebted for the successful storm
which ensued. He sprung a mine at the ‘Bika rock,’ which blew up
forty-five cubits of the rampart, with the bastion where the brave Haras
were posted. The Bundi bards dwell on this incident, which destroyed
their prince and five hundred of his kin. Rao Durga, with the Chondawat
chieftains Sata and Dudu and their vassals, bravely defended the breach
and repelled many assaults; and, to set an example of courageous
devotion, the queen-mother Jawahir Bai, of Rathor race, clad in armour,
headed a sally in which she was slain. Still the besiegers gained
ground, and the last council convened was to concert means to save the
infant son of Sanga from this imminent peril.
=Crowning of a New Rāna.=—But Chitor can only be defended by royalty,
and again they had recourse to the expedient of crowning a king, as a
sacrifice to the dignity of the protecting deity of Chitor. Baghji,
prince of Deolia, courted the insignia of destruction; the banner of
Mewar floated over him, and the golden sun from its sable field never
shone more refulgent than when the _changi_[4.9.27] was raised amidst
the shouts of her defenders over the head of the son of Surajmall.
=The Johar.=—The infant, Udai Singh, was placed in safety with Surthan,
prince of Bundi,[4.9.28] the garrison put on their saffron robes, while
materials for the _johar_ were preparing. There was little time for the
pyre. The bravest had fallen in defending the breach, now completely
exposed. Combustibles were quickly heaped up in reservoirs and magazines
excavated in the rock, under which gunpowder was strewed. Karnavati,
mother of the prince, and sister to the gallant Arjun Hara, led the
procession of willing victims to their doom, and thirteen thousand
females were thus swept at once from the record of life. The gates were
thrown open, and the Deolia chief, at the head of the survivors, with a
blind and impotent despair, rushed on his fate [312].
Bahadur must have been appalled at the horrid sight on viewing his
conquest;[4.9.29] the mangled bodies of the slain, with hundreds in the
last agonies from the poniard or poison, awaiting death as less dreadful
than dishonour and captivity.[4.9.30] To use the emphatic words of the
annalist, “the last day of Chitor had arrived.” Every clan lost its
chief, and the choicest of their retainers; during the siege and in the
storm thirty-two thousand Rajputs were slain. This is the second _sakha_
of Chitor.
Bahadur had remained but a fortnight, when the tardy advance of Humayun
with his succours warned him to retire.[4.9.31] According to the annals,
he left Bengal at the solicitation of the queen Karnavati; but instead
of following up the spoil-encumbered foe, he commenced a pedantic war of
words with Bahadur, punning on the word ‘Chitor.’ Had Humayun not been
so distant, this catastrophe would have been averted, for he was bound
by the laws of chivalry, the claims of which he had acknowledged, to
defend the queen’s cause, whose knight he had become. The relation of
the peculiarity of a custom analogous to the taste of the chivalrous age
of Europe may amuse. When her Amazonian sister the Rathor queen was
slain, the mother of the infant prince took a surer method to shield him
in demanding the fulfilment of the pledge given by Humayun when she sent
the Rakhi to that monarch.
=The Rākhi.=—‘The festival of the bracelet’ (_Rakhi_) is in spring, and
whatever its origin, it is one of the few when an intercourse of
gallantry of the most delicate nature is established between the fair
sex and the cavaliers of Rajasthan. Though the bracelet may be sent by
maidens, it is only on occasions of urgent necessity or danger. The
Rajput dame bestows with the Rakhi the title of adopted brother; and
while its acceptance secures to her all the protection of a _cavalière
servente_, scandal itself never suggests any other tie to his devotion.
He may hazard his life in her cause, and yet never receive a smile in
reward, for he cannot even see the fair object who, as brother of her
adoption, has constituted him her defender. But there is a charm in the
mystery of such connexion, never endangered by close observation, and
the loyal to the fair may well attach a value [313] to the public
recognition of being the Rakhi-band Bhai, the ‘bracelet-bound brother’
of a princess. The intrinsic value of such pledge is never looked to,
nor is it requisite it should be costly, though it varies with the means
and rank of the donor, and may be of flock silk and spangles, or gold
chains and gems. The acceptance of the pledge and its return is by the
_kachhli_, or corset, of simple silk or satin, of gold brocade and
pearls. In shape or application there is nothing similar in Europe, and
as defending the most delicate part of the structure of the fair, it is
peculiarly appropriate as an emblem of devotion. A whole province has
often accompanied the Kachhli, and the monarch of India was so pleased
with this courteous delicacy in the customs of Rajasthan, on receiving
the bracelet of the princess Karnavati, which invested him with the
title of her brother, and uncle and protector to her infant Udai Singh,
that he pledged himself to her service, “even if the demand were the
castle of Ranthambhor.” Humayun proved himself a true knight, and even
abandoned his conquests in Bengal when called on to redeem his pledge
and succour Chitor, and the widows and minor sons of Sanga Rana.[4.9.32]
Humayun had the highest proofs of the worth of those courting his
protection; he was with his father Babur in all his wars in India, and
at the battle of Bayana his prowess was conspicuous, and is recorded by
Babur’s own pen. He amply fulfilled his pledge, expelled the foe from
Chitor, took Mandu by assault, and, as some revenge for her king’s
aiding the king of Gujarat, he sent for the Rana Bikramajit, whom,
following their own notions of investiture, he girt with a sword in the
captured citadel of his foe.[4.9.33]
The Muhammadan historians, strangers to their customs, or the secret
motives which caused the emperor to abandon Bengal, ascribe it to the
Rana’s solicitation; but we may credit the annals, which are in unison
with the chivalrous notions of the Rajputs, into which succeeding
monarchs, the great Akbar, his son [314] Jahangir, and Shah Jahan,
entered with delight; and even Aurangzeb, two of whose original letters
to the queen-mother of Udaipur are now in the author’s possession, and
are remarkable for their elegance and purity of diction, and couched in
terms perfectly accordant with Rajput delicacy.[4.9.34]
=Restoration of Bikramajīt.=—Bikramajit, thus restored to his capital,
had gained nothing by adversity; or, to employ the words of the
annalist, “experience had yielded no wisdom.” He renewed all his former
insolence to his chiefs, and so entirely threw aside his own dignity,
and, what is of still greater consequence, the reverence universally
shown to old age, as to strike in open court Karamchand of Ajmer, the
protector of his father Sanga in his misfortunes. The assembly rose with
one accord at this indignity to their order; and as they retired, the
Chondawat leader Kanji, the first of the nobles, exclaimed, “Hitherto,
brother chiefs, we have had but a smell of the blossom, but now we shall
be obliged to eat the fruit”; to which the insulted Pramara added, as he
hastily retired, “To-morrow its flavour will be known.”
Though the Rajput looks up to his sovereign as to a divinity, and is
enjoined implicit obedience by his religion, which rewards him
accordingly hereafter, yet this doctrine has its limits, and precedents
are abundant for deposal, when the acts of the prince may endanger the
realm. But there is a bond of love as well as of awe which restrains
them, and softens its severity in the paternity of sway; for these
princes are at once the father and king of their people: not in fiction,
but reality—for he is the representative of the common ancestor of the
aristocracy—the sole lawgiver of Rajasthan.
=Death of Rāna Bikramajīt.=—Sick of these minors (and they had now a
third in prospect), which in a few years had laid prostrate the throne
of Mewar, her nobles on leaving their unworthy prince repaired to
Banbir, the natural son of the heroic Prithiraj, and offered “to seat
him on the throne of Chitor.” He had the virtue to resist the
solicitation; and it was only on painting the dangers which threatened
the country, if its chief at such a period had not their confidence,
that he gave his consent. The step between the deposal and death of a
king is necessarily short [315], and the cries of the females, which
announced the end of Bikramajit, were drowned in the acclamations raised
on the elevation of the _changi_ over the head of the bastard Banbir.
-----
Footnote 4.8.1:
[The dates given in the margin are based on recently found
inscriptions (Har Bilas Sarda, _Maharana Kumbha: Sovereign, Soldier,
Scholar_, Ajmer, 1917, p. 2).]
Footnote 4.8.2:
The _Raj Ratana_, by Ranchhor Bhat, says: “The Mandor Rao was pardhan,
or premier to Mokal, and conquered Nawa and Didwana for Mewar.”
Footnote 4.8.3:
[It is the generosity of Rāna Sanga to Muzaffar Shāh of which Abu-l
Fazl speaks (_Āīn_, ii. 221).]
Footnote 4.8.4:
[The Musalmān historians give a different account. Ferishta says that
Mahmūd stormed the lower part of Chitor, and that the Rāna fled (iv.
209). At any rate, Mahmūd erected a tower of victory at Māndu (_IGI_,
xvii. 173). The result was probably indecisive. For Kūmbha’s pillar
see Fergusson, _Hist. Indian Architecture_, ii. 59; Smith, _HFA_, 202
f.]
Footnote 4.8.5:
Pronounced _Kumalmer_.
Footnote 4.8.6:
[Grandson of Asoka (Smith, _EHI_, 192 f.).]
Footnote 4.8.7:
[For the Ābu temples see Tod, _Western India_, 75 ff.; Erskine iii. A.
295.]
Footnote 4.8.8:
A powerful phrase, indicating ‘possessor of the soil.’
Footnote 4.8.9:
The Rana’s minister, of the Jain faith, and of the tribe Porwar (one
of the twelve and a half divisions), laid the foundation of this
temple in A.D. 1438. It was completed by subscription. It consists of
three stories, and is supported by numerous columns of granite,
upwards of forty feet in height. The interior is inlaid with mosaics
of cornelian and agate. The statues of the Jain saints are in its
subterranean vaults. We could not expect much elegance at a period
when the arts had long been declining, but it would doubtless afford a
fair specimen of them, and enable us to trace their gradual descent in
the scale of refinement. This temple is an additional proof of the
early existence of the art of inlaying. That I did not see it is now
to me one of the many vain regrets which I might have avoided.
Footnote 4.8.10:
_Gita Govinda._
Footnote 4.8.11:
[She was daughter of Ratiya Rāna, and was married to Kūmbha in 1413.
Her great work is the Rāg Gobind (Grierson, _Modern Literature of
Hindustan_, 12; Macauliffe, _The Sikh Religion_, vi. 342 ff.; _IA_,
xxv. 19, xxxii. 329 ff.; _ASR_, xxiii. 106). As an illustration of the
uncertainty of early Mewār history, according to Har Bilas Sarda,
author of the monograph on Rāna Kūmbha, Mīra Bāi was not wife of
Kūmbha, but of Bhojrāj, son of Rāna Sanga. She was daughter of Ratan
Singh of Merta, fourth son of Rāo Duda (A.D. 1461-62). She was married
to Bhojrāj A.D. 1516, and died in 1546.]
Footnote 4.8.12:
_Jagat Khunt_, or Dwarka.
Footnote 4.8.13:
The darkest of the rainy months.
Footnote 4.8.14:
Jodha laid the foundation of his new capital in S. 1515 [A.D. 1459],
ten years anterior to the event we are recording.
Footnote 4.8.15:
[See p. 268 above.]
Footnote 4.8.16:
He had observed that his father, ever since the victory over the king
at Jhunjhunu, before he took a seat, thrice waved his sword in circles
over his head, pronouncing at the same time some incantation. Inquiry
into the meaning of this was the cause of his banishment.
Footnote 4.8.17:
During the rains of 1820, when the author was residing at Udaipur, the
Rana fell ill; his complaint was an intermittent (which for several
years returned with the monsoon), at the same time that he was
jaundiced with bile. An intriguing Brahman, who managed the estates of
the Rana’s eldest sister, held also the twofold office of physician
and astrologer to the Rana. He had predicted that year as one of evil
in his horoscope, and was about to verify the prophecy, since, instead
of the active medicines requisite, he was administering the _Haft
dhat_, or ‘seven metals,’ compounded. Having a most sincere regard for
the Rana’s welfare, the author seized the opportunity of a full court
being assembled on the distribution of swords and coco-nuts
preparatory to the military festival, to ask a personal favour. The
Rana, smiling, said that it was granted, when he was entreated to
leave off the poison he was taking. He did so; the amendment was soon
visible, and, aided by the medicines of Dr. Duncan, which he readily
took, his complaint was speedily cured. The ‘man of fate and physic’
lost half his estates, which he had obtained through intrigue. He was
succeeded by Amra the bard, who is not likely to ransack the
pharmacopoeia for such poisonous ingredients; his ordinary
prescription being the ‘amrit.’
Footnote 4.8.18:
[Ferishta does not mention these campaigns (iv. 236 ff.), and
Ghiyāsu-d-dīn (A.D. 1469-99) is said to have spent his life in luxury
and never to have left his palace (_BG_, i. Part i. 362 ff.).]
Footnote 4.8.19:
His name classically is Sangram Singh, ‘the lion of war.’
Footnote 4.8.20:
[Infusion of opium.]
Footnote 4.8.21:
About ten miles east of Udaipur.
Footnote 4.8.22:
_Singhasan_ is the ancient term for the Hindu throne, signifying ‘the
lion-seat.’ Charans, bards, who are all _Maharajas_, ‘great princes,’
by courtesy, have their seats of the hide of the lion, tiger, panther,
or black antelope.
Footnote 4.8.23:
Nearly ten miles south-east of Ajmer.
Footnote 4.8.24:
Jai Singh Baleo and Jaimu Sindhal.
Footnote 4.8.25:
[A common folk-tale, told of Malhar Rāo Holkar and many other princes
(Crooke, _Popular Religion Northern India_, ii. 142; Malcolm, _Memoir
of Central India_, 2nd ed. i. 143 f.; E. S. Hartland, _Ritual and
Belief_, 323 f.).]
Footnote 4.8.26:
Called the _devi_, about the size of the wagtail, and like it, black
and white.
Footnote 4.8.27:
Chhatrdhāri.
Footnote 4.8.28:
The names of his followers were, Jasa Sindhal, Sangam (Dabhi), Abha,
Jana, and a Badel Rathor.
Footnote 4.8.29:
The grant in the preamble denounces a curse on any of Prithiraj’s
descendants who should resume it. I have often conversed with this
descendant, who held Sodhgarh and its lands, which were never resumed
by the princes of Chitor, though they reverted to Marwar. The chief
still honours the Rana, and many lives have been sacrificed to
maintain his claims, and with any prospect of success he would not
hesitate to offer his own.
Footnote 4.8.30:
This is a genuine Hindu name, ‘the Hero’s refuge,’ from _sur_, ‘a
warrior,’ and _than_, ‘an abode.’
Footnote 4.8.31:
[There is an error here: there was no contemporary Sultan of Mālwa of
this name.]
Footnote 4.8.32:
Near Chitor.
Footnote 4.8.33:
‘Regent’; the title the Rana is most familiarly known by.
Footnote 4.8.34:
_Thali_, ‘a brass platter.’ This is the highest mark of confidence and
friendship.
Footnote 4.8.35:
This compound of the betel or areca-nut, cloves, mace, _Terra
japonica_, and prepared lime, is always taken after meals, and has not
unfrequently been a medium for administering poison.
Footnote 4.8.36:
Hours of twenty-two minutes each.
Footnote 4.8.37:
Familiar contraction of Surajmall.
Footnote 4.8.38:
[_Anogeissus latifolia._]
Footnote 4.8.39:
The Hindu Proserpine, or Calligenia. Is this Grecian handmaid of
Hecate also Hindu, ‘born of time’ (_Kali-janama_)? [Καλλιγένεια,
‘bearer of fair offspring,’ has, of course, no connexion with Kāli.]
Footnote 4.8.40:
Gaunda, or Gaunra, is the name of such temporary places of refuge; the
origin of towns bearing this name.
Footnote 4.8.41:
Such grants are irresumable, under the penalty of sixty thousand years
in hell. This fine district is eaten up by these mendicant Brahmans.
One town alone, containing 52,000 bighas (about 15,000 acres) of rich
land, is thus lost; and by such follies Mewar has gradually sunk to
her present extreme poverty.
Footnote 4.8.42:
[Kānthal, in Partābgarh State, is the boundary (_Kāntha_) between
Mewār on the north, Bāgar on the west, and Mālwa on the east and
south.]
Footnote 4.8.43:
[The statement in the text that Sūrajmall, son of Uda, retired to
Deolia is incorrect. Sūrajmall was first-cousin, not son of Uda, and
it was his great-grandson, Bīka, who conquered the Kānthal and founded
the town of Deolia at least fifty years later (Erskine ii. A. 197).]
Footnote 4.8.44:
The walls of his palace are still pointed out.
Footnote 4.9.1:
[_Āīn_, ii. 270.]
Footnote 4.9.2:
The ball or urn which crowns the pinnacle (_sikhar_).
Footnote 4.9.3:
Delhi, Bayana, Kalpi, and Jaunpur.
Footnote 4.9.4:
Prithiraj was yet but Rao of Amber, a name now lost in Jaipur. The
twelve sons of this prince formed the existing subdivisions or clans
of the Kachhwahas, whose political consequence dates from Humayun, the
son and successor of Babur.
Footnote 4.9.5:
[Sīkri, afterwards Fatehpur Sīkri, the site of Akbar’s palace; Rāēsen
in Bhopāl State (_IGI_, xxi. 62 f.).]
Footnote 4.9.6:
Universal potentate: [“he whose chariot wheels run everywhere without
obstruction”]; the Hindus reckon only six of these in their history.
Footnote 4.9.7:
[As usual, the Indian Jāts are identified with the Getae, Iutae or
Iuti, Jutes of Bede.]
Footnote 4.9.8:
[The author borrows from Elphinstone, _Caubul_, i. 118.] The literary
world is much indebted to Mr. Erskine for his _Memoirs of Baber_, a
work of a most original stamp and rare value for its extensive
historical and geographical details of a very interesting portion of
the globe. The king of Ferghana, like Caesar, was the historian of his
own conquests, and unites all the qualities of the romantic troubadour
to those of the warrior and statesman. It is not saying too much when
it is asserted, that Mr. Erskine is the only person existing who could
have made such a translation, or preserved the great charm of the
original—its elevated simplicity; and though his modesty makes him
share the merit with Dr. Leyden, it is to him the public thanks are
due. Mr. Erskine’s introduction is such as might have been expected
from his well-known erudition and research, and with the notes
interspersed adds immensely to the value of the original. [A new
translation by Mrs. Beveridge is in course of publication.] With his
geographical materials, those of Mr. Elphinstone, and the journal of
the _Voyage d’Orenbourg à Bokhara_, full of merit and modesty, we now
possess sufficient materials for the geography of the nursery of
mankind. I would presume to amend one valuable geographical notice
(Introd. p. 27), and which only requires the permutation of a vowel,
Kas-_mer_ for Kas-_mir_; when we have, not ‘the country of the Kas,’
but the _Kasia Montes_ (mer) of Ptolemy: the Kho (_mer_) Kas, or
_Caucasus_. _Mir_ has no signification, _Mer_ is ‘mountain’ in
Sanskrit, as is _Kho_ in Persian. [The origin of the name Kashmīr is
very doubtful: but the view in the text cannot be accepted (see Stein,
_Rājatarangini_, ii. 353, 386; Smith, _EHI_, 38, note; _IA_, xliii.
143 ff.).] _Kas_ was the race inhabiting these: and _Kasgar_, the
Kasia Regio of Ptolemy [Chap. 15]. _Gar_ [or _garh_] is a Sanskrit
word still in use for a ‘region,’ as _Kachhwahagar_, _Gujargar_. [See
Elliot, _Supplementary Glossary_, 237.] A new edition of Erskine’s
translation, edited by Professor White King, is in course of
publication.
Footnote 4.9.9:
According to the _Memoirs of Baber_, February 11, 1527. [The battle
was fought at Khānua or Kanwāha, now in the Bharatpur State, about
twenty miles from Agra (Abu-l Fazl, _Akbarnāma_, i. 259 f.; Ferishta
ii. 55), on March 16, 1527. Ferishta says that the provocation came
from Rāna Sanga, who attacked Nāzim Khān, Governor of Bayāna, on which
the latter appealed to Bābur (ii. 51). Bābur says that Sanga broke his
engagement (Elliot-Dowson iv. 264; Badaoni, _Muntakhabu-t-tawārīkh_,
i. 444, 470).]
Footnote 4.9.10:
"On Monday, the 23rd of the first Jemadi, I had mounted to survey my
posts, and in the course of my ride was seriously struck with the
reflection, that I had always resolved, one time or another, to make
an effectual repentance, and that some traces of a hankering after the
renunciation of forbidden works had ever remained in my heart: I said
to myself, ‘O, my soul.’
(_Persian Verse._)
"‘How long wilt thou continue to take pleasure in sin?
Repentance is not unpalatable—taste it.
(_Turki Verse._)
"‘How great has been thy defilement from sin!
How much pleasure thou didst take in despair!
How long hast thou been the slave of thy passions!
How much of thy life hast thou thrown away!
Since thou hast set out on a holy war,
Thou hast seen death before thine eyes for thy salvation.
He who resolves to sacrifice his life to save himself
Shall attain that exalted state which thou knowest.
Keep thyself far away from all forbidden enjoyments;
Cleanse thyself from all thy sins.’
"Having withdrawn myself from such temptation, I vowed never more to
drink wine. Having sent for the gold and silver goblets and cups, with
all the other utensils used for drinking parties, I directed them to
be broken, and renounced the use of wine, purifying my mind. The
fragments of the goblets and other utensils of gold and silver I
directed to be divided among derwishes and the poor. The first person
who followed me in my repentance was Asas, who also accompanied me in
my resolution of ceasing to cut the beard, and of allowing it to grow.
That night and the following, numbers of Amirs and courtiers,
soldiers, and persons not in the service, to the number of nearly
three hundred men, made vows of reformation. The wine which we had
with us we poured on the ground. I ordered that the wine brought by
Baba Dost should have salt thrown into it, that it might be made into
vinegar. On the spot where the wine had been poured out I directed a
wāīn to be sunk and built of stone, and close by the wāīn an almshouse
to be erected. In the month of Moharrem in the year 935, when I went
to visit Gualiar, in my way from Dholpur to Sikri, I found this wāīn
completed. I had previously made a vow, that if I gained the victory
over Rana Sanka the Pagan, I would remit the Temgha (or stamp-tax)
levied from Musulmans. At the time when I made my vow of penitence,
Derwish Muhammed Sarban and Sheikh Zin put me in mind of my promise. I
said, ‘You did right to remind me of this: I renounce the temgha in
all my dominions, so far as concerns Musulmans’; and I sent for my
secretaries, and desired them to write and send to all my dominions
firmans conveying intelligence of the two important incidents that had
occurred" (_Memoirs of Baber_, p. 354). [Elliot-Dowson iv. 269.]
Footnote 4.9.11:
"At this time, as I have already observed, in consequence of preceding
events, a general consternation and alarm prevailed among great and
small. There was not a single person who uttered a manly word, nor an
individual who delivered a courageous opinion. The Vazirs, whose duty
it was to give good counsel, and the Amirs, who enjoyed the wealth of
kingdoms, neither spoke bravely, nor was their counsel or deportment
such as became men of firmness. During the whole course of this
expedition, Khalifeh conducted himself admirably, and was unremitting
and indefatigable in his endeavours to put everything in the best
order. At length, observing the universal discouragement of my troops,
and their total want of spirit, I formed my plan. I called an assembly
of all the Amirs and officers, and addressed them: ‘Noblemen and
soldiers! Every man that comes into the world is subject to
dissolution. When we are passed away and gone, God only survives,
unchangeable. Whoever comes to the feast of life must, before it is
over, drink from the cup of death. He who arrives at the inn of
mortality must one day inevitably take his departure from that house
of sorrow, the world. How much better it is to die with honour than to
live with infamy!
"‘With fame, even if I die, I am contented;
Let fame be mine, since my body is death’s.
"‘The most high God has been propitious to us, and has now placed us
in such a crisis, that if we fall in the field we die the death of
martyrs; if we survive, we rise victorious, the avengers of the cause
of God. Let us, then, with one accord, swear on God’s holy word, that
none of us will even think of turning his face from this warfare, nor
desert from the battle and slaughter that ensues, till his soul is
separated from his body.’
“Master and servant, small and great, all with emulation, seizing the
blessed Koran in their hands, swore in the form that I had given. My
plan succeeded to admiration, and its effects were instantly visible
far and near, on friend and foe” (_Memoirs of Baber_, p. 357).
Footnote 4.9.12:
Babur says, “Although Rana Sanka (Sanga) the Pagan, when I was at
Cabul, sent me ambassadors, and had arranged with me that if I would
march upon Delhi he would on Agra; but when I took Delhi and Agra, the
Pagan did not move” (_Memoirs of Baber_, p. 339).
Footnote 4.9.13:
In the translation of Babur’s _Memoirs_, Udai Singh is styled ‘Wali of
the country,’ confounding him with Udai Singh, successor of Sanga. He
was Wali (sovereign) of Dungarpur, not ‘Oodipoor,’ which was not then
in existence. [Erskine, in his later work (_Hist. India_, i. 473,
note), admits his error.]
Footnote 4.9.14:
[A list of the slain, nearly identical, is given by Abu-l Fazl,
_Akbarnāma_, i. 265.]
Footnote 4.9.15:
[The author confuses Hasan Khān, Mewāti, an important officer
(Ferishta ii. 55; Bayley, _Muhammad Dynasties of Gujarāt_, 278), whom
Badaoni (_Muntakhabu-l-tawārīkh_, i. 447) calls a Jogi in form and
appearance, with Hasan Khān, Lodi (_Āīn_, i. 503).]
Footnote 4.9.16:
[About eighty-five miles north-north-west of Jaipur city. Bābur says
that he intended to pursue Sanga to Chitor, but was prevented by the
defeat of his forces advancing on Lucknow (Elliot-Dowson iv. 277).]
Footnote 4.9.17:
The number of queens is determined only by state necessity and the
fancy of the prince. To have them equal in number to the days of the
week is not unusual, while the number of _handmaids_ is unlimited. It
will be conceded that the prince who can govern such a household, and
maintain equal rights when claims to pre-eminence must be perpetually
asserted, possesses no little tact. The government of the kingdom is
but an amusement compared with such a task, for it is within the
_Rawala_ that intrigue is enthroned.
Footnote 4.9.18:
I possess his portrait, given to me by the present Rana, who has a
collection of full-lengths of all his royal ancestors, from Samarsi to
himself, of their exact heights and with every bodily peculiarity,
whether of complexion or form. They are valuable for the costume. He
has often shown them to me while illustrating their actions.
Footnote 4.9.19:
[The practice of sending his sword to represent the bridegroom
probably originated in the desire for secrecy, and has since been
observed, as among the Rāj Gonds of the Central Provinces, for the
sake of convenience, and in order to avoid expense (Forbes, _Rāsmāla_,
624; _BG_, ix. Part i. 143, 145 f.; Russell, _Tribes and Castes,
Central Provinces_, iii. 77).]
Footnote 4.9.20:
Surajmall.
Footnote 4.9.21:
The Hindu Cupid, implying ‘incorporeal,’ from _anga_, ‘body,’ with the
privative prefix ‘_an_.’
Footnote 4.9.22:
I have given the relation of this duel in the narrative of my journeys
on my visit to the cenotaph of Ratna, erected where he fell. It was
the pleasure of my life to listen to the traditional anecdotes
illustrative of Rajput history on the scenes of their transactions.
Footnote 4.9.23:
The Bhakha orthography for Vikramaditya.
Footnote 4.9.24:
The government of Papa Bai, a princess of ancient time, whose
mis-managed sovereignty has given a proverb to the Rajput. [Major
Luard informs me that Pāpa Bāi is said to have been the daughter of a
Rājput of Siddal. She and Shiral Seth, a corn-merchant who, in return
for his penances, asked to be made a king for three _ghatikas_
(twenty-four minutes each), and gave indiscriminately alms to rich and
poor, are bywords for foolish extravagance. She is worshipped at a
shrine in Ujjain by all who desire good crops, especially sugar.
Another name for such a period of misrule is Harbong kā rāj (Elliot,
_Supplemental Glossary_, 466 ff.).]
Footnote 4.9.25:
Taken by Prithiraj and carried to Rana Raemall, who took a large sum
of money and seven hundred horses as his ransom.
Footnote 4.9.26:
We have, in the poems of Chand, frequent indistinct notices of
firearms, especially the nal-gola or _tube_-ball; but whether
discharged by percussion or the expansive force of gunpowder is
dubious. The poet also repeatedly speaks of “the volcano of the
field,” giving to understand great guns; but these may be
interpolations, though I would not check a full investigation of so
curious a subject by raising a doubt. Babur was the first who
introduced field guns in the Muhammadan wars, and Bahadur’s invasion
is the first notice of their application in sieges, for in
Alau-d-din’s time, in the thirteenth century, he used the catapult or
battering-ram, called manjanik. To these guns Babur was indebted for
victory over the united cavalry of Rajasthan. They were served by Rumi
Khan, probably a Roumeliot, or Syrian Christian. The Franks
(Faringis), with Bahadur, must have been some of Vasco di Gama’s crew.
[For the use of artillery in Mogul times see the full account by
Irvine (_Army of the Indian Moghuls_, 113 ff.). Manjanīk is the Greek
μάγγανον. Rūmi Khān was an Ottoman Turk, called Khudāwand Khān, who
learned the science in Turkish service (Erskine, _Hist. of India_, ii.
49; _Āīn_, i. 441). Akbar is said to have used Chinese artillery, and
to have employed English gunners from Surat (Manucci, i. 139; Irvine,
_op. cit._ 152).]
Footnote 4.9.27:
The _Changi_, the chief insignia of regality in Mewar, is a sun of
gold in the centre of a disc of black ostrich feathers or felt, about
three feet in diameter, elevated on a pole, and carried close to the
prince. It has something of a Scythic cast about it. What _changi_
imports I never understood. [Probably Pers. _chang_, ‘anything bent.’]
Footnote 4.9.28:
The name of the faithful Rajput who preserved Udai Singh, Chakasen
Dhundera, deserves to be recorded.
Footnote 4.9.29:
The date, “Jeth sudi 12th, S. 1589,” A.D. 1533, and according to
Ferishta A.H. 949, A.D. 1532-33. [Chitor was taken in 1534. The
_Mirāt-i-Sikandari_ states that on March 24, 1533, Bahādur received
the promised tribute, and moved his camp from Chitor (Bayley,
_Muhammadan Dynasties of Gujarāt_, 372).]
Footnote 4.9.30:
From ancient times, leading the females captive appears to have been
the sign of complete victory. Rajput inscriptions often allude to “a
conqueror beloved by the wives of his conquered foe,” and in the early
parts of Scripture the same notion is referred to. The mother of
Sisera asks: “Have they not divided the prey; to every man a damsel or
two?” (Judges v. 30.)
Footnote 4.9.31:
[Ferishta ii. 75 f. Badaoni says that Humāyūn hesitated to interfere
because Bahādur was attacking an infidel (_Muntakhabu-t-tawārīkh_, i.
453 f.).]
Footnote 4.9.32:
Many romantic tales are founded on ‘the gift of the Rakhi.’ The
author, who was placed in the enviable situation of being able to do
good, and on the most extensive scale, was the means of restoring many
of these ancient families from degradation to affluence. The greatest
reward he could, and the only one he would, receive, was the courteous
civility displayed in many of these interesting customs. He was the
Rakhi-band Bhai of, and received ‘the bracelet’ from, three queens of
Udaipur, Bundi, and Kotah, besides Chand Bai, the maiden sister of the
Rana; as well as many ladies of the chieftains of rank, with whom he
interchanged letters. The sole articles of ‘barbaric pearl and gold,’
which he conveyed from a country where he was six years supreme, are
these testimonies of friendly regard. Intrinsically of no great value,
they were presented and accepted in the ancient spirit, and he retains
them with a sentiment the more powerful, because he can no longer
render them any service. [The Rākhi (Skt. _raksha_, ‘protection’) is
primarily a protective amulet assumed at the full moon of Sāwan
(July-August) (Forbes, _Rāsmāla_, 609). It was worn on this date to
avert the unhealthiness of the rainy season. Jahāngīr and Akbar
followed the custom, introduced by their Hindu ladies (Jahangir,
_Memoirs_, 246; Badaoni, _op. cit._ ii. 269).]
Footnote 4.9.33:
[Probably policy, rather than romance, caused Humāyūn to interfere.]
Footnote 4.9.34:
He addresses her as “dear and virtuous sister,” and evinces much
interest in her welfare. We are in total ignorance of the refined
sentiment which regulates such a people—our home-bred prejudices deem
them beneath inquiry; and thus indolence and self-conceit combine to
deprive the benevolent of a high gratification.
-----
CHAPTER 10
=Rāna Banbīr Singh, A.D. 1535-37.=—A few hours of sovereignty sufficed
to check those ‘compunctious visitings’ which assailed Banbir ere he
assumed its trappings, with which he found himself so little encumbered
that he was content to wear them for life. Whether this was the
intention of the nobles who set aside the unworthy son of Sanga, there
is abundant reason to doubt; and as he is subsequently branded with the
epithet of ‘usurper’ it was probably limited, though unexpressed, to
investing him with the executive authority during the minority of Udai
Singh. Banbir, however, only awaited the approach of night to remove
with his own hands the obstacle to his ambition.
=The Escape of Udai Singh, the Heir.=—Udai Singh was about six years of
age. “He had gone to sleep after his rice and milk,” when his nurse was
alarmed by screams from the rawala,[4.10.1] and the Bari[4.10.2] coming
in to take away the remains of the dinner, informed her of the cause,
the assassination of the Rana. Aware that one murder was the precursor
of another, the faithful nurse put her charge into a fruit basket and,
covering it with leaves, she delivered it to the Bari, enjoining him to
escape with it from the fort. Scarcely had she time to substitute her
own infant in the room of the prince, when Banbir, entering, inquired
for him. Her lips refused their office; she pointed to the cradle, and
beheld the murderous steel buried in the heart of her babe [316]. The
little victim to fidelity was burnt amidst the tears of the rawala, the
inconsolable household of their late sovereign, who supposed that their
grief was given to the last pledge of the illustrious Sanga. The nurse
(_Dhai_) was a Rajputni of the Khichi tribe, her name Panna, or ‘the
Diamond.’ Having consecrated with her tears the ashes of her child, she
hastened after that she had preserved. But well had it been for Mewar
had the poniard fulfilled its intention, and had the annals never
recorded the name of Udai Singh in the catalogue of her princes.
The faithful barber was awaiting the nurse in the bed of the Berach
River, some miles west of Chitor, and fortunately the infant had not
awoke until he descended the city. They departed for Deolia, and sought
refuge with Singh Rao, the successor to Baghji, who fell for Chitor; who
dreading the consequence of detection, they proceeded to Dungarpur.
Rawal Askaran then ruled this principality, which, as well as Deolia,
was not only a branch, but the elder branch, of Chitor. With every wish
to afford a shelter, he pleaded the danger which threatened himself and
the child in such a feeble sanctuary. Pursuing a circuitous route
through Idar, and the intricate valleys of the Aravalli, by the help and
with the protection of its wild inmates, the Bhils, she gained
Kumbhalmer. The resolution she had formed was bold as it was judicious.
She demanded an interview with the governor, Asa Sah his name, of the
mercantile tribe of Depra,[4.10.3] and a follower of the theistical
tenets of the Jains. The interview being granted, she placed the infant
in his lap, and bid him “guard the life of his sovereign.” He felt
perplexed and alarmed: but his mother, who was present, upbraided him
for his scruples. “Fidelity,” said she, “never looks at dangers or
difficulties. He is your master, the son of Sanga, and by God’s blessing
the result will be glorious.” Having thus fulfilled her trust, the
faithful Panna withdrew from Kumbhalmer to avoid the suspicion which a
Rajputni about a Srawak’s[4.10.4] child would have occasioned, as the
heir of Chitor was declared to be the nephew of the Depra.
=The Boyhood of Udai Singh.=—Suspicions were often excited regarding
Asa’s nephew; once, especially, on the anniversary (_samvatsara_) of the
governor’s father, when “the Rajput guests being in one rank, and the
men of wealth in another, young Udai seized a vessel of curds, which no
intreaty could prevail on him to relinquish, deriding their threats”
[317]. Seven years elapsed before the secret transpired; at length
self-revealed, from the same independent bearing. On occasion of a visit
from the Sonigira chief, Udai was sent to receive him, and the dignified
manner in which he performed the duty convinced the chief ‘he was no
nephew to the Sah.’ Rumour spread the tale, and brought not only the
nobles of Mewar, but adjacent chiefs, to hail the son of Sanga Rana.
Sahidas of Salumbar, the representative of Chonda, Jaga of Kelwa, Sanga
of Bagor, all chiefs of the clans of Chondawat; the Chauhans of Kotharia
and Bedla, the Pramar of Bijolia Akhiraj (Sonigira), Prithiraj of
Sanchor, and Lunkaran Jethawat, repaired to Kumbhalmer, when all doubt
was removed by the testimony of the nurse, and of her coadjutor in the
preservation of the child.
=Installation of Rāna Udai Singh, A.D. 1537-72.=—A court was formed,
when the faithful Asa Sah resigned his trust and placed the prince of
Chitor ‘in the lap of the Kotharia Chauhan,’ as the ‘great
ancient’[4.10.5] among the nobles of Mewar, who was throughout
acquainted with the secret, and who, to dissipate the remaining scruples
which attached to the infant’s preservation, ‘ate off the same platter
with him.’ The Sonigira Rao did not hesitate to affiance to him his
daughter, and it was accepted by his advisers, notwithstanding the
interdict of Hamir to any intermarriage with the Sonigira, since the
insult of giving the widow to his bed. Udai received the tika of Chitor
in the castle of Kumbha, and the homage of nearly all the chiefs of
Mewar.
The tidings soon reached the usurper, who had not borne his faculties
meekly since his advancement; but having seized on the dignity, he
wished to ape all the customs of the legitimate monarchs of Chitor, and
even had the effrontery to punish as an insult the refusal of one of the
proud sons of Chonda to take the _dauna_ from his bastard hand.
=The Dauna, a Recognition of Legitimacy.=—The _dauna_, or _daua_, is a
portion of the dish of which the prince partakes, sent by his own hand
to whomsoever he honours at the banquet. At the rasora, or refectory,
the chiefs who are admitted to dine in the presence of their sovereign
are seated according to their rank. The repast is one of those occasions
when an easy familiarity is permitted, which, though unrestrained, never
exceeds the bounds [318] of etiquette, and the habitual reverence due to
their father and prince. When he sends, by the steward of the kitchen, a
portion of the dish before him, or a little from his own _kansa_, or
plate, all eyes are guided to the favoured mortal, whose good fortune is
the subject of subsequent conversation. Though, with the diminished
lustre of this house, the _dauna_ may have lost its former estimation,
it is yet received with reverence; but the extent of this feeling, even
so late as the reign of Arsi Rana, the father of the reigning prince,
the following anecdote will testify. In the rebellion during this
prince’s reign, amongst the ancient customs which became relaxed, that
of bestowing the _dauna_ was included; and the Rana conferring it on the
Rathor prince of Kishangarh, the Bijolia chief, one of the sixteen
superior nobles of Mewar, rose and left the presence, observing,
“Neither the Kachhwaha nor the Rathor has a right to this honour, nor
can we, who regard as sanctified even the leavings of your repast,
witness this degradation; for the Thakur of Kishangarh is far beneath
me.” To such extent is this privilege even yet carried, and such
importance is attached from habit to the personal character of the
princes of Mewar, that the test of regal legitimacy in Rajasthan is
admission to eat from the same plate (_kansa_) with the Rana: and to the
refusal of this honour to the great Man Singh of Amber may be indirectly
ascribed the ruin of Mewar.[4.10.6]
It may therefore be conceived with what contempt the haughty nobility of
Chitor received the mockery of honour from the hand of this ‘fifth son
of Mewar’; and the Chondawat chief had the boldness to add to his
refusal, “that an honour from the hand of a true son of Bappa Rawal
became a disgrace when proffered by the offspring of the handmaid
Sitalseni.” The defection soon became general, and all repaired to the
valley of Kumbhalmer to hail the legitimate son of Mewar. A caravan of
five hundred horses and ten thousand oxen, laden with merchandise from
Cutch, the dower of Banbir’s daughter, guarded by one thousand Gaharwar
Rajputs, was plundered in the passes: a signal intimation of the decay
of his authority, and a timely supply to the celebration of the nuptials
of Udai Rana with the daughter of the Rao of Jalor. Though the interdict
of Hamir was not forgotten, it was deemed that the insult given by
Banbir Sonigira was amply effaced by his successor’s redemption of the
usurpation of Banbir Sesodia. The marriage was solemnized at Bali,
within the limits of Jalor, and the [319] customary offerings were sent
or given by all the princes of Rajasthan. Two chiefs only, of any
consequence, abstained from attending on their lawful prince on this
occasion, the Solanki of Maholi and Maloji of Tana. In attacking them,
the bastard was brought into conflict; but Maloji was slain and the
Solanki surrendered.
=Deposition of Rāna Banbīr Singh.=—Deserted by all, Banbir held out in
the capital; but his minister admitted, under the garb of a
reinforcement with supplies, a thousand resolute adherents of the
prince: the keepers of the gates were surprised and slain, and the _an_
of Udai Singh was proclaimed. Banbir was even permitted to retire with
his family and his wealth. He sought refuge in the Deccan, and the
Bhonslas of Nagpur are said to derive their origin from this spurious
branch of Chitor.[4.10.7]
=Rāna Udai Singh, A.D. 1537-72.=—Rana Udai Singh ascended the throne in
S. 1597 (A.D. 1541-2). Great were the rejoicings on the restoration of
this prince. ‘The song of joy,’[4.10.8] which was composed on the
occasion, is yet a favourite at Udaipur, and on the festival of Isani
(the Ceres of Rajasthan), the females still chant in chorus the
‘farewell to Kumbhalmer.’[4.10.9] But the evil days of Mewar which set
in with Sanga’s death, and were accelerated by the fiery valour of Ratna
and the capricious conduct of Bikramajit, were completed by an anomaly
in her annals: a coward succeeding a bastard to guide the destinies of
the Sesodias. The vices of Ratna and his brother were virtues compared
to this physical defect, the consequences of which destroyed a great
national feeling, the opinion of its invincibility.
=His Character.=—“Woe to the land where a minor rules or a woman bears
sway!” exclaims the last of the great bards[4.10.10] of Rajasthan; but
where both were united, as in Mewar, the measure of her griefs was full.
Udai Singh had not one quality of a sovereign; and wanting martial
virtue, the common heritage of his race, he was destitute of all. Yet he
might have slumbered life away in inglorious repose during the reign of
Humayun, or the contentions of the Pathan usurpation; but, unhappily for
Rajasthan, a prince was then rearing who forged fetters for the Hindu
race which enthralled them for ages; and though the corroding hand of
time left but their fragments, yet even now, though emancipated, they
bear the indelible marks of the manacle; not like the galley slave’s,
physical and exterior, but deep mental scars, never to be effaced. Can a
nation which has run its long career of glory be [320] regenerated? Can
the soul of the Greek or the Rajput be reanimated with the spark divine
which defended the kunguras[4.10.11] of Chitor or the pass of
Thermopylae? Let history answer the question.
=Birth of Akbar.=—In the same year that the song of joy was raised in
the cloud-capped[4.10.12] palace of Kumbhalmer for the deliverance of
Udai Singh, the note of woe was pealed through the walls of Umarkot, and
given to the winds of the desert, to proclaim the birth[4.10.13] of an
infant destined to be the greatest monarch who ever swayed the sceptre
of Hindustan. In an oasis of the Indian desert, amidst the descendants
of the ancient Sogdoi[4.10.14] of Alexander, Akbar first saw the light;
his father a fugitive, the diadem torn from his brows, its recovery more
improbable than was its acquisition by Babur. The ten years which had
elapsed since Humayun’s accession were passed in perpetual strife with
his brothers, placed according to custom in subordinate governments.
Their selfish ambition met its reward; for with the fall of Humayun
their own was ensured, when Sher Shah displaced the dynasty of Chagatai
for his own, the Pathan (or Sur).
=Defeat and Flight of Humāyūn, A.D. 1540.=—From the field of battle at
Kanauj, where Humayun left his crown, his energetic opponent gave him no
respite, driving him before him from Agra to Lahore. Thence, with his
family and a small band of adherents, alternately protected and repelled
by Hindu chieftains, he reached the valley of Sind, where he struggled
to maintain himself amidst the greatest privations, attempting in
succession each stronghold on the Indus, from Multan to the ocean.
Foiled in every object, his associates made rebels by distress, he
abandoned them for the more dubious shelter of the foes of his race.
Vain were his solicitations to Jaisalmer and Jodhpur; and though it
cannot be matter of wonder that he found no commiseration from either
Bhatti or Rathor, we must reprobate the unnational conduct of Maldeo,
who, the Mogul historian says, attempted to make him captive. From such
inhospitable treatment the royal exile escaped by again plunging into
the desert, where he encountered, along with the tender objects of his
solicitude, hardships of the most appalling description, until sheltered
by the Sodha prince of Umarkot. The high courage and the virtues of this
monarch increase that interest in his sufferings which royalty in
distress never fails to awaken by its irresistible influence [321] upon
our sympathies; and they form an affecting episode in the history of
Ferishta.[4.10.15] Humayun, though more deeply skilled in the mysteries
of astrology than any professed seer of his empire, appears never to
have enjoyed that prescience which, according to the initiated in the
science, is to be obtained from accurate observation:
And coming events cast their shadows before;
for, could he, by any prophetic power, have foreseen that the cloud
which then shaded his fortunes, was but the precursor of glory to his
race, he would have continued his retreat from the sheltering sand-hills
of Umarkot with very different sentiments from those which accompanied
his flight into Persia [322].
=Early Years of Akbar.=—Humayun educated the young Akbar in the same
school of adversity in which he had studied under Babur. Between the
Persian court and his ancient patrimony in Transoxiana, Kandahar, and
Kashmir, twelve years were passed in every trial of fortune. During this
short period, India, always the prize of valour, had witnessed in
succession six[4.10.16] kings descended from the Pathan ‘Lion’ (_sher_),
of whom the last, Sikandar, was involved in the same civil broils which
brought the crown to his family. Humayun, then near Kashmir, no sooner
observed the tide of events set counter to his foe, than he crossed the
Indus and advanced upon Sirhind, where the Pathan soon appeared with a
tumultuous array. The impetuosity of young Akbar brought on a general
engagement, which the veterans deemed madness. Not so Humayun, who gave
the command to his boy, whose heroism so excited all ranks, that they
despised the numbers of the enemy, and gained a glorious victory. This
was the presage of his future fame; for Akbar was then but twelve years
of age,[4.10.17] the same period of life at which his grandfather,
Babur, maintained himself on the throne of Farghana. Humayun, worthy of
such a son and such a sire, entered Delhi in triumph; but he did not
long enjoy his recovered crown. His death will appear extraordinary,
according to the erroneous estimate formed of Eastern princes: its cause
was a fall from the terrace of his library;[4.10.18] for, like every
individual of his race, he was not merely a patron of literature, but
himself a scholar. Were we to contrast the literary acquirements of the
Chagatai princes with those of their contemporaries of Europe, the
balance of lore would be found on the side of the Asiatics, even though
Elizabeth and Henry IV. of France were in the scale. Amongst the princes
from the Jaxartes are historians, poets, astronomers, founders of
systems of government and religion, warriors, and great captains, who
claim our respect and admiration.
=Akbar’s Struggle for the Empire.=—Scarcely had Akbar been seated on the
throne, when Delhi and Agra were wrested from him, and a nook of the
Panjab constituted all his empire: but by the energetic valour of the
great Bairam Khan, his lost sovereignty was regained with equal
rapidity, and established by the wisdom of this Sully[4.10.19] of
Hindustan on a rock. Kalpi, Chanderi, Kalanjar, all Bundelkhand and
Malwa, were soon attached to the empire, and at the early age of
eighteen Akbar assumed the uncontrolled [323] direction of the State. He
soon turned his attention towards the Rajputs; and whether it was to
revenge the inhospitality of Maldeo towards his father, he advanced
against the Rathors, and stormed and took Merta, the second city in
Marwar. Raja Biharimall [or Bahar Mall] of Amber anticipated the king,
enrolled himself and son Bhagwandas amongst his vassals, gave the
Chagatai a daughter to wife, and held his country as a fief of the
empire. But the rebellions of the Usbek nobles, and the attempts of
former princes to regain their lost power, checked for a time his
designs upon Rajasthan. These matters adjusted, and the petty sovereigns
in the East (to whom the present monarch of Oudh is as Alexander)
subjected to authority, he readily seized upon the provocation which the
sanctuary given to Baz Bahadur of Malwa and the ex-prince of Narwar
afforded, to turn his arms against Chitor.[4.10.20]
=Comparison of Akbar with Rāna Udai Singh.=—Happy the country where the
sovereignty is in the laws, and where the monarch is but the chief
magistrate of the State, unsubjected to those vicissitudes which make
the sceptre in Asia unstable as a pendulum, kept in perpetual
oscillation by the individual passions of her princes; where the virtues
of one will exalt her to the summit of prosperity, as the vices of a
successor will plunge her into the abyss of degradation. Akbar and Udai
Singh furnish the corollary to this self-evident truth.
The Rana was old enough to philosophize on ‘the uses of adversity’; and
though the best of the ‘great ancients’ had fallen in defence of Chitor,
there were not wanting individuals capable of instilling just and noble
sentiments into his mind: but it was of that common character which is
formed to be controlled by others; and an artful and daring concubine
stepped in, to govern Udai Singh and Mewar.
Akbar was not older when he came to the throne[4.10.21] of Delhi than
Udai Singh when he ascended that of Mewar. Nor were his hopes much
brighter; but the star which beamed upon his cradle in the desert,
conducted to his aid such counsellors as the magnanimous Bairam, and the
wise and virtuous Abu-l Fazl. Yet it may be deemed hardly fair to
contrast the Rajput with the Mogul: the one disciplined into an accurate
knowledge of human nature, by experience of the [324] mutability of
fortune; the other cooped up from infancy in a valley of his native
hills, his birth concealed, and his education restricted.[4.10.22]
Akbar was the real founder of the empire of the Moguls, the first
successful conqueror of Rajput independence: to this end his virtues
were powerful auxiliaries, as by his skill in the analysis of the mind
and its readiest stimulant to action, he was enabled to gild the chains
with which he bound them. To these they became familiarized by habit,
especially when the throne exerted its power in acts gratifying to
national vanity, or even in ministering to the more ignoble passions.
But generations of the martial races were cut off by his sword, and
lustres rolled away ere his conquests were sufficiently confirmed to
permit him to exercise the beneficence of his nature, and obtain by the
universal acclaim of the conquered, the proud epithet of Jagad Guru, or
‘guardian of mankind.’ He was long ranked with Shihabu-d-din, Ala, and
other instruments of destruction, and with every just claim; and, like
these, he constructed a Mimbar[4.10.23] for the Koran from the altars of
Eklinga. Yet he finally succeeded in healing the wounds his ambition had
inflicted, and received from millions that meed of praise which no other
of his race ever obtained.
The absence of the kingly virtues in the sovereign of Mewar filled to
the brim the bitter cup of her destiny. The guardian goddess of the
Sesodias had promised never to abandon the rock of her pride while a
descendant of Bappa Rawal devoted himself to her service. In the first
assault by Ala, twelve crowned heads defended the ‘crimson banner’ to
the death. In the second, when conquest led by Bajazet[4.10.24] came
from the south, the chieftain of Deolia, a noble scion of Mewar, “though
severed from her stem,” claimed the crown of glory and of martyrdom. But
on this, the third and grandest struggle, no regal victim appeared to
appease the Cybele of Chitor, and win her to retain its
‘kunguras’[4.10.25] as her coronet. She fell! the charm was broken; the
mysterious tie was severed for ever which connected [325] Chitor with
perpetuity of sway to the race of Guhilot. With Udai Singh fled the
“fair face” which in the dead of night unsealed the eyes of Samarsi, and
told him “the glory of the Hindu was departing”:[4.10.26] with him, that
opinion, which for ages esteemed her walls the sanctuary of the race,
which encircled her with a halo of glory, as the palladium of the
religion and the liberties of the Rajputs.
To traditions such as these, history is indebted for the noblest deeds
recorded in her page; and in Mewar they were the covert impulse to
national glory and independence. For this the philosopher will value the
relation; and the philanthropist as being the germs or nucleus of
resistance against tyrannical domination. Enveloped in a wild fable, we
see the springs of their prejudices and their action: batter down these
adamantine walls of national opinion, and all others are but glass. The
once invincible Chitor is now pronounced indefensible. “The abode of
regality, which for a thousand years reared her head above all the
cities of Hindustan,” is become the refuge of wild beasts, which seek
cover in her temples; and this erst sanctified capital is now desecrated
as the dwelling of evil fortune, into which the entrance of her princes
is solemnly interdicted.
=Akbar besieges Chitor, September, A.D. 1567.=—Ferishta mentions but
one enterprise against Chitor, that of its capture; but the annals
record another, when Akbar was compelled to relinquish the
undertaking.[4.10.27] The successful defence is attributed to the
masculine courage of the Rana’s concubine queen, who headed the
sallies into the heart of the Mogul camp, and on one occasion to the
emperor’s headquarters. The imbecile Rana proclaimed that he owed his
deliverance to her; when the chiefs, indignant at this imputation on
their courage, conspired and put her to death. Internal discord
invited Akbar to reinvest Chitor; he had just attained his
twenty-fifth year, and was desirous of the renown of capturing it. The
site of the royal Urdu,[4.10.28] or camp, is still pointed out. It
extended from the village of Pandauli[4.10.29] along the high road to
Basai, a distance of ten miles. The headquarters of Akbar are yet
marked by a pyramidal column of marble, to which tradition has
assigned the [326] title of Akbar ka diwa, or ‘Akbar’s lamp.’[4.10.30]
Scarcely had Akbar sat down before Chitor, when the Rana was compelled
(say the annals) to quit it; but the necessity and his wishes were in
unison. It lacked not, however, brave defenders. Sahidas, at the head
of a numerous band of the descendants of Chonda, was at his post, ‘the
gate of the sun’; there he fell resisting the entrance of the foe, and
there his altar stands, on the brow of the rock which was moistened
with his blood. Rawat Duda of Madri led ‘the sons of Sanga.’[4.10.31]
The feudatory chiefs of Bedla and Kotharia, descended from Prithiraj
of Delhi—the Pramar of Bijolia—the Jhala of Sadri—inspired their
contingents with their brave example: these were all home chieftains.
Another son of Deolia again combated for Chitor, with the Sonigira Rao
of Jalor—Isaridas Rathor, Karamchand Kachhwaha,[4.10.32] with Duda
Sadani,[4.10.33] and the Tuar prince of Gwalior, were distinguished
amongst the foreign auxiliaries on this occasion.
=Jaimall and Patta.=—But the names which shine brightest in this gloomy
page of the annals of Mewar, which are still held sacred by the bard and
the true Rajput, and immortalized by Akbar’s own pen, are Jaimall of
Badnor and Patta of Kelwa, both of the sixteen superior vassals of
Mewar. The first was a Rathor of the Mertia house, the bravest of the
brave clans of Marwar; the other was head of the Jagawats, another grand
shoot from Chonda. The names of Jaimall and Patta are ‘as household
words,’ inseparable in Mewar, and will be honoured while the Rajput
retains a shred of his inheritance or a spark of his ancient
recollections. Though deprived of the stimulus which would have been
given had their prince been a witness of their deeds, heroic
achievements such as those already recorded were conspicuous on this
occasion; and many a fair form threw the buckler over the scarf, and led
the most desperate sorties [327].
When Salumbar[4.10.34] fell at the gate of the sun, the command devolved
on Patta of Kelwa. He was only sixteen:[4.10.35] his father had fallen
in the last shock, and his mother had survived but to rear this the sole
heir of their house. Like the Spartan mother of old, she commanded him
to put on the ‘saffron robe,’ and to die for Chitor: but surpassing the
Grecian dame, she illustrated her precept by example; and lest any soft
‘compunctious visitings’ for one dearer than herself might dim the
lustre of Kelwa, she armed the young bride with a lance, with her
descended the rock, and the defenders of Chitor saw her fall, fighting
by the side of her Amazonian mother. When their wives and daughters
performed such deeds, the Rajputs became reckless of life. They had
maintained a protracted defence, but had no thoughts of surrender, when
a ball struck Jaimall, who took the lead on the fall of the kin of
Mewar. His soul revolted at the idea of ingloriously perishing by a
distant blow. He saw there was no ultimate hope of salvation, the
northern defences being entirely destroyed, and he resolved to signalize
the end of his career. The fatal Johar was commanded, while eight
thousand Rajputs ate the last ‘bira’[4.10.36] together, and put on their
saffron robes; the gates were thrown open, the work of destruction
commenced, and few survived ‘to stain the yellow mantle’ by inglorious
surrender. Akbar entered Chitor, when thirty thousand of its inhabitants
became victims to the ambitious thirst of conquest of this ‘guardian of
mankind.’ All the heads of clans, both home and foreign, fell, and
seventeen hundred of the immediate kin of the prince sealed their duty
to their country with their lives. The Tuar chief of Gwalior appears to
have been the only one of note who was reserved for another day of
glory.[4.10.37] Nine queens, five princesses (their daughters), with two
infant sons, and the families of all the chieftains not at their
estates, perished in the flames or in the assault of this ever memorable
day. Their divinity had indeed deserted them; for it was on Adityawar,
the day of the sun,[4.10.38] he shed for the last time a ray of glory on
Chitor. The rock of their strength was despoiled; the temples, the
palaces dilapidated: and, to complete her humiliation and his triumph,
Akbar bereft her of all the symbols of [328] regality: the
nakkaras,[4.10.39] whose reverberations proclaimed, for miles around,
the entrance and exit of her princes; the candelabras from the shrine of
the ‘great mother,’ who girt Bappa Rawal with the sword with which he
conquered Chitor; and, in mockery of her misery, her portals, to adorn
his projected capital, Akbarabad.[4.10.40]
Akbar claimed the honour of the death of Jaimall by his own hand: the
fact is recorded by Abu-l Fazl, and by the emperor Jahangir, who
conferred on the matchlock which aided him to this distinction the title
of Sangram.[4.10.41] But the conqueror of Chitor evinced a more exalted
sense, not only of the value of his conquest, but of the merits of his
foes, in erecting statues to the names of Jaimall and Patta at the most
conspicuous entrance of his palace at Delhi; and they retained that
distinction even when Bernier was in India.[4.10.42]
[Illustration:
CHITOR.
_To face page 382._
]
=The Sin of the Capture of Chitor.=—When the Carthaginian gained the
battle of Cannae, he measured his success by the bushels of rings taken
from the fingers of the equestrian Romans who fell in that memorable
field. Akbar estimated his, by the quantity of cordons (_zunnar_) of
[329] distinction taken from the necks of the Rajputs, and seventy-four
mans and a half[4.10.43] are the recorded amount. To eternize the memory
of this disaster, the numerals ‘74½’ are _talak_, or accursed.[4.10.44]
Marked on the banker’s letter in Rajasthan it is the strongest of seals,
for ‘the sin of the slaughter of Chitor’[4.10.45] is thereby invoked on
all who violate a letter under the safeguard of this mysterious number.
He would be a fastidious critic who stopped to calculate the weight of
these cordons of the Rajput cavaliers, probably as much over-rated as
the trophies of the Roman rings, which are stated at three and a half
bushels. It is for the moral impression that history deigns to note such
anecdotes, in themselves of trivial import. So long as ‘74½’ shall
remain recorded, some good will result from the calamity, and may
survive when the event which caused it is buried in oblivion.
=Escape of Rāna Udai Singh: Foundation of Udaipur.=—When Udai Singh
abandoned Chitor, he found refuge with the Gohil in the forests of
Rajpipli. Thence he passed to the valley of the Giro in the Aravalli, in
the vicinity of the retreat of his great ancestor Bappa, ere he
conquered Chitor. At the entrance of this valley, several years previous
to this catastrophe, he had formed the lake, still called after him Udai
Sagar, and he now raised a dyke between the mountains which dammed up
another mountain stream. On the cluster of hills adjoining he raised the
small palace called Nauchauki, around which edifices soon arose, and
formed a city to which he gave his own name, Udaipur,[4.10.46]
henceforth the capital of Mewar.
=Death of Rāna Udai Singh.=—Four years had Udai Singh survived the loss
of Chitor, when he expired at Gogunda, at the early age of forty-two;
yet far too long for his country’s honour and welfare. He left a
numerous issue of twenty-five legitimate sons, whose descendants, all
styled Ranawat, pushed aside the more ancient stock, and form that
extensive clan distinctively termed the Babas, or ‘infants,’ of Mewar,
whether Ranawats, Purawats, or Kanawats. His last act was to entail with
a barren sceptre contention upon his children; for, setting aside the
established laws of primogeniture, he proclaimed his favourite son
Jagmall his successor.
=Jagmall proclaimed Rāna.=—In Mewar there is no interregnum: even the
ceremony of _matam_ (mourning) is held at the [330] house of the family
priest while the palace is decked out for rejoicing. On the full moon of
the spring month of Phalgun, while his brothers and the nobles attended
the funeral pyre, Jagmall took possession of the throne in the infant
capital, Udaipur: but even while the trumpets sounded, and the heralds
called aloud “May the king live for ever!” a cabal was formed round the
bier of his father.
=Jagmall deposed in favour of Rāna Partāp Singh.=—It will be borne in
mind that Udai Singh espoused the Sonigira princess; and the Jalor Rao,
desirous to see his sister’s son have his right, demanded of Kistna, the
‘great ancient’ of Mewar and the leader of the Chondawats, how such
injustice was sanctioned by him. “When a sick man has reached the last
extreme and asks for milk to drink, why refuse it?” was the reply; with
the addition: “The Sonigira’s nephew is my choice, and my stand by
Partap.” Jagmall had just entered the Rasora, and Partap was saddling
for his departure, when Rawat Kistna entered, accompanied by the
ex-prince of Gwalior. Each chief took an arm of Jagmall, and with gentle
violence removed him to a seat in front of the ‘cushion’ he had
occupied; the hereditary premier remarking, “You had made a mistake,
Maharaj; that place belongs to your brother”: and girding Partap with
the sword (the privilege of this house), thrice touching the ground,
hailed him king of Mewar. All followed the example of Salumbar. Scarcely
was the ceremony over, when the young prince remarked, it was the
festival of the Aheria, nor must ancient customs be forgotten:
“Therefore to horse, and slay a boar to Gauri,[4.10.47] and take the
omen for the ensuing year.” They slew abundance of game, and in the
mimic field of war, the nobles who surrounded the gallant Partap
anticipated happier days for Mewar [331].
-----
Footnote 4.10.1:
The seraglio, or female palace.
Footnote 4.10.2:
Bari, Nai, are names for the barbers, who are the _cuisiniers_ of the
Rajputs. [The special duty of the Bāri is making leaf-platters from
which Hindus eat: he is also a domestic servant, but does not, like
the Nāi, work as a barber.]
Footnote 4.10.3:
[Dr. Tessitori states that the true form of the name is Dahīpra or
Dahīpura, and they seem to be the same as the Depla of Gujarāt, where
they are said to have been originally Lohānas (_BG_, ix. Part i.
122).]
Footnote 4.10.4:
The laity of the Jain persuasion are so called [_srāvak_, meaning ‘a
disciple’].
Footnote 4.10.5:
_Bara_ ‘great,’ _būrha_ ‘aged’; the ‘wise elder’ of Rajasthan, where
old age and dignity are synonymous.
Footnote 4.10.6:
[On the privilege of eating with the Rāna see p. 213 above.]
Footnote 4.10.7:
[There seems no basis for this tradition. The Bhonslas sprang from a
Marātha headman of Deora in Sātāra (_IGI_, xviii. 306).]
Footnote 4.10.8:
Suhaila.
Footnote 4.10.9:
Kumbhalmer bidaona.
Footnote 4.10.10:
Chand, the heroic bard of the last Hindu emperor. [Cf. _Ecclesiastes_,
x. 16.]
Footnote 4.10.11:
Battlements.
Footnote 4.10.12:
_Badal Mahall._
Footnote 4.10.13:
November 23, A.D. 1542.
Footnote 4.10.14:
The Sodhas, a branch of the Pramaras, see p. 111.
Footnote 4.10.15:
"Humaioon mounted his horse at midnight and fled towards Amercot,
which is about one hundred coss from Tatta. His horse, on the way,
falling down dead with fatigue, he desired Tirdi Beg, who was well
mounted, to let him have his; but so ungenerous was this man, and so
low was royalty fallen, that he refused to comply with his request.
The troops of the raja being close to his heels, he was necessitated
to mount a camel, till one Nidim Koka, dismounting his own mother,
gave the king her horse, and, placing her on the camel, ran himself on
foot by her side.
"The country through which they fled being an entire sandy desert, the
troop began to be in the utmost distress for water. Some ran mad,
others fell down dead; nothing was heard but dreadful screams and
lamentations. To add, if possible, to this calamity, news arrived of
the enemy’s near approach. Humaioon ordered all those who could fight
to halt, and let the women and baggage move forward. The enemy not
making their appearance, the king rode on in front to see how it fared
with his family.
"Night, in the meantime, coming on, the rear lost their way, and in
the morning were attacked by a party of the enemy. Shech Ali, with
about twenty brave men, resolved to sell his life dear. Having
repeated the creed of martyrdom, he rushed upon the enemy, and the
first arrow having reached the heart of the chief of the party, the
rest were by the valour of his handful put to flight. The other Moguls
joined in the pursuit, and took many of the camels and horses. They
then continued their march, found the king sitting by a well which he
had fortunately found, and gave him an account of their adventure.
"Marching forward the next day from this well, they were more
distressed than before, there being no water for two days’ journey. On
the fourth day of their retreat they fell in with another well, which
was so deep, that the only bucket they had took a great deal of time
in being wound up, and therefore a drum was beat to give notice to the
caffilas when the bucket appeared, that they might repair by turns to
drink. The people were so impatient for the water, that as soon as the
first bucket appeared, ten or twelve of them threw themselves upon it
before it quite reached the brim of the well, by which means the rope
broke, and the bucket was lost, and several fell headlong after it.
When this fatal accident happened, the screams and lamentations of all
became loud and dreadful. Some lolling out their tongues, rolled
themselves in agony on the hot sand; while others, precipitating
themselves into the well, met with an immediate, and consequently an
easier death. What did not the unhappy king feel, when he saw this
terrible situation of his few faithful friends!
"The next day, though they reached water, was not less fatal than the
former. The camels, who had not tasted water for several days, now
drank so much that the greatest part of them died. The people, also,
after drinking, complained of an oppression of the heart, and in about
half an hour a great part of them expired.
"A few, with the king, after this unheard-of distress, reached
Amercote. The raja, being a humane man, took compassion on their
misfortunes: he spared nothing that could alleviate their miseries, or
express his fidelity to the king.
“At Amercote, upon Sunday the fifth of Rigib, in the year nine hundred
and forty-nine, the prince Akber was brought forth by Hamida Banu
Begum. The king, after returning thanks to God, left his family under
the protection of Raja Rana, and, by the aid of that prince, marched
against Bicker.” Dow’s _Ferishta_ [2nd ed. ii. 136 ff. Compare that of
Briggs ii. 93 ff.].
Footnote 4.10.16:
[Four are usually reckoned: Islām Shāh, Muhammad Shāh Ādil, Ibrāhīm
Shāh, and Sikandar Shāh.]
Footnote 4.10.17:
A.D. 1554.
Footnote 4.10.18:
[At the Sher Mandal in Purāna Kila, Delhi, on January 24, 1556.]
Footnote 4.10.19:
There are excellent grounds for a parallel between Akbar and Henry IV.
and between Bairam and Sully, who were, moreover, almost
contemporaries. The haughty and upright Bairam was at length goaded
from rebellion to exile, and died by assassination only four years
after Akbar’s accession. [January 31, 1561.] The story is one of the
most useful lessons of history. [The life of Akbar has been fully
told, with much new evidence, by V. A. Smith, _Akbar the Great Mogul_,
1917.]
Footnote 4.10.20:
A.H. 975, or A.D. 1567.
Footnote 4.10.21:
A.D. 1556; both were under thirteen years of age.
Footnote 4.10.22:
If we argue this according to a Rajput’s notions, he will reject the
compromise, and say that the son of Sanga should have evinced himself
worthy of his descent, under whatever circumstances fortune might have
placed him.
Footnote 4.10.23:
The pulpit or platform of the Islamite preachers.
Footnote 4.10.24:
Malik Bāyazīd was the name of the Malwa sovereign ere he came to the
throne, corrupted by Europeans to Bajazet. He is always styled ‘Baz
Bahadur’ in the annals of Mewar.
Footnote 4.10.25:
Battlements.
Footnote 4.10.26:
The last book of Chand opens with this vision.
Footnote 4.10.27:
[Ferishta ii. 299 ff. “It does not appear when that attempt was made,
and it is difficult to find a place for it in Abu-l Fazl’s chronology,
but there is also difficulty in believing the alleged fact to be an
invention” (Smith, _Akbar, the Great Mogul_, 81).]
Footnote 4.10.28:
Of which _horde_ is a corruption.
Footnote 4.10.29:
There are two villages of this name. This is on the lake called
Mansarowar on whose bank I obtained that invaluable inscription (see
No. 2) in the nail-headed character, which settled the establishment
of the Guhilot in Chitor, at a little more than (as Orme has remarked)
one thousand years. To the eternal regret of my Yati Guru and myself,
a barbarian Brahman servant, instead of having it copied, broke the
venerable column to bring the inscription to Udaipur.
Footnote 4.10.30:
It is as perfect as when constructed, being of immense blocks of
compact white limestone, closely fitted to each other; its height
thirty feet, the base a square of twelve, and summit four feet, to
which a staircase conducts. A huge concave vessel was then filled with
fire, which served as a night-beacon to this ambulatory city, where
all nations and tongues were assembled, or to guide the foragers.
Akbar, who was ambitious of being the founder of a new faith as well
as kingdom, had tried every creed, Jewish, Hindu, and even made some
progress in the doctrines of Christianity, and may have in turn
affected those of Zardusht, and assuredly this pyramid possesses more
of the appearance of a pyreum than a ‘diwa’; though either would have
fulfilled the purport of a beacon. [Mr. V. A. Smith, quoting Kavi Rāj
Shyāmal Dās, ‘Antiquities at Nagari’ (_JASB_, Part i. vol. lvi.
(1887), p. 75), corrects the statements in this note. There was no
interior staircase, and more accurate measurements are: height, 36 ft.
7 in.; 14 ft. 1 in. square at base; 3 ft. 3 in. square at apex. The
tower is solid for 4 ft., then hollow for 20 ft., and solid again up
to the top. The building may be very ancient, though used by Akbar as
alleged by popular tradition; probably a wooden ladder gave access to
the chamber and to the summit. The original purpose of the building,
which stands near Nagari, some six miles N.E. of Chitor, is uncertain
(_Akbar the Great Mogul_, 86, note).]
Footnote 4.10.31:
The Sangawats, not the sons of Rana Sanga, but of a chieftain of
Chonda’s kin, whose name is the patronymic of one of its principal
subdivisions, of whom the chief of Deogarh is now head (see p. 188).
Footnote 4.10.32:
Of the Panchaenot branch.
Footnote 4.10.33:
One of the Shaikhavat subdivisions.
Footnote 4.10.34:
The abode of the Chondawat leader. It is common to call them by the
name of their estates.
Footnote 4.10.35:
[He must have been older, as he left two sons, and had already served
in defence of Merta (Smith, _op. cit._ 88).]
Footnote 4.10.36:
The bira, or pan, the aromatic leaf so called, enveloping spices,
_terra japonica_, calcined shell-lime, and pieces of the areca nut, is
always presented on taking leave.
Footnote 4.10.37:
[His name appears to have been Sālivāhan, and as he had married a
Sesodia princess, he was bound to fight for the Rāna (_ASR_, ii.
394).]
Footnote 4.10.38:
“Chait sudi igārahwān, S. 1624,” 11th Chait, or May, A.D. 1568. [The
Musalmān writers give February 23, 1568 (_Akbarnāma_, ii. 471;
Elliot-Dowson v. 327; _cf._ Badaoni ii. 111).]
Footnote 4.10.39:
Grand kettle-drums, about eight or ten feet in diameter.
Footnote 4.10.40:
The _tija sakha Chitor ra_, or ‘third sack of Chitor,’ was marked by
the most illiterate atrocity, for every monument spared by Ala or
Bayazid was defaced, which has left an indelible stain on Akbar’s name
as a lover of the arts, as well as of humanity. Ala’s assault was
comparatively harmless, as the care of the fortress was assigned to a
Hindu prince; and Bayazid had little time to fulfil this part of the
Mosaic law, maintained with rigid severity by the followers of
Islamism. Besides, at those periods, they possessed both the skill and
the means to reconstruct: not so after Akbar, as the subsequent
portion of the annals will show but a struggle for existence. The arts
do not flourish amidst penury: the principle to construct cannot long
survive, when the means to execute are fled; and in the monumental
works of Chitor we can trace the gradations of genius, its splendour
and decay. [There is no good evidence that Akbar destroyed the
buildings (Smith, _op. cit._ 90).]
Footnote 4.10.41:
"He (Akber) named the matchlock with which he shot Jeimul _Singram_,
being one of great superiority and choice, and with which he had slain
three or four thousand birds and beasts" (_Jahangir-namah_). [Ed.
Rogers-Beveridge 45; _Āīn_, i. 116, 617; Badaoni ii. 107.]
Footnote 4.10.42:
“I find nothing remarkable at the entry but two great elephants of
stone, which are in the two sides of one of the gates. Upon one of
them is the statue of Jamel (Jeimul), that famous raja of Cheetore,
and upon the other Potter (Putta) his brother. These are two gallant
men that, together with their mother, who was yet braver than they,
cut out so much work for Ekbar; and who, in the sieges of towns which
they maintained against him, gave such extraordinary proofs of their
generosity, that at length they would rather be killed in the outfalls
(sallies) with their mother, than submit; and for this gallantry it
is, that even their enemies thought them worthy to have these statues
erected to them. These two great elephants, together with the two
resolute men sitting on them, do at the first entry into this fortress
make an impression of I know not what greatness and awful terror”
(_Letter written at Delhi, 1st July 1663, from edition printed in
London in 1684_, in the author’s possession). [Ed. V. A. Smith, 256.]
Such the impression made on a Parisian a century after the event: but
far more powerful the charm to the author of these annals, as he
pondered on the spot where Jaimall received the fatal shot from
Sangram, or placed flowers on the cenotaph that marks the fall of the
son of Chonda and the mansion of Patta, whence issued the Sesodia
matron and her daughter. Every foot of ground is hallowed by ancient
recollections. [For the question of these statues see V. A. Smith,
_HFA_, 426; _ASR_, i. 225 ff.; Manucci, ii. 11.]
In these the reader may in some degree participate, as the plate gives
in the distance the ruins of the dwellings both of Jaimall and Patta
on the projection of the rock, as well as ‘the ringlet on the forehead
of Chitor,’ the column of victory raised by Lakha Rana.
Footnote 4.10.43:
The _man_ is of four seers: the maund is forty, or seventy-five
pounds. Dow, calculating all the captured wealth of India by the
latter, has rendered many facts improbable. [The _man_ in the _Āīn_
was 55½ lbs.]
Footnote 4.10.44:
[Sir H. M. Elliot proved that the use of 74½ is merely a modification
of the figures 74¹⁰⁄₁₆, meaning apparently 84, a sacred number
(_Supplemental Glossary_, 197). In the Central Provinces it is said
that it originated in Jahāngīr’s slaughter of the Nāgar Brāhmans, when
7450 of them threw away their sacred cords and became Sūdras to save
their lives (Russell, _Tribes and Castes_, ii. 395).]
Footnote 4.10.45:
‘_Chitor marya ra pap_’: _ra_ is the sign of the genitive, in the
Doric tongue of Mewar, the _ka_ of the refined.
Footnote 4.10.46:
Classically _Udayapura_, the city of the East; from _udaya_
(_oriens_), the point of sunrise, as _asta_ (west) is of sunset.
Footnote 4.10.47:
Ceres—The Aheria, or _Mahurat ka Shikar_, will be explained in the
Personal Narrative, as it would here break the connexion of events.
-----
CHAPTER 11
=Rāna Partāp Singh, A.D. 1572-97.=—Partap[4.11.1] succeeded to the
titles and renown of an illustrious house, but without a capital,
without resources, his kindred and clans dispirited by reverses: yet
possessed of the noble spirit of his race, he meditated the recovery of
Chitor, the vindication of the honour of his house, and the restoration
of its power. Elevated with this design, he hurried into conflict with
his powerful antagonist, nor stooped to calculate the means which were
opposed to him. Accustomed to read in his country’s annals the splendid
deeds of his forefathers, and that Chitor had more than once been the
prison of their foes, he trusted that the revolutions of fortune might
co-operate with his own efforts to overturn the unstable throne of
Delhi. The reasoning was as just as it was noble; but whilst he gave
loose to those lofty aspirations which meditated liberty to Mewar, his
crafty opponent was counteracting his views by a scheme of policy which,
when disclosed, filled his heart with anguish. The wily Mogul arrayed
against Partap his kindred in faith as well as blood. The princes of
Marwar, Amber, Bikaner, and even Bundi, late his firm ally, took part
with Akbar and upheld despotism. Nay, even his own brother,
Sagarji,[4.11.2] deserted him, and received, as the price of his
treachery, the ancient capital of his race, and the title which that
possession conferred [332].
=Rāna Partāp Singh resists the Moguls.=—But the magnitude of the peril
confirmed the fortitude of Partap, who vowed, in the words of the bard,
“to make his mother’s milk resplendent”; and he amply redeemed his
pledge. Single-handed, for a quarter of a century did he withstand the
combined efforts of the empire; at one time carrying destruction into
the plains, at another flying from rock to rock, feeding his family from
the fruits of his native hills, and rearing the nursling hero Amra,
amidst savage beasts and scarce less savage men, a fit heir to his
prowess and revenge. The bare idea that “the son of Bappa Rawal should
bow the head to mortal man,” was insupportable; and he spurned every
overture which had submission for its basis, or the degradation of
uniting his family by marriage with the Tatar, though lord of countless
multitudes.
The brilliant acts he achieved during that period live in every valley;
they are enshrined in the heart of every true Rajput, and many are
recorded in the annals of the conquerors. To recount them all, or relate
the hardships he sustained, would be to pen what they would pronounce a
romance who had not traversed the country where tradition is yet
eloquent with his exploits, or conversed with the descendants of his
chiefs, who cherish a recollection of the deeds of their forefathers,
and melt, as they recite them, into manly tears.[4.11.3]
Partap was nobly supported; and though wealth and fortune tempted the
fidelity of his chiefs, not one was found base enough to abandon him.
The sons of Jaimall shed their blood in his cause, along with the
successors of Patta—the house of Salumbar redoubled the claims of Chonda
to fidelity; and these five lustres of adversity are the brightest in
the chequered page of the history of Mewar. Nay, some chiefs, attracted
by the very desperation of his fortunes, pressed to his standard, to
combat and die with Partap. Amongst these was the Delwara chief, whose
devotion gained him the prince’s ‘right hand.’
=The Vow of Rāna Partāp Singh.=—To commemorate the desolation of Chitor,
which the bardic historian represents as a ‘widow’ despoiled of the
ornaments to her loveliness, Partap interdicted to himself and his
successors every article of luxury or pomp, until the insignia of her
glory should be redeemed. The gold and silver dishes were laid aside
[333] for _pattras_[4.11.4] of leaves; their beds henceforth of straw,
and their beards left untouched. But in order more distinctly to mark
their fallen fortune and stimulate to its recovery, he commanded that
the martial _nakkaras_, which always sounded in the van of battle or
processions, should follow in the rear. This last sign of the depression
of Mewar still survives; the beard is yet untouched by the shears; and
even in the subterfuge by which the patriot king’s behest is set aside,
we have a tribute to his memory: for though his descendant eats off gold
and silver, and sleeps upon a bed, he places the leaves beneath the one
and straw under the other.[4.11.5]
Often was Partap heard to exclaim, “Had Udai Singh never been, or none
intervened between him and Sanga Rana, no Turk should ever have given
laws to Rajasthan.” Hindu society had assumed a new form within the
century preceding: the wrecks of dominion from the Jumna and Ganges had
been silently growing into importance; and Amber and Marwar had attained
such power, that the latter single-handed coped with the imperial Sher
Shah; while numerous minor chieftainships were attaining shape and
strength on both sides the Chambal. A prince of commanding genius alone
was wanting, to snatch the sceptre of dominion from the Islamite. Such a
leader they found in Sanga, who possessed every quality which extorts
spontaneous obedience, and the superiority of whose birth, as well as
dignity, were admitted without cavil, from the Himalaya to
Rameswaram.[4.11.6] These States had powerful motives to obey such a
leader, in the absence of whom their ancient patrimony was lost; and
such they would have found renewed in Sanga’s grandson, Partap, had Udai
Singh not existed, or had a less gifted sovereign than Akbar been his
contemporary.
With the aid of some chiefs of judgment and experience, Partap
remodelled his government, adapting it to the exigencies of the times
and to his slender resources. New grants were issued, with regulations
defining the service required. Kumbhalmer, now the seat of government,
was strengthened, as well as Gogunda and other mountain fortresses; and,
being unable to keep the field in the plains [334] of Mewar, he followed
the system of his ancestors, and commanded his subjects, on pain of
death, to retire into the mountains. During the protracted contest, the
fertile tracts watered by the Banas and the Berach, from the Aravalli
chain west to the eastern tableland, were _be chiragh_, ‘without a
lamp.’
Many tales are related of the unrelenting severity with which Partap
enforced obedience to this stern policy. Frequently, with a few horse,
he issued forth to see that his commands were obeyed. The silence of the
desert prevailed in the plains; grass had usurped the place of the
waving corn; the highways were choked with the thorny babul,[4.11.7] and
beasts of prey made their abode in the habitations of his subjects. In
the midst of this desolation, a single goatherd, trusting to elude
observation, disobeyed his prince’s injunction, and pastured his flock
in the luxuriant meadows of Untala, on the banks of the Banas. After a
few questions, he was killed and hung up _in terrorem_. By such
patriotic severity Partap rendered ‘the garden of Rajasthan’ of no value
to the conqueror, and the commerce already established between the Mogul
court and Europe, conveyed through Mewar from Surat and other ports, was
intercepted and plundered.
=Akbar attacks Rāna Partāp Singh, A.D. 1576.=—Akbar took the field
against the Rajput prince, establishing his headquarters at Ajmer. This
celebrated fortress, destined ultimately to be one of the twenty-two
subahs of his empire and an imperial residence, had admitted for some
time a royal garrison. Maldeo of Marwar, who had so ably opposed the
usurper Sher Shah, was compelled to follow the example of his brother
prince, Bhagwandas of Amber, and to place himself at the footstool of
Akbar: only two years subsequent to Partap’s accession, after a brave
but fruitless resistance in Merta and Jodhpur, he sent his son, Udai
Singh, to pay homage to the king.[4.11.8] Akbar received him at Nagor,
on his route to Ajmer, on which occasion the Raos of Mandor were made
Rajas; and as the heir of Marwar was of uncommon bulk, the title by
which he was afterwards known in Rajasthan was Mota Raja,[4.11.9] and
henceforth the descendants of the kings of Kanauj had the ‘right hand’
of the emperor of the Moguls. But the Rathor was greater in his native
pride than with all the accession of dignity or power which accrued on
his sacrifice of Rajput principles [335]. Udai ‘le gros’ was the first
of his race who gave a daughter in marriage to a Tatar. The bribe for
which he bartered his honour was splendid; for four provinces,[4.11.10]
yielding £200,000 of annual revenue, were given in exchange for Jodh
Bai,[4.11.11] at once doubling the fisc of Marwar. With such examples as
Amber and Marwar, and with less power to resist the temptation, the
minor chiefs of Rajasthan, with a brave and numerous vassalage, were
transformed into satraps of Delhi, and the importance of most of them
was increased by the change. Truly did the Mogul historian designate
them “at once the props and the ornaments of the throne.”
=Rāna Partāp Singh deserted by Rājput Princes.=—But these were fearful
odds against Partap: the arms of his countrymen thus turned upon him,
derived additional weight from their self-degradation, which kindled
into jealousy and hatred against the magnanimous resolution they wanted
the virtue to imitate. When Hindu prejudice was thus violated by every
prince in Rajasthan (that of Bundi alone excepted[4.11.12]), the Rana
renounced all alliance with those who were thus degraded; and in order
to carry on the line, he sought out and incorporated with the first
class of nobles of his own kin the descendants of the ancient princes of
Delhi, of Patan, of Marwar, and of Dhar. To the eternal honour of Partap
and his issue be it told, that to the very close of the monarchy of the
Moguls, they not only refused such alliance with the throne, but even
with their brother princes of Marwar and Amber. It is a proud triumph of
virtue to record, from the autograph letters of the most powerful of
their princes, Bakhta Singh and Jai Singh, that whilst they had risen to
greatness from the surrender of principle, as Mewar had decayed from her
adherence to it, they should, even while basking in court favour,
solicit, and that humbly, to be readmitted to the honour of matrimonial
intercourse—‘to be purified,’ ‘to be regenerated,’ ‘to be made Rajputs’:
and that this was granted only on condition of their abjuring the
contaminating practice which had disunited them for more than a century;
with the additional stipulation, that the issue of marriage with the
house [336] of Mewar should be the heirs to those they entered:
conditions which the decline of the empire prevented from being broken.
=Rāja Mān Singh and Rāna Partāp Singh.=—An anecdote illustrative of the
settled repugnance of this noble family to sully the purity of its blood
may here be related, as its result had a material influence on its
subsequent condition. Raja Man, who had succeeded to the throne of
Amber, was the most celebrated of his race, and from him may be dated
the rise of his country. This prince exemplified the wisdom of that
policy which Babur adopted to strengthen his conquest; that of
connecting his family by ties of marriage with the Hindus. It has been
already related, that Humayun espoused a daughter of Bhagwandas,
consequently Raja Man was brother-in-law to Akbar.[4.11.13] His courage
and talents well seconded this natural advantage, and he became the most
conspicuous of all the generals of the empire. To him Akbar was indebted
for half his triumphs. The Kachhwaha bards find a delightful theme in
recounting his exploits, from the snow-clad Caucasus to the shores of
the ‘golden Chersonese.’[4.11.14] Let the eye embrace these extremes of
his conquests, Kabul and the Paropanisos of Alexander, and Arakan (a
name now well known) on the Indian Ocean; the former reunited, the
latter subjugated, to the empire by a Rajput prince and a Rajput army.
But Akbar knew the master-key to Hindu feeling, and by his skill
overcame prejudices deemed insurmountable, and many are the tales yet
told of their blind devotion to their favourite emperor.
Raja Man was returning from the conquest of Sholapur to Hindustan when
he invited himself to an interview with Partap, then at Kumbhalmer, who
advanced to the Udaisagar to receive him. On the mound which embanks
this lake a feast was prepared for the prince of Amber. The board was
spread, the Raja summoned, and Prince Amra appointed to wait upon him;
but no Rana appeared, for whose absence apologies alleging headache were
urged by his son, with the request [337] that Raja Man would waive all
ceremony, receive his welcome, and commence. The prince, in a tone at
once dignified and respectful, replied: "Tell the Rana I can divine the
cause of his headache; but the error is irremediable, and if he refuses
to put a plate (_kansa_) before me, who will?" Further subterfuge was
useless. The Rana expressed his regret; but added, that “he could not
eat with a Rajput who gave his sister to a Turk, and who probably ate
with him.” Raja Man was unwise to have risked this disgrace: and if the
invitation went from Partap, the insult was ungenerous as well as
impolitic; but of this he is acquitted. Raja Man left the feast
untouched, _save the few grains of rice he offered to Anndeva,_[4.11.15]
_which he placed in his turban_, observing as he withdrew: “It was for
the preservation of your honour that we sacrificed our own, and gave our
sisters and our daughters to the Turk; but abide in peril, if such be
your resolve, for this country shall not hold you”; and mounting his
horse he turned to the Rana, who appeared at this abrupt termination of
his visit, “If I do not humble your pride, my name is not Man”: to which
Partap replied, “he should always be happy to meet him”; while some one,
in less dignified terms, desired he would not forget to bring his
‘_Phupha_’ [father’s sister’s husband], Akbar. The ground was deemed
impure where the feast was spread: it was broken up and lustrated with
the water of the Ganges, and the chiefs who witnessed the humiliation of
one they deemed apostate, bathed and changed their vestments, as if
polluted by his presence. Every act was reported to the emperor, who was
exasperated at the insult thus offered to himself, and who justly
dreaded the revival of those prejudices he had hoped were vanquished;
and it hastened the first of those sanguinary battles which have
immortalised the name of Partap: nor will Haldighat be forgotten while a
Sesodia occupies Mewar, or a bard survives to relate the tale.
=Salīm’s Campaign, A.D. 1576.=—Prince Salim, the heir of Delhi,[4.11.16]
led the war, guided by the counsels of Raja Man and the distinguished
apostate son of Sagarji, Mahabat Khan. Partap trusted to his native
hills and the valour of twenty-two thousand Rajputs to withstand the son
of Akbar. The divisions of the royal army encountered little opposition
at the exterior defiles by which they penetrated the western side of the
[338] Aravalli, concentrating as they approached the chief pass which
conducted to the vulnerable part of this intricate country.
=Battle of Haldīghāt or Gogūnda, June 18, 1576.=—The range to which
Partap was restricted was the mountainous region around, though chiefly
to the west of the new capital. From north to south, Kumbhalmer to
Rakhabhnath,[4.11.17] about eighty miles in length; and in breadth, from
Mirpur west to Satola east, about the same. The whole of this space is
mountain and forest, valley and stream. The approaches to the capital
from every point to the north, west, and south are so narrow as to merit
the term of defile; on each side lofty perpendicular rocks, with
scarcely breadth for two carriages abreast, across which are those
ramparts of nature termed _Col_ in the mountain scenery of Europe, which
occasionally open into spaces sufficiently capacious to encamp a large
force. Such was the plain of Haldighat, at the base of a neck of
mountain which shut up the valley and rendered it almost
inaccessible.[4.11.18] Above and below the Rajputs were posted, and on
the cliffs and pinnacles overlooking the field of battle, the faithful
aborigines, the Bhil, with his natural weapon the bow and arrow, and
huge stones ready to roll upon the combatant enemy.
At this pass Partap was posted with the flower of Mewar, and glorious
was the struggle for its maintenance. Clan after clan followed with
desperate intrepidity, emulating the daring of their prince, who led the
crimson banner into the hottest part of the field. In vain he strained
every nerve to encounter Raja Man; but though denied the luxury of
revenge on his Rajput foe, he made good a passage to where Salim
commanded. His guards fell before Partap, and but for the steel plates
which defended his howda, the lance of the Rajput would have deprived
Akbar of his heir. His steed, the gallant Chetak, nobly seconded his
lord, and is represented in all the historical drawings of this battle
with one foot raised upon the elephant of the Mogul, while his rider has
his lance propelled against his foe. The conductor, destitute of the
means of defence, was slain, when the infuriated animal, now without
control, carried off Salim. On this spot the carnage was immense: the
Moguls eager to defend Salim; the heroes of Mewar to second their
prince, who had already received seven wounds [339].[4.11.19] Marked by
the ‘royal umbrella,’ which he would not lay aside, and which collected
the might of the enemy against him, Partap was thrice rescued from
amidst the foe, and was at length nearly overwhelmed, when the Jhala
chief gave a signal instance of fidelity, and extricated him with the
loss of his own life. Mana seized upon the insignia of Mewar, and
rearing the ‘gold sun’ over his own head, made good his way to an
intricate position, drawing after him the brunt of the battle, while his
prince was forced from the field. With all his brave vassals the noble
Jhala fell; and in remembrance of the deed his descendants have, since
the day of Haldighat, borne the regal ensigns of Mewar, and enjoyed ‘the
right hand of her princes.’[4.11.20] But this desperate valour was
unavailing against such a force, with a numerous field artillery and a
dromedary corps mounting swivels; and of twenty-two thousand Rajputs
assembled on that day for the defence of Haldighat, only eight thousand
quitted the field alive.[4.11.21]
=The Escape of Rāna Partāp Singh.=—Partap, unattended, fled on the
gallant Chetak, who had borne him through the day, and who saved him now
by leaping a mountain stream when closely pursued by two Mogul chiefs,
whom this impediment momentarily checked. But Chetak, like his master,
was wounded; his pursuers gained upon Partap, and the flash from the
flinty rock announced them at his heels, when, in the broad accents of
his native tongue, the salutation _Ho! nila ghora ra aswar_, ‘Ho! rider
of the blue horse,’ made him look back, and he beheld but a single
horseman: that horseman his brother.
Sakta, whose personal enmity to Partap had made him a traitor to Mewar,
beheld from the ranks of Akbar the ‘blue horse’ flying unattended.
Resentment was extinguished, and a feeling of affection, mingling with
sad and humiliating recollections, took possession of his bosom. He
joined in the pursuit, but only to slay the pursuers, who fell beneath
his lance; and now, for the first time in their lives, the brothers
embraced in friendship. Here Chetak fell, and as the Rana unbuckled his
caparison to place it upon Ankara, presented to him by his brother, the
noble steed expired. An altar was raised, and yet marks the spot, where
Chetak[4.11.22] died; and the entire scene may be seen painted on the
walls of half the houses of the capital [340].
The greeting between the brothers was necessarily short; but the merry
Sakta, who was attached to Salim’s personal force, could not let it pass
without a joke; and inquiring “how a man felt when flying for his life?”
he quitted Partap with the assurance of reunion the first safe
opportunity. On rejoining Salim, the truth of Sakta was greatly doubted
when he related that Partap had not only slain his pursuers, but his own
steed, which obliged him to return on that of the Khorasani. Prince
Salim pledged his word to pardon him if he related the truth; when Sakta
replied, “The burthen of a kingdom is on my brother’s shoulders, nor
could I witness his danger without defending him from it.” Salim kept
his word, but dismissed the future head of the Saktawats. Determined to
make a suitable nazar on his introduction, he redeemed Bhainsror by a
_coup de main_, and joined Partap at Udaipur, who made him a grant of
the conquest, which long remained the chief abode of the
Saktawats;[4.11.23] and since the day when this, their founder,
preserved the life of his brother and prince against his Mogul pursuers,
the birad of the bard to all of his race is _Khorasani Multani ka Agal_,
‘the barrier to Khorasan and Multan,’ from which countries were the
chiefs he slew.
On the 7th of Sawan, S. 1632 (July, A.D. 1576), a day ever memorable in
her annals, the best blood of Mewar irrigated the pass of Haldighat. Of
the nearest kin of the prince five hundred were slain: the exiled prince
of Gwalior, Ramsah, his son Khanderao, with three hundred and fifty of
his brave Tuar clan, paid the debt of gratitude with their lives. Since
their expulsion by Babur they had found sanctuary in Mewar, whose
princes diminished their feeble revenues to maintain inviolable the
rites of hospitality.[4.11.24] Mana, the devoted Jhala, lost one hundred
and fifty of his vassals, and every house of Mewar mourned its chief
support.
=Siege of Kumbhalmer.=—Elate with victory, Salim left the hills. The
rainy season had set in, which impeded operations, and obtained for
Partap a few months of repose; but with the spring the foe returned,
when he was again defeated,[4.11.25] and took post in Kumbhalmer, which
was invested by the Koka, Shahbaz Khan. He here made a gallant and [341]
protracted resistance, and did not retire till insects rendered the
water of the Naugun well, their sole resource, impure.[4.11.26] To the
treachery of the Deora chief of Abu, who was now with Akbar, this deed
is imputed. Partap thence withdrew to Chawand,[4.11.27] while Bhan, the
Sonigira chief, defended the place to the last, and was slain in the
assault. On this occasion also fell the chief bard of Mewar, who
inspired by his deeds, as well as by his song, the spirit of resistance
to the ‘ruthless king,’ and whose laudatory couplets on the deeds of his
lord are still in every mouth. But the spirit of poesy died not with
him, for princes and nobles, Hindu and Turk, vied with each other in
exalting the patriot Partap, in strains replete with those sentiments
which elevate the mind of the martial Rajput, who is inflamed into
action by this national excitement.
=Further Imperialist Advance.=—On the fall of Kumbhalmer, the castles of
Dharmeti and Gogunda were invested by Raja Man. Mahabat Khan took
possession of Udaipur; and while a prince of the blood[4.11.28] cut off
the resources furnished by the inhabitants of Oghna Panarwra, Khan Farid
invaded Chappan, and approached Chawand from the south. Thus beset on
every side, dislodged from the most secret retreats, and hunted from
glen to glen, there appeared no hope for Partap: yet, even while his
pursuers deemed him panting in some obscure lurking-place, he would by
mountain signals reassemble his bands, and assail them unawares and
often unguarded. By a skilful manœuvre, Farid, who dreamed of nothing
less than making the Rajput prince his prisoner, was blocked up in a
defile and his force cut off to a man. Unaccustomed to such warfare, the
mercenary Moguls became disgusted in combating a foe seldom tangible;
while the monsoon swelled the mountain streams, filling the reservoirs
with mineral poisons and the air with pestilential exhalations. The
periodical rains accordingly always brought some respite to Partap.
Years thus rolled away, each ending with a diminution of his means and
an increase to his misfortunes. His family was his chief source of
anxiety: he dreaded their captivity, an apprehension often on the point
of being realised. On one occasion they were saved by the faithful Bhils
of Kava, who carried them in wicker baskets and concealed them in the
tin mines of Jawara, where they guarded [342] and fed them. Bolts and
rings are still preserved in the trees about Jawara and Chawand, to
which baskets were suspended, the only cradles of the royal children of
Mewar, in order to preserve them from the tiger and the wolf. Yet amidst
such complicated evils the fortitude of Partap remained unshaken, and a
spy sent by Akbar represented the Rajput and his chiefs seated at a
scanty meal, maintaining all the etiquette observed in prosperity, the
Rana bestowing the _dauna_ to the most deserving, and which, though only
of the wild fruit of the country, was received with all the reverence of
better days. Such inflexible magnanimity touched the soul of
Akbar,[4.11.29] and extorted the homage of every chief in Rajasthan; nor
could those who swelled the gorgeous train of the emperor withhold their
admiration. Nay, these annals have preserved some stanzas addressed by
the Khankhanan,[4.11.30] the first of the satraps of Delhi, to the noble
Rajput, in his native tongue, applauding his valour and stimulating his
perseverance: “All is unstable in this world: land and wealth will
disappear, but the virtue of a great name lives for ever. Patta[4.11.31]
abandoned wealth and land, but never bowed the head: alone, of all the
princes of Hind, he preserved the honour of his race.”
But there were moments when the wants of those dearer than his own life
almost excited him to frenzy. The wife of his bosom was insecure, even
in the rock or the cave; and his infants, heirs to every luxury, were
weeping around him for food: for with such pertinacity did the Mogul
myrmidons pursue them, that “five meals have been prepared and abandoned
for want of opportunity to eat them.” On one occasion his queen and his
son’s wife were preparing a few cakes from the flour of the meadow
grass,[4.11.32] of which one was given to each; half for the present,
the rest for a future meal. Partap was stretched beside them pondering
on his misfortunes, when a piercing cry from his daughter roused him
from reflection: a wild cat had darted on the reserved portion of food,
and the agony of hunger made her shrieks insupportable. Until that
moment his fortitude had been unsubdued. He had beheld his sons and his
kindred fall around him on the field without emotion—“For this the
Rajput was born”; but the lamentation of his children for food “unmanned
him.” He cursed the name of royalty, if only to be enjoyed on such
conditions, and he demanded of Akbar a mitigation of his hardships
[343].
=Submission of Rāna Partāp Singh.=—Overjoyed at this indication of
submission, the emperor commanded public rejoicings, and exultingly
showed the letter to Prithiraj, a Rajput compelled to follow the
victorious car of Akbar. Prithiraj was the younger brother of the prince
of Bikaner,[4.11.33] a State recently grown out of the Rathors of
Marwar, and which, being exposed in the flats of the desert, had no
power to resist the example of its elder, Maldeo. Prithiraj was one of
the most gallant chieftains of the age, and like the Troubadour princes
of the west, could grace a cause with the soul-inspiring effusions of
the muse, as well as aid it with his sword: nay, in an assembly of the
bards of Rajasthan, the palm of merit was unanimously awarded to the
Rathor cavalier. He adored the very name of Partap, and the intelligence
filled him with grief. With all the warmth and frankness of his nature,
he told the king it was a forgery of some foe to the fame of the Rajput
prince. “I know him well,” said he; “for your crown he would not submit
to your terms.” He requested and obtained permission from the king to
transmit by his courier a letter to Partap, ostensibly to ascertain the
fact of his submission, but really with the view to prevent it. On this
occasion he composed those couplets, still admired, and which for the
effect they produced will stand comparison with any of the _sirventes_
of the Troubadours of the west.[4.11.34]
"The hopes of the Hindu rest on the Hindu; yet the Rana forsakes them.
But for Partap, all would be placed on the same level by Akbar; for our
chiefs have lost their valour and our females their honour. Akbar is the
broker in the market of our race: all has he purchased but the son of
Uda; he is beyond his price. What true Rajput would part with honour for
nine days (_nauroza_); yet how many have bartered it away? Will Chitor
come to this market, when all have disposed of the chief article of the
Khatri? Though Patta has squandered away wealth, yet this treasure has
he preserved. Despair has driven man to this mart, to witness their
dishonour: from such infamy the descendant of Hamir alone has been
preserved. The world asks, whence the concealed aid of Partap? None but
the soul of manliness and his sword: with it, well has he maintained the
Khatri’s pride. This broker in the market [344] of men will one day be
overreached; he cannot live for ever: then will our race come to Partap,
for the seed of the Rajput to sow in our desolate lands. To him all look
for its preservation, that its purity may again become resplendent."
=Rally of Rāna Partāp Singh.=—This effusion of the Rathor was equal to
ten thousand men; it nerved the drooping mind of Partap, and roused him
into action: for it was a noble incentive to find every eye of his race
fixed upon him.
=The Nauroza.=—The allusion of the princely poet in the phrase,
“bartering their honour on the Nauroza,” requires some explanation. The
Nauroza, or ‘New Year’s Day,’ when the sun enters Aries, is one of great
festivity among the Muhammadan princes of the East; but of that alluded
to by Prithiraj we can form an adequate idea from the historian Abu-l
Fazl.[4.11.35]
It is not New Year’s Day, but a festival especially instituted by Akbar,
and to which he gave the epithet Khushroz, ‘day of pleasure,’ held on
the ninth day (_nauroza_), following the chief festival of each month.
The court assembled, and was attended by all ranks. The queen also had
her court, when the wives of the nobles and of the Rajput vassal princes
were congregated. But the Khushroz was chiefly marked by a fair held
within the precincts of the court, attended only by females. The
merchants’ wives exposed the manufactures of every clime, and the ladies
of the court were the purchasers.[4.11.36] “His majesty is also there in
disguise, by which means he learns the value of merchandise, and hears
what is said of the state of the empire and the character of the
officers of government.” The ingenuous Abu-l Fazl thus softens down the
unhallowed purpose of this day; but posterity cannot admit that the
great Akbar was to obtain these results amidst the Pushto jargon of the
dames of Islam, or the mixed Bhakha of the fair of [345] Rajasthan.
These ‘ninth day fairs’ are the markets in which Rajput honour was
bartered, and to which the brave Prithiraj makes allusion.[4.11.37]
=Akbar and Rajput Ladies.=—It is scarcely to be credited that a
statesman like Akbar should have hazarded his popularity or his power,
by the introduction of a custom alike appertaining to the Celtic races
of Europe as to these the Goths of Asia;[4.11.38] and that he should
seek to degrade those whom the chances of war had made his vassals, by
conduct so nefarious and repugnant to the keenly cherished feelings of
the Rajput. Yet there is not a shadow of doubt that many of the noblest
of the race were dishonoured on the Nauroza; and the chivalrous
Prithiraj was only preserved from being of the number by the high
courage and virtue of his wife, a princess of Mewar, and daughter of the
founder of the Saktawats. On one of these celebrations of the Khushroz,
the monarch of the Moguls was struck with the beauty of the daughter of
Mewar, and he singled her out from amidst the united fair of Hind as the
object of his passion. It is not improbable that an ungenerous feeling
united with that already impure, to despoil the Sesodias of their
honour, through a princess of their house under the protection of the
sovereign. On retiring from the fair, she found herself entangled amidst
the labyrinth of apartments by which egress was purposely ordained, when
Akbar stood before her: but instead of acquiescence, she drew a poniard
from her corset, and held it to his breast, dictating, and making him
repeat, the oath of renunciation of the infamy to all her race. The
anecdote is accompanied in the original with many dramatic
circumstances. The guardian goddess of Mewar, the terrific Mata, appears
on her tiger in the subterranean passage of this palace of pollution, to
strengthen her mind by a solemn denunciation [346], and her hand with a
weapon to protect her honour. Rae Singh, the elder brother of the
princely bard, had not been so fortunate; his wife wanted either courage
or virtue to withstand the regal tempter, and she returned to their
dwelling in the desert despoiled of her chastity, but loaded with
jewels; or, as Prithiraj expresses it: “She returned to her abode,
tramping to the tinkling sound of the ornaments of gold and gems on her
person; but where, my brother, is the moustache[4.11.39] on thy lip?”
=Adventures of Rāna Partāp Singh.=—It is time to return to the Aravalli,
and to the patriot prince Partap. Unable to stem the torrent, he had
formed a resolution worthy of his character; he determined to abandon
Mewar and the blood-stained Chitor (no longer the stay of his race), and
to lead his Sesodias to the Indus, plant the ‘crimson banner’ on the
insular capital of the Sogdoi, and leave a desert between him and his
inexorable foe. With his family, and all that was yet noble in Mewar,
his chiefs and vassals, a firm and intrepid band, who preferred exile to
degradation, he descended the Aravalli, and had reached the confines of
the desert, when an incident occurred which made him change his
measures, and still remain a dweller in the land of his forefathers. If
the historic annals of Mewar record acts of unexampled severity, they
are not without instances of unparalleled devotion. The minister of
Partap, whose ancestors had for ages held the office, placed at his
prince’s disposal their accumulated wealth, which, with other resources,
is stated to have been equivalent to the maintenance of twenty-five
thousand men for twelve years. The name of Bhama Sah is preserved as the
saviour of Mewar. With this splendid proof of gratitude, and the
_sirvente_ of Prithiraj as incitements, he again “screwed his courage to
the sticking-place,” collected his bands, and while his foes imagined
that he was endeavouring to effect a retreat through the desert,
surprised Shahbaz in his camp at Dawer, whose troops were cut in pieces.
The fugitives were pursued to Amet, the garrison of which shared the
same fate. Ere they could recover from their consternation, Kumbhalmer
was assaulted and taken; Abdulla and his garrison were put to the sword,
and thirty-two fortified posts in like manner carried by surprise, the
troops being put to death without mercy. To use the words of the annals:
"Partap made a desert of Mewar; he made an [347] offering to the sword
of whatever dwelt in its plains": an appalling but indispensable
sacrifice. In one short campaign (S. 1586, A.D. 1530), he had recovered
all Mewar, except Chitor, Ajmer, and Mandalgarh; and determining to have
a slight ovation in return for the triumph Raja Man had enjoyed (who had
fulfilled to the letter his threat, that Partap should “live in peril”),
he invaded Amber, and sacked its chief mart of commerce, Malpura.
Udaipur was also regained; though this acquisition was so unimportant as
scarcely to merit remark. In all likelihood it was abandoned from the
difficulty of defending it, when all around had submitted to Partap;
though the annals ascribe it to a generous sentiment of Akbar, prompted
by the great Khankhanan, whose mind appears to have been captivated by
the actions of the Rajput prince.[4.11.40] An anecdote is appended to
account for Akbar’s relaxation of severity, but it is of too romantic a
nature even for this part of their annals.
=Mewār left in Peace by the Imperialists.=—Partap was indebted to a
combination of causes for the repose he enjoyed during the latter years
of his life; and though this may be ascribed principally to the new
fields of ambition which occupied the Mogul arms, we are authorized also
to admit the full weight of the influence that the conduct of the Hindu
prince exerted upon Akbar, together with the general sympathy of his
fellow-princes, who swelled the train of the conqueror, and who were too
powerful to be regarded with indifference.
Repose was, however, no boon to the noblest of his race. A mind like
Partap’s could enjoy no tranquillity while, from the summit of the pass
which guarded Udaipur, his eye embraced the Kunguras of Chitor, to which
he must ever be a stranger. To a soul like his, burning for the
redemption of the glory of his race, the mercy thus shown him, in
placing a limit to his hopes, was more difficult of endurance than the
pangs of fabled Tantalus. Imagine the warrior, yet in manhood’s prime,
broken with fatigues and covered with scars, from amidst the fragments
of basaltic ruin[4.11.41] (fit emblem of his own condition!), casting a
wistful eye to [348] the rock stained with the blood of his fathers;
whilst in the ‘dark chamber’ of his mind the scenes of glory enacted
there appeared with unearthly lustre. First, the youthful Bappa, on
whose head was the ‘mor he had won from the Mori’:[4.11.42] the warlike
Samarsi, arming for the last day of Rajput independence, to die with
Prithiraj on the banks of the Ghaggar: again, descending the steep of
Chitor, the twelve sons of Arsi, the crimson banner floating around
each, while from the embattled rock the guardian goddess looked down on
the carnage which secured a perpetuity of sway. Again, in all the pomp
of sacrifice, the Deolia chiefs, Jaimall and Patta; and like the Pallas
of Rajasthan, the Chondawat dame, leading her daughter into the ranks of
destruction: examples for their sons’ and husbands’ imitation. At length
clouds of darkness dimmed the walls of Chitor: from her battlements
‘Kungura Rani’[4.11.43] had fled; the tints of dishonour began to blend
with the visions of glory; and lo! Udai Singh appeared flying from the
rock to which the honour of his house was united. Aghast at the picture
his fancy had portrayed, imagine him turning to the contemplation of his
own desolate condition, indebted for a cessation of persecution to the
most revolting sentiment that can assail an heroic mind—compassion;
compared with which scorn is endurable, contempt even enviable: these he
could retaliate; but for the high-minded, the generous Rajput, to be the
object of that sickly sentiment, pity, was more oppressive than the arms
of his foe.
=The Last Days of Rāna Partāp.=—A premature decay assailed the pride of
Rajasthan; a mind diseased preyed on an exhausted frame, and prostrated
him in the very summer of his days. The last moments of Partap were an
appropriate commentary on his life, which he terminated, like the
Carthaginian, swearing his successor to eternal conflict against the
foes of his country’s independence. But the Rajput prince had not the
same joyful assurance that inspired the Numidian Hamilcar; for his end
was clouded with the presentiment that his son Amra would abandon his
fame for inglorious repose. A powerful sympathy is excited by the
picture which is drawn of this final scene. The dying hero is
represented in a lowly dwelling; his chiefs, the faithful companions of
many a glorious day, awaiting round his pallet the dissolution of their
prince, when a groan of mental anguish made Salumbar inquire [349],
“What afflicted his soul that it would not depart in peace?” He rallied:
“It lingered,” he said, “for some consolatory pledge that his country
should not be abandoned to the Turk”; and with the death-pang upon him,
he related an incident which had guided his estimate of his son’s
disposition, and now tortured him with the reflection that for personal
ease he would forgo the remembrance of his own and his country’s wrongs.
On the banks of the Pichola, Partap and his chiefs had constructed a few
huts[4.11.44] (the site of the future palace of Udaipur), to protect
them during the inclemency of the rains in the day of their distress.
Prince Amra, forgetting the lowliness of the dwelling, a projecting
bamboo of the roof caught the folds of his turban and dragged it off as
he retired. A hasty emotion, which disclosed a varied feeling, was
observed with pain by Partap, who thence adopted the opinion that his
son would never withstand the hardships necessary to be endured in such
a cause. “These sheds,” said the dying prince, “will give way to
sumptuous dwellings, thus generating the love of ease; and luxury with
its concomitants will ensue, to which the independence of Mewar, which
we have bled to maintain, will be sacrificed: and you, my chiefs, will
follow the pernicious example.” They pledged themselves, and became
guarantees for the prince, “by the throne of Bappa Rawal,” that they
would not permit mansions to be raised till Mewar had recovered her
independence. The soul of Partap was satisfied, and with joy he expired.
Thus closed the life of a Rajput whose memory is even now idolized by
every Sesodia, and will continue to be so, till renewed oppression shall
extinguish the remaining sparks of patriotic feeling. May that day never
arrive! yet if such be her destiny, may it, at least, not be hastened by
the arms of Britain!
It is worthy the attention of those who influence the destinies of
States in more favoured climes, to estimate the intensity of feeling
which could arm this prince to oppose the resources of a small
principality against the then most powerful empire of the world, whose
armies were more numerous and far more efficient than any ever led by
the Persian against the liberties of Greece. Had Mewar possessed her
Thucydides or her Xenophon, neither the wars of the Peloponnesus nor the
retreat of the ‘ten thousand’ would have yielded more diversified
incidents for [350] the historic muse, than the deeds of this brilliant
reign amid the many vicissitudes of Mewar. Undaunted heroism, inflexible
fortitude, that which ‘keeps honour bright,’ perseverance,—with fidelity
such as no nation can boast, were the materials opposed to a soaring
ambition, commanding talents, unlimited means, and the fervour of
religious zeal; all, however, insufficient to contend with one
unconquerable mind. There is not a pass in the alpine Aravalli that is
not sanctified by some deed of Partap,—some brilliant victory or,
oftener, more glorious defeat. Haldighat is the Thermopylae of Mewar;
the field of Dawer her Marathon.
-----
Footnote 4.11.1:
[Partāp Singh is usually called by the Muhammadans Rāna Kīka, _Kīka_
(in Mārwār _gīga_, in Mālwa _Kūka_), meaning ‘a small boy’ (_Āīn_, i.
339; Elliot-Dowson v. 397, 410).]
Footnote 4.11.2:
Sagarji held the fortress and lands of Kandhar. His descendants formed
an extensive clan called Sagarawats, who continued to hold Kandhar
till the time of Sawai Jai Singh of Amber, whose situation as one of
the great tatraps of the Mogul court enabled him to wrest it from
Sagarji’s issue, upon their refusal to intermarry with the house of
Amber. The great Mahabat Khan, the most intrepid of Jahangir’s
generals, was an apostate Sagarawat. They established many
chieftainships in Central India, as Umri Bhadaura, Ganeshganj,
Digdoli; places better known to Sindhia’s officers than to the
British. [It is remarkable that the author believed that Mahābat Khān
was a Rājput. This man, the De Montfort of Jahāngīr, had such close
Hindu affinities and associations that he was thought to be a Hindu.
He was a Musulmān, Zamāna Beg of Kābul, best known for his arrest of
Jahāngīr in 1628. He died in 1644. (Jahāngīr, _Memoirs_,
Rogers-Beveridge i. 24; _Āīn_, i. 337 f., 347, 371, 414; Elphinstone,
_Hist. of India_, 567.)]
Footnote 4.11.3:
I have climbed the rocks, crossed the streams, and traversed the
plains which were the theatre of Partap’s glory, and conversed with
the lineal descendants of Jaimall and Patta on the deeds of their
forefathers, and many a time has the tear started in their eye at the
tale they recited.
Footnote 4.11.4:
The first invented drinking cup or eating vessel being made from the
leaf (_pat_) of particular trees, especially the palasa (_Butea
frondosa_) and bar (_Ficus religiosa_). The cups of a beautiful brown
earthenware, made at Kotharia, are chiefly _pateras_, of a perfectly
classical shape. Query, the Roman _patera_>, or the Greek ποτήρ, or
Saxon _pot_>? [_patera_, _pateo_, ‘to lie open’; _pot_. O.E. _pott_>,
Lat. _potus_, ‘drinking.’]
Footnote 4.11.5:
[For some further details see _Rāsmāla_, 307.]
Footnote 4.11.6:
The bridge of Rama, the southern point of the peninsula [_IGI_, xxi.
173 ff.]
Footnote 4.11.7:
_Mimosa_ [_Acacia_] _Arabica_.
Footnote 4.11.8:
A.H. 977, A.D. 1569. [_Āīn_, i. 429 f.]
Footnote 4.11.9:
There is less euphony in the English than in the French designation,
Udai ‘_le Gros_.’ [Erskine (iii. A. 58) with less probability says it
may mean ‘great, potent, good.’]
Footnote 4.11.10:
Godwar, Rs. 900,000; Ujjain, 249,914; Debalpur, 182,500; Badnawar,
250,000.
Footnote 4.11.11:
The magnificent tomb of Jodh Bai, the mother of Shah Jahan, is at
Sikandra, near Agra, and not far from that in which Akbar’s remains
are deposited. [Jodh Bāi is a title, meaning ‘Jodhpur lady.’ There
were some doubts about her identity, but she was certainly daughter of
Udai Singh and wife of Jahāngīr (_Āīn_, i. 619). For her tomb see
Sleeman, _Rambles_, 348.]
Footnote 4.11.12:
The causes of exemption are curious, and are preserved in a regular
treaty with the emperor, a copy of which the author possesses, which
will be given in _The Annals of Bundi_.
Footnote 4.11.13:
[Akbar married a daughter of Rāja Bihāri Mall and sister of Bhagwāndās
(_Āīn_, i. 310, 339). There is no evidence of the marriage of Humāyūn
into this family.]
Footnote 4.11.14:
When Raja Man was commanded to reduce the revolted province of Kabul,
he hesitated to cross the Indus, the Rubicon of the Hindu, and which
they term _Atak_, or ‘the barrier,’ as being the limit between their
faith and the barbarian. On the Hindu prince assigning this as his
reason for not leading his Rajputs to the snowy Caucasus, the
accomplished Akbar sent him a couplet in the dialect of Rajasthan:—
“Sabhi bhūmi Gopāl kī
Jā men Atak kaha,
Jā ke man men atak he,
Soī Atak raha.”
“The whole earth is of God,
In which he has placed the Atak.
The mind that admits _impediments_
Will always find an Atak.”
[Dr. Tessitori, whose version is given, remarks that the popular form
of the third line is: Bhītar tāti pāp ki.] This delicate irony
succeeded when stronger language would have failed.
Footnote 4.11.15:
The Hindus, as did the Greeks and other nations of antiquity, always
made offering of the first portion of each meal to the gods. Anndeva,
‘the god of food.’
Footnote 4.11.16:
[This is impossible, because Salīm, afterwards the Emperor Jahāngīr,
was only in his seventh year. The generals in command were Mān Singh
and Āsaf Khān.]
Footnote 4.11.17:
[Rakhabhdev, with a famous Jain temple, forty miles south of Udaipur
city (Erskine ii. A. 118).]
Footnote 4.11.18:
Whoever has travelled through the Oberhasli of Meyringen, in the
Oberland Bernois, requires no description of the alpine Aravalli. The
Col de Balme, in the vale of Chamouni, is, on a larger scale, the
Haldighat of Mewar.
Footnote 4.11.19:
Three from the spear, one shot, and three by the sword.
Footnote 4.11.20:
The descendants of Mana yet hold Sadri and all the privileges obtained
on this occasion. Their kettle-drums beat to the gate of the palace, a
privilege allowed to none besides, and they are addressed by the title
of _Raj_, or royal.
Footnote 4.11.21:
[The battle fought on June 18, 1576, is known to Musalmān historians
as the battle of Khamnaur or Khamnor, twenty-six miles north of
Udaipur city (Badaoni ii. 237; _Akbarnāma_, iii. 244 ff.;
Elliot-Dowson v. 398; _Āīn_, i. 339; Smith, _Akbar the Great Mogul_,
151 ff.).]
Footnote 4.11.22:
‘Chetak ka Chabutra’ is near to Jharol.
Footnote 4.11.23:
The mother of Sakta was the _Baijiraj_, ‘Royal Mother’ (Queen Dowager)
of Mewar. She loved this son, and left Udaipur to superintend his
household at Bhainsror: since which renunciation of rank to affection,
the mothers of the senior branch of Saktawat are addressed Baijiraj.
[Bhainsror is now held by a Chondāwat Rāwat.]
Footnote 4.11.24:
Eight hundred rupees, or £100 daily, is the sum recorded for the
support of this prince.
Footnote 4.11.25:
The date of this battle is Magh Sudi 7, S. 1633, A.D. 1577.
Footnote 4.11.26:
[For the career of Shāhbaz Khān, known as Koka or ‘foster-brother,’
who died in 1600, see _Āīn_, i. 399 ff. Kūmbhalmer was captured in
1578-9 (Elliot-Dowson v. 410, vi. 58). “About 1578” (Erskine ii. A.
116).]
Footnote 4.11.27:
A town in the heart of the mountainous tract on the south-west of
Mewar, called Chappan, containing about three hundred and fifty towns
and villages, peopled chiefly by the aboriginal Bhils.
Footnote 4.11.28:
Called Ami Sah in the Annals.
Footnote 4.11.29:
[Akbar was anxious to destroy Partāp, but he could not carry on a
guerilla campaign in Rājputana, and he had work to do elsewhere
(Smith, _Akbar the Great Mogul_, 153).]
Footnote 4.11.30:
[Mirza Abdu-r-rahīm, son of Bairām Khān (_Āīn_, i. 334).]
Footnote 4.11.31:
A colloquial contraction for Partap.
Footnote 4.11.32:
Called _Mol_.
Footnote 4.11.33:
[Rāē Singh (1571-1611).]
Footnote 4.11.34:
It is no affectation to say that the spirit evaporates in the lameness
of the translation. The author could feel the force, though he failed
to imitate the strength, of the original.
Footnote 4.11.35:
[_Āīn_, i. 276 f.; _Memoirs of Jahāngīr_, trans. Rogers-Beveridge, 48
f.]
Footnote 4.11.36:
At these royal fairs were also sold the productions of princely
artisans, male and female, and which, out of compliment to majesty,
made a bounteous return for their industry. It is a fact but little
known, that most Asiatic princes profess a trade: the great Aurangzeb
was a cap-maker, and sold them to such advantage on these ‘ninth day’
fairs, that his funeral expenses were by his own express command
defrayed from the privy purse, the accumulation of his personal
labour. A delightful anecdote is recorded of the Khilji king Mahmud,
whose profession was literary, and who obtained good prices from his
Omrahs for his specimens of calligraphy. While engaged in transcribing
one of the Persian poets, a professed scholar, who with others
attended the conversazione, suggested an emendation, which was
instantly attended to, and the supposed error remedied. When the
Mullah was gone, the monarch erased the emendation and re-inserted the
passage. An Omrah had observed and questioned the action, to which the
king replied: “It was better to make a blot in the manuscript than
wound the vanity of a humble scholar.” [Ferishta tells the story of
Nāsiru-d-dīn Mahmūd, i. 246.]
Footnote 4.11.37:
[Compare the later accounts of these fairs by Bernier 272 f.; and
Manucci i. 195. Aurangzeb transferred the Nauroz rejoicings to the
coronation festival in Ramazān (Jadunath Sarkar, _Life of Aurangzib_,
iii. 93). The ladies of the Mughal court usually spoke, not Pushto,
but Turki.]
Footnote 4.11.38:
This laxity, as regards female delicacy, must have been a remnant of
Scythic barbarism, brought from the banks of the Jaxartes, the land of
the Getae, where now, as in the days of Tomyris, a shoe at the door is
a sufficient barrier to the entrance of many Tatar husbands. It is a
well-known fact, also, that the younger son in these regions inherited
a greater share than the elder, which is attributed to their pastoral
habits, which invited early emigration in the elder sons. This habit
prevailed with the Rajput tribes of very early times, and the annals
of the Yadus, a race allied to the Yuti-Getae, or Jāt, afford many
instances of it. Modified it yet exists amongst the Jarejas (of the
same stock), with whom the sons divide equally; which custom was
transmitted to Europe by these Getic hordes, and brought into England
by the _Jut_ brothers, who founded the kingdom of Kent (_kanthi_, ‘a
coast’ in Gothic and Sanskrit), where it is yet known as _Gavelkind_.
In English law it is termed _borough-English_. In Scotland it existed
in barbarous times, analogous to those when the Nauroza was
sanctioned; and the lord of the manor had privileges which rendered it
more than doubtful whether the first-born was natural heir: hence, the
youngest was the heir. So in France, in ancient times; and though the
‘_droit de Jambage_’ no longer exists, the term sufficiently denotes
the extent of privilege, in comparison with which the other rights of
‘_Noçages_,’ the seigneur’s feeding his greyhounds with the best
dishes and insulting the bride’s blushes with ribald songs, were
innocent. [The ethnological views in this note do not deserve notice.]
Footnote 4.11.39:
The loss of this is the sign of mourning. [There is naturally no
confirmation of these anecdotes in the Musalmān historians, but they
possibly may be true.]
Footnote 4.11.40:
[See p. 398, above.]
Footnote 4.11.41:
These mountains are of granite and close-grained quartz; but on the
summit of the pass there is a mass of columnar rocks, which, though
the author never examined them very closely, he has little hesitation
in calling basaltic. Were it permitted to intrude his own feelings on
his reader, he would say, he never passed the portals of Debari, which
close the pass leading from Chitor to Udaipur, without throwing his
eye on this fantastic pinnacle and imagining the picture he has drawn.
Whoever, in rambling through the ‘eternal city,’ has had his sympathy
awakened in beholding at the Porta Salaria the stone seat where the
conqueror of the Persians and the Goths, the blind Belisarius, begged
his daily dole,—or pondered at the unsculptured tomb of Napoleon upon
the vicissitudes of greatness, will appreciate the feeling of one who,
in sentiment, had identified himself with the Rajputs, of whom Partap
was justly the model.
Footnote 4.11.42:
[A pun on _maur_, ‘a crown,’ and the Maurya tribe.]
Footnote 4.11.43:
‘The queen of battlements,’ the turreted Cybele of Rajasthan.
Footnote 4.11.44:
This magnificent lake is now adorned with marble palaces. Such was the
wealth of Mewar even in her decline. [The lake is said to have been
constructed by a Banjāra at the end of the fourteenth century, and the
embankment was built by Rāna Udai Singh in 1560. The lake is 2¼ miles
long, and 1¼ broad, with an area of over one square mile. In the
middle stand the island palaces, the Jagmandir and the Jagniwās
(Erskine ii. A. 109).]
-----
CHAPTER 12
=Rāna Amar Singh I., A.D. 1597-1620.=—Of the seventeen sons of Partap,
Amra, who succeeded him, was the eldest. From the early age of eight to
the hour of his parent’s death, he had been his constant companion and
the partner of his toils and dangers. Initiated by his noble sire in
every act of mountain strife, familiar with its perils, he entered on
his career[4.12.1] in the very flower of manhood, already attended by
sons able to maintain whatever his sword might recover of his patrimony.
Akbar, the greatest foe of Mewar, survived Partap nearly eight
years.[4.12.2] The vast field in which he had to exert the resources of
his mind, necessarily withdrew him from a scene where even success ill
repaid the sacrifices made to attain it. Amra was left in perfect repose
during the remainder of this monarch’s life, which it was not wisdom to
disturb by the renewal of a contest against the colossal power of the
Mogul. An extended reign of more than half a century permitted Akbar to
consolidate the vast empire he had erected, and to model the form of his
[351] government, which displays, as handed down by Abu-l Fazl, an
incontestable proof of his genius as well as of his natural beneficence.
Nor would the Mogul lose, on being contrasted with the contemporary
princes of Europe: with Henry IV. of France, who, like himself, ascended
a throne weakened by dissension; with Charles V., alike aspiring to
universal sway: or the glorious queen of our own isle, who made advances
to Akbar and sent him an embassy.[4.12.3] Akbar was fortunate as either
Henry or Elizabeth in the choice of his ministers. The lofty integrity,
military genius, and habits of civil industry, for which Sully was
distinguished, found their parallel in Bairam; and if Burleigh equalled
in wisdom, he was not superior in virtue to Abu-l Fazl, nor possessed of
his excessive benevolence. Unhappily for Mewar, all this genius and
power combined to overwhelm her. It is, however, a proud tribute to the
memory of the Mogul that his name is united with that of his rival
Partap in numerous traditionary couplets honourable to both; and if the
Rajput bard naturally emblazons first on his page that of his own hero,
he admits that none other but Akbar can stand a comparison with him;
thereby confirming the eulogy of the historian of his race, who, in
summing up his character, observes that, “if he sometimes did things
beneath the dignity of a great king, he never did anything unworthy of a
good man.” But if the annalist of the Bundi State can be relied upon,
the very act which caused Akbar’s death will make us pause ere we
subscribe to these testimonies to the worth of departed greatness, and,
disregarding the adage of only speaking good of the dead, compel us to
institute, in imitation of the ancient Egyptians, a posthumous inquest
on the character of the monarch of the Moguls. The Bundi records are
well worthy of belief, as diaries of events were kept by her princes,
who were of the first importance in this and the succeeding reigns: and
they may be more likely to throw a light upon points of character of a
tendency to disgrace the Mogul king, than the historians of his court,
who had every reason to withhold such. A desire to be rid of the great
Raja Man of Amber, to whom he was so much indebted, made the emperor
descend [352] to act the part of the assassin. He prepared a _ma’ajun_,
or confection, a part of which contained poison; but, caught in his own
snare, he presented the innoxious portion to the Rajput and ate that
drugged with death himself.[4.12.4] We have a sufficient clue to the
motives which influenced Akbar to a deed so unworthy of him, and which
were more fully developed in the reign of his successor; namely, a
design on the part of Raja Man to alter the succession, and that Khusru,
his nephew, should succeed instead of Salim. With such a motive, the
aged emperor might have admitted with less scruple the advice which
prompted an act he dared not openly undertake, without exposing the
throne in his latter days to the dangers of civil contention, as Raja
Man was too powerful to be openly assaulted.
=The Administration of Rāna Amar Singh.=—Let us return to Mewar. Amra
remodelled the institutions of his country, made a new assessment of the
lands and distribution of the fiefs, apportioning the service to the
times. He also established the gradation of ranks such as yet exists,
and regulated the sumptuary laws even to the tie of a turban,[4.12.5]
and many of these are to be seen engraved on pillars of stone in various
parts of the country.
The repose thus enjoyed realized the prophetic fears of Partap, whose
admonitions were forgotten. Amra constructed a small palace on the banks
of the lake, named after himself ‘the abode of immortality,’[4.12.6]
still remarkable for its Gothic contrast to the splendid marble edifice
erected by his successors, now the abode of the princes of Mewar.
=Jahāngīr attacks Mewār.=—Jahangir had been four years on the throne,
and having overcome all internal dissension, resolved to signalize his
reign by the subjugation of the only prince who had disdained to
acknowledge the paramount power of the Moguls; and assembling the royal
forces, he put them in motion for Mewar.
Amra, between the love of ease and reputation, wavered as to the conduct
he should adopt; nor were sycophants wanting who
Counselled ignoble ease and peaceful sloth,
Not peace:
and dared to prompt his following the universal contagion, by accepting
the imperial farman. In such a state of mind the chiefs found their
prince, when [353] they repaired to the new abode to warn him, and
prepare him for the emergency. But the gallant Chondawat, recalling to
their remembrance the dying behest of their late glorious head, demanded
its fulfilment. All resolved to imitate the noble Partap,
... preferring
Hard liberty before the easy yoke
Of servile pomp.
=Chief of Salūmbar intervenes.=—A magnificent mirror of European
fabrication adorned the embryo palace. Animated with a noble resentment
at the inefficacy of his appeal to the better feelings of his prince,
the chieftain of Salumbar hurled ‘the slave of the carpet’[4.12.7]
against the splendid bauble, and starting up, seized his sovereign by
the arm and moved him from the throne. “To horse, chiefs!” he exclaimed,
“and preserve from infamy the son of Partap.” A burst of passion
followed the seeming indignity, and the patriot chief was branded with
the harsh name of traitor; but with his sacred duty in view, and
supported by every vassal of note, he calmly disregarded the insult.
Compelled to mount his steed, and surrounded by the veterans and all the
chivalry of Mewar, Amra’s passion vented itself in tears of indignation.
In such a mood the cavalcade descended the ridge, since studded with
palaces, and had reached the spot where the temple of Jagannath now
stands, when he recovered from this fit of passion; the tear ceased to
flow, and passing his hand over his moustache,[4.12.8] he made a
courteous salutation to all, entreating their forgiveness for this
omission of respect; but more especially expressing his gratitude to
Salumbar, he said, “Lead on, nor shall you ever have to regret your late
sovereign.” Elevated with every sentiment of generosity and valour, they
passed on to Dawer, where they encountered the royal army led by the
brother of the Khankhanan, as it entered the pass, and which, after a
long and sanguinary combat, they entirely defeated.[4.12.9]
=Defeat of the Imperialists.=—The honours of the day are chiefly
attributed to the brave Kana, uncle to the Rana, and ancestor of that
numerous clan called after him Kanawats. A truce followed this battle,
but it was of short duration; for another and yet more murderous
conflict took place in the spring of 1666, in the pass of the sacred
Ranpur [354], where the imperial army, under its leader Abdulla, was
almost exterminated;[4.12.10] though with the loss of the best and
bravest of the chiefs of Mewar, whose names, however harsh, deserve
preservation.[4.12.11] A feverish exultation was the fruit of this
victory, which shed a hectic flush of glory over the declining days of
Mewar, when the crimson banner once more floated throughout the province
of Godwar.
=Jahāngīr establishes Sagra as Rāna.=—Alarmed at these successive
defeats, Jahangir, preparatory to equipping a fresh army against Mewar,
determined to establish a new Rana, and to instal him in the ancient
seat of power, Chitor, thus hoping to withdraw from the standard of Amra
many of his adherents. The experiment evinced at least a knowledge of
their prejudices; but, to the honour of Rajput fidelity, it failed.
Sagra, who abandoned Partap and went over to Akbar, was
selected;[4.12.12] the sword of investiture was girded on him by the
emperor’s own hands, and under the escort of a Mogul force he went to
reign amidst the ruins of Chitor. Her grandeur, even in desolation, is
beautifully depicted at this very period by the chaplain to the embassy
from Elizabeth to Jahangir, the members composing which visited the
capital of the Sesodias in their route to Ajmer.[4.12.13]
For seven years Sagra had a spurious homage paid to him amidst this
desolation, the ruined pride of his ancestors. But it is gratifying to
record, that not even by this recreant son of Chitor could the
impressions formed in contemplating such scenes be resisted; and Sagra,
though flinty as the rock to a brother and nephew, could not support the
silent admonition of the altars of the heroes who had fallen in her
defence. The triumphal column raised for victory over a combination of
[355] kings, was a perpetual memento of his infamy; nor could he pass
over one finger’s breadth of her ample surface, without treading on some
fragment which reminded him of their great deeds and his own
unworthiness. We would be desirous of recording, that a nobler
remembrancer than ‘coward conscience,’ animated the brother of Partap to
an act of redeeming virtue; but when the annals tell us, that “the
terrific Bhairon (the god of battle) openly manifested his displeasure,”
it is decisive that it was not less the wish for greatness, than the
desire to be “without the illness should attend it”; and sending for his
nephew, he restored to him Chitor, retiring to the isolated
Kandhar.[4.12.14] Some time after, upon going to court, and being
upbraided by Jahangir, he drew his dagger and slew himself in the
emperor’s presence: an end worthy of such a traitor.[4.12.15]
=Conquests of Rāna Amar Singh I.=—Amra took possession of the seat of
his ancestors; but wanting the means to put it in defence, the
acquisition only served to increase the temporary exultation. The evil
resulting from attaching so much consequence to a capital had been often
signally manifested; as to harass the enemy from their mountains, and
thereby render his conquests unavailing, was the only policy which could
afford the chance of independence. With Chitor the Rana acquired, by
surrender or assault, possession of no less than eighty of the chief
towns and fortresses of Mewar: amongst them Untala, at whose capture
occurred the patriotic struggle between the clans of Chondawat and
Saktawat for the leading of the vanguard, elsewhere related.[4.12.16] On
this memorable storm, besides the leaders of the rival bands, five of
the infant clan Saktawat, consisting but of sixteen brave brothers, with
three of the house of Salumbar, perished, struggling for the immortality
promised by the bard. We may here relate the rise of the Saktawats, with
which is materially connected the future history of Mewar.
=Sakta and the Saktāwats.=—Sakta was the second of the twenty-four sons
of Udai Singh. When only five years of age, he discovered that fearless
temperament which marked his manhood [356]. The armourer having brought
a new dagger to try its edge by the usual proof on thinly spread cotton,
the child asked the Rana “if it was not intended to cut bones and
flesh,” and seizing it, tried it on his own little hand. The blood
gushed on the carpet, but he betrayed no symptom of pain or surprise.
Whether his father admitted the tacit reproof of his own want of nerve,
or that it recalled the prediction of the astrologers, who, in casting
Sakta’s horoscope, had announced that he was to be “the bane of Mewar,”
he was incontinently commanded to be put to death, and was carried off
for this purpose, when saved by the Salumbar chief, who arrested the
fiat, sped to the Rana, and begged his life as a boon, promising, having
no heirs, to educate him as the future head of the Chondawats. The
Salumbar chief had children in his old age, and while wavering between
his own issue and the son of his adoption, the young Sakta was sent for
to court by his brother Partap. The brothers for a considerable time
lived on the most amicable footing, unhappily interrupted by a dispute
while hunting, which in time engendered mutual dislike. While riding in
the ring, Partap suddenly proposed to decide their quarrel by single
combat, “to see who was the best lancer.” Not backward, Sakta replied,
“Do you begin”; and some little time was lost in a courteous struggle
for the first spear, when, as they took their ground and agreed to
charge together, the Purohit[4.12.17] rushed between the combatants and
implored them not to ruin the house. His appeal, however, being vain,
there was but one way left to prevent the unnatural strife: the priest
drew his dagger, and plunging it in his breast, fell a lifeless corpse
between the combatants. Appalled at the horrid deed, ‘the blood of the
priest on their head,’ they desisted from their infatuated aim. Partap,
waving his hand, commanded Sakta to quit his dominions, who bowing
retired, and carried his resentments to Akbar. Partap performed with the
obsequies of this faithful servant many expiatory rites, and made an
irrevocable grant of Salera to his son, still enjoyed by his
descendants, while a small column yet identifies the spot of sacrifice
to fidelity. From that hour to the memorable day when the founder of the
Saktawats gained the birad of the race ‘_Khurasan Multan ka Aggal_,’ on
the occasion of his saving his sovereign flying from the field, the
brothers had never beheld each other’s face [357].
Sakta had seventeen sons, all of whom, excepting the heir of
Bhainsror,[4.12.18] attended his obsequies. On return from this rite
they found the gates barred against them by Bhanji, now chief of the
Saktawats, who told them “there were too many mouths,” and that they
must push their fortunes elsewhere while he attended his sovereign with
the quota of Bhainsror. They demanded their horses and their arms, if
such were his pleasure; and electing Achal as their head (whose wife was
then pregnant), they took the route to Idar, which had recently been
acquired by a junior branch of the Rathors of Marwar.[4.12.19] They had
reached Palod when the pangs of childbirth seized the wife of Achal; and
being rudely repulsed by the Sonigira vassal of Palod, who refused her
shelter at such a moment, they sought refuge amidst the ruins of a
temple.[4.12.20] It was the shrine of Mata Janavi, ‘the mother of
births,’ the Juno Lucina of the Rajputs. In a corner of the sanctuary
they placed the mother of a future race; but the rain, which fell in
torrents, visibly affected the ruin. A beam of stone gave way, which but
for Bala would have crushed her: he supported the sinking roof on his
head till the brothers cut down a babul tree, with which they propped it
and relieved him. In this retreat Asa (_Hope_) was born, who became the
parent of an extensive branch known as the Achalis Saktawats.
The ‘Great Mother’ was propitious. The parent of ‘_Hope_’ was soon
enabled to resume her journey for Idar, whose chief received them with
open arms, and assigned lands for their support. Here they had been some
time when the Rana’s prime minister passed through Idar from a
pilgrimage to Satrunjaya.[4.12.21] A violent storm would have thrown
down the tent in which was his wife, but for the exertion of some of the
brothers; and the minister, on learning that it was to the near kin of
his sovereign he was indebted for this kindness, invited them to
Udaipur, taking upon him to provide for them with their own proper head,
which they declined without a special invitation. This was not long
wanting; for Amra [358] was then collecting the strength of his hills
against the king, and the services of the band of brothers, his kinsmen,
were peculiarly acceptable. The first act of duty, though humble, is
properly recorded, as ennobled by the sentiment which inspired it, and
the pictured scene is yet preserved of Bala and Jodha collecting logs of
wood for a night fire in the mountain bivouac for their kinsman and
sovereign. In the more brilliant exploit which followed Bala took the
lead, and though the lord of Bhainsror was in camp, it was Bala who
obtained the leading of the vanguard: the commencement of that rivalry
of clanship from whence have resulted some of the most daring, and many
of the most merciless deeds in the history of Mewar. The right to lead
in battle belonged to the Chondawats, and the first intimation the
chieftain had of his prince’s inconsiderate insult was from the bard
incessantly repeating the ‘birad’ of the clan, until ‘the portal of the
ten thousand’ of Mewar deemed him mad. “Not so,” replied he; “but it is,
perhaps, the last time your ears may be gratified with the watchword of
Chonda, which may to-morrow be given as well as the Harawal to the
Saktawats.” An explanation followed, and the assault of Untala ensued,
which preserved the rights of the Chondawats, though nobly contested by
their rivals. The vassal of Bakrol carried the tidings of the successful
assault to the Rana, who arrived in time to receive the last obeisance
of Bala, whose parting words to his prince were seized on by the bard
and added to the birad of the clan: and although, in sloth and opium,
they now “lose and neglect the creeping hours of time,” yet whenever a
Saktawat chief enters the court of his sovereign, or takes his seat
amongst his brother chiefs, the bards still salute him with the dying
words of Bala:
"_Dūna dātār.
Chauguna junjhār,
Khurāsān Multān ka āggāl._"[4.12.22]
Then passing the hand over his moustache, for a moment the escalade of
Untala flits before his vision, where Bala, Achalis, Jodha, Dilla, and
Chaturbhan, five of the seventeen sons of Sakta, fell for the
maintenance of the post of honour [359]. Bhanji soon after performed a
service which obtained him the entire favour of his prince, who,
returning from Ratlam, was insulted by the Rathors of Bhindar, which was
punished by the Saktawat, who took the town by assault, expelling the
aggressors. Amra added it to his fief of Bhainsror, and since the latter
was bestowed on the rival clan, Bhindar has continued the chief
residence of the leader of the Saktawats. Ten chiefs[4.12.23] have
followed in regular succession, whose issue spread over Mewar, so that
in a few generations after Sakta, their prince could muster the swords
of ten thousand Saktawats; but internal feuds and interminable
spoliation have checked the progress of population, and it might be
difficult now to assemble half that number of the ‘children of Sakta’
fit to bear arms.
=Renewed Attack by Jahāngīr. Battle of Khāmnor.=—To return. These
defeats alarmed Jahangir, who determined to equip an overwhelming force
to crush the Rana. To this end he raised the imperial standard at Ajmer,
and assembled the expedition under his immediate inspection, of which he
appointed his son Parvez commander, with instructions on departure “that
if the Rana or his elder son Karan should repair to him, to receive them
with becoming attention, and to offer no molestation to the
country.”[4.12.24] But the Sesodia prince little thought of submission:
on the contrary, flushed with success, he gave the royal army the
meeting at a spot oft moistened with blood, the pass of
Khamnor,[4.12.25] leading into the heart of the hills. The imperial army
was disgracefully beaten, and fled, pursued with great havoc, towards
Ajmer. The Mogul historian admits it to have been a glorious day for
Mewar. He describes Parvez entangled in the passes, dissensions in his
camp, his supplies cut off, and under all [360] these disadvantages
attacked; his precipitate flight and pursuit, in which the royal army
lost vast numbers of men.[4.12.26] But Jahangir in his diary slurs it
over, and simply remarks: “Fearing that Khusrau’s affair might be
prolonged, I ordered my son Parwīz to leave some of the Sardārs to look
after the Rānā, and to come to Agra with Āsaf Khān and a body of those
nearly connected with him in the service.”[4.12.27]
This son, tutored by the great Mahabat Khan, fared no better than
Parvez; he was routed and slain. But the Hydra was indestructible; for
every victory, while it cost the best blood of Mewar, only multiplied
the number of her foes. Seventeen pitched battles had the illustrious
Rajput fought since the death of his father: but the loss of his
experienced veterans withered the laurels of victory, nor had he
sufficient repose either to husband his resources or to rear his young
heroes to replace them. Another and yet more mighty army was assembled
under Prince Khurram, the ablest of the sons of Jahangir, and better
known in history as Shah Jahan, when emperor of the Moguls.
Again did the Rana with his son Karan collect the might of their hills;
but a handful of warriors was all their muster to meet the host of
Delhi, and the ‘crimson banner,’ which for more than eight hundred years
had waved in proud independence over the heads of the Guhilots, was now
to be abased to the son of Jahangir. The Emperor’s own pen shall narrate
the termination of this strife.
"My chief object, after my visit to the Khwāja [the tomb of Mu’īnu-d-dīn
Chishti, the saint of Ajmer] was to put a stop to the affair of the
rebel Rānā. On this account I determined to remain myself at Ajmīr and
send on Bābā Khurram, my fortunate son. This idea was a very good one,
and on this account, on the 6th of Day [tenth month of the solar year]
at the hour fixed on, I dispatched him in happiness and triumph. I
presented him with a _qabā_ (outer coat) of gold brocade with jewelled
flowers and pearls round the flowers, a brocaded turban with strings of
pearls, a gold woven sash with chains of pearls, one of my private
elephants called Fath Gaj, with trappings, a splendid horse, a jewelled
sword, with a _phūl katāra_ (dagger). In addition to the men first
appointed to this duty under the leadership of Khān A’zam, I sent 12,000
more horse with my son, and honoured their _khil’at_ (wearing robes of
honour) leaders."[4.12.28]
On 14th Isfandārmuz [twelfth month of the solar year] "a representation
came from my son Bābā Khurram that the elephant ‛Ālam Gumān [‘arrogant
of the earth’], of which the Rānā was very fond, together with seventeen
‛Ālamgumān other elephants, had fallen into the hands of the victorious
army."[4.12.29] Jahāngīr rode this elephant on the second day of the New
Year, which began on 21st March 1614.[4.12.30]
"In the month of Bahman [eleventh solar month] there came pieces of good
news, one after the other. The first was that the Rānā Amar Singh had
elected for obedience and service to the Court. The circumstances of
this affair are these. Sultān Khurram, by dint of placing a great many
posts, especially in some places where most people said it was
impossible to place them on account of the badness of the air and water
and the wild nature of the localities, and by dint of moving the royal
forces one after another in pursuit, without regard to the heat or
excessive rain, and making prisoners of the inhabitants of that region,
brought matters with the Rānā to such a pass that it became clear to him
that if this should happen to him again he must either fly the country
or be made prisoner. Being without remedy, he chose obedience and
loyalty, and sent to my fortunate son his maternal uncle Subhkaran, with
Haridās Jhālā, who was one of the two men in his confidence, and
petitioned that if that fortunate son would ask forgiveness for his
offences and tranquillize his mind, and obtain for him the auspicious
sign-manual (_panja_,[4.12.31] the mark of the Emperor’s five fingers),
he would himself wait on my son, and would send his son and successor,
Karan Singh, or he, after the manner of other Rājas, would be enrolled
among the servants of the Court and do service. He also begged that he
himself might be excused from coming to Court on account of his old age.
Accordingly, my son sent them in company with his own Dīwān, Mullā
Shukru-llah, whom after the conclusion of this business I dignified with
the title of Afzal Khān, and Sundar Dās, his major-domo, who, after the
matter was settled, was honoured with the title of Rāy Rayān, to the
exalted Court, and represented the circumstances. My lofty mind was
always desirous, as far as possible, not to destroy the old families.
The real point was that as Rānā Amar Singh and his fathers, proud in the
strength of the hilly country and their abodes, had never seen or obeyed
any of the kings of Hindustan, this should be brought about in my reign.
At the request of my son, I forgave the Rānā’s offences, and gave a
gracious farmān that should satisfy him, and impressed on it the mark of
my auspicious palm. I also wrote a farmān of kindness to my son that if
he could arrange to settle the matter I should be much pleased. My son
also sent them [perhaps the uncle and Haridās, or the farmāns] with
Mullā Shukru-llah and Sundar Dās to the Rānā to console him and make him
hopeful of the royal favour. They gave him the gracious farmān with the
sign-manual of the auspicious hand, and it was settled that on Sunday,
the 26th of the month Bahman, he and his sons should come and pay their
respects to my son."[4.12.32]
"In the end of this month, when I was employed in hunting in the
environs of Ajmīr, Muhammad Beg, an attendant on my fortunate son Sultān
Khurram, came and brought a report from that son, and stated that the
Rānā had come with his sons and paid his respects to the prince: the
details would be made known by the report. I immediately turned the face
of supplication to the Divine Court, and prostrated myself in
thanksgiving. I presented a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled dagger to
the aforesaid Muhammad Khān, and honoured him with the title of
Zu-l-faqār Khān [‘Lord of the sword’]."[4.12.33]
"From the report it appeared that on Sunday the 26th Bahman, the Rānā
paid his respects to my fortunate son with the politeness and ritual
that servants pay their respects, and produced as offerings a famous
large ruby that was in his house, with some decorated articles and seven
elephants, some of them fit for the private stud, and which had not
fallen into our hands, and were the only ones left him, and nine horses.
My son also behaved to him with perfect kindness. When the Rānā clasped
his feet and asked forgiveness for his faults, he took his hand and
placed it on his breast, and consoled him in such a manner as to comfort
him. He presented him with a superb dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a
horse with a jewelled saddle, and a private elephant with silver
housings, and as there were not more than 100 men with him who were
worthy of complete robes of honour, he gave 100 _sarupā_ [dresses] and
50 horses and 12 jewelled _khapwā_ [daggers]. As it is the custom of the
Zamīndārs[4.12.34] that the son who is the heir-apparent should not go
with his father to pay his respects to a king or prince,[4.12.35] the
Rānā observed this custom, and did not bring with him Karan, the son who
had received the _tīkā_ [forehead mark of inauguration]. As the hour
(fixed by astrology) of his departure of that son of lofty fortune from
that place was the end of that same day, he gave him leave, so that,
having himself gone, he might send Karan to pay his respects. To him
also he gave a superb dress of honour, a jewelled sword and dagger, a
horse with a gold saddle, and a special elephant, and on the same day,
taking Karan in attendance, he proceeded towards the illustrious
Court."[4.12.36]
"In my interview with Sultan Khurram on his arrival at Ajmer,[4.12.37]
he represented that if it was my pleasure he would present the prince
Karan, whom I accordingly desired him to bring. He arrived, paid his
respects, _and his rank was commanded to be, at the request of my son,
immediately on my right hand_, and I rewarded him with suitable khilats.
As Karan, owing to the rude life he had led in his native hills, was
extremely shy, and unused to the pageantry and experience of a court, in
order to reconcile and give him confidence I daily gave him some
testimonies of my regard and protection, and in the second day of his
service I gave him a jewelled dagger, and on the third a choice steed of
Irak with rich caparisons; and on the same day, I took him with me to
the queen’s court, when the queen, Nur Jahan, made him splendid khilats,
elephant and horse caparisoned, sword, etc. The same day I gave him a
rich necklace of pearls, another day an elephant, and it was my wish to
give him rarities and choice things of every kind. I gave him three
royal hawks and three gentle falcons trained to the hand,[4.12.38] coat
of mail, chain and plate armour, and two rings of value; and, on the
last day of the month, carpets, state cushions, perfumes, vessels of
gold, and a pair of the bullocks of Gujarat.[4.12.39]
"10th year.[4.12.40] At this time I gave prince Karan leave to return to
his jagir;[4.12.41] when I bestowed on him an elephant, horse, and a
pearl necklace valued at 50,000 rupees (£5000); and from the day of his
repairing to my court to that of his departure, the value of the various
gifts I presented him exceeded ten lakhs of rupees (£125,000), exclusive
of one hundred and ten horses, five elephants, or what my son Khurram
gave him. I sent Mubarik Khan along with [364] him, by whom I sent an
elephant, horse, etc., and various confidential messages to the Rana.
"On the 8th Safar[4.12.42] of the 10th year of the H. 1024 Karan was
elevated to the dignity of a Mansabdar[4.12.43] of five thousand, when I
presented him with a bracelet of pearls, in which was a ruby of great
price.
"24th Muharram,[4.12.44] 10th year (A.D. 1615), Jagat Sing, son of
Karan, aged twelve years, arrived at court and paid his respects, and
presented the arzis of his father and grandfather, Rana Amra Singh.
_His countenance carried the impression of his illustrious
extraction,[4.12.45] and I delighted his heart with presents and
kindness._
"On the 10th Shaban,[4.12.46] Jagat Singh had permission to return to
his house. At his departure I presented him with 20,000 rupees, a horse,
elephant, and khilats [365]; and to Haridas Jhala, preceptor of Prince
Karan, 5000 rupees, a horse, and khilat; and I sent by him six golden
images[4.12.47] to the Rana.
"28th Rabiu-l-Ākhir,[4.12.48] 11th year. _The statues of the Rana and
Karan, sculptured in white marble, I desired should have inscribed the
date in which they were prepared and presented, and commanded they
should be placed in the gardens at Agra._[4.12.49]
"In the 11th year of my reign an arzi from Itimad Khan acquainted me
that Sultan Khurram had entered the Rana’s country, and that prince and
his son had both exchanged visits with my son; and that from the
tribute, consisting of seven elephants, twenty-seven saddle horses,
trays of jewels, and ornaments of gold, my son took three horses and
returned all the rest, and engaged that Prince Karan and fifteen hundred
Rajput horse should remain with him in the wars.
"In the 13th year Prince Karan repaired to my court, then at Sindla, to
congratulate me on my victories and conquest of the Deccan, and
presented 100 mohars,[4.12.50] 1000 rupees, nazarana, and effects in
gold and jewels to the amount of 21,000 rupees, hardy elephants and
horses; the last I returned, but kept the rest, and next day presented
him a dress of honour; and from Fatehpur gave him his leave, with
elephant, horse, sword, and dagger, and a horse for his father.
"14th year of my reign. On the 17th Rabiu-l-awwal,[4.12.51] 1029 H., I
received intelligence of the death of Rana Amra Singh.[4.12.52] To Jagat
Singh, his grandson, and Bhim Singh, his son, in attendance, I gave
khilats, and dispatched Raja Kishordas[4.12.53] with the farman
conferring benefits and with the dignity of Rana, the khilat of
investiture, choice horses, and a letter of condolence suitable to the
occasion to Prince Karan. 7th Shawwal.[4.12.54] Biharidas Brahman I
dispatched with a [366] farman to Rana Karan, desiring that his son with
his contingent should attend me."
=Treatment of the Rāna by Jahāngīr.=—To have generalized this detail of
the royal historian would have been to lessen the interest of this
important period in the annals of Mewar. Jahangir merits to have his
exultation, his noble and unostentatious conduct, described by his own
pen, the extreme minuteness of which description but increases the
interest. With his self-gratulation, he bears full testimony to the
gallant and long-protracted resistance of the Rajputs; and while he
impartially, though rather erroneously, estimates their motives and
means of opposition, he does Amra ample justice in the declaration, that
he did not yield until he had but the alternative of captivity or exile;
and with a magnanimity above all praise, he records the Rajput prince’s
salvo for his dignity, “that he would hold himself excused from
attending in person.” The simple and naïve declaration of his joy, "his
going abroad on ‛Alam Guman," the favourite elephant of the Rana which
had been captured, on learning his submission, is far stronger than the
most pompous testimony of public rejoicing. But there is a
heart-stirring philanthropy in the conduct of the Mogul which does him
immortal honour; and in commanding his son “to treat the illustrious one
according to his heart’s wishes,” though he so long and so signally had
foiled the royal armies, he proved himself worthy of the good fortune he
acknowledges, and well shows his sense of the superiority of the chief
of all the Rajputs, by placing the heir of Mewar, even above all the
princes of his own house, ‘immediately on his right hand.’ Whether he
attempts to relieve the shyness of Karan, or sets forth the princely
appearance of Jagat Singh, we see the same amiable feeling operating to
lighten the chains of the conquered. But the shyness of Karan deserved a
worthier term: he felt the degradation which neither the statues raised
to them, the right hand of the monarch, the dignity of a ‘commander of
five thousand,’ or even the restoration of the long-alienated territory
could neutralize, when the kingdom to which he was heir was called a
fief (_jagir_), and himself, ‘the descendant of a hundred kings,’ a
vassal (_jagirdar_) of the empire, under whose banner, which his
ancestors had so signally opposed, he was now to follow with a
contingent of fifteen hundred Rajput horse.
Seldom has subjugated royalty met with such consideration; yet, to a
lofty mind like Amra’s, this courteous condescension but increased the
severity of endurance [367]. In the bitterness of his heart he cursed
the magnanimity of Khurram, himself of Rajput blood[4.12.55] and an
admirer of Rajput valour, which circumstance more than the force of his
arms had induced him to surrender; for Khurram demanded but the
friendship of the Rajput as the price of peace, and to withdraw every
Muhammadan from Mewar if the Rana would but receive the emperor’s farman
outside of his capital. This his proud soul rejected; and though he
visited Prince Khurram as a friend, he spurned the proposition of
acknowledging a superior, or receiving the rank and titles awaiting such
an admission. The noble Amra, who—
Rather than be less,
Cared not to be at all—
took the resolution to abdicate[4.12.56] the throne he could no longer
hold but at the will of another. Assembling his chiefs, and disclosing
his determination, he made the _tīka_ on his son’s forehead; and
observing that the honour of Mewar was now in his hands, forthwith left
the capital and secluded himself in the Nauchauki:[4.12.57] nor did he
from that hour cross its threshold, but to have his ashes deposited with
those of his fathers.
=Character of Rāna Amar Singh.=—All comment is superfluous on such a
character as Rana Amra. He was worthy of Partap and his race. He
possessed all the physical as well as mental qualities of a hero, and
was the tallest and strongest of all the princes of Mewar. He was not so
fair as they usually are, and he had a reserve bordering upon
gloominess, doubtless occasioned by his reverses, for it was not natural
to him; he was beloved by his chiefs for the qualities they most esteem,
generosity and valour, and by his subjects for his justice and kindness,
of which we can judge from his edicts, many of which yet live on the
column or the rock [368].
-----
Footnote 4.12.1:
S. 1653, A.D. 1597.
Footnote 4.12.2:
[It has now been established by Mr. V. A. Smith that Akbar died on
October 17, O.S., October 27, N.S., 1605 (_IA_, xliv. November 1915).]
Footnote 4.12.3:
The embassy under Sir Thomas Roe was prepared by Elizabeth, but did
not proceed till the accession of James. He arrived just as Mewar had
bent her head to the Mogul yoke, and speaks of the Rajput prince
Karan, whom he saw at court as a hostage for the treaty, with
admiration. [The embassy was in India from 1615 to 1619. Roe’s Journal
has been edited by W. Foster, Hakluyt Society, 1899.]
Footnote 4.12.4:
[The question has been discussed in the _Būndi Annals_, below.]
Footnote 4.12.5:
The _Amrasahi pagri_, or turban, is still used by the Rana and some
nobles on court days, but the foreign nobility have the privilege, in
this respect, of conforming to their own tribes.
Footnote 4.12.6:
_Amara mahall._
Footnote 4.12.7:
A small brass ornament placed at the corners of the carpet to keep it
steady.
Footnote 4.12.8:
This is a signal both of defiance and self-gratulation.
Footnote 4.12.9:
S. 1664, A.D. 1608.
Footnote 4.12.10:
Phalgun 7th, S. 1666, the spring of A.D. 1610. Ferishta [Dow iii. 37]
misplaces this battle, making it immediately precede the invasion
under Khurram. The defeats of the Mogul forces are generally styled
‘recalls of the commander.’
Footnote 4.12.11:
Dudo, Sangawat of Deogarh, Narayandas, Surajmall, Askarn, all Sesodias
of the first rank; Puran Mall, son of Bhan, the chief of the
Saktawats; Haridas Rathor, Bhopat the Jhala of Sadri, Kahirdas
Kachhwaha, Keshodas Chauhan of Bedla, Mukunddas Rathor, Jaimallot, of
the blood of Jaimall.
Footnote 4.12.12:
[When Partāp was attacked by Akbar, Sakra, as he is called, paid his
respects at court, and was appointed Commander of 200 (_Āīn_, i.
519).]
Footnote 4.12.13:
“Chitor, an antient great kingdom, the chief city so called, which
standeth upon a mighty hill flat on the top, walled about at the least
ten English miles. _There appear to this day above a hundred ruined
churches, and divers fair palaces, which are lodged in like manner
among the ruins, besides many exquisite pillars of carved stone, and
the ruins likewise of a hundred thousand stone houses, as many English
by their observation have guessed._ There is but one ascent unto it,
cut out of a firm rock, to which a man must pass through four
(sometime very magnificent) gates. _Its chief inhabitants at this day
are Ziim and Ohim, birds and wild beasts; but the stately ruins
thereof give a shadow of its beauty while it flourished in its pride._
It was won from Ramas, an ancient Indian prince, who was forced to
live himself ever after on high mountainous places adjoining to that
province, and his posterity to live there ever since. Taken from him
it was by Achabar Padsha (the father of that king who lived and
reigned when I was in these parts) after a very long siege, which
famished the besieged, without which it could never have been gotten.”
[E. Terry, _A Voyage to East-India_, 1777, p. 77 f.]
Footnote 4.12.14:
An isolated rock in the plain between the confluence of the Parbati
and Chambal, and the famous Ranthambhor. The author has twice passed
it in his travels in these regions.
Footnote 4.12.15:
It was one of his sons who apostatized from his faith, who is well
known in the imperial history as Mahabat Khan, beyond doubt the most
daring chief in Jahangir’s reign [see p. 386, above]. This is the
secret of his bond of union with prince Khurram (Shah Jahan), himself
half a Rajput. It was with his Rajputs Mahabat did that daring deed,
making Jahangir prisoner in his own camp, in the zenith of his power.
Footnote 4.12.16:
Page 175, above.
Footnote 4.12.17:
Family priest.
Footnote 4.12.18:
I have visited the cenotaphs of Sakta and his successors at the almost
insulated Bhainsror on the Chambal. The castle is on a rock at the
confluence of the black Bamani and the Chambal.
Footnote 4.12.19:
[Idar was not occupied by the Rāthors till 1728 (_IGI_, xiii. 325).]
Footnote 4.12.20:
Probably the identical temple to the Mother, in which I found a
valuable inscription of Kumarpal of Anhilwara Patan, dated S. 1207.
Palod is in the district of Nimbahera, now alienated from Mewar, and
under that upstart Pathan, Amir Khan.
Footnote 4.12.21:
One of the five sacred mounts of the Jains, of whose faith was the
minister. Of these I shall speak at length in the Personal Narrative.
[_IGI_, xix. 316 ff.]
Footnote 4.12.22:
‘Double gifts, fourfold sacrifice.’ Meaning, with increase of their
prince’s favour the sacrifice of their lives would progress; and
which, for the sake of euphony probably, preceded the birad won by the
founder, ‘_the barrier to Khurasan and Multan_.’
The _Birad_ of the Chondawats is: _Das sahas Mewār ka bar Kewār_, ‘the
portal of the ten thousand [towns] of Mewār.’ It is related that
Sakta, jealous of so sweeping a birad, complained that nothing was
left for him: when the master bard replied, he was _Kewār ka aggal_,
the bar which secures the door (_Kewār_).
Footnote 4.12.23:
Sakta.—17 sons.
│
Bhanji.
┌──────────────┬──────────┬───────────┬────────────┐
│ │ │ │ │
Dayāl. Ber. Man. Gokuldās. Pūran Mall.
│
Sabal Singh.
│
Mokham Singh.
│
Amar Singh.
│
Prithi Singh.
│
Jeth Singh.
│
Ummed Singh.
│
Kushāl Singh.
│
Zorāwar,
[to whom succeeded in order Hamīr Singh, Madan Singh, Kesari Singh,
and Mādho Singh, the present Mahārāja, who succeeded in 1900 (Erskine
ii. A. 99).]
Footnote 4.12.24:
A.D. 1611.
Footnote 4.12.25:
Translated ‘Brampoor’ in Dow’s _Ferishta_, and transferred to the
Deccan; and the pass (_bāla-ghāt_) rendered the Bālaghāt mountains of
the south. There are numerous similar errors. [The Author seems to be
mistaken. Dow (iii. 39) speaks of “Brampour, the capital of the Rana’s
dominions.” Khāmnor is in W. Mewār, a little distance south of
Nāthdwāra.]
Footnote 4.12.26:
The details of battles, unless accompanied by exploits of individuals,
are very uninteresting. Under this impression, I have suppressed
whatever could impair the current of action by amplification,
otherwise not only the Rajput bard, but the contemporary Mogul
historian, would have afforded abundant matter; but I have deemed both
worthy of neglect in such cases. Ferishta’s history is throughout most
faulty in its geographical details, rendered still more obscure from
the erroneous orthography, often arising from mistaken punctuation of
the only translation of this valuable work yet before the public.
There is one gentleman (Lieut.-Col. Briggs) well qualified to remedy
these defects, and who, with a laudable industry, has made an entire
translation of the works of Ferishta, besides collating the best MSS.
of the original text. It is to be hoped he will present his
performance to the public. [This appeared in four volumes, 1829;
reprinted, Calcutta, 1908.]
Footnote 4.12.27:
[_Memoirs of Jahāngīr_, trans. Rogers-Beveridge, p. 70. The incorrect
versions of this and other passages in the text have been replaced
from the recent translation and that in Elliot-Dowson.]
Footnote 4.12.28:
[_Memoirs_, 256.]
Footnote 4.12.29:
[_Ibid._ 259.]
Footnote 4.12.30:
[_Ibid._ 260.]
Footnote 4.12.31:
The giving the hand amongst all nations has been considered as a
pledge for the performance or ratification of some act of importance,
and the custom amongst the Scythic or Tatar nations, of transmitting
its impress as a substitute, is here practically described. I have
seen the identical Farman in the Rana’s archives. The hand being
immersed in a compost of sandalwood, is applied to the paper, and the
palm and five fingers (_panja_) are yet distinct. In a masterly
delineation of Oriental manners (_Carne’s Letters from the East_) is
given an anecdote of Muhammad, who, unable to sign his name to a
convention, dipped his hand in ink, and made an impression therewith.
It is evident the Prophet of Islam only followed an ancient solemnity,
of the same import as that practised by Jahangir.
Footnote 4.12.32:
[_Memoirs_, 272 ff.]
Footnote 4.12.33:
[_Ibid._ 275.]
Footnote 4.12.34:
[The Rāna is purposely treated as a mere landowner under the State.]
Footnote 4.12.35:
This was to avoid treachery. I have often had the honour to receive
the descendant princes, father and son, ‘of these illustrious ones’
together (note by the Author).
Footnote 4.12.36:
[_Memoirs_, 275 f.]
Footnote 4.12.37:
[The remaining part of the narrative is fairly correct, and has been
allowed to stand, with necessary corrections in transliteration of
proper names.]
Footnote 4.12.38:
Baz and Tura.
Footnote 4.12.39:
[On the famous oxen of Gujarat see Forbes, _Rāsmāla_, 540; Watt,
_Comm. Prod._ 733 ff.]
Footnote 4.12.40:
Of his reign.
Footnote 4.12.41:
Such was now the degraded title of the ancient, independent sovereign
Mewar. Happy Partap, whose ashes being mingled with his parent earth,
was spared his country’s humiliation!
Footnote 4.12.42:
[The second month of the Musalmān calendar.]
Footnote 4.12.43:
With this the annals state the restoration of many districts: the
Kherar, Phulia, Badnor, Mandalgarh, Jiran, Nimach, and Bhainsror, with
supremacy over Deolia, and Dungarpur.
Footnote 4.12.44:
[The first month of the Muhammadan year.]
Footnote 4.12.45:
It must have been this grandson of Amra of whom Sir Thomas Roe thus
writes: “The right issue of Porus is here a king in the midst of the
Mogul’s dominions, never subdued till last year; and, to say the
truth, he is rather bought than conquered: won to own a superior by
gifts and not by arms. The pillar erected by Alexander is yet standing
at Delhi, the ancient seat of Rama, the successor of Porus” (_Extract
of a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, dated at Ajmere, January
29, 1615_).
Copy of a letter written by the great Mogul unto King James, in the
Persian tongue, here faithfully translated, which was as follows:
"Unto a king rightly descended from his ancestors, bred in military
affairs, clothed with honour and justice, a commander worthy of all
command, strong and constant in the religion which the great prophet
Christ did teach, King James, whose love hath bred such an impression
in my thoughts as shall never be forgotten; but as the smell of amber,
or as a garden of fragrant flowers, whose beauty and odour is still
increasing, so, be assured, my love shall still grow and increase with
yours.
"The letters which you sent me in the behalf of your merchants I have
received, whereby I rest satisfied of your tender love towards me,
desiring you not to take it ill, that I have not wrote to you
heretofore: this present letter I send to you to renew our loves, and
herewith do certifie you, that I have sent forth my firmaunes
throughout all my countries to this effect, that if any English ships
or merchants shall arrive in any of my ports, my people shall permit
and suffer them to do what they please, freely in their merchandising
causes, aiding and assisting them in all occasion of injuries that
shall be offered them, that the least cause of discourtesie be not
done unto them; that they may be as free, or freer than my own people.
"And as now, and formerly, I have received from you divers tokens of
your love; so I shall still desire your mindfulness of me by some
novelties from your countries, as an argument of friendship betwixt
us, for such is the custom of princes here.
"And for your merchants, I have given express order through all my
dominions, to suffer them to buy, sell, transport, and carry away at
their pleasure, without the lett or hinderance of any person
whatsoever, all such goods and merchandises as they shall desire to
buy; and let this my letter as fully satisfie you in desired peace and
love, as if my own son had been messenger to ratifie the same.
"And if any in my countries, not fearing God, nor obeying their king,
or any other void of religion, should endeavour to be an instrument to
break this league of friendship, I would send my son Sultan Caroom, a
souldier approved in the wars, to cut him off, that no obstacle may
hinder the continuance and increase of our affections.
"When your majesty shall open this letter, let your royal heart be as
fresh as a small garden, let all people make reverence at your gate.
Let your throne be advanced higher. Amongst the greatness of the kings
of the prophet Jesus, let your majesty be the greatest; and all
monarchs derive their wisdom and counsel from your breast, as from a
fountain, that the law of the majesty of Jesus may receive, and
flourish under your protection.
“The letters of love and friendship which you sent me, the present
tokens of your good affection towards me, I have received by the hands
of your ambassadour, Sir Thomas Row, who well deserveth to be your
trusty servant, delivered to me in an acceptable and happy hour; upon
which mine eyes were so fixed, that I could not easily remove them
unto any other objects, and have accepted them with great joy and
delight, etc.”
The last letter had this beginning: “How gracious is your majesty,
whose greatness God preserve. As upon a rose in a garden, so are mine
eyes fixed upon you. God maintain your estate, that your monarchy may
prosper and be augmented; and that you may obtain all your desires
worthy the greatness of your renown; and as the heart is noble and
upright, so let God give you a glorious reign, because you strongly
defend the law of the majesty of Jesus, which God made yet more
flourishing, for that it was confirmed by miracles, etc.” (_Della
Valle_, p. 473).
Footnote 4.12.46:
[Sha’bān, the eighth month.]
Footnote 4.12.47:
There are frequent mention of such images (_putlis_), but I know not
which they are. [The word in the original is _Shoshpari_, ‘golden
maces.’]
Footnote 4.12.48:
[The fourth month.]
Footnote 4.12.49:
[On these statues see Smith, _HFA_, 426 ff.]
Footnote 4.12.50:
Golden suns, value £1 : 12s.
Footnote 4.12.51:
[The third month.]
Footnote 4.12.52:
[He died in 1620.]
Footnote 4.12.53:
Increasing the respect to the Ranas by making a prince the bearer of
the farman.
Footnote 4.12.54:
[The tenth month.]
Footnote 4.12.55:
Khurram was son of a Rajput princess of Amber [whose name, according
to Beale, was Balmati] of the Kachhwaha tribe, and hence his name was
probably _Kurm_, synonymous to _kachhwa_, a tortoise. The bards are
always punning upon it. [The Persian word _khurram_, ‘glad, joyful,’
has, of course, no connexion with Hindi kurm, ‘a tortoise.’]
Footnote 4.12.56:
Surrendered S. 1672, A.D. 1616 (according to Dow, S. 1669, A.D..
1613); died 1621 [1620. There seems to be no corroboration of his
abdication.]
Footnote 4.12.57:
It must have been here that Sultan Khurram visited the Rana. The
remains of this palace, about half a mile without the city wall
(north), on a cluster of hills, are yet in existence. It was built by
Udai Singh on the banks of a lake, under which are gardens and groves,
where the author had the Rana’s permission to pitch his tents in the
hottest months. [When Khurram was in revolt against his father, he
stayed at first in the Rāna’s palace; but as his followers little
respected Rājput prejudices, he removed to the Jagmandir, and the
island became his home till shortly before his father’s death (Erskine
ii. A. 109).]
-----
CHAPTER 13
=Rāna Karan Singh II., A.D. 1620-28.=—Karan, or Karna (_the radiant_),
succeeded to the last independent king of Mewar, S. 1677, A.D. 1621.
Henceforth we shall have to exhibit these princely ‘children of the sun’
with diminished lustre, moving as satellites round the primary planet;
but, unaccustomed to the laws of its attraction, they soon deviated from
the orbit prescribed, and in the eccentricity of their movements
occasionally displayed their unborrowed effulgence. For fifteen hundred
years we have traced each alternation of the fortune of this family,
from their establishment in the second, to their expulsion in the fifth
century from Saurashtra by the Parthians; the acquisition and loss of
Idar; the conquest and surrender of Chitor; the rise of Udaipur and
abasement of the red flag to Jahangir; and we shall conclude with not
the least striking portion of their history, their unity of interests
with Britain.
Karan was deficient neither in courage nor conduct; of both he had given
a decided proof, when, to relieve the pecuniary difficulties of his
father, with a rapidity unparalleled, he passed through the midst of his
foes, surprised and plundered Surat, and carried off a booty which was
the means of protracting the evil days of his country. But for the
exercise of the chief virtue of the Rajput, he [369] had little scope
throughout his reign, and fortunately for his country the powerful
esteem and friendship which Jahangir and Prince Khurram evinced for his
house, enabled him to put forth the talents he possessed to repair past
disasters. He fortified the heights round the capital, which he
strengthened with a wall and ditch, partly enlarged the noble dam which
retains the waters of the Pichola, and built that entire portion of the
palace called the Rawala, still set apart for the ladies of the court.
=Terms between Rāna Karan Singh and Jahāngīr.=—When Rana Amra made terms
with Jahangir, he stipulated, as a salvo for his dignity and that of his
successors, exemption from all personal attendance; and confined the
extent of homage to his successors receiving, on each lapse of the
crown, the farman or imperial decree in token of subordination, which,
more strongly to mark their dependent condition, the Rana was to accept
without the walls of his capital; accordingly, though the heirs-apparent
of Mewar[4.13.1] attended the court, they never did as Rana. Partly to
lessen the weight of this sacrifice to independence, and partly to exalt
the higher grade of nobles, the princes of the blood-royal of Mewar were
made to rank below the Sixteen, a fictitious diminution of dignity
which, with similar acts peculiar to this house, enhanced the
self-estimation of the nobles, and made them brave every danger to
obtain such sacrifices to the ruling passion of the Rajput, a love of
distinction.[4.13.2] It is mentioned by the emperor that he placed the
heir-apparent of Mewar immediately on his right hand, over all the
princes of Hindustan; consequently the superior nobles of Mewar, who
were all men of royal descent, deemed themselves, and had their [370]
claims admitted, to rank above their peers at other courts, and to be
seated almost on an equality with their princes.[4.13.3]
[Illustration:
RĀJMAHALL.
_To face page 428._
]
=Sesodias in the Imperial Service.=—The Sesodia chieftains were soon
distinguished amongst the Rajput vassals of the Mogul, and had a full
share of power. Of these Bhim, the younger brother of Karan, who headed
the quota of Mewar, was conspicuous, and became the chief adviser and
friend of Sultan Khurram, who well knew his intrepidity. At his son’s
solicitation, the emperor conferred upon him the title of Raja, and
assigned a small principality on the Banas for his residence, of which
Toda was the capital. Ambitious of perpetuating a name, he erected a new
city and palace on the banks of the river, which he called Rajmahall,
and which his descendants held till about forty years ago. The ruins of
Rajmahall[4.13.4] bear testimony to the architectural taste of this son
of Mewar, as do the fallen fortunes of his descendant to the instability
of power: the lineal heir of Raja Bhim serves the chief of Shahpura on
half a crown a day!
=Revolt and Death of Bhīm Singh.=—Jahangir, notwithstanding his favours,
soon had a specimen of the insubordinate spirit of Bhim. Being desirous
to separate him from Sultan Khurram, who aspired to the crown in
prejudice to his elder brother Parvez, he appointed Bhim to the
government of Gujarat, which was distinctly refused. Detesting Parvez,
who, it will be recollected, invaded Mewar, and was foiled for his
cruelty on this occasion, Bhim advised his friend at once to throw off
the mask, if he aspired to reign. Parvez was slain,[4.13.5] and Khurram
manifested his guilt by flying to arms [371]. He was secretly supported
by a strong party of the Rajput interest, at the head of which was Gaj
Singh of Marwar, his maternal grandfather, who cautiously desired to
remain neutral. Jahangir advanced to crush the incipient revolt; but
dubious of the Rathor (Gaj Singh), he gave the van to Jaipur, upon which
the prince furled his banners and determined to be a spectator. The
armies approached and were joining action, when the impetuous Bhim sent
a message to the Rathor either to aid or oppose them. The insult
provoked him to the latter course, and Bhim’s party was destroyed,
himself slain,[4.13.6] and Khurram and Mahabat Khan compelled to seek
refuge in Udaipur. In this asylum he remained undisturbed: apartments in
the palace were assigned to him; but his followers little respecting
Rajput prejudices, the island became his residence, on which a sumptuous
edifice was raised, adorned with a lofty dome crowned with the crescent.
The interior was decorated with mosaic, in onyx, cornelian, jaspers, and
agates, rich Turkey carpets, etc.; and that nothing of state might be
wanting to the royal refugee, a throne was sculptured from a single
block of serpentine, supported by quadriform female Caryatidae. In the
court a little chapel was erected to the Muhammadan saint Madar,[4.13.7]
and here the prince with his court resided, every wish anticipated, till
a short time before his father’s death, when he retired into
Persia.[4.13.8]
Such was Rajput gratitude to a prince who, when the chances of war made
him victor over them, had sought unceasingly to mitigate the misery
attendant on the loss of independence! It is pleasing to record to the
honour of this calumniated race, that these feelings on the part of
Karan were not transient; and that so far from expiring with the object,
The debt immense of endless gratitude.
was transmitted as an heirloom to his issue; and though two centuries
have fled, during which Mewar had suffered every variety of woe,
pillaged by Mogul [372], Pathan, and Mahratta, yet the turban of Prince
Khurram, the symbol of fraternity,[4.13.9] has been preserved, and
remains in the same folds as when transferred from the head of the Mogul
to that of the Rajput prince. The shield is yet held as the most sacred
of relics, nor will the lamp which illumines the chapel of Madar want
oil while the princes of Udaipur have wherewithal to supply it.[4.13.10]
=Death of Rāna Karan Singh.=—Rana Karan had enjoyed eight years of
perfect tranquillity when he was gathered to his fathers. The sanctuary
he gave Prince Khurram had no apparent effect on Jahangir, who doubtless
believed that the Rana did not sanction the conduct of his brother Bhim.
He was succeeded by his son Jagat Singh, ‘the lion of the world,’ in S.
1684 (A.D. 1628).
[Illustration:
JAGMANDIR PALACE, UDAIPUR.
_To face page 432._
]
=Rāna Jagat Singh I., A.D. 1628-52.=—The Emperor Jahangir died shortly
after his accession [October 28, 1627], and while Khurram was in exile.
This event, which gave the throne to the friend of his house, was
announced to him by the Rana, who sent his brother and a band of Rajputs
to Surat to form the cortege of the emperor, who repaired directly to
Udaipur; and it was in the Badal Mahall (‘the cloud saloon’) of his
palace that he was first saluted by the title of ‘Shah Jahan,’ by the
satraps and tributary princes of the empire.[4.13.11] On taking leave,
the new monarch restored five alienated districts, and presented the
Rana with a ruby of inestimable value, giving him also permission to
reconstruct the fortifications of Chitor.[4.13.12]
The twenty-six years during which Jagat Singh occupied the throne passed
in uninterrupted tranquillity: a state unfruitful to the bard, who
flourishes only amidst agitation and strife. This period was devoted to
the cultivation of the peaceful arts, especially architecture; and to
Jagat Singh Udaipur is indebted for those magnificent works which bear
his name, and excite our astonishment, after all the disasters we have
related, at the resources he found to accomplish them [373].
=Erection of Buildings at Udaipur.=—The palace on the lake (covering
about four acres), called the Jagniwas, is entirely his work, as well as
many additions to its sister isle, on which is the Jagmandir.[4.13.13]
Nothing but marble enters into their composition; columns, baths,
reservoirs, fountains, all are of this material, often inlaid with
mosaics, and the uniformity pleasingly diversified by the light passing
through glass of every hue. The apartments are decorated with historical
paintings in water-colours, almost meriting the term fresco from their
deep absorption in the wall, though the darker tints have blended with
and in part obscured the more delicate shades, from atmospheric causes.
The walls, both here and in the grand palace, contain many medallions,
in considerable relief, in gypsum, portraying the principal historical
events of the family, from early periods even to the marriage pomp of
the present Rana. Parterres of flowers, orange and lemon groves,
intervene to dispel the monotony of the buildings, shaded by the
wide-spreading tamarind and magnificent evergreen khirni;[4.13.14] while
the graceful palmyra and coco wave their plumelike branches over the
dark cypress or cooling plantain. Detached colonnaded refectories are
placed on the water’s edge for the chiefs, and extensive baths for their
use. Here they listened to the tale of the bard, and slept off their
noonday opiate amidst the cool breezes of the lake, wafting delicious
odours from myriads of the lotus-flower which covered the surface of the
waters; and as the fumes of the potion evaporated, they opened their
eyes on a landscape to which not even its inspirations could frame an
equal: the broad waters of the Pichola, with its indented and
well-wooded margin receding to the terminating point of sight, at which
the temple of Brahmpuri opened on the pass of the gigantic Aravalli, the
field of the exploits of their forefathers. Amid such scenes did the
Sesodia princes and chieftains recreate during two generations,
exchanging the din of arms for voluptuous inactivity.
Jagat Singh was a highly respected prince, and did much to efface the
remembrance of the rude visitations of the Moguls. The dignity of his
character, his benevolence of address and personal demeanour, secured
the homage of all who had access to him, and are alike attested by the
pen of the emperor, the ambassador of England, and the chronicles of
Mewar. He had the proud satisfaction [374] of redeeming the ancient
capital from ruin; rebuilding the “chaplet bastion,[4.13.15] restoring
the portals, and replacing the pinnacles on the temples of Chitrakot.”
By a princess of Marwar he left two sons, the eldest of whom succeeded.
=Rāna Rāj Singh, A.D. 1652-80.=—Raj Singh (the royal lion) mounted the
throne in S. 1710 (A.D. 1654). Various causes over which he had no
control combined, together with his personal character, to break the
long repose his country had enjoyed. The emperor of the Moguls had
reached extreme old age, and the ambition of his sons to usurp his
authority involved every Rajput in support of their individual
pretensions. The Rana inclined to Dara,[4.13.16] the legitimate heir to
the throne, as did nearly the whole Rajput race; but the battle of
Fatehabad[4.13.17] silenced every pretension, and gave the lead to
Aurangzeb, which he maintained by the sacrifice of whatever opposed his
ambition. His father, brothers, nay, his own offspring, were in turn
victims to that thirst for power which eventually destroyed the monarchy
of the Moguls.
The policy introduced by their founder, from which Akbar, Jahangir, and
Shah Jahan had reaped so many benefits, was unwisely abandoned by the
latter, who of all had the most powerful reasons for maintaining those
ties which connected the Rajput princes with his house. Historians have
neglected to notice the great moral strength derived from this unity of
the indigenous races with their conquerors; for during no similar period
was the empire so secure, nor the Hindu race so cherished, as during the
reigns of Jahangir and Shah Jahan: the former born from a Rajput
princess of Amber, and the latter from the house of Marwar. Aurangzeb’s
unmixed Tatar blood brought no Rajput sympathies to his aid; on the
contrary, every noble family shed their best blood in withstanding his
accession, and in the defence of Shah Jahan’s rights, while there was a
hope of success. The politic Aurangzeb was not blind to this defect, and
he tried to remedy it in his successor; for both his declared heir, Shah
Alam, and Azam, as well as his favourite grandson,[4.13.18] were the
offspring of Rajputnis; but, uninfluenced himself by such predilections,
his bigotry outweighed his policy, and he visited the Rajputs with an
unrelenting and unwise persecution [375].
We shall pass the twice-told tale of the struggle for power which ended
in the destruction of the brothers, competitors with Aurangzeb: this
belongs to general history, not to the annals of Mewar; and that history
is in every hand,[4.13.19] in which the magnanimity of Dara,[4.13.20]
the impetuosity of Murad, and the activity of Suja met the same tragical
end.
=Princes contemporary with Aurangzeb.=—It has seldom occurred that so
many distinguished princes were contemporary as during the reign of
Aurangzeb. Every Rajput principality had a head above mediocrity in
conduct as in courage. Jai Singh of Amber, surnamed ‘the Mirza Raja’;
Jaswant Singh of Marwar, with the Haras of Bundi and Kotah; the Rathors
of Bikaner, and Bundelas of Orchha and Datia, were men whose prejudices,
properly consulted, would have rendered the Mogul power indissoluble:
but he had but one measure of contumely for all, which inspired Sivaji
with designs of freedom to Maharashtra, and withdrew every sentiment of
support from the princes of Rajasthan. In subtlety and the most specious
hypocrisy, in that concentration of resolve which confides its deep
purpose to none, in every qualification of the warrior or
scholar,[4.13.21] Aurangzeb had no superior amongst the many
distinguished [376] of his race; but that sin by which ‘angels fell’ had
steeped him in an ocean of guilt, and not only neutralized his natural
capacities, but converted the means for unlimited power into an engine
of self-destruction. “This hypocrisy,” says the eloquent Orme,[4.13.22]
“encreased with his power, and in order to palliate to his Mahomedan
subjects the crimes by which he had become their sovereign, he
determined to enforce the conversion of the Hindoos by the severest
penalties, and even threatned the sword; as if the blood of his subjects
were to wash away the stains, with which he was imbrued by the blood of
his family.... Labour left the field and industry the loom, until the
decrease of the revenues drew representations from the governors of the
provinces; which induced Aurungzebe to substitute a capitation
tax[4.13.23] as the ballance of the account between the two religions.”
The same historian justly characterizes this enactment as one so
contrary to all notions of sound policy, as well as of the feelings of
humanity, that “reflection seeks the motive with amazement.” In this
amazement we might remain, nor seek to develop the motive, did not the
ample page of history in all [377] nations disclose that in the name of
religion more blood has been shed, and more atrocity committed, than by
the united action of the whole catalogue of the passions. Muhammad’s
creed was based on conversion, which, by whatever means effected, was a
plenary atonement for every crime. In obedience thereto Aurangzeb acted;
but though myriads of victims who clung to their faith were sacrificed
by him at the fiat of this gladiatorial prophet, yet nor these, nor the
scrupulous fulfilment of fanatic observances, could soothe at the dread
hour the perturbations of the ‘still small voice’ which whispered the
names of father, brother, son, bereft by him of life. Eloquently does he
portray these terrors in his letters to his grandson on his death-bed,
wherein he says, "Whichever way I look, I see only the divinity"—and
that an offended divinity [378].[4.13.24]
=Rāna Rāj Singh defies Aurangzeb.=—Raj Singh had signalized his
accession by the revival of the warlike Tika-daur, and plundered
Malpura, which though on the Ajmer frontier, Shah Jahan, when advised to
vengeance, replied “it was only a folly of his nephew.”[4.13.25] An
appeal to his gallantry made him throw down the gauntlet to Aurangzeb in
the plenitude of his power, when the valour of the Sesodias again burst
forth in all the splendour of the days of Partap; nor did the contest
close till after a series of brilliant victories, and with the narrow
escape from captivity of the Xerxes of Hindustan. The Mogul demanded the
hand of the princess of Rupnagar, a junior branch of the Marwar house,
and sent with the demand (a compliance with which was contemplated as
certain) a cortège of two thousand horse to escort the fair to court.
But the haughty Rajputni, either indignant at such precipitation or
charmed with the gallantry of the Rana, who had evinced his devotion to
the fair by measuring his sword with the head of her house, rejected
with disdain the proffered alliance, and, justified by brilliant
precedents in the romantic history of her nation, she entrusted her
cause to the arm of the chief of the Rajput race, offering herself as
the reward of protection. The family priest (her preceptor) deemed his
office honoured by being the messenger of her wishes, and the billet he
conveyed is incorporated in the memorial of this reign. “Is the swan to
be the mate of the stork: a Rajputni, pure in blood, to be wife to the
monkey-faced barbarian!” concluding with a threat of self-destruction if
not saved from dishonour. This appeal, with other powerful motives, was
seized on with avidity by the Rana as a pretext to throw away the
scabbard, in order to illustrate the opening of a warfare, in which he
determined to put all to the hazard in defence of his country and his
faith. The issue was an omen of success to his warlike and [379]
superstitious vassalage. With a chosen band he rapidly passed the foot
of the Aravalli and appeared before Rupnagar, cut up the imperial
guards, and bore off the prize to his capital. The daring act was
applauded by all who bore the name of Rajput, and his chiefs with joy
gathered their retainers around the ‘red standard,’ to protect the queen
so gallantly achieved.
=The Imposition of the Jizya or Capitation Tax.=—The annalist of
Rajputana is but an indifferent chronologist, and leaves us doubtful of
the exact succession of events at this period. It was not, however, till
the death of those two powerful princes, Jaswant Singh of Marwar and Jai
Singh of Amber, both poisoned by command of the tyrant, the one at his
distant government of Kabul, the other in the Deccan, that he deemed
himself free to put forth the full extent of his long-concealed design,
the imposition of the _jizya_ or capitation tax on the whole Hindu race.
But he miscalculated his measures, and the murder of these princes, far
from advancing his aim, recoiled with vengeance on his head. Foiled in
his plot to entrap the infant sons of the Rathor by the self-devotion of
his vassals,[4.13.26] the compound treachery evinced that their only
hope lay in a deadly resistance. The mother of Ajit, the infant heir of
Marwar, a woman of the most determined character, was a princess of
Mewar, and she threw herself upon the Rana as the natural guardian of
his rights, for sanctuary (_saran_) during the dangers of his minority.
This was readily yielded, and Kelwa assigned as his residence, where
under the immediate safeguard of the brave Durgadas Ajit
resided,[4.13.27] while she nursed the spirit of resistance at home. A
union of interests was cemented between these the chief States of
Rajputana, for which they never before had such motive, and but for
repeated instances of an ill-judged humanity, the throne of the Moguls
might have been completely overturned [380].
=Letter of Remonstrance to Aurangzeb.=—On the promulgation of that
barbarous edict, the _jizya_, the Rana remonstrated by letter, in the
name of the nation of which he was the head, in a style of such
uncompromising dignity, such lofty yet temperate resolve, so much of
soul-stirring rebuke mingled with a boundless and tolerating
benevolence, such elevated ideas of the Divinity with such pure
philanthropy, that it may challenge competition with any epistolary
production of any age, clime, or condition.[4.13.28] In this are
contained the true principles of Christianity, and to the illustrious
Gentile, and such as acted as he did, was pointed that golden sentence
of toleration, "Those [381] who have not the law, yet do by nature the
things contained in the law, shall be a law unto themselves."
=Aurangzeb attacks Mewār.=—This letter, the sanctuary afforded Ajit,
and (what the historical parasite of the Mogul’s life dared not
indite[4.13.29]) the carrying off of his betrothed, made him pour out
all the phials of his wrath against the devoted Mewar, and his
preparations more resembled those for the conquest of a potent kingdom
than the subjugation of a Rajput _zamindar,_[4.13.30] a vassal of that
colossal empire on whose surface his domain was but a speck. In the
very magnitude of these, the Suzerain of Hindustan paid the highest
tribute of praise to the tributary Rajput, for he denuded the very
extremities of his empire to assemble a host which he deemed must
prove irresistible. Akbar was recalled from his province, Bengal; Azam
from the distant Kabul; and even Muazzam (the Mogul’s heir) from the
war in the Deccan. With this formidable array[4.13.31] the emperor
entered Mewar, and soon reduced the low countries, which experience
had taught them were indefensible, the inhabitants previously retiring
with their effects to the hills.[4.13.32] Chitor, Mandalgarh,
Mandasor, Jiran, and many other strongholds were obtained after the
usual form of opposition, and garrisoned by the Moguls. Meanwhile the
Rana was animating the might of the Aravalli, where he meditated a
resistance proportioned to the peril which threatened every cherished
prejudice of his race: not the mere defence of dominion or dignity,
but a struggle, _pro aris et focis_, around which rallied every Rajput
with the most deadly determination. Even the primitive races of the
western wilds, “the Palindas[4.13.33] and Palipats[4.13.33] (_lord of
the passes_), with thousands of bows, and hearts devoted in the cause
of Hindupat,”[4.13.34] assembled round the red banner of Mewar. The
Rana divided his forces into three bodies [382]. His eldest son, Jai
Singh, was posted on the crest of the Aravalli, ready to act on the
invaders from either side of the mountains. Prince Bhim was to the
west, to keep up the communications with the outlets to Gujarat; while
the Rana, with the main body, took post in the Nai defile,
unassailable by the enemy, and hanging on his left flank, ready to
turn it, and cut off all retreat the moment the Imperialists entered
the mountains. Aurangzeb advanced to Debari, but instead of entering
the valley of which it was the gorge, he halted, and by the advice of
Tahawwar Khan[4.13.35] sent on Prince Akbar with fifty thousand men to
the capital. This caution of the wily monarch saved him from the ably
planned scheme of the Rajput prince, who evinced a thorough
knowledge[4.13.36] of the topography of this intricate and romantic
portion of his domain. The Girwa, emphatically ‘the Circle,’ from
which the valley of the capital is named, has this form to the eye
when viewing it from thence as a centre. It is, however, an irregular
ellipse of about fourteen miles in length from south to north, and
about eleven in breadth from east to west, the capital being situated
towards the extremity of the transverse axis, having only the lake
Pichola between it and the base of the Aravalli. The mountains of this
circular (_girwa_) valley, ranging from eight to twelve hundred feet
in height, are of primitive formation, and raise their fantastic
pinnacles in every diversity of shape over each other. To the westward
the grand chain rises two thousand feet above the plains, and might be
termed the chord, of which the Girwa is an irregular segment of a
circle, less in height, and far less compound in character. Towards
the plains east, it has three practicable passes; one, the more
northern, by Delwara; the other (central), by Debari; a third, leading
to the intricacies of Chappan, that of Nai. Of these three passes the
emperor chose the most practicable, and encamped near the Udaisagar
lake, on the left of its entrance.
=The Advance of Prince Akbar.=—Prince Akbar advanced. “Not a soul
interrupted his progress to the city. Palaces, gardens, lakes, and isles
met his eye, but no living thing: all was silence.” Akbar encamped.
Accustomed to this desertion from the desire of the people to avoid a
licentious soldiery, and lulled into a hardy security, he was surprised
[383] by the heir of Mewar. Some were praying, some feasting, some at
chess: “they came to steal and yet fell asleep,” says the annalist, and
were dispersed with terrific and unrelenting slaughter. Cut off from the
possibility of a junction with the emperor by a movement of a part of
the Rana’s personal force, Akbar attempted a retreat to the plains of
Marwar by the route of Gogunda. It was a choice of evils, and he took
the worst. The allodial vassals of the mountains, with the Bhil
auxiliaries, outstripped his retreat, and blocked up farther egress in
one of those long-extended valleys termed _Nal_, closed by a natural
rampart or _Col_, on which they formed _abbatis_ of trees, and manning
the crests on each side, hurled destruction on the foe; while the
prince, in like manner, blocked up the entrance and barred
retrogression. Death menaced them in every form. For several days they
had only the prospect of surrender to save them from famine and a justly
incensed foe, when an ill-judged humanity on the part of Jai Singh saved
them from annihilation. He admitted overtures, confided in protestations
to renounce the origin of the war, and gave them guides to conduct them
by the defile of Jhilwara, nor did they halt till protected by the walls
of Chitor.[4.13.37]
Another body of the Imperialists, under the celebrated Dilir
Khan,[4.13.38] who [384] entered by the Desuri Pass from Marwar
(probably with a view of extricating Prince Akbar), were allowed to
advance unopposed, and when in the long intricate gorge were assailed by
Bikram Solanki[4.13.39] and Gopinath Rathor[4.13.40] (both nobles of
Mewar), and after a desperate conflict entirely destroyed. On each
occasion a vast booty fell into the hands of the Rajputs.
So ably concerted was this mountain warfare, that these defeats were the
signal for a simultaneous attack by the Rana on Aurangzeb, who, with his
son Azam, watched at Debari the result of the operations under Akbar and
Dilir. The great home-clans had more than their wonted rivalry to
sustain them, for the gallant Durgadas with the Rathor swords (_talwār
Rāthorān_) whetted by an accumulation of wrongs, were to combat with
them against their common oppressor; and nobly did they contest the palm
of glory. The tyrant could not withstand them: his guns, though manned
by Franks, could not protect him against the just cause and avenging
steel of the Rajput, and he was beaten and compelled to disgraceful
flight, with an immense loss in men and equipment. The Rana had to
lament many brave leaders, home and auxiliary; and the imperial
standard, elephants, and state equipage fell into his hands, the
acquisition of Mohkam and the Saktawats. This glorious encounter
occurred in the spring month of Phalgun, S. 1737, March A.D. 1681
[1680].
The discomfited forces formed a junction under the walls of Chitor,
whence the emperor dictated the recall of his son, Prince Muazzam,
from the Deccan, deeming it of greater moment to regain lost
importance in the north than to prevent the independence of Sivaji.
Meanwhile the activity of Sawaldas (descended from the illustrious
Jaimall) cut off the communication between Chitor and Ajmer, and
alarmed the tyrant for his personal safety. Leaving, therefore, this
perilous warfare to his sons Azam and Akbar, with instructions how to
act till reinforced,—foiled in his vengeance and personally disgraced,
he abandoned Mewar, and at the head of his guards repaired to Ajmer.
Thence he detached[4.13.41] Khan Rohilla, with twelve thousand men,
against Sawaldas, with supplies and equipments for his sons. The
Rathor, joined by the troops of Marwar, gave him the meeting at Pur
Mandal, and defeated the Imperialists with great loss, driving them
back on Ajmer [385].
=Diversion made by the Rājputs.=—While the Rana, his heir and
auxiliaries, were thus triumphant in all their operations, Prince Bhim
with the left division was not idle, but made a powerful diversion by
the invasion of Gujarat, captured Idar, expelling Hasan and his
garrison, and proceeding by Birnagar, suddenly appeared before Patan,
the residence of the provincial satrap, which he plundered. Siddhpur,
Modasa,[4.13.42] and other towns shared the same fate; and he was in
full march to Surat, when the benevolence of the Rana, touched at the
woes of the fugitives, who came to demand his forbearance, caused him to
recall Bhim in the midst of his career.
Contrary to the Rajput character, whose maxim is _parcere subjectis_,
they were compelled by the utter faithlessness of Aurangzeb (chiefly
vulnerable through his resources) to retaliate his excesses; and Dayal
Sah, the civil minister, a man of high courage and activity, headed
another flying force, which ravaged Malwa to the Nerbudda and Betwa.
Sarangpur, Dewas, Sironj, Mandu, Ujjain, and Chanderi were plundered,
and numerous garrisons put to the sword; and, to use the words of the
Chronicle, “husbands abandoned their wives and children, and whatever
could not be carried off was given to the flames.” For once they avenged
themselves, in imitation of the tyrant, even on the religion of their
enemies: “the Kazis were bound and shaved, and the Korans thrown into
wells.” The minister was unrelenting and made Malwa a desert, and from
the fruits of his incursions repaired the resources of his master.
Flushed with success, he formed a junction with the heir of Mewar, and
gave battle to Azam near Chitor. On this occasion the flower of Mewar,
with the Rathor and Khichi auxiliaries,[4.13.43] were engaged, and
obtained a glorious victory, the Mogul prince being defeated and pursued
with great slaughter to Ranthambhor, which he entered. This was a just
revenge, for it was Azam who surprised Chitor the year preceding. In
Mewar the contest terminated with the expulsion of the Imperialists from
the country; when the Rana, in support of the rights of the minor prince
of Marwar, united his arms to the forces of that state, and opened the
campaign at Ghanerao, the chief town of [386] Godwar. The heroic mother
of the infant Rathor prince, a daughter of Mewar, had, since the death
of her husband, well supported his rights, having resisted every
aggression and regained many lost advantages over their antagonist.
Prince Bhim commanded the Sesodias, who formed a junction with the
Rathors, and gave battle to the royal forces led by Akbar and Tahawwar
Khan, whom they entirely defeated. The victory is chiefly attributed to
a stratagem of a Rajput chief, who, having carried off five hundred
camels from the Imperialists, conceived the idea of fixing torches to
them and letting them loose in the royal camp; and, in the confusion
produced by the charge of such a body, the Rajputs assaulted them.
=Plan to dethrone Aurangzeb.=—On their continued successes, the Rana and
his allies meditated the project of dethroning the tyrant and setting up
his son Akbar. The pernicious example of his father towards Shah Jahan
was not lost upon Akbar, who favourably received the overture; but he
wanted the circumspection which characterized Aurangzeb, whose
penetration defeated the scheme when on the eve of execution.[4.13.44]
Already had the Rajput armies united with Akbar, and the astrologer had
fixed the day which was to exalt him; but the revealer of secrets
baffled his own prediction by disclosing it to the emperor. Aurangzeb,
attended only by his guards at Ajmer, had recourse to the same artifice
which raised him to empire, in order to ward off this danger. Akbar was
but one day’s march distant; his elder sons, Muazzam and Azam, yet far
off. Not a moment was to be lost: he penned a letter to his son, which
by a spy was dropped in the tent of the Rajput leader Durgadas.[4.13.45]
In this he applauded a pretended scheme by which Akbar was to fall upon
them when they engaged the emperor. The same scheme had saved Sher Shah
in this country from Maldeo, and has more recently been put in practice,
and with like success, in the war with Sivaji. It succeeded. The Rajputs
detached themselves from the prince who had apparently betrayed them.
Tahawwar Khan, in despair, lost his life in an attempt to assassinate
the emperor,[4.13.46] and before the artifice was discovered, the
reinforcements under Muazzam and Azam arrived, and Aurangzeb was saved.
The Rajputs still offered _saran_ (refuge) to Akbar; but aware of his
father’s vigour of character, he deemed himself unsafe in his vicinage,
and accepted the escort of five hundred Rajputs led by Durgadas [387],
who cut their way through every opposition by the defiles of Mewar and
Dungarpur, and across the Nerbudda, to the Mahratta leader Sambhaji, at
Palargarh, whence he was shortly after conveyed in an English ship to
Persia.[4.13.47]
=Overtures for Peace.=—“The escape of Acbar” (observes an
historian,[4.13.48] who appreciated the importance of the transactions
of this period) “to Sambagee, oppressed Aurengzebe with as much anxiety,
as formerly the phantom of his brother Sujah amongst the Pitans; and the
consequence of their alliance became a nearer care than the continuance
of the war against the Rajpoots, whose gallant activity prevented a
speedy decision by the sword; but the dignity of the throne forbad any
overtures of peace to a resistance which had attempted the deposal, if
not the life, of the monarch. A Rajpoot officer, who had long served
with distinction under Delire Khan, solved the difficulty: he quitted
the army on the pretence of retiring to his own country and visited the
Rana as from courtesy on his journey. The conversation turned on the
war, which the Rajpoot perhaps really lamented, and he persuaded the
Rana that although Aurengzebe would never condescend to make, he might
accept overtures of peace: upon which he was empowered by the Rana to
tender them.”[4.13.49] The domestic annals confirm this account, and
give the name of this mediator, Raja Shyam Singh of Bikaner; but the
negotiation was infamously protracted to the rains, the period when
operations necessarily cease, and by which time Aurangzeb had recruited
his broken forces, and was again enabled to take the field; and it was
concluded “without assertion or release of the capitation tax, but with
the surrender of the districts taken from Chitor, and the State of
Jodhpur was included in the treaty.” How correctly this elegant
historian had obtained a knowledge of those events, a translation of the
treaty evinces.[4.13.50] But these occurrences belong to the succeeding
reign, for the Rana died about this period,[4.13.51] from wounds and
vexation.
=Cruel Treatment of Rāja of Golkonda.=—Once more we claim the reader’s
admiration on behalf of another patriot prince of Mewar, and ask him to
contrast the indigenous Rajput with the emperor of the Moguls [388];
though to compare them would be manifestly unjust, since in every moral
virtue they were antipodes to each other. Aurangzeb accumulated on his
head more crimes than any prince who ever sat on an Asiatic throne. With
all the disregard of life which marks his nation, he was never betrayed,
even in the fever of success, into a single generous action; and,
contrary to the prevailing principle of our nature, the moment of his
foe’s submission was that chosen for the malignant completion of his
revenge: witness his scourging the prostrate King of Golkonda.[4.13.52]
How opposite to the beneficence of the Rajput prince, who, when the most
efficient means of self-defence lay in the destruction of the resources
of his enemy, feeling for the miseries of the suffering population of
his persecutor, recalled his son in the midst of victory! As a skilful
general and gallant soldier, in the defence of his country, he is above
all [389] praise. As a chivalrous Rajput, his braving all consequences
when called upon to save the honour of a noble female of his race, he is
without parallel. As an accomplished prince and benevolent man, his
dignified letter of remonstrance to Aurangzeb on the promulgation of the
capitation edict, places him high in the scale of moral as well as
intellectual excellence; and an additional evidence of both, and of his
taste for the arts, is furnished by the formation of the inland lake,
the Rajsamund, with a slight account of which, and the motives for its
execution, we shall conclude the sketch of this glorious epoch in the
annals of Mewar.
=The Rājsamund Lake.=—This great national work is twenty-five miles
north of the capital, and is situated on the declivity of the plain
about two miles from the base of the Aravalli. A small perennial stream,
called the Gomati or ‘serpentine,’[4.13.53] flowing from these
mountains, was arrested in its course, and confined by an immense
embankment, made to form the lake called after himself, Rajsamund, or
‘royal sea.’ The _band_ or dam forms an irregular segment of a circle,
embracing an extent of nearly three miles, and encircling the waters on
every side except the space between the north-west and north-east
points. This barrier, which confines a sheet of water of great depth,
and about twelve miles in circumference, is entirely of white marble,
with a flight of steps of the same material, throughout this extent,
from the summit to the water’s edge; the whole buttressed by an enormous
rampart of earth, which, had the projector lived, would have been
planted with trees to form a promenade. On the south side are the town
and fortress built by the Rana, and bearing his name, Rajnagar; and upon
the embankment stands the temple of Kankroli, the shrine of one of the
seven forms (_sarup_) of Krishna. The whole is ornamented with sculpture
of tolerable execution for the age; and a genealogical sketch of the
founder’s family is inscribed in conspicuous characters. One million one
hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling,[4.13.54] contributed by the
Rana, his chiefs and opulent subjects, was expended on this work, of
which the material was from the adjacent quarries. But, magnificent,
costly, and useful as it is, it derives its chief beauty from the
benevolent motive to which it owes its birth: to alleviate the miseries
of a starving population, and make their employment conducive to
national benefit, during one of those awful visitations [390] of
providence, famine, and pestilence with which these states are sometimes
afflicted.
=The Famine of A.D. 1662.=—It was in S. 1717,[4.13.55] only seven years
after the accession of Raj Singh, that these combined evils reached
Mewar, less subject to them, owing to its natural advantages, than any
other State in India;[4.13.56] and on Tuesday the 8th of Pus, Hasti
Nakshatra (constellation of the elephant), as fixed by the astrologer,
the first stone was laid. "The chief of Mewar, deeply meditating on this
extreme distress, determined to raise a monument, by which the wretched
might be supported and his own name perpetuated. This was seven years in
constructing, and at its commencement and termination all the rites of
sacrifice and oblation were observed.
"The Rana went to implore favour at the temple of the ‘four-armed’; for
though Asarh[4.13.57] was over, not a drop of rain fell from the
heavens; and, in like manner, the months of Sawan[4.13.57] and
Bhadon[4.13.57] passed away. For want of water the world was in despair,
and people went mad with hunger. Things unknown as food were eaten. The
husband abandoned the wife, the wife the husband—parents sold their
children—time increased the evil; it spread far and wide: even the
insects died: they had nothing to feed on. Thousands of all ages became
victims to hunger. Those who procured food to-day, ate twice what nature
required. The wind was from the west, a pestilential vapour. The
constellations were always visible at night, nor was there a cloud in
the sky by day, and thunder and lightning were unknown. Such portents
filled mankind with dread. Rivers, lakes, and fountains were dried up.
Men of wealth meted out the portions of food. The ministers of religion
forgot their duties. There was no longer distinction of caste, and the
Sudra and Brahman were undistinguishable. Strength, wisdom, caste,
tribe, all were abandoned, and food alone was the object. The
Charbaran[4.13.58] threw away every symbol of separation; all was lost
in hunger. Fruits, flowers, every vegetable thing, even trees were
stripped of their bark, to appease the cravings [391] of hunger: nay,
_man ate man_! Cities were depopulated. The seed of families was lost,
the fishes were extinct, and the hope of all extinguished."[4.13.59]
Such is the simple yet terrific record of this pestilence, from which
Mewar was hardly freed, when Aurangzeb commenced the religious warfare
narrated, with all its atrocities, still further to devastate this fair
region. But a just retribution resulted from this disregard to the
character and prejudices of the Rajputs, which visited the emperor with
shame, and his successors with the overthrow of their power.
-----
Footnote 4.13.1:
The contingent of Mewar was one thousand horse.
Footnote 4.13.2:
During the progress of my mediation between the Rana and his nobles,
in 1818, the conduct of the lineal representative of Jaimall, the
defender of Chitor against Akbar, was striking. Instead of
surrendering the lands which he was accused of usurping, he placed
himself at the door of the threshold of the palace, whence he was
immovable. His claims were left to my adjudication: but he complained
with great heat of the omission of ceremonials, and especially of the
prostration of honours by the prince. I incautiously remarked that
these were trivial compared with the other objects in view, and begged
him to disregard it. “Disregard it! why, it was for these things my
ancestors sacrificed their lives; when such a band[4.13.2.A] as this
on my turban was deemed ample reward for the most distinguished
service, and made them laugh at wounds and hardships!” Abashed at the
inconsiderate remark which provoked this lofty reproof, I used my
influence to have the omission rectified: the lands were restored, and
the enthusiastic reverence with which I spoke of Jaimall would have
obtained even greater proof of the Badnor chief’s regard for the fame
of his ancestors than the surrender of them implied. Who would not
honour this attachment to such emblems in the days of adversity?
Footnote 4.13.2.A:
_Balaband_, a fillet or band, sometimes embroidered; often, as in the
present case, of silk or gold thread knotted, and tassels tied round
the turban. _Balaband_ is synonymous with diadem.
Footnote 4.13.3:
This was conceded, as the following anecdote will attest. When the
first Peshwa [Bālaji Visvanāth (1707-20)] appeared at the Jaipur court
he was accompanied by the Salumbar chieftain. The Jaipur prince
divided his gaddi (_cushion_) with the Peshwa, and the latter made
room for the Salumbar chief upon it, observing that their privileges
and rank were similar. The same Peshwa had the address to avoid all
discussion of rank at Udaipur, by alleging the prerogative of his
order to ‘_spread his cloth in front of the throne_,’ a distinction to
which every priest is entitled.
Footnote 4.13.4:
The plate represents Rajmahall, on the Banas, now in the fief of Rao
Chand Singh, one of the Jaipur nobles, whose castle of Duni is in the
distance. There are many picturesque scenes of this nature on the
Banas. Duni made a celebrated defence against Sindhia’s army in 1808,
and held out several months, though the Mahratta prince had an army of
forty thousand men and a park of eighty pieces of cannon to oppose two
hundred Rajputs. They made sorties, captured his foragers, cut his
batteries to pieces, and carried off his guns (of which they had
none), and, placing them on their walls, with his own shot made the
whole army change position, beyond matchlock range. At last their
inexpertness rendered them useless, and they obtained honourable
terms. On one occasion the foragers of our escort were returning, and
met Sindhia’s coming away without their guns and cattle, which had
just been taken from them. Our lads, from fellowship, volunteered to
recover them, and returned on the captors, who gave them up (if my
memory deceive me not) without a struggle, and from respect to the red
coat!
Footnote 4.13.5:
[Parvez died at Burhānpur, Nimār District, Central Provinces, in his
thirty-eighth year, on October 28, 1626.]
Footnote 4.13.6:
Man Singh, chief of the Saktawats, and his brother Gokuldas, were
Bhim’s advisers, and formed with Mahabat Khan the junta who ruled the
Mogul heir-apparent. Man held Sanwar in the Khairar, and was
celebrated in Amra’s wars as the great champion of the Sesodias. He
counted above eighty wounds, and had at various times "sent a _ser_
(two pounds) of exfoliated bone to the Ganges." Such was the affection
between Man and Bhim, that they concealed the death of the latter,
sending him food in Bhim’s name; but he no sooner learned the truth
than he tore away the bandages and expired. Of Gokuldas the bard says,
in allusion to the peaceful reign of Karan, “The wreath of Karan’s
renown was fading, but Gokul revived it with his blood.” It was with
the Sesodia Rajputs and the Saktawats that Mahabat performed the most
daring exploit in Mogul history, making Jahangir prisoner in his own
camp: but it is too long for insertion in a note. [This occurred in
1626; see Elphinstone, _Hist. of India_, 568.]
Footnote 4.13.7:
[The saint Madār is said to have been a Jew from Aleppo who lived from
A.D. 1050 to 1433, and was buried at Makanpur in the Cawnpur District,
where pilgrims visit his tomb (_IGI_, xvii. 43; _Dabistan_, trans.
Shea-Troyer iii. 244 ff.).]
Footnote 4.13.8:
Contemporary historians say to Golkonda. [Khurram was prevented by bad
health from going to Persia, and proceeded to the Deccan, whence he
returned after his father’s death (Elphinstone, _op. cit._ 573;
Elliot-Dowson vi. 433, 437, 445).]
Footnote 4.13.9:
An exchange of turbans is the symbol of fraternal adoption.
Footnote 4.13.10:
It is an affecting proof of the perpetuity of true gratitude,
“Which owing, owes not,”
as well as of religious toleration, to find the shrine of the
Muhammadan saint maintained in this retreat of the Sesodias, and the
priest and establishment kept up, though the son of their benefactor
persecuted them with unrelenting barbarity. Are these people worth
conciliating? or does the mist of ignorance and egotism so blind us
that we are to despise the minds hidden under the cloak of poverty and
long oppression? The orange-coloured turban, and the shield of Shah
Jahan, have been brought from their sacred niche for my view: that I
looked on them with sentiments of reverence, as relics consecrated by
the noblest feeling of the mind, will be credited. I bowed to the
turban with an irresistible impulse, and a fervour as deep as ever did
pilgrim before the most hallowed shrine.
Footnote 4.13.11:
Ferishta [Dow iii. 99], whose geography is often quite unintelligible,
omits this in his history, and passes the king direct to Ajmer: but
the annals are fuller, and describe the royal insignia conveyed by
Mahabat, Abdulla, Khan Jahan, and his secretary Sadullah.
Footnote 4.13.12:
[According to Manucci (i. 214 f.) Shāhjahān ordered his Wazīr
S’adullah Khān to prepare a campaign against the Rāna, but the plan
was disclosed by a woman, and the Rāna made terms, ceded territory,
and paid a sum of money. Shāhjahān is said to have destroyed the
fortifications of Chitor, on the ground that they had been repaired
without his father’s permission.]
Footnote 4.13.13:
‘The minster of the world.’ [According to Erskine (ii. A. 109) the
Jagmandir was built by Jagat Singh I. (1628-52); the Jagniwās by Jagat
Singh II. (1734-51).]
Footnote 4.13.14:
[_Wrightia tinctoria_ (Watt, _Comm. Prod._ 1131 f.).]
Footnote 4.13.15:
The _Mala Burj_, a ‘chaplet bastion’ blown up by Akbar, is a small
fortress of itself.
Footnote 4.13.16:
I have copies of the original letters written by Dara, Suja, Murad,
and Aurangzeb on this occasion, each soliciting the Rana’s aid.
Footnote 4.13.17:
[Samūgarh, afterwards called Fatehābād, May 20, 1658 (Jadunath Sarkar,
_Life of Aurangzib_, ii. 32 ff.; Manucci i. 270 ff.; Bernier 49 ff.).]
Footnote 4.13.18:
Kambakhsh (son of Jodhpuri, not Udaipuri), ‘the gift of Cupid.’ Of
this the Greeks made Cambyses. [Kāmbakhsh was son of Udaipuri, the
youngest and best-loved concubine of Aurangzeb (Jadunath Sarkar i.
64). Cambyses is Old Persian Kābuzīya or Kambuzīya (Maspero, _Passing
of the Empires_, 655, note).]
Footnote 4.13.19:
Bernier, who was an eye-witness of these transactions, describes them
far better than the Mogul historians, and his accounts tally admirably
with the Rajput annals. [But he is not always to be trusted (Jadunath
Sarkar ii. 10, note).]
Footnote 4.13.20:
[The proper form is Dāra Shukoh or Shikoh, ‘equal in splendour to
Darius.’]
Footnote 4.13.21:
We possess a most erroneous idea of the understanding of Asiatic
princes, and the extent of its cultivation. Aurangzeb’s rebuke to his
tutor Mulla Sale [Mulla Sālih, Bernier 154; Manucci ii. 30], who beset
him with a sycophantic intrusion on his coming to the throne, may
correct this, and, with the letter of Rana Raj Singh, give the
European world juster notions of the powers of mind both of Hindu and
Muhammadan. It is preserved by Bernier, who had ample opportunity to
acquire a knowledge of them. (_From an edition in the author’s
possession, printed A.D. 1684, only three years after these events._)
"‘What is it you would have of me, Doctor? Can you reasonably desire I
should make you one of the chief Omrahs of my court? Let me tell you,
if you had instructed me as you should have done, nothing would be
more just; for I am of this persuasion, that a child well educated and
instructed is as much, at least, obliged to his master as to his
father. But where are those good documents you have given me? In the
first place, you have taught me that all that Frangistan (so it seems
they call Europe) was nothing but I know not what little island, of
which the greatest king was he of Portugal, and next to him he of
Holland, and after him he of England: and as to the other kings, as
those of France and Andalusia, you have represented them to me as our
petty Rajas; telling me that the kings of Indostan were far above them
all together, and that they were the true and only Houmayons, the
Ekbars, the Jehan-Guyres, the Chah-Jehans, the fortunate ones, the
great ones, the conquerors and kings of the world; and that Persia and
Usbec, Kachguer, Tartar and Catay, Pegu, China and Matchina did
tremble at the name of the kings of Indostan. Admirable geography! You
should rather have taught me exactly to distinguish all those
different states of the world, and well to understand their strength,
their way of fighting, their customs, religions, governments, and
interests; and, by the perusal of solid history, to observe their
rise, progress, decay, and whence, how, and by what accidents and
errors those great changes and revolutions of empires and kingdoms
have happened. I have scarce learnt of you the name of my grandsires,
the famous founders of this empire: so far were you from having taught
me the history of their life, and what course they took to make such
great conquests. You had a mind to teach me the Arabian tongue, to
read and to write. I am much obliged to you, forsooth, for having made
me lose so much time upon a language that requires ten or twelve years
to attain to its perfection; as if the son of a king should think it
to be an honour to him to be a grammarian or some doctor of the law,
and to learn other languages than those of his neighbours, when he
cannot well be without them; he, to whom time is so precious for so
many weighty things, which he ought by times to learn. As if there
were any spirit that did not with some reluctancy, and even with a
kind of debasement, employ itself in so sad and dry an exercise, so
longsom and tedious, as is that of learning words.’
"Thus did Arung-Zebe resent the pedantic instructions of his tutor; to
which ’tis affirmed in that court, that after some entertainment which
he had with others, he further added the following reproof:
"‘Know you not, that childhood well govern’d, being a state which is
ordinarily accompanied with an happy memory, is capable of thousands
of good precepts and instructions, which remain deeply impressed the
whole remainder of a man’s life, and keep the mind always raised for
great actions? The law, prayers, and science, may they not as well be
learned in our mother-tongue as in Arabick? You told my father, Chah
Jehan, that you would teach me philosophy. ’Tis true, I remember very
well, that you have entertain’d me for many years with airy questions
of things that afford no satisfaction at all to the mind, and are of
no use in humane society, empty notions and mere phancies, that have
only this in them, that they are very hard to understand and very
easie to forget, which are only capable to tire and spoil a good
understanding, and to breed an opinion that is insupportable. I still
remember, that after you had thus amused me, I know not how long, with
your fine philosophy, all I retained of it was a multitude of
barbarous and dark words, proper to bewilder, perplex, and tire out
the best wits, and only invented the better to cover the vanity and
ignorance of men like yourself, that would make us believe that they
know all, and that under those obscure and ambiguous words are hid
great mysteries which they alone are capable to understand. If you had
season’d me with that philosophy which formeth the mind to
ratiocination, and insensibly accustoms it to be satisfied with
nothing but solid reasons, if you had given me those excellent
precepts and doctrines which raise the soul above the assaults of
fortune, and reduce her to an unshakeable and always equal temper, and
permit her not to be lifted up by prosperity nor debased by adversity;
if you had taken care to give me the knowledge of what we are and what
are the first principles of things, and had assisted me in forming in
my mind a fit idea of the greatness of the universe, and of the
admirable order and motion of the parts thereof; if, I say, you had
instilled into me this kind of philosophy, I should think myself
incomparably more obliged to you than Alexander was to his Aristotle,
and believe it my duty to recompense you otherwise than he did him.
Should not you, instead of your flattery, have taught me somewhat of
that point so important to a king, which is, what the reciprocal
duties are of a sovereign to his subjects and those of subjects to
their sovereign; and ought not you to have considered, that one day I
should be obliged with the sword to dispute my life and the crown with
my brothers? Is not that the destiny almost of all the sons of
Indostan? Have you ever taken any care to make me learn, what ’tis to
besiege a town or to set an army in array? For these things I am
obliged to others, not at all to you. Go, and retire to the village
whence you are come, and let nobody know who you are or what is become
of you.’" [For another version of this speech see Bernier 154 ff.,
Manucci ii. 30 ff.]
Footnote 4.13.22:
[_Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire_, ed. 1782, p. 101. The
quotation in the text has been corrected.]
Footnote 4.13.23:
The Jizya.
Footnote 4.13.24:
I deem it right, in order further to illustrate the cultivated
understanding of Aurangzeb, to annex the letters written to his sons a
few days before his death. With such talents, with so just a
conception as these and the rebuke to his tutor evince of his
knowledge of the right, what might he not have been had not fell
ambition misguided him!
"To Shaw Azim Shaw. [Shāh Āzam Shāh.]
"Health to thee! my heart is near thee. Old age is arrived: weakness
subdues me, and strength has forsaken all my members. I came a
stranger into this world, and a stranger I depart. I know nothing of
myself, what I am, and for what I am destined. The instant which
passed in power, hath left only sorrow behind it. I have not been the
guardian and protector of the empire. My valuable time has been passed
vainly. I had a patron in my own dwelling (conscience), but his
glorious light was unseen by my dim sight. Life is not lasting, there
is no vestige of departed breath, and all hopes from futurity are
lost. The fever has left me, but nothing of me remains but skin and
bone. My son (Kaum Buksh), though gone towards Beejapore, is still
near; and thou, my son, are yet nearer. The worthy of esteem, Shaw
Aulum, is far distant; and my grandson (Azeem Ooshaun), by the orders
of God, is arrived near Hindostan. The camp and followers, helpless
and alarmed, are like myself, full of affliction, restless as the
quicksilver. Separated from their lord, they know not if they have a
master or not.
“I brought nothing into this world, and, except the infirmities of
man, carry nothing out. I have a dread for my salvation, and with what
torments I may be punished. Though I have strong reliance on the
mercies and bounty of God, yet, regarding my actions, fear will not
quit me; but when I am gone, reflection will not remain. Come then
what may, I have launched my vessel to the waves. Though Providence
will protect the camp, yet, regarding appearances, the endeavours of
my sons are indispensably incumbent. Give my last prayers to my
grandson (Bedar Bukht), whom I cannot see, but the desire affects me.
The Begum (his daughter) appears afflicted; but God is the only judge
of hearts. The foolish thoughts of women produce nothing but
disappointment. Farewell! farewell! farewell!” [This letter is printed
by H. Bilimoria, _Letters of Aurangzeb_, 71 f.]
"To the Prince Kaum Buksh. [Kāmbakhsh.]
"My son, nearest to my heart. Though in the height of my power, and by
God’s permission, I gave you advice, and took with you the greatest
pains, yet, as it was not the divine will, you did not attend with the
ears of compliance. Now I depart a stranger, and lament my own
insignificance, what does it profit me? I carry with me the fruits of
my sins and imperfections. Surprising Providence! I came here alone,
and alone I depart. The leader of this caravan hath deserted me. The
fever which troubled me for twelve days has left me. Wherever I look,
I see nothing but the divinity. My fears for the camp and followers
are great: but, alas! I know not myself. My back is bent with
weakness, and my feet have lost the powers of motion. The breath which
rose is gone, and left not even hope behind it. I have committed
numerous crimes, and know not with what punishments I may be seized.
Though the protector of mankind will guard the camp, yet care is
incumbent also on the faithful and my sons. When I was alive, no care
was taken; and now I am gone, the consequence may be guessed. The
guardianship of a people is the trust by God committed to my sons.
Azim Shaw is near. Be cautious that none of the faithful are slain, or
their miseries fall upon my head. I resign you, your mother and son,
to God, as I myself am going. The agonies of death come upon me fast.
Behadur Shaw is still where he was, and his son is arrived near
Hindostan. Bedar Bukht is in Guzarat. Hyaut al Nissa, who has beheld
no afflictions of time till now, is full of sorrows. Regard the Begum
as without concern. _Odiporee,[4.13.24.A] your mother, was a partner
in my illness, and wishes to accompany me in death; but every thing
has its appointed time._
“The domestics and courtiers, however deceitful, yet must not be
ill-treated. It is necessary to gain your views by gentleness and art.
Extend your feet no lower than your skirt. The complaints of the
unpaid troops are as before. Dara Shekkoh, though of much judgment and
good understanding, settled large pensions on his people, but paid
them ill and they were ever discontented. I am going. Whatever good or
evil I have done, it was for you. Take it not amiss, nor remember what
offences I have done to yourself; that account may not be demanded of
me hereafter. No one has seen the departure of his own soul; but I see
that mine is departing” (_Memoirs of Eradut Khan_). See Scott’s _Hist.
of the Dekhan_ [ii. Part iv.]. [This letter, with some variants, is
printed by Bilimoria, 73 f.]
Footnote 4.13.24.A:
Orme [_Fragments_, 119] calls her a Cashmerian; certainly she was not
a daughter of the Rana’s family, though it is not impossible she may
have been of one of the great families of Shahpura or Banera (then
acting independently of the Rana), and her desire to burn shows her to
have been Rajput. [“Such an inference is wrong, because a Hindu
princess on marrying a Muslim king lost her caste and religion, and
received Islamic burial. We read of no Rajputni of the harem of any of
the Mughal emperors having burnt herself with her deceased husband,
for the very good reason that a Muslim’s corpse is buried and not
burnt. Evidently Udipuri meant that she would kill herself in
passionate grief on the death of Aurangzib” (Jadunath Sarkar i. 64,
note).]
Footnote 4.13.25:
The emperor was the adopted brother of Rana Karan.
Footnote 4.13.26:
Two hundred and fifty Rajputs opposed five thousand of the
Imperialists at a pass, till the family of Jaswant escaped.
Footnote 4.13.27:
The Rana received the young Rathor with the most princely hospitality,
and among other gifts a diamond worth ten thousand dinars is
enumerated.
Footnote 4.13.28:
This letter, first made known to Europe by Orme [_Fragments_, Notes,
xciii. ff.], has by him been erroneously attributed to Jaswant Singh
of Marwar, who was dead before the promulgation of the edict, as the
mention of Ramsingh sufficiently indicates, whose father, Jai Singh,
was contemporary with Jaswant, and ruled nearly a year after his
death. My Munshi obtained a copy of the original letter at Udaipur,
where it is properly assigned to the Rana. [Compare the version of
this letter in Jadunath Sarkar (iii. 325 ff.), who remarks that "the
internal evidence and biographical details of the writer apply to
Shivaji and not to Raj Singh. In the penultimate paragraph of the
letter _Rajah Ram Singh_ is given for _Rana Raj Singh_ by ASBMs and
Orme; but no Jaipur chieftain could have been ‘the head of the
Hindus.’"] It were superfluous to give a translation after the elegant
production of Sir W. B. Rouse.
"Letter from Rana Raj Singh to Aurangzeb.
"All due praise be rendered to the glory of the Almighty, and the
munificence of your majesty, which is conspicuous as the sun and moon.
Although I, your well-wisher, have separated from your sublime
presence, I am nevertheless zealous in the performance of every
bounden act of obedience and loyalty. My ardent wishes and strenuous
services are employed to promote the prosperity of the Kings, Nobles,
Mirzas, Rajahs, and Roys of the provinces of Hindostan, and the chiefs
of Æraun, Turaun, Room, and Shawm, the inhabitants of the seven
climates, and all persons travelling by land and by water. This my
inclination is notorious, nor can your royal wisdom entertain a doubt
thereof. Reflecting therefore on my former services, and your
majesty’s condescension, I presume to solicit the royal attention to
some circumstances, in which the public as well as private welfare is
greatly interested.
"I have been informed that enormous sums have been dissipated in the
prosecution of the designs formed against me, your well-wisher; and
that you have ordered a tribute to be levied to satisfy the exigencies
of your exhausted treasury.
"May it please your majesty, your royal ancestor Mahomed Jelaul ul
Deen Akbar, whose throne is now in heaven, conducted the affairs of
this empire in equity and firm security for the space of fifty-two
years, preserving every tribe of men in ease and happiness, whether
they were followers of Jesus or of Moses, of David or Mahomed; were
they Brahmins, were they of the sect of Dharians, which denies the
eternity of matter, or of that which ascribes the existence of the
world to chance, they all equally enjoyed his countenance and favour:
insomuch that his people, in gratitude for the indiscriminate
protection he afforded them, distinguished him by the appellation of
_Juggut Gooroo_ (Guardian of Mankind).
"His majesty Mahomed Noor ul Deen Jehangheer, likewise, whose dwelling
is now in paradise, extended, for a period of twenty-two years, the
shadow of his protection over the heads of his people; successful by a
constant fidelity to his allies, and a vigorous exertion of his arm in
business.
"Nor less did the illustrious Shah Jehan, by a propitious reign of
thirty-two years, acquire to himself immortal reputation, the glorious
reward of clemency and virtue.
"Such were the benevolent inclinations of your ancestors. Whilst they
pursued these great and generous principles, wheresoever they directed
their steps, conquest and prosperity went before them; and then they
reduced many countries and fortresses to their obedience. During your
majesty’s reign, many have been alienated from the empire, and farther
loss of territory must necessarily follow, since devastation and
rapine now universally prevail without restraint. Your subjects are
trampled under foot, and every province of your empire is
impoverished; depopulation spreads, and difficulties accumulate. When
indigence has reached the habitation of the sovereign and his princes,
what can be the condition of the nobles? As to the soldiery, they are
in murmurs; the merchants complaining, the Mahomedans discontented,
the Hindoos destitute, and multitudes of people, wretched even to the
want of their nightly meal, are beating their heads throughout the day
in rage and desperation.
"How can the dignity of the sovereign be preserved who employs his
power in exacting heavy tributes from a people thus miserably reduced?
At this juncture it is told from east to west, that the emperor of
Hindostan, jealous of the poor Hindoo devotee, will exact a tribute
from Brahmins, Sanorahs, Joghies, Berawghies, Sanyasees; that,
regardless of the illustrious honour of his Timurcan race, he
condescends to exercise his power over the solitary inoffensive
anchoret. If your majesty places any faith in those books, by
distinction called divine, you will there be instructed that God is
the God of all mankind, not the God of Mahomedans alone. The Pagan and
the Mussulman are equally in His presence. Distinctions of colour are
of His ordination. It is He who gives existence. In your temples, to
His name the voice is raised in prayer; in a house of images, where
the bell is shaken, still He is the object of adoration. To vilify the
religion or customs of other men is to set at naught the pleasure of
the Almighty. When we deface a picture, we naturally incur the
resentment of the painter; and justly has the poet said, presume not
to arraign or scrutinize the various works of power divine.
“In fine, the tribute you demand from the Hindoos is repugnant to
justice: it is equally foreign from good policy, as it must impoverish
the country: moreover, it is an innovation and an infringement of the
laws of Hindostan. But if zeal for your own religion hath induced you
to determine upon this measure, the demand ought, by the rules of
equity, to have been made first upon Ramsing, who is esteemed the
principal amongst the Hindoos. Then let your well-wisher be called
upon, with whom you will have less difficulty to encounter; but to
torment ants and flies is unworthy of an heroic or generous mind. It
is wonderful that the ministers of your government should have
neglected to instruct your majesty in the rules of rectitude and
honour.”
Footnote 4.13.29:
It is well known that Aurangzeb forbade the continuation of the
history of his life, subsequent to that portion comprehending the
first ten years [the _Ālamgīrnāma_; see Jadunath Sarkar ii. 302].
Footnote 4.13.30:
The epithet by which these Tatar sovereigns affected to call the
indigenous (_bhumia_) princes.
Footnote 4.13.31:
There were no such field trains in Europe as those of the Moguls.
Seventy pieces of heavy ordnance, sixty of horse artillery, and a
dromedary corps three hundred strong, mounting swivels, accompanied
the emperor on an excursion to Kashmir. Bernier, who gives this
detail, describes what he saw [217 f.].
Footnote 4.13.32:
[For this campaign see the account in Jadunath Sarkar, _Life of
Aurangzib_, iii. 365 ff.]
Footnote 4.13.33:
_Pāl_ is the local term for these long defiles, the residence of the
mountaineers: their _chiefs_ are called _Indras_, _Pati_, in Bhakha,
_Pat_.
Footnote 4.13.34:
Chief of the Hindus.
Footnote 4.13.35:
[In the text “Tyber” Khān. His original name was Jān Beg, also known
as Bādshāh Kuli Khān, one of Aurangzeb’s great nobles (Manucci ii.
239, note 3, 247, note). His tragical end is told later on.]
Footnote 4.13.36:
The Saktawat leader, Gharibdas, has the merit of having prompted this
plan. His speech on the advance of Aurangzeb is given in the Annals;
and his advice, “Let the king have free entrance through the passes,
shut him in, and make famine his foe,” was literally followed, with
the hard knocks, which being a matter-of-course accompaniment, the
gallant Saktawat deemed it unnecessary to specify.
Footnote 4.13.37:
Orme, who has many valuable historical details of this period, makes
Aurangzeb in person to have been in the predicament assigned by the
annals to his son, and to have escaped from the operation of those
high and gallant sentiments of the Rajput, which make him no match for
a wily adversary.
“In the meantime Aurengzebe was carrying on the war against the Rana
of Cheetore, and the Raja of Marwar, who on the approach of his army
at the end of the preceding year, 1678, had abandoned the accessible
country, and drew their herds and inhabitants into the vallies, within
the mountains; the army advanced amongst the defiles with incredible
labour, and with so little intelligence, that the division which moved
with Aurengzebe himself was unexpectedly stopped by insuperable
defences and precipices in front; whilst the Rajpoots in one night
closed the streights in his rear, by felling the overhanging trees;
and from their stations above prevented all endeavours of the troops,
either within or without, from removing the obstacle. Udeperri, the
favourite and Circassian wife of Aurengzebe, accompanied him in this
arduous war, and with her retinue and escort was enclosed in another
part of the mountains; her conductors, dreading to expose her person
to danger or public view, surrendered. She was carried to the Rana,
who received her with homage and every attention. Meanwhile the
emperor himself might have perished by famine, of which the Rana let
him see the risque, by a confinement of two days; when he ordered his
Rajpoots to withdraw from their stations, and suffer the way to be
cleared. As soon as Aurengzebe was out of danger, the Rana sent back
his wife, accompanied by a chosen escort, who only requested in return
that he would refrain from destroying the sacred animals of their
religion which might still be left in the plains; but Aurengzebe, who
believed in no virtue but self-interest, imputed the generosity and
forbearance of the Rana to the fear of future vengeance, and continued
the war. Soon after he was again well-nigh enclosed in the mountains.
This second experience of difficulties beyond his age and
constitution, and the arrival of his sons, Azim and Acbar, determined
him not to expose himself any longer in the field, but to leave its
operations to their conduct, superintended by his own instructions
from Azmir; to which city he retired with the households of his
family, the officers of his court, and his bodyguard of four thousand
men, dividing the army between his two sons, who each had brought a
considerable body of troops from their respective governments. They
continued the war each in a different part of the country, and neither
at the end of the year had forced the ultimate passes of the
mountains” [_Historical Fragments_, 119 f.].
Footnote 4.13.38:
[Dilīr Khan, otherwise Jalāl Khān Dā‛ūdzai, died at Aurangābād,
1682-83 (Manucci i. 243). Grant Duff speaks highly of his services in
the Deccan (145 f.).]
Footnote 4.13.39:
Chief of Rupnagar.
Footnote 4.13.40:
Chief of Ghānerāo, in Godwar, now alienated from Mewar.
Footnote 4.13.41:
[Some name is wanting here.]
Footnote 4.13.42:
[Siddhpur, a famous place of pilgrimage in Baroda State (_IGI_, xxii.
358 f.); Modāsa, fifty-two miles north-east of Ahmadābād (_BG_, vi.
346).]
Footnote 4.13.43:
Mokham and Ganga Saktawats, Ratan Chondawat of Salumbar, Chandrasen
Jhala of Sadri, Sabal Singh Chauhan of Bedla, Berisal Punwar of
Bijolia. Four of the chiefs made speeches on the eve preceding the
battle, which are recorded in the Chronicle.
Footnote 4.13.44:
[For Akbar’s rebellion see Jadunath Sarkar ii. 402 ff.; Elliot-Dowson
vii. 298 ff.; Manucci ii. 243 ff.]
Footnote 4.13.45:
A portrait of this Rathor hero was given to the author of the present
work by his descendants. He was chief of Dunara, on the Luni. He saved
his young sovereign’s life from the tyrant, and guarded him during a
long minority, heading the Rathors in all the wars for the
independence of his country. A bribe of forty thousand _gold suns_ was
sent to him by Azam _without stipulation_, when conveying Akbar out of
danger. The object was obvious, yet the Mogul prince dared not even
specify his wishes. It is needless to say that Durga spurned the
offer. [For the flight of Akbar see Jadunath Sarkar ii. 415 ff.]
Footnote 4.13.46:
[For the attempt of Tahawwar Khān to assassinate Aurangzeb see Manucci
ii. 247 ff.; Jadunath Sarkar ii. 411 ff.]
Footnote 4.13.47:
[Palargarh is perhaps Pālanpur (_IGI_, xix. 354). Akbar died in
Persia, 1706.]
Footnote 4.13.48:
“We are not without hopes that some of the many in India who have the
means will supply the portions of information which are deficient in
these fragments, and must otherwise always continue out of our reach.
The knowledge is well worth the inquiry; for, besides the magnitude of
the events and the energy of the characters which arise within this
period, there are no states or powers on the continent of India, with
whom our nation have either connection or concern, which do not owe
the origin of their present condition to the reign of Aurengzebe, or
to its influence on the reigns of his successors” (Orme’s _Fragments_
[Notes i. f.]).
Footnote 4.13.49:
[Orme, _Fragments_, 150 f.]
Footnote 4.13.50:
"_Jawab-sowal_ [treaty, ‘question—answer’] _of Sur_
_Singh (uncle of Rana Raj_ [ ] _Singh) and Narhar Bhat_
_with the_ [Handprint] _Emperor_.
[ ]
_Panja_, or impress of the Em- peror’s hand, with the word
‘_Manzuri)_,’ written by him- self. _Manzuri_ (‘agreed’)
"Your servants, according to your royal pleasure and summons, have
been sent by the Rana to represent what is written underneath. We hope
you will agree to these requests, besides others which will be made by
Padam Singh.
"1. Let Chitor, with the districts adjacent appertaining thereto when
it was inhabited, be restored.
"2. In such temples and places of Hindu religious resort as have been
converted into mosques, the past cannot be recalled, but let this
practice be abolished.
"3. The aid hitherto afforded to the empire by the Rana shall be
continued, but let no additional commands be imposed.
"4. The sons and dependants of the deceased Raja Jaswant Singh so soon
as enabled to perform their duties, we hope will have their country
restored to them.[4.13.50.A]
"Respect prevents inferior demands. May the splendour of your fortune,
like the sun illuminating the world, be for ever increasing and never
set.
“The Arzi (requests) of your servants, Sur Singh and Narhar Bhat.”
Footnote 4.13.50.A:
S. 1737, A.D. 1681.
Footnote 4.13.51:
It was to defend the rights of the heir of Marwar, as well as to
oppose the odious _jizya_, that the Rana took to arms. Ajit was still
under the Rana’s safeguard.
Footnote 4.13.52:
[Orme, _Fragments_, 217 f. A different story is told by Khāfi Khān
(Elliot-Dowson vii. 334).]
Footnote 4.13.53:
[A common error; Gomati, meaning ‘rich in cattle,’ has no connexion
with Hindi _ghūmna_, ‘to twist.’]
Footnote 4.13.54:
Ninety-six lakhs of rupees [Erskine ii. A. 9].
Footnote 4.13.55:
A.D. 1661.
Footnote 4.13.56:
From all I could learn, it was the identical pestilence which has been
ravaging India for the last ten years, erroneously called _cholera
morbus_. About thirty-five years ago the same disease carried off
multitudes in these countries. Orme [_Fragments_, 200] gives notice of
something similar in A.D. 1684, in the imperial camp near Goa, when
five hundred victims daily fell its prey. Mewar was not free from the
last visitation of 1818, and the only son of the Rana was the first
person attacked.
Footnote 4.13.57:
The three months of rain, termed the _Barsat_. [Asārh is the month
June to July, followed by Sāwan and Bhādon.]
Footnote 4.13.58:
The four castes, sacerdotal, military, mercantile, and servile.
Footnote 4.13.59:
From the _Raj Vilas_, the chronicle of the reign of Raj Singh.
-----
CHAPTER 14
=Rāna Jai Singh, A.D. 1680-98.=—Rana Jai Singh took possession of the
_Gaddi_[4.14.1] in S. 1737 (A.D. 1681). A circumstance occurred at his
birth, which as descriptive of manners may deserve notice. A few hours
only intervened between his entrance into the world and that of another
son called Bhim. It is customary for the father to bind round the arm of
the new-born infant a root of that species of grass called the
_amardub_, the ‘imperishable’ _dub_, well known for its nutritive
properties and luxuriant vegetation under the most intense heat.[4.14.2]
The Rana first attached the ligature round the arm of the youngest,
apparently an oversight, though in fact from superior affection for his
mother. As the boys approached to manhood, the Rana, apprehensive that
this preference might create dissension, one day drew his sword, and
placing it in the hand of Bhim (the elder), said, it was better to use
it at once on his brother, than hereafter to endanger the safety of the
State. This [392] appeal to his generosity had an instantaneous effect,
and he not only ratified, ‘by his father’s throne,’[4.14.3] the
acknowledgment of the sovereign rights of his brother, but declared, to
remove all fears, “he was not his son if he again drank water within the
pass of Debari”; and, collecting his retainers, he abandoned Udaipur to
court Fortune where she might be kinder. The day was sultry, and on
reaching the barrier he halted under the shade of a sacred fig-tree to
bestow a last look upon the place of his birth. His cup-bearer
(_Paniyari_) brought his silver goblet filled from the cool fountain,
but as he raised it to his lips, he recollected that his vow was
incomplete while within the portal; he poured the libation on the earth
in the name of the Supreme, and casting the cup as an offering to the
deity of the fountain, the huge gates closed upon the valley. He
proceeded to Bahadur Shah, who conferred upon him the dignity (_mansab_)
of a leader of three thousand five hundred horse, with the Bawana, or
fifty-two districts for their support: but quarrelling with the imperial
general, he was detached with his contingent west of the Indus, where he
died.[4.14.4]
=Treaty between Rāna Jai Singh and Aurangzeb.=—Let us return to Jai
Singh (_the lion of victory_). He concluded a treaty with Aurangzeb,
conducted by Prince Azam and Dilir Khan, who took every occasion to
testify his gratitude for the clemency of Rana Raj Singh, when blockaded
in the defiles of the Aravalli. At this conference, the Rana was
attended by ten thousand horse and forty thousand foot, besides the
multitude collected from the mountains to view the ceremony, above one
hundred thousand souls, who set up a shout of joy at the prospect of
revisiting the plains, which disconcerted Azam, while Dilir expatiated
on the perils from which the Rana’s generosity had liberated him. Azam,
who said he was no stranger to the Rana’s illustrious house, concluded a
treaty on the spot, in which, as a salvo for the imperial dignity, a
nominal fine and surrender of three districts were inserted for aiding
Akbar’s rebellion, and a hint that the regal colour (_crimson_) of his
tents and umbrella [393] should be discontinued. That advantages were
gained by the Rana, we may infer from Dilir’s sons being left as
hostages for Azam’s good faith; a fact we learn from his farewell
address to the Rana! “Your nobles are rude, and my children are the
hostages of your safety; but if at the expense of their lives I can
obtain the entire restoration of your country, keep your mind at ease,
for there was friendship between your father and me.”
=The Jaisamund Lake.=—But all other protection than what his sword
afforded was futile; and though Dilir’s intentions were noble, he had
little control over events: in less than five years after his accession,
the Rana was again forced to fly the plains for the inaccessible haunts
of Kamori. Yet, in spite of these untoward circumstances and
uninterrupted warfare, such were the resources of this little State that
the Rana completed a work which perpetuates his name. He threw a dam
across a break in the mountains, the channel of an ever-flowing stream,
by which he formed the largest lake in India,[4.14.5] giving it his own
name, the Jaisamund, or sea of victory. Nature had furnished the hint
for this undertaking, for there had always existed a considerable volume
of water; but the Rana had the merit of uniting these natural
buttresses, and creating a little sea from the Dhebar pool, its ancient
appellation. The circumference cannot be less than thirty miles, and the
benefits to cultivation, especially in respect to the article of rice,
which requires perpetual irrigation, were great. On this huge rampart he
erected a palace for his favourite queen, Komaladevi, a princess of the
Pramara race, familiarly known as the Ruthi Rani, or ‘testy queen.’
=Rana Jai Singh and his heir Amar Singh.=—Domestic unhappiness appears
to have generated in the Rana inaptitude to state affairs; and,
unluckily, the favoured queen estranged him from his son. Amra, a name
venerated in Mewar, was that of the heir of Jai Singh. His mother was of
the Bundi house, a family which has performed great services to, and
brought great calamities upon, the ancient sovereigns of Mewar. To the
jealousies of the rival queens, one of them mother to the heir, the
other the favourite of the sovereign, are attributed dissensions, which
at such a juncture were a greater detriment than the loss of a battle,
and which afford another illustration, if any were wanting, of the
impolicy of polygamy. The annals of Mewar seldom exhibit those unnatural
contentions for power, from which no other Hindu State was exempt; this
was owing to the wholesome regulation of not investing the princes of
the blood with any [394] political authority; and establishing as a
counterpoise to natural advantages an artificial degradation of their
rank, which placed them beneath the sixteen chief nobles of the State;
which, while it exalted these in their own estimation, lessened the
national humiliation, when the heirs-apparent were compelled to lead
their quota in the _arrière-ban_ of the empire.
=Rebellion of Amar Singh.=—Rana Jai Singh, who had evinced such
gallantry and activity in the wars of Aurangzeb, now secluded himself
with Komala in the retreat of Jaisamund, leaving Amra under the guidance
of the Pancholi[4.14.6] minister, at the capital. But he having
personally insulted this chief officer of the State, in consequence of
receiving a rebuke for turning loose an infuriated elephant in the town,
the Rana left his retreat, and visiting Chitor in his tour, arrived at
Udaipur. Amra awaited not his father’s arrival, but adding his mother’s
resentments to a feeling of patriotic indignation at the abasement his
indolence produced, fled to Bundi, took up arms, and, joined by many of
his own nobles and Hara auxiliaries, returned at the head of ten
thousand men. Desirous of averting civil war, the Rana retired to Godwar
beyond the Aravalli, whence he sent the Ghanerao chieftain, the first
feudatory of that department, to expostulate with his son. But Amra,
supported by three-fourths of the nobles, made direct for Kumbhalmer to
secure the State treasure, saved by the Depra governor for his
sovereign. A failure in this project, the knowledge that the Rathors
fostered the quarrel with a view to obtain Godwar, and the determination
of the few chiefs yet faithful[4.14.7] to the Rana, to defend the
Jhilwara pass to the last, made the prince listen to terms, which were
ratified at the shrine of Eklinga, whereby the Rana was to return to the
capital, and the prince to abide in exile at the new palace during the
life of his father, which closed twenty years after his accession. Had
he maintained the reputation he established in his early years, the
times were well calculated for the redemption of his country’s
independence; but documents which yet exist afford little reason to
doubt that in his latter years a state of indolence, having all the
effects of imbecility, supervened, and but for the formation of ‘the
victorious sea,’ would have left his name a blank in the traditional
history of Mewar.
=Rāna Amar Singh II., A.D. 1698-1710.=—Amra II., who succeeded in S.
1756 (A.D. 1700), had much of the gallantry [395] and active turn of
mind of his illustrious namesake; but the degrading conflict with his
father had much impaired the moral strength of the country, and
counteracted the advantages which might have resulted from the decline
of the Mogul power. The reigns of Raj Singh and Jai Singh illustrate the
obvious truth, that on the personal character of the chief of a feudal
government everything depends. The former, infusing by his talent and
energy patriotic sentiments into all his subordinates, vanquished in a
series of conflicts the vast military resources of the empire, led by
the emperor, his sons, and chosen generals; while his successor, heir to
this moral strength, and with every collateral aid, lowered her to a
stage of contempt from which no talent could subsequently raise her.
Amra early availed himself of the contentions amongst the sons of
Aurangzeb to anticipate events, and formed a private treaty[4.14.8] with
the Mogul heir-apparent, Shah Alam, when commanded to the countries west
of the Indus, on which occasion [396] the Mewar contingent[4.14.9]
accompanied him, and fought several gallant actions under a Saktawat
chieftain.
=Breach between the Rājputs and the Mughal Empire.=—It is important to
study the events of this period, which involved the overthrow of the
Mogul power, and originated that form of society which paved the way to
the dominion of Britain in these distant regions. From such a review a
political lesson of great value may be learned, which will show a beacon
warning us against the danger of trusting to mere physical power,
unaided by the latent, but more durable support of moral influence. When
Aurangzeb neglected the indigenous Rajputs, he endangered the keystone
of his power; and in despising opinion, though his energetic mind might
for a time render him independent of it, yet long before his death the
enormous fabric reared by Akbar was tottering to its foundation:
demonstrating to conviction that the highest order of talent, either for
government or war, though aided by unlimited resources, will not suffice
for the maintenance of power, unsupported by the affections of the
governed. The empire of Aurangzeb was more extensive than that of
Britain at this day—the elements of stability were incomparably more
tenacious: he was associated with the Rajputs by blood, which seemed to
guarantee a respect for their opinions; he possessed the power of
distributing the honours and emoluments of the state, when a service
could be rewarded by a province,[4.14.10] drawing at will supplies of
warriors from the mountains of the west, as a check on his indigenous
subjects, while these left the plains of India to control the Afghan
amidst the snows of Caucasus. But the most devoted attachment and most
faithful service were repaid by insults to their habits, and the
imposition of an obnoxious tax; and to the jizya, and the unwise
pertinacity with which his successors adhered to it, must be directly
ascribed the overthrow of the monarchy. No condition was exempted from
this odious and impolitic assessment, which was deemed by the tyrant a
mild substitute for the conversion he once meditated of the entire Hindu
race to the creed of Islam.[4.14.11]
=Rājput Apostates.=—An abandonment of their faith was the Rajput’s
surest road to the tyrant’s favour [397], and an instance of this
dereliction in its consequences powerfully contributed to the
annihilation of the empire. Rao Gopal, a branch of the Rana’s family,
held the fief of Rampura, on the Chambal,[4.14.12] and was serving with
a select quota of his clan in the wars of the Deccan, when his son, who
had been left at home, withheld the revenues, which he applied to his
own use instead of remitting them to his father. Rao Gopal complained to
the emperor; but the son discovered that he could by a sacrifice not
only appease Aurangzeb, but attain the object of his wishes: he
apostatized from his faith, and obtained the emperor’s forgiveness, with
the domain of Rampura. Disgusted and provoked at such infurious conduct,
Rao Gopal fled the camp, made an unsuccessful attempt to redeem his
estate, and took refuge with Rana Amra, his suzerain. This natural
asylum granted to a chief of his own kin was construed by the tyrant
into a signal of revolt, and Azam was ordered to Malwa to watch the
Rana’s motions: conduct thus characterized in the memoirs of a Rajput
chieftain,[4.14.13] one of the most devoted to Aurangzeb, and who died
fighting for his son. “The emperor showed but little favour to his
faithful and most useful subjects the Rajputs, which greatly cooled
their ardour in his service.” The Rana took up arms, and Malwa joined
the tumult; while the first irruption of the Mahrattas across the
Nerbudda,[4.14.14] under Nima Sindhia, compelled the emperor to detach
Raja Jai Singh to join Prince Azam. Amidst these accumulated troubles,
the Mahrattas rising into importance, the Rajput feudatories disgusted
and alienated, his sons and grandsons ready to commit each individual
pretension to the decision of the sword, did Aurangzeb, after a reign of
terror of half a century’s duration, breathe his last on the 28th
Zilqa’da, A.D. 1707 [February 21], at the city bearing his
name—Aurangabad.
=Shāh Alam Bahādur Shāh, Emperor, A.D. 1707-12.=—At his death his second
son Azam assumed the imperial dignity, and aided by the Rajput princes
of Datia and Kotah,[4.14.15] who had always served in his division, he
marched to Agra to contest the legitimate claims of his eldest brother
Muazzam, who was advancing from Kabul supported by the contingents of
Mewar and Marwar, and all western Rajwara. The battle of Jajau[4.14.16]
[398] was fatal to Azam, who with his son Bedarbakht and the princes of
Kotah and Datia was slain, when Muazzam ascended the throne under the
title of Shah Alam Bahadur Shah. This prince had many qualities which
endeared him to the Rajputs, to whom his sympathies were united by the
ties of blood, his mother being a Rajput princess.[4.14.17] Had he
immediately succeeded the beneficent Shah Jahan, the race of Timur, in
all human probability, would have been still enthroned at Delhi, and
might have presented a picture of one of the most powerful monarchies of
Asia. But Aurangzeb had inflicted an incurable wound on the mind of the
Hindu race, which for ever estranged them from his successors; nor were
the virtues of Bahadur, during the short lustre of his sway, capable of
healing it. The bitter fruit of a long experience had taught the Rajputs
not to hope for amelioration from any graft of that stem, which, like
the deadly Upas, had stifled the vital energies of Rajasthan, whose
leaders accordingly formed a league for mutual preservation, which it
would have been madness to dissolve merely because a fair portion of
virtue was the inheritance of the tyrant’s successor. They had proved
that no act of duty or subserviency could guarantee them from the
infatuated abuse of power, and they were at length steeled against every
appeal to their loyalty, replying with a trite adage, which we may
translate ‘_quem Deus vult perdere, prius dementat_,’—of common
application with the Rajput in such a predicament.
=The Rise of the Sikhs.=—The emperor was soon made to perceive the
little support he had in future to expect from the Rajputs. Scarcely had
he quashed the pretensions of Kambakhsh, his youngest brother, who
proclaimed himself emperor in the Deccan, than he was forced to the
north, in consequence of an insurrection of the Sikhs of Lahore. This
singular race, the disciples (_sikhs_) of a teacher called Nanak, were
the descendants of the Scythic Getae,[4.14.18] or Jat, of Transoxiana,
who so early as the fifth century were established in the tract watered
by the five arms (_Panjab_) of the Indus. Little more than a century has
elapsed since their conversion from a spurious Hinduism to the doctrines
of the sectarian Nanak, and their first attempt to separate themselves,
in temporal as well as spiritual matters, from all control, and they are
now the sole independent power within the limits [399] of the Mogul
monarchy. On this occasion[4.14.19] the princes of Amber and Marwar
visited the emperor, but left his camp without permission, and, as the
historian[4.14.20] adds, manifested a design to struggle for
independence. Such was the change in their mutual circumstances that the
Mogul sent the heir-apparent to conciliate and conduct them to him; but
they came at the head of all their native bands, when “they were
gratified with whatever their insolence demanded”:[4.14.21] a splenetic
effusion of the historian, which well paints their altered position.
From the royal _urdu_,[4.14.22] or camp, they repaired to Rana Amra at
Udaipur, where a triple league was formed, which once more united them
to the head of their nation. This treaty of unity of interests against
the common foe was solemnized by nuptial engagements, from which those
princes had been excluded since the reigns of Akbar and Partap. To be
readmitted to this honour was the basis of this triple alliance, in
which they ratified on oath the renunciation of all connexion, domestic
or political, with the empire. It was, moreover, stipulated that the
sons of such marriage should be heirs, or if the issue were females,
that they should never be dishonoured by being married to a Mogul.
=Sacrifice of the Right of Primogeniture.=—But this remedy, as will be
seen, originated a worse disease; it was a sacrifice of the rights of
primogeniture (clung to by the Rajputs with extreme pertinacity),
productive of the most injurious effects, which introduced domestic
strife, and called upon the stage an umpire not less baneful than the
power from whose iron grasp they were on the point of freeing
themselves: for although this treaty laid prostrate the throne of Babur,
it ultimately introduced the Mahrattas as partisans in their family
disputes, who made the bone of contention their own.
The injudicious support afforded by the emperor to the apostate chief of
Rampura first brought the triple federation into action. The Rana,
upholding the cause of Himmat Singh, made an attack on Rampura, which
the apostate usurper Ratan Singh, now Raj Muslim Khan, defeated, and was
rewarded for [400] it by the emperor.[4.14.23] But the same report
conveyed to the king “that the Rana determined to lay waste his country,
and retire to the hills,”[4.14.24] which was speedily confirmed by the
unwelcome intelligence that Sawaldas, an officer of the Rana’s, had
attacked Firoz Khan, the governor of Pur Mandal, who was obliged to
retreat with great loss to Ajmer;[4.14.25] on which occasion this loyal
descendant of the illustrious Jaimall lost his life.[4.14.26] The brave
Durgadas, who conveyed the rebellious Akbar through all opposition to a
place of refuge, again appeared upon the stage—his own prince being
unable to protect him, he had found a safe asylum at Udaipur, and had
the sum of five hundred rupees daily paid for his expenditure—a princely
liberality. But the result of this combination was reserved for the
following reigns, Shah Alam being carried off by poison,[4.14.27] ere he
could correct the disorders which were rapidly breaking up the empire
from the Hindu-Kush to the ocean. Had his life been spared, his talents
for business, his experience, and courteous manners might have retarded
the ruin of the monarchy, which the utter unworthiness of his successor
sunk beyond the power of man to redeem. Every subsequent succession was
through blood; and the sons of Shah Alam performed the part for which
they had so many great examples. Two brothers,[4.14.28] Sayyids, from
the town of Barha in the Duab, were long the Warwicks of Hindustan,
setting up and plucking down its puppet kings at their pleasure; they
had elevated Farrukhsiyar when the triumvirs of Rajasthan commenced
their operations.
=Farrukhsīyar, Emperor, A.D. 1712-19.=—Giving loose to long-suppressed
resentment, the Rajputs abandoned the spirit of toleration which it
would have been criminal to preserve; and profiting by the lessons of
their tyrants, they overthrew the mosques built on the sites of their
altars, and treated the civil and religious officers of the government
with indignity. Of these every town in Rajasthan had its _mulla_ to
proclaim the name of Muhammad, and its _kazi_ for the administration of
justice,—branches of government [401] entirely wrested from the hands of
the native princes,[4.14.29] abusing the name of independence. But for a
moment it was redeemed, especially by the brave Rathors, who had made a
noble resistance, contesting every foot of land since the death of
Jaswant Singh, and now his son Ajit entirely expelled the Moguls from
Marwar. On this occasion the native forces of the triple alliance met at
the salt lake of Sambhar, which was made the common boundary of their
territory, and its revenues were equally divided amongst them.
The pageant of an emperor, guided by the Sayyids, or those who intrigued
to supplant their ministry, made an effort to oppose the threatening
measures of the Rajputs; and one of them, the Amiru-l-umara,[4.14.30]
marched against Raja Ajit, who received private instructions from the
emperor to resist his commander-in-chief, whose credit was strengthened
by the means taken to weaken it, which engendered suspicions of
treachery. Ajit leagued with the Sayyids, who held out to the Rathor an
important share of power at court, and agreed to pay tribute and give a
daughter in marriage to Farrukhsiyar.
=Marriage of Farrukhsīyar: Grant to the British.=—This marriage yielded
most important results, which were not confined to the Moguls or
Rajputs, for to it may be ascribed the rise of the British power in
India. A dangerous malady,[4.14.31] rendering necessary a surgical
operation upon Farrukhsiyar, to which the faculty of the court were
unequal, retarded the celebration of the nuptials between the emperor
and the Rajput princess of Marwar, and even threatened a fatal
termination. A mission from the British merchants at Surat was at that
time at court, and, as a last resource, the surgeon attached to it was
called in, who cured the malady, and made the emperor happy in his
bride.[4.14.32] His gratitude was displayed with oriental magnificence.
The emperor desired Mr. Hamilton to name [402] his reward, and to the
disinterested patriotism of this individual did the British owe the
first royal grant or farman, conferring territorial possession and great
commercial privileges. These were the objects of the mission, which till
this occurrence had proved unsuccessful.
This gorgeous court ought to have been, and probably was, impressed with
a high opinion of the virtuous self-denial of the inhabitants of
Britain; and if history has correctly preserved the transaction, some
mark of public gratitude should have been forthcoming from those who so
signally benefited thereby. But to borrow the phraseology of the Italian
historian, “Obligations which do not admit of being fully discharged are
often repaid with the coin of ingratitude”: the remains of this man rest
in the churchyard of Calcutta, without even a stone to mark the
spot![4.14.33]
=The Jizya Reimposed.=—This marriage, which promised a renewal of
interests with the Rajputs, was soon followed by the revival of the
obnoxious jizya. The character of this tax, though much altered from its
original imposition by Aurangzeb, when it was at once financial and
religious, was held in unmitigated abhorrence by the Hindus from the
complex association; and although it was revived chiefly to relieve
pecuniary wants, it kindled a universal feeling of hatred amongst all
classes, and quenched the little zeal which the recent marriage had
inspired in the Rajputs of the desert. The mode and channel of its
introduction evinced to them that there was no hope that the intolerant
spirit which originally suggested it would ever be subdued. The weak
Farrukhsiyar, desirous of snapping the leading-strings of the Sayyids,
recalled to his court Inayatu-lla Khan,[4.14.34] the minister of
Aurangzeb, and restored to him his office of Diwan, who, to use the
words of the historian of the period, "did not consult the temper of the
times, so very different from the reign of Aurangzeb, and the revival of
the _jizya_ came with him." Though by no means severe in its operation,
not amounting to three-quarters per cent on annual income,[4.14.35]—from
which the lame, the blind, and very poor were exempt,—it nevertheless
raised a general spirit of hostility, particularly from its retaining
the insulting distinction of a ‘tax on infidels.’ Resistance to taxation
appears to be a universal feeling, in which even the Asiatic forgets the
divine right of sovereignty, and which throws us back on the pervading
spirit of selfishness which [403] governs human nature. The
_tamgha_,[4.14.36] or stamp tax, which preceded the _jizya_, would
appear to have been as unsatisfactory as it was general, from the
solemnity of its renunciation by Babur on the field of battle after the
victory over infidels, which gave him the crown of India; and though we
have no record of the jizya being its substitute, there are indications
which authorize the inference.
=Rāna Amar Singh asserts Rājput Independence.=—Rana Amra was not an idle
spectator of these occurrences; and although the spurious thirst for
distinction so early broke up the alliance by detaching Ajit, he
redoubled his efforts for personal independence, and with it that of the
Rajput nation. An important document attests this solicitude, namely, a
treaty[4.14.37] with the emperor, in which the second article stipulates
emancipation from the galling _jizya._ It may be well to analyse this
treaty, which attests the altered condition of both parties. Its very
title marks the subordination of the chief of the Rajputs; but while
this is headed a ‘Memorandum of Requests,’ the eighth article discloses
the effective means of the Rana, for there he assumes an air of
protection towards the emperor. In the opening stipulation for the
_mansab_ of 7000, the [404] mind reverts to the great Amra, who
preferred abdication to acknowledgment of a superior; but opinion had
undergone a change as great as the mutual relations of the Rajputs. In
temporal dignities other States had risen to an equality with Mewar, and
all had learned to look on the Mogul as the fountain of honour. The
abolition of the jizya, freedom from religious restraint, control over
the ancient feudatories of his house, and the restoration of all
sequestrations, distinguish the other articles, and amply attest the
improving attitude of Mewar, and the rapid decay of the Mogul empire.
The Mahrattas under Raja Sahu[4.14.38] were successfully prosecuting
their peculiar system in the south, with the same feelings which
characterized the early Gothic invaders of Italy; strangers to settled
government, they imposed the taxes of _chauth_ and _desmukhi_,[4.14.39]
the _fourth_ and _tenth_ of all territorial income, in the countries
they overran. The Jat tribes west of the Chambal likewise bearded their
oppressors in this reign, by hoisting the standard of independence at
the very threshold of their capital; and from the siege of Sinsini
(mentioned in this treaty) to the last storm of Bharatpur, they
maintained the consequence thus assumed.
=Death of Rāna Amar Singh.=—This treaty was the last act of Rana Amra’s
life; he died in A.D. 1716 [1710], leaving the reputation of an active
and high-minded prince, who well upheld his station and the prosperity
of his country, notwithstanding the anarchy of the period. His
encouragement of agriculture and protection of manufactures are
displayed in the edicts engraved on pillars, which will hand down his
name to posterity. His memory is held in high veneration; nor do the
Rajputs admit the absolute degradation of Mewar till the period of the
second prince in succession to Amra [405].
-----
Footnote 4.14.1:
‘_The Cushion_,’ by which a Rajput throne is designated.
Footnote 4.14.2:
[Dūb, _Cynodon dactylon_, the most common and useful Indian grass
(Watt, _Comm. Prod._, 463 f).]
Footnote 4.14.3:
_Gaddi ki an._
Footnote 4.14.4:
I give these anecdotes as related to me by his descendant and
representative the Raja of Banera, while seated in a balcony of his
castle overlooking the plains of Mewar. Often have I quenched my
thirst at the fountain, and listened to their traditionary tales. It
is a spot consecrated to recollections: every altar which rises around
it is a text for the ‘_great ancients_’ of the clans to expatiate on;
and it is, moreover, a grand place of rendezvous, whether for the
traveller or sportsman. Bhim dislocated his spine in a feat of
strength. He was celebrated for activity, and could, while his steed
was urged to his speed, disengage and suspend himself by the arms from
the bough of a tree; and to one of these experiments he owed his
death.
Footnote 4.14.5:
[The Bhojpur lake, which covered an area of 250 square miles, was much
larger, the Jaisamund covering only 21 square miles (Smith, _EHI_,
396; Erskine ii. A. 8 f.).]
Footnote 4.14.6:
[Pancholi, Panchauli, of which the derivation is uncertain, perhaps
_pancha-kula_, ‘five houses,’ is the local title of the Desi or Māthur
Kāyasths, or writer caste (_Census Report Mārwār, 1891_, ii. 111).]
Footnote 4.14.7:
Beri Sal of Bijolia, Kandal of Salumbar, Gopinath of Ghanerao, and the
Solanki of Desuri.
Footnote 4.14.8:
"_Private Treaty between the Rana and Shah Alam Bahadur Shah, and
bearing his sign-manual._
"Six articles of engagement, just, and tending to the happiness of the
people, have been submitted by you, and by me accepted, and with God’s
blessing shall be executed without deviation—
"1. The re-establishment of Chitor as in the time of Shah Jahan.
"2. Prohibition of kine-killing.[4.14.8.A]
"3. The restoration of all the districts held in the reign of Shah
Jahan.
"4. Freedom of faith and religious worship, as during the government
of him whose _nest is Paradise_ (Akbar).
"5. Whoever shall be dismissed by you shall receive no countenance
from the king.
“6. The abrogation of the contingent for the service of the
Deccan.”[4.14.8.B]
Footnote 4.14.8.A:
From the second of these articles, which alternate between
stipulations of a temporal and spiritual nature, we may draw a lesson
of great political importance. In all the treaties which have come
under my observation, the insertion of an article against the
slaughter of kine was prominent. This sacrifice to their national
prejudices was the subject of discussion with every ambassador when
the States of Rajasthan formed engagements with the British Government
in 1817-18, “the prohibition of kine-killing within their respective
limits.” From the construction of our armies we could not guarantee
this article, but assurances were given that every practical attention
would be paid to their wishes; and kine are not absolutely slain
within the jurisdiction of any of these Rajput princes. But even long
habit, though it has familiarized, has not reconciled them to this
revolting sacrifice; nor would the kine-killer in Mewar be looked upon
with less detestation than was Cambyses by the Egyptians, when he
thrust his lance into the flank of Apis. But in time this will be
overlooked, and the verbal assurance will become a dead letter; men of
good intention will be lulled into the belief that, because not openly
combated, the prejudice is extinct, and that homage to our power has
obliterated this article of their creed. Thus Aurangzeb thought, but
he avowedly and boldly opposed the religious opinions of his
tributaries; we only hold them in contempt, and even protect them when
productive of no sacrifice. Yet if we look back on the early page of
history, we shall find both policy and benevolence combined to form
this legislative protection to one of the most useful of domestic
animals, and which would tempt the belief that Triptolemus, the
lawgiver of Sparta, had borrowed from Manu [_Laws_, xi. 60, 69, 71],
or rather from the still greater friends of dumb creatures, the Jains,
in the law which exempted not only the lordly bull from the knife, but
“every living thing.”
Footnote 4.14.8.B:
The Mewar contingent had been serving under Azam in the south, as the
following letter from him to the Rana discloses:—“Be it known to Rana
Amra Singh, your arzi [petition] arrived, and the accounts of your
mother gave me great grief, but against the decrees of God there is no
struggling. Pray for my welfare. Raja Rae Singh made a request for
you; you are my own; rest in full confidence and continue in your
obedience. The lands of your illustrious ancestors shall all be
yours—but this is the time to evince your duty—the rest learn from
your own servants—continue to think of me.”
“Your Rajputs have behaved well.”
Footnote 4.14.9:
It consisted of twenty-two _Nakkaraband_ chiefs, _i.e._ each entitled
to a kettle-drum, and fifteen _Turais_, or chiefs, entitled to brass
trumpets. ["As a mark of favour, kettle-drums (_naqqārah_) and the
right to play them (_naubat_) might be granted to a subject, but he
must be a man of the rank of 2000 sawār (troopers) or upwards. As an
invariable condition, however, it was stipulated they should not be
used when the Emperor was present, or within a certain distance from
his residence" (Irvine, _Army of the Indian Moghuls_, 30, 208 f.).]
Footnote 4.14.10:
In lieu of all, what reward does Britain hold out to the native
population to be attached? Heavy duties exclude many products of their
industry from the home market. The rates of pay to civil officers
afford no security to integrity; and the faithful soldier cannot
aspire to higher reward than £120 per annum, were his breast studded
with medals. Even their prejudices are often too little considered,
prejudices, the violation of which lost the throne of India, in spite
of every local advantage, to the descendants of Aurangzeb.
Footnote 4.14.11:
[Jizya, meaning ‘tribute,’ was a capitation tax imposed on subjects
(_zimmi_) who did not follow the state religion, Islām. Its hardship
lay in the fact that it was additional to, and about the same amount
as the revenue demand, the latter being thus nearly doubled. Great
merchants in the time of Aurangzeb paid Rs. 13.8; the middle class Rs.
6.12; the poor Rs. 3.8 per annum per head (Manucci ii. 234). On the
_Jizya_ see Hughes, _Dict. Islām_, 248; Smith, _Akbar the Great
Mogul_, 65 f.; Keene, _Turks in India_, 153 ff.; Grant Duff, _Hist. of
the Mahrattas_, 145; Jadunath Sarkar, _Life of Aurangzib_, iii. 305
ff.]
Footnote 4.14.12:
Rampura Bhanpura (city of the sun) to distinguish it from Rampura
_Tonk_. Rao Gopal was of the Chandarawat clan. See note, p. 306.
Footnote 4.14.13:
Rao Dalpat Bundela of Datia, a portion of whose memoirs were presented
to me by the reigning prince, his descendant.
Footnote 4.14.14:
A.D. 1706-7. [The Mahrattas crossed the Nerbudda in 1705 (Grant Duff,
_Hist. Mahrattas_, 177; Malcolm, _Memoir Central India_, i. 58 ff.).
The latter remarks that they came to attack the government, not the
people, and acted with the concurrence of the Hindu chiefs
discontented with the policy of Aurangzeb.]
Footnote 4.14.15:
Rao Dalpat (Bundela), and Rao Ram Singh (Hara).
Footnote 4.14.16:
[Twenty miles south of Agra, June 7, 1707.]
Footnote 4.14.17:
[Nawāb Bāi, daughter of the Rāja of Rājauri, Kashmīr, who died in 1690
(Manucci ii. 57, note).]
Footnote 4.14.18:
See _History of the Tribes_, article ‘Jats,’ p. 127.
Footnote 4.14.19:
A.D. 1709-10.
Footnote 4.14.20:
_Memoirs of Iradat Khan_, p. 58 [translated by Captain Jonathan Scott;
extracts from the work of Irādat Khān will be found in Elliot-Dowson
vii. 534 f.]; also autograph letters of all those princes, with files
of the regular newspapers (_akhbars_) of the day, in my possession,
dated from the emperor’s camp.
Footnote 4.14.21:
_Memoirs of Iradat Khan._
Footnote 4.14.22:
Hence the corruption of _horde_.
Footnote 4.14.23:
Newspapers, dated 3rd Rajab, San. 3—(3rd year of his reign).
Footnote 4.14.24:
Newspapers, 10th Rajab, San. 3.
Footnote 4.14.25:
Newspapers, 5th Shavval, San. 3.
Footnote 4.14.26:
The following edict, which caused this action, I translated from the
archives; it is addressed to the son of Sawaldas:—“Maharana Amra Singh
to Rathor Rae Singh Sawaldasot (race of Sawaldas)—Lay waste your
villages and the country around you—your families shall have other
habitations to dwell in—for particulars consult Daulat Singh
Chondawat: obey these.” Asoj, S. 1764 (Dec. A.D. 1708).
Footnote 4.14.27:
[February 18] A.D. 1712. [The Musalmān authorities do not corroborate
the assertion that he was poisoned.]
Footnote 4.14.28:
Husain Ali and Abdu-lla Khan.
Footnote 4.14.29:
Next to kine-killing was the article inhibiting the introduction of
the _Adalat_, or British courts of justice, into the Rajput States, in
all their treaties with the British Government in A.D. 1817-18, the
very name of which is abhorrent to a native.
Footnote 4.14.30:
The title of Husain Ali,—as Kutbu-l-mulk (the axis of the State), was
that of his brother Abdu-lla.
Footnote 4.14.31:
A white swelling or tumour on the back.
Footnote 4.14.32:
The ceremony is described, as it was celebrated, with true Asiatic
pomp. “The Ameer-ool Omra conducted the festivities on the part of the
bride, and the marriage was performed with a splendour and
magnificence till then unseen among the princes of Hindust’han. Many
pompous insignia were added to the royal cortège upon this occasion.
The illuminations rivalled the planets, and seemed to upbraid the
faint lustre of the stars. The nuptials were performed at the palace
of the Ameer-ool Omra, whence the emperor conveyed his bride with the
highest splendour of imperial pomp to the citadel, amidst the
resoundings of musical instruments and the acclamations of the people”
(Scott’s _History of Aurangzeb’s Successors_, vol. i. p. 132). [For
the cure of Farrukhsīyar by Surgeon W. Hamilton see C. R. Wilson,
_Early Annals of the English in Bengal_, ii. 235.]
Footnote 4.14.33:
[There is a monument of Hamilton in St. John’s Church, Calcutta
(_IGI_, x. 280).]
Footnote 4.14.34:
[Ināyatu-lla Khān, a Persian of Naishapur, was tutor of Zebu-n-nissa
Begam, daughter of Aurangzeb, and held high office in his reign and in
that of Farrukhsīyar. He died in 1726 (Beale, _s.v._).]
Footnote 4.14.35:
13 rupees on every 2000 rupees.
Footnote 4.14.36:
[Altamgha, ‘the red seal,’ technically ‘a royal grant’. On its
remission by Bābur see Erskine, _Hist. of India_, i. 467. Elliot
remarks that the _altamgha_ as a tax was enforced as early as the time
of Alāu-d-dīn and Fīroz Shāh (Elliot-Dowson iii. 365). For the use of
the seal see _Memoirs of Jahāngīr_, trans. Rogers-Beveridge, 23.]
Footnote 4.14.37:
"_Memorandum of Requests._
"1. The _Mansab_ of 7000, the highest grade of rank.
"2. Farman of engagement under the _panja_ private seal and sign that
the jizya shall be abolished—that it shall no longer be imposed on the
Hindu nation; at all events, that none of the Chagatai race shall
authorize it in Mewar. Let it be annulled.
"3. The contingent of one thousand horse for service in the Deccan to
be excused.
"4. All places of Hindu faith to be rebuilt, with perfect freedom of
religious worship.
"5. If my uncles, brothers, or chiefs, repair to the Presence, to meet
no encouragement.
"6. The Bhumias of Deolia, Banswara, Dungarpur, and Sirohi, besides
other zamindars over whom I am to have control, they shall not be
admitted to the Presence.
"7. The forces I possess are my chiefs—what troops you may require for
a given period, you must furnish with rations (_peti_), and when the
service is over, their accounts will be settled.
"8. Of the Hakkdars, Zamindars, Mansabdars, who serve you with zeal
and from the heart, let me have a list—and those who are not obedient
I will punish; but in effecting this no demand is to be made for
_Paemali_."[4.14.37.A]
"List of the districts attached to the _Panjhazari_,[4.14.37.B] at
present under sequestration, to be restored—Phulia, Mandalgarh,
Badnor, Pur, Basar, Ghayaspur, Pardhar, Banswara, Dungarpur. Besides
the 5000 of old, you had on ascending the throne granted an increase
of 1000, and on account of the victory at Sinsini 1000 more, of two
and three horse."[4.14.37.C]
"Of three crores of _dams_[4.14.37.D] in gift (_inam_), namely, two
according to farman, and one for the payment of the contingent in the
Deccan, and of which two are immediately required, you have given me
in lieu thereof Sirohi.
“Districts now desired—Idar, Kekri, Mandal, Jahazpur, Malpur (and
another illegible).”
Footnote 4.14.37.A:
Destruction of property, alluding to the crops which always suffered
in the movements of disorderly troops.
Footnote 4.14.37.B:
Mansab of 5000.
Footnote 4.14.37.C:
It was usual to allow two and three horses to each cavalier when
favour was intended.
Footnote 4.14.37.D:
40 dams to the rupee.
Footnote 4.14.38:
[Sāhu, ‘the honest, respectable man,’ a title given by Aurangzeb to
Sivaji, son of Sambhaji (Grant Duff, 184).]
Footnote 4.14.39:
[_Desmukhi_ from _Sardesmukh_, an officer exercising police and
revenue jurisdiction under the Marāthas. These taxes were confirmed in
favour of Sivaji in 1665 (_Ibid._ 94).]
-----
CHAPTER 15
=Rāna Sangrām Singh II., A.D. 1710-34.=—Sangram Singh (the lion of
battle) succeeded; a name renowned in the annals of Mewar, being that of
the opponent of the founder of the Moguls. He ascended the throne about
the same time with Muhammad Shah,[4.15.1] the last of the race of Timur
who deserved the name of emperor of India. During the reign of Sangram,
from A.D. 1716 to 1734, this mighty empire was dismembered; when, in
lieu of one paramount authority, numerous independent governments
started up, which preserved their uncertain existence until the last
revolution, which has given a new combination to these discordant
materials—Muhammadan, Mahratta, and Rajput, in the course of one century
under the dominion of a handful of Britons! Like the Satraps of the
ancient Persian, or the Lieutenants of Alexander, each chief proclaimed
himself master of the province, the government of which was confided to
his loyalty and talents; and it cannot fail to diminish any regret at
the successive prostration of Bengal, Oudh, Haidarabad, and other less
conspicuous States, to remember that they were founded in rebellion, and
erected on ingratitude; and that their rulers were destitute of those
sympathies, which could alone give stability to their ephemeral
greatness, by improving the condition of their subjects. With the
Mahrattas the case is different: their emergence to power claims our
admiration, when tyranny transformed the industrious husbandman, and the
minister of religion, into a hardy and enterprising soldier, and a
skilful functionary of government. Had their ambition been restrained
within legitimate bounds, it would have been no less gratifying than
politically and morally just that the family of Sivaji should have
retained its [406] authority in countries which his active valour
wrested from Aurangzeb. But the genius of conquest changed their natural
habits; they devastated instead of consolidating; and in lieu of that
severe and frugal simplicity, and that energy of enterprise, which were
their peculiar characteristics, they became distinguished for mean
parsimony, low cunning, and dastardly depredation. Had they, retaining
their original character, been content with their proper sphere of
action, the Deccan, they might yet have held the sovereignty of that
vast region, where their habits and language assimilated them with the
people. But as they spread over the north they encountered national
antipathies, and though professing the same creed, a wider difference in
sentiment divided the Mahratta from the Rajput, than from the despots of
Delhi, whose tyrannical intolerance was more endurable, because less
degrading, than the rapacious meanness of the Southron. Rajasthan
benefited by the demolition of the empire: to all but Mewar it yielded
an extension of power. Had the national mind been allowed to repose, and
its energies to recruit, after so many centuries of demoralization, all
would have recovered their strength, which lay in the opinions and
industry of the people, a devoted tenantry and brave vassalage, whom we
have so often depicted as abandoning their habitations and pursuits to
aid the patriotic views of their princes.
=Deposition of Farrukhsīyar: Nizāmu-l-mulk.=—The short reign of
Farrukhsiyar was drawing to a close; its end was accelerated by the very
means by which that monarch hoped to emancipate himself from the
thraldom of the Sayyids, against whose authority the faction of
Inayatu-lla was but a feeble counterpoise, and whose arbitrary habits,
in the re-establishment of the jizya, lost him even the support of the
father of his queen. It was on this occasion that the celebrated
Nizamu-l-mulk,[4.15.2] the founder of the Haidarabad State, was brought
upon the stage: he then held the unimportant charge of the district of
Moradabad; but possessed of high talents, he was bought over, by the
promise of the government of Malwa, to further the views of the Sayyids.
Supported by a body of ten thousand Mahrattas, these makers of kings
soon manifested their displeasure by the deposal of Farrukhsiyar, who
was left without any support but that of the princes of Amber and Bundi.
Yet they would never have abandoned him had he hearkened to their
counsel to take the field, and trust his cause to them: but, cowardly
and infatuated, he refused to quit the walls of his palace, and threw
[407] himself upon the mercy of his enemies, who made him dismiss the
faithful Rajputs and “admit a guard of honour of their troops into the
citadel.”[4.15.3]
=Murder of Farrukhsīyar, May 16, 1719.=—Farrukhsiyar hoped for security
in the inviolability of the harem—but he found no sanctuary even there:
to use the words of the Mogul memoir, "night advanced, and day, like the
fallen star of the emperor, sunk in darkness. The gates of the citadel
were closed upon his friends: the Wazir and Ajit Singh remained within.
This night was dreadful to the inhabitants of the city; no one knew what
was passing in the palace, and the troops under the Amiru-l-umara, with
ten thousand Mahrattas, remained under arms: morning came, and all hope
was extinguished by the royal band (_Naubat_) announcing the deposal of
Farrukhsiyar, in the proclamation of Rafiu-d-darajat, his successor."
The interval between the deposal and the death of an Asiatic prince is
short, and even while the heralds vociferated “long live the king!” to
the new puppet, the bowstring was on the neck of the contemptible
Farrukhsiyar.
=Accession of Rafiu-d-darajāt.=—The first act of the new reign (A.D.
1719) was one of conciliation towards Ajit Singh and the Rajputs,
namely, the abrogation of the _jizya_; and the Sayyids further showed
their disposition to attach them by conferring the important office of
Diwan on one of their own faith: Raja Ratan Chand was accordingly
inducted into the ministry in lieu of Inayatu-lla.
=Accession of Roshan-Akhtar Muhammad Shah, A.D. 1719-48.=—Three phantoms
of royalty flitted across the scene in a few months, till Roshan-Akhtar,
the eldest son of Bahadur Shah, was [408] enthroned with the title of
Muhammad Shah (A.D. 1720), during whose reign of nearly thirty years the
empire was completely dismembered,[4.15.4] and Mahrattas from the south
disputed its spoils with the Afghan mountaineers. The haughty demeanour
of the Sayyids disgusted all who acted with them, especially their
coadjutor the Nizam,[4.15.5] of whose talents, displayed in restoring
Malwa to prosperity, they entertained a dread. It was impossible to
cherish any abstract loyalty for the puppets they established, and
treason lost its name, when the Nizam declared for independence, which
the possession of the fortresses of Asir and Burhanpur enabled him to
secure. The brothers had just cause for alarm. The Rajputs were called
upon for their contingents,[4.15.6] and the princes of Kotah and Narwar
gallantly interposed their own retainers to cut off the Nizam from the
Nerbudda, on which occasion the Kotah prince was slain. The independence
of the Nizam led to that of Oudh. Saadat Khan was then but the
commandant of Bayana, but he entered into the conspiracy to expel the
Sayyids, and was one of those who drew lots to assassinate the
Amiru-l-umara. The deed was put into execution on the march to reduce
the Nizam, when Haidar Khan buried his poniard in the Amir’s
heart.[4.15.7] The emperor then in camp, being thus freed, returned
against the Wazir, who instantly set up Ibrahim and marched against his
opponents. The Rajputs wisely remained neutral, and both armies met. The
decapitation of Ratan Chand was the signal for the battle, which was
obstinate and bloody; the Wazir was made prisoner, and subjected to the
bowstring. For the part Saadat Khan acted in the conspiracy he was
honoured with the title of Bahadur Jang, and the government of Oudh. The
Rajput princes paid their respects to the [409] conqueror, who confirmed
the repeal of the _jizya_, and as the reward of their neutrality the
Rajas of Amber and Jodhpur, Jai Singh and Ajit, were gratified, the
former with the government of the province of Agra, the last with that
of Gujarat and Ajmer, of which latter fortress he took possession.
Girdhardas[4.15.8] was made governor of Malwa to oppose the Mahrattas,
and the Nizam was invited from his government of Haidarabad to accept
the office of wazir of the empire.
=The Policy of Mewār.=—The policy of Mewar was too isolated for the
times; her rulers clung to forms and unsubstantial homage, while their
neighbours, with more active virtue, plunged into the tortuous policy of
the imperial court, and seized every opportunity to enlarge the
boundaries of their States: and while Amber appropriated to herself the
royal domains almost to the Jumna; while Marwar planted her banner on
the battlements of Ajmer, dismembered Gujarat, and pushed her clans far
into the desert, and even to ‘the world’s end’;[4.15.9] Mewar confined
her ambition to the control of her ancient feudatories of Abu, Idar, and
the petty States which grew out of her, Dungarpur and Banswara. The
motive for this policy was precisely the same which had cost such
sacrifices in former times; she dreaded amalgamating with the imperial
court, and preferred political inferiority to the sacrifice of
principle. The internal feuds of her two great clans also operated
against her aggrandizement; and while the brave Saktawat, Jeth Singh,
expelled the Rathor from Idar, and subdued the wild mountaineers even to
Koliwara, the conquest was left incomplete by the jealousy of his rival,
and he was recalled in the midst of his success. From these and other
causes an important change took place in the internal policy of Mewar,
which tended greatly to impair her energies. To this period none of the
vassals had the power to erect places of strength within their domains,
which, as already stated, were not fixed, but subject to triennial
change; their lands were given for subsistence, their native hills were
their fortresses, and the frontier strongholds defended their families
in time of invasion. As the Mogul power waned, the general defensive
system was [410] abandoned, while the predatory warfare which succeeded
compelled them to stud their country with castles, in order to shelter
their effects from the Mahratta and Pathan, and in later times to
protect rebels.
Rana Sangram ruled eighteen [twenty-four] years; under him Mewar was
respected, and the greater portion of her lost territory was regained.
His selection of Biharidas Pancholi evinced his penetration, for never
had Mewar a more able or faithful minister, and numerous autograph
letters of all the princes of his time attest his talent and his worth
as the oracle of the period. He retained his office during three reigns:
but his skill was unable to stem the tide of Mahratta invasion, which
commenced on the death of Sangram.
=Anecdotes of Rāna Sangrām Singh II.=—Tradition has preserved many
anecdotes of Sangram, which aid our estimate of Rajput character,
whether in the capacity of legislators or the more retired sphere of
domestic manners. They uniformly represent this Rana as a patriarchal
ruler, wise, just, and inflexible,[4.15.10] steady in his application to
business, regulating public and private expenditure, and even the
sumptuary laws, which were rigidly adhered to, and on which the people
still expatiate, giving homely illustrations of the contrast between
them and the existing profusion. The Chauhan of Kotharia, one of the
highest class of chieftains, had recommended an addition to the folds of
the court robe, and as courtesy forbids all personal denial, his wish
was assented to, and he retired to his estate pluming himself on his
sovereign’s acquiescence. But the Rana, sending for the minister,
commanded the sequestration of two villages of Kotharia, which speedily
reaching the ears of the chief, he repaired to court, and begged to know
the fault which had drawn upon him this mark of displeasure. “None,
Raoji; but on a minute calculation I find the revenue of these two
villages will just cover the expense of the superfluity of garment which
obedience to your wishes will occasion me, and as every iota of my own
income is appropriated, I had no other mode of innovating on our ancient
costume than by making you bear the charge attending a compliance with
your suggestion.” It will readily be believed, that the Chauhan prayed
the [411] revocation of this edict, and that he was careful for the
future of violating the sumptuary laws of his sovereign.
On another occasion, from lapse of memory or want of consideration, he
broke the laws he had established, and alienated a village attached to
the household. Each branch had its appropriate fund, whether for the
kitchen, the wardrobe, the privy purse, the queens; these lands were
called _thua_, and each had its officer, or _thuadar_, all of whom were
made accountable for their trust to the prime minister; it was one of
these he had alienated. Seated with his chiefs in the _rasora_, or
banqueting-hall, there was no sugar forthcoming for the curds, which has
a place in the dinner _carte_ of all Rajputs, and he chid the
superintendent for the omission. “Anndata” (giver of food), replied the
officer, "the minister says you have given away the village set apart
for sugar."—“Just,” replied the Rana, and finished his repast without
further remark, and without sugar to his curds.
Another anecdote will show his inflexibility of character, and his
resistance to that species of interference in state affairs which is the
bane of Asiatic governments. Sangram had recently emancipated himself
from the trammels of a tedious minority, during which his mother,
according to custom, acted a conspicuous part in the guardianship of her
son and the State. The chieftain of Dariawad had his estate confiscated:
but as the Rana never punished from passion or pardoned from weakness,
none dared to plead his cause, and he remained proscribed from court
during two years, when he ventured a petition to the queen-mother
through the Bhandarins,[4.15.11] for the reversion of the decree,
accompanied with a note for two lakhs of rupees,[4.15.12] and a liberal
donation to the fair mediators. It was the daily habit of the Rana to
pay his respects to his mother before dinner, and on one of these visits
she introduced the Ranawat’s request, and begged the restoration of the
estate. It was customary, on the issue of every grant, that eight days
should elapse from the mandate to the promulgation of the edict, to
which eight official seals[4.15.13] were attached; but on the present
occasion the Rana commanded the execution of the deed at once, and to
have it ere he left the Rawala. On its being brought, he [412] placed it
respectfully in his mother’s hands, begging her to return the note to
the Ranawat; having made this sacrifice to duty, he bowed and retired.
The next day he commanded dinner an hour earlier, without the usual
visit to the Rawala: all were surprised, but none so much as the
queen-mother—the day passed—another came—still no visit, and to a
confidential message, she received a ceremonious reply. Alarmed for the
loss of her son’s affections, she pondered on the cause, but could find
none, except the grant—she entreated the minister’s interference; he
respectfully intimated that he was interdicted from the discussion of
State affairs but with his sovereign—she had recourse to other
expedients, which proving alike fruitless, she became sullen, punished
her damsels without cause, and refused food: Sangram still remained
obdurate. She talked of a pilgrimage to the Ganges, and befitting
equipage and escort were commanded to attend her—the moment of departure
was at hand, and yet he would not see her. She repaired by Amber on her
route to Mathura, to worship the Apollo of Vraj,[4.15.14] when the great
Raja Jai Singh (married to the Rana’s sister)[4.15.15] advanced, and
conducted her to his new city of Jaipur, and to evince his respect “put
his shoulder to the travelling litter or palki,” and promised to return
with her and be a suppliant to his brother-in-law for the restoration of
his regard. She made a tour of the sacred places, and on return accepted
the escort of the Prince of Amber. The laws of hospitality amongst the
Rajputs are rigid: the Rana could not refuse to his guest the request
for which he had left his capital: but averse to owing reconciliation to
external intercession, and having done enough for the suppression of
intrigue, he advanced to meet the cortège when within one march of
Udaipur, as if to receive the Amber prince; but proceeding direct to his
[413] mother’s tents, he asked her blessing, and having escorted her to
the palace, returned to greet and conduct his brother prince; all the
allusion he made to the subject was in the simple but pithy expression,
“family quarrels should be kept in the family.”
Another anecdote shows him as the vigilant shepherd watching over the
safety of his flock. As he sat down to dinner, tidings arrived of an
invasion of the Malwa Pathans, who had rifled several villages at
Mandasor, carrying the inhabitants into captivity. Pushing the platter
from him, he ordered his armour, and the _nakkara_ to beat the
assemblage of his chieftains. With all speed a gallant band formed on
the terrace below, but they prevailed on the Rana to leave the
punishment of the desultory aggression to them, as unworthy of his
personal interference. They departed: several hours after, the chief of
Kanor arrived, having left a sick-bed, and with a tertian come in
obedience to his sovereign’s summons. Vain was his prince’s dissuasion
to keep him back, and he joined the band as they came up with the
invaders. The foe was defeated and put to flight, but the sick chieftain
fell in the charge, and his son was severely wounded by his side. On the
young chief repairing to court he was honoured with a _bira_[4.15.16]
from the Rana’s own hand, a distinction which he held to be an ample
reward for his wounds, and testimonial of the worth of his father. The
existence of such sentiments are the strongest tests of character.
On another occasion, some parasite had insinuated suspicions against the
chief of the nobles, the Rawat of Salumbar, who had just returned
victorious in action with the royal forces at Malwa, and had asked
permission to visit his family on his way to court. The Rana spurned the
suspicion, and to show his reliance on the chief, he dispatched a
messenger for Salumbar to wait his arrival and summon him to the
presence. He had reached his domain, given leave to his vassals as they
passed their respective abodes, dismounted, and reached the door of the
Rawala, when the herald called aloud, “The Rana salutes you, Rawatji,
and commands this letter.” With his hand on the door where his wife and
children awaited him, he demanded his horse, and simply leaving his
‘duty for his mother,’ he [414] mounted, with half a dozen attendants,
nor loosed the rein until he reached the capital. It was midnight; his
house empty; no servants; no dinner; but his sovereign had foreseen and
provided, and when his arrival was announced, provender for his cattle,
and vessels of provision prepared in the royal kitchen, were immediately
sent to his abode. Next morning Salumbar attended the court. The Rana
was unusually gracious, and not only presented him with the usual tokens
of regard, a horse and jewels, but moreover a grant of land. With
surprise he asked what service he had performed to merit such
distinction, and from a sentiment becoming the descendant of Chonda
solemnly refused to accept it; observing, that even if he had lost his
head, the reward was excessive; but if his prince would admit of his
preferring a request, it would be, that in remembrance of his
sovereign’s favour, when he, or his, in after times, should on the
summons come from their estate to the capital, the same number of dishes
from the royal kitchen should be sent to his abode: it was granted, and
to this day his descendants enjoy the distinction. These anecdotes paint
the character of Sangram far more forcibly than any laboured effort. His
reign was as honourable to himself as it was beneficial to his country,
in whose defence he had fought eighteen actions; but though his policy
was too circumscribed, and his country would have benefited more by a
surrender of some of those antique prejudices which kept her back in the
general scramble for portions of the dilapidated monarchy of the Moguls,
yet he was respected abroad, as he was beloved by his subjects, of whose
welfare he was ever watchful, and to whose wants ever indulgent. Rana
Sangram was the last prince who upheld the dignity of the _gaddi_ of
Bappa Rawal; with his death commenced Mahratta ascendancy, and with this
we shall open the reign of his son and successor.
=Rāna Jagat Singh II., A.D. 1734-51. Difficulties of Rājput
Combination.=—Jagat Singh II., the eldest of the four sons of Sangram,
succeeded S. 1790 (A.D. 1734). The commencement of his reign was
signalized by a revival of the triple alliance formed by Rana Amra, and
broken by Raja Ajit’s connexion with the Sayyids and the renewal of
matrimonial ties with the empire, the abjuration whereof was the basis
of the treaty. The present engagement, which included all the minor
states, was formed at Hurra, a town in Mewar on the Ajmer frontier,
where the confederate princes met at the head of their vassals. To
insure unanimity, the Rana was invested with paramount control, and
headed the forces which were [415] to take the field after the rains,
already set in.[4.15.17] Unity of interests was the chief character of
the engagement, had they adhered to which, not only the independence,
but the aggrandisement, of Rajasthan, was in their power, and they might
have alike defied the expiring efforts of Mogul tyranny, and the
Parthian-like warfare of the Mahratta. They were indeed the most
formidable power in India at this juncture; but difficult as it had ever
proved to coalesce the Rajputs for mutual preservation, even when a
paramount superiority of power, both temporal and spiritual, belonged to
the Ranas, so now, since Amber and Marwar had attained an equality with
Mewar, it was found still less practicable to prevent the operation of
the principles of disunion. In fact, a moment’s reflection must discover
that the component parts of a great feudal federation, such as that
described, must contain too many discordant particles—too many rivalries
and national antipathies—ever cordially to amalgamate. Had it been
otherwise, the opportunities were many and splendid for the recovery of
Rajput freedom; but though individually enamoured of liberty, the
universality of the sentiment prevented its realization: they never
would submit to the control required to work it out, and this, the best
opportunity which had ever occurred, was lost. A glance at the
disordered fragments of the throne of Akbar will show the comparative
strength of the Rajputs.
=League of Nizamu-l-mulk with Rājputs and Marāthas.=—Nizamu-l-mulk had
completely emancipated himself from his allegiance, and signalized his
independence, by sending the head of the imperial general, who [416]
ventured to oppose it, as that of a traitor, to the emperor. He leagued
with the Rajputs, and instigated Bajirao to plant the Mahratta standard
in Malwa and Gujarat. In defending the former, Dayya Bahadur
fell;[4.15.18] and Jai Singh of Amber, being nominated to the trust,
delegated it to the invader, and Malwa was lost. The extensive province
of Gujarat soon shared the same fate; for in the vacillating policy of
the court, the promise of that government to the Rathors had been
broken, and Abhai Singh, son of Ajit, who had expelled Sarbuland
Khan[4.15.19] after a severe contest, following the example of his
brother prince of Amber, connived with the invaders, while he added its
most northern districts to Marwar. In Bengal, Behar, and Orissa,
Shujau-d-daula, and his deputy Allahwirdi Khan,[4.15.20] were supreme,
and Safdar Jang[4.15.21] (son of Saadat Khan) was established in Oudh.
The basest disloyalty marked the rise of this family, which owed
everything to Muhammad Shah. It was Saadat Khan who invited Nadir Shah,
whose invasion gave the final stab to the empire; and it was his son,
Safdar Jang, who, when commandant of the artillery (_mir-i-atish_),
turned it against his sovereign’s palace, and then conveyed it to Oudh.
Of the Diwans of Bengal we must speak only with reverence; but, whether
they had any special dispensation, their loyalty to the descendant of
Farrukhsiyar has been very little more distinguished than that of the
satraps enumerated, though the original tenure of Bengal is still
apparent, and the feudal obligation to the suzerain of Delhi manifested,
in the homage of _petite serjanterie_, in transmitting with the annual
fine of relief (one hundred mohars) the spices of the eastern
archipelago. Yet of all those who gloried in the title of _fidwi
padshah-i-ghazi_, the only ‘slave of the victorious king,’ who has been
generous to him in the day of his distress, is the Diwan of Bengal,
better known as the English East India Company. In the hour of triumph
they rescued the blind and aged descendants of the illustrious Babur
from a state of degradation and penury, and secured to him all the
dignity and comfort which his circumstances could lead him to hope; and
the present state of his family, contrasted with the thraldom and misery
endured while fortune favoured the Mahratta, is splendid. Yet perhaps
the most acute stroke of fortune to this fallen monarch was when the
British governor of India lent his aid to the descendant of the
rebellious Safdar Jang to mount the throne of Oudh, and to assume, in
lieu of the title of wazir of the empire, that of king. We can [417]
appreciate and commiserate the feeling; for the days of power were yet
too recent[4.15.22] for Akbar Sani (the second) to receive such
intelligence without a shock, or without comparing his condition with
him whose name he bore. It is well to pause upon this page of eastern
history, which is full of instruction; since by weighing the abuses of
power, and its inevitable loss through placing a large executive trust
in the hands of those who exercised it without sympathy towards the
governed, we may at least retard the day of our decline.
=Marātha Raids. The Campaign of Nādir Shāh.=—The Mahratta establishments
in Malwa and Gujarat constituted a nucleus for others to form upon, and
like locusts, they crossed the Nerbudda in swarms; when the Holkars, the
Sindhias, the Puars, and other less familiar names, emerged from
obscurity; when the plough[4.15.23] was deserted for the sword, and the
goat-herd[4.15.24] made a lance of his crook. They devastated, and at
length settled upon, the lands of the indigenous Rajputs. For a time the
necessity of unity made them act under one standard, and hence the vast
masses under the first Bajirao, which bore down all opposition, and
afterwards dispersed themselves over those long-oppressed regions. It
was in A.D. 1735 that he first crossed the Chambal[4.15.25] and appeared
before Delhi, which he blockaded, when his retreat was purchased by the
surrender of the _chauth_, or fourth of the gross revenues of the
empire. The Nizam, dreading the influence such pusillanimous concession
might exert upon his rising power, determined to drive the Mahrattas
from Malwa, where, if once fixed, they would cut off his communications
with the north. He accordingly invaded Malwa, defeated Bajirao in a
pitched battle, and was only prevented from following it up by Nadir
Shah’s advance, facilitated by the Afghans, who, on becoming independent
in Kabul, laid open the frontiers of Hindustan.[4.15.26] In this
emergency, “great hopes were placed on the valour of the Rajputs”; but
the spirit of devotion in this brave race, by whose aid the Mogul power
was made and maintained, was irretrievably alienated, and not one of
those high families, who had throughout been so lavish of their blood in
its defence, would obey the summons to the royal standard, when the fate
of India was decided on the plains of Karnal.[4.15.27] A sense [418] of
individual danger brought together the great home feudatories, when the
Nizam and Saadat Khan (now Wazir) united their forces under the imperial
commander; but their demoralized levies were no match for the Persian
and the northern mountaineer. The Amiru-l-umara was slain, the Wazir
made prisoner, and Muhammad Shah and his kingdom were at Nadir’s
disposal. The disloyalty of the Wazir filled the capital with blood, and
subjected his sovereign to the condition of a captive. Jealous of the
Nizam, whose diplomatic success had obtained him the office of
Amiru-l-umara, he stimulated the avarice of the conqueror by
exaggerating the riches of Delhi, and declared that he alone could
furnish the ransom negotiated by the Nizam. Nadir’s love of gold
overpowered his principle; the treaty was broken, the keys of Delhi were
demanded, and its humiliated emperor was led in triumph through the camp
of the conqueror, who, on March 8, A.D. 1739, took possession of the
palace of Timur, and coined money bearing this legend:
King over the kings of the world
Is Nadir, king of kings, and lord of the period.
=Plunder and Massacre at Delhi.=—The accumulated wealth of India
contained in the royal treasury, notwithstanding the lavish expenditure
during the civil wars, and the profuse rewards scattered by each
competitor for dominion, was yet sufficient to gratify even avarice
itself, amounting in gold, jewels, and plate to forty millions sterling,
exclusive of equipages of every denomination. But this enormous spoil
only kindled instead of satiating the appetite of Nadir, and a fine of
two millions and a half was exacted, and levied with such unrelenting
rigour and cruelty on the inhabitants, that men of rank and character
could find no means of escape but by suicide. A rumour of this monster’s
death excited an insurrection, in which several Persians were killed.
The provocation was not lost: the conqueror ascended a mosque,[4.15.28]
and commanded a general massacre, in which thousands were slain. Pillage
accompanied murder; whilst the streets streamed with blood, the city was
fired, and the dead were consumed in the conflagration of their late
habitations. If a single ray of satisfaction could be felt amidst such a
scene of horror, it must have been when Nadir commanded the minister of
the wretch who was the author of [419] this atrocity, the infamous
Saadat Khan, to send, on pain of death, an inventory of his own and his
master’s wealth; demanding meanwhile the two millions and a half, the
original composition settled by the Nizam, from the Wazir alone. Whether
his ‘coward conscience’ was alarmed at the mischief he had occasioned,
or mortification at discovering that his ambition had ‘o’erleaped
itself,’ and recoiled with vengeance on his own head, tempted the act,
it is impossible to discover, but the guilty Saadat became his own
executioner. He swallowed poison;[4.15.29] an example followed by his
diwan, Raja Majlis Rae, in order to escape the rage of the offended
Nadir. By the new treaty, all the western provinces, Kabul, Tatta, Sind,
and Multan, were surrendered and united to Persia, and on the vernal
equinox, Nadir, gorged with spoil, commenced his march from the
desolated Delhi.[4.15.30] The philosophic comment of the native
historian on these events is so just, that we shall transcribe it
verbatim. “The people of Hindustan at this period thought only of
personal safety and gratification; misery was disregarded by those who
escaped it, and man, centred wholly in self, felt not for his kind. This
selfishness, destructive of public and private virtue, was universal in
Hindustan at the invasion of Nadir Shah; nor have the people become more
virtuous since, and consequently neither more happy nor more
independent.”
=Results to the Rājputs.=—At this eventful era in the political history
of India, the Rajput nation had not only maintained their ground amidst
the convulsions of six centuries under the paramount sway of the
Islamite, but two of the three chief States, Marwar and [420] Amber, had
by policy and valour created substantial States out of petty
principalities, junior branches[4.15.31] from which had established
their independence, and still enjoy it under treaty with the British
Government. Mewar at this juncture was defined by nearly the same
boundaries as when Mahmud of Ghazni invaded her in the tenth century,
though her influence over many of her tributaries, as Bundi, Abu, Idar,
and Deolia, was destroyed. To the west, the fertile district of Godwar
carried her beyond her natural barrier, the Aravalli, into the desert;
while the Chambal was her limit to the east. The Khari separated her
from Ajmer, and to the south she adjoined Malwa. These limits
comprehended one hundred and thirty miles of latitude and one hundred
and forty of longitude, containing 10,000 towns and villages, with
upwards of a million sterling of revenue, raised from a fertile soil by
an excellent agricultural population, a wealthy mercantile community,
and defended by a devoted vassalage. Such was this little patriarchal
State after the protracted strife which has been related; we shall have
to exhibit her, in less than half a century, on the verge of
annihilation from the predatory inroads of the Mahrattas.
=The Coming of the Marāthas.=—In order to mark with exactitude the
introduction of the Mahrattas into Rajasthan, we must revert to the
period[4.15.32] when the dastardly intrigues of the advisers of Muhammad
Shah surrendered to them as tribute the _chauth_, or fourth of his
revenues. Whether in the full tide of successful invasion, these
spoilers deemed any other argument than force to be requisite in order
to justify their extortions, they had in this surrender a concession of
which the subtle Mahrattas were well capable of availing themselves; and
as the Mogul claimed sovereignty over the whole of Rajasthan, they might
plausibly urge their right of _chauth_, as applicable to all the
territories subordinate to the empire.
=The Rājput Coalition.=—The rapidity with which these desultory bands
flew from conquest to conquest appears to have alarmed the Rajputs, and
again brought about a coalition, which, with the characteristic
peculiarity of all such contracts, was commenced by matrimonial
alliances. On this occasion, Bijai Singh, the heir of Marwar, was
affianced to the Rana’s daughter, who at the same time reconciled the
princes [421] of Marwar and Amber, whose positions at the court of the
Mogul often brought their national jealousies into conflict, as they
alternately took the lead in his councils: for it was rare to find both
in the same line of politics. These matters were arranged at
Udaipur.[4.15.33] But as we have often had occasion to observe, no
public [422] or general benefit ever resulted from these alliances,
which were obstructed by the multitude of petty jealousies inseparable
from clanship; even while this treaty was in discussion, the fruit of
the triple league formed against the tyranny of Aurangzeb was about to
show its baneful influence, as will presently appear.
=Bājirāo visits Mewār. Negotiations with the Marāthas.=—When Malwa was
acquired by the Mahrattas, followed by the cession of the _chauth_,
their leader, Bajirao, repaired to Mewar, where his visit created great
alarm.[4.15.34] The Rana desired to avoid a personal interview, and sent
as his ambassadors [423], the chief of Salumbar and his prime minister,
Biharidas. Long discussions followed as to the mode of Bajirao’s
reception, which was settled to be on the same footing as the Raja of
Banera,[4.15.35] and that he should be seated in front of the throne. A
treaty followed, stipulating an annual tribute, which remained in force
during ten years,[4.15.36] when grasping at the whole they despised a
part, and the treaty became a nullity.[4.15.37] The dissensions which
arose soon after, in consequence of the Rajput engagements, afforded the
opportunity sought for to mix in their internal concerns.
=Right of Primogeniture.=—It may be recollected that in the family
engagements formed by Rana Amra there was an obligation to invest the
issue of such marriage with the rights of primogeniture; and the death
of Sawai Jai Singh[4.15.38] of Amber, two years after Nadir’s invasion,
brought that stipulation into effect. His eldest son, Isari Singh, was
proclaimed Raja, but a strong party supported Madho Singh, the Rana’s
nephew, and the stipulated, against the natural order of succession. We
are [424] left in doubt as to the real designs of Jai Singh in
maintaining his guarantee, which was doubtless inconvenient; but that
Madho Singh was not brought up to the expectation is evident, from his
holding a fief of the Rana Sangram, who appropriated the domain of
Rampura for his support, subject to the service of one thousand horse
and two thousand foot, formally sanctioned by his father, who allowed
the transfer of his services. On the other hand, the letter of
permission entitles him _Kshema_, ‘prosperous,’ an epithet only applied
to the heir-apparent of Jaipur. Five years, however, elapsed before any
extraordinary exertions were made to annul the rights of Isari Singh,
who led his vassals to the Sutlej in order to oppose the first invasion
of the Duranis.[4.15.39] It would be tedious to give even an epitome of
the intrigues for the development of this object, which properly belong
to the annals of Amber, and whence resulted many of the troubles of
Rajputana. The Rana took the field with his nephew, and was met by Isari
Singh,[4.15.40] supported by the Mahrattas; but the Sesodias did not
evince in the battle of Rajmahall that gallantry which must have its
source in moral strength: they were defeated and fled. The Rana vented
his indignation in a galling sarcasm; he gave the sword of state to a
common courtesan to carry in procession, observing “it was a woman’s
weapon in these degenerate times”: a remark the degrading severity of
which made a lasting impression in the decline of Mewar. Elated with
this success, Isari Singh carried his resentments and his auxiliaries,
under Sindhia, against the Haras of Kotah and Bundi, who supported the
cause of his antagonist. Kotah stood a siege and was gallantly defended,
and Sindhia (Apaji) lost an arm:[4.15.41] on this occasion both the
States suffered a diminution of territory, and were subjected to
tribute. The Rana, following the example of the Kachhwahas, called in as
auxiliary Malhar Rao Holkar, and engaged to pay sixty-four lakhs of
rupees (£800,000) on the deposal of Isari Singh. To avoid degradation
this unfortunate prince resolved on suicide, and a dose of poison gave
Madho Singh the _gaddi_, Holkar his bribe, and the Mahrattas a firm hold
upon Rajasthan. Such was the cause of Rajput abasement; the moral force
of the vassals was lost in a contest unjust in all its associations, and
from this period we have only the degrading spectacle of civil strife
and predatory spoliation till the existing treaty of A.D. 1817 [425].
=Death of Rāna Jagat Singh II., A.D. 1751.=—In S. 1808 (A.D. 1752) Rana
Jagat Singh died. Addicted to pleasure, his habits of levity and
profusion totally unfitted him for the task of governing his country at
such a juncture; he considered his elephant fights[4.15.42] of more
importance than keeping down the Mahrattas. Like all his family, he
patronized the arts, greatly enlarged the palace, and expended £250,000
in embellishing the islets of the Pichola. The villas scattered over the
valley were all erected by him, and many of those festivals devoted to
idleness and dissipation, and now firmly rooted at Udaipur, were
instituted by Jagat Singh II.
CHAPTER 16
=Rāna Partāp Singh II., A.D. 1751-54.=—Partap II. succeeded in A.D.
1752. Of the history of this prince, who renewed the most illustrious
name in the annals of Mewar, there is nothing to record beyond the fact,
that the three years he occupied the throne were marked by so many
Mahratta invasions[4.16.1] and war contributions. By a daughter of Raja
Jai Singh of Amber he had a son, who succeeded him.
=Rāna Rāj Singh II., A.D. 1754-61.=—Rana Raj Singh II. was as little
entitled to the name he bore as his predecessor. During the seven years
he held the dignity at least seven shoals of the Southrons overran
Mewar,[4.16.2] and so exhausted this country, that the Rana was
compelled to ask pecuniary aid from the Brahman collector of the
tribute, to enable him to marry the Rathor chieftain’s daughter. On his
death the order of succession retrograded, devolving on his uncle [426],
=Rāna Arsi Singh II., A.D. 1761-73.=—Rana Arsi, in S. 1818, A.D. 1762.
The levity of Jagat Singh, the inexperience of his successors Partap and
Raj Singh, with the ungovernable temper of Rana Arsi, and the
circumstances under which he succeeded to power, introduced a train of
disorders which proved fatal to Mewar. Until this period not a foot of
territory had been alienated. The wisdom of the Pancholi ministers, and
the high respect paid by the organ of the Satara government, for a while
preserved its integrity; but when the country was divided by factions,
and the Mahrattas, ceasing to be a federate body, prowled in search of
prey under leaders, each having an interest of his own, they formed
political combinations to suit the ephemeral purposes of the former, but
from which they alone reaped advantage. An attempt to depose Partap and
set up his uncle Nathji introduced a series of rebellions, and
constituted Malhar Rao Holkar, who had already become master of a
considerable portion of the domain of Mewar, the umpire in their family
disputes.
=Malhār Rāo Holkar invades Mewār. Famine, A.D. 1764.=—The ties of blood
or of princely gratitude are feeble bonds if political expediency
demands their dissolution; and Madho Singh, when firmly established on
the throne of Amber, repaid the immense sacrifices by which the Rana had
effected it by assigning his fief of Rampura, which he had not a shadow
of right to alienate, to Holkar: this was the first limb severed from
Mewar.[4.16.3] Holkar had also become the assignee of the tribute
imposed by Bajirao, but from which the Rana justly deemed himself
exempt, when the terms of all further encroachment in Mewar were set at
nought. On the plea of recovering these arrears, and the rent of some
districts[4.16.4] on the Chambal, Malhar, after many threatening
letters, invaded Mewar, and his threats of occupying the capital were
only checked by draining their exhausted resources of six hundred
thousand pounds.[4.16.5] In the same year[4.16.6] a famine afflicted
them, when flour and tamarinds were equal in value, and were sold at the
rate of a rupee for one pound and a half. Four years subsequent to this,
civil war broke out and continued to influence all posterior
proceedings, rendering [427] the inhabitants of this unhappy country a
prey to every invader until 1817, when they tasted repose under British
protection.
=Civil War in Mewār. Revolt of Ratan Singh.=—The real cause of this
rebellion must ever remain a secret: for while some regard it as a
patriotic effort on the part of the people to redeem themselves from
foreign domination, others discover its motive in the selfishness of the
hostile clans, who supported or opposed the succession of Rana Arsi.
This prince is accused of having unfairly acquired the crown, by the
removal of his nephew Raj Singh; but though the traditional anecdotes of
the period furnish strong grounds of suspicion, there is nothing which
affords a direct confirmation of the crime. It is, however, a public
misfortune when the line of succession retrogrades in Mewar: Arsi had no
right to expect the inheritance he obtained, having long held a seat
below the sixteen chief nobles; and as one of the ‘infants’ (_babas_) he
was incorporated with the second class of nobles with an appanage of
only £3000 per annum. His defects of character had been too closely
contemplated by his compeers, and had kindled too many enmities, to
justify expectation that the adventitious dignity he had attained would
succeed in obliterating the memory of them; and past familiarity alone
destroyed the respect which was exacted by sudden greatness. His
insolent demeanour estranged the first of the home nobility, the Sadri
chieftain,[4.16.7] whose ancestor at Haldighat acquired a claim to the
perpetual gratitude of the Sesodias, while to an unfeeling pun on a
personal defect of Jaswant Singh of Deogarh is attributed the hatred and
revenge of this powerful branch of the Chondawats. These chiefs formed a
party which eventually entrained many of lesser note to depose their
sovereign, and immediately set up a youth called Ratna Singh, declared
to be the posthumous son of the last Rana by the daughter of the chief
of Gogunda, though to this hour disputes run high as to whether he was
really the son of Raj Singh, or merely the puppet [428] of a faction. Be
the fact as it may, he was made a rallying point for the disaffected,
who soon comprehended the greater portion of the nobles, while out of
the ‘sixteen’ greater chiefs five[4.16.8] only withstood the defection:
of these, Salumbar, the hereditary premier, at first espoused, but soon
abandoned, the cause of the Pretender; not from the principle of loyalty
which his descendants take credit for, but from finding the superiority
of intellect of the heads of the rebellion[4.16.9] (which now counted
the rival Saktawats) too powerful for the supremacy he desired. Basant
Pal, of the Depra tribe, was invested with the office of Pardhan to the
Pretender. The ancestor of this man accompanied Samarsi in the twelfth
century from Delhi, where he held a high office in the household of
Prithiraj, the last emperor of the Hindus, and it is a distinguished
proof of the hereditary quality of official dignity to find his
descendant, after the lapse of centuries, still holding office with the
nominal title of Pardhan. The Futuri[4.16.10] (by which name the court
still designates the Pretender) took post with his faction in
Kumbhalmer; where he was formally installed, and whence he promulgated
his decrees as Rana of Mewar. With that heedlessness of consequences and
the political debasement which are invariable concomitants of civil
dissension, they had the meanness to invite Sindhia to their aid, with a
promise of a reward of more than one million sterling[4.16.11] on the
dethronement of Arsi.
=Zālim Singh of Kotah.=—This contest first brought into notice one of
the most celebrated Rajput chiefs of India, Zalim Singh of Kotah, who
was destined to fill a distinguished part in the annals of Rajasthan,
but more especially in Mewar, where his political sagacity first
developed itself. Though this is not the proper place to delineate his
history, which will occupy a subsequent portion of the work, it is
impossible to trace the events with which he was so closely connected
without adverting slightly to the part he acted in these scenes. The
attack on Kotah, of which his father was military governor (during the
struggle to place Madho Singh on the throne of Amber), by Isari Singh,
in conjunction with Sindhia, was the first avenue to his distinguished
career, leading to an acquaintance with the Mahratta chiefs, which
linked him with their policy for more than half a century [429]. Zalim
having lost his prince’s favour, whose path in love he had dared to
cross, repaired, on his banishment from Kotah, to the Rana, who,
observing his talents, enrolled him amongst his chiefs, and conferred on
him, with the title of Raj Rana, the lands of Chitarkhera for his
support. By his advice the Mahratta leaders, Raghu Paigawala and Daula
Miyan, with their bands, were called in by the Rana, who, setting aside
the ancient Pancholi ministry, gave the seals of office to Agarji Mehta.
At this period (S. 1824, A.D. 1768), Mahadaji Sindhia was at Ujjain,
whither the conflicting parties hastened, each desirous of obtaining the
chieftain’s support. But the Pretender’s proposals had been already
entertained, and he was then encamped with Sindhia on the banks of the
Sipra.[4.16.12]
=Battle at the Sipra, and Siege of Udaipur, A.D. 1769.=—The Rana’s
force, conducted by the chief of Salumbar, the Rajas of Shahpura and
Banera, with Zalim Singh and the Mahratta auxiliaries, did not hesitate
to attack the combined camp, and for a moment they were victorious,
driving Mahadaji and the Pretender from the field, with great loss, to
the gates of Ujjain. Here, however, they rallied, and being joined by a
fresh body of troops, the battle was renewed with great disadvantage to
the Rajputs, who, deeming the day theirs, had broken and dispersed to
plunder. The chiefs of Salumbar, Shahpura, and Banera were slain, and
the auxiliary Daula Miyan, Raja Man (ex-prince of Narwar), and Raj
Kalyan, the heir of Sadri, severely wounded. Zalim Singh had his horse
killed under him, and being left wounded on the field, was made
prisoner, but hospitably treated by Trimbak Rao, father to the
celebrated Ambaji. The discomfited troops retreated to Udaipur while the
Pretender’s party remained with Sindhia, inciting him to invest that
capital and place Ratna on the throne. Some time, however, elapsed
before he could carry this design into execution; when at the head of a
large force the Mahratta chief gained the passes and besieged the city.
The Rana’s cause now appeared hopeless. Bhim Singh of Salumbar, uncle
and successor to the chief slain at Ujjain, with the Rathor chief of
Badnor (descendant of Jaimall), were the only nobles of high rank who
defended their prince and capital in this emergency; but the energies of
an individual saved both.
=Amar Chand, Minister of Mewār.=—Amra Chand Barwa, of the mercantile
class, had held office in the preceding reigns, when his influence
retarded the progress of evils which no human means could avert. He was
now displaced, and little solicitous of recovering his [430] transient
power, amidst hourly increasing difficulties, with a stubborn and
unpopular prince, a divided aristocracy, and an impoverished country. He
was aware also of his own imperious temper, which was as ungovernable as
his sovereign’s, and which experienced no check from the minor Partap,
who regarded him as his father. During the ten years he had been out of
office, mercenaries of Sind had been entertained and established on the
forfeited lands of the clans, perpetuating discontent and stifling every
latent spark of patriotism. Even those who did not join the Pretender
remained sullenly at their castles, and thus all confidence was
annihilated. A casual incident brought Amra forward at this critical
juncture. Udaipur had neither ditch nor walls equal to its defence. Arsi
was engaged in fortifying Eklinggarh, a lofty hill south of the
city,[4.16.13] which it commanded, and attempting to place thereon an
enormous piece of ordnance, but it baffled their mechanical skill to get
it over the scraggy ascent. Amra happened to be present when the Rana
arrived to inspect the proceedings. Excuses were made to avert his
displeasure, when turning to the ex-minister, he inquired what time and
expense ought to attend the completion of such an undertaking. The reply
was, “A few rations of grain and some days”: and he offered to
accomplish the task, on condition that his orders should be supreme in
the valley during its performance. He collected the whole working
population, cut a road, and in a few days gave the Rana a salute from
Eklinggarh. The foster-brother of the Rana had succeeded the Jhala
chieftain, Raghu Deo, in the ministerial functions. The city was now
closely invested on every side but the west, where communications were
still kept open by the lake, across which the faithful mountaineers of
the Aravalli, who in similar dangers never failed, supplied them with
provisions. All defence rested on the fidelity of the mercenary Sindis,
and they were at this very moment insolent in their clamours for arrears
of pay. Nor were the indecisive measures daily passing before their eyes
calculated to augment their respect, or stimulate their courage. Not
satisfied with demands, they had the audacity to seize the Rana by the
skirt of his robe as he entered the palace, which was torn in the effort
to detain him. The haughtiness of his temper gave way to this
humiliating proof of the hopelessness of his condition; and while the
Dhabhai (foster-brother) counselled escape by water to the mountains,
whence he might gain Mandalgarh, the Salumbar chief confessed his
inability to offer any advice [431] save that of recourse to Amra Chand.
He was summoned, and the uncontrolled charge of their desperate affairs
offered to his guidance. He replied that it was a task of which no man
could be covetous, more especially himself, whose administration had
formerly been marked by the banishment of corruption and disorder, for
that he must now call in the aid of these vices, and assimilate the
means to the times. “You know also,” he added, "my defect of temper,
which admits of no control. Wherever I am, I must be absolute—no secret
advisers, no counteraction of measures. With finances ruined, troops
mutinous, provisions expended, if you desire me to act, swear that no
order, whatever its purport, shall be countermanded, and I may try what
can be done: but recollect, Amra ‘the just’ will be the unjust, and
reverse his former character." The Rana pledged himself by the patron
deity to comply with all his demands, adding this forcible expression:
"Should you even send to the queen’s apartment and demand her necklace
or _nathna_,[4.16.14] it shall be granted." The advice of the Dhabhai
encountered the full flood of Amra’s wrath. “The counsel is such as
might be expected from your condition. What will preserve your prince at
Mandalgarh if he flies from Udaipur, and what hidden resources have you
there for your support? The project would suit you, who might resume
your original occupation of tending buffaloes and selling milk, more
adapted to your birth and understanding than state affairs; but these
pursuits your prince has yet to learn.” The Rana and his chiefs bent
their heads at the bold bearing of Amra. Descending to the terrace,
where the Sindi leaders and their bands were assembled, he commanded
them to follow him, exclaiming, “Look to me for your arrears, and as for
your services, it will be my fault if you fail.” The mutineers, who had
just insulted their sovereign, rose without reply, and in a body left
the palace with Amra, who calculated their arrears and promised payment
the next day. Meanwhile he commanded the bhandars (repositories) to be
broken open, as the keeper of each fled when the keys of their trust
were demanded. All the gold and silver, whether in bullion or in
vessels, were converted into money—jewels were pledged—the troops paid
and satisfied, ammunition and provisions laid in—a fresh stimulus
supplied, the enemy held at defiance, and the siege prolonged during six
months [432].
The Pretender’s party had extended their influence over a great part of
the crown domain, even to the valley of Udaipur; but unable to fulfil
the stipulation to Sindhia, the baffled Mahratta, to whom time was
treasure, negotiated with Amra to raise the siege, and abandon the
Pretender on the payment of seventy lakhs. But scarcely was the treaty
signed, when the reported disposition of the auxiliaries, and the
plunder expected on a successful assault, excited his avarice and made
him break his faith, and twenty lakhs additional were imposed. Amra tore
up the treaty, and sent back the fragments to the faithless Mahratta
with defiance. His spirit increased with his difficulties, and he
infused his gallantry into the hearts of the most despairing. Assembling
the Sindis and the home-clans who were yet true to their prince, he
explained to them the transaction, and addressed them in that language
which speaks to the souls of all mankind, and to give due weight to his
exhortation, he distributed amongst the most deserving, many articles of
cumbrous ornament lying useless in the treasury. The stores of grain in
the city and neighbourhood, whether public or private, were collected
and sent to the market, and it was proclaimed by beat of drum that every
fighting man should have six months’ provision on application. Hitherto
grain had been selling at little more than a pound for the rupee, and
these unexpected resources were matter of universal surprise, more
especially to the besiegers.[4.16.15] The Sindis, having no longer cause
for discontent, caught the spirit of the brave Amra, and went in a body
to the palace to swear in public never to abandon the Rana, whom their
leader, Adil Beg,[4.16.16] thus addressed: “We have long eaten your salt
and received numerous favours from your house, and we now come to swear
never to abandon you. Udaipur is our home, and we will fall with it. We
demand no further pay, and when our grain is exhausted, we will feed on
the beasts, and when these fail we will thin the ranks of the Southrons
and die sword in hand.” Such were the sentiments that Amra had inspired,
the expression of which extorted tears from the Rana—a sight so unusual
with this stern prince, as to raise frantic shouts from the Sindis and
his Rajputs. The enthusiasm spread and was announced to Sindhia with all
its circumstances by a general discharge of cannon on his advanced [433]
posts. Apprehensive of some desperate display of Rajput valour, the wary
Mahratta made overtures for a renewal of the negotiation. It was now
Amra’s turn to triumph, and he replied that he must deduct from the
original terms the expense they had incurred in sustaining another six
months’ siege. Thus outwitted, Sindhia was compelled to accept sixty
lakhs, and three-and-a-half for official expenses.[4.16.17]
=Cessions made to Sindhia.=—Thirty-three lakhs in jewels and specie,
gold and silver plate, and assignments on the chiefs, were immediately
made over to Sindhia, and lands mortgaged for the liquidation of the
remainder. For this object the districts of Jawad, Jiran, Nimach, and
Morwan were set aside to be superintended by joint officers of both
governments, with an annual investigation of accounts. From S. 1825 to
S. 1831 [A.D. 1768-74] no infringement took place of this arrangement;
but in the latter year Sindhia dismissed the Rana’s officers from the
management, and refused all further settlement; and with the exception
of a temporary occupation on Sindhia’s reverse of fortune in S. 1851
[A.D. 1794], these rich districts have remained severed from Mewar. In
S. 1831 [A.D. 1774] the great officers of the Mahratta federation began
to shake off the trammels of the Peshwa’s authority; and Sindhia
retained for the State of which he was the founder, all these lands
except Morwan, which was made over to Holkar, who the year after the
transaction demanded of the Rana the surrender of the district of
Nimbahera, threatening, in the event of non-compliance, to repeat the
part his predatory coadjutor Sindhia had just performed. The cession was
unavoidable.
Thus terminated, in S. 1826 [A.D. 1769], the siege of Udaipur, with the
dislocation of these fine districts from Mewar. But let it be remembered
that they were only mortgaged:[4.16.18] and although the continued
degradation of the country from the same causes has prevented their
redemption, the claim to them has never been abandoned. Their recovery
was stipulated by the ambassadors of the Rana in the treaty of A.D. 1817
with the British Government; but our total ignorance of the past
transactions of these countries, added to our amicable relations with
Sindhia [434], prevented any pledge of the reunion of these districts;
and it must ever be deeply lamented that, when the treacherous and
hostile conduct of Sindhia gave a noble opportunity for their
restoration, it was lost, from policy difficult to understand, and which
must be subject to the animadversions of future historians of that
important period in the history of India. It yet remains for the wisdom
of the British Government to decide whether half a century’s abeyance,
and the inability to redeem them by the sword, render the claim a dead
letter. At all events, the facts here recorded from a multiplicity of
public documents, and corroborated by living actors[4.16.19] in the
scene, may be useful at some future day, when expedience may admit of
their being reannexed to Mewar.
=Ratan Singh defeated.=—Amra’s defence of the capital, and the retreat
of the Mahrattas, was a deathblow to the hopes of the Pretender, who had
obtained not only many of the strongholds, but a footing in the valley
of the capital. Rajnagar, Raepur, and Untala were rapidly recovered;
many of the nobles returned to the Rana and to their allegiance; and
Ratna was left in Kumbhalmer with the Depra minister, and but three of
the sixteen principal nobles, namely Deogarh, Bhindir, and Amet. These
contentions lasted till S. 1831 [A.D. 1774], when the chiefs above named
also abandoned him, but not until their rebellion had cost the feather
in the crown of Mewar. The rich province of Godwar, the most fruitful of
all her possessions, and containing the most loyal of her vassalage, the
Ranawats, Rathors, and Solankis, was nearly all held on tenure of feudal
service, and furnished three thousand horse besides foot, a greater
number than the aggregate of the Chondawats. This district, which was
won with the title of Rana from the Parihara prince of Mandor, before
Jodhpur was built, and whose northern boundary was confirmed by the
blood of the Chondawat chief in the reign of Jodha, was confided by the
Rana to the care of Raja Bijai Singh of Jodhpur, to prevent its
resources being available to the Pretender, whose residence, Kumbhalmer,
commanded the approach to it: and the original treaty yet exists in
which the prince of Marwar binds himself to provide and support a body
of three thousand men for the Rana’s service, from its revenues.
=Assassination of Rāna Ari Singh, A.D. 1773.=—This province might have
been recovered; but the evil genius of Arsi Rana at this time led him to
Bundi to [435] hunt at the spring festival (the Aheria), with the Hara
prince, in spite of the prophetic warning of the suttee, who from the
funeral pile denounced a practice which had already thrice proved fatal
to the princes of Mewar.[4.16.20] Rana Arsi fell by the hand of the
Bundi prince, and Godwar, withheld from his minor successor, has since
remained severed. The Bundi heir, who perpetrated this atrocious
assassination, was said to be prompted by the Mewar nobles, who detested
their sovereign, and with whom, since the late events, it was impossible
they could ever unite in confidence. Implacable in his disposition, he
brooded over injuries, calmly awaiting the moment to avenge them. A
single instance will suffice to evince this, as well as the infatuation
of Rajput devotion. The Salumbar chief, whose predecessor had fallen in
support of the Rana’s cause at the battle of Ujjain, having incurred his
suspicions, the Rana commanded him to eat the _pan_ (betel leaf)
presented on taking leave. Startled at so unusual an order, he
remonstrated, but in vain; and with the conviction that it contained his
death-warrant he obeyed, observing to the tyrant, “My compliance will
cost you and your family dear”: words fulfilled with fearful accuracy,
for to this and similar acts is ascribed the murder of Arsi, and the
completion of the ruin of the country. A colour of pretext was afforded
to the Bundi chief in a boundary dispute regarding a patch of land
yielding only a few good mangoes; but, even admitting this as a
palliative, it could not justify the inhospitable act, which in the mode
of execution added cowardice to barbarity: for while both were pursuing
the boar, the Bundi heir drove his lance through the heart of the Rana.
The assassin fell a victim to remorse, the deed being not only
disclaimed, but severely reprobated by his father, and all the Hara
tribe. A cenotaph still stands on the site of the murder, where the body
of Arsi was consumed, and the feud between the houses remains
unappeased.
=Rāna Hamīr Singh II., A.D. 1773-78.=—Rana Arsi left two sons, Hamir and
Bhim Singh. The former, a name of celebrity in their annals, succeeded
in S. 1828 (A.D. 1772) to the little enviable title of Rana. With an
ambitious mother, determined to control affairs during his minority, a
state pronounced by the bard peculiarly dangerous to a Rajput
dynasty,—and the vengeful competition of the Salumbar chief (successor
to the murdered noble), who was equally resolved to take the lead,
combined with an unextinguishable enmity to the Saktawats, who supported
the policy of the queen-mother [436], the demoralization of Mewar was
complete: her fields were deluged with blood, and her soil was the prey
of every paltry marauder.
=Outbreak of the Sindis.=—The mercenary Sindis, who, won by the
enthusiasm of Amra, had for a moment assumed the garb of fidelity, threw
it off at their prince’s death, taking possession of the capital, which
it will be remembered had been committed to the charge of the Salumbar
chief, whom they confined and were about to subject to the torture of
the hot iron[4.16.21] to extort their arrears of pay, when he was
rescued from the indignity by the unlooked-for return of Amra from
Bundi. This faithful minister determined to establish the rights of the
infant prince against all other claimants for power. But he knew
mankind, and had attained, what is still more difficult, the knowledge
of himself. Aware that his resolution to maintain his post at all
hazards, and against every competitor, would incur the imputation of
self-interest, he, like our own Wolsey, though from far different
motives, made an inventory of his wealth, in gold, jewels, and plate,
even to his wardrobe, and sent the whole in trays to the queen-mother.
Suspicion was shamed and resentment disarmed by this proceeding; and to
repeated entreaties that he would receive it back he was inflexible,
with the exception of articles of apparel that had already been in use.
This imperious woman was a daughter of Gogunda. She possessed
considerable talents, but was ruled by an artful _intrigante_, who, in
her turn, was governed by a young _homme d’affaires_, then holding an
inferior office, but who subsequently acted a conspicuous part; slew and
was slain, like almost all who entered into the politics of this
tempestuous period. The queen-mother, now supported by the Chondawats,
opposed the minister, who maintained himself by aid of the Sindis, kept
the Mahrattas from the capital, and protected the crown land; but the
ungrateful return made to his long-tried fidelity rendered his temper
ungovernable. Rampiyari[4.16.22] (such the name of the _intrigante_)
repaired on one occasion to the office of the minister, and in the name
of the regent queen reviled him for some supposed omission. Amra, losing
all temper at this intrusion, applied to the fair abigail the coarsest
epithets used to her sex, bidding her begone as a Kothi ki Rand (a
phrase we shall not translate), which was reported with exaggeration to
the queen, who threw herself into a litter and set off to the Salumbar
chief. Amra, anticipating [437] an explosion, met the cavalcade in the
street, and enjoined her instant return to the palace. Who dared
disobey? Arrived at the door of the Rawala, he made his obeisance, and
told her it was a disgrace to the memory of her lord that she should
quit the palace under any pretext; that even the potter’s wife did not
go abroad for six months after her husband’s death, while she, setting
decorum at defiance, had scarcely permitted the period of mourning to
elapse. He concluded by saying he had a duty to perform, and that he
would perform it in spite of all obstacles, in which, as it involved her
own and her children’s welfare, she ought to cooperate, instead of
thwarting him. But Baiji Raj (the royal mother) was young, artful, and
ambitious, and persevered in her hostility till the demise of this
uncompromising minister shortly after, surmised to be caused by poison.
His death yielded a flattering comment on his life: he left not funds
sufficient to cover the funeral expenses, and is, and will probably
continue, the sole instance on record in Indian history of a minister
having his obsequies defrayed by subscription among his fellow-citizens.
The man who thus lived and thus died would have done honour to any, even
the most civilized, country, where the highest incentives to public
virtue exist. What, therefore, does not his memory merit, when amongst a
people who, through long oppression, were likely to hold such feelings
in little estimation, he pursued its dictates from principle alone, his
sole reward that which the world could not bestow, the applause of the
monitor within? But they greatly err who, in the application of their
own overweening standard of merit, imagine there is no public opinion in
these countries; for recollections of actions like this (of which but a
small portion is related) they yet love to descant upon, and an act of
vigour and integrity is still designated Amrachanda;[4.16.23] evincing
that if virtue has few imitators in this country, she is not without
ardent admirers.
=Revolt of the Chief of Begūn.=—In S. 1831 (A.D. 1775) the rebellion of
the Begun chief, head of a grand division of the Chondawats, the
Meghawat, obliged the queen-mother to call upon Sindhia for his
reduction, who recovered the crown lands he had usurped, and imposed on
this refractory noble a fine of twelve lakhs of rupees, or £100,000
[438] sterling.[4.16.24] But instead of confining himself to punishing
the guilty, and restoring the lands to the young Rana, he inducted his
own son-in-law Berji Tap into the districts of Ratangarh Kheri and
Singoli; and at the same time made over those of Irnia, Jath, Bichor,
and Nadwai to Holkar, the aggregate revenue of which amounted to six
lakhs annually. Besides these alienations of territory, the Mahrattas
levied no less than four grand war contributions in S. 1830-31,[4.16.25]
while in S. 1836[4.16.26] their rapacity exacted three more. Inability
to liquidate these exorbitant demands was invariably a signal for
further sequestration of land. Amidst such scenes of civil strife and
external spoliation, one Mahratta following another in the same track of
rapine, Hamir died before he had attained even Rajput majority,[4.16.27]
in S. 1834 (A.D. 1778).
=Recapitulation.=—We may here briefly recapitulate the diminution of
territory and wealth in Mewar from the period of the first Mahratta
visitation in A.D. 1736, to the death of Hamir. It were a waste of time
to enumerate the rapacious individuals who shared in the spoils of this
devoted country. We may be content to say their name was ‘legion.’ These
forty years were surcharged with evil. The Mogul princes observed at
least the forms of government and justice, which occasionally tempered
their aggressions; the Mahrattas were associations of vampires, who
drained the very life-blood wherever the scent of spoil attracted them.
In three payments we have seen the enormous sum of one crore and
eighty-one lakhs,[4.16.28] upwards of two millions English money,
exacted from Mewar, exclusive of individual contributions levied on
chiefs, ministers, and the Pretender’s party: and a schedule drawn up by
the reigning prince of contributions levied up to his own time, amounts
to £5,000,000 sterling. Yet the land would eventually have reimbursed
[439] these sums, but the penalty inflicted for deficiencies of payment
renders the evil irremediable; for the alienated territory which then
produced an annual revenue of twenty-eight lakhs,[4.16.29] or £323,000
sterling, exceeds in amount the sum-total now left, whether fiscal or
feudal, in the present impoverished state of the country.
-----
Footnote 4.15.1:
[September 29, 1719.]
Footnote 4.15.2:
[Nizāmu-l-mulk, Asaf Jāh, titles of Chīn Qilīch Khān, a Turkmān
officer in the service of Aurangzeb, governor of the Deccan, died May
22, 1748.]
Footnote 4.15.3:
Amongst the archives of the Rana to which I had access, I discovered
an autograph letter of Raja Jai Singh, addressed at this important
juncture to the Rana’s prime minister, Biharidas.
"The Amiru-l-umara has arrived, and engagements through Balaji Pandit
have been agreed to: he said that he always had friendship for me, but
advised me to march, a measure alike recommended by Kishan Singh and
Jiwa Lal. On this I presented an _arzi_ to his Majesty, stated the
advice, but desired to have his Majesty’s commands; when the king
sanctioning my leave, such being the general desire, on Thursday the
9th of Phālgun I moved, and pitched my tents at Sarbal Sarai. I told
the Rao Raja (of Bundi) to accompany me, but it did not reach his
mind, and he joined Kutbu-l-mulk, who gave him some horse, and made
him encamp with Ajit Singh. Bhim Singh’s (of Kotah) army arrived, and
an engagement took place, in which Jeth Singh Hara was killed, and the
Rao Raja fled to Allahwirdi Khan’s sarai. I sent troops to his aid;
the king has made over the baths and wardrobe to the Sayyids, who have
everything their own way. You know the Sayyids; I am on my way back to
my own country, and have much to say _vivâ voce_ to the
Huzur:[4.15.3.A] come and meet me. Phālgun, S. 19, 1775 (A.D. 1719)."
"Siddh Sri Maharaja dhiraj Sri Sangram Singhji; receive the
_mujra_[4.15.3.B] of Raja Sawai Jai Singh. Here all is well; your
welfare is desired; you are the chief, nor is there any separation of
interests: my horses and Rajputs are at your service; command when I
can be of use. It is long since I have seen the royal mother (Sri
Baiji Raj); if you come this way, I trust she will accompany you. For
news I refer you to Dip Chand Pancholi. Asoj 6, S. 1777."
Footnote 4.15.3.A:
_Huzur_ signifies the Presence. Such was the respectful style of the
Amber prince to the Rana; to illustrate which I shall add another
letter from the same prince, though merely complimentary, to the Rana.
Footnote 4.15.3.B:
_Mujra_ is a salutation of respect used to a superior.
Footnote 4.15.4:
[For a sketch of the history of this period see Keene, _Sketch of the
History of Hindustan_, 304 ff.]
Footnote 4.15.5:
Raja Jai Singh to Biharidas, the Rana’s minister:—“You write that your
Lord despatches money for the troops—I have no accounts thereof; put
the treasure on camels and send it without delay. The Nawab
Nizamu-l-mulk is marching rapidly from Ujjain, and Chhabile Ram is
coming hither, and according to accounts from Agra he has crossed at
Kalpi. Let the Diwan’s army form a speedy junction. Make no delay; in
supplies of cash everything is included.” Bhadon, 4th S. 1776 (A.D.
1720).
Footnote 4.15.6:
Letter from Raja Bakhta Singh of Nagor to Biharidas, the Rana’s prime
minister:—"Your letter was received, and its contents made me happy.
Sri Diwan’s _ruqa’_ reached me and was understood. You tell me both
the Nawabs (_Sayyids_) had taken the field, that both the Maharajas
attended, and that your own army was about to be put in motion, for
how could ancient friendships be severed? All was comprehended. But
neither of the Nawabs will take the field, nor will either of the
Maharajas proceed to the Deccan: they will sit and enjoy themselves
quietly in talking at home. But should by some accident the Nawabs
take the field, espouse their cause; if you cling to any other you are
lost; of this you will be convinced ere long, so guard yourself—if you
can wind up our own thread, don’t give it to another to break—you are
wise, and can anticipate intentions. Where there is such a servant as
you, that house can be in no danger."
Footnote 4.15.7:
[Haidar Khān assassinated Husain Ali on September 18, 1720.]
Footnote 4.15.8:
Girdhardas was a Nagar Brahman, son of Chhabile Ram, the chief
secretary of Ratan Chand.
Footnote 4.15.9:
Jagatkhunt, the Jagat point, of our maps, at Dwarka, where the
Badhels, a branch of the Rathors, established themselves.
Footnote 4.15.10:
In the dialect, _chhari mazbūt thi_, his rod was strong—a familiar
phrase, which might be rendered ‘sceptre’—a long rod with an iron
spike on it, often placed before the _gaddi_, or throne.
Footnote 4.15.11:
The dames attendant on the queens,—the Lady Mashams of every female
court in Rajasthan.
Footnote 4.15.12:
£25,000.
Footnote 4.15.13:
There were eight ministers; from this the Mahrattas had their _asht
pardhans_, the number which formed the ministry of Rama.
Footnote 4.15.14:
[Krishna.]
Footnote 4.15.15:
I discovered the following letter from one of the princesses of Amber
to Rana Sangram, written at this period; it is not evident in what
relation she stood to him, but I think she must have been his wife,
and the sister of Jai Singh:
"To Siddh Sri Sangram Singh, happiness! the Kachhwaha Rani (_queen_)
writes, read her _asis_[4.15.15.A] (blessing). Here all is well; the
welfare of the Sri Diwanji is desired. You are very dear to me; you
are great, the sun of Hindustan; if you do not thus act, who else can?
the action is worthy of you; with your house is my entire friendship.
From ancient times we are the Rajputs of your house, from which both
Rajas[4.15.15.B] have had their consequence increased, and I belong to
it of old, and expect always to be fostered by it, nor will the Sri
Diwanji disappoint us. My intention was to proceed to the feet of the
Sri Diwanji, but the wet weather has prevented me; but I shall soon
make my appearance." S. 1778 (A.D. 1722).
Footnote 4.15.15.A:
_Asis_ is benediction, which only ladies and holy men employ in
epistolary writing or in verbal compliment.
Footnote 4.15.15.B:
Amber and Marwar; this expression denotes the letter to have been
written on intermarriage with the Rana’s house, and shows her sense of
such honour.
Footnote 4.15.16:
The _bira_ is the betel or pan-leaf folded up, containing aromatic
spices, and presented on taking leave. The Kanor chieftain, being of
the second grade of nobles, was not entitled to the distinction of
having it from the sovereign’s own hand.
Footnote 4.15.17:
Treaty.
Seal of Rana.
┌───────────────────┐
│ Sri Eklinga. (_a_)│
└───────────────────┘
Agreed. Agreed.
┌───────────────────────┐ ┌─────────────────┐ ┌──────────────────┐
│Sita Rama jayati. (_c_)│ │Vraj Adhis. (_b_)│ │Abhai Singh. (_d_)│
└───────────────────────┘ └─────────────────┘ └──────────────────┘
1. All are united, in good and in evil, and none will withdraw
therefrom, on which oaths have been made, and faith pledged,
which will be lost by whoever acts contrary thereto. The
honour and shame of one is that of all, and in this everything
is contained.
2. No one shall countenance the traitor of another.
3. After the rains the affair shall commence, and the chiefs of
each party assemble at Rampura; and if from any cause the head
cannot come, he will send his Kunwar (heir), or some personage
of weight.
4. Should from inexperience such Kunwar commit error, the Rana
alone shall interfere to correct it.
5. In every enterprise all shall unite to effect it.
(_a_) (_b_) (_c_). All these seals of Mewar, Marwar, and Amber bear
respectively the names of the tutelary divinity of each prince and his
tribe Swasti Sri! By the united chiefs the under-written has been
agreed to, from which no deviation can take place. Sawan sudi 13, S.
1791 (A.D. 1735), Camp Hurra.
(_a_) Ėklinga, or Mahadeva of the Sesodias of Mewar; (_b_) Vraj Adhis,
the lord of Vraj, the country round Mathura; the epithet of Krishna;
seal of the Hara prince; (_c_) Victory to Sita and Rama, the demi-god,
ancestor of the princes of Amber; (_d_) Abhai Singh, prince of Marwar.
Footnote 4.15.18:
[Sūbahdār of Mālwa, killed in battle at Tala near Dhār in 1732 (Grant
Duff 227).]
Footnote 4.15.19:
[Sarbuland Khān was superseded by Abhai Singh (_ibid._ 226).]
Footnote 4.15.20:
[Mahābat Jang, in 1740 usurped the Government of Bengal, over which he
reigned for sixteen years, died April 10, 1756 N.S., buried at
Murshidābād (Beale, sv.).]
Footnote 4.15.21:
[Nephew and son-in-law of Burhānu-l-mulk, Sa’ādat Khān, was appointed
Wazīr in 1748, died October 17, 1754.]
Footnote 4.15.22:
[Akbar Shāh II., King of Delhi, reigned from 1806 to 1827.] I have
conversed with an aged Shaikh who recollected the splendour of
Muhammad Shah’s reign before Nadir’s invasion. He was darogah
(superintendent) to the Duab canal, and described to me the fête on
its opening.
Footnote 4.15.23:
Sindhia’s family were husbandmen.
Footnote 4.15.24:
Holkar was a goat-herd.
Footnote 4.15.25:
The ford near Dholpur still is called Bhaoghat. [Bājirāo appeared at
Delhi in 1736 (Grant Duff 226).]
Footnote 4.15.26:
A.D. 1740.
Footnote 4.15.27:
[Near Pānipat, February 13, 1739 (Elphinstone 717).]
Footnote 4.15.28:
It is yet pointed out to the visitor of this famed city. [The Golden
Mosque of Roshanu-d-daula (Fanshawe, _Delhi Past and Present_, 50).]
Footnote 4.15.29:
[This is not certain. Many officials committed suicide, and Sa’ādat
Khān was believed to have been among these: it is certain that he died
the night before the massacre (Keene, _Sketch Hist. Hindustan_, 324).]
Footnote 4.15.30:
As the hour of departure approached, the cruelties of the ruthless
invaders increased, to which the words of the narrator, an
eye-witness, can alone do justice: "A type of the last day afflicted
the inhabitants of this once happy city; hitherto it was a general
massacre, but now came the murder of individuals. In every house was
heard the cry of affliction. Basant Rae, agent for pensions, killed
his family and himself; Khalik Yar Khan stabbed himself; many took
poison. The venerable chief magistrate was dishonoured by stripes;
sleep and rest forsook the city. The officers of the court were beaten
without mercy, and a fire broke out in the imperial _farash-khana_,
and destroyed effects to the amount of a crore (a million sterling).
There was a scarcity of grain, two seers of coarse rice sold for a
rupee, and from a pestilential disorder crowds died daily in every
street and lane. The inhabitants, like the affrighted animals of the
desert, sought refuge in the most concealed corners. Yet four or five
crores (millions) more were thus extracted." On the 5th April, Nadir’s
seals were taken off the imperial repositories, and his farmans sent
to all the feudatories of the empire to notify the place and to
inculcate obedience ‘to his dear brother,’ which, as a specimen of
eastern diplomatic phraseology, is worth insertion. It was addressed
to the Rana, the Rajas of Marwar and Amber, Nagor, Satara, the Peshwa
Bajirao, etc. “Between us and our dear brother, Muhammad Shah, in
consideration of the regard and alliances of the two sovereigns, the
connexions of regard and friendship have been renewed, so that we may
be esteemed as one soul in two bodies. Now our dear brother has been
replaced on the throne of this extensive empire, and we are moving to
the conquest of other regions, it is incumbent that ye, like your
forefathers, walk in the path of submission and obedience to our dear
brother, as they did to former sovereigns of the house of Timur. God
forbid it; but if accounts of your rebelling should reach our ears, we
will blot you out of the pages of the book of creation” (‘Memoirs of
Iradat Khan,’ _Scott’s History of Dekhan_, vol. ii. p. 213).
Footnote 4.15.31:
Bikaner and Kishangarh arose out of Marwar, and Macheri from Amber; to
which we might add Shaikhavati, which, though not separate, is
tributary to Amber (now Jaipur).
Footnote 4.15.32:
A.D. 1735.
Footnote 4.15.33:
These documents are interesting, if merely showing the high respect
paid by every Rajput prince to the Ranas of Mewar, and illustrating
what is recorded in the reign of Partap, who abjured all intercourse
with them.
No. 1.
"From Kunwar Bijai Singh of Marwar to the Maharana Sri-Sri-Sri.
"Jagat Singh’s Presence—let my _mujra_ (obedience) be known. You
honoured me by sending Rawat Kesari Singh and Biharidas, and
commanding a marriage connexion. Your orders are on your child’s head.
You have made me a servant. To everything I am agreed, and now I am
your child; while I live I am yours. If a true Rajput, my head is at
your disposal. You have made 20,000 Rathors your servants. If I fail
in this, the Almighty is between us. Whoever is of my blood will obey
your commands, and the fruit of this marriage shall be sovereign, and
if a daughter, should I bestow her on the Turkana, I am no true
Rajput. She shall be married to a proper connexion, and not without
your advice; and even should Sri Bavaji (an epithet of respect to his
father), or others of our elders, recommend such proceeding, I swear
by God I shall not agree. I am the Diwan’s, let others approve or
disapprove. Asarh Sudi Punim, Full Moon, Thursday, S. 1791 (A.D.
1735-36).“
”_N.B._—This deed was executed in the balcony of the Kishanbilas by
Rawat Kesari Singh and Pancholi Biharidas, and written by Pancholi
Lalji—namely, marriage-deed of Kunwar Bijai Singh, son of Bakht
Singh."
No. 2.
"From Bijai Singh to Rana Jagat Singh.
"Here all is well. Preserve your friendship and favour for me, and
give me tidings of your welfare. That day I shall behold you will be
without price (_amolak_). You have made me a thorough Rajput—never
shall I fail in whatever service I can perform. You are the father of
all the tribes, and bestow gifts on each according to his worth—the
support and preservation of all around you—to your enemy destruction;
great in knowledge, and wise like Brahma. May the Lord of the world
keep the Rana happy. Asarh 13."
No. 3.
"Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana.
"To Maharana Sri-Sri-Sri Jagat Singh, let Bakht Singh’s respects
(_mujra_) be made known. You have made me a thorough Rajput, and by
such your favour is known to the world. What service I can perform,
you will never find me backward. The day I shall see you I shall be
happy, my heart yearns to be with you. Asarh 11."
No. 4.
"Sawai Jai Singh to the Rana.
"May the respects of Sawai Jai Singh be known to the Maharana.
According to the Sri Diwan’s commands (_hukm_), I have entered into
terms of friendship with you (Abhai Singh of Marwar). For neither
Hindu nor Musalman shall I swerve therefrom. To this engagement God is
between us, and the Sri Diwanji is witness. Asarh Sudi 7."
No. 5.
"Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana.
"Your _Khas ruqa’_ (note in the Rana’s own hand) I received, read, and
was happy. Jai Singh’s engagement you will have received, and mine
also will have reached you. At your commands I entered into friendship
with him, and as to my preserving it have no doubts, for having given
you as my guarantee, no deviation can occur; do you secure his.
Whether you may be accounted my father, brother, or friend, I am
yours; besides you I care for neither connexion nor kin. Asarh 6."
No. 6.
"From Raja Abhai Singh to the Rana.
"To the Presence of Maharana Jagat Singh, Maharaja Abhai Singh
writes—read his respects (_mujra_). God is witness to our engagement,
whoever breaks it may he fare ill. In good and in evil we are joined;
with one mind let us remain united, and let no selfishness disunite
us. Your chiefs are witnesses, and the true Rajput will not deviate
from his engagement. Asoj 3, Thursday."
Abhai Singh and Bakht Singh were brothers, sons of Raja Ajit of
Marwar, to whom the former succeeded, while Bakht Singh held Nagor
independently. His son was Bijai Singh, with whom this marriage was
contracted. He ultimately succeeded to the government of Marwar or
Jodhpur. He will add another example of political expediency
counteracting common gratitude, in seizing on domestic convulsions to
deprive the Rana’s grandson of the province of Godwar. Zalim Singh was
the fruit of this marriage, who resided during his elder brother’s
(Fateh Singh) lifetime at Udaipur. He was brave, amiable, and a
distinguished poet. The Yati (priest), who attended me during twelve
years, my assistant in these researches, was brought up under the eye
of this prince as his amanuensis, and from him he imbibed his love of
history and poetry, in reading which he excelled all the bards of
Rajwara.
Footnote 4.15.34:
Letters from Rana Jagat Singh to Biharidas Pancholi.
No. 1.
“Swasti Sri, chief of ministers, Pancholiji, read my Juhar.[4.15.34.A]
The remembrance of you never leaves me. The Deccani question you have
settled well, but if a meeting is to take place,[4.15.34.B] let it be
beyond Deolia—nearer is not advisable. Lessen the number of your
troops, by God’s blessing there will be no want of funds. Settle for
Rampura according to the preceding year, and let Daulat Singh know the
opportunity will not occur again. The royal mother is unwell. Gararao
and Gaj Manik fought nobly, and Sundar Gaj played a thousand
pranks.[4.15.34.C] I regretted your absence. How shall I send
Sobharam? Asoj 6, S. 1791 (A.D. 1735).”
No. 2.—_To the Same._
"I will not credit it, therefore send witnesses and a detail of their
demands. Bajirao is come, and he will derive reputation from having
compelled a contribution from me, besides his demand of land. He has
commenced with my country, and will take twenty times more from me
than other Rajas—if a proportionate demand, it might be complied with.
Malhar came last year, but this was nothing—Bajirao this, and he is
powerful. But if God hears me he will not get my land. From Devichand
learn particulars.
"Thursday. S. 1792.
“At the Holi all was joy at the Jagmandir,[4.15.34.D] but what is food
without salt? what Udaipur without Biharidas?”
No. 3.—_Same to the Same._
"With such a man as you in my house I have no fears for its stability;
but why this appearance of poverty? perhaps you will ask, what fault
have you committed, that you sit and move as I direct? The matter is
thus: money is all in all, and the troubles on foot can only be
settled by you, and all other resolutions are useless. You may say,
you have got nothing, and how can you settle them—but already two or
three difficulties have occurred, in getting out of which, both your
pinions and mine, as to veracity, have been broken, so that neither
scheming nor wisdom is any longer available. Though you have been
removed from me for some time, I have always considered you at hand;
but now it will be well if you approach nearer to me, that we may
raise supplies, for in the act of hiding you are celebrated, and the
son[4.15.34.E] (_beta_) hides none: therefore your hoarding is
useless, and begets suspicions. Therefore, unless you have a mind to
efface all regard for your master and your own importance at my court,
you will get ready some jewels and bonds under good security and bring
them to me. There is no way but this to allay these troubles: but
should you think you have got ever so much time, and that I will send
for you at all events, then have I thrown away mine in writing you
this letter. You are wise—look to the future, and be assured I shall
write no second letter. S. 1792."
This letter will show that the office of prime minister is not a bed
of roses. The immediate descendants of Biharidas are in poverty like
their prince, though some distant branches of the family are in
situations of trust; his ambassador to Delhi, and who subsequently
remained with me as medium of communication with the Rana, was a
worthy and able man—Kishandas Pancholi.
I shall subjoin another letter from the Satara prince to Rana Jagat
Singh, though being without date it is doubtful whether it is not
addressed to Jagat Singh the First; this is, however, unimportant, as
it is merely one of compliment, but showing the high respect paid by
the sovereign of the Peshwas to the house whence they originally
sprung.
"Swasti Sri, worthy of all praise (_opma_), from whose actions credit
results; the worshipper of the remover of troubles; the ambrosia of
the ocean of the Rajput race[4.15.34.F] (_amrita ratnakara kshatriya
kula_); resplendent as the sun; who has made a river of tears from the
eyes of the wives of your warlike foes; in deeds munificent. Sriman
Maharaja dhiraj Maharana Sri Jagat Singhji, of all the princes chief,
Sriman Sahu Chatarpati Raja writes, read his Ram, Ram! Here all is
well; honour me by good accounts, which I am always expecting, as the
source of happiness.
“Your favour was received by the Pandit Pardhan[4.15.34.G] with great
respect; and from the period of the arrival of Raj Sri Rawat Udai
Singh to this time my goodwill has been increasing towards him: let
your favour between us be enlarged: what more can I write?”
Footnote 4.15.34.A:
A compliment used from a superior to any inferior.
Footnote 4.15.34.B:
To the Peshwa is the allusion.
Footnote 4.15.34.C:
As the Rana never expected his confidential notes to be translated
into English, perhaps it is illiberal to be severe on them; or we
might say, his elephants are mentioned more _con amore_ than his sick
mother or state affairs. I obtained many hundreds of these autograph
notes of this prince to his prime minister.
Footnote 4.15.34.D:
The Hindu saturnalia held in the island, ‘The Minster of the world.’
Footnote 4.15.34.E:
The Rana always styled him ‘father.’
Footnote 4.15.34.F:
The ocean has the poetical appellation of _ratnakara_, or ‘house of
gems’ [‘mine of jewels’]; the fable of the churning of the ocean is
well known, when were yielded many bounties, of which the _amrita_ or
‘immortal food’ of the gods was one, to which the Rana, as head of all
the Rajput tribes, is likened.
Footnote 4.15.34.G:
This expression induces the belief that the letter is written by the
Peshwa in his sovereign’s name, as they had at this time commenced
their usurpation of his power. It was to the second Jagat Singh that
an offer was made to fill the Satara throne by a branch of his family,
then occupied by an imbecile. A younger brother of the Rana, the
ancestor of the present heir presumptive, Sheodan Singh, was chosen,
but intrigues prevented it, the Rana dreading a superior from his own
family.
Footnote 4.15.35:
The descendant of Bhim, son of Rana Raj Singh. The seat assigned to
Bajirao was made the precedent for the position of the representative
of the British Government. [The Rāwat of Banera, on succession, has
the right of receiving a sword, on the arrival of which he goes to
Udaipur to be installed (Erskine ii. A. 92).]
Footnote 4.15.36:
The amount was 160,000 rupees, divided into three shares of 53,333 0
4½ assigned to Holkar, Sindhia, and the Puar. The management was
entrusted to Holkar; subsequently Sindhia acted as receiver-general.
This was the only regular tributary engagement Mewar entered into.
Footnote 4.15.37:
See letter No. 2, in note, p. 492.
Footnote 4.15.38:
A.D. 1743.
Footnote 4.15.39:
A.D. 1747.
Footnote 4.15.40:
The great Jai Singh built a city which he called after himself, and
henceforth Jaipur will supersede the ancient appellation, Amber.
Footnote 4.15.41:
[Āpaji was one of Sindhia’s best officers. Suffering from a painful
disease, he committed suicide in 1797 by drowning himself in the Jumna
(Compton, _European Military Adventurers_, 132).]
Footnote 4.15.42:
See letters from Rana Jagat Singh to Biharidas, p. 492.
Footnote 4.16.1:
The leaders of these invasions were Satwaji, Jankoji, and Raghunath
Rao.
Footnote 4.16.2:
In S. 1812, Raja Bahadur; in 1813, Malhar Rao Holkar and Vitthal Rao;
in 1814, Ranaji Burtia; in 1813 three war contributions were levied,
namely, by Sudasheo Rao, Govind Rao, and Kanaji Jadon.
Footnote 4.16.3:
This was in S. 1808 (A.D. 1752); portions, however, remained attached
to the fisc of Mewar for several years, besides a considerable part of
the feudal lands of the Chandarawat chief of Amad. Of the former, the
Rana retained Hinglajgarh and the Tappas of Jarda Kinjera, and Budsu.
These were surrendered by Raj Singh, who rented Budsu under its new
appellation of Malhargarh.
Footnote 4.16.4:
Budsu, etc.
Footnote 4.16.5:
Holkar advanced as far as Untala, where Arjun Singh of Kurabar and the
Rana’s foster-brothers met him, and negotiated the payment of
fifty-one lakhs of rupees.
Footnote 4.16.6:
S. 1820, A.D. 1764.
Footnote 4.16.7:
An autograph letter of this chief’s to the minister of the day I
obtained, with other public documents, from the descendant of the
Pancholi:
“To Jaswant Rao Pancholi, Raj Rana Raghudeo writes. After compliments.
I received your letter—from old times you have been my friend, and
have ever maintained faith towards me, for I am of the loyal to the
Rana’s house. I conceal nothing from you, therefore I write that my
heart is averse to longer service, and it is my purpose in Asarh to go
to Gaya.[4.16.7.A] When I mentioned this to the Rana, he sarcastically
told me I might go to Dwarka.[4.16.7.B] If I stay, the Rana will
restore the villages in my fief, as during the time of Jethji. My
ancestors have performed good service, and I have served since I was
fourteen. If the Darbar intends me any favour, this is the time.”
Footnote 4.16.7.A:
Gaya is esteemed the proper pilgrimage for the Rajputs.
Footnote 4.16.7.B:
Dwarka, the resort for religious and unwarlike tribes.
Footnote 4.16.8:
Salumbar (Chondawat), Bijolia, Amet, Ghanerao, and Badnor.
Footnote 4.16.9:
Bhindir (Saktawat), Deogarh, Sadri, Gogunda, Delwara, Bedla, Kotharia,
and Kanor.
Footnote 4.16.10:
Agitator, or disturber.
Footnote 4.16.11:
One crore and twenty-five lakhs.
Footnote 4.16.12:
[The Sipra River in Mālwa, passes Ujjain, and finally joins the
Chambal (_IGI_, xxiii. 14 f.).]
Footnote 4.16.13:
[Eklinggarh, two miles south of Udaipur city; 2469 feet above
sea-level.]
Footnote 4.16.14:
The nose-jewel, which even to mention is considered a breach of
delicacy.
Footnote 4.16.15:
To Amra’s credit it is related, that his own brother-in-law was the
first and principal sufferer, and that to his remonstrance and hope
that family ties would save his grain pits, he was told, that it was a
source of great satisfaction that he was enabled through him to evince
his disinterestedness.
Footnote 4.16.16:
See grant to this chief’s son, p. 233.
Footnote 4.16.17:
_Mutasadi kharch_ [_mutasadi_, ‘a clerk, accountant’; _kharch_,
‘expenses’] or douceur to the officers of government, was an
authorized article of every Mahratta _mu’āmala_, or war contribution.
Footnote 4.16.18:
Little Maloni, now Gangapur, with its lands, was the only place
decidedly alienated, being a voluntary gift to Sindhia, to endow the
establishment of his wife, Ganga Bai, who died there.
Footnote 4.16.19:
Zalim Singh of Kotah, and Lalaji Belal, both now dead.
Footnote 4.16.20:
[In 1382 Rāna Khet Singh was murdered by Lāl Singh of Banbaoda,
brother of Bar Singh, Rāo of Būndi. Rāna Ratan Singh II. and Rāo
Sūrajmall killed each other while shooting at Būndi in 1531. The feud
between the two houses is not yet forgotten (Erskine ii. A. 25).]
Footnote 4.16.21:
A heated platter used for baking bread, on which they place the
culprit.
Footnote 4.16.22:
‘The beloved of Rama.’
Footnote 4.16.23:
Amra Chand, it will be recollected, was the name of the minister.
Footnote 4.16.24:
The treaty by which Sindhia holds these districts yet exists, which
stipulates their surrender on the liquidation of the contribution. The
Rana still holds this as a responsible engagement, and pleaded his
rights in the treaty with the British Government in A.D. 1817-18. But
half a century’s possession is a strong bond, which we dare not break;
though the claim now registered may hereafter prove of service to the
family.
Footnote 4.16.25:
1830, Mahadaji Sindhia’s contribution (_mu’āmala_) on account of
Begun; 1831, Berji Tap’s _mu’āmala_ through Govind and Ganpat Rao;
1831, Ambaji Inglia, Bapu Holkar, and Daduji Pandit’s joint
_mu’āmala_.
Footnote 4.16.26:
1. Apaji and Makaji Getia, on Holkar’s account; 2. Tukuji Holkar’s,
through Somji; 3. Ali Bahadur’s, through Somji.
Footnote 4.16.27:
The age of eighteen.
Footnote 4.16.28:
Namely, S. 1808, by Rana Jagat Singh to Holkar Lakhs 66
1820, Partap and Arsi Rana to 51
Holkar
1826, Arsi Rana to Mahadaji Sindhia 64
——
Total. 181
Footnote 4.16.29:
S. 1808, Rampura, Bhanpura Lakhs 9
1826, Jawad, Jiran, Nimach, Nimbahera 4½
1831, Ratangarh Kheri, Singoli, Irnia,
Jath, Nadwai, etc. etc. 6
1831, Godwar 9
——
Total 28½
-----
CHAPTER 17
=Rāna Bhīm Singh, A.D. 1778-1828.=—Rana Bhim Singh (the reigning
prince), who succeeded his brother in S. 1834 (A.D. 1778), was the
fourth minor in the space of forty years who inherited Mewar; and the
half century during which he has occupied the throne has been as
fruitful in disaster as any period of her history already recorded. He
was but eight years of age on his accession, and remained under his
mother’s tutelage long after his minority had expired. This subjection
fixed his character; naturally defective in energy, and impaired by long
misfortune, he continued to be swayed by faction and intrigue. The cause
of the Pretender, though weakened, was yet kept alive; but his
insignificance eventually left him so unsupported, that his death is not
even recorded [440].
=Feud of Chondāwats and Saktāwats.=—In S. 1840 (A.D. 1784) the
Chondawats reaped the harvest of their allegiance and made the power
thus acquired subservient to the indulgence of ancient animosities
against the rival clan of Saktawat. Salumbar with his relatives Arjun
Singh[4.17.1] of Kurabar and Partap Singh[4.17.2] of Amet, now ruled the
councils, having the Sindi mercenaries under their leaders Chandan and
Sadik at their command. Mustering therefore all the strength of their
kin and clans, they resolved on the prosecution of the feud, and
invested Bhindar, the castle of Mohkam the chief of the Saktawats,
against which they placed their batteries.
Sangram Singh, a junior branch of the Saktawats, destined to play a
conspicuous part in the future events of Mewar, was then rising into
notice, and had just completed a feud with his rival the Purawat, whose
abode, Lawa,[4.17.3] he had carried by escalade; and now, determined to
make a diversion in favour of his chief, he invaded the estate of
Kurabar, engaged against Bhindar, and was driving off the cattle, when
Salim Singh the heir of Kurabar intercepted his retreat, and an action
ensued in which Salim[4.17.4] was slain by the lance of Sangram. The
afflicted father, on hearing the fate of his son, ‘threw the turban off
his head,’ swearing never to replace it till he had tasted revenge.
Feigning a misunderstanding with his own party he withdrew from the
siege, taking the road to his estate, but suddenly abandoned it for
Sheogarh, the residence of Lalji the father of Sangram. The castle of
Sheogarh, placed amidst the mountains and deep forests of Chappan, was
from its difficulty of access deemed secure against surprise; and here
Sangram had placed the females and children of his family. To this point
Arjun directed his revenge, and found Sheogarh destitute of defenders
save the aged chief; but though seventy summers had whitened his head,
he bravely met the storm, and fell in opposing the foe; when the
children of Sangram were dragged [441] out and inhumanly butchered, and
the widow[4.17.5] of Lalji ascended the pyre. This barbarity aggravated
the hostility which separated the clans, and together with the minority
of their prince and the yearly aggressions of the Mahrattas, accelerated
the ruin of the country. But Bhim Singh, the Chondawat leader, was
governed by insufferable vanity, and not only failed in respect to his
prince, but offended the queen regent. He parcelled out the crown domain
from Chitor to Udaipur amongst the Sindi bands, and whilst his sovereign
was obliged to borrow money to defray his marriage at Idar, this
ungrateful noble had the audacity to disburse upwards of £100,000 on the
marriage of his own daughter. Such conduct determined the royal mother
to supplant the Chondawats, and calling in the Saktawats to her aid, she
invested with power the chiefs of Bhindar and Lawa. Aware, however, that
their isolated authority was insufficient to withstand their rivals,
they looked abroad for support, and made an overture to Zalim Singh of
Kotah, whose political and personal resentments to the Chondawats, as
well as his connexion by marriage with their opponents, made him readily
listen to it. With his friend the Mahratta, Lalaji Belal, he joined the
Saktawats with a body of 10,000 men. It was determined to sacrifice the
Salumbar chief, who took post in the ancient capital of Chitor, where
the garrison was composed chiefly of Sindis, thus effacing his claim to
his prince’s gratitude, whom he defied, while the pretender still had a
party in the other principal fortress, Kumbhalmer.
[Illustration:
MAHĀRĀJA BHĪM SINGH, PRINCE OF UDAIPUR.
_To face page 512._
]
=Battle of Lālsot, May 1787.=—Such was the state of things, when the
ascendancy of Mahadaji Sindhia received a signal check from the combined
forces of Marwar and Jaipur; and the battle of Lalsot, in which the
Mahratta chief was completely defeated, was the signal for the Rajputs
to resume their alienated territory.[4.17.6] Nor was the Rana backward
on the occasion, when there appeared a momentary gleam of the active
virtue of past days. Maldas Mehta was civil minister, with Mauji Ram as
his deputy, both men of talent and energy. They first effected the
reduction of Nimbahera and the smaller garrisons of Mahrattas in its
vicinity, who from a sense of common danger assembled their detachments
in Jawad, which was also invested. Sivaji Nana, the governor,
capitulated, and was allowed to march out with his [442] effects. At the
same time, the ‘sons of the black cloud’[4.17.7] assembling, drove the
Mahrattas from Begun, Singoli, etc., and the districts on the plateau;
while the Chondawats redeemed their ancient fief of Rampura, and thus
for a while the whole territory was recovered. Elated by success, the
united chiefs advanced to Chardu on the banks of the Rarkia, a streamlet
dividing Mewar from Malwa, preparatory to further operations. Had these
been confined to the maintenance of the places they had taken, and which
had been withheld in violation of treaties, complete success might have
crowned their efforts; but in including Nimbahera in their capture they
drew upon them the energetic Ahalya Bai, the regent-queen of the Holkar
State, who unluckily for them was at hand and who coalesced with
Sindhia’s partisans to check this reaction of the Rajputs. Tulaji
Sindhia and Sri Bhai, with five thousand horse, were ordered to support
the discomfited Siva Nana, who had taken refuge in Mandasor, where he
rallied all the garrisons whom the Rajputs had unwisely permitted to
capitulate.
=Defeat of the Rājputs. Murder of Somji.=—On Tuesday, the 4th of Magh S.
1844,[4.17.8] the Rana’s troops were surprised and defeated with great
slaughter, the minister slain, the chiefs of Kanor and Sadri with many
others severely wounded, and the latter made prisoner.[4.17.9] The newly
made conquests were all rapidly lost, with the exception of Jawad, which
was gallantly maintained for a month by Dip Chand, who, with his guns
and rockets, effected a passage through the Mahrattas, and retired with
his garrison to Mandalgarh. Thus terminated an enterprise which might
have yielded far different results but for a misplaced security. All the
chiefs and clans were united in this patriotic struggle except the
Chondawats, against whom the queen-mother and the new minister, Somji,
had much difficulty to contend for the establishment of the minor’s
authority. At length overtures were made to Salumbar, when the fair
Rampiyari was employed to conciliate the obdurate chief, who
condescended to make his appearance at Udaipur and to pay his respects
to the prince. He pretended to enter into the views of the minister and
to coalesce in his plans; but this was only a web to ensnare his victim,
whose talent had diminished his authority, and was a bar to the
prosecution of [443] his ambitious views. Somji was seated in his bureau
when Arjun Singh of Kurabar and Sardar Singh[4.17.10] of Badesar
entered, and the latter, as he demanded how he dared to resume his fief,
plunged his dagger into the minister’s breast. The Rana was passing the
day at one of the villas in the valley called the Sahelia Bari, ‘the
garden of nymphs,’ attended by Jeth Singh of Badnor, when the
brothers[4.17.11] of the minister suddenly rushed into the presence to
claim protection against the murderers. They were followed by Arjun of
Kurabar, who had the audacity to present himself before his sovereign
with his hands yet stained with the blood of Somji. The Rana, unable to
punish the insolent chief, branding him as a traitor, bade him begone;
when the whole of the actors in this nefarious scene, with their leader
Salumbar, returned to Chitor. Sheodas and Satidas, brothers to the
murdered minister, were appointed to succeed him, and with the Saktawats
fought several actions against the rebels, and gained one decisive
battle at Akola, in which Arjun of Kurabar commanded. This was soon
balanced by the defeat of the Saktawats at Kheroda. Every triumph was
attended with ruin to the country. The agriculturist, never certain of
the fruits of his labour, abandoned his fields, and at length his
country; mechanical industry found no recompense, and commerce was at
the mercy of unlicensed spoliation. In a very few years Mewar lost half
her population, her lands lay waste, her mines were unworked, and her
looms, which formerly supplied all around, forsaken. The prince partook
of the general penury; instead of protecting, he required protection;
the bonds which united him with his subjects were snapped, and each
individual or petty community provided for itself that defence which he
could not give. Hence arose a train of evils: every cultivator, whether
fiscal or feudal, sought out a patron, and [444] entered into
engagements as the price of protection. Hence every Rajput who had a
horse and lance, had his clients; and not a camel-load of merchandise
could pass the abode of one of these cavaliers without paying fees. The
effects of such disorder were felt long after the cause ceased to exist,
and claims difficult to adjust arose out of these licentious times, for
the having prescriptive right was deemed sufficient to authorize their
continuance.[4.17.12] Here were displayed the effects of a feudal
association, where the powers of government were enfeebled. These feuds
alone were sufficient to ruin the country; but when to such internal
ills shoals of Mahratta plunderers were added, no art is required to
describe the consequences.
=Aid sought from Sindhia.=—The Rana and his advisers at length
determined to call in Sindhia to expel the rebellious Chondawats from
the ancient capital; a step mainly prompted by Zalim Singh (now Regent
of Kotah), who with the Rana’s ministers was deputed to the Mahratta
chieftain, then enjoying himself at the sacred lake of Pushkar.[4.17.13]
Since the overthrow of Lalsot he had reorganized his brigades under the
celebrated De Boigne,[4.17.14] through whose conduct he had redeemed his
lost influence in Rajputana by the battles of Merta and Patan, in which
the brave Rathors, after acts of the most devoted gallantry, were
completely overthrown. Sindhia’s plans coincided entirely with the
object of the deputation, and he readily acquiesced in the Rana’s
desire. This event introduced on the political stage some of the most
celebrated men of that day, whose actions offer a fair picture of
manners, and may justify our entering a little into details.[4.17.15]
=Negotiations by Zālim Singh.=—Zalim Singh had for some years become
regent of Kotah, and though to maintain himself in power, and the State
he controlled in an attitude to compel the respect of surrounding foes,
was no slight task, yet he found the field too contracted for his
ambition, and his secret views had long been directed to permanent
influence in Mewar. His skill in reading character convinced him that
the Rana would be no bar to his wishes, the attainment of which, by
giving him the combined resources of Haraoti and Mewar, would bestow the
lead in Rajasthan. The Jaipur court he disregarded, whose effeminate
army he had himself defeated single-handed [445] with the Kotah troops,
and the influence he established amongst the leading chiefs of Marwar
held out no fear of counteraction from that quarter. The stake was high,
the game sure, and success would have opened a field to his genius which
might have entirely altered the fate of Hindustan; but one false move
was irretrievable, and instead of becoming the arbitrator of India, he
left only the reputation of being the Nestor of Rajputana.
The restriction of the Rana’s power was the cloak under which he
disguised all his operations, and it might have been well for the
country had his plans succeeded to their full extent. To re-establish
the Rana’s authority, and to pay the charges of the reduction of Chitor,
he determined that the rebels chiefly should furnish the means, and that
from them and the fiscal lands, mostly in their hands, sixty-four lakhs
should be levied, of which three-fifths should be appropriated to
Sindhia, and the remainder to replenish the Rana’s treasury.
Preliminaries being thus arranged, Zalim was furnished with a strong
corps under Ambaji Inglia; while Sindhia followed, hanging on the Marwar
frontier, to realize the contributions of that State. Zalim Singh and
Ambaji moved towards Chitor, levying from the estates of those obnoxious
to Zalim’s views. Hamirgarh, whose chief, Dhiraj Singh, a man of talent
and courage, was the principal adviser of Bhim Singh, the Salumbar
chief, was besieged, and stood several assaults during six weeks’
vigorous operations, when the destruction of the springs of the wells
from the concussion of the guns compelled its surrender, and the estate
was sequestrated. The force continued their progress, and after a
trifling altercation at Basai, a Chondawat fief, also taken, they took
up a position at Chitor, and were soon after joined by the main body
under Sindhia.
=Zālim Singh and Sindhia at Udaipur.=—Zalim, to gratify Mahadaji’s
vanity, who was desirous of a visit from the Rana, which even the Peshwa
considered an honour, proceeded to Udaipur to effect this object; when
the Rana, placing himself under his guidance, marched for this purpose,
and was met at the Tiger Mount, within a few miles of his capital, by
Sindhia, who received the Rana, and escorted him to the besieging army.
But in this short interval, Ambaji, who remained with the army at
Chitor, intrigued with the rebel Chondawat to supplant the predominant
influence of his friend Zalim Singh, and seized the opportunity of his
absence to counteract him, by [446] communicating his plans to Salumbar;
aware that, unless he broke with Zalim, he could only hope to play a
secondary part under him. Though the ulterior views of Zalim were kept
to his own breast, they could not escape the penetration of the crafty
Mahratta; his very anxiety to hide them furnished Ambaji with the means
of detection. Had Zalim possessed an equal share of meanness with his
political antagonist, he might have extricated himself from the snare;
but once overreached, he preferred sinking to grasping at an unworthy
support. Bhim Singh (Salumbar) privately negotiated with Ambaji the
surrender of Chitor, engaging to humble himself before the Rana, and to
pay a contribution of twenty lakhs, levied on the clans, provided Zalim
Singh was ordered to retire. This suggestion, apparently founded on the
rebellious chief’s antipathy to Zalim, but in reality prompted by
Ambaji, ensured the approbation, as it suited the views, of all parties,
but especially Sindhia, who was desirous of repairing to Poona. Zalim,
the sole obstacle to this arrangement, furnished to his enemies the
means of escape from the dilemma, and lost the opportunity of realizing
his long-cherished scheme of wielding the united resources of Mewar and
Haraoti. Zalim had always preserved a strict amity with Ambaji wherever
their interests did not clash, and his regard had the cement of
gratitude to the Mahratta, whose father Trimbakji had saved Zalim’s life
and procured his liberty, when left wounded and a prisoner at the battle
of Ujjain. On Zalim’s return with the Rana, Ambaji touched on the terms
of Bhim Singh’s surrender, hinting that Zalim’s presence was the sole
obstacle to this desirable result; who, the more to mask his views,
which any expressed reluctance to the measure might expose, went beyond
probability in asseverations of readiness to be no bar to such
arrangement, even so far as to affirm that, besides being tired of the
business from the heavy expense it entailed on him, he had his prince’s
wish for his return to Kotah. There is one ingredient in Zalim’s
character, which has never been totally merged in the vices acquired
from the tortuous policy of a long life, and which in the vigour of
youth had full sway—namely, pride, one of the few virtues left to the
Rajput, defrauded of many others by long oppression. But Zalim’s pride
was legitimate, being allied to honour, and it has retained him an
evident superiority through all the mazes of ambition. Ambaji skilfully
availed himself of this defect in his friend’s political character. "A
pretty [447] story, indeed!—you tell this to me! it might find credit
with those who did not know you." The sarcasm only plunged him deeper
into asseveration. “Is it then really your wish to retire?” “Assuredly.”
“Then,” retorted the crafty Ambaji, “your wish shall be gratified in a
few minutes.” Giving him no time to retract, he called for his horse and
galloped to Sindhia’s tent. Zalim relied on Sindhia not acceding to the
proposition; or if he did, that the Rana, over whom he imagined he had
complete influence, would oppose it. His hopes of Sindhia rested on a
promise privately made to leave troops under his authority for the
restoration of order in Mewar; and a yet stronger claim, the knowledge
that without Zalim he could not realize the stipulated sums for the
expulsion of the Chondawat from Chitor. Ambaji had foreseen and prepared
a remedy for these difficulties, and upon their being urged offered
himself to advance the amount by bills on the Deccan. This argument was
irresistible; money, and the consequent prosecution of his journey to
Poona, being attained, Sindhia’s engagements with Zalim and the Rana
ceased to be a matter of importance. He nominated Ambaji his lieutenant,
with the command of a large force, by whose aid he would reimburse
himself for the sums thus advanced. Having carried his object with
Sindhia, Ambaji proceeded direct from his tent to that of the Rana’s
ministers, Sheodas and Satidas, with whom, by the promise of
co-operation in their views, and perfect subserviency to the Rana’s
interests, he was alike successful. Ambaji, with the rapidity necessary
to ensure success, having in a few hours accomplished his purpose,
hastened back to Zalim, to acquaint him that his wish to retire had met
with general acquiescence; and so well did he manage, that the Rana’s
mace-bearer arrived at the same moment to announce that the khilat of
leave awaited his acceptance. Zalim being thus outwitted, the Salumbar
chief descended from Chitor, and touched the Rana’s feet. Sindhia
pursued his march to the Deccan, and Ambaji was left sole arbiter of
Mewar. The Saktawats maintained the lead at court, and were not backward
in consigning the estates of their rivals to the incubus now settled on
the country: while the mortified Zalim, on his retreat, recorded his
expenses, to be produced on some fitting occasion.
=Sindhia’s Instructions to Ambaji.=—Ambaji remained eight years in
Mewar, reaping its revenues and amassing those hoards of wealth which
subsequently gave him the lead in Hindustan, and enabled him nearly to
assert his independence. Yet, although he accumulated [448] £2,000,000
sterling from her soil,[4.17.16] exacting one-half of the produce of
agricultural industry, the suppression of feuds and exterior aggressions
gave to Mewar a degree of tranquillity and happiness to which she had
long been a stranger. The instructions delivered to Ambaji were—
1. The entire restoration of the Rana’s authority and resumption
of the crown-lands from rebellious chiefs and mercenary Sindis.
2. The expulsion of the pretender from Kumbhalmer.
3. The recovery of Godwar from the Raja of Marwar.
4. To settle the Bundi feud for the murder of Rana Arsi.
A schedule (_pandhri_)[4.17.17] for the twenty lakhs stipulated was made
and levied; twelve from the Chondawat estates and eight from the
Saktawats; and the sum of sixty lakhs was awarded, besides the expense
of Ambaji’s army, when the other specified objects should be attained.
Within two years the pretender was expelled Kumbhalmer, Jahazpur was
recovered from a rebellious Ranawat, and the crown-lands[4.17.18] were
redeemed from the nobles; the personal domain of the Rana, agricultural
and commercial, still realized nearly fifty lakhs of rupees. After these
services, though Godwar was still unredeemed, the Bundi feud unappeased,
and the lands mortgaged to the Mahrattas were not restored, Ambaji
assumed the title of Subahdar of Mewar, and identified himself with the
parties of the day. Yet so long as he personally upheld the interests of
the Rana, his memory is done justice to, notwithstanding he never
conformed to the strict letter of his engagements. The Rana’s ministers,
fearing lest their brother’s fate should be theirs in the event of the
Chondawats again attaining power, and deeming their own and their
sovereign’s security dependent on Ambaji’s presence, made a subsidiary
engagement with him, and lands to the amount of 75,000 rupees monthly,
or eight lakhs annually, were appropriated for his force; but so
completely were the resources of the [449] country diverted from their
honest use, that when, in S. 1851, a marriage was negotiated between the
Rana’s sister and the prince of Jaipur, the Rana was obliged to borrow
£50,000 from the Mahratta commander to purchase the nuptial presents.
The following year was marked by a triple event—the death of the
queen-mother, the birth of a son and heir to the Rana, and the bursting
of the embankment of the lake, which swept away a third of the city and
a third of its inhabitants. Superstition attributed this catastrophe to
the Rana’s impiety, in establishing a new festival[4.17.19] to Gauri,
the Isis of Rajasthan.
=Anarchy in Mewār.=—Ambaji, who was this year nominated by Sindhia his
viceroy in Hindustan, left Ganesh Pant as his lieutenant in Mewar, with
whom acted the Rana’s officers, Sawai and Shirji Mehta;[4.17.20] who
applied themselves to make the most of their ephemeral power with so
rapacious a spirit, that Ambaji was compelled to displace Ganesh Pant
and appoint the celebrated Rae Chand. To him they would not yield, and
each party formed a nucleus for disorder and misrule. It would be
uninteresting and nauseating to the reader to carry him through all the
scenes of villainy which gradually desolated this country; for whose
spoil pilfering Mahrattas, savage Rohillas, and adventurous Franks were
all let loose. The now humbled Chondawats, many of whose fiefs were
confiscated, took to horse, and in conjunction with lawless Sindis
scoured the country. Their estates were attacked, Kurabar was taken, and
batteries were placed against Salumbar, whence the Sindis fled and found
refuge in Deogarh. In this exigence, the Chondawats determined to send
an envoy to Ambaji, who was then engaged in the siege of Datia; and Ajit
Singh, since prominent in the intrigues of Mewar, was the organ of his
clan on this occasion. For the sum of ten lakhs the avaricious Mahratta
agreed to recall his deputy from Mewar,[4.17.21] to renounce Sheodas and
the Saktawats, and lend his support to the Chondawats. The Salumbar
chief again took the lead at court, and with Agarji Mehta[4.17.22] as
minister, the Saktawats [450] were attacked, the stipulated ten lakhs
raised from their estates, and two fiefs of note, Hintha and Semari,
confiscated [451].
=Death of Mahādaji Sindhia, January 12, 1794.=—The death of Mahadaji
Sindhia,[4.17.23] and the accession of his nephew Daulatrao, his murder
of the Shenvi Brahmans, and his quarrels with the Bais (‘princesses,’
wives of the deceased Sindhia), all occurred at this time, and
materially influenced the events in Mewar. The power of Ambaji as
Subahdar of Hindustan was strengthened by the minority of Sindhia,
although contested by Lakwa and the Bais, supported by the Khichi
prince, Durjan Sal, and the Datia Raja, who fought and died for the
princesses. Lakwa wrote to the Rana to throw off Ambaji’s yoke and expel
his lieutenant; while Ambaji commanded his deputy to eject the
Shenvi[4.17.24] Brahmans, supporters of Lakwa, from all the lands in
Mewar. To this end Ganesh Pant called on the Rana’s ministers and
chiefs, who, consulting thereon, determined to play a deep game; and
while they apparently acquiesced in the schemes of Ganesh, they wrote
the Shenvis to advance from Jawad and attack him, promising them
support. They met at Sawa; Nana was defeated with the loss of his guns,
and retired on Chitor. With a feint of support, the Chondawats made him
again call in his garrison and try another battle, which he also lost
and fled to Hamirgarh; then, uniting with his enemies, they invested the
place with 15,000 men. Nana bravely maintained himself, making many
sallies, in one of which both the sons of Dhiraj Singh, the chief of
Hamirgarh, were slain. Shortly after, Nana was relieved by some
battalions of the new raised regulars sent by Ambaji under Gulab Rao
Kadam, upon which he commenced his retreat on Ajmer. At Musamusi he was
forced to action, and success had nearly crowned the efforts of the
clans, when a horseman, endeavouring to secure a mare, calling out
[452], "_Bhagi! bhagi!_" “She flies! she flies!” the word spread, while
those who caught her, exclaiming "_Milgayi! milgayi!_" “She is taken!”
but equally significant with ‘going over’ to the enemy, caused a general
panic, and the Chondawats, on the verge of victory, disgraced
themselves, broke and fled. Several were slain, among whom was the Sindi
leader Chandan. Shahpura opened its gates to the fugitives led by the
Goliath of the host, the chief of Deogarh.[4.17.25] It was an occasion
not to be lost by the bards of the rival clan, and many a ribald stanza
records this day’s disgrace. Ambaji’s lieutenant, however, was so
roughly handled that several chiefs redeemed their estates, and the Rana
much of the fisc, from Mahratta control.
=Contest of Ambaji and Lakwa.=—Mewar now became the arena on which the
rival satraps Ambaji and Lakwa contested the exalted office of Sindhia’s
lieutenancy in Hindustan. Lakwa was joined by all the chiefs of Mewar,
his cause being their own; and Hamirgarh, still held by Nana’s party,
was reinvested. Two thousand shot had made a practicable breach, when
Bala Rao Inglia, Bapu Sindhia, Jaswant Rao Sindhia, a brigade under the
European ‘Mutta field,’[4.17.26] with the auxiliary battalions of Zalim
Singh of Kotah, the whole under the command of Ambaji’s son, arrived to
relieve the lieutenant. Lakwa raised the siege, and took post with his
allies under the walls of Chitor; whilst the besieged left the untenable
Hamirgarh, and joined the relief at Gosunda. The rival armies were
separated only by the Berach river, on whose banks they raised batteries
and cannonaded each other, when a dispute arose in the victor camp
regarding the pay of the troops, between Bala Rao (brother of Ambaji)
and Nana, and the latter withdrew and retreated to Sanganer. Thus
disunited, it might have been expected that these congregated masses
would have dissolved, or fallen upon each other, when the Rajputs might
have given the _coup de grâce_ to the survivors; but they were
Mahrattas, and their politics were too complicated to end in simple
strife: almost all the actors in these scenes lived to contest with, and
be humiliated by, the British.
=George Thomas.=—The defection of Nana equalized the parties; but Bala
Rao, never partial to fighting, opportunely recollected a debt of
gratitude to Lakwa, to whose clemency he owed his life when taken by
storm in Gugal Chapra. He also wanted money [453] to pay his force,
which a private overture to Lakwa secured. They met, and Bala Rao
retired boasting of his gratitude, to which, and the defection of Nana,
soon followed by that of Bapu Sindhia, the salvation of Lakwa was
attributed. Sutherland[4.17.27] with a brigade was detached by Ambaji to
aid Nana: but a dispute depriving him of this reinforcement, he called
in a partisan of more celebrity, the brave George Thomas.[4.17.28]
Ambaji’s lieutenant and Lakwa were once more equal foes, and the Rana,
his chiefs and subjects being distracted between these conflicting
bands, whose leaders alternately paid their respects to him, were glad
to obtain a little repose by espousing the cause of either combatant,
whose armies during the monsoon encamped for six weeks within sight of
each other.[4.17.29]
=Pillage in Mewār.=—Durjan Sal (Khichi), with the nobles of Mewar,
hovered round Nana’s camp with five thousand horse to cut off his
supplies; but Thomas escorted the convoys from Shahpura with his
regulars, and defied all their efforts. Thomas at length advanced his
batteries against Lakwa, on whose position a general assault was about
taking place, when a tremendous storm, with torrents of rain which
filled the stream, cut off his batteries from the main body, burst the
gates of Shahpura, his _point d’appui_, and laid the town in
ruins.[4.17.30] Lakwa seized the moment, and with the Mewar chiefs
stormed and carried the isolated batteries, capturing fifteen pieces of
cannon; and the Shahpura Raja, threatened at once by his brother-nobles
and the vengeance of heaven, refused further provision to Nana, who was
compelled to abandon his position and retreat to Sanganer. The
discomfited lieutenant vowed vengeance against the estates of the Mewar
chieftains, and after the rains, being reinforced by Ambaji, again took
the field. Then commenced a scene of carnage, pillage, and individual
defence. The whole of the Chondawat estates under the Aravalli range
were laid waste, their castles assaulted, some taken and destroyed, and
heavy sums levied on all. Thomas besieged Deogarh and Amet, and both
fought and paid. Kasital and Lasani were captured, and the latter razed
for its gallant resistance. Thus they were proceeding in the work of
destruction, when Ambaji [454] was dispossessed of the government of
Hindustan, to which Lakwa was nominated,[4.17.31] and Nana was compelled
to surrender all the fortresses and towns he held in Mewar.
=Daulat Rāo Sindhia reduces Mewār.=—From this period must be dated the
pretensions of Sindhia to consider Mewar as tributary to him. We have
traced the rise of the Mahrattas, and the progress of their baneful
influence in Mewar. The abstractions of territory from S. 1826 to 1831
[A.D. 1769-74], as pledges for contributions, satisfied their avarice
till 1848 [A.D. 1791], when the Salumbar rebellion brought the great
Sindhia to Chitor, leaving Ambaji as his lieutenant, with a subsidiary
force, to recover the Rana’s lost possessions. We have related how these
conditions were fulfilled; how Ambaji, inflated with the wealth of
Mewar, assumed almost regal dignity in Hindustan, assigning the devoted
land to be governed by his deputies, whose contest with other aspirants
made this unhappy region the stage for constant struggles for supremacy;
and while the secret policy of Zalim Singh stimulated the Saktawats to
cling to Ambaji, the Chondawats gave their influence and interest to his
rival Lakwa. The unhappy Rana and the peasantry paid for this rivalry;
while Sindhia, whose power was now in its zenith, fastened one of his
desultory armies on Mewar, in contravention of former treaties, without
any definite views, or even instructions to its commander. It was enough
that a large body should supply itself without assailing him for prey,
and whose services were available when required.
=Lakwa Dāda Marātha Viceroy.=—Lakwa, the new viceroy, marched to Mewar:
Agarji Mehta was appointed minister to the Rana, and the Chondawats
again came into power. For the sum of six lakhs Lakwa dispossessed the
Shahpura of Jahazpur, for the liquidation of which thirty-six of its
towns were mortgaged. Zalim Singh, who had long been manœuvring to
obtain Jahazpur, administered to the necessities of the Mahratta, paid
the note of hand, and took possession of the city and its villages. A
contribution of twenty-four lakhs was imposed throughout the country,
and levied by force of arms, after which first act of the new viceroy he
quitted Mewar for Jaipur, leaving Jaswant Rao Bhao as his deputy. Mauji
Ram, the deputy of Agarji (the Rana’s minister), determined to adopt the
European mode of discipline, now become general amongst all the native
powers of India. But when the chiefs were [455] called upon to
contribute to the support of mercenary regulars and a field-artillery,
they evinced their patriotism by confining this zealous minister.
Satidas was once more placed in power, and his brother Sheodas recalled
from Kotah, whither he had fled from the Chondawats, who now
appropriated to themselves the most valuable portions of the Rana’s
personal domain.
=Holkar defeated at Indore. Plunder of Nāthdwāra: image removed.=—The
battle of Indore,[4.17.32] in A.D. 1802, where at least 150,000 men
assembled to dispute the claim to predatory empire, wrested the
ascendancy from Holkar, who lost his guns, equipage, and capital, from
which he fled to Mewar, pursued by Sindhia’s victorious army led by
Sadasheo and Bala Rao. In his flight he plundered Ratlam, and passing
Bhindar, the castle of the Saktawat chief, he demanded a contribution,
from which and his meditated visit to Udaipur, the Rana and his vassal
were saved by the activity of the pursuit. Failing in these objects,
Holkar retreated on Nathdwara, the celebrated shrine of the Hindu
Apollo.[4.17.33] It was here this active soldier first showed symptoms
of mental derangement. He upbraided Krishna, while prostrate before his
image, for the loss of his victory; and levied three lakhs of rupees on
the priests and inhabitants, several of whom he carried to his camp as
hostages for the payment. The portal (_dwara_) of the god (_Nath_)
proving no bar either to Turk or equally impious Mahratta, Damodarji,
the high priest, removed the god of Vraj from his pedestal and sent him
with his establishment to Udaipur for protection. The Chauhan chief of
Kotharia (one of the sixteen nobles), in whose estate was the sacred
fane, undertook the duty, and with twenty horsemen, his vassals,
escorted the shepherd god by intricate passes to the capital. On his
return he was intercepted by a band of Holkar’s troops, who insultingly
desired the surrender of their horses. But the descendant of the
illustrious Prithiraj preferred death to dishonour: dismounting, he
hamstrung his steed, commanding his vassals to follow his example; and
sword in hand courted his fate in the unequal conflict, in which he
fell, with most of his gallant retainers. There are many such isolated
exploits in the records of this eventful period, of which the Chauhans
of Kotharia had their full share. Spoil, from whatever source, being
welcome to these depredators, Nathdwara[4.17.34] remained long
abandoned; and Apollo, after six months’ residence at Udaipur, finding
[456] insufficient protection, took another flight to the mountains of
Ghasyar, where the high priest threw up fortifications for his defence;
and spiritual thunders being disregarded, the pontiff henceforth buckled
on the armour of flesh, and at the head of four hundred cavaliers with
lance and shield, visited the minor shrines in his extensive diocese.
=The Inroad of Holkar.=—To return to Holkar. He pursued his route by
Banera and Shahpura, levying from both, to Ajmer, where he distributed a
portion of the offerings of the followers of Krishna amongst the priests
of Muhammad at the mosque of Khwaja Pir. Thence he proceeded towards
Jaipur. Sindhia’s leaders on reaching Mewar renounced the pursuit, and
Udaipur was cursed with their presence, when three lakhs of rupees were
extorted from the unfortunate Rana, raised by the sale of household
effects and the jewels of the females of his family. Jaswant Rao Bhao,
the Subahdar of Mewar, had prepared another schedule (_pandhri_), which
he left with Tantia, his deputy, to realize. Then followed the usual
scene of conflict—the attack of the chieftain’s estates, distraining of
the husbandman, seizure of his cattle, and his captivity for ransom, or
his exile.
=Mewār Quarrels.=—The celebrated Lakwa, disgraced by his prince, died at
this time[4.17.35] in sanctuary at Salumbar; and Bala Rao, brother to
Ambaji, returned, and was joined by the Saktawats and the minister
Satidas, who expelled the Chondawats for their control over the prince.
Zalim Singh, in furtherance of his schemes and through hatred of the
Chondawats, united himself to this faction, and Devi Chand, minister to
the Rana, set up by the Chondawats, was made prisoner. Bala Rao levied
and destroyed their estates with unexampled ferocity, which produced a
bold attempt at deliverance. The Chondawat leaders assembled at the
Chaugan (the _Champ de Mars_) to consult on their safety. The insolent
Mahratta had preceded them to the palace, demanding the surrender of the
minister’s deputy, Mauji Ram. The Rana indignantly refused them—the
Mahratta importuned, threatened, and at length commanded his troops to
advance to the palace, when the intrepid minister pinioned the audacious
plunderers, and secured his adherents (including their old enemy, Nana
Ganesh), Jamalkar, and Uda Kunwar. The latter, a notorious villain, had
an elephant’s chain put round his neck, while Bala Rao was confined in a
bath. The [457] leaders thus arrested, the Chondawats sallied forth and
attacked their camp in the valley, which surrendered; though the
regulars under Hearsey[4.17.36] retreated in a hollow square, and
reached Gadarmala in safety. Zalim Singh determined to liberate his
friend Bala Rao from peril; and aided by the Saktawats under the chiefs
of Bhindar and Lawa, advanced to the Chaija Pass, one of the defiles
leading to the capital. Had the Rana put these chiefs to instant death,
he would have been justified, although he would have incurred the
resentment of the whole Mahratta nation. Instead of this, he put himself
at the head of a motley levy of six thousand Sindis, Arabs, and Gosains,
with the brave Jai Singh and a band of his gallant Khichis, ever ready
to poise the lance against a Mahratta. They defended the pass for five
days against a powerful artillery. At length the Rana was compelled to
liberate Bala Rao, and Zalim Singh obtained by this interference
possession of the fortress and entire district of Jahazpur. A schedule
of war contribution, the usual finale to these events, followed Bala’s
liberation, and no means were left untried to realize the exaction,
before Holkar, then approaching, could contest the spoil.
=Holkar plunders Udaipur.=—This chief, having recruited his shattered
forces, again left the south.[4.17.37] Bhindar felt his resentment for
non-compliance with his demands on his retreat after the battle of
Indore; the town was nearly destroyed, but spared for two lakhs of
rupees, for the payment of which villages were assigned. Thence he
repaired to Udaipur, being met by Ajit Singh, the Rana’s ambassador,
when the enormous sum of forty lakhs, or £500,000, was demanded from the
country, of which one-third was commanded to be instantly forthcoming.
The palace was denuded of everything which could be converted into gold;
the females were deprived of every article of luxury and comfort: by
which, with contributions levied on the city, twelve lakhs were
obtained; while hostages from the household of the Rana and chief
citizens were delivered as security for the remainder, and immured in
the Mahratta camp. Holkar then visited the Rana. Lawa and Badnor were
attacked, taken, and restored on large payments. Deogarh alone was
mulcted four and a half lakhs. Having devastated Mewar during eight
months, Holkar [458] marched to Hindustan,[4.17.38] Ajit Singh
accompanying him as the Rana’s representative; while Bala Ram Seth was
left to levy the balance of the forty lakhs. Holkar had reached Shahpura
when Sindhia entered Mewar, and their camps formed a junction to allow
the leaders to organize their mutual plans of hostility to the British
Government. These chieftains, in their efforts to cope with the British
power, had been completely humiliated, and their resources broken. But
Rajasthan was made to pay the penalty of British success, which riveted
her chains, and it would be but honest, now we have the power, to
diminish that penalty.
=Sindhia and Holkar in Mewār.=—The rainy season of A.D. 1805 found
Sindhia and Holkar encamped in the plains of Badnor, desirous, but
afraid, to seek revenge in the renewal of war. Deprived of all power in
Hindustan, and of the choicest territory north and south of the
Nerbudda, with numerous discontented armies now let loose on these
devoted countries, their passions inflamed by defeat, and blind to every
sentiment of humanity, they had no alternative to pacify the soldiery
and replenish their own ruined resources but indiscriminate pillage. It
would require a pen powerful as the pencil of Salvator Rosa to paint the
horrors which filled up the succeeding ten years, to which the author
was an eye-witness, destined to follow in the train of rapine, and to
view in the traces of Mahratta camps[4.17.39] the desolation and
political annihilation of all the central States of India,[4.17.40]
several of which aided the British in their early struggle for dominion,
but were now allowed to fall without a helping hand, the scapegoats of
our successes. Peace between the Mahrattas and British was, however,
doubtful, as Sindhia made the restoration of the rich provinces of Gohad
and Gwalior a _sine qua non_: and unhappily for their legitimate ruler,
who [459] had been inducted into the seat of his forefathers, a
Governor-General (Lord Cornwallis) of ancient renown, but in the decline
of life, with views totally unsuited to the times, abandoned our allies,
and renounced all for peace, sending an ambassador[4.17.41] to Sindhia
to reunite the bonds of ‘perpetual friendship.’
=Holkar saves Mewār from Sindhia.=—The Mahratta leaders were anxious, if
the war should be renewed, to shelter their families and valuables in
the strongholds of Mewar, and their respective camps became the
rendezvous of the rival factions. Sardar Singh, the organ of the
Chondawats, represented the Rana at Sindhia’s court, at the head of
whose councils Ambaji had just been placed.[4.17.42] His rancour to the
Rana was implacable, from the support given in self-defence to his
political antagonist, Lakwa, and he agitated the partition of Mewar
amongst the great Mahratta leaders. But whilst his baneful influence was
preparing this result, the credit of Sangram Saktawat with Holkar
counteracted it. It would be unfair and ungallant not to record that a
fair suitor, the Baiza Bai,[4.17.43] Sindhia’s wife, powerfully
contributed to the Rana’s preservation on this occasion. This lady, the
daughter of the notorious Sarji Rao, had unbounded power over Sindhia.
Her sympathies were awakened on behalf of the supreme head of the Rajput
nation, of which blood she had to boast, though she was now connected
with the Mahrattas. Even the hostile clans stifled their animosities on
this occasion, and Sardar Singh Chondawat left Sindhia’s camp to join
his rival Sangram with Holkar, and aided by the upright Kishandas
Pancholi, united in their remonstrances, asking Holkar if he had given
his consent to sell Mewar to Ambaji. Touched by the picture of the
Rana’s and their country’s distresses, Holkar swore it should not be;
advised unity amongst themselves, and caused the representatives of the
rival clans ‘to eat opium together.’ Nor did he stop here, but with the
envoys repaired to Sindhia’s tents, descanted on the Rana’s high
descent, ‘the master of their master’s master,’[4.17.44] urging that it
did not become them to overwhelm him, and that they should even renounce
the mortgaged lands which their fathers had too long unjustly held,
himself setting the example by the restitution of [460] Nimbahera. To
strengthen his argument, he expatiated with Sindhia on the policy of
conciliating the Rana, whose strongholds might be available in the event
of a renewal of hostilities with the British. Sindhia appeared a convert
to his views, and retained the envoys in his camp. The Mahratta camps
were twenty miles apart, and incessant torrents of rain had for some
days prevented all intercourse. In this interim, Holkar received
intelligence that Bhairon Bakhsh, as envoy from the Rana, was in Lord
Lake’s camp negotiating for the aid of British troops, then at Tonk, to
drive the Mahrattas from Mewar. The incensed Holkar sent for the Rana’s
ambassadors, and assailed them with a torrent of reproach; accusing them
of treachery, he threw the newspaper containing the information at
Kishandas, asking if that were the way in which the Mewaris kept faith
with him? “I cared not to break with Sindhia in support of your master,
and while combating the Farangis (Franks), when all the Hindus should be
as brothers, your sovereign the Rana, who boasts of not acknowledging
the supremacy of Delhi, is the first to enter into arms with them. Was
it for this I prevented Ambaji being fastened on you?” Kishandas here
interrupted and attempted to pacify him, when Alikar Tantia, Holkar’s
minister, stopped him short, observing to his prince, “You see the faith
of these Rangras;[4.17.45] they would disunite you and Sindhia, and ruin
both. Shake them off: be reconciled to Sindhia, dismiss Sarji Rao, and
let Ambaji be Subahdar of Mewar, or I will leave you and take Sindhia
into Malwa.” The other councillors, with the exception of Bhao Bhaskar,
seconded this advice: Sarji Rao was dismissed; and Holkar proceeded
northward, where he was encountered and pursued to the Panjab by the
British under the intrepid and enterprising Lake, who dictated terms to
the Mahratta at the altars of Alexander.[4.17.46]
=Holkar protects Mewār Interests.=—Holkar had the generosity to
stipulate, before his departure from Mewar, for the security of the Rana
and his country, telling Sindhia he should hold him personally amenable
to him if Ambaji were permitted to violate his guarantee. But in his
misfortunes this threat was disregarded, and a contribution of sixteen
lakhs was levied immediately on Mewar; Sadasheo Rao, with
Baptiste’s[4.17.47] brigade, was detached from the camp in June 1806,
for the double purpose of levying it, and driving from [461] Udaipur a
detachment of the Jaipur prince’s troops, bringing proposals and
preliminary presents for this prince’s marriage with the Rana’s
daughter.
=The Tragedy of Krishna Kunwāri.=—It would be imagined that the miseries
of Rana Bhim were not susceptible of aggravation, and that fortune had
done her worst to humble him; but his pride as a sovereign and his
feelings as a parent were destined to be yet more deeply wounded. The
Jaipur cortège had encamped near the capital, to the number of three
thousand men, while the Rana’s acknowledgments of acceptance were
dispatched, and had reached Shahpura. But Raja Man of Marwar also
advanced pretensions, founded on the princess having been actually
betrothed to his predecessor; and urging that the throne of Marwar, and
not the individual occupant, was the object, he vowed resentment and
opposition if his claims were disregarded. These were suggested, it is
said, by his nobles to cloak their own views; and promoted by the
Chondawats (then in favour with the Rana), whose organ, Ajit, was bribed
to further them, contrary to the decided wishes of their prince.
Krishna Kunwari (the _Virgin_ Krishna) was the name of the lovely
object, the rivalry for whose hand assembled under the banners of her
suitors (Jagat Singh of Jaipur and Raja Man of Marwar), not only their
native chivalry, but all the predatory powers of India; and who, like
Helen of old, involved in destruction her own and the rival houses.
Sindhia having been denied a pecuniary demand by Jaipur, not only
opposed the nuptials, but aided the claims of Raja Man, by demanding of
the Rana the dismissal of the Jaipur embassy: which being refused, he
advanced his brigades and batteries, and after a fruitless resistance,
in which the Jaipur troops joined, forced the pass, threw a corps of
eight thousand men into the valley, and following in person, encamped
within cannon-range of the city. The Rana had now no alternative but to
dismiss the nuptial cortège, and agree to whatever was demanded. Sindhia
remained a month in the valley, during which an interview took place
between him and the Rana at the shrine of Eklinga [462].[4.17.48]
=Battle of Parbatsar. Defeat of the Mārwār Forces.=—The heralds of Hymen
being thus rudely repulsed and its symbols intercepted, the Jaipur
prince prepared to avenge his insulted pride and disappointed hopes, and
accordingly arrayed a force such as had not assembled since the empire
was in its glory. Raja Man eagerly took up the gauntlet of his rival,
and headed ‘the swords of Maru.’ But dissension prevailed in Marwar,
where rival claimants for the throne had divided the loyalty of the
clans, introducing there also the influence of the Mahrattas. Raja Man,
who had acquired the sceptre by party aid, was obliged to maintain
himself by it, and to pursue the demoralizing policy of the period by
ranging his vassals against each other. These nuptials gave the
malcontents an opportunity to display their long-curbed resentments, and
following the example of Mewar, they set up a pretender, whose interests
were eagerly espoused, and whose standard was erected in the array of
Jaipur; the prince at the head of 120,000 men advancing against his
rival, who with less than half the number met him at Parbatsar, on their
mutual frontier. The action was short, for while a heavy cannonade
opened on either side, the majority of the Marwar nobles went over to
the pretender. Raja Man turned his poniard against himself: but some
chiefs yet faithful to him wrested the weapon from his hand, and
conveyed him from the field. He was pursued to his capital, which was
invested, besieged, and gallantly defended during six months. The town
was at length taken and plundered, but the castle of Jodha ‘laughed a
siege to scorn’; in time with the aid of finesse, the mighty host of
Jaipur, which had consumed the forage of these arid plains for twenty
miles around, began to crumble away; intrigue spread through every rank,
and the siege ended in pusillanimity and flight. The Xerxes of Rajwara,
the effeminate Kachhwaha, alarmed at length for his personal safety,
sent on the spoils of Parbatsar and Jodhpur to his capital; but the
brave nobles of Marwar, drawing the line between loyalty and patriotism,
and determined that no trophy of Rathor degradation should be conveyed
by the Kachhwahas from Marwar, attacked the cortège and redeemed the
symbols of their disgrace. The colossal array of the invader was soon
dismembered, and the ‘lion of the world’ (Jagat Singh), humbled and
crestfallen [463], skulked from the desert retreat of his rival,
indebted to a partisan corps for safety and convoy to his capital,
around whose walls the wretched remnants of this ill-starred confederacy
long lagged in expectation of their pay, while the bones of their horses
and the ashes of their riders whitened the plain, and rendered it a
Golgotha.[4.17.49]
=Nawāb Amīr Khān.=—By the aid of one of the most notorious villains
India ever produced, the Nawab Amir Khan,[4.17.50] the pretender’s party
was treacherously annihilated. This man with his brigade of artillery
and horse was amongst the most efficient of the foes of Raja Man; but
the _auri sacra fames_ not only made him desert the side on which he
came for that of the Raja, but for a specific sum offer to rid him of
the pretender and all his associates. Like Judas, he kissed whom he
betrayed, took service with the pretender, and at the shrine of a saint
of his own faith exchanged turbans with their leaders; and while the too
credulous Rajput chieftains celebrated this acquisition to their party
in the very sanctuary of hospitality, crowned by the dance and the song,
the tents were cut down, and the victims thus enveloped, slaughtered in
the midst of festivity by showers of grape.
Thus finished the under-plot; but another and more noble victim was
demanded before discomfited ambition could repose, or the curtain drop
on this eventful drama. Neither party would relinquish his claim to the
fair object of the war; and the torch of discord could be extinguished
only in her blood. To the same ferocious Khan is attributed the
unhallowed suggestion, as well as its compulsory execution. The scene
was now changed from the desert castle of Jodha to the smiling valley of
Udaipur, soon to be filled with funereal lamentation.
=The Tragedy of Krishna Kunwāri.=—Krishna Kunwari Bai, the ‘Virgin
Princess Krishna,’ was in her sixteenth year: her mother was of the
Chawara race, the ancient kings of Anhilwara. Sprung from the noblest
blood of Hind, she added beauty of face and person to an engaging
demeanour, and was justly proclaimed the ‘flower of Rajasthan.’ When the
Roman father pierced the bosom of the dishonoured Virginia, appeased
virtue applauded the deed. When Iphigenia was led to the sacrificial
altar, the salvation of her country yielded a noble consolation. The
votive victim of Jephthah’s success had [464] the triumph of a father’s
fame to sustain her resignation, and in the meekness of her sufferings
we have the best parallel to the sacrifice of the lovely Krishna: though
years have passed since the barbarous immolation, it is never related
but with a faltering tongue and moistened eyes, ‘albeit unused to the
melting mood.’
The rapacious and bloodthirsty Pathan, covered with infamy, repaired to
Udaipur, where he was joined by the pliant and subtle Ajit. Meek in his
demeanour, unostentatious in his habits; despising honours, yet covetous
of power,—religion, which he followed with the zeal of an ascetic, if it
did not serve as a cloak, was at least no hindrance to an immeasurable
ambition, in the attainment of which he would have sacrificed all but
himself. When the Pathan revealed his design, that either the princess
should wed Raja Man, or by her death seal the peace of Rajwara, whatever
arguments were used to point the alternative, the Rana was made to see
no choice between consigning his beloved child to the Rathor prince, or
witnessing the effects of a more extended dishonour from the vengeance
of the Pathan, and the storm of his palace by his licentious
adherents—the fiat passed that Krishna Kunwari should die.
But the deed was left for women to accomplish—the hand of man refused
it. The Rawala[4.17.51] of an Eastern prince is a world within itself;
it is the labyrinth containing the strings that move the puppets which
alarm mankind. Here intrigue sits enthroned, and hence its influence
radiates to the world, always at a loss to trace effects to their
causes. Maharaja Daulat Singh,[4.17.52] descended four generations ago
from one common ancestor with the Rana, was first sounded ‘to save the
honour of Udaipur’; but, horror-struck, he exclaimed, “Accursed the
tongue that commands it! Dust on my allegiance, if thus to be
preserved!” The Maharaja Jawandas, a natural brother, was then called
upon; the dire necessity was explained, and it was urged that no common
hand could be armed for the purpose. He accepted the poniard, but when
in youthful loveliness Krishna appeared before him, the dagger fell from
his hand, and he returned more wretched than the victim. The fatal
purpose thus revealed, the shrieks of the frantic mother reverberated
through the palace, as she implored mercy, or execrated the murderers of
her child, who alone was resigned to her fate. But death was arrested,
not averted [465]. To use the phrase of the narrator, "she was excused
the steel—the cup was prepared,"—and prepared by female hands! As the
messenger presented it in the name of her father, she bowed and drank
it, sending up a prayer for his life and prosperity. The raving mother
poured imprecations on his head, while the lovely victim, who shed not a
tear, thus endeavoured to console her: “Why afflict yourself, my mother,
at this shortening of the sorrows of life? I fear not to die! Am I not
your daughter? Why should I fear death? We are marked out for
sacrifice[4.17.53] from our birth; we scarcely enter the world but to be
sent out again; let me thank my father that I have lived so
long!”[4.17.54] Thus she conversed till the nauseating draught refused
to assimilate with her blood. Again the bitter potion was prepared. She
drained it off, and again it was rejected; but, as if to try the extreme
of human fortitude, a third was administered; and, for the third time,
Nature refused to aid the horrid purpose. It seemed as if the fabled
charm, which guarded the life of the founder of her race,[4.17.55] was
inherited by the Virgin Krishna. But the blood-hounds, the Pathan and
Ajit, were impatient till their victim was at rest; and cruelty, as if
gathering strength from defeat, made another and a fatal attempt. A
powerful opiate was presented—_the kusumbha draught_.[4.17.56] She
received it with a smile, wished the scene over, and drank it. The
desires [466] of barbarity were accomplished. ‘She slept!’[4.17.57] a
sleep from which she never awoke.
The wretched mother did not long survive her child; nature was exhausted
in the ravings of despair; she refused food; and her remains in a few
days followed those of her daughter to the funeral pyre.
Even the ferocious Khan, when the instrument of his infamy, Ajit,
reported the issue, received him with contempt, and spurned him from his
presence, tauntingly asking “if this were the boasted Rajput valour?”
But the wily traitor had to encounter language far more bitter from his
political adversary, whom he detested. Sangram Saktawat reached the
capital only four days after the catastrophe—a man in every respect the
reverse of Ajit; audaciously brave, he neither feared the frown of his
sovereign nor the sword of his enemy. Without introduction he rushed
into the presence, where he found seated the traitor Ajit. “Oh dastard!
who hast thrown dust on the Sesodia race, whose blood which has flowed
in purity through a hundred ages has now been defiled! this sin will
check its course for ever; a blot so foul in our annals that no
Sesodia[4.17.58] will ever again hold up his head! A sin to which no
punishment were equal. But the end of our race is approaching! The line
of Bappa Rawal is at an end! Heaven has ordained this, a signal of our
destruction.” The Rana hid his face with his hands, when turning to
Ajit, he exclaimed, "Thou stain on the Sesodia race, thou impure of
Rajput blood, dust be on thy head as thou hast covered us all with
shame. May you die childless, and your name die with you![4.17.59] Why
this indecent haste? Had the Pathan stormed the city? Had he attempted
to violate the sanctity of the Rawala? And though he had, could you not
die as Rajputs, like your ancestors? Was it thus they gained a name? Was
it thus our race became renowned—thus they opposed the might of kings?
Have you forgotten the Sakhas of Chitor? But whom do I address—not
Rajputs? Had the honour of your females been endangered, had you
sacrificed them all and rushed sword in hand on the enemy, your name
would have lived, and the Almighty would have secured the seed of Bappa
Rawal. But to owe preservation [467] to this unhallowed deed! You did
not even await the threatened danger. Fear seems to have deprived you of
every faculty, or you might have spared the blood of Sriji,[4.17.60] and
if you did not scorn to owe your safety to deception, might have
substituted some less noble victim! But the end of our race approaches!"
=Fate of the Murderers.=—The traitor to manhood, his sovereign, and
humanity, durst not reply. The brave Sangram is now dead, but the
prophetic anathema has been fulfilled. Of ninety-five children, sons and
daughters, but one son (the brother of Krishna)[4.17.61] is left to the
Rana; and though his two remaining daughters have been recently married
to the princes of Jaisalmer and Bikaner, the Salic law, which is in full
force in these States, precludes all honour through female descent. His
hopes rest solely on the prince, Javana Singh,[4.17.62] and though in
the flower of youth and health, the marriage bed (albeit boasting no
less than four young princesses) has been blessed with no
progeny.[4.17.63]
The elder brother of Javana[4.17.64] died two years ago. Had he lived he
would have been Amra the Third. With regard to Ajit, the curse has been
fully accomplished. Scarcely a month after, his wife and two sons were
numbered with the dead; and the hoary traitor has since been wandering
from shrine to shrine, performing penance and alms in expiation of his
sins, yet unable to fling from him ambition; and with his beads in one
hand, _Rama! Rama!_ ever on his tongue, and subdued passion in his
looks, his heart is deceitful as ever. Enough of him: let us exclaim
with Sangram, “Dust on his head,”[4.17.65] which all the waters of the
Ganges could not purify from the blood of the virgin Krishna, but
rather would the multitudinous sea incarnadine [468].
=Amīr Khan rewarded by the British.=—His coadjutor, Amir Khan, is now
linked by treaties “in amity and unity of interests” with the sovereigns
of India; and though he has carried mourning into every house of
Rajasthan, yet charity might hope forgiveness would be extended to him,
could he cleanse himself from this deed of horror—‘throwing this pearl
away, richer than all his tribe!’ His career of rapine has terminated
with the caresses of the blind goddess, and placed him on a pinnacle to
which his sword would never have traced the path. Enjoying the most
distinguished post amongst the foreign chieftains of Holkar’s State,
having the regulars and park under his control, with large estates for
their support, he added the epithet of traitor to his other titles, when
the British Government, adopting the leading maxim of Asiatic policy,
_divide et impera_, guaranteed to him the sovereignty of these districts
on his abandoning the Mahrattas, disbanding his legions, and
surrendering the park. But though he personally fulfilled not, nor could
fulfil, one single stipulation, this man, whose services were not worth
the pay of a single sepoy—who fled from his camp[4.17.66] unattended,
and sought personal protection in that of the British commander—claimed
and obtained the full price of our pledge, the sovereignty of about
one-third of his master’s dominions; and the districts of Sironj, Tonk,
Rampura, and Nimbahera, form the domain of the Nawab Amir Khan, etc.,
etc., etc.!! This was in the fitful fever of success, when our arms were
everywhere triumphant. But were the viceroy of Hind to summon the forty
tributaries[4.17.67] now covered by the aegis of British protection to a
meeting, the murderer of Krishna would still occupy a place (though low)
in this illustrious divan. Let us hope that his character being known,
he would feel himself ill at ease; and let us dismiss him likewise in
the words of Sangram, “Dust on his head!”
The mind sickens at the contemplation of these unvarying scenes of
atrocity; but this unhappy State had yet to pass through two more
lustres of aggravated sufferings (to which the author of these annals
was an eye-witness) before their [469] termination, upon the alliance of
Mewar with Britain. From the period of the forcing of the passes, the
dismissal of the Jaipur embassy by Sindhia, and the murder of Krishna
Kunwari, the embassy of Britain was in the train of the Mahratta leader,
a witness of the evils described—a most painful predicament—when the
hand was stretched out for succour in vain, and the British flag waved
in the centre of desolation, unable to afford protection. But this day
of humiliation is past, thanks to the predatory hordes who goaded us on
to their destruction; although the work was incomplete, a nucleus being
imprudently left in Sindhia for the scattered particles again to form.
=Ruin of Mewār by the Marāthas.=—In the spring of 1806, when the embassy
entered the once-fertile Mewar, from whose native wealth the monuments
the pencil will portray were erected, nothing but ruin met the
eye—deserted towns, roofless houses, and uncultured plains. Wherever the
Mahratta encamped, annihilation was ensured; it was a habit; and
twenty-four hours sufficed to give to the most flourishing spot the
aspect of a desert. The march of destruction was always to be traced for
days afterwards by burning villages and destroyed cultivation. Some
satisfaction may result from the fact, that there was scarcely an actor
in these unhallowed scenes whose end was not fitted to his career.
Ambaji was compelled to disgorge the spoils of Mewar, and his personal
sufferings made some atonement for the ills he had inflicted upon her.
This satrap, who had almost established his independence in the fortress
and territory of Gwalior, suffered every indignity from Sindhia, whose
authority he had almost thrown off. He was confined in a mean tent,
manacled, suffered the torture of small lighted torches applied to his
fingers, and even attempted suicide to avoid the surrender of his
riches; but the instrument (an English penknife) was inefficient: the
surgeon to the British embassy sewed up the wounds, and his coffers were
eased of fifty-five lakhs of rupees! Mewar was, however, once more
delivered over to him; he died shortly after. If report be correct, the
residue of his treasures was possessed by his ancient ally, Zalim Singh.
In this case, the old politician derived the chief advantage of the
intrigues of S. 1848, without the crimes attendant on the acquisition.
Sindhia’s father-in-law, when expelled that chief’s camp, according to
the treaty, enjoyed the ephemeral dignity of minister to the Rana, when
he abstracted the most valuable records, especially those of the revenue
[470].
Kumbhalmer was obtained by the minister Satidas from Jaswant Rao Bhao
for seventy thousand rupees, for which assignments were given on this
district, of which he retained possession. Amir Khan in A.D. 1809 led
his myrmidons to the capital, threatening the demolition of the temple
of Eklinga if refused a contribution of eleven lakhs of rupees. Nine
were agreed to, but which by no effort could be raised, upon which the
Rana’s envoys were treated with indignity, and Kishandas[4.17.68]
wounded. The passes were forced, Amir Khan entering by Debari, and his
coadjutor and son-in-law, the notorious Jamshid, by the Chirwa, which
made but a feeble resistance. The ruffian Pathans were billeted on the
city, subjecting the Rana to personal humiliation, and Jamshid[4.17.69]
left with his licentious Rohillas in the capital. The traces of their
barbarity are to be seen in its ruins. No woman could safely venture
abroad, and a decent garment or turban was sufficient to attract their
cupidity.
=Bāpu Sindhia Sūbahdār of Mewār.=—In S. 1867 (A.D. 1811) Bapu Sindhia
arrived with the title of Subahdar, and encamped in the valley, and from
this to 1814 these vampires, representing Sindhia and Amir Khan,
possessed themselves of the entire fiscal domain, with many of the
fiefs, occasionally disputing for the spoils; to prevent which they came
to a conference at the Dhaula Magra (the white hill), attended by a
deputation[4.17.70] from the Rana, when the line of demarcation was
drawn between the spoilers. A schedule was formed of the towns and
villages yet inhabited, the amount to be levied from each specified, and
three and a half lakhs adjudged to Jamshid, with the same sum to
Sindhia; but this treaty was not better kept than the former ones. Mewar
was rapidly approaching dissolution, and every sign of civilization fast
disappearing; fields laid waste, cities in ruins, inhabitants exiled,
chieftains demoralized, the prince and his family destitute of common
comforts. Yet had Sindhia the audacity to demand compensation for the
loss of his tribute stipulated to Bapu Sindhia [471],[4.17.71] who
rendered Mewar a desert, carrying her chiefs, her merchants, her
farmers, into captivity and fetters in the dungeons of Ajmer, where many
died for want of ransom, and others languished till the treaty with the
British, in A.D. 1817, set them free.
-----
Footnote 4.17.1:
Brother of Ajit, the negotiator of the treaty with the British.
Footnote 4.17.2:
Chief of the Jagawat clan, also a branch of the Chondawats; he was
killed in a battle with the Mahrattas.
Footnote 4.17.3:
It is yet held by the successor of Sangram, whose faithful services
merited the grant he obtained from his prince, and it was in
consequence left unmolested in the arrangement of 1817, from the
knowledge of his merits.
Footnote 4.17.4:
The father of Rawat Jawan Singh, whom I found at Udaipur as military
minister, acting for his grand-uncle Ajit the organ of the Chondawats,
whose head, Padam Singh, was just emerging from his minority. It was
absolutely necessary to get to the very root of all these feuds, when
as envoy and mediator I had to settle the disputes of half a century,
and make each useful to detect their joint usurpations of the crown
domain.
Footnote 4.17.5:
She was the grandmother of Man Singh, a fine specimen of a Saktawat
cavalier.
Footnote 4.17.6:
[Lālsot, about 40 miles south of Jaipur city. For an account of the
battle see Compton, _European Military Adventurers_, 346 f.]
Footnote 4.17.7:
Megh Singh was the chief of Begun, and founder of that subdivision of
the Chondawats called after him Meghawat, and his complexion being
very dark (_kala_), he was called ‘Kala Megh,’ the ‘black cloud.’ His
descendants were very numerous and very refractory.
Footnote 4.17.8:
A.D. 1788.
Footnote 4.17.9:
He did not recover his liberty for two years, nor till he had
surrendered four of the best towns in his fief.
Footnote 4.17.10:
Father of the present Hamir Singh, the only chief with whom I was
compelled to use severity; but he was incorrigible. He was celebrated
for his raids in the troubles, and from his red whiskers bore with us
the name of the ‘Red Riever’ of Badesar—more of him by and by.
Footnote 4.17.11:
Sheodas and Satidas, with their cousin Jaichand. They revenged their
brother’s death by that of his murderer, and were both in turn slain.
Such were these times! The author more than once, when resuming the
Chondawat lands, and amongst them Badesar, the fief of the son of
Sardar, was told to recollect the fate of Somji; the advice, however,
excited only a smile; he was deemed more of a Saktawat than a
Chondawat, and there was some truth in it, for he found the good
actions of the former far outweigh the other, who made a boast and
monopoly of their patriotism. It was a curious period in his life; the
stimulus to action was too high, too constant, to think of self; and
having no personal views, being influenced solely by one feeling, the
prosperity of all, he despised the very idea of danger, though it was
said to exist in various shapes, even in the hospitable plate put
before him! But he deemed none capable of such treachery, though once
he was within a few minutes’ march to the other world; but the cause,
if the right one, came from his own _cuisinier_, or rather
_boulanger_, whom he discharged.
Footnote 4.17.12:
See the Essay on a Feudal System.
Footnote 4.17.13:
S. 1847 (A.D. 1791).
Footnote 4.17.14:
[Count Benoit de Boigne, a Savoyard, born at Chambery, 1751: served
under Mahādaji Sindhia, and won for him his battles of Pātan and Merta
in 1790: defeated Holkar at Lakheri in 1793: resigned his command in
1795, and left India in the next year: died June 21, 1830 (Compton,
_European Military Adventurers_, 15 ff.; Buckland, _Dict. of Indian
Biography_, s.v.).]
Footnote 4.17.15:
Acquired from the actors in those scenes: the prince, his ministers,
Zalim Singh and the rival chiefs have all contributed.
Footnote 4.17.16:
It was levied as follows:
Salumbar Lakhs 3
Deogarh ” 3
Singingir Gosain, their adviser ” 2
Kosital ” 1
Amet ” 2
Kurabar ” 1
—
Lakhs 12
Footnote 4.17.17:
[Pāndhri, Pāndharapatti, a tax on shops, artisans, traders, and
persons not engaged in agriculture, levied on their persons,
implements, places of work, or traffic; the same as the Mahtarafa
(Wilson, _Glossary_, s.v.).]
Footnote 4.17.18:
Raepur Rajnagar from the Sindis; Gurla and Gadarmala from the
Purawats; Hamirgarh from Sardar Singh, and Kurj Kawaria from Salumbar.
Footnote 4.17.19:
In Bhadon, the third month of the rainy season. An account of this
festival will hereafter be given.
Footnote 4.17.20:
The first of these is now the manager of Prince Jawan Singh’s estates,
a man of no talent; and the latter, his brother, was one of the
ministers on my arrival at Udaipur. He was of invincible good humour,
yet full of the spirit of intrigue, and one of the bars to returning
prosperity. The cholera carried off this Falstaff of the court, not
much to my sorrow.
Footnote 4.17.21:
S. 1853, A.D. 1797.
Footnote 4.17.22:
This person was nominated the chief civil minister on the author’s
arrival at Udaipur, an office to which he was every way unequal. The
affairs of Mewar had never prospered since the faithful Pancholis were
deprived of power. Several productions of the descendants of Biharidas
have fallen into my hands; their quaint mode of conveying advice may
authorize their insertion here.
The Pancholis, who had performed so many services to the country, had
been for some time deprived of the office of prime minister, which was
disposed of as it suited the views of the factious nobles who held
power for the time being; and who bestowed it on the Mehtas, Depras,
or Dhabhais. Amongst the papers of the Pancholis, several addressed to
the Rana and to Agarji Mehta, the minister of the day, are valuable
for the patriotic sentiments they contain, as well as for the general
light they throw upon the period. In S. 1853 (A.D. 1797) Amrit Rao
devised a plan to remedy the evils that oppressed the country. He
inculcated the necessity of dispensing with the interference of the
Saktawats and Chondawats in the affairs of government, and
strengthening the hands of the civil administration by admitting the
foreign chieftains to the power he proposed to deprive the former of.
He proceeds in the following quaint style:
“Disease fastened on the country from the following causes, envy and
party spirit. With the Turks disease was introduced; but then the
prince, his ministers, and chiefs, were of one mind, and medicine was
ministered and a cure effected. During Rana Jai Singh’s time the
disorder returned, which his son Amra put down. He recovered the
affairs of government from confusion, gave to every one his proper
rank and dignity, and rendered all prosperous. But Maharana Sangram
Singh put from under his wing the Chandarawat of Rampura, and thus a
pinion of Mewar was broken. The calamity of Biharidas, whose son
committed suicide, increased the difficulties. The arrival of the
Deccanis under Bajirao, the Jaipur affair[4.17.21.A] and the defeat at
Rajmahall, with the heavy expenditure thereby occasioned, augmented
the disorder. Add to this in Jagat Singh’s time the enmity of the
Dhabhais towards the Pancholis, which lowered their dignities at home
and abroad, and since which time every man has thought himself equal
to the task of government. Jagat Singh was also afflicted by the
rebellious conduct of his son Partap, when Shyama Solanki and several
other chiefs were treacherously cut off. Since which time the minds of
the nobles have never been loyal, but black and not to be trusted.
Again, on the accession of Partap, Maharaja Nathji allowed his
thoughts to aspire, from which all his kin suffered. Hence
animosities, doubts, and deceits, arose on all sides. Add to this the
haughty proceeding of Amra Chand now in office; and besides the strife
of the Pancholis with each other, their enmity to the Depras. Hence
parties were formed which completely destroyed the credit of all. Yet,
notwithstanding, they abated none of their strife, which was the acme
to the disease. The feud between Kuman Singh and the Saktawats for the
possession of Hintha, aggravated the distresses. The treacherous
murder of Maharaja Nathji, and the consequent disgust and retreat of
Jaswant Singh of Deogarh; the setting up the impostor Ratna Singh and
Jhala Raghudeo’s struggle for office, with Amra Chand’s entertaining
the mercenaries of Sind, brought it to a crisis. The negligence
arising out of luxury, and the intrigues of the Dhabhais of Rana Arsi,
made it spread so as to defeat all attempt at cure. In S. 1829, on the
treacherous murder of the Rana by the Bundi prince, and the accession
of the minor Hamir, every one set up his own authority, so that there
was not even the semblance of government. And now you (to the Rana),
listening to the advice of Bhim Singh (Salumbar), and his brother,
Arjun, have taken foreigners[4.17.21.B] into pay, and thus riveted all
the former errors. You and Sri Baiji Raj (the royal mother), putting
confidence in foreigners and Deccanis, have rendered the disease
contagious; besides, your mind is gone. What can be done? Medicine may
yet be had. Let us unite and struggle to restore the duties of the
minister and we may conquer, or at least check its progress. If now
neglected, it will hereafter be beyond human power. The Deccanis are
the great sore. Let us settle their accounts, and at all events get
rid of them, or we lose the land for ever. At this time there are
treaties and engagements in every corner. I have touched on every
subject. Forgive whatever is improper. Let us look the future in the
face, and let chiefs, ministers, and all unite. With the welfare of
the country all will be well. But this is a disease which, if not now
conquered, will conquer us.”
A second paper as follows:
"The disease of the country is to be considered and treated as a
remittent.
"Amra Singh cured it and laid a complete system of government and
justice.
"In Sangram’s time it once more gained ground.
"In Jagat Singh’s time the seed was thrown into the ground thus
obtained.
"In Partap’s time it sprung up.
"In Raj Singh’s time it bore fruit.
"In Rana Arsi’s time it was ripe.
"In Hamir’s time it was distributed, and all have had a share.
“And you, Bhim Singh (the present Rana), have eaten plentifully
thereof. Its virtues and flavour you are acquainted with, and so
likewise is the country; and if you take no medicine you will
assuredly suffer much pain, and both at home and abroad you will be
lightly thought of. Be not therefore negligent, or faith and land will
depart from you.”
A third paper to Agarji Mehta (then minister):
"If the milk is curdled it does not signify. Where there is sense
butter may yet be extracted; and if the butter-milk (_chhachh_) is
thrown away it matters not. But if the milk be curdled and black it
will require wisdom to restore its purity. This wisdom is now wanted.
The foreigners are the black in the curdled milk of Mewar. At all
hazards remove them. Trust to them and the land is lost.
"In moonlight what occasion for a blue light? (_Chandra
jot_).[4.17.21.C]
"Who looks to the false coin of the juggler?
"Do not credit him who tells you he will make a pigeon out of a
feather.
“Abroad it is said there is no wisdom left in Mewar, which is a
disgrace to her reputation.”
Footnote 4.17.21.A:
The struggle to place the Rana’s nephew, Madho Singh, on the throne of
Jaipur.
Footnote 4.17.21.B:
The Pancholi must allude to the Mahratta subsidiary force under
Ambaji.
Footnote 4.17.21.C:
Literally, a ‘moonlight.’ The particular kind of firework which we
call a ‘blue light.’
Footnote 4.17.23:
[Mahādaji Sindhia, commonly and erroneously called Mādhava Rāo, died
near Poona, January 12, 1794. See his life by H. G. Keene, ‘Rulers of
India’ series; Grant Duff, _Hist. of Mahrattas_, 343 ff.; W. Franklin,
_Hist. of Shah-Aulum_, 119 ff.]
Footnote 4.17.24:
There are three classes of Mahratta Brahmans: Shenvi, Prabhu, and
Mahratta. Of the first was Lakwa, Balabha Tantia, Jiwa Dada, Sivaji
Nana, Lalaji Pandit, and Jaswant Rao Bhao, men who held the mortgaged
lands of Mewar. [There are four groups of Marātha Brāhmans:
Konkanasthas, Deshasthas, Karhādas, and Kanvas. The Prabhus are not
Brāhmans, but the writer caste, like the Kāyasths of Hindustān (J.
Wilson, _Indian Caste_, 1877, ii. 17 ff.). The word Shenvi is a
corruption of _chhiyānavē_, ‘ninety-six,’ from the supposed number of
their sections.]
Footnote 4.17.25:
I knew him well. He stood six feet six inches, and was bulky in
proportion. His limbs rivalled those of the Hercules Farnese. His
father was nearly seven feet, and died at the early age of twenty-two,
in a vain attempt to keep down, by regimen and medicine, his enormous
bulk.
Footnote 4.17.26:
[This is perhaps Captain Butterfield, who served in Sindhia’s force
under Colonel Sutherland. He behaved gallantly in action against Lakwa
Dāda, for which he received a flattering letter from Perron: no
further mention of him has been traced (Compton, _Military
Adventurers_, 344).]
Footnote 4.17.27:
[For Colonel Robert Sutherland, known to natives as ‘Sutlej Sahib,’
see Compton, 410 ff.]
Footnote 4.17.28:
[For the remarkable career of George Thomas, who nearly succeeded in
forming a kingdom of his own on the ruins of the Empire in N. India,
see Compton, 109 f.; W. Franklin, _Military Memoirs of Mr. G. Thomas_,
1803.]
Footnote 4.17.29:
Both camps were on the right bank of the Banas: Lakwa’s at Amli, about
ten miles south of Shahpura, and Nana’s at Kadera, between these
towns.
Footnote 4.17.30:
Lakwa at this time [S. 1856, A.D. 1799] put the Shahpura Raja in
possession of the important fortress and district of Jahazpur, which,
although the Rana consented to it, covertly receiving from the Raja
two lakhs of rupees, disgusted the nobles with Lakwa.
Footnote 4.17.31:
Balabha Tantia and Bakhshu Narayan Rao were Sindhia’s ministers at
this period, of the same tribe (the Shenvi) as Lakwa.
Footnote 4.17.32:
[October 14, 1801 (Grant Duff 555).]
Footnote 4.17.33:
[Krishna.]
Footnote 4.17.34:
Five-and-twenty [about thirty] miles north of Udaipur. On this subject
we shall have much to say hereafter.
Footnote 4.17.35:
S. 1859 (A.D. 1803).
Footnote 4.17.36:
[Hyder Young Hearsey (1782-3-1840), son of Captain Harry Thomas
Hearsey by a Jāt lady, served Sindhia under Perron, and also George
Thomas, joined Lord Lake at Dīg in 1804: taken prisoner in the Nepāl
war of 1815: present at the siege of Bharatpur: died near Budāun
(Buckland, _Dict. Indian Biography_, s.v.).]
Footnote 4.17.37:
In S. 1860 (A.D. 1804).
Footnote 4.17.38:
At this juncture an officer of Holkar’s, Harnath Chela, on passing
through Bansain, had some camels carried off by the Bhils of the
Satola estate. Harnath summoned Gulab Singh Chondawat, who came with
eight of his relatives, when he was told he should be detained till
the cattle were restored; and in the morning, as the Mahratta mounted
his elephant, he commanded the Raghaut chieftain to be seized. Gulab
drew his sword and made at Harnath, but his sword broke in the howda,
when he plunged his dagger into the elephant; but at length he and all
his relations, who nobly plied their swords on the Mahrattas, were cut
to pieces.
Footnote 4.17.39:
[For a graphic account of these camps see T. D. Broughton, _Letters
written in a Mahratta Camp during the year 1809_, ed. 1892.]
Footnote 4.17.40:
The Rana of Gohad and Gwalior, the Khichi chiefs of Raghugarh and
Bahadurgarh, and the Nawab of Bhopal, made common cause with us in
Warren Hastings’ time. The first three possess not a shadow of
independence; the last fortunately formed a link in our own policy,
and Lord Hastings, in 1818, repaid with liberal interest the services
rendered to the government of Warren Hastings in 1782. It was in his
power, with equal facility, to have rescued all the other States, and
to have claimed the same measure of gratitude which Bhopal is proud to
avow. But there was a fatality in the desire to maintain terms with
Sindhia, whose treachery to our power was overlooked.
Footnote 4.17.41:
The author, then a subaltern, was attached to the suite of the
ambassador, Mr. Græme Mercer. He left the subsidiary force at Gwalior
in December 1805, and the embassy reached Sindhia’s court in the
spring of 1806, then encamped amidst the ruins of Mewar.
Footnote 4.17.42:
The ministers of Sindhia were Ambaji, Bapu Chitnavis, Madhuba Huzuria,
and Anaji Bhaskar.
Footnote 4.17.43:
[Baiza Bāi, widow of Daulat Rāo Sindhia, who died in 1827, was an
unscrupulous, designing woman, whose intrigues at Gwalior forced her
to take refuge in British territory. She returned after an interval
and lived at Gwalior until her death in 1862 (_IGI_, xii. 424).]
Footnote 4.17.44:
That is, chief of the race from which issued the Satara sovereigns,
whose minister, the Peshwa, accounted Sindhia and Holkar his
feudatories.
Footnote 4.17.45:
Rangra is an epithet applied to the Rajputs, implying turbulent, from
_rana_, ‘strife.’ [Rāngar is the title of a body of turbulent,
predatory Muhammadans, who claim Rājput descent, occupying parts of
the E. Panjāb and W. districts of the Ganges-Jumna Duāb. The
derivation suggested is very doubtful (Crooke, _Tribes and Castes,
N.W.P. and Oudh_, v. 227 ff.).]
Footnote 4.17.46:
[In October 1805 (Grant Duff 601).]
Footnote 4.17.47:
[Jean Baptiste de la Fontaine Filoze (1775-1840) assisted in the
campaign against Thomas in 1801. In the war with the English, part of
his brigade under Dupont was defeated at Assaye. He was afterwards
ill-treated by Sindhia, but was reinstated. Some of his descendants
are still in Sindhia’s service (Compton, _European Military
Adventurers_, 352 ff.; Sleeman, _Rambles_, 115, note). He is
frequently mentioned in Broughton, _Letters written in a Mahratta
Camp_.]
Footnote 4.17.48:
To increase his importance, Sindhia invited the British envoy and
suite to be present on the occasion, when the princely demeanour of
the Rana and his sons was advantageously contrasted with that of the
Mahratta and his suite. It was in this visit that the regal abode of
this ancient race, its isles and palaces, acted with irresistible
force on the cupidity of this scion of the plough, who aspired to, yet
dared not seat himself in, ‘the halls of the Caesars.’ It was even
surmised that his hostility to Jaipur was not so much from the refused
war-contribution, as from a mortifying negative to an audacious desire
to obtain the hand of this princess himself. The impression made on
the author upon this occasion by the miseries and noble appearance of
‘this descendant of a hundred kings,’ was never allowed to weaken, but
kindled an enthusiastic desire for the restoration of his fallen
condition, which stimulated his perseverance to obtain that knowledge
by which alone he might be enabled to benefit him. Then a young
_Sub._, his hopes of success were more sanguine than wise; but he
trusted to the rapid march of events, and the discordant elements by
which he was surrounded, to effect the redemption of the prince from
thraldom. It was a long dream—but after ten years of anxious hope, at
length realized—and he had the gratification of being instrumental in
snatching the family from destruction, and subsequently of raising the
country to comparative prosperity.
Footnote 4.17.49:
I witnessed the commencement and the end of this drama, and have
conversed with actors in all the intermediate scenes. In June 1806 the
passes of Udaipur were forced; and in January 1808, when I passed
through Jaipur in a solitary ramble, the fragments of this contest
were scattered over its sandy plains.
Footnote 4.17.50:
[Amīr Khān, ally of the Pindāris and ancestor of the present Nawābs of
Tonk. A treaty between him and the British was signed on December 19,
1817, by which his State was recognized. He died in 1834. See his Life
by Basāwan Lāl, translated by Thoby Prinsep; Malcolm, _Memoirs of
Central India_, 2nd ed. ii. 325 ff.]
Footnote 4.17.51:
Harem.
Footnote 4.17.52:
I knew him well—a plain honest man.
Footnote 4.17.53:
Alluding to the custom of infanticide—here, very rare; indeed, almost
unknown.
Footnote 4.17.54:
With my mind engrossed with the scenes in which I had passed the
better part of my life, I went two months after my return from
Rajputana, in 1823, to York Cathedral, to attend the memorable
festival of that year. The sublime recitations of Handel in ‘Jephtha’s
Vow,’ the sonorous woe of Sapio’s ‘Deeper and deeper still,’
powerfully recalled the sad exit of the Rajputni; and the
representation shortly after of Racine’s tragedy of ‘Iphigénie,’ with
Talma as Achille, Duchesnois as Clytemnestre, and a very interesting
personation of the victim daughter of Agamemnon, again served to waken
the remembrance of this sacrifice. The following passage, embodying
not only the sentiments, but couched in the precise language in which
the ‘Virgin Krishna’ addressed her father—proving that human nature
was but one mode of expression for the same feelings—I am tempted to
transcribe:
... “Mon père,
Cessez de vous troubler, vous n’êtes point trahi.
Quand vous commanderez, vous serez obéi:
Ma vie est votre bien. Vous voulez le reprendre,
Vos ordres, sans détour, pouvaient se faire entendre;
D’un œil aussi content, d’un cœur aussi soumis,
Que j’acceptais l’époux que vous m’aviez promis,
Je saurai, s’il le faut, victime obéissante
Tendre au fer de Calchas une tête innocente;
Et respectant le coup par vous-même ordonné,
Vous rendre tout le sang que vous m’avez donné.”
Footnote 4.17.55:
Bappa Rawal.
Footnote 4.17.56:
The kusumbha draught is made of flowers and herbs of a cooling
quality; into this an opiate was introduced.
Footnote 4.17.57:
The simple but powerful expression of the narrator.
Footnote 4.17.58:
The tribe of the Rana.
Footnote 4.17.59:
That is, without adoption even to perpetuate it.
Footnote 4.17.60:
A respectful epithet to the prince—_sire_.
Footnote 4.17.61:
By the same mother.
Footnote 4.17.62:
He was nearly carried off by that awful scourge, the cholera, and,
singular to remark, was the first person attacked at Udaipur. I
remained by his bedside during the progress of this terrible
visitation, and never shall I forget his grateful exclamation of
surprise, when after a salutary sleep he opened his eyes to health.
Shirji Mehta, his chief adviser and manager of his estates, merry as
ever, though the heir of Mewar was given over, was seized with the
complaint as his master recovered—was dead and his ashes blanching on
the sands of the streamlet of Ar within twelve hours! Jovial and
good-humoured as he was, “we could have better spared a better man.”
He was an adept in intrigue; of Ambaji’s school; and till death shall
extinguish the whole of this, and better morals are born, the country
will but slowly improve. [Mahārāna Jawān Singh (1828-38) succeeded on
the death of his father, Bhīm Singh, on March 31, 1828. He gave
himself up to debauchery, and died without issue on August 30, 1838,
being succeeded by his adopted son, Sardār Singh.]
Footnote 4.17.63:
Since this work has gone to press, the author has been rejoiced to
find that an heir has been born from the last marriage by a princess
of Riwa of the Baghela tribe.
Footnote 4.17.64:
See genealogical descendants of Rana Jagat Singh. Appendix, No. VIII.
Footnote 4.17.65:
This was written at Udaipur in 1820. This old intriguer then attempted
to renew the past, as the organ of the Chondawats, but his scheme
ended in exile to the sacred city of Benares; and there he may now be
seen with his rosary on the consecrated _ghat_ of the Ganges.
Footnote 4.17.66:
Brigadier-General Alexander Knox had the honour of dissolving these
bands in the only way worthy of us. He marched his troops to take
their guns and disperse their legions; and, when in order of battle,
the gallant General taking out his watch, gave them half an hour to
reflect, their commander Jamshid, second only in villainy to his
master, deeming ‘discretion the better part of valour,’ surrendered.
Footnote 4.17.67:
There are full this number of princes holding under the British.
Footnote 4.17.68:
This veteran attended me during all these troubles, as the medium of
communication with the Rana. Though leagued with the Chondawats, he
was a loyal subject and good servant. I saw him expire, and was of
opinion, as well as the doctor who accompanied me, that his death was
caused by poison. The general burst of sorrow from hundreds collected
around his house, when the event was announced, is the best encomium
on his public character.
Footnote 4.17.69:
This monstrous villain (for he was a Goliath) died soon after Mewar
was rescued, from a cancer in his back.
Footnote 4.17.70:
Satidas, Kishandas, and Rup Ram.
Footnote 4.17.71:
Bapu Sindhia shortly outlived his expulsion from Ajmer, and as he had
to pass through Mewar in his passage to his future residence, he was
hooted by the population he had plundered. While I was attending the
Rana’s court, some one reporting Bapu Sindhia’s arrival at his
destination, mentioned that some pieces of ordnance formerly taken
from Udaipur had, after saluting him, exuded a quantity of water,
which was received with the utmost gravity by the court, until I
remarked they were crying because they should never again be employed
in plunder: an idea which caused a little mirth.
-----
CHAPTER 18
=Degraded Condition of the Rājputs.=—The history of the Rana’s family
has now been traced through all the vicissitudes of its fortunes, from
the second to the nineteenth century, whilst contending for existence,
alternately with Parthians, Bhils, Tartars, and Mahrattas, till at
length it has become tributary to Britain. The last chapter portrays the
degraded condition of their princes, and the utter desolation of their
country, in a picture which embodied the entire Rajput race. An era of
repose at length dawned upon them. The destruction of that vast
predatory system, under the weight of which the prosperity of these
regions had so long been repressed, was effected by one short campaign
in 1817; which if less brilliant than that of 1803, is inferior to none
in political results. The tardy policy of the last-named period, at
length accomplished, placed the power of Britain in the East on an
expugnable position, and rescued the Rajputs from a progressing
destruction.
=Alliances with the British.=—To prevent the recurrence of this
predatory system it was deemed politic to unite all these settled
States, alike interested with ourselves in its overthrow, in one grand
confederation. Accordingly the Rajput States were invited to shelter
[472] under our protecting alliance; and with one exception (Jaipur),
they eagerly embraced the invitation. The ambassadors of the various
governments followed each other in quick succession to Delhi, where the
treaties were to be negotiated, and in a few weeks all Rajputana was
united to Britain by compacts of one uniform character;[4.18.1] insuring
to them external protection with internal independence, as the price of
acknowledged supremacy, and a portion of revenue to the protecting
government. By this comprehensive arrangement, we placed a most powerful
barrier between our territories and the strong natural frontier of
India; and so long as we shall respect their established usages, and by
contributing to the prosperity of the people preserve our motives from
distrust, it will be a barrier impenetrable to invasion.
=Treaty with Mewār.=—Of all the princes who obtained succour at this
momentous crisis in the political history of India, none stood more in
need of it than the Rana of Udaipur. On January 16, 1818, the treaty was
signed, and in February an envoy was nominated; who immediately
proceeded to the Rana’s court, to superintend and maintain the newly
formed relations.[4.18.2] The right wing of the grand army[4.18.3] had
already preceded him to compel the surrender of such territory as was
unjustly held by the lawless partisans of Sindhia, and to reduce to
obedience the refractory nobles, to whom anarchy was endeared from long
familiarity. The strongholds in the plains as Raepur, Rajnagar, etc.,
soon surrendered; and the payment of the arrears of the garrison of
Kumbhalmer put this important fortress in our possession.
In his passage from Jahazpur, which guards the range on the east to
Kumbhalmer on the Aravalli west, a space of 140 miles, the limits of
Mewar, only two thinly peopled towns were seen which acknowledged the
Rana’s authority. All was desolate; even the traces of the footsteps of
man were effaced. The babul (_mimosa_ [_acacia_] _Arabica_), and
gigantic reed, which harboured the boar and the tiger, grew upon the
highways; and every rising ground displayed a mass of ruin. Bhilwara,
the commercial _entrepôt_ of Rajputana, which ten years before contained
six thousand [473] families, showed not a vestige of existence. All was
silent in her streets—no living thing was seen except a solitary dog,
that fled in dismay from his lurking-place in the temple, scared at the
unaccustomed sight of man.[4.18.4]
=Cession of Kumbhalmer.=—An envoy was dispatched by the Rana to
congratulate the Agent, who joined him in the British camp at Nathdwara;
and while he returned to arrange the formalities of reception, the Agent
obtained the cession of Kumbhalmer; which, with the acquisitions before
mentioned, paved the way for a joyful reception. The prince, Javan
Singh, with all the State insignia, and a numerous cortège, advanced to
receive the mission, and conduct it to the capital. A spot was fixed on
in a grove of palmyras, about two miles from the city, where carpets
were spread, and where the prince received the Agent and suite in a
manner at once courteous and dignified.[4.18.5] Of him it might have
been said, in the language applied by Jahangir to the son of Rana
Amra—“His countenance carried the impression of his illustrious
extraction.”
=Arrival of the Author as Agent.=—We entered the city[4.18.6] by the
gate of the sun; and through a vista of ruin the mission was inducted
into its future residence, once the abode of the fair Rampiyari.[4.18.7]
Like all the mansions of Rajputana, it was a quadrangular pile, with an
open paved area, the suites of apartments carried round the sides, with
latticed or open corridors extending parallel to each suite. Another
deputation with the _mehmani_, consisting of a hundred trays of
sweetmeats, dried fruits, and a purse of one thousand rupees for
distribution amongst the domestics, brought the Rana’s welcome upon our
arrival in his capital, and fixed the next day for our introduction at
court.
At four in the afternoon, a deputation, consisting of the officiating
prime minister, the representative of the Chondawats, with mace-bearers
and a numerous escort, came to announce the Rana’s readiness to receive
the mission; which, with all the ‘pomp and circumstance’ peculiar to
these countries, was marshalled in front of the residency, thronged by
crowds of well-dressed [474] inhabitants, silently gazing at the unusual
sight.[4.18.8] The grand Nakkaras having announced the Rana in court,
the mission proceeded through streets which everywhere presented marks
of rapine, hailed by the most enthusiastic greetings. “Jai! jai! Farangi
ka Raj!” “Victory, victory to the English Government!” resounded from
every tongue. The bards were not idle; and the unpoetic name of the
Agent was hitched into rhyme. Groups of musicians were posted here and
there, who gave a passing specimen of the _tappas_[4.18.9] of Mewar; and
not a few of the fair, with brazen ewers of water on their heads,
welcomed us with the _suhelia_, or songs of joy. Into each of these
vessels the purse-bearer dropped a piece of silver; for neither the
songs of the suhelia, the tappas of the minstrel, nor encomiastic stave
of the bard, are to be received without some acknowledgement that you
appreciate their merit and talents, however you may doubt the value they
put upon your own. As we ascended the main street leading to the
Tripolia, or triple portal, which guards the sacred enclosure, dense
masses of people obstructed our progress, and even the walls of the
temple of Jagannath were crowded. According to etiquette, we dismounted
at the Porte, and proceeded on foot across the ample terrace; on which
were drawn up a few elephants and horse, exercising for the Rana’s
amusement.
=The Palace at Udaipur.=—The palace is a most imposing pile, of a
regular form, built of granite and marble, rising at least a hundred
feet from the ground, and flanked with octagonal towers, crowned with
cupolas. Although built at various periods, uniformity of design has
been very well preserved; nor is there in the East a more striking or
majestic structure. It stands upon the very crest of a ridge running
parallel to, but considerably elevated above, the margin of the lake.
The terrace, which is at the east and chief front of the palace, extends
throughout its length, and is supported by a triple row of arches from
the declivity of the ridge. The height of this arcaded wall is fully
fifty feet; and although all is hollow beneath, yet so admirably is it
constructed, that an entire range of stables is built on the extreme
verge of the terrace, on which the whole personal force of the Rana,
elephants, horse, and foot, are often assembled. From this terrace the
city and the valley lay before the spectator, whose vision is bounded
only by the [475] hills shutting out the plains; while from the summit
of the palace nothing obstructs its range over lake and mountain.
A band of Sindis guarded the first entrance to the palace; and being
Saturday, the Saktawats were on duty in the great hall of assembly.
Through lines of Rajputs we proceeded till we came to the marble
staircase, the steps of which had taken the form of the segment of an
ellipse, from the constant friction of the foot; an image of Ganesha
guarded the ascent to the interior of the palace, and the apartment, or
landing, is called Ganesha deori, from the Rajput Janus. After
proceeding through a suite of saloons, each filled with spectators, the
herald’s voice announced to ‘the lord of the world’ that the English
envoy was in his presence; on which he arose, and advanced a few paces
in front of the throne, the chieftains standing to receive the mission.
Everything being ruled by precedent, the seat allotted for the envoy was
immediately in front and touching the royal cushion (_gaddi_): being
that assigned to the Peshwa in the height of Mahratta prosperity, the
arrangement, which was a subject of regular negotiation, could not be
objected to. The apartment chosen for the initiatory visit was the Surya
mahall, or ‘hall of the sun,’ so called from a medallion of the orb in
basso-rilievo which decorates the wall. Close thereto is placed the
Rana’s throne, above which, supported by slender silver columns, rises a
velvet canopy. The Gaddi, or throne, in the East is but a huge cushion,
over which is thrown an embroidered velvet mantle. The chiefs of the
higher grade, or ‘the Sixteen,’ were seated, according to their rank, on
the right and left of the Rana; next and below these were the princes
Amra and Javan Singh; and at right angles (by which the court formed
three sides of a square), the chiefs of the second rank. The civil
officers of the State were near the Rana in front, and the seneschal,
butler, keeper of the wardrobe, and other confidential officers and
inferior chieftains, formed a group standing on the extreme edge of the
carpet.
The Rana’s congratulations were hearty and sincere: in a few powerful
expressions he depicted the miseries he had experienced, the fallen
condition of his State, and the gratitude he felt to the British
Government which had interposed between him and destruction; and which
for the first moment of his existence allowed him to sleep in peace.
There was an intense earnestness in every word he uttered, which,
delivered with great fluency of speech and dignity of manner, inspired
deep respect and sympathy. The Agent said that the Governor-General was
no stranger to the [476] history of his illustrious family, or to his
own immediate sufferings; and that it was his earnest desire to promote,
by every means in his power, the Rana’s personal dignity and the
prosperity of his dominions. After conversing a few minutes, the
interview was closed with presents to the Agent and suite: to the former
a caparisoned elephant and horse, jewelled aigrette, and pearl necklace,
with shawls and brocades; and with the customary presentation of essence
of rose and the pan leaf the Rana and court rising, the envoy made his
salaam and retired. In a short time the Rana, attended by his second
son, ministers, and a select number of the chiefs, honoured the envoy
with a visit. The latter advanced beyond his residence to meet the
prince, who was received with presented arms by the guard, the officers
saluting, and conducted to his throne, which had been previously
arranged. Conversation was now unrestrained, and questions were demanded
regarding everything which appeared unusual. After sitting half an hour,
the Agent presented the Rana with an elephant and two horses,
caparisoned with silver and gilt ornaments and velvet embroidered
housings, with twenty-one shields[4.18.10] of shawls, brocades, muslins,
and jewels; to prince Amra, unable from sickness to attend his father, a
horse and eleven shields; and to his brother, the second prince, Javan
Singh, a horse and nine shields; to the ministers and chiefs according
to rank: the whole entertainment costing about 20,000 rupees, or £2000.
Amidst these ceremonials, receiving and returning visits of the Rana,
his chiefs, his ministers, and men of influence and information
commercial and agricultural, some weeks passed in silent observation,
and in the acquisition of materials for action.[4.18.11]
=Political Divisions of Mewār.=—For the better comprehension of the
internal relations, past and present, of Mewar [477], a sketch is
presented, showing the political divisions of the tribes and the fiscal
domain, from which a better idea may be formed of Rajput feudal economy
than from a chapter of dissertation. The princes of Mewar skilfully
availed themselves of their natural advantages in the partition of the
country. The mountain-barriers east and west were allotted to the chiefs
to keep the mountaineers and foresters in subjection, whose leading
passes were held by a lord-marcher, and the quotas of his quarter; and
while strong forts guarded the exposed northern and southern entrances,
the crown-land lay in the centre, the safest and the richest. The
exterior, thus guarded by a cordon of feudal levies composed of the
quotas of the greater fiefs; the minor and most numerous class of
vassals, termed _gol_, literally ‘the mass,’ and consisting of ten
thousand horse, each holding directly of the crown independent of the
greater chiefs, formed its best security against both external
aggression and internal commotions.
=Desolation of Mewār.=—Such is a picture of the feudal economy of Mewar
in the days of her renown; but so much had it been defaced through time
and accident, that with difficulty could the lineaments be traced with a
view to their restoration: her institutions a dead letter, the prince’s
authority despised, the nobles demoralized and rebellious, internal
commerce abandoned, and the peasantry destroyed by the combined
operation of war, pestilence, and exile. Expression might be racked for
phrases which could adequately delineate the miseries all classes had
endured. It is impossible to give more than a sketch of the state of the
_das sahas Mewar_, ‘the ten thousand townships’ which once acknowledged
her princes, and of which above three thousand still exist. All that
remained to them was the valley of the capital; and though Chitor and
Mandalgarh were maintained by the fidelity of the Rana’s servants, their
precarious revenues scarcely sufficed to maintain their garrisons. The
Rana was mainly indebted to Zalim Singh of Kotah for the means of
subsistence; for in the struggle for existence his chiefs thought only
of themselves, of defending their own estates, or buying off their foes;
while those who had succumbed took to horse, scoured the country, and
plundered without distinction. Inferior clanships declared themselves
independent of their superiors, who in their turn usurped the crown
domain, or by bribing the necessities of their prince, obtained his
patent for lands, to which, as they yielded him nothing, he became
indifferent. The crown-tenants purchased of these chiefs the protection
(_rakhwali_) which the [478] Rana could not grant, and made alienations
of the crown taxes, besides private rights of the community, which were
often extorted at the point of the lance. Feuds multiplied, and the name
of each clan became the watchword of alarm or defiance to its neighbour:
castles were assaulted, and their inmates, as at Sheogarh and Lawa, put
to the sword; the Meras and Bhils descended from their hills, or emerged
from their forests, and planted ambuscades for the traveller or
merchant, whom they robbed or carried to their retreats, where they
languished in durance till ransomed. Marriage processions were thus
intercepted, and the honeymoon was passed on a cliff of the Aravalli, or
in the forests on the Mahi. The Rajput, whose moral energies were
blunted, scrupled not to associate and to divide the spoil with these
lawless tribes, of whom it might be said, as of the children of Ishmael,
“Their hands were against every man, and every man’s hand against them.”
Yet notwithstanding such entire disorganization of society, external
commerce was not stagnant; and in the midst of this rapine, the produce
of Europe and Kashmir would pass each other in transit through Mewar,
loaded it is true by a multiplicity of exactions, but guarded by those
who scorned all law but the point of honour, which they were paid for
preserving.
=The Condition of Udaipur.=—The capital will serve as a specimen of the
country. Udaipur, which formerly reckoned fifty thousand houses within
the walls, had not now three thousand occupied, the rest were in ruin,
the rafters being taken for firewood. The realization of the spring
harvest of 1818, from the entire fiscal land, was about £4000! Grain
sold for seven sers the rupee, though thrice the quantity was procurable
within the distance of eighty miles. Insurance from the capital to
Nathdwara (twenty-five miles) was eight per cent. The Kotharia chief,
whose ancestors are immortalized for fidelity, had not a horse to
conduct him to his prince’s presence, though his estates were of fifty
thousand rupees annual value. All were in ruins; and the Rana, the
descendant of those patriot Rajputs who opposed Babur, Akbar, and
Aurangzeb, in the days of Mogul splendour, had not fifty horse to attend
him, and was indebted for all the comforts he possessed to the
liberality of Kotah.
=Reorganization of the State.=—Such was the chaos from which order was
to be evoked. But the elements of prosperity, though scattered, were not
extinct; and recollections of the past, deeply engraved in the national
mind, became available to reanimate their moral and physical existence.
To call these forth demanded only the exertion of moral [479]
interference, and every other was rejected. The lawless freebooter, and
even the savage Bhil, felt awed at the agency of a power never seen. To
him moral opinion (compared with which the strength of armies is nought)
was inexplicable, and he substituted in its stead another invisible
power—that of magic: and the belief was current throughout the intricate
region of the West, that a single individual could carry an army in his
pocket, and that our power could animate slips of paper cut into the
figures of armed men, from which no precaution could guard their
retreats. Accordingly, at the mere name of the British power, rapine
ceased, and the inhabitants of the wilds of the West, the ‘forest
lords,’ who had hitherto laughed at subjection, to the number of seven
hundred villages, put each the sign of the dagger to a treaty, promising
abstinence from plunder and a return to industrious life—a single
individual of no rank the negotiator. Moreover, the treaty was
religiously kept for twelve months; when the peace was broken, not by
them, but against them.
To the Rajput, the moral spectacle of a Peshwa marched into exile with
all the quietude of a pilgrimage, effected more than twenty thousand
bayonets, and no other auxiliary was required than the judicious use of
the impressions from this and other passing events, to relay the
foundations of order and prosperity—by never doubting the issue, success
was insured. The British force, therefore, after the reduction of the
plans enumerated, was marched to cantonments; the rest was left for time
and reason to accomplish.
=Form of Civil Government.=—Before proceeding further, it may be
convenient to sketch the form of civil government in Mewar, and the
characters of its most conspicuous members: the former we shall describe
as it was when the machine was in regular action; it will be found
simple, and perfectly suited to its object.
There are four grand officers of the government:
1. The Pardhan, or prime minister.
2. Bakhshi, commander of the forces.
3. Suratnama, keeper of the records.
4. Sahai, keeper of the signet.[4.18.12]
The first, the Pardhan, or civil premier, must be of the non-militant
tribe. The whole of the territorial and financial arrangements are
vested in him. He [480] nominates the civil governors of districts, and
the collectors of the revenue and custom; and has fourteen _thuas_, or
departments, under him, which embrace all that relates to expenditure.
2. The Bakhshi must also be of a non-militant tribe, and one different
from the Pardhan. His duties are mixed civil and military. He takes the
musters, and pays mercenaries, or rations, to the feudal tenants when on
extra service, and he appoints a deputy to accompany all expeditions, or
to head frontier-posts, with the title of Faujdar, or commander. The
royal insignia, the standard, and kettle-drums accompany him, and the
highest nobles assemble under the general control of this civil officer,
never under one of their own body. From the Bakhshi’s bureau all patents
are issued, as also all letters of sequestration of feudal land.
The Bakhshi has four secretaries:
1. Draws out deeds.
2. Accountant.
3. Recorder of all patents or grants.
4. Keeps duplicates.
3. The Suratnama[4.18.13] is the auditor and recorder of all the
household expenditure and establishments, which are paid by his cheques.
He has four assistants also, who make a daily report, and give a daily
balance of accounts.
4. The Sahai. He is secretary both for home and foreign correspondence.
He draws out the royal grants or patents of estates, and superintends
the deeds of grant on copper-plate to religious establishments. Since
the privilege appertaining to Salumbar, of confirming all royal grants
with his signet the lance, has fallen into desuetude, the Sahai executes
this military autograph.[4.18.14]
To all decrees, from the daily stipend to the _patta_, or patent of an
estate, each minister must append his seal, so that there is a complete
system of check. Besides these, the higher officers of government, there
are thirty-six _karkhanas_, or inferior officers, appointed directly by
the Rana, the most conspicuous of which are the justiciary,[4.18.15] the
keepers of the register-office, of the mint, of the armoury, of the
regalia, of the jewels, of the wardrobe, of the stables, of the kitchen,
of the band, of the seneschalsy, and of the seraglio.
There was no want of aspirants to office, here hereditary; but it was
vain to look [481] amongst the descendants of the virtuous Pancholi, or
the severe Amrachand, and the prediction of the former, “Dust will cover
the head of Mewar when virtue wanders in rags,” was strictly fulfilled.
There appeared no talent, no influence, no honesty; yet the deficiency
was calculated to excite sorrow rather than surprise; to stimulate
exertion on their behalf, rather than damp the hope of improvement;
though all scope for action, save in the field of intrigue, was lost,
and talent was dormant for want of exercise.
=Incapacity of the Rāna.=—The Rana’s character was little calculated to
supply his minister’s deficiencies. Though perfectly versed in the past
history of his country, its resources, and their management; though
able, wise, and amiable, his talents were nullified by numerous weak
points. Vain shows, frivolous amusements, and an ill-regulated
liberality alone occupied him; and so long as he could gratify these
propensities, he trusted complacently to the exertions of others for the
restoration of order and his proper authority. He had little steadiness
of purpose, and was particularly obnoxious to female influence. It is
scarcely to be wondered that he coveted repose, and was little desirous
to disturb the only moment his existence had presented of enjoying it,
by inviting the turmoils of business. No man, however, was more capable
of advising: his judgment was good, but he seldom followed its dictates;
in short, he was an adept in theory, and a novice in practice. The only
man about the court at once of integrity and efficiency was Kishandas,
who had long acted as ambassador, and to whose assiduity the sovereign
and the country owed much; but his services were soon cut off by death.
Such were the materials with which the work of reform commenced. The aim
was to bring back matters to a correspondence with an era of their
history, when the rights of the prince, the vassal, and the cultivator,
were alike well defined—that of Amra Singh.
=Relations of the Rāna with his Nobles.=—The first point to effect was
the recognition of the prince’s authority by his nobles; the surest sign
of which was their presence at the capital, where some had never been,
and others only when it suited their convenience or their views. In a
few weeks the Rana saw himself surrounded by a court such as had not
been known for half a century. It created no small curiosity to learn by
what secret power they were brought into each other’s presence. Even the
lawless Hamira, who but a short while before had plundered the marriage
dower of the Hari queen [482] coming from Kotah, and the chief of the
Sangawat clan, who had sworn “he might bend his head to woman, but never
to his sovereign,” left their castles of Badesar and Deogarh, and
“placing the royal rescript on their heads,” hastened to his presence;
and in a few weeks the whole feudal association of Mewar was embodied in
the capital.
=Return of the Exiles.=—To recall the exiled population was a measure
simultaneous with the assembling of the nobles; but this was a work
requiring time: they had formed ties, and incurred obligations to the
societies which had sheltered them, which could not at once be
disengaged or annulled. But wherever a subject of Mewar existed,
proclamations penetrated, and satisfactory assurances were obtained, and
realized to an extent which belied in the strongest manner the assertion
that patriotism is unknown to the natives of Hindustan. The most
enthusiastic and cheering proofs were afforded that neither oppression
from without, nor tyranny within, could expel the feeling for the
_bapota_, the land of their fathers. Even now, though time has chastened
the impressions, we should fear to pen but a tithe of the proofs of
devotion of the husbandman of Mewar to the _solum natale_: it would be
deemed romance by those who never contemplated humanity in its reflux
from misery and despair to the ‘sweet influences’ of hope; he alone who
had witnessed the day of trouble, and beheld the progress of
desolation—the standing corn grazed by Mahratta horse—the rifled towns
devoted to the flames—the cattle driven to the camp, and the chief men
seized as hostages for money never to be realized—could appreciate their
deliverance. To be permitted to see these evils banished, to behold the
survivors of oppression congregated from the most distant provinces,
many of them strangers to each other, and the aged and the helpless
awaiting the lucky day to take possession of their ruined abodes, was a
sight which memory will not part with. Thus on the 3rd of Sawan
(July),[4.18.16] a favourite day with the husbandman, three hundred of
all conditions, with their waggons and implements of labour, and
preceded by banners and music, marched into Kapasan;[4.18.17] and
Ganesha was once again invoked as they reconsecrated their dwellings,
and placed his portrait as the Janus of the portals. On the same day,
and within eight months subsequent to the signature of the treaty, above
three hundred towns and villages were simultaneously reinhabited; and
the land, which for many years had been a stranger to the plough-share,
was broken up. Well might [483] the superstitious fancy that miracles
were abroad; for even to those who beheld the work in progression it had
a magical result, to see the waste covered with habitations, and the
verdant corn growing in the fields where lately they had roused the boar
from his retreat! It was a day of pride for Britain! By such exertions
of her power in these distant lands her sway is hallowed. By Britain
alone can this fair picture be defaced; the tranquillity and
independence she has conferred, by her alone may be disturbed!
=Attraction of Capital.=—To these important preliminary measures, the
assembly of the nobles and recall of the population, was added a third,
without which the former would have been nugatory. There was no wealth,
no capital, to aid their patriotism and industry. Foreign merchants and
bankers had abandoned the devoted land; and those who belonged to it
partook of her poverty and her shame. Money was scarce, and want of
faith and credit had increased the usury on loans to a ruinous extent.
The Rana borrowed at thirty-six per cent; besides twenty-five to forty
per cent discount for his _barats_, or patents empowering collection on
the land; a system pursued for some time even after his restoration to
authority. His profusion exceeded even the rapidity of renovation; and
the husbandman had scarcely broken up his long-waste fields, when a call
was made by the harpies of the State for an advance on their produce,
while he himself had been compelled to borrow at a like ruinous rate for
seed and the means of support, to be paid by expectations. To have hoped
for the revival of prosperity amidst such destitution, moral and
pecuniary, would have been visionary. It was as necessary to improve the
one as to find the other; for poverty and virtue do not long associate,
and certainly not in Mewar. Proclamations were therefore prepared by the
Rana, inviting foreign merchants and bankers to establish connexions in
the chief towns throughout the country; but as in the days of
demoralization little faith was placed in the words of princes, similar
ones were prepared by the Agent, guaranteeing the stipulations, and both
were distributed to every commercial city in India. The result was as
had been foreseen: branch banks were everywhere formed, and mercantile
agents fixed in every town in the country, whose operations were only
limited by the slow growth of moral improvement. The shackles which
bound external commerce were at once removed, and the multifarious posts
for the collections of transit duties abolished; in lieu of which chain
of stations, all levies on goods in transit were confined to the
frontiers. The scale of duties [484] was revised; and by the abolition
of intermediate posts, they underwent a reduction of from thirty to
fifty per cent. By this system, which could not for some time be
comprehended, the transit and custom duties of Mewar made the most
certain part of the revenue, and in a few years exceeded in amount what
had ever been known.
=Trade at Bhīlwāra.=—The chief commercial mart, Bhilwara, which showed
not a vestige of humanity, rapidly rose from ruin, and in a few months
contained twelve hundred houses, half of which were occupied by foreign
merchants. Bales of goods, the produce of the most distant lands, were
piled up in the streets lately overgrown with grass, and a weekly fair
was established for the home manufactures. A charter of privileges and
immunities was issued, exempting them from all taxation for the first
year, and graduating the scale for the future; calculated with the same
regard to improvement, by giving the mind the full range of enjoying the
reward of its exertions. The right of electing their own chief
magistrates and the assessors of justice, was above all things
indispensable, so as to render them as independent as possible of the
needy servants of the court. A guard was provided by the government for
their protection, and a competent authority nominated to see that the
full extent of their privileges, and the utmost freedom of action, were
religiously maintained. The entire success of this plan may at once be
recorded to prevent repetition. In 1822, Bhilwara contained nearly three
thousand dwellings, which were chiefly inhabited by merchants, bankers,
or artisans. An entire new street had been constructed in the centre of
the town, from the duties levied, and the shops and houses were rented
at a moderate rate; while many were given up to the proprietors of their
sites, returning from exile, on their paying the price of construction.
But as there is no happiness without alloy, so even this pleasing
picture had its dark shades to chasten the too sanguine expectation of
imparting happiness to all. Instead of a generous emulation, a jealous
competition checked the prosperity of Bhilwara: the base spirit of
exclusive monopoly desired a distinction between the native and the
stranger-merchant, for which they had a precedent in the latter paying
an addition to the town-duty of metage (_mapa_). The unreasonableness of
this was discussed, and it was shown to be more consonant to justice
that he who came from Jaisalmer, Surat, Benares, or Delhi, should pay
less than the merchant whose domicile was on the spot. When at length
the parties acquiesced in this opinion, and were intreated and promised
to know [485] none other distinction than that of ‘inhabitant of
Bhilwara,’ sectarian differences, which there was less hope of
reconciling, became the cause of disunion. All the Hindu merchants
belong either to the Vaishnava or Jain sects; consequently each had a
representative head, and ‘the Five’ for the adjudication of their
internal arrangements; and these, the wise men of both parties, formed
the general council for the affairs of Bhilwara. But they carried their
religious differences to the judgement-seat, where each desired
pre-eminence. Whether the point in dispute hinged on the interpretation
of law, which with all these sects is of divine origin, or whether the
mammon of unrighteousness was the lurking cause of their bickerings,
they assuredly did much harm, for their appeals brought into play what
of all things was least desired, the intrigues of the profligate
dependents of the court. It will be seen hereafter,[4.18.18] in visits
to Bhilwara, how these disputes were in some degree calmed. The leaders
on both sides were distinctly given to understand they would be made to
leave the place. Self-interest prevented this extremity; but from the
withdrawing of that active interference (which the state of the alliance
did not indeed warrant, but which humanity interposed for their benefit)
together with the effect of appeals to the court, it is to be
apprehended that Bhilwara may fail to become what it was intended to be,
the chief commercial mart of Central India.[4.18.19]
=Reform of the Nobility.=—Of the three measures simultaneously projected
and pursued for the restoration of prosperity, the industrious portion
has been described. The feudal interest remains, which was found the
most difficult to arrange. The agricultural and commercial classes
required only protection and stimulus, and we could repay the benefits
their industry conferred by the lowest scale of taxation, which, though
in fact equally beneficial to the government, was constructed as a boon.
But with the feudal lords there was no such equivalent to offer in
return for the sacrifices many had to make for the re-establishment of
society. Those who were well inclined, like Kotharia, had everything to
gain, and nothing left to surrender; while those who, like Deogarh,
Salumbar, or Badnor, had preserved their power by foreign aid, intrigue,
or prowess, dreaded the high price they might be called upon to pay
[486] for the benefit of security which the new alliance conferred. All
dreaded the word ‘restitution,’ and the audit of half a century’s
political accounts; yet the adjustment of these was the corner-stone of
the edifice, which anarchy and oppression had dismantled. Feuds were to
be appeased, a difficult and hazardous task; and usurpations, both on
the crown and each other, to be redeemed. ‘To bring the wolf and the
goat to drink from the same vessel,’ was a task of less difficulty than
to make the Chondawat and Saktawat labour in concert for the welfare of
the prince and the country. In fine, a better idea cannot be afforded of
what was deemed the hopelessness of success than the opinion of Zorawar
Singh, the chief of the latter clan, who had much to relinquish: “Were
Parameswara (the Almighty) to descend, he could not reform Mewar.” We
judged better of them than they did of each other.
=Negotiations with the Chiefs.=—It were superfluous to detail all the
preparatory measures for the accomplishment of this grand object; the
meetings and adjournments, which only served to keep alive discontent.
On the 27th of April, the treaty with the British Government was read,
and the consequent change in their relations explained. Meanwhile, a
charter, defining the respective rights of the crown and of the chiefs,
with their duties to the community, was prepared, and a day named for a
general assembly of the chieftains to sanction and ratify this
engagement. The 1st of May was fixed: the chiefs assembled; the
articles, ten in number, were read and warmly discussed; when with
unmeaning expressions of duty, and objections to the least prominent,
they obtained through their speaker, Gokuldas of Deogarh, permission to
reassemble at his house to consider them, and broke up with the promise
to attend next day. The delay, as apprehended, only generated
opposition, and the 2nd and 3rd passed in inter-communications of
individual hope and fear. It was important to put an end to speculation.
At noon, on the 4th of May, the grand hall was again filled, when the
Rana, with his sons and ministers, took their seats. Once more the
articles were read, objections raised and combated, and midnight had
arrived without the object of the meeting being advanced, when an
adjournment, proposed by Gokuldas, till the arrival of the Rana’s
plenipotentiary from Delhi, met with a firm denial; and the Rana gave
him liberty to retire, if he refused his testimony of loyalty. The Begun
chief, who had much to gain, at length set the example, followed by the
chiefs of Amet and Deogarh, and in succession by all the sixteen nobles,
who also signed as the proxies of their [487] relatives, unable from
sickness to attend. The most powerful of the second grade also signed
for themselves and the absent of their clans, each, as he gave in his
adhesion, retiring; and it was three in the morning of the 5th of May
ere the ceremony was over. The chief of the Saktawats, determined to be
conspicuous, was the last of his own class to sign. During this
lengthened and painful discussion of fifteen hours’ continuance, the
Rana conducted himself with such judgment and firmness, as to give
sanguine hopes of his taking the lead in the settlement of his affairs.
=Enforcement of the Treaty.=—This preliminary adjusted, it was important
that the stipulations of the treaty[4.18.20] should be rigidly if not
rapidly effected. It will not be a matter of surprise, that some months
passed away before the complicated arrangements arising out of this
settlement were completed; but it may afford just grounds for
gratulation, that they were finally accomplished without a shot being
fired, or the exhibition of a single British soldier in the country,
nor, indeed, within one hundred miles of Udaipur. ‘Opinion’ was the sole
and all-sufficient ally effecting this political reform. The Rajputs, in
fact, did not require the demonstration of our physical strength; its
influence had reached far beyond Mewar. When the few firelocks defeated
hundreds of the foes of public tranquillity, they attributed it to ‘the
strength of the Company’s salt,’[4.18.21] the moral agency of which was
proclaimed the true basis of our power. ‘Sachha Raj’ was the proud
epithet applied by our new allies to the British Government in the East;
a title which distinguished the immortal Alfred, ‘the upright.’
It will readily be imagined that a reform, which went to touch the
entire feudal association, could not be accomplished without harassing
and painful discussions [488], when the object was the renunciation of
lands, to which in some cases the right of inheritance could be pleaded,
in others, the cognisance of successful revenge, while to many
prescriptive possession could be asserted. It was the more painful,
because although the shades which marked the acquisition of such lands
were varied, no distinction could be made in the mode of settlement,
namely, unconditional surrender. In some cases, the Rana had to revoke
his own grants, wrung either from his necessities or his weakness; but
in neither predicament could arguments be adduced to soften
renunciation, or to meet the powerful and pathetic and often angry
appeals to justice or to prejudice. Counter-appeals to their loyalty,
and the necessity for the re-establishment of their sovereign’s just
weight and influence in the social body, without which their own welfare
could not be secured, were adduced; but individual views and passions
were too absorbing to bend to the general interest. Weeks thus passed in
interchange of visits, in soothing pride, and in flattering vanity by
the revival of past recollections, which gradually familiarized the
subject to the mind of the chiefs, and brought them to compliance. Time,
conciliation, and impartial justice, confirmed the victory thus
obtained; and when they were made to see that no interest was
overlooked, that party views were unknown, and that the system included
every class of society in its beneficial operation, cordiality followed
concession. Some of these cessions were alienations from the crown of
half a century’s duration. Individual cases of hardship were unavoidable
without incurring the imputation of favouritism, and the dreaded revival
of ancient feuds, to abolish which was indispensable, but required much
circumspection. Castles and lands in this predicament could therefore
neither be retained by the possessor nor returned to the ancient
proprietor without rekindling the torch of civil war. The sole
alternative was for the crown to take the object of contention, and make
compensation from its own domain. It would be alike tedious and
uninteresting to enter into the details of these arrangements, where one
chief had to relinquish the levy of transit duties in the most important
outlet of the country, asserted to have been held during seven
generations, as in the case of the chief of Deogarh. Of another (the
Bhindar chief) who held forty-three towns and villages, in addition to
his grant; of Amet, of Badesar, of Dabla, of Lawa, and many others who
held important fortresses of the crown independent of its will; and
other claims, embracing every right [489] and privilege appertaining to
feudal society; suffice it, that in six months the whole arrangements
were effected.
=The Case of Arja.=—In the painful and protracted discussions attendant
on these arrangements, powerful traits of national character were
developed. The castle and domain of Arja half a century ago belonged to
the crown, but had been usurped by the Purawats, from whom it was
wrested by storm about fifteen years back by the Saktawats, and a patent
sanctioning possession was obtained, on the payment of a fine of £1000
to the Rana. Its surrender was now required from Fateh Singh, the second
brother of Bhindar, the head of this clan; but being regarded as the
victorious completion of a feud, it was not easy to silence their
prejudices and objections. The renunciation of the forty-three towns and
villages by the chief of the clan caused not half the excitation, and
every Saktawat seemed to forgo his individual losses in the common
sentiment expressed by their head: “Arja is the price of blood, and with
its cession our honour is surrendered.” To preserve the point of honour,
it was stipulated that it should not revert to the Purawats, but be
incorporated with the fisc, which granted an equivalent; when letters of
surrender were signed by both brothers, whose conduct throughout was
manly and confiding.
=Badnor and Amet.=—The Badnor and Amet chiefs, both of the superior
grade of nobles, were the most formidable obstacles to the operation of
the treaty of the 4th of May. The first of these, by name Jeth Singh
(_the victorious_ [_chief_] _lion_), was of the Mertia clan, the bravest
of the brave race of Rathor, whose ancestors had left their native
abodes on the plains of Marwar, and accompanied the celebrated Mira Bai
on her marriage with Rana Kumbha. His descendants, amongst whom was
Jaimall, of immortal memory, enjoyed honour in Mewar equal to their
birth and high deserts. It was the more difficult to treat with men like
these, whose conduct had been a contrast to the general license of the
times, and who had reason to feel offended, when no distinction was
observed between them and those who had disgraced the name of Rajput.
Instead of the submission expected from the Rathor, so overwhelmed was
he from the magnitude of the claims, which amounted to a virtual
extinction of his power, that he begged leave to resign his estates and
quit the country. In prosecution of this design, he took post in the
chief hall of the palace, from which no entreaties could make him
move;[4.18.22] until the Rana, to [490] escape his importunities, and
even restraint, obtained his promise to abide by the decision of the
Agent. The forms of the Rana’s court, from time immemorial, prohibit all
personal communication between the sovereign and his chiefs in matters
of individual interest, by which indecorous altercation is avoided. But
the ministers, whose office it was to obtain every information, did not
make a rigid scrutiny into the title-deeds of the various estates
previous to advancing the claims of the crown. This brave man had
enemies, and he was too proud to have recourse to the common arts either
of adulation or bribery to aid his cause. It was a satisfaction to find
that the two principal towns demanded of him were embodied in a grant of
Sangram Singh’s reign; and the absolute rights of the fisc, of which he
had become possessed, were cut down to about fifteen thousand rupees of
annual revenue. But there were other points on which he was even more
tenacious than the surrender of these. Being the chief noble of the fine
district of Badnor, which consisted of three hundred and sixty towns and
villages, chiefly of feudal allotments (many of them of his own clan),
he had taken advantage of the times to establish his influence over
them, to assume the right of wardship of minors, and secure those
services which were due to the prince, but which he wanted the power to
enforce. The holders of these estates were of the third class of vassals
or _gol_ (the mass), whose services it was important to reclaim, and who
constituted in past times the most efficient force of the Ranas, and
were the preponderating balance of their authority when mercenaries were
unknown in these patriarchal states. Abundant means towards a just
investigation had been previously procured; and after some discussion,
in which all admissible claims were recognized, and argument was
silenced by incontrovertible facts, this chieftain relinquished all that
was demanded, and sent in, as from himself, his written renunciation to
his sovereign. However convincing the data by which his proper rights
and those of his prince were defined, it was to feeling and prejudice
that we were mainly indebted for so satisfactory an adjustment. An
appeal to the name of Jaimall, who fell defending Chitor against
Akbar,[4.18.23] and the contrast of his ancestor’s loyalty and devotion
with his own contumacy, acted as a talisman, and wrung tears from his
eyes and the deed from his hand. It will afford some idea of the
difficulties encountered, as well as the invidiousness of the task of
arbitrating such matters, to give his own comment verbatim: "I remained
faithful when his own kin deserted him, and was [491] one of four chiefs
who alone of all Mewar fought for him in the rebellion; but the son of
Jaimall is forgotten, while the ‘plunderer’ is his boon companion, and
though of inferior rank, receives an estate which elevates him above
me"; alluding to the chief of Badesar, who plundered the queen’s dower.
But while the brave descendant of Jaimall returned to Badnor with the
marks of his sovereign’s favour, and the applause of those he esteemed,
the ‘runner’ went back to Badesar in disgrace, to which his prince’s
injudicious favour further contributed.
=Hamīra of Badesar.=—Hamira of Badesar was of the second class of
nobles, a Chondawat by birth. He succeeded to his father Sardar Singh,
the assassin of the prime minister even in the palace of his
sovereign;[4.18.24] into whose presence he had the audacity to pursue
the surviving brother, destined to avenge him.[4.18.25] Hamira inherited
all the turbulence and disaffection, with the estates, of his father;
and this most conspicuous of the many lawless chieftains of the times
was known throughout Rajasthan as Hamira ‘the runner’ (_daurayat_).
Though not entitled to hold lands beyond thirty thousand annually, he
had become possessed to the amount of eighty thousand, chiefly of the
fisc or _khalisa_, and nearly all obtained by violence, though since
confirmed by the prince’s patent. With the chieftain of Lawa (precisely
in the same predicament), who held the fortress of Kheroda and other
valuable lands, Hamira resided entirely at the palace, and obtaining the
Rana’s ear by professions of obedience, kept possession, while chiefs in
every respect his superiors had been compelled to surrender; and when at
length the Saktawat of Lawa was forbid the court until Kheroda and all
his usurpations were yielded up, the son of Sardar displayed his usual
turbulence, ‘curled his moustache’ at the minister, and hinted at the
fate of his predecessor. Although none dared to imitate him, his
stubbornness was not without admirers, especially among his own clan;
and as it was too evident that fear or favour swayed the Rana, it was a
case for the Agent’s interference, the opportunity for which was soon
afforded. When [492] forced to give letters of surrender, the Rana’s
functionaries, who went to take possession, were insulted, refused
admittance, and compelled to return. Not a moment could be lost in
punishing this contempt of authority; and as the Rana was holding a
court when the report arrived, the Agent requested an audience. He found
the Rana and his chiefs assembled in ‘the balcony of the sun,’ and
amongst them the notorious Hamira. After the usual compliments, the
Agent asked the minister if his master had been put in possession of
Syana. It was evident from the general constraint, that all were
acquainted with the result of the deputation; but to remove
responsibility from the minister, the Agent, addressing the Rana as if
he were in ignorance of the insult, related the transaction, and
observed that his government would hold him culpable if he remained at
Udaipur while his highness’s commands were disregarded. Thus supported,
the Rana resumed his dignity, and in forcible language signified to all
present his anxious desire to do nothing which was harsh or ungracious;
but that, thus compelled, he would not recede from what became him as
their sovereign. Calling for a _bira_, he looked sternly at Hamira, and
commanded him to quit his presence instantly, and the capital in an
hour; and, but for the Agent’s interposition, he would have been
banished the country. Confiscation of his whole estate was commanded,
until renunciation was completed. He departed that night; and, contrary
to expectation, not only were all the usurpations surrendered, but, what
was scarcely contemplated by the Agent, the Rana’s flag of sequestration
was quietly admitted into the fortress of Badesar.[4.18.26]
=The Case of Āmli.=—One more anecdote may suffice. The lands and
fortress of Amli had been in the family of Amet since the year 27, only
five years posterior to the date to which these arrangements extended;
their possession verged on half a century. The lords of Amet were of the
Sixteen, and were chiefs of the clan Jagawat. The present representative
enjoyed a fair character: he could, with the chief of Badnor, claim the
succession of the loyal; for Partap and Jaimall, their respective
ancestors, were rivals and martyrs on that memorable day when the genius
of Chitor abandoned the Sesodias. But the heir of Amet had not this
alone [493] to support his claims; for his predecessor Partap had lost
his life in defending his country against the Mahrattas, and Amli had
been his acquisition. Fateh Singh (such was his name) was put forward by
the more artful of his immediate kin, the Chondawat interest; but his
disposition, blunt and impetuous, was little calculated to promote their
views: he was an honest Rajput, who neither could nor cared to conceal
his anger, and at a ceremonious visit paid him by the Agent, he had
hardly sufficient control over himself to be courteous, and though he
said nothing, his eyes, inflamed with opium and disdain, spoke his
feelings. He maintained a dogged indifference, and was inaccessible to
argument, till at length, following the example of Badnor, he was
induced to abide by the Agent’s mediation. He came attended by his
vassals, who anxiously awaited the result, which an unpremeditated
incident facilitated. After a long and fruitless expostulation, he had
taken refuge in an obstinate silence; and seated in a chair opposite to
the envoy, with his shield in front, placed perpendicularly on his
knees, and his arms and head reclined thereon, he continued vacantly
looking on the ground. To interrupt this uncourteous silence in his own
house, the envoy took a picture, which with several others was at hand,
and placing it before him, remarked, "That chief did not gain his
reputation for _swamidharma_[4.18.27] (loyalty) by conduct such as
yours." His eyes suddenly recovered their animation and his countenance
was lighted with a smile, as he rapidly uttered, “How did you come by
this—why does this interest you?” A tear started in his eye as he added,
"This is my father!"—“Yes,” said the Agent, "it is the loyal Partap on
the day he went forth to meet his death; but his name yet lives, and a
stranger does homage to his fame."—“Take Amli, take Amli,” he hurriedly
repeated, with a suppressed tone of exultation and sorrow, “but forget
not the extent of the sacrifice.” To prolong the visit would have been
painful to both, but as it might have been trusting too much to humanity
to delay the resumption, the Agent availed himself of the moment to
indite the _chhorchitthi_[4.18.28] of surrender for the lands.
With these instances, characteristic of individuals and the times, this
sketch of the introductory measures for improving the condition of Mewar
may be closed. To enter more largely in detail is foreign to the purpose
of the work; nor is it requisite for the comprehension of the unity of
the object, that a more minute dissection of the parts should be
afforded. Before, however, we exhibit the [494] general results of these
arrangements, we shall revert to the condition of the more humble, but a
most important part of the community, the peasantry of Mewar; and
embody, in a few remarks, the fruits of observation or inquiry, as to
their past and present state, their rights, the establishment of them,
their infringement, and restitution. On this subject much has been
necessarily introduced in the sketch of the feudal system, where landed
tenures were discussed; but it is one on which such a contrariety of
opinion exists, that it may be desirable to show the exact state of
landed tenures in a country, where Hindu manners should exist in greater
purity than in any other part of the vast continent of India.
[Illustration:
FACSIMILE OF NATIVE DRAWING OF PARTĀB SINGH AND RĀĒMALL.
_To face page 572._
]
=The Landed System.=—The ryot (cultivator) is the proprietor of the soil
in Mewar. He compares his right therein to the _akshay duba_,[4.18.29]
which no vicissitudes can destroy. He calls the land his _bapota_, the
most emphatic, the most ancient, the most cherished, and the most
significant phrase his language commands for patrimonial[4.18.30]
inheritance. He has nature and Manu in support of his claim, and can
quote the text, alike compulsory on prince and peasant, “cultivated land
is the property of him who cut away the wood, or who cleared and tilled
it,”[4.18.31] an ordinance binding on the whole Hindu race, and which no
international wars, or conquest, could overturn. In accordance with this
principle is the ancient adage, not of Mewar only but all Rajputana,
_Bhog ra dhanni Raj ho: bhum ra dhanni ma cho_: ‘the government is owner
of the rent, but I am the master of the land.’ With the toleration and
benevolence of the race the conqueror is commanded “to respect the
deities adored by the conquered, also their virtuous priests, and to
establish the laws of the conquered nation as declared in their
books.”[4.18.32] If it were deemed desirable to recede to the system of
pure Hindu agrarian law, there is no deficiency of materials. The
customary laws contained in the various reports of able men, superadded
to the general ordinances of Manu, would form a code at once simple and
efficient: for though innovation from foreign conquest has placed many
principles in abeyance, and modified others, yet he has observed to
little purpose [495] who does not trace a uniformity of design, which at
one time had ramified wherever the name of Hindu prevailed: language has
been modified, and terms have been corrupted or changed, but the primary
pervading principle is yet perceptible; and whether we examine the
systems of Khandesh, the Carnatic, or Rajasthan, we shall discover the
elements to be the same.
If we consider the system from the period described by Arrian, Curtius,
and Diodorus, we shall see in the government of townships each commune
an ‘_imperium in imperio_’; a little republic, maintaining its municipal
legislation independent of the monarchy, on which it relies for general
support, and to which it pays the _bhog_, or tax in kind, as the price
of this protection; for though the prescribed duties of kings are as
well defined by Manu[4.18.33] as by any jurisconsult in Europe, nothing
can be more lax than the mutual relations of the governed and governing
in Hindu monarchies, which are resolved into unbounded liberty of
action. To the artificial regulation of society, which leaves all who
depend on manual exertion to an immutable degradation, must be ascribed
these multitudinous governments, unknown to the rest of mankind, which,
in spite of such dislocation, maintain the bonds of mutual sympathies.
Strictly speaking, every State presents the picture of so many hundred
or thousand minute republics, without any connexion with each other,
giving allegiance (_an_) and rent (_bhog_) to a prince, who neither
legislates for them, nor even forms a police for their internal
protection. It is consequent on this want of paramount interference
that, in matters of police, of justice, and of law, the communes act for
themselves; and from this want of paternal interference only have arisen
those courts of equity, or arbitration, the _panchayats_.
But to return to the freehold ryot of Mewar, whose _bapota_ is the
_watan_ and the _miras_ of the peninsula—words of foreign growth,
introduced by the Muhammadan conquerors; the first (Persian) is of more
general use in Khandesh; the other (Arabic) in the Carnatic. Thus the
great Persian moralist Saadi exemplifies its application: "If you desire
to succeed to your father’s inheritance (_miras_), first obtain his
wisdom" [496].
While the term _bapota_ thus implies the inheritance or patrimony, its
holder, if a military vassal, is called Bhumia, a term equally powerful,
meaning one actually identified with the soil (_bhum_), and for which
the Muhammadan has no equivalent but in the possessive compound
_watandar_, or _mirasdar_. The Caniatchi[4.18.34] of Malabar is the
Bhumia of Rajasthan.
The emperors of Delhi, in the zenith of their power, bestowed the
epithet zamindar upon the Hindu tributary sovereigns: not out of
disrespect, but in the true application of their own term Bhumia Raj,
expressive of their tenacity to the soil; and this fact affords
additional evidence of the proprietary right being in the cultivator
(_ryot_), namely, that he alone can confer the freehold land, which
gives the title of Bhumia, and of which both past history and present
usage will furnish us with examples. When the tenure of land obtained
from the cultivator is held more valid than the grant of the sovereign,
it will be deemed a conclusive argument of the proprietary right being
vested in the ryot. What should induce a chieftain, when inducted into a
perpetual fief, to establish through the ryot a right to a few acres in
bhum, but the knowledge that although the vicissitudes of fortune or of
favour may deprive him of his aggregate signiorial rights, his claims,
derived from the spontaneous favour of the commune, can never be set
aside; and when he ceases to be the lord, he becomes a member of the
commonwealth, merging his title of Thakur, or Signior, into the more
humble one of Bhumia, the allodial tenant of the Rajput feudal system,
elsewhere discussed.[4.18.35] Thus we have touched on the method by
which he acquires this distinction, for protecting the community from
violence; and if left destitute by the negligence or inability of the
government, he is vested with the rights of the crown, in its share of
the _bhog_ or rent. But when their own land is in the predicament called
_galita_, or reversions from lapses to the commune, he is ‘seised’ in
all the rights of the former proprietor; or, by internal arrangements,
they can convey such right by cession of the commune.
=The Bhūmia.=—The privilege attached to the _bhum_,[4.18.36] and
acquired from the community by the protection afforded to it, is the
most powerful argument for the recognition of its original rights. The
Bhumia, thus vested, may at pleasure drive his own plough [497], the
right to the soil. His _bhum_ is exempt from the _jarib_ (measuring
rod); it is never assessed, and his only sign of allegiance is a
quit-rent, in most cases triennial, and the tax of _kharlakar_,[4.18.37]
a war imposition, now commuted for money. The State, however, indirectly
receives the services of these allodial tenants, the yeomen of
Rajasthan, who constitute, as in the districts of Kumbhalmer and
Mandalgarh, the landwehr, or local militia. In fact, since the days of
universal repose set in, and the townships required no protection, an
arrangement was made with the Bhumias of Mewar, in which the crown,
foregoing its claim of quit-rent, has obtained their services in the
garrisons and frontier stations of police at a very slight pecuniary
sacrifice.
Such are the rights and privileges derived from the ryot cultivator
alone. The Rana may dispossess the chiefs of Badnor, or Salumbar, of
their estates, the grant of the crown—he could not touch the rights
emanating from the community; and thus the descendants of a chieftain,
who a few years before might have followed his sovereign at the head of
one hundred cavaliers, would descend into the humble foot militia of a
district. Thousands are in this predicament: the Kanawats, Lunawats,
Kumbhawats, and other clans, who, like the Celt, forget not their claims
of birth in the distinctions of fortune, but assert their propinquity as
“brothers in the nineteenth or thirtieth degree to the prince” on the
throne. So sacred was the tenure derived from the ryot, that even
monarchs held lands in _bhum_ from their subjects, for an instance of
which we are indebted to the great poetic historian of the last Hindu
king. Chand relates, that when his sovereign, the Chauhan, had
subjugated the kingdom of Anhilwara[4.18.38] from the Solanki, he
returned to the nephew of the conquered prince several districts and
seaports, and all the bhum held by the family. In short, the Rajput
vaunts his aristocratic distinction derived from the land; and opposes
the title of ‘Bhumia Raj,’ or government of the soil, to the ‘Bania
Raj,’ or commercial government, which he affixes as an epithet of
contempt to Jaipur: where “wealth accumulates and men decay.”
In the great ‘register of patents’ (_patta bahi_) of Mewar we find a
species of [498] _bhum_ held by the greater vassals on particular crown
lands; whether this originated from inability of ceding entire townships
to complete the estate to the rank of the incumbent, or whether it was
merely in confirmation of the grant of the commune, could not be
ascertained. The benefit from this _bhum_ is only pecuniary, and the
title is ‘_bhum rakhwali_’[4.18.39] or land [in return for]
‘preservation.’ Strange to say, the crown itself holds ‘_bhum rakhwali_’
on its own fiscal demesnes consisting of small portions in each village,
to the amount of ten thousand rupees in a district of thirty or forty
townships. This species, however, is so incongruous that we can only
state it does exist: we should vainly seek the cause for such apparent
absurdity, for since society has been unhinged, the oracles are mute to
much of antiquated custom.
=Occupiers’ Rights in the Land.=—We shall close these remarks with some
illustrative traditions and yet existing customs, to substantiate the
ryot’s right in the soil of Mewar. After one of those convulsions
described in the annals, the prince had gone to espouse the daughter of
the Raja of Mandor, the (then) capital of Marwar. It is customary at the
moment of _hathleva_, or the junction of hands, that any request
preferred by the bridegroom to the father of the bride should meet
compliance, a usage which has yielded many fatal results; and the Rana
had been prompted on this occasion to demand a body of ten thousand Jat
cultivators to repeople the deserted fisc of Mewar. An assent was given
to the unprecedented demand, but when the inhabitants were thus
despotically called on to migrate, they denied the power and refused.
“Shall we,” said they, "abandon the lands of our inheritance (_bapota_),
the property of our children, to accompany a stranger into a foreign
land, there to labour for him? Kill us you may, but never shall we
relinquish our inalienable rights." The Mandor prince, who had trusted
to this reply, deemed himself exonerated from his promise, and secured
from the loss of so many subjects: but he was deceived. The Rana held
out to them the enjoyment of the proprietary rights escheated to the
crown in his country, with the lands left without occupants by the
sword, and to all, increase of property. When equal and absolute power
was thus conferred, they no longer hesitated to exchange the arid soil
of Marwar for the garden of Rajwara; and the descendants of these Jats
still occupy the flats watered by the Berach and Banas [499].
In those districts which afforded protection from innovation, the
proprietary right of the ryot will be found in full force; of this the
populous and extensive district of Jahazpur, consisting of one hundred
and six townships, affords a good specimen. There are but two pieces of
land throughout the whole of this tract the property of the crown, and
these were obtained by force during the occupancy of Zalim Singh of
Kotah. The right thus unjustly acquired was, from the conscientiousness
of the Rana’s civil governor, on the point of being annulled by sale and
reversion, when the court interfered to maintain its proprietary right
to the tanks of Loharia and Itaunda, and the lands which they irrigate,
now the _bhum_ of the Rana.[4.18.40] This will serve as an illustration
how _bhum_ may be acquired, and the annals of Kotah will exhibit,
unhappily for the ryots of that country, the almost total annihilation
of their rights, by the same summary process which originally attached
Loharia to the fisc.
The power of alienation being thus proved, it would be superfluous to
insist further on the proprietary right of the cultivator of the soil.
=Proprietary Rights in Land.=—Besides the ability to alienate as
demonstrated, all the overt symbols which mark the proprietary right in
other countries are to be found in Mewar; that of entire conveyance by
sale, or temporary by mortgage; and numerous instances could be adduced,
especially of the latter. The fertile lands of Horla, along the banks of
the Khari, are almost all mortgaged, and the registers of these
transactions form two considerable volumes, in which great variety of
deeds may be discovered: one extended for one hundred and one
years;[4.18.41] when redemption was to follow, without regard to
interest on the one hand; or the benefits from the land on the other,
but merely by repayment of the sum borrowed. To maintain the interest
during abeyance, it is generally stipulated that a certain portion of
the harvest shall be reserved for the mortgagee—a fourth, a fifth, or
_gugri_—a share so small as to be valued only as a mark of proprietary
recognition.[4.18.42] The mortgagees were chiefly of the commercial
classes of the large frontier towns; in [500] many cases the proprietor
continues to cultivate for another the lands his ancestor mortgaged four
or five generations ago, nor does he deem his right at all impaired. A
plan had been sketched to raise money to redeem these mortgages, from
whose complex operation the revenue was sure to suffer. No length of
time or absence can affect the claim to the _bapota_, and so sacred is
the right of absentees, that land will lay sterile and unproductive from
the penalty which Manu denounces on all who interfere with their
neighbour’s rights: “for unless there be an especial agreement between
the owner of the land and the seed, the fruits belong clearly to the
land-owner”; even “if seed conveyed by water or by wind should
germinate, the plant belongs to the land-owner, the mere sower takes not
the fruit.”[4.18.43] Even crime and the extreme sentence of the law will
not alter succession to property, either to the military or cultivating
vassal; and the old Kentish adage, probably introduced by the Jats from
Scandinavia, who under Hengist established that kingdom of the
heptarchy, namely:
The father to the bough,
And the son to the plough
is practically understood by the Jats and Bhumias[4.18.44] of Mewar,
whose treason is not deemed hereditary, nor a chain of noble acts
destroyed because a false link was thrown out. We speak of the military
vassals—the cultivator cannot aspire to so dignified a crime as treason.
=Village Officials: the Patel.=—The officers of the townships are the
same as have been so often described, and are already too familiar to
those interested in the subject to require illustration. From the Patel,
the Cromwell of each township, to the village gossip, the ascetic
Sannyasi, each deems his office, and the land he holds in virtue thereof
in perpetuity, free of rent to the State, except a small triennial
quit-rent,[4.18.45] and the liability, like every other branch of the
State, to two war taxes.[4.18.46]
Opinions are various as to the origin and attributes of the Patel, the
most important personage in village sway, whose office is by many deemed
foreign to the pure Hindu system, and to which language even his title
is deemed alien. But there is no doubt that both office and title are of
ancient growth, and even etymological rule proves the Patel to be head
(_pati_) of the community.[4.18.47] The office of Patel [501] of Mewar
was originally elective: he was ‘_primus inter pares_,’ the constituted
attorney or representative of the commune, and as the medium between the
cultivator and the government, enjoyed benefits from both. Besides his
_bapota_, and the _serano_, or one-fortieth of all produce from the
ryot, he had a remission of a third or fourth of the rent from such
extra lands as he might cultivate in addition to his patrimony. Such was
the Patel, the link connecting the peasant with the government, ere
predatory war subverted all order: but as rapine increased, so did his
authority. He became the plenipotentiary of the community, the security
for the contribution imposed, and often the hostage for its payment,
remaining in the camp of the predatory hordes till they were paid off.
He gladly undertook the liquidation of such contributions as these
perpetual invaders imposed. To indemnify himself, a schedule was formed
of the share of each ryot, and mortgage of land, and sequestration of
personal effects followed till his avarice was satisfied. Who dared
complain against a Patel, the intimate of Pathan and Mahratta
commanders, his adopted patrons? He thus became the master of his
fellow-citizens; and, as power corrupts all men, their tyrant instead of
their mediator. It was a system necessarily involving its own decay; for
a while glutted with plenty, but failing with the supply, and ending in
desolation, exile, and death. Nothing was left to prey on but the
despoiled carcase; yet when peace returned, and in its train the exile
ryot to reclaim the _bapota_, the vampire Patel was resuscitated, and
evinced the same ardour for supremacy, and the same cupidity which had
so materially aided to convert the fertile Mewar to a desert. The Patel
accordingly proved one of the chief obstacles to returning prosperity;
and the attempt to reduce this corrupted middle-man to his original
station in society was both difficult and hazardous, from the support
they met in the corrupt officers at court, and other influences ‘behind
the curtain.’ A system of renting the crown lands deemed the most
expedient to advance prosperity, it was incumbent to find a remedy for
this evil. The mere name of some of these petty tyrants inspired such
terror as to check all desire of return to the country; but the origin
of the institution of the office and its abuses being ascertained, it
was imperative, though difficult, to restore the one and banish the
other. The original elective right in many townships was therefore
returned to the ryot, who nominated new Patels [502], his choice being
confirmed by the Rana, in whose presence investiture was performed by
binding a turban on the elected, for which he presented his _nazar_.
Traces of the sale of these offices in past times were observable; and
it was deemed of primary importance to avoid all such channels for
corruption, in order that the ryot’s election should meet with no
obstacle. That the plan was beneficial there could be no doubt; that the
benefit would be permanent, depended, unfortunately, on circumstances
which those most anxious had not the means to control: for it must be
recollected, that although “personal aid and advice might be given when
asked,” all internal interference was by treaty strictly, and most
justly, prohibited.
After a few remarks on the mode of levying the crown-rents, we shall
conclude the subject of village economy in Mewar, and proceed to close
this too extended chapter with the results of four years of peace and
the consequent improved prosperity.
=Modes of Collecting Rents.=—There are two methods of levying the
revenues of the crown on every description of corn—_kankut_ and _batai_,
for on sugar-cane, poppy, oil, hemp, tobacco, cotton, indigo, and garden
stuffs, a money payment is fixed, varying from two to six rupees per
bigha. The _kankut_[4.18.48] is a conjectural assessment of the standing
crop, by the united judgement of the officers of government, the Patel,
the Patwari, or registrar, and the owner of the field. The accuracy with
which an accustomed eye will determine the quantity of grain on a given
surface is surprising: but should the owner deem the estimate overrated,
he can insist on _batai_, or division of the corn after it is threshed;
the most ancient and only infallible mode by which the dues either of
the government or the husbandman can be ascertained. In the _batai_
system the share of the government varies from one-third to two-fifths
of the spring harvest, as wheat and barley; and sometimes even half,
which is the invariable proportion of the autumnal crops. In either
case, _kankut_ or _batai_, when the shares are appropriated, those of
the crown may be commuted to a money payment at the average rate of the
market. The _kut_ is the most liable to corruption. The ryot bribes the
collector, who will underrate the crop; and when he betrays his duty,
the _shahnah_, or watchman, is not likely to be honest: and as the
_makai_, or Indian corn, the grand autumnal crop of Mewar, is eaten
green, the crown may be defrauded of half its dues. The system is one of
uncertainty, from which eventually the ryot derives no advantage, though
it [503] fosters the cupidity of patels and collectors; but there was a
_barar_, or tax, introduced to make up for this deficiency, which was in
proportion to the quantity cultivated, and its amount at the mercy of
the officers. Thus the ryot went to work with a mill-stone round his
neck; instead of the exhilarating reflection that every hour’s
additional labour was his own, he saw merely the advantage of these
harpies, and contented himself with raising a scanty subsistence in a
slovenly and indolent manner, by which he forfeited the ancient
reputation of the Jat cultivator of Mewar.
=Improvement in the Condition of the People.=—Notwithstanding these and
various other drawbacks to the prosperity of the country, in an
impoverished court, avaricious and corrupt officers, discontented
Patels, and bad seasons, yet the final report in May 1822 could not but
be gratifying when contrasted with that of February 1818. In order to
ascertain the progressive improvement, a census had been made at the end
of 1821, of the three central fiscal districts[4.18.49] watered by the
Berach and Banas. As a specimen of the whole, we may take the _tappa_ or
subdivision of Sahara. Of its twenty-seven villages, six were inhabited
in 1818, the number of families being three hundred and sixty-nine,
three-fourths of whom belonged to the resumed town of Amli. In 1821 nine
hundred and twenty-six families were reported, and every village of the
twenty-seven was occupied, so that population had almost trebled. The
number of ploughs was more than trebled, and cultivation quadrupled; and
though this, from the causes described, was not above one-third of what
real industry might have effected, the contrast was abundantly cheering.
The same ratio of prosperity applied to the entire crown demesne of
Mewar. By the recovery of Kumbhalmer, Raepur, Rajnagar, and Sadri-Kanera
from the Mahrattas; of Jahazpur from Kotah; of the usurpations of the
nobles; together with the resumption of all the estates of the females
of his family, a task at once difficult and delicate;[4.18.50] and by
the subjugation of the mountain districts of Merwara, a thousand towns
and villages were united to form the fiscal demesne of the Rana,
composing twenty-four districts of various magnitudes, divided, as in
ancient times, and with the primitive [504] appellations, into portions
tantamount to the tithings and hundreds of England, the division from
time immemorial amongst the Hindus.[4.18.51] From these and the
commercial duties[4.18.52] a revenue was derived sufficient for the
comforts, and even the dignities of the prince and his court, and
promising an annual increase in the ratio of good government: but
profusion scattered all that industry and ingenuity could collect; the
artificial wants of the prince perpetuated the real necessities of the
peasant, and this, it is to be feared, will continue till the present
generation shall sleep with their forefathers.
_Abstract of the Fiscal Revenues of Mewar in the years
1818-19-20-21-22._
Spring harvest of 1818 Rs. 40,000
” 1819 451,281
” 1820 659,100
” 1821 1,018,478
┌ The active
superintendence
” 1822 936,640 ┤ of the British Agent
being
└ almost entirely
withdrawn.
_Abstract of Commercial Duties included in the above._
In 1818 _Nominal_
1819 Rs. 96,683
1820 165,108
1821 220,000
┌ Farmed for three years,
│ from 1822, for 750,000 rupees,
1822 217,000 ┤ which was assigned by the
│ Rana for the liquidation of
└ tribute fallen in arrear.
=Mines and Minerals.=—There are sources of wealth in Mewar yet
untouched, and to which her princes owe much of their power. The tin
mines of Jawara and Dariba alone, little more than half a century ago,
yielded above three lakhs annually;[4.18.53] besides rich copper mines
in various parts. From such, beyond a doubt, much of the wealth of Mewar
was extracted, but the miners are now dead, and the mines filled with
water. An attempt was made to work them, but it was so unprofitable that
the design was soon abandoned.
Nothing will better exemplify the progress of prosperity than the
comparative population of some of the chief towns before, and after,
four years of peace:
No. of houses in No. of houses in 1822.
1818.
Udaipur 3,500 10,000
Bhilwara _not 2,700
one_
Pur 200 1,200
Mandal 80 400
Gosunda 60 350 [505]
=The Feudal Lands.=—The feudal lands, which were then double the fiscal,
did not exhibit the like improvement, the merchant and cultivator
residing thereon not having the same certainty of reaping the fruits of
their industry; still great amelioration took place, and few were so
blind as not to see their account in it.[4.18.54] The earnestness with
which many requested the Agent to back their expressed intentions with
his guarantee to their communities of the same measure of justice and
protection as the fiscal tenants enjoyed was proof that they well
understood the benefits of reciprocal confidence; but this could not be
tendered without danger. Before the Agent left the country he greatly
withdrew from active interference, it being his constant, as it was his
last impressive lesson, that they should rely upon themselves if they
desired to retain a shadow of independence. To give an idea of the
improved police, insurance which has been described as amounting to
eight per cent in a space of twenty-five miles became almost nominal, or
one-fourth of a rupee per cent from one frontier to the other. It would,
however, have been quite Utopian to have expected that the lawless
tribes would remain in that stupid subordination which the unexampled
state of society imposed for a time (as described in the opening of
these transactions), when they found that real restraints did not follow
imaginary terrors. Had the wild tribes been under the sole influence of
British power, nothing would have been so simple as effectually, not
only to control, but to conciliate and improve them; for it is a
mortifying truth, that the more remote from civilization, the more
tractable and easy was the object to manage, more especially the
Bhil.[4.18.55] But these children of nature were incorporated in the
demesnes of the feudal chiefs, who when they found our system did not
extend to perpetual control, returned to their old habits of oppression:
this provoked retaliation, which to subdue requires more power than the
Rana yet possesses, and, in the anomalous state of our alliances, will
always be an embarrassing task to whosoever may exercise political
control.
In conclusion, it is to be hoped that the years of oppression that have
swept the land will be held in remembrance by the protecting power, and
that neither petulance nor indolence will lessen the benevolence which
restored life to Mewar, or mar the picture of comparative happiness it
created.
_The Sixteen chief Nobles of Mewar, their Titles, Names, Clans, Tribes,
Estates,
number of Villages in each, and their Value._
────────┬─────────┬───────────┬───────┬──────────┬─────────┬──────────┬────────────────────
│ │ │ │ │ Number │ Value,│
Title. │ Names. │Clan. │Tribe. │Estate. │ of │ A.D.│REMARKS.
│ │ │ │ │Villages.│ 1760.│
────────┼─────────┼───────────┼───────┼──────────┼─────────┼──────────┼────────────────────
Raj │ Chandan │Jhala │Jhala │Sadri │ 127 │ 100,000│┌These estates
│ Singh │ │ │ │ │ ││are all diminished
Rao │ Partap │Chauhan │Chauhan│Bedla │ 80 │ 100,000│┤one-half in nominal
│ Singh │ │ │ │ │ ││amount; and their
Rao │ Mohkam │Chauhan │Chauhan│Kotharia │ 65 │ 80,000││revenues still
│ Singh │ │ │ │ │ │└ more.
Rawat │ Padma │Chondawat │Sesodia│Salumbar │ 85 │ 84,000│Would realize this
│ Singh │ │ │ │ │ │if cultivated.
Thakur │ Zorawar │Mertia │Rathor │Ghanerao │ 100 │ 100,000│This chief ceases to
│ Singh │ │ │ │ │ │be one of the 16
│ │ │ │ │ │ │since the Rana
│ │ │ │ │ │ │lost the province
│ │ │ │ │ │ │of Godwar.
Rao │Keshodas │—— │Pramar │Bijolia │ 40 │ 45,000│Would realize this
│ │ │ │ │ │ │if cultivated.
Rawat │Gokuldas │Sangawat │Sesodia│Deogarh │ 125 │ 80,000│Would realize more
│ │ │ │ │ │ │if cultivated.
Rawat │ Maha │Meghawat │Sesodia│Begun │ 150 │ 200,000│This includes
│ Singh │ │ │ │ │ │usurpations—now
│ │ │ │ │ │ │seized by Sindhia.
│ │ │ │ │ │ │The estate would
│ │ │ │ │ │ │realize 70,000
│ │ │ │ │ │ │if cultivated.
Raj │ Kalyan │Jhala │Jhala │Delwara │ 125 │ 100,000│Would realize
│ Singh │ │ │ │ │ │two-thirds
│ │ │ │ │ │ │if cultivated.
Rawat │ Salim │Jagawat │Sesodia│Amet │ 60 │ 60,000│Do., do.
│ Singh │ │ │ │ │ │
Raj │Chhattar │Jhala │Jhala │Gogunda │ 50 │ 50,000│Would realize this
│ Sal │ │ │ │ │ │if cultivated.
Rawat │ Fateh │Sarangdevot│Sesodia│Kanor │ 50 │ 95,000│Would realize half
│ Singh │ │ │ │ │ │if cultivated.
Maharaja│ Zorawar │Saktawat │Sesodia│Bhindar │ 64 │ 64,000│Would realize this
│ Singh │ │ │ │ │ │if cultivated.
Thakur │ Jeth │Mertia │Rathor │Badnor │ 80 │ 80,000│Do., do.
│ Singh │ │ │ │ │ │
Rawat │ Salim │Saktawat │Sesodia│Bansi │ 40 │ 40,000│┌These chiefs have
│ Singh │ │ │ │ │ ││ lost all their
Rao │Surajmall│Chauhan │Chauhan│Parsoli │ 40 │ 40,000││ influence and half
│ │ │ │ │ │ │└ their estates.
│ │ │ │ │ │ │┌These chiefs have
Rawat │ Kesari │Kishanawat │Sesodia│Bhainsror │ 60 │ 60,000││ taken rank on the
│ Singh │ │ │ │ │ │┤ depression of the
Rawat │ Jawan │Kishanawat │Sesodia│Kurabar │ 35 │ 35,000││ above—they never
│ Singh │ │ │ │ │ ││ appear at court
│ │ │ │ │ │ │└ on the same day.
────────┴─────────┴───────────┴───────┴──────────┼─────────┼──────────┼────────────────────
Total number and estimated value of their │┐ │ │
estates sixty years ago, omitting Bhainsror │├ 1,181 │ 1,310,000│
and Kurabar, then enrolled in the second ││ │ │
grade of chieftains. │┘ │ │
─────────────────────────────────────────────────┴─────────┴──────────┴────────────────────
_Note._—The inferior grades possessed estates to a still larger amount,
conjointly yielding a revenue of thirty lakhs of rupees; and as each
thousand rupees of estate furnished on emergency three horses completely
equipped, the feudal interest could supply nine thousand horse besides
foot, of which they make little account. [Accounts of the present
condition of these nobles will be found in Erskine ii. A. under the
headings of their estates.]
-----
Footnote 4.18.1:
See Appendix, No. VIII., for treaty with the Rana.
Footnote 4.18.2:
Commanded by Major-General Sir R. Donkin, K.C.B.
Footnote 4.18.3:
The author had the honour to be selected by the Marquess of Hastings
to represent him at the Rana’s court, with the title of ‘Political
Agent to the Western Rajput States.’ During the campaign of 1817-18 he
was placed as the point of communication to the various divisions of
the northern army; at the same time being intrusted with the
negotiations with Holkar (previous to the rupture), and with those of
Kotah and Bundi. He concluded the treaty with the latter State _en
route_ to Udaipur, where, as at the latter, there were only the
benefits of moral and political existence to confer.
Footnote 4.18.4:
The author had passed through Bhilwara in May 1806, when it was
comparatively flourishing. On this occasion (Feb. 1818) it was
entirely deserted. It excited a smile, in the midst of regrets, to
observe the practical wit of some of the soldiers, who had supplied
the naked representative of Adinath with an apron—not of leaves, but
scarlet cloth.
Footnote 4.18.5:
The Agent had seen him when a boy, at a meeting already described; but
he could scarcely have hoped to find in one, to the formation of whose
character the times had been so unfavourable, such a specimen as this
descendant of Partap.
Footnote 4.18.6:
A description of the city and valley will be more appropriate
elsewhere.
Footnote 4.18.7:
See p. 508.
Footnote 4.18.8:
The escort consisted of two companies of foot, each of one hundred
men, with half a troop of cavalry. The gentlemen attached to the
mission were Captain Waugh (who was secretary and commandant of the
escort), with Lieutenant Carey as his subaltern. Dr. Duncan was the
medical officer.
Footnote 4.18.9:
[Modes in music.]
Footnote 4.18.10:
The buckler is the tray in which gifts are presented by the Rajputs.
Footnote 4.18.11:
If we dare compare the moral economy of an entire people to the
physical economy of the individual, we should liken this period in the
history of Mewar to intermittent pulsation of the heart—a pause in
moral as in physical existence; a consciousness thereof, inertly
awaiting the propelling power to restore healthful action to a state
of languid repose; or what the Rajput would better comprehend, his own
condition when the opiate stimulant begins to dissipate, and mind and
body are alike abandoned to helpless imbecility. Who has lived out of
the circle of mere vegetation, and not experienced this temporary
deprivation of moral vitality? for no other simile would suit the
painful pause in the sympathies of the inhabitants of this once
fertile region, where experience could point out but one page in their
annals, one period in their history, when the clangour of the war
trumpet was suspended, or the sword shut up in its scabbard. The
portals of Janus at Rome were closed but twice in a period of seven
hundred years; and in exactly the same time from the conquest by
Shihabu-d-din to the great pacification, but twice can we record peace
in Mewar—the reign of Numa has its type in Shah Jahan, while the more
appropriate reign of Augustus belongs to Britain. Are we to wonder
then that a chilling void now occupied (if the solecism is admissible)
the place of interminable action? when the mind was released from the
anxiety of daily, hourly, devising schemes of preservation, to one of
perfect security—that enervating calm, in which, to use their own
homely phrase, _Bher aur bakri ekhi thali se piye_, ‘The wolf and the
goat drank from the same vessel.’ [Another, and more usual form is—_Āj
kal, sher bakrī ek ghāt pāni pitē hain_, ‘Nowadays the tiger and the
goat drink from the same stream.’] But this unruffled torpidity had
its limit: the Agrarian laws of Mewar were but mentioned, and the
national pulse instantly rose.
Footnote 4.18.12:
Or rather, who makes the monogrammatic signet _Sahi_ (‘correct’) to
all deeds, grants, etc.
Footnote 4.18.13:
[Properly Sūratnavīs, ‘statement-writer.’]
Footnote 4.18.14:
The Salumbar chief had his deputy, who resided at court for this sole
duty, for which he held a village. See p. 235.
Footnote 4.18.15:
Niyao, Daftar, Taksala, Silah, Gaddi, Gahna, Kapra-bandar, Ghora,
Rasora, Nakkar-khana, Jaleb, Rawala.
Footnote 4.18.16:
[Sāwan sudi tīj, third of the bright half of the month Sāwan (July to
August), a festival celebrated throughout North India.]
Footnote 4.18.17:
[About 45 miles north of Udaipur city.]
Footnote 4.18.18:
In the Personal Narrative.
Footnote 4.18.19:
Although Bhilwara has not attained that high prosperity my enthusiasm
anticipated, yet the philanthropic Heber records that in 1825 (three
years after I had left the country) it exhibited “a greater appearance
of trade, industry, and moderate but widely diffused wealth and
comfort, than he had witnessed since he left Delhi” [Diary, ed. 1861,
ii. 56 f.]. The record of the sentiments of the inhabitants towards
me, as conveyed by the bishop, was gratifying, though their expression
could excite no surprise in any one acquainted with the characters and
sensibilities of these people. [The author’s anticipation of the
prosperity of this town have not been completely realized; but it is
still an important centre of trade, noted for the manufacture of
cooking utensils, and possessing a ginning factory and a cotton-press
(Erskine ii. A. 97 f.).]
Footnote 4.18.20:
A literal translation of this curious piece of Hindu legislation will
be found at the end of the Appendix. If not drawn up with all the
dignity of the legal enactments of the great governments of the West,
it has an important advantage in conciseness; the articles cannot be
misinterpreted, and require no lawyer to expound them.
Footnote 4.18.21:
"_Kampani Sahib ke namak ke zor se_“ is a common phrase of our native
soldiery; and ”_Dohai! Kampani ki!_" is an invocation or appeal
against injustice; but I never heard this watchword so powerfully
applied as when a _Sub._ with the Resident’s escort in 1812. One of
our men, a noble young Rajput about nineteen years of age, and six
feet high, had been sent with an elephant to forage in the wilds of
Narwar. A band of at least fifty predatory horsemen assailed him, and
demanded the surrender of the elephant, which he met by pointing his
musket and giving them defiance. Beset on all sides, he fired, was cut
down, and left for dead, in which state he was found, and brought to
camp upon a litter. One sabre-cut had opened the back entirely across,
exposing the action of the viscera, and his arms and wrists were
barbarously hacked: yet he was firm, collected, and even cheerful; and
to a kind reproach for his rashness, he said, "What would you have
said, Captain Sahib, had I surrendered the Company’s musket (_Kampani
ki banduq_) without fighting?" From their temperate habits, the wound
in the back did well; but the severed nerves of the wrists brought on
a lockjaw of which he died. The Company have thousands who would alike
die for their _banduq_. It were wise to cherish such feelings.
Footnote 4.18.22:
[An instance of the practice of ‘sitting _dharna_’ to enforce a claim
(Yule-Burnell, _Hobson-Jobson_, 2nd ed. 315 f.).]
Footnote 4.18.23:
See p. 380.
Footnote 4.18.24:
See p. 514 and note.
Footnote 4.18.25:
It will fill up the picture of the times to relate the revenge. When
Jamshid, the infamous lieutenant of the infamous Amir Khan,
established his headquarters at Udaipur, which he daily devastated,
Sardar Singh, then in power, was seized and confined as a hostage for
the payment of thirty thousand rupees demanded of the Rana. The
surviving brothers of the murdered minister Somji ‘purchased their
foe’ with the sum demanded, and anticipated his clansmen, who were on
the point of effecting his liberation. The same sun shone on the head
of Sardar, which was placed as a signal of revenge over the gateway of
Rampiyari’s palace. I had the anecdotes from the minister Siyahal, one
of the actors in these tragedies, and a relative of the brothers, who
were all swept away by the dagger. A similar fate often seemed to him,
though a brave man, inevitable during these resumptions; which
impression, added to the Rana’s known inconstancy of favour, robbed
him of half his energies.
Footnote 4.18.26:
Nearly twelve months after this, my public duty called me to Nimbahera
_en route_ to Kotah. The castle of Hamira was within an hour’s ride,
and at night he was reported as having arrived to visit me, when I
appointed the next day to receive him. Early next morning, according
to custom, I took my ride, with four of Skinner’s Horse, and galloped
past him, stretched with his followers on the ground not far from my
camp, towards his fort. He came to me after breakfast, called me his
greatest friend, “swore by his dagger he was my Rajput,” and that he
would be in future obedient and loyal; but this, I fear, can never be.
Footnote 4.18.27:
Literally faith (_dharma_) to his lord (_swami_).
Footnote 4.18.28:
Paper of relinquishment.
Footnote 4.18.29:
The _dūb_ grass [_Cynodon dactylon_] flourishes in all seasons, and
most in the intense heats; it is not only _amara_ or ‘immortal,’ but
_akshay_, ‘not to be eradicated’; and its tenacity to the soil
deserves the distinction.
Footnote 4.18.30:
From _bap_, ‘father,’ and the termination of, or _belonging to_, and
by which clans are distinguished; as Karansot, ‘descended of Karan’;
Mansinghgot, ‘descended of Mansingh.’ It is curious enough that the
mountain clans of Albania, and other Greeks, have the same
distinguishing termination, and the Mainote of Greece and the Mairot
of Rajputana alike signify _mountaineer_, or ‘of the mountain,’
_maina_ in Albanian; _mairu_ or _meru_ in Sanskrit. [The words have no
connexion.]
Footnote 4.18.31:
_Laws_, ix. 44.
Footnote 4.18.32:
[“When he [the king] has gained victory, let him duly worship the gods
and honour righteous Brāhmanas, let him grant exemptions, and let him
cause promises of safety to be proclaimed. But having fully
ascertained the wishes of all the (conquered), let him place then a
relation of (the vanquished ruler on the throne), and let him impose
his conditions. Let him make authoritative the lawful customs of the
inhabitants, just as they are stated to be” (Manu, _Laws_, vii. 201
f., trans. Bühler, _Sacred Books of the East_, xxv. 248 f.).]
Footnote 4.18.33:
[“Let him [the king] cause his annual revenue in his kingdom to be
collected by trusty (officials), let him obey the sacred law (in his
transactions with) the people, and behave as a father to all men”
(Manu, _Laws_, vii. 80). “Not to turn back in battle, to protect the
people, to honour the Brāhmanas, is the best means for a king to
secure happiness” (_ib._ vii. 88). “From the people let him (the king)
learn (the theory) of the (various) trades and professions” (_ib._
vii. 43). “But (he who is given) to these vices (loses) even his life”
(_ib._ vii. 46), trans. Bühler, _Sacred Books of the East_, xxv.]
Footnote 4.18.34:
_Cani_, ‘land,’ and _atchi_, ‘heritage’: _Report_, p. 289.—I should be
inclined to imagine the _atchi_, like the _ot_ and _awat_, Rajput
terminations, implying clanship. [Tamil _kāniyātchi_, ‘that which is
held in free and hereditary property’; _kāni_, ‘land,’ _ātchi_,
‘inheritance’ (Wilson, _Glossary_, _s.v._; _Madras Manual of
Administration_, iii. 58).]
Footnote 4.18.35:
See p. 195.
Footnote 4.18.36:
See p. 195.
Footnote 4.18.37:
See Sketch of Feudal System, p. 170.
Footnote 4.18.38:
Nahrwala of D’Anville; the Balhara sovereignty of the Arabian
travellers of the eighth and ninth centuries. I visited the remains of
this city on my last journey, and from original authorities shall give
an account of this ancient emporium of commerce and literature.
Footnote 4.18.39:
Salvamenta of the European system.
Footnote 4.18.40:
The author has to acknowledge with regret that he was the cause of the
Mina proprietors not re-obtaining their _bapota_: this arose, partly
from ignorance at the time, partly from the individual claimants being
dead, and more than all, from the representation that the intended
sale originated in a bribe to Sadaram the governor, which, however,
was not the case.
Footnote 4.18.41:
Claims to the _bapota_ appear to be maintainable if not alienated
longer than one hundred and one years; and undisturbed possession (no
matter how obtained) for the same period appears to confer this right.
The _miras_ of Khandesh appears to have been on the same footing. See
Mr. Elphinstone’s _Report_, October 25, 1819, ed. 1872, p. 17 f.,
quoted in _BG_, xii. 266. [The word _mīrās_ means ‘inherited estate,’
the right of disposal of which rests with the holder. The Jāts
certainly did not bring the custom to Kent.]
Footnote 4.18.42:
The _sawmy begum_ of the peninsula in _Fifth Report_, pp. 356-57;
correctly _swami bhoga_, ‘lord’s rent,’ in Sanskrit.
Footnote 4.18.43:
Manu, _Laws_, ix. 52-54, on the _Servile Classes_. [Bühler’s version
differs, but the meaning is practically the same as that of the text.]
Footnote 4.18.44:
Patel.
Footnote 4.18.45:
Patel _barar_.
Footnote 4.18.46:
The Gharginti _barar_, and Kharlakar, or _wood and forage_, explained
in the Feudal System.
Footnote 4.18.47:
In copper-plate grants dug from the ruins of the ancient Ujjain
(presented to the Royal Asiatic Society), the prince’s patents
(_patta_) conferring gifts are addressed to the _Patta-silas_ and
Ryots. I never heard an etymology of this word, but imagine it to be
from _patta_, ‘grant,’ or ‘patent,’ and _sila_, which means a nail, or
sharp instrument; [? _sila_, the stone on which the grant is
engraved]; metaphorically, that which binds or unites these patents;
all, however, having _pati_, or chief, as the basis (see _Transactions
of the Royal Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 237). [_Pati_, ‘chief,’ has
no connexion with _patta_, ‘a grant,’ the latter being the origin of
_patel_. For the position of the Patel see Baden-Powell, _The Indian
Village Community_, 10 ff.; Malcolm, _Memoir of Central India_, 2nd
ed. ii. 14 ff.]
Footnote 4.18.48:
[_Kan_, ‘grain,’ _kūt_, ‘valuation,’ _batāi_ from _batānā_, ‘to
divide.’]
Footnote 4.18.49:
Mui, Barak, and Kapasan.
Footnote 4.18.50:
To effect this, indispensable alike for unity of government and the
establishment of a police, the individual statements of their holders
were taken for the revenues they had derived from them, and money
payments three times the amount were adjudged to them. They were
gainers by this arrangement, and were soon loaded with jewels and
ornaments, but the numerous train of harpies who cheated them and
abused the poor ryot were eternally at work to defeat all such
beneficial schemes; and the counteraction of the intrigues was painful
and disgusting.
Footnote 4.18.51:
Manu [_Laws_, vii. 119] ordains the division into tens, hundreds, and
thousands.
Footnote 4.18.52:
Farmed for the ensuing three years, from 1822, for seven lakhs of
rupees.
Footnote 4.18.53:
In S. 1816, Jawara yielded Rs. 222,000 and Dariba Rs. 80,000. The tin
of these mines contains a portion of silver. [What the Author calls
the tin mines are probably the lead and zinc mines at Jāwar, 16 miles
south of Udaipur city. They seem now to be exhausted, and search might
be made for other untouched pockets of ore. Those at Darība, which
formerly yielded a considerable revenue, have long been closed
(Erskine ii, A. 53).]
Footnote 4.18.54:
There are between two and three thousand towns, villages, and hamlets,
besides the fiscal land of Mewar; but the tribute of the British
Government is derived only from the fiscal; it would have been
impossible to collect from the feudal lands, which are burthened with
service, and form the army of the State.
Footnote 4.18.55:
Sir John Malcolm’s wise and philanthropic measures for the reclamation
of this race in Malwa will support my assertions [_Memoir of Central
India_, 2nd ed. i. 516 ff., ii. 179 ff.].
-----
_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Transcriber’s Note
There are references in all three volumes to Genealogical Tables in
Volume I, which were not reprinted in this Crooke edition.
The spelling of names and places is variable, as noted in the Editor’s
introduction to Volume I, as the system of transliteration underwent
many changes in the intervening century. The use of macrons was not yet
introduced in James Tod’s day. This text, with very few exceptions,
follows the text as printed.
Hyphenation of compound words follows the text, with the rare exception
of when it occurs on a line break and the preponderance of other
instances provides clear guidance.
Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and
are noted here.
A missing letter (‘Ch ubīsa’) in note 3.1.37 on p. 167 was established,
by visiting the volume cited, as ‘Chaubīsa’. A missing letter (‘Ch
ubīsa’) in note 37 on p. 167 was established, by visiting the volume
cited, as ‘Chaubīsa’.
The sole footnote on p. 311 had no reference in the text. Based on the
content of the note, the reference has been inserted at the end of the
first paragraph on the page.
The correction to note 4.5.2 beginning on p. 297 was made in order to
close a quotation beginning with ‘cloud of war’, but lacking a closing
quote. Earlier editions supplied the resolution).
Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and
are noted here.
This list contains issues in the main text. References are to the page
and line in the original.
x.36 _Imperial Gazetteer of India_[,] Added.
xlvii.15 Muntakhab[at/u-t]-tawārikh Replaced.
lx.26 the least suspicious kind of historical Added.
evidence[.]
9.24 in the respective historical portions[.] Added.
29.5 the burning plains of Ind[.] Added.
32.18 were learned in the Vedas[.] Added.
48.5 other eight generations anterior[.] Added.
48.7 inhabitants had their appellation, we cannot Added.
say[.]
55.22 descendants of Rama[.] Added.
104.33 after a lapse of 2250 years[.] Added.
110.1 the power of the Pramaras[.] Added.
110.13 to have been patrons of science[.] Added.
166.4 the principality of the Rana of Mewar[.] Added.
222.23 and most powerful fiefs of Mewar[.] Added.
235.19 PANCHOLI RAECHAND a[m/n]d MEHTA MUL DAS Replaced.
251.36 the contemporary of Vikramaditya, [A/B].C. 56. Replaced.
271.10 1[,] Kanaksen Added.
275.16 ‘the rhymer of Aurangabad.[’] Added.
326.5 by a Bhatti Rajput of Jaisalmer[.] Added.
496.17 Rāna Ar[s]i Singh II. Inserted.
504.25 From S. 1825 to S. 1831 [A.D. 1768-74[)/]] Replaced.
544.9 the foreign chieft[ia/ai]ns Transposed.
The following list contains issues corrected or noted in the footnote
text. The reference is to the original page and note, and the line
within the note (which may appear on a later page).
lx.1.2 (Smith, _EHI_, 387, note; _IA_, i. 269 ff., Added.
iii. 17 ff., xxxii. 167 f.[)]
25.3.1 Baghes, ‘the tiger lord.[’] Added.
128.2.6 and said to be built by Puru.[’/”] Replaced.
156.1.11 ‘household.[”/’] Replaced.
166.1.3 smaller units being called Byālisa, 42, or Restored.
Ch[a]ubīsa, 24
166.1.4 _Supplemental Glossary_, 178 ff.[)] Added.
176.1.13 1i. 319.[)] Added.
184.1.8 Art. ‘Relief,[’] Added.
201.3.7 the fief of his vassal without his Replaced.
consent.[’/”]
241.1.7 et les seconds de le régaler quand i[t/l] Replaced.
passait par leur bourg.
255.1.3 the name of Min[n]agara was changed Removed.
262.2.6 Mers in Porbandar (Wilberforce-Bell, _Hist. of Added.
Kathiawad_, 53)
265.3.4 (_Census Report, Rajputana, 1911_, i. 255[)]. Added.
297.1.7 ‘cloud of war rolled from Himachal[’] Added.
333.1.3 _Maharana Kumbha: Sovereign, Soldier, Added.
Scholar_, Ajmer, 1917, p. 2[)].
381.1.2 calcined shell-li[n/m]e Replaced.
386.2.5 upon [s/t]heir refusal to intermarry Replaced.
398.3.1 A colloqu[ai/ia]l contraction for Partap. Transposed.
435.1.3 J[u/a]dunath Sarkar Replaced.
468.2.11 (Scott’s _History of Aurangzeb’s Successors_, Added.
vol. i. p. 132).
469.3.1 ‘a royal grant[’] Added.
491.1.64 Your favour was received by the Pandit Removed.
Pardhan[)]
496.2.2 in 1814, Ranaji Burtia[:/;] in 1813 Replaced.
509.2.2 on the liquidation of the contribution[,/.] Replaced.
563.1.5 since he left De[hl/lh]i Transposed.
573.1.1 [[]_Cynodon dactylon_] Opening
bracket
added.
Volume 2 external ref
Volume 3 external ref
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, v. 1 of 3 - or the Central and Western Rajput States of India" ***
Copyright 2023 LibraryBlog. All rights reserved.