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Title: Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, v. 1 of 3 - or the Central and Western Rajput States of India
Author: Tod, James
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.

*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, v. 1 of 3 - or the Central and Western Rajput States of India" ***


                          Transcriber’s Note:

This version of the text cannot represent certain typographical effects.
Italics are delimited with the ‘_’ character as _italic_. Bold
characters, used as section headings, appear delimited by ‘=’. A single
instance of an superscripted ‘e’ is indicated with a preceding carat

The text is annotated with numerous footnotes, which were numbered
sequentially on each page. On occasion, a footnote itself is annotated
by a note, using an asterisk as the reference. This distinction is
followed here, with those ‘notes on notes’ are given alphabetic sequence
(A, B, etc.). Since there are over 1500 notes in this volume, they have
been gathered at each chapter’s end, and resequenced for each chapter.

The notes are a combination of those of the author, and of the editor of
this edition. The latter are enclosed in square brackets.

Finally, the pagination of the original edition, published in the
1820’s, is preserved for ease of reference by including those page
numbers in the text, also enclosed in square brackets.

There are a number of references to a map, sometimes referred to as
appearing in Volume I. In this edition, the MAP appears at the end
of Volume III.

Crooke’s plan for the renovation of the Tod’s original text, including a
discussion of the transliteration of word other than English, is given
in detail in the Preface.

Minor errors, attributable to the printer, have been corrected. Given
the history of the text, it was thought best to leave all orthography as

Please see the transcriber’s note at the end of this text for details
regarding the handling of any textual issues encountered during its

                         ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES
                              OF RAJASTHAN


  (From the bust by Vo. Livi, 1837. By permission of Lt.-Col. E. W.
  Blunt-Mackenzie, R.A.).

                         ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES

                         RAJPUT STATES OF INDIA


                         LIEUT.-COL. JAMES TOD



                         WILLIAM CROOKE, C.I.E.

                    HON. D.SC. OXON., B.A., F.R.A.I.


                            IN THREE VOLUMES

                                 VOL. I

                            HUMPHREY MILFORD
                        OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

                      TORONTO   MELBOURNE   BOMBAY

              [_Original Dedication of the First Volume._]


                       HIS MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY

                           GEORGE THE FOURTH


The gracious permission accorded me, to lay at the foot of the Throne
the fruit of my labours, allows me to propitiate Your Majesty’s
consideration towards the object of this work, the prosecution of which
I have made a paramount duty.

The Rajput princes, happily rescued, by the triumph of the British arms,
from the yoke of lawless oppression, are now the most remote tributaries
to Your Majesty’s extensive empire; and their admirer and annalist may,
perhaps, be permitted to hope that the sighs of this ancient and
interesting race for the restoration of their former independence, which
it would suit our wisest policy to grant, may be deemed not undeserving
Your Majesty’s regard.

       With entire loyalty and devotion, I subscribe myself,
                     YOUR MAJESTY’S
                             Most faithful subject and servant,
                                                          JAMES TOD.

       _June 20, 1829_.

             [_Original Dedication of the Second Volume._]


                       HIS MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY

                           WILLIAM THE FOURTH


Your Majesty has graciously sanctioned the presentation of the Second
Volume of the _Annals of Rajputana_ to the Public under the auspices of
Your Majesty’s name.

In completing this work, it has been my endeavour to draw a faithful
picture of States, the ruling principle of which is the paternity of the
Sovereign. That this patriarchal form is the best suited to the genius
of the people may be presumed from its durability, which war, famine,
and anarchy have failed to destroy. The throne has always been the
watchword and rallying-point of the Rajputs. My prayer is, that it may
continue so, and that neither the love of conquest, nor false views of
policy, may tempt us to subvert the independence of these States, some
of which have braved the storms of more than ten centuries.

It will not, I trust, be deemed presumptuous in the Annalist of these
gallant and long-oppressed races thus to solicit for them a full measure
of Your Majesty’s gracious patronage; in return for which, the Rajputs,
making Your Majesty’s enemies their own, would glory in assuming the
“saffron robe,” emblematic of death or victory, under the banner of that
chivalry of which Your Majesty is the head.

That Your Majesty’s throne may ever be surrounded by chiefs who will act
up to the principles of fealty maintained at all hazards by the Rajput,
is the heartfelt aspiration of,

                             YOUR MAJESTY’S
                                     Devoted subject and servant,
                                                          JAMES TOD.


No one can undertake with a light heart the preparation of a new edition
of Colonel Tod’s great work, _The Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan_.
But the leading part which the Rājputs have taken in the Great War, the
summoning of one of their princes to a seat at the Imperial Conference,
the certainty that as the result of the present cataclysm they will be
entitled to a larger share in the administration of India, have
contributed to the desire that this classical account of their history
and sociology should be presented in a shape adapted to the use of the
modern scholar and student of Indian history and antiquities.

In the Introduction which follows I have endeavoured to estimate the
merits and defects of Colonel Tod’s work. Here it is necessary only to
state that though the book has been several times reprinted in India and
once in this country, the obvious difficulties of such an undertaking
have hitherto prevented any writer better qualified than myself from
attempting to prepare an annotated edition. Irrespectively of the fact
that this work was published a century ago, when the study of the
history, antiquities, sociology, and geography of India had only
recently started, the Author’s method led him to formulate theories on a
wide range of subjects not directly connected with the Rājputs. In the
light of our present knowledge some of these speculations have become
obsolete, and it might have been possible, without impairing the value
of the work as a Chronicle of the Rājputs, to have discarded from the
text and notes much which no longer possesses value. But the work is a
classic, and it deserves to be treated as such, and it was decided that
any mutilation of the original text and notes would be inconsistent with
the object of this series of reprints of classical works on Indian
subjects. The only alternative course was to correct in notes, clearly
distinguished from those of the Author, such facts and theories as are
no longer accepted by scholars.

It is needless to say that during the last century much advance has been
made in our knowledge of Indian history, antiquities, philology, and
sociology. We are now in a position to use improved translations of many
authorities which were quoted by the Author from inadequate or incorrect
versions. The translation of _Ferishta’s History_ by A. Dow and Jonathan
Scott has been superseded by that of General J. Briggs, that of the
_Āīn-i-Akbarī_ of F. Gladwin by the version by Professor H. Blochmann
and Colonel H. S. Jarrett. For the _Memoirs of Jahāngīr_, the Author
relied on the imperfect version by Major David Price, which has been
replaced by a new translation of the text in its more complete form by
Messrs. A. Rogers and H. Beveridge. For the _Laws of Manu_ we have the
translation by Dr. G. Bühler. The passages in classical literature
relating to India have been collected, translated, and annotated by the
late Mr. J. W. McCrindle. Much information not available for the
Author’s use has been provided by _The History of India as told by its
own Historians_, by Sir H. M. Elliot and Professor J. Dowson, and by Mr.
W. Irvine’s translation, with elaborate notes, of N. Manucci’s _Storia
do Magor_. Among original works useful for the present edition the
following may be mentioned: J. Grant Duff’s _History of the Mahrattas_;
Dr. Vincent A. Smith’s _Early History of India_, _History of Fine Art in
India and Ceylon_, _Asoka, the Buddhist Emperor of India_, and _Akbar,
the Great Mogul_; Professor Jadunath Sarkar’s _History of Aurangzib_, of
which only three volumes have been published; Mr. W. Irvine’s _Army of
the Indian Moghuls_; Sir W. Lee-Warner’s _Protected Princes of India_.

Much historical, geographical, and ethnological information has been
collected in the new edition of the _Imperial Gazetteer of India_, the
_Bombay Gazetteer_ edited by Sir J. M. Campbell, and, more particularly,
in the revised _Gazetteer of Rajputana_, including that of Mewār and the
Western States Residency and Bīkaner Agency by Lieutenant-Colonel K. D.
Erskine, and that of Ajmer by Mr. C. C. Watson. Lieutenant-Colonel
Erskine’s work, based on the best local information, has been of special
value, and it is much to be regretted that this officer, after serving
as Consul-General at Baghdad, was invalided and died in England in 1914,
leaving that part of the _Gazetteer_ dealing with the Eastern States,
Jaipur, Kotah, and Būndi, unrevised. For botany, agriculture, and
natural productions I have used Sir G. Watt’s _Dictionary of the
Economic Products of India_, and his _Commercial Products of India_; for
architecture and antiquities, J. Fergusson’s _History of Indian and
Eastern Architecture_, edited by Dr. J. Burgess, and _The Cave Temples
of India_ by the same writers. In ethnology I have consulted the
publications of the Ethnological Survey of India, of which Mr. H. A.
Rose’s _Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West
Frontier Province_, Mr. Bhimbhai Kirparam’s account of the Hindus and
Khān Bahādur Fazalullah Lutfullah’s of the Musalmāns of Gujarāt,
published in the _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. ix. Parts i. ii., have been
specially valuable. Besides the general works to which reference has
been made, many articles on Rajputana and the Rājputs will be found in
the _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_ and its Bombay branch, in the
_Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, and in the _Indian
Antiquary_, and other periodicals. The Reports of the Archaeological
Survey of India conducted by Sir A. Cunningham, Dr. J. Burgess, and Sir
J. H. Marshall, are of great importance.

I cannot pretend to have exhausted the great mass of new information
available in the works to which I have referred, and in others named in
the Bibliography; and it was not my object to overload the notes which
are already voluminous. To the general reader the system of annotation
which I have attempted to carry out may appear meticulous; but no other
course seemed possible if the work was to be made more useful to the
historian and to the scholar. The editor of a work of this class is
forced to undertake the somewhat invidious duty of calling attention to
oversights or errors either in fact or theory. But this does not detract
from the real value of the work. In some cases I have been content with
adding a note of interrogation to warn the reader that certain
statements must be received with caution. As regards geography, I have
in many cases indicated briefly the position of the more important
places, so far as they can be traced in the maps with which I was
provided. The Author was so intimately acquainted with the ground, that
he assumed in the general reader a degree of knowledge which he does not

The text and notes, with the exception of a few obvious oversights, have
been reprinted as they stood in the first edition, and as the latter is
often quoted in books of authority, I have added its pagination for
facility of reference. It was decided, after much consideration, to
correct the transliteration of personal and place names and other
vernacular terms according to the system now adopted in official
gazetteers, maps, and reports. This change might have been unnecessary
if the transliteration of these words, according to the system in use at
the time when the book was written, had been uniformly correct. But this
is not the case. At the same time I have preserved the original readings
of those names which have become established in popular usage, such as
“Mogul,” “Mahratta,” “Deccan,” in place of “Mughal,” “Marhāta,”
“Dakkhin.” Following the Author’s example, I have not thought it
necessary to overload the text by the use of accents and diacritical
marks, which are useless to the scholar and only embarrass the general
reader. But in the Index I have accentuated the personal and place names
so far as I believed I could do so with safety. Some of these I have
been unable to trace in later authorities, and I fear that I may have
failed to secure complete uniformity of method.

The scheme of the book, which attempts to give parallel accounts of each
State, naturally causes difficulty to the reader. A like embarrassment
is felt by any historian who endeavours to combine in a single narrative
the fortunes of the Mughal Empire with those of the kingdoms in Bengal,
the Deccan, or southern India; by the historian of Greece, where the
centre of activity shifts from Athens to Sparta, Thebes, or Macedonia;
by the historian of Germany before the minor kingdoms were more or less
fully absorbed by the Hohenzollerns. I have endeavoured to assist the
reader in dealing with these independent annals by largely extending the
original Index, and by the use of page headings and paragraph summaries.

In the dates recorded in the summaries I have generally followed
Lieutenant-Colonel Erskine’s guidance, so far as his work was available.
In view of the inconsistencies between some dates in the text and those
recorded in the summaries, it must be remembered that it was the
Author’s habit in adapting the dates of the Samvat to those of the
Christian era, to deduct 56, not 57 from the former, contrary to the
practice of modern historians.

I am indebted to many friends for assistance. Captain C. D. M’K. Blunt
has kindly given me much help in the record of Colonel Tod’s life, and
has supplied a photograph of the charming miniature of the Author as a
young officer and of a bust which have been reproduced in the
frontispieces. Mr. R. E. Enthoven, C.I.E., has given me the photograph
of the Author engaged in his studies with his Jain Guru.[p.1] The
fragments of local ballads scattered through the text were unfortunately
copied from very incorrect texts. Dr. L. P. Tessitori, an Italian
scholar, who, until the outbreak of the War, was engaged in collecting
the local ballads of the Rājputs, has given a correct version of these
ballads; and in improving the text of them I have been assisted by
Colonel C. E. Luard, his Pandit, and Sir G. Grierson, K.C.I.E. Since the
greater part of the following pages was in type, I have received copies
of three reports by Dr. L. P. Tessitori, “A Scheme for the Bardic and
Historical Survey of Rājputāna,” and two Progress Reports for the years
1915 and 1916, published in the _Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal_ (New Series, vol. x. No. 10; xii. No. 3; xiii. No. 4). These
contain information regarding the MSS. copies of some ballads and
inscriptions, which throw light on the traditions and antiquities of the
Rājputs. I regret that I was unable to use these papers, which, however,
do not supply much information on questions connected with _The Annals_.
Among other friends who have helped me in various ways I may name the
late Sir G. Birdwood; Mr. W. Foster, C.I.E.; Professor A. Keith, F.R.S.;
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir D. Prain, F.R.S.; and Dr. Vincent A. Smith,

                                                          W. CROOKE.


Footnote p.1:

  This picture, supposed to be the work of Ghāsi, the Author’s artist,
  was recently discovered in Rājputāna.




  PREFACE BY THE EDITOR                                            ix

  INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR                                      xxv

  BIBLIOGRAPHY                                                  xlvii

  AUTHOR’S INTRODUCTION                                            lv

                                BOOK I


                                BOOK II

                     HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES

                               CHAPTER 1

  Genealogies of the Rajput princes—The Puranas—Connexion of
    the Rajputs with the Scythic tribes                            23

                               CHAPTER 2

  Genealogies continued—Fictions in the Puranas—Union of the
    regal and the priestly characters—Legends of the Puranas
    confirmed by the Greek historians                              29

                               CHAPTER 3

  Genealogies continued—Comparisons between the lists of Sir
    W. Jones, Mr. Bentley, Captain Wilford, and the
    Author—Synchronisms                                            39

                               CHAPTER 4

  Foundations of States and Cities by the different tribes         45

                               CHAPTER 5

  The dynasties which succeeded Rama and Krishna—The Pandava
    family—Periods of the different dynasties                      55

                               CHAPTER 6

  Genealogical history of the Rajput tribes subsequent to
    Vikramaditya—Foreign races which entered India—Analogies
    between the Scythians, the Rajputs, and the tribes of
    Scandinavia                                                    68

                               CHAPTER 7

  Catalogue of the Thirty-six Royal Races                          97

                               CHAPTER 8

  Reflections on the present political state of the Rajput
    tribes.                                                       145

                               BOOK III


                               CHAPTER 1

  Introduction—Existing condition of Rajasthan—General
    resemblance between the ancient systems of Asia and
    Europe—Noble origin of the Rajput race—Rathors of
    Marwar—Kachhwahas of Amber—Sesodias of Mewar—Gradation of
    ranks—Revenues and rights of the Crown—Barar—Khar Lakar       153

                               CHAPTER 2

  Legislative authority—Rozina—Military service—Inefficiency
    of this form of government                                    170

                               CHAPTER 3

  Feudal incidents—Duration of grants                             184

                               CHAPTER 4

  Rakhwali—Servitude—Basai—Gola and Das—Private feuds and
    composition—Rajput Pardhans or Premiers                       203

                               CHAPTER 5

  Adoption—Reflections upon the subjects treated                  220

  APPENDIX                                                        228

                                BOOK IV

                            ANNALS OF MEWAR

                               CHAPTER 1

  Origin of the Guhilot princes of Mewar—Authorities—Kanaksen
    the founder of the present dynasty—His descent from
    Rama—He emigrates to Saurashtra—Valabhipura—Its sack and
    destruction by the Huns or Parthians                          247

                               CHAPTER 2

  Birth of Goha—He acquires Idar—Derivation of the term
    "Guhilot"—Birth of Bappa—Early religion of the
    Guhilots—Bappa’s history—Oghana Panarwa—Bappa’s initiation
    into the worship of Siva—He gains possession of
    Chitor—Remarkable end of Bappa—Four epochs established,
    from the second to the eleventh century                       258

                               CHAPTER 3

  Alleged Persian extraction of the Ranas of Mewar—Authorities
    for it—Implied descent of the Ranas from a Christian
    princess of Byzantium—The Author’s reflections upon these
    points                                                        271

                               CHAPTER 4

  Intervening sovereigns between Bappa and Samarsi—Bappa’s
    descendants—Irruptions of the Arabians into
    India—Catalogue of Hindu princes who defended Chitor          281

                               CHAPTER 5

  Historical facts furnished by the bard
    Chand—Anangpal—Prithiraj—Samarsi—Overthrow of the Chauhan
    monarch by the Tatars—Posterity of Samarsi—Rahap—Changes
    in the title and the tribe of its prince—Successors of
    Rahap                                                         297

                               CHAPTER 6

  Rana Lakhamsi—Attack on Chitor by Alau-d-din—Treachery of
    Ala—Ruse of the Chitor chiefs to recover Bhimsi—Devotion
    of the Rana and his sons—Sack of Chitor by the Tatars—Its
    destruction—Rana Ajaisi—Hamir—He gains possession of
    Chitor—Renown and prosperity of Mewar—Khetsi—Lakha            307

                               CHAPTER 7

  Delicacy of the Rajputs—The occasion of changing the rule of
    primogeniture in Mewar—Succession of the infant Mokalji,
    to the prejudice of Chonda, the rightful heir—Disorders in
    Mewar through the usurpations of the Rathors—Chonda expels
    them from Chitor and takes Mandor—Transactions between
    Mewar and Marwar—Reign of Mokalji—His assassination           322

                               CHAPTER 8

  Succession of Kumbha—He defeats and takes prisoner Mahmud of
    Malwa—Splendour of Kumbha’s reign—Assassinated by his
    son—The murderer dethroned by Raemall—Mewar invaded by the
    imperial forces—Raemall’s successes—Feuds of the
    family—Death of Raemall                                       333

                               CHAPTER 9

  Accession of Rana Sanga—State of the Muhammadan
    power—Grandeur of Mewar—Sanga’s victories—Invasions of
    India—Babur’s invasion—Defeats and kills the King of
    Delhi—Opposed by Sanga—Battle of Khanua—Defeat of
    Sanga—His death and character—Accession of Rana Ratna—His
    death—Rana Bikramajit—His character—Disgusts his
    nobles—Chitor invested by the King of Malwa—Storm of
    Chitor—Sakha or immolation of the females—Fall and plunder
    of Chitor—Humayun comes to its aid—He restores Chitor to
    Bikramajit, who is deposed by the nobles—Election of
    Banbir—Bikramajit assassinated                                348

                              CHAPTER 10

  The bastard Banbir rules Mewar—Attempted assassination of
    the posthumous son of Sanga—Udai Singh’s escape and long
    concealment—Acknowledged as Rana—The Dauna described—Udai
    Singh gains Chitor—Deposal of Banbir—Origin of the
    Bhonslas of Nagpur—Rana Udai Singh—His
    unworthiness—Humayun expelled the throne of India—Birth of
    Akbar—Humayun recovers his throne—His death—Accession of
    Akbar—Characters of Akbar and Udai Singh contrasted—Akbar
    besieges Chitor, which is abandoned by the Rana—Its
    defence—Jaimall and Patta—Anecdotes of Rajput
    females—Sakha or Johar—General assault—Chitor
    taken—Massacre of the inhabitants—Udai Singh founds the
    new capital Udaipur—His death                                 367

                              CHAPTER 11

  Accession of Partap—The Rajput princes unite with
    Akbar—Depressed condition of Partap—He prepares for
    war—Maldeo submits to Akbar—Partap denounces connexion
    with the Rajput princes—Raja Man of Amber—Prince Salim
    invades Mewar—Battle of Haldighat—Partap encounters Salim,
    is wounded, and saved by the Jhala chief—Assisted in his
    flight by his brother Sakta—Kumbhalmer taken by
    Akbar—Udaipur occupied by the Moguls—Partap cuts off Farid
    and his army—Partap’s family saved by the Bhils—The
    Khankhanan—Aggravated hardships of Partap—He negotiates
    with Akbar—Prithiraj of Bikaner—The Khushroz
    described—Partap abandons Mewar—Departure for the
    Indus—Fidelity of his minister—Returns—Surprises the
    Moguls—Regains Kumbhalmer and Udaipur—His successes—His
    sickness and death                                            385

                              CHAPTER 12

  Amra mounts the throne—Akbar’s death through an attempt to
    poison Raja Man—Amra disregards the promise given to his
    father—Conduct of the Salumbar chief—Amra defeats the
    Imperial armies—Sagarji installed as Rana in
    Chitor—Resigns it to Amra—Fresh successes—Origin of the
    Saktawats—The Emperor sends his son Parvez against the
    Rana, who is defeated—Mahabat Khan defeated—Sultan Khurram
    invades Mewar—Amra’s despair and submission—Embassy from
    England—Amra abdicates the throne to his son—Amra’s
    seclusion—His death—Observations                              407

                              CHAPTER 13

  Rana Karan fortifies and embellishes Udaipur—The Ranas of
    Mewar excused attendance at court—Bhim commands the
    contingent of Mewar—Leagues with Sultan Khurram against
    Parvez—Jahangir attacks the insurgents—Bhim slain—Khurram
    flies to Udaipur—His reception by the Rana—Death of
    Karan—Rana Jagat Singh succeeds—Death of Jahangir and
    accession of Khurram as Shah Jahan—Mewar enjoys profound
    peace—The island palaces erected by Jagat Singh—Repairs
    Chitor—His death—Rana Raj Singh—Deposal of Shah Jahan and
    accession of Aurangzeb—Causes for attachment to the Hindus
    of Jahangir and Shah Jahan—Aurangzeb’s character; imposes
    the Jizya or capitation tax on the Rajputs—Raj Singh
    abducts the intended wife of the emperor and prepares for
    war—Aurangzeb marches—The valley of Girwa—Prince Akbar
    surprised—Defeated—Blockaded in the mountains—Liberated by
    the heir of Mewar—Diler Khan defeated—Aurangzeb defeated
    by the Rana and his Rathor allies—Aurangzeb quits the
    field—Prince Bhim invades Gujarat—The Rana’s minister
    ravages Malwa—United Rajputs defeat Azam and drive him
    from Chitor—Mewar freed from the Moguls—War carried into
    Marwar—Sesodias and Rathors defeat Sultan Akbar—Rajput
    stratagem—Design to depose Aurangzeb and elevate Akbar to
    the throne—Its failure—The Mogul makes overtures to the
    Rana—Peace—Terms—The Rana dies of his wounds—His
    character, contrasted with that of Aurangzeb—Lake
    Rajsamund—Dreadful famine and pestilence                      427

                              CHAPTER 14

  Rana Jai Singh—Anecdote regarding him and his twin
    brother—The Rana and Prince Azam confer—Peace—Rupture—The
    Rana forms the Lake Jaisamund—Domestic broils—Amra, the
    heir-apparent, rebels—The Rana dies—Accession of Amra—His
    treaty with the heir of Aurangzeb—Reflections on the
    events of this period—Imposition of the Jizya or
    capitation tax—Alienation of the Rajputs from the
    empire—Causes—Aurangzeb’s death—Contests for
    empire—Bahadur Shah, emperor—The Sikhs declare for
    independence—Triple alliance of the Rajput States of
    Mewar, Marwar, and Amber—They commence hostilities—Death
    of the Mogul Bahadur Shah—Elevation of Farrukhsiyar—He
    marries the daughter of the Prince of Marwar—Origin of the
    British power in India—The Rana treats with the
    emperor—The Jats declare their independence—Rana Amra
    dies—His character                                            456

                              CHAPTER 15

  Rana Sangram—Dismemberment of the Mogul Empire—Nizamu-l Mulk
    establishes the Haidarabad State—Murder of the Emperor
    Farrukhsiyar—Abrogation of the Jizya—Muhammad Shah,
    Emperor of Delhi—Saadat Khan obtains Oudh—Repeal of the
    Jizya confirmed—Policy of Mewar—Rana Sangram
    dies—Anecdotes regarding him—Rana Jagat Singh II.
    succeeds—Treaty of triple alliance with Marwar and
    Amber—The Mahrattas invade and gain footing in Malwa and
    Gujarat—Invasion of Nadir Shah—Sack of Delhi—Condition of
    Rajputana—Limits of Mewar—Rajput alliances—Bajirao invades
    Mewar—Obtains a cession of annual tribute—Contest to place
    Madho Singh on the throne of Amber—Battle of Rajmahall—The
    Rana defeated—He leagues with Malharrao Holkar—Isari Singh
    of Amber takes poison—The Rana dies—His character             472

                              CHAPTER 16

  Rana Partap II.—Rana Raj Singh II.—Rana Arsi—Holkar invades
    Mewar, and levies contributions—Rebellion to depose the
    Rana—A Pretender set up by the rebel chiefs—Zalim Singh of
    Kotah—The Pretender unites with Sindhia—Their combined
    force attacked by the Rana, who is defeated—Sindhia
    invades Mewar and besieges Udaipur—Amra Chand made
    minister by the Rana—His noble conduct—Negotiates with
    Sindhia, who withdraws—Loss of territory to Mewar—Rebel
    chiefs return to their allegiance—Province of Godwar
    lost—Assassination of the Rana—Rana Hamir
    succeeds—Contentions between the Queen Regent and Amra—His
    noble conduct, death, and character—Diminution of the
    Mewar territory                                               496

                              CHAPTER 17

  Rana Bhim—Feud of Sheogarh—The Rana redeems the alienated
    lands—Ahalya Bai attacks the Rana’s army—Which is
    defeated—Chondawat rebellion—Assassination of the Minister
    Somji—The rebels seize on Chitor—Mahadaji Sindhia called
    in by the Rana—Invests Chitor—The rebels surrender—Designs
    of Zalim Singh for power in Mewar—Counteracted by Ambaji,
    who assumes the title of Subahdar, contested by
    Lakwa—Effects of these struggles—Zalim obtains
    Jahazpur—Holkar invades Mewar—Confines the priests of
    Nathdwara—Heroic conduct of the Chief of Kotharia—Lakwa
    dies—The Rana seizes the Mahratta leaders—Liberated by
    Zalim Singh—Holkar returns to Udaipur—Imposes a heavy
    contribution—Sindhia’s invasion—Reflections on their
    contest with the British—Ambaji projects the partition of
    Mewar—Frustrated—Rivalry for Krishna Kunwari, the Princess
    of Mewar, produces war throughout Rajasthan—Immolation of
    Krishna—Amir Khan and Ajit Singh—Their villainy—British
    Embassy to Sindhia’s Court at Udaipur—Ambaji is disgraced,
    and attempts suicide—Amir Khan and Bapu Sindhia desolate
    Mewar—The Rana forms a treaty with the British                511

                              CHAPTER 18

  Overthrow of the predatory system—Alliances with the Rajput
    States—Envoy appointed to Mewar—Arrives at
    Udaipur—Reception—Description of the Court—Political
    geography of Mewar—The Rana—His character—His
    ministers—Plans—Exiles recalled—Merchants invited—Bhilwara
    established—Assembly of the nobles—Charter ratified;
    Resumptions of land; Anecdotes of the Chiefs of Arja,
    Badnor, Badesar, and Amet—Landed tenures in Mewar—Village
    rule—Freehold (_bapota_) of Mewar—Bhumia, or allodial
    vassals: Character and privileges—Great Register of
    Patents—Traditions exemplifying right in the soil—The
    Patel; his origin; character—Assessment of
    land-rents—General results                                    547


 Bust of Colonel James Tod                                _Frontispiece_
                                                            TO FACE PAGE
 Section of Country                                                   10

 List of Thirty-six Royal Races                                       98

 Salūmbar                                                            216

 Sanskrit Grant                                                      232

 Palace of Udaipur                                                   247

 Palace of Rāna Bhīm                                                 312

 Ruins of Fortress of Bayāna                                         352

 Chitor                                                              382

 Rājmahall                                                           428

 Jagmandir                                                           432

 Mahārāja Bhīm Singh                                                 512

 Facsimile of Native Drawing                                         572


James Tod, the Author of this work, son of James Tod and Mary Heatly,
was born at Islington on March 20, 1782. His father, James Tod the
first, eldest son of Henry Tod of Bo’ness and Janet Monteath, was born
on October 26, 1745. In 1780 he married in New York Mary, daughter of
Andrew Heatly, a member of a family originally settled at Mellerston,
Co. Berwick, where they had held a landed estate for some four
centuries. Andrew Heatly emigrated to Rhode Island, where he died at the
age of thirty-six in 1761. He had married Mary, daughter of Sueton
Grant, of the family of Gartinbeg, really of Balvaddon, who left
Inverness for Newport, Rhode Island, in 1725, and Temperance Talmage or
Tollemache, granddaughter of one of the first and principal settlers at
Easthampton, Rhode Island. He had been forced to emigrate to America
during the Protectorate, owing to his loyalty to King Charles I. James
Tod, the first, left America, and in partnership with his brother John,
became an indigo-planter at Mirzapur, in the United Provinces of Agra
and Oudh.

James Tod, the second, was thus through his father and his uncles
Patrick and S. Heatly, both members of the Civil Service of the East
India Company, closely connected with India, and in 1798, being then
sixteen years old, he obtained through the influence of his uncle,
Patrick Heatly, a cadetship in the service of the East India Company. On
his arrival at Calcutta he was attached to the 2nd European Regiment. In
1800 he was transferred, with the rank of Lieutenant, to the 14th Native
Infantry, from which he passed in 1807, with the same rank, to the 25th
Native Infantry. In 1805 he was appointed to the command of the escort
of his friend Mr. Graeme Mercer, then Government Agent at the Camp of
Daulat Rao Sindhia, who had been defeated two years before at the battle
of Assaye by Sir Arthur Wellesley. In more than one passage in _The
Annals_ Tod speaks of Mr. Graeme Mercer with respect and affection, and
by him he was introduced to official life and Rājput and Mahratta
politics. His tastes for geographical inquiries led him to undertake
surveys in Rājputāna and Central India between 1812 and 1817, and he
employed several native surveyors to traverse the then little-known
region between Central India and the valley of the Indus.

At this period the Government of India was engaged in a project for
suppressing the Pindāris, a body of lawless freebooters, of no single
race, the débris of the adventurers who gained power during the decay of
the Mughal Empire, and who had not been incorporated in the armies of
the local powers which rose from its ruins. In 1817, to effect their
suppression, the Governor-General, the Marquess of Hastings, collected
the strongest British force which up to that time had been assembled in
India. Two armies, acting in co-operation from north and south,
converged on the banditti, and met with rapid success. Sindhia, whose
power depended on the demoralized condition of Rājputāna, was overawed;
Holkar was defeated; the Rāja of Nāgpur was captured; the Mahratta
Peshwa became a fugitive; the Pindāris were dispersed. One of their
leaders, Amīr Khān, who is frequently mentioned in Tod’s narrative,
disbanded his forces, and received as his share of the spoils the
Principality of Tonk, still ruled by his descendants.

In the course of this campaign Tod performed valuable services. At the
beginning of the operations he supplied the British Staff with a rough
map of the seat of war, and in other ways his local knowledge was
utilized by the Generals in charge of the operations. In 1813 he had
been promoted to the rank of Captain in command of the escort of the
Resident, Mr. Richard Strachey, who nominated him to the post of his
Second Assistant. In 1818 he was appointed Political Agent of Western
Rājputāna, a post which he held till his retirement in June 1822. The
work which he carried out in Rājputāna during this period is fully
described in _The Annals_ and in his “Personal Narrative.” Owing to
Mahratta oppression and the ravages of the Pindāris, the condition of
the country, political, social, and economical, was deplorable. To
remedy this prevailing anarchy the States were gradually brought under
British control, and their relations with the paramount power were
embodied in a series of treaties. In this work of reform,
reconstruction, and conciliation, Tod played an active part, and the
confidence and respect with which he was regarded by the Princes,
Chiefs, and peasantry enabled him to interfere with good effect in
tribal quarrels, to rearrange the fiefs of the minor Chiefs, and to act
as arbitrator between the Rāna of Mewār and his subjects.

Tod was convinced that the miserable state of the country was chiefly
due to the hesitation of the Indian Government in interfering for the
re-establishment of order; and on this ground he does not hesitate to
condemn the cautious policy of Lord Cornwallis during his second term of
office as Governor-General. Few people at the present day would be
disposed to defend the policy of non-intervention. “This policy has been
condemned by historians and commentators, as well as by statesmen,
soldiers, and diplomatists; by Mill and his editor, H. H. Wilson, and by
Thornton; by Lord Lake and Sir John Malcolm. The mischief was done and
the loss of influence was not regained for a decade. It was not till the
conclusion of an expensive and protracted campaign, that the Indian
Government was replaced in the position where it had been left by
Wellesley. The blame for this weak and unfortunate policy must be
divided between Cornwallis and Barlow, between the Court of Directors
and the Board of Control.” But it was carried out in pursuance of orders
from the Home Government. “The Court of Directors for some time past had
been alarmed at Lord Wellesley’s vigorous foreign policy. Castlereagh at
the Board of Control had taken fright, and even Pitt was carried away
and committed himself to a hasty opinion that the Governor-General had
acted imprudently and illegally.”[i.1]

Tod tells us little of his relations with the Supreme Government during
his four years’ service as Political Agent. He was notoriously a
partisan of the Rājput princes, particularly those of Mewār and Mārwār;
he is never tired of abusing the policy of the Emperor Aurangzeb, and,
fortunately for the success of his work, Muhammadans form only a slight
minority in the population of Rājputāna. This attitude naturally exposed
him to criticism. Writing in 1824, Bishop Heber,[i.2] while he
recognizes that he was held in affection and respect by “all the upper
and middling classes of society,” goes on to say: “His misfortune was
that, in consequence of his favouring the native princes so much, the
Government of Calcutta were led to suspect him of corruption, and
consequently to narrow his powers and associate other officers with him
in his trust till he was disgusted and resigned his place. They are now,
I believe, well satisfied that their suspicions were groundless. Captain
Todd (_sic_) is strenuously vindicated from the charge by all the
officers with whom I have conversed, and some of whom had abundant means
of knowing what the natives themselves thought of him.” The Bishop’s
widow, in a later issue of the _Diary_ of her husband, adds that "she is
anxious to remove any unfavourable impressions which may exist on the
subject by stating, that she has now the authority of a gentleman, who
at the time was a member of the Supreme Council, to say, that no such
imputation was ever fixed on Colonel Todd´s (_sic_) character."

Whatever may have been the real reason for the premature termination of
his official career at the age of forty, ill-health was put forward as
the ostensible cause of his retirement. He had served for about
twenty-four years in the Indian plains without any leave; he had long
suffered from malaria; and, though he hardly suspected it at the time,
an attempt had been made by one of his servants to poison him with
Datura; he had met with a serious accident when, by chance or design,
his elephant-driver dashed his howdah against the gate of Begūn fort in
eastern Mewār. In spite of all this, he retained sufficient health to
make, on the eve of his departure from India, the extensive tour
recorded in his _Travels in Western India_. Neither on his retirement,
nor at any subsequent period, were his services, official and literary,
rewarded by any distinction.

During his seventeen years’ service in Central India and Rājputāna he
showed indefatigable industry in the collection of the materials which
were partially used in his great work. His taste for the study of
history and antiquities, ethnology, popular religion, and superstitions
was stimulated by the pioneer work of Sir W. Jones and other writers in
the _Asiatic Researches_. He was not a trained philologist, and he
gained much of his information from his Guru, the Jain Yati Gyānchandra,
and the Brāhman Pandits whom he employed to make inquiries on his
behalf. They, too, were not trained scholars in the modern sense of the
term, and many of his mistakes are due to his rashness in following
their guidance.

His life was prolonged for thirteen years after he left India. In 1824
he attained the rank of Major, and in 1826 that of Lieutenant-Colonel.
Much of his time in England was spent in arranging his materials and
compiling the works upon which his reputation depends: _The Annals_,
published between 1829 and 1832; and his _Travels in Western India_,
published after his death, in 1839. He was in close relations with the
Royal Asiatic Society, of which he acted for a time as Librarian. In
this fine collection of books and manuscripts he gained much of that
discursive learning which appears in _The Annals_. He presented to the
Society numerous manuscripts, inscriptions, and coins. The fine series
of drawings made to illustrate his works by Captain P. T. Waugh and a
native artist named Ghāsi, have recently been rearranged and catalogued
in the Library of the Society. They well deserve inspection by any one
interested in Indian art. He also made frequent tours on the Continent,
and on one occasion visited the great soldier, Count Benoit de Boigne,
who died in 1830, leaving a fortune of twenty millions of francs.

On November 16, 1826, Tod married Julia, daughter of Dr. Henry
Clutterbuck, an eminent London surgeon, by whom he had two sons and a
daughter. In 1835 he settled in a house in Regent’s Park, and on
November 17 of the same year he died suddenly while transacting business
at the office of his bankers, Messrs. Robarts of Lombard Street. The
names of his descendants will appear from the pedigree appended to this

_The Annals of Rajasthan_, the two volumes of which were, by permission,
dedicated to Kings George IV. and William IV. respectively, was received
with considerable favour. A contemporary critic deals with it in the
following terms:[i.3] “Colonel Tod deserves the praise of a most
delightful and industrious collector of materials for history, and his
own narrative style in many places displays great freedom, vigour, and
perspicuity. Though not always correct, and occasionally stiff and
formal, it is not seldom highly animated and picturesque. The faults of
his work are inseparable from its nature; it would have been almost
impossible to mould up into one continuous history the distinct and
separate annals of the various Rajput races. The patience of the reader
is thus unavoidably put to a severe trial, in having to reascend to the
origin, and again to trace downwards the parallel annals of some new
tribe—sometimes interwoven with, sometimes entirely distinct from, those
which have gone before. But, on the whole, as no one but Colonel Tod
could have gathered the materials for such a work, there are not many
who could have used them so well. No candid reader can arise from its
perusal without a very high sense of the character of the Author—no
scholar, more certainly, without respect for his attainments, and
gratitude for the service which he has rendered to a branch of
literature, if far from popular, by no means to be estimated, as to its
real importance, by the extent to which it may command the favour of an
age of duodecimos.”

In estimating the value of the local authorities on which the history is
based, Tod reposed undue confidence in the epics and ballads composed by
the poet Chānd and other tribal bards. It is believed that more than one
of these poems have disappeared since his time, and these materials have
been only in part edited and translated. The value to be placed on
bardic literature is a question not free from difficulty. “On the faith
of ancient songs, the uncertain but the only memorials of barbarism,”
says Gibbon, “they [Cassiodorus and Jornandes] deduced the first origin
of the Goths.”[i.4] The poet may occasionally record facts of value, but
in his zeal for the honour of the tribe which he represents, he is
tempted to exaggerate victories, to minimize defeats. This is a danger
to which Indian poets are particularly exposed. Their trade is one of
fulsome adulation, and in a state of society like that of the Rājputs,
where tribal and personal rivalries flourish, the temptation to give a
false colouring to history is great. In fact, bardic literature is often
useful, not as evidence of occurrences in antiquity, but as an
indication of the habits and beliefs current in the age of the writer.
It exhibits the facts, not as they really occurred, but as the writer
and his contemporaries supposed that they occurred. The mind of the
poet, with all its prejudices, projects itself into the distant past.
Good examples of the methods of the bards will appear in the attempt to
connect the Rāthors with the dynasty of Kanauj, or to represent the
Chauhāns as the founders of an empire in the Deccan.

Recent investigation has thrown much new light on the origin of the
Rājputs. A wide gulf lies between the Vedic Kshatriya and the Rājput of
medieval times which it is now impossible to bridge. Some clans, with
the help of an accommodating bard, may be able to trace their lineage to
the Kshatriyas of Buddhist times, who were recognized as one of the
leading elements in Hindu society, and, in their own estimation, stood
even higher than the Brāhmans.[i.5] But it is now certain that the
origin of many clans dates from the Saka or Kushān invasion, which began
about the middle of the second century B.C., or more certainly, from
that of the White Huns who destroyed the Gupta empire about A.D. 480.
The Gurjara tribe connected with the latter people adopted Hinduism, and
their leaders formed the main stock from which the higher Rājput
families sprang. When these new claimants to princely honours accepted
the faith and institutions of Brahmanism, the attempt would naturally be
made to affiliate themselves to the mythical heroes whose exploits are
recorded in the Mahābhārata and Rāmāyana. Hence arose the body of legend
recorded in _The Annals_ by which a fabulous origin from the Sun or Moon
is ascribed to two great Rājput branches, a genealogy claimed by other
princely families, like the Incas of Peru or the Mikado of Japan. Or, as
in the case of the Rāthors of Mārwār, an equally fabulous story was
invented to link them with the royal house of Kanauj, one of the genuine
old Hindu ruling families. The same feeling lies at the root of the
_Aeneid_ of Virgil, the court poet of the new empire. The clan of the
emperor Augustus, the Iulii, a patrician family of Alban origin, was
represented as the heirs of Iulus, the supposed son of Aeneas and
founder of Alba Longa, thus linking the new Augustan house with the
heroes of the _Iliad_.

One of the merits of Tod’s work is that, though his knowledge of
ethnology was imperfect, and he was unable to reject the local
chronicles of the Rājputs, he advocated, in anticipation of the
conclusions of later scholars, the so-called “Scythic” origin of the
race. To make up for the lack of direct evidence of Scythian manners and
sociology to support this position, he was forced to rely on certain
superficial resemblances of custom and belief, not between Rājputs,
Scythians and Huns, but between Rājputs, Getae or Thracians, or the
Germans of Tacitus. In the same way a supposed identity of name led him
to identify the Jāts of northern India with the Getae or with the Goths,
and finally to bring them with the Jutes into Kent.

A similar process of groping in semi-darkness induced him to make
constant references to serpent worship, which, as Sir E. Tylor remarked,
"years ago fell into the hands of speculative writers who mixed it up
with occult philosophies, druidical mysteries, and that portentous
nonsense called the ‘Arkite symbolism,’ till now sober students hear the
very name of ophiolatry with a shudder."[i.6] He repeatedly speaks of a
people whom he calls the “Takshaks,” apparently one of the Scythian
tribes. There is, however, no reason to believe that serpent worship
formed an important element in the beliefs of the Scythians, or to
suppose that the cult, as we observe it in India, is of other than
indigenous origin.

The more recent views of the origin of the Rājputs may be briefly
illustrated in connexion with some of the leading septs. Dr. Vincent A.
Smith holds that the term Kshatriya was not an ethnical but an
occupational designation. Rājaputra, ‘son of a Rāja,’ seems to have been
a name applied to the cadets of ruling houses who, according to the
ancient custom of tribal society, were in the habit of seeking their
fortunes abroad, winning by some act of valour the hand of the princess
whose land they visited, and with it the succession to the kingdom
vested in her under the system of Mother Right. Sir James Frazer has
described various forms of this mode of succession in the case of the
Kings of Rome, Ashanti, Uganda, in certain Greek States, and other
places.[i.7] Dr. Smith goes on to say: “The term Kshatriya was, I
believe, always one of very vague meaning, simply denoting the Hindu
ruling classes which did not claim Brahmanical descent. Occasionally a
rājā might be a Brahman by caste, but the Brahman’s place at court was
that of a minister rather than that of king.”[i.8] This office in
Rajputana, as we learn from numerous instances in _The Annals_, was
often taken by members of the Bania or mercantile class, because the
Brāhmans of the Desert, by their laxity of practice, had acquired an
equivocal reputation, and were generally illiterate. The Rājput has
always, until recent times, favoured the Bhāt or bard more than the

The group denoted by the name Kshatriya or Rājput thus depended on
status rather than on descent, and it was therefore possible for
foreigners to be introduced into the tribes without any violation of the
prejudices of caste, which was then only partially developed. In later
times, under Brāhman guidance, the rules of endogamy, exogamy, and
_confarreatio_ have been definitely formulated. But as the power of the
priesthood increased, it was necessary to disguise this admission of
foreigners under a convenient fiction. Hence arose the legend, told in
two different forms in _The Annals_, which describes how, by a solemn
act of purification or initiation, under the superintendence of one of
the ancient Vedic Rishis or inspired saints, the “fire-born” septs were
created to help the Brāhmans in repressing Buddhism, Jainism, or other
heresies, and in establishing the ancient traditional Hindu social
policy, the temporary downfall of which, under the stress of foreign
invasions, is carefully concealed in the Hindu sacred literature. This
privilege was, we are told, confined to four septs, known as Agnikula,
or ‘fire-born’—the Pramār, Parihār, Chālukya or Solanki, and the
Chauhān. But there is good reason to believe that the Pramār was the
only sept which laid claim to this distinction before the time of the
poet Chānd, who flourished in the twelfth century of our era.[i.9] The
local tradition in Rājputāna was so vague that in one version of the
story Vasishtha, in the other Visvāmitra, is said to have been the
officiating priest.

In the case of the Sesodias of Mewār, Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar has given
reasons to believe that Gehlot or Guhilot means simply ‘son of Guhila,’
an abbreviation of Guhadatta, the name of its founder.[i.10] He is said
to have belonged to the Gurjara stock, kinsmen or allies of the Huns who
entered India about the sixth century of our era, and founded a kingdom
in Rājputāna with its capital at Bhilmāl or Srīmāl, about fifty miles
from Mount Ābu, the scene of the regeneration of the Rājputs. This
branch, which took the name of Maitrika, is said to be closely connected
with the Mer tribe, which gave its name to Merwāra, and is fully
described in _The Annals_. The actual conqueror of Chitor, Bāpa or
Bappa, is said in inscriptions to have belonged to the branch known as
Nāgar, or ‘City’ Brāhmans which has its present headquarters at the town
of Vadnagar in the Baroda State. This conversion of a Brāhman into a
Rājput is at first sight startling, but the fact implies that the
institution of caste, as we observe it, was then only imperfectly
established, and there was no difficulty in believing that a Brāhman
could be ancestor of a princely house which now claims descent from the
Sun. As will appear later on, Bāpa seems to be a historical personage.
These facts help us to understand the strange story in _The Annals_,
which tells how Gohāditya received inauguration as chief by having his
forehead smeared with blood drawn from the finger of a Bhīl, a form of
the blood covenant which appears among many savage tribes.[i.11] In
those days no definite line was drawn between the Bhīls, now a wild
forest tribe, and the Rājputs. The Bhīls were the free lords of the
jungle, original owners of the soil, and though they practised rites and
followed customs repulsive to orthodox Hindus, they did not share in the
impurity which attached to foul outcastes like the Dom or the Chandāla.
As the Bhīls were believed to be autochthonous, and thus understood the
methods of controlling or conciliating the local spirits, by this form
of inauguration they passed on their knowledge to the Rājputs whom they
accepted as their lords. The relations of the Mīnas, another jungle
tribe of the same class, with the Kachhwāhas of Jaipur were of the same

According to the bardic legend given in _The Annals_, the Rāthors, the
second great Rājput clan, owed their origin to a migration of a body of
its members to the western Desert when the territory of Kanauj was
conquered by Shihābu-d-dīn in A.D. 1193. But it is now certain that the
ruling dynasty of Kanauj belonged, not to the Rāthor, but to the
Gaharwār clan, and that the first Rāthor settlement in Rājputāna must
have occurred anterior to the conquest of Kanauj by the Musalmāns. An
inscription, dated A.D. 997, found in the ruins of the ancient town of
Hathūndi or Hastikūndi in the Bali Hakūmat of the Jodhpur State, names
four Rāthor Rājas who reigned there in the tenth century.[i.12] The
local legend is an attempt to connect the line of Rāthor princes with
the Kanauj dynasty. It has been suggested that the Deccan dynasty of the
Rāshtrakūtas which, in name at least, is identical with Rāthor, reigning
at Nāsik or Malkhed from A.D. 753 to 973, was connected with the Reddis
or Raddis, a caste of cultivators which seem to have migrated from
Madras into the Deccan at an early period. But any racial connexion
between the Deccan Reddis and the Rāthors of Rājputāna is very

The Chandel clan, ranked in _The Annals_ among the Thirty-six Royal
Races, is believed to be closely connected with the Bhars and Gonds,
forest tribes of Bundelkhand and the Central Provinces. Mr. R. V.
Russell prefers to connect them with the Bhars alone, on the ground that
the Gonds, according to the best traditions, entered the Central
Provinces from the south, and made no effective settlement in
Bundelkhand, the headquarters of the Chandels.[i.14] But there was a
Gond settlement in the Hamīrpur District of Bundelkhand, and the close
connexion between the Gonds and the Chandels began in what is now the
Chhatarpur State.

The results of recent investigations into Rājput ethnology are thus of
great importance, and enable us to correct the bardic legends on which
the genealogies recorded in _The Annals_ were founded. Much remains to
be done before the question can be finally settled. The local Rājput
traditions and the ballads of the bards must be collected and edited;
the ancient sites in Rājputāna must be excavated; physical measurements,
now somewhat discredited as a test of racial affinities, must be made in
larger numbers and by more scientific methods. But the general thesis
that some of the nobler Rājput septs are descended from Gurjaras or
other foreigners, while others are closely connected with the
autochthonous races, may be regarded as definitely proved.

One of the most valuable parts of _The Annals_ is the chapter describing
the popular religion of Mewār, the festival and rites in honour of
Gauri, the Mother goddess. There are also many incidental notices of
cults and superstitions scattered through the work. A race of warriors
like the Rājputs naturally favours the worship of Siva who, as the
successor of Rudra, the Vedic storm-god, was originally a
terror-inspiring deity, a side of his character only imperfectly veiled
by his euphemistic title of Siva, ‘the blessed or auspicious One.’ In
his phallic manifestation his chief shrine is at Eklingji, ‘the single
or notable phallus,’ about fourteen miles north of Udaipur city. The
Rānas hold the office of priest-kings, Dīwāns or prime-ministers of the
god. Their association with this deity has been explained by an
inscription recently found in the temple of Nātha, ‘the Lord,’ now used
as a storeroom of the Eklingji temple.[i.15] The inscription, dated A.D.
971, is in form of a dedication to Lakulīsa, a form of Siva represented
as bearing a club, and refers to the Saiva sect known as
Lakulīsa-Pāsapatas. It records the name of a king named Srī-Bappaka,
‘the moon among the princes of the Guhila dynasty,’ who reigned at a
place called Nāgahvada, identified with Nāgda, an ancient town several
times mentioned in _The Annals_, the ruins of which exist at the foot of
the hill on which the temple of Eklingji stands. Srī-Bappaka is
certainly Bāpa or Bappa, the traditional founder of the Mewār dynasty,
which had at that time its capital at Nāgda. From this inscription it is
clear that the Eklingji temple was in existence before A.D. 971, and, as
Mr. Bhandarkar remarks, “it shows that the old tradition about Nāgendra
and Bappa Rāwal’s infancy given by Tod had some historical foundation,
and it is intelligible how the Rānas of Udaipur could have come to have
such an intimate connexion with the temple as that of high priests, in
which capacity they still officiate.” This office vested in them is a
good example of one of those dynasties of priest-kings of which Sir
James Frazer has given an elaborate account.[i.16]

The milder side of the Rājput character is represented in the cult of
Krishna at Nāthdwāra. The Mahant or Abbot of the temple, situated at the
old village of Siārh, twenty-two miles from the city of Udaipur, enjoys
semi-royal state. In anticipation of the raid by Aurangzeb on Mathura,
A.D. 1669-70, the ancient image of Kesavadeva, a form of Krishna, ‘He of
the flowing locks,’ was removed out of reach of danger by Rāna Rāj Singh
of Mewār. When the cart bearing the image arrived at Siārh, the god, by
stopping the cart, is said to have expressed his intention of remaining
there. This was the origin of the famous temple, still visited by crowds
of pilgrims, and one of the leading seats of the Vallabhāchārya sect,
‘the Epicureans of the East,’ whose practices, as disclosed in the
famous Mahārāja libel case, tried at Bombay in 1861, gave rise to
grievous scandal.[i.17] The ill-feeling against this sect, aroused by
these revelations, was so intense that the Mahārāja of Jaipur ordered
that the two famous images of Krishna worshipped in his State, which
originally came from Gokul, near Mathura, should be removed from his
territories into those of the Bharatpur State.

Tod bears witness to the humanizing effect on the Rājputs of the worship
of this god, whom he calls “the Apollo of Braj,” the holy land of
Krishna near Mathura. He also asserts that the Emperor Akbar favoured
the worship of Krishna, a feeling shared by his successors Jahāngīr and
Shāh Jahān. Akbar, in his search for a new faith to supersede Islām, of
which he was _parcus cultor et infrequens_, dallied with Hindu Pandits,
Parsi priests, and Christian missionaries, and he was doubtless well
informed about the sensuous ritual of the temple of Nāthdwāra.[i.18]

The character of the Rājputs is discussed in many passages in _The
Annals_. The Author expresses marked sympathy with the people among whom
his official life was spent, and he expresses gratitude for the courtesy
and confidence which they bestowed upon him. This applies specially to
the Sesodias of Mewār and the Rāthors of Mārwār, with whom he lived in
the closest intimacy. He shows, on the other hand, a decided prejudice
against the Kachhwāhas of Jaipur, of whose diplomacy he disapproved.
This feeling, we may suspect, was due in part to their hesitation in
accepting the British alliance, a policy in which he was deeply

The virtues of the Rājput lie on the surface—their loyalty, devotion,
and gallantry; their chivalry towards women; their regard for their
national customs. Their weaknesses—though Tod does not enumerate them in
detail—are obvious from a study of their history—their instability of
character, their liability to sudden outbreaks of passion, their
tendency to yield to panic on the battlefield, their inability, as a
result of their tribal system, to form a permanent combination against a
public enemy, their occasional faithlessness to their chiefs and allies,
their excessive use of opium. These defects they share with most
orientals, but, on the whole, they compare favourably with other races
in the Indian Empire. There is much in their character and institutions
which reminds us of the Gauls as pictured by Mommsen in a striking
passage.[i.19] Rājput women are described as virtuous, affectionate, and
devoted, taking part in the control of the family, sharing with their
husbands the dangers of war and sport, contemptuous of the coward, and
exercising a salutary influence in public and domestic affairs.

Strangely enough, Tod omits to give us a detailed account of their
marriage regulations and ceremonies. According to Mr. E. H. Kealy,[i.20]
while male children under one year old exceed the females, “the excess
is not sufficiently great to justify the conclusion that female babies
are murdered, nor is the theory that female infants lost their lives by
neglect supported by the statistics. Unhappily the returns show that a
high proportion of married women is combined with a very low percentage
of females as compared with males between the ages of ten and fourteen,
the early stage of married life, and this defect is largely due to
premature cohabitation, lack of medical attendance, and of sanitary
precautions.” No one can read without horror the many narratives of the
Johar, the final sacrifice by which women in the hour of defeat gave
their lives to save their honour, and of the numerous cases of Sati.
Both these customs are now only a matter of history, but so late as 1879
General Hervey was able to count at the Bikaner palace the handmarks of
at least thirty-seven widows who ascended the pyre with their

Much space in _The Annals_ is occupied by a review of the so-called
‘Feudal’ system in Rājputāna. Tod was naturally attracted in the course
of his discursive reading by Henry Hallam’s _View of the State of Europe
during the Middle Ages_, which first appeared in 1818, four years before
Tod resigned his Indian appointment. Hallam himself was careful to point
out that “it is of great importance to be on our guard against seeming
analogies which vanish away when they are closely observed.”[i.22] This
warning Tod unguardedly overlooked. Hallam recognized that Feudalism was
an institution the ultimate origin of which is still, to some extent,
obscure. It possibly began with the desire for protection, the
_rakhwāli_ of the Rājputs, but it seems to have been ultimately based on
the private law of Rome, while the influence of the Church, interested
in securing its endowments, was a factor in its evolution. In its
completed form it represented the final stage of a process which began
under the Frankish conquerors of Gaul. At any rate, it was of European
origin, and though it absorbed much that was common to the types of
tribal organization found in other parts of the world, it was moulded by
the political, social, and economical environment amidst which it was
developed. Hence, while it is possible to trace, as Tod has done,
certain analogies between the tribal institutions of the Rājputs and the
social organization of medieval Europe—analogies of feudal incidents
connected with Reliefs, Fines upon alienation, Escheats, Aids, Wardship,
and Marriage—these analogies, when more closely examined, are found to
be in the main superficial. If we desire to undertake a comparative
study of the Rājput tribal system, it is unnecessary to travel to
medieval Europe, while we have close at hand the social organization of
more or less kindred tribes on the Indian borderland, Pathāns, Afghāns,
or Baloch; or, in a more primitive stage, those of the Kandhs, Gonds,
Mūndas, or Orāons. It is of little service to compare two systems of
which only the nucleus is common to both, and to place side by side
institutions which present only a factitious similitude, because the
social development of each has progressed on different lines.

The Author’s excursions into philology are the diversions of a clever
man, not of a trained scholar, but interested in the subject as an
amateur. In his time the new learning on oriental subjects had only
recently begun to attract the attention of scholars, of which Sir W.
Jones was the prophet. Tod was a diligent student of _The Asiatic
Researches_, the publication of which began at Calcutta in 1788. While
much material of value is to be found in these volumes, many papers of
Captain Francis Wilford and others are full of rash speculations which
have not survived later criticism. Tod is not to blame because he
followed the guidance of scholars who contributed articles to the
leading Indian review of his time; because he was ignorant of the laws
of Grimm or Verner; because, like his contemporaries, he believed that
the mythology of Egypt or Palestine influenced the beliefs of the Indian
people. It was his fate that many of his guesses were quoted with
approval by writers like T. Maurice in his _Indian Antiquities_, and by
N. Pococke in his _India in Greece_. It is also well to remember that
many of the derivations of the names of Indian deities, confidently
proposed by Kuhn and Max Müller a few years ago, are no longer accepted.
Tod, at any rate, published his views on Feudalism and Philology without
any pretence of dogmatism.

One special question deserves examination—the constant references to the
cult of Bāl-Siva, a form of the Sun god. A learned Indian scholar,
Pandit Gaurishankar Ojha, who is now engaged on an annotated edition of
_The Annals_ in Hindi, states that no temple or image dedicated to this
god is known in Rājputāna. It is, of course, not unlikely that Siva, as
a deity of fertility, should be associated with Sun worship, but there
is no evidence of the cult on which Tod lays special stress. It is
almost useless to speculate on the source of his error. It may be based
on a reference in the _Āin-i-Akbari_[i.23] to a certain Bālnāth, Jogi,
who occupied a cell in a place in the Sindh Sāgar Duāb of the Panjāb. At
the same time, like many of the writers of his day, he may have had the
Semitic Baal in his mind.

It was largely due to imperfect information received from his assistants
that he shared with other writers of the time the confusion between
Buddhism and Jainism, and supposed that the former religion was
introduced into India from Central Asia. His elaborate attempt to
extract history and a trustworthy scheme of chronology from the Purānas
must be pronounced to be a failure. Recently a learned scholar, Mr. F.
E. Pargiter, has shown how far an examination of these authorities can
be conducted with any approach to probability.[i.24]

The questions which have been discussed do not, to any important extent,
detract from the real value of the work. Even in those points which are
most open to criticism, _The Annals_ possesses importance because it
represents a phase in the study of Indian religions, ethnology, and
sociology. No one can examine it without increasing pleasure and
admiration for a writer who, immersed in arduous official work, was able
to indulge his tastes for research. His was the first real attempt to
investigate the beliefs of the peasantry as contrasted with the official
Brahmanism, a study which in recent years has revolutionized the current
conceptions of Hinduism. Even if his versions of the inscriptions which
he collected fail to satisfy the requirements of more recent scholars,
he deserves credit for rescuing from neglect and almost certain
destruction epigraphical material for the use of his successors. The
same may be said of the drawings of buildings, some of which have fallen
into decay, or have been mutilated by their careless guardians. When he
deals with facts which came under his personal observation, his accounts
of beliefs, folk-lore, social life, customs, and manners possess
permanent value.

He observed the Rājputs when they were in a stage of transition.
Isolated by the inaccessibility of their country, they were the last
guardians of Hindu beliefs, institutions, and manners against the rising
tide of the Muhammadan invasions; without their protection much that is
important for the study of the Hindus must have disappeared. To avoid
anarchy and the ultimate destruction of these States, it was necessary
for them to accept a closer union with the British as the paramount
power. By this they lost something, but they gained much. The new
connexion involved new duties and responsibilities in adapting their
primitive system of government to modern requirements. Tod thus stood at
the parting of the ways. With the introduction of the railway and the
post-office, the disappearance of the caravan as a means of transport,
the increase of trade, the growth of new wants and possibilities of
development in association with the Empire, the period of Rājput
isolation came to a close. To some it may be a matter of regret that the
personal rule of the Chief over a people strongly influenced by what
they term _swāmīdharma_, the reciprocal loyalty of subject to prince and
of prince to people, should be replaced by a government of a more
popular type. But this change was, in the nature of things, inevitable.
As an example of this, a statement made by the Mahārāja of Bīkaner, when
he was summoned to attend the Imperial Conference in 1917, may be
quoted. “In my own territories we inaugurated some years ago the
beginnings of a representative assembly. It now consists of elected, as
well as nominated, non-official members, and their legislative powers
follow the lines of those laid down for the Legislatures of British
India in the 1909 reforms. In respect to the Budget they have the same
powers as those conferred on the Supreme and Provincial Legislatures in
British India by the Lansdowne reforms in force from 1893 to 1909. When
announcing my intention of creating this representative body, I
intimated that as the people showed their fitness they would be
entrusted with more powers. Accordingly, at the end of the first
triennial term, when the elections will take place, we are revising the
rules of business in the direction of greater liberality and of removing
unnecessary restrictions.” It remains to be seen how far this policy
will prove to be successful.

It was a happy accident that before the period of transition had begun
in earnest, such a competent and sympathetic observer should have been
able to examine and record one of the most interesting surviving phases
of the ancient Hindu polity.

A soldier and a sportsman, Tod learned to understand the romantic,
adventurous side of the Rājput character, and he recorded with full
appreciation the fine stories of manly valour, of the self-sacrifice of
women, the tragedies of the sieges of Chitor, the heroism of Rānas Sanga
and Partāb Singh, or of Durgādās. Many of these tales recall the age of
medieval chivalry, and Tod is at his best in recording them. No one can
read without admiration his account of the attack of the Saktāwats and
Chondāwats on Untāla; of Sūja and the tiger; the tragedy of Krishna
Kunwāri; of the queen of Ganor; of Sanjogta of Kanauj; of Gūga Chauhān
and Alu Hāra. In many of these tales the Rājput displays the loyalty and
valour, the punctilious regard for his personal honour which in the case
of the Spanish grandee have passed into a proverb.

While the Rājput is courteous in his intercourse with those who are
prepared to take him as he is, when he meets an English officer he
resents any hint of patronage, he is jealous of any intrusion on the
secluded folk behind the curtain, and he is often rather an acquaintance
than a friend, inclined to shelter himself behind a dignified reserve,
unwilling to open his mind to any one who does not accept his
traditional attitude towards men of a different race and of a different
faith. When he makes a ceremonial visit to a European officer, his
conversation is often confined to conventional compliments, or chat
about the weather and the state of the crops.

To remove these difficulties which obstruct friendly and confidential
intercourse, the young officer in India may be advised to study the
methods illustrated in this work. But he will do well to avoid Tod’s
openly expressed partisanship. He owed the affection and respect
bestowed upon him by prince and peasant, and even by the jealously
guarded ladies of the zenanah, to his kindliness and sympathy, his
readiness to converse freely with men of all classes, his patience in
listening to grievances, even those which he had no power to redress,
his impartiality as an arbitrator between the Rāna of Mewār and his
people or between individuals or sects unfriendly to each other. He
studied the national traditions and usages; he knew enough of religious
beliefs and of social customs to save him from giving offence by word or
deed; he could converse with the people in their own patois, and could
give point to a remark by an apt quotation of a proverb or a scrap of an
old ballad.

When, if ever, a new history of the Rājputs comes to be written, it must
be largely based on Tod’s collections, supplemented by wider historical,
antiquarian, and epigraphical research. The history of the last century
cannot be compiled until the recent administration reports, now treated
as confidential, and the muniment rooms of Calcutta and London are open
to the student. But it is unlikely that, for the present at least, any
writer will enjoy, as Tod did, access to the records and correspondence
stored in the palaces of the Chiefs.

For the Rājput himself and for natives of India interested in the
history of their country, the work will long retain its value. It
preserves a record of tribal rights and privileges, of claims based on
ancient tradition, of feuds and their settlement, of genealogies and
family history which, but for Tod’s careful record, might have been
forgotten or misinterpreted even by the Rājputs themselves. In the
original English text which many Rājputs are now able to study they will
find a picture of tribal society, now rapidly disappearing, drawn by a
competent and friendly hand. Its interest will not be diminished by the
fact that while the writer displays a hearty admiration for the Rājput
character, he is not blind to its defects. At any rate, the Rājput will
enjoy the satisfaction that his race has been selected to furnish the
materials for the most comprehensive monograph ever compiled by a
British officer describing one of the leading peoples of India.


Footnote i.1:

  W. S. Seton Carr, _The Marquess Cornwallis_, 180, 189 f.

Footnote i.2:

  _Narrative of a Journey through the Upper Provinces_, ed. 1861, ii.

Footnote i.3:

  _Quarterly Review_, vol. xlviii. Oct.-Dec. 1832, pp. 38 f.

Footnote i.4:

  _Decline and Fall_, ed. W. Smith, i. 375.

Footnote i.5:

  V. A. Smith, _Early History of India_, 3rd ed. 408; Rhys Davids,
  _Buddhist India_, 60 f.

Footnote i.6:

  _Primitive Culture_, 2nd ed. ii. 239.

Footnote i.7:

  _Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship_, 231 ff.; _The Golden
  Bough_, 3rd ed.; _The Magic Art_, ii. 269 ff.

Footnote i.8:

  _Early History of India_, 408.

Footnote i.9:

  _Journal Royal Asiatic Society_, 1905, 1 ff. The tradition seems to
  have started earlier in Southern India, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar,
  _Ancient India_, 1911, 390 ff.

Footnote i.10:

  _Journal Asiatic Society Bengal_, 1909, 167 ff. The criticism by
  Pandit Mohanlal Vishnulal Pandia (_ibid._, 1912, 63 ff.) is extremely

Footnote i.11:

  E. S. Hartland, _Primitive Paternity_, i. 258 ff.

Footnote i.12:

  K. D. Erskine, _Gazetteer Western Rajput States and Bikaner Agency_,
  A. i. 177.

Footnote i.13:

  _Bombay Gazetteer_, I. Part i. 385; _Bombay Census Report, 1911_, i.
  279; Smith, _Early History_, 413.

Footnote i.14:

  _Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces_, iv. 441.

Footnote i.15:

  D. R. Bhandarkar, _Journal Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society_, 1916,
  Art. xii.

Footnote i.16:

  _The Golden Bough_, 3rd ed.; _The Magic Art_, i. 44 ff.; _Adonis,
  Attis, Osiris_, i. 42 f., 143 ff.

Footnote i.17:

  Karsandas Mulji, _History of the Sect of the Mahārājas or
  Vallabhāchāryas_, London, 1865; _Report of the Mahārāj Libel Case_,
  Bombay, 1862; F. S. Growse, _Mathura_, 3rd ed. 283 f.

Footnote i.18:

  V. A. Smith, _Akbar, The Great Mogul_, 162 ff.

Footnote i.19:

  _History of Rome_, ed. 1866, iv. 209 ff.

Footnote i.20:

  _Census Report, Rājputāna, 1911_, i. 132.

Footnote i.21:

  _Some Records of Crime_, ii. 217 f.

Footnote i.22:

  _View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages_, 12th ed. 1868,
  i. 186.

Footnote i.23:

  ii. 315.

Footnote i.24:

  “Ancient Indian Genealogies and Chronology,” “Earliest Indian
  Traditional History,” _Journal Royal Asiatic Society_, January 1910,
  April 1914.


                       PEDIGREE OF THE TOD FAMILY

    James Tod, Merchant, Bo’ness. = Helen Moir.
    James Tod, Shipmaster, Bo’ness, _b._ 1672 = Elizabeth Monteath.
            Henry Tod, _b._ 1717. = Janet Monteath.
       James Tod, Indigo Planter. = Mary Heatly.
         │                                │
Suetonius Henry = Mary Macdonald,     JAMES TOD = Julia Clutterbuck, of
 Tod, General.  │  Sleat, Skye.                 │  a Dutch family that
                │                               │  came to England in
         ┌──────┴──────────────┐                │  sixteenth century.
         │                     │                │
Suetonius Macdonald Tod.   Ewen Monteath Tod.   │
     │                    │            │
Grant Heatly Tod-   Edward H. M.   Mary Augusta = Charles Harris Blunt,
 Heatly. ob.s.p.    Tod. ob.s.p.     Tod.       │  Major-General, C.B.,
                                                │ Bengal Horse
             │                                  │                │
       Edward Walter = Sibell Lilian, Charles David Janet Heatly.
        Blunt-Mackenzie, │  Countess of    Mackinnon. unm.      unm.
        Lt.-Col., R.A.   │  Cromartie.
            │                        │                      │
    Roderick Grant Francis,    Walter Blunt Mackenzie.    Isobel.
     Viscount Tarbat.


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                      AUTHOR’S INTRODUCTION TO THE
                      FIRST VOLUME OF THE ORIGINAL

Much disappointment has been felt in Europe at the sterility of the
historic muse of Hindustan. When Sir William Jones first began to
explore the vast mines of Sanskrit literature, great hopes were
entertained that the history of the world would acquire considerable
accessions from this source. The sanguine expectations that were then
formed have not been realized; and, as it usually happens, excitement
has been succeeded by apathy and indifference. It is now generally
regarded as an axiom, that India possesses no national history; to which
we may oppose the remark of a French Orientalist, who ingeniously asks,
whence Abu-l Fazl obtained the materials for his outlines of ancient
Hindu history?[i.25] Mr. Wilson has, indeed, done much to obviate this
prejudice, by his translation of the _Raja Tarangini_, or History of
Kashmir,[i.26] which clearly demonstrates that regular historical
composition was an art not unknown in Hindustan, and affords
satisfactory ground for concluding that these productions were once less
rare than at present, and that further exertion may bring more relics to
light. Although the labours of Colebrooke, Wilkins, Wilson, and others
of our own countrymen, emulated by many learned men in France [viii] and
Germany,[i.27] have revealed to Europe some of the hidden lore of India;
still it is not pretended that we have done much more than pass the
threshold of Indian science; and we are consequently not competent to
speak decisively of its extent or its character. Immense libraries, in
various parts of India, are still intact, which have survived the
devastations of the Islamite. The collections of Jaisalmer and Patan,
for example, escaped the scrutiny of even the lynx-eyed Alau-d-din who
conquered both these kingdoms, and who would have shown as little mercy
to those literary treasures, as Omar displayed towards the Alexandrine
library. Many other minor collections, consisting of thousands of
volumes each, exist in Central and Western India, some of which are the
private property of princes, and others belong to the Jain

If we consider the political changes and convulsions which have happened
in Hindustan since Mahmud’s invasion, and the intolerant bigotry of many
of his successors, we shall be able to account for the paucity of its
national works on history, without being driven to the improbable
conclusion, that the Hindus were ignorant of an art which has been
cultivated in other countries from almost the earliest ages. Is it to be
imagined that a nation so highly civilized as the Hindus, amongst whom
the exact sciences flourished in perfection, by whom the fine arts [ix],
architecture, sculpture, poetry, music, were not only cultivated, but
taught and defined by the nicest and most elaborate rules, were totally
unacquainted with the simple art of recording the events of their
history, the characters of their princes, and the acts of their reigns?
Where such traces of _mind_ exist, we can hardly believe that there was
a want of competent recorders of events, which synchronical authorities
tell us were worthy of commemoration. The cities of Hastinapur and
Indraprastha, of Anhilwara and Somanatha, the triumphal columns of Delhi
and Chitor, the shrines of Abu and Girnar, the cave-temples of Elephanta
and Ellora, are so many attestations of the same fact; nor can we
imagine that the age in which these works were erected was without an
historian. Yet from the Mahabharata or Great War, to Alexander’s
invasion, and from that grand event to the era of Mahmud of Ghazni,
scarcely a paragraph of pure native Hindu history (except as before
stated) has hitherto been revealed to the curiosity of Western scholars.
In the heroic history of Prithiraj, the last of the Hindu sovereigns of
Delhi, written by his bard Chand, we find notices which authorize the
inference that works similar to his own were then extant, relating to
the period between Mahmud and Shihabu-d-din (A.D. 1000-1193); but these
have disappeared.

After eight centuries of galling subjection to conquerors totally
ignorant of the classical language of the Hindus; after almost every
capital city had been repeatedly stormed and sacked by barbarous,
bigoted, and exasperated foes; it is too much to expect that the
literature of the country should not have sustained, in common with
other important interests, irretrievable losses. My own animadversions
upon the defective condition of the annals of Rajwara have more than
once been checked by a very just remark: "when our princes were in
exile, driven from hold to hold, and compelled to dwell in the clefts of
the mountains, often doubtful whether they would not be forced to [x]
abandon the very meal preparing for them, was that a time to think of
historical records?"

Those who expect from a people like the Hindus a species of composition
of precisely the same character as the historical works of Greece and
Rome, commit the very egregious error of overlooking the peculiarities
which distinguish the natives of India from all other races, and which
strongly discriminate their intellectual productions of every kind from
those of the West. Their philosophy, their poetry, their architecture,
are marked with traits of originality; and the same may be expected to
pervade their history, which, like the arts enumerated, took a character
from its intimate association with the religion of the people. It must
be recollected, moreover, that until a more correct taste was imparted
to the literature of England and of France, by the study of classical
models, the chronicles of both these countries, and indeed of all the
polished nations of Europe, were, at a much more recent date, as crude,
as wild, and as barren as those of the early Rajputs.

In the absence of regular and legitimate historical records, there are,
however, other native works (they may, indeed, be said to abound),
which, in the hands of a skilful and patient investigator, would afford
no despicable materials for the history of India. The first of these are
the Puranas and genealogical legends of the princes, which, obscured as
they are by mythological details, allegory, and improbable
circumstances, contain many facts that serve as beacons to direct the
research of the historian. What Hume remarks of the annals and annalists
of the Saxon Heptarchy, may be applied with equal truth to those of the
Rajput Seven States:[i.29] "they abound in names, but are extremely
barren of events; or they are related so much without circumstances and
causes, that the most profound and eloquent writer must despair [xi] of
rendering them either instructive or entertaining to the reader. The
monks" (for which we may read “Brahmans”), “who lived remote from public
affairs, considered the civil transactions as subservient to the
ecclesiastical, and were strongly affected with credulity, with the love
of wonder, and with a propensity to imposture.”

The heroic poems of India constitute another resource for history. Bards
may be regarded as the primitive historians of mankind. Before fiction
began to engross the attention of poets, or rather, before the province
of history was dignified by a class of writers who made it a distinct
department of literature, the functions of the bard were doubtless
employed in recording real events and in commemorating real personages.
In India Calliope has been worshipped by the bards from the days of
Vyasa, the contemporary of Job, to the time of Benidasa, the present
chronicler of Mewar. The poets are the chief, though not the sole,
historians of Western India; neither is there any deficiency of them,
though they speak in a peculiar tongue, which requires to be translated
into the sober language of probability. To compensate for their
magniloquence and obscurity, their pen is free: the despotism of the
Rajput princes does not extend to the poet’s lay, which flows unconfined
except by the shackles of the _chand bhujanga_, or ‘serpentine stanza’;
no slight restraint, it must be confessed, upon the freedom of the
historic muse. On the other hand, there is a sort of compact or
understanding between the bard and the prince, a barter of “solid
pudding against empty praise,” whereby the fidelity of the poetic
chronicle is somewhat impaired. This sale of “fame,” as the bards term
it, by the court-laureates and historiographers of Rajasthan, will
continue until there shall arise in the community a class sufficiently
enlightened and independent, to look for no other recompense for
literary labour than public distinction.

Still, however, these chroniclers dare utter truths, sometimes most
[xii] unpalatable to their masters. When offended, or actuated by a
virtuous indignation against immorality, they are fearless of
consequences; and woe to the individual who provokes them! Many a
resolution has sunk under the lash of their satire, which has condemned
to eternal ridicule names that might otherwise have escaped notoriety.
The _vish_, or poison of the bard, is more dreaded by the Rajput than
the steel of the foe.

The absence of all mystery or reserve with regard to public affairs in
the Rajput principalities, in which every individual takes an interest,
from the noble to the porter at the city-gates, is of great advantage to
the chronicler of events. When matters of moment in the disorganized
state of the country rendered it imperative to observe secrecy, the Rana
of Mewar, being applied to on the necessity of concealing them, rejoined
as follows: “this is Chaumukha-raj;[i.30] Eklinga the sovereign, I his
vicegerent; in him I trust, and I have no secrets from my children.” To
this publicity may be partly ascribed the inefficiency of every general
alliance against common foes; but it gives a kind of patriarchal
character to the government, and inspires, if not loyalty and patriotism
in their most exalted sense, feelings at least much akin to them.

A material drawback upon the value of these bardic histories is, that
they are confined almost exclusively to the martial exploits of their
heroes, and to the _rang-ran-bhum_, or ‘field of slaughter.’ Writing for
the amusement of a warlike race, the authors disregard civil matters and
the arts and pursuits of peaceful life; love and war are their favourite
themes. Chand, the last of the great bards of India, tells us, indeed,
in his preface, “that he will give rules for governing empires; the laws
of grammar and composition; lessons in diplomacy, home and foreign,
etc.”: and he fulfils his promise, by interspersing precepts on these
points in various episodes throughout his work [xiii].

Again: the bard, although he is admitted to the knowledge of all the
secret springs which direct each measure of the government, enters too
deeply into the intrigues, as well as the levities, of the court, to be
qualified to pronounce a sober judgment upon its acts.

Nevertheless, although open to all these objections, the works of the
native bards afford many valuable data, in facts, incidents, religious
opinions, and traits of manners; many of which, being carelessly
introduced, are thence to be regarded as the least suspicious kind of
historical evidence. In the heroic history of Prithiraj, by Chand, there
occur many geographical as well as historical details, in the
description of his sovereign’s wars, of which the bard was an
eye-witness, having been his friend, his herald, his ambassador, and
finally discharging the melancholy office of accessory to his death,
that he might save him from dishonour. The poetical histories of Chand
were collected by the great Amra Singh of Mewar, a patron of literature,
as well as a warrior and a legislator.[i.31]

Another species of historical records is found in the accounts given by
the Brahmans of the endowments of the temples, their dilapidation and
repairs, which furnish occasions for the introduction of historical and
chronological details. In the legends, respecting places of pilgrimage
and religious resort, profane events are blended with superstitious
rites and ordinances, local ceremonies and customs. The controversies of
the Jains furnish, also, much historical information, especially with
reference to Gujarat and Nahrwala, during the Chaulukya dynasty. From a
close and attentive examination of the Jain records, which embody all
that those ancient sectarians knew of science, many chasms in Hindu
history might be filled up. The party-spirit of the rival sects of India
was, doubtless, adverse to the purity of history; and the very ground
upon which the Brahmans built their ascendency was the ignorance of the
people. There appears to have been in India [xiv], as well as in Egypt
in early times, a coalition between the hierarchy and the state, with
the view of keeping the mass of the nation in darkness and subjugation.

These different records, works of a mixed historical and geographical
character which I know to exist; _raesas_ or poetical legends of
princes, which are common; local Puranas, religious comments, and
traditionary couplets;[i.32] with authorities of a less dubious
character, namely, inscriptions ‘cut on the rock,’ coins, copper-plate
grants, containing charters of immunities, and expressing many singular
features of civil government, constitute, as I have already observed, no
despicable materials for the historian, who would, moreover, be assisted
by the synchronisms which are capable of being established with ancient
Pagan and later Muhammadan writers.

From the earliest period of my official connexion with this interesting
country, I applied myself to collect and explore its early historical
records, with a view of throwing some light upon a people scarcely yet
known in Europe and whose political connexion with England appeared to
me to be capable of undergoing a material change, with benefit to both
parties. It would be wearisome to the reader to be minutely informed of
the process I adopted, to collect the scattered relics of Rajput history
into the form and substance in which he now sees them. I began with the
sacred genealogy from the Puranas; examined the Mahabharata, and the
poems of Chand (a complete chronicle of his times); the voluminous
historical poems of Jaisalmer, Marwar, and Mewar;[i.33] the histories of
the Khichis, and those of the Hara princes [xv] of Kotah and Bundi,
etc., by their respective bards. A portion of the materials compiled by
Jai Singh of Amber or Jaipur (one of the greatest patrons of science
amongst the modern Hindu princes), to illustrate the history of his
race, fell into my hands. I have reason to believe that there existed
more copious materials, which his profligate descendant, the late
prince, in his division of the empire with a prostitute, may have
disposed of on the partition of the library of the State, which was the
finest collection in Rajasthan. Like some of the renowned princes of
Timur’s dynasty, Jai Singh kept a diary, termed _Kalpadruma_, in which
he noted every event: a work written by such a man and at such an
interesting juncture, would be a valuable acquisition to history. From
the Datia prince I obtained a transcript of the journal of his ancestor,
who served with such _éclat_ amongst the great feudatories of
Aurangzeb’s army, and from which Scott made many extracts in his history
of the Deccan.

For a period of ten years I was employed, with the aid of a learned
Jain, in ransacking every work which could contribute any facts or
incidents to the history of the Rajputs, or diffuse any light upon their
manners and character. Extracts and versions of all such passages were
made by my Jain assistant into the more familiar dialects (which are
formed from the Sanskrit) of these tribes, in whose language my long
residence amongst them enabled me to converse with facility. At much
expense, and during many wearisome hours, to support which required no
ordinary degree of enthusiasm, I endeavoured to possess myself not
merely of their history, but of their religious notions, their familiar
opinions, and their characteristic manners, by associating with their
chiefs and bardic chroniclers, and by listening to their traditionary
tales and allegorical poems. I might ultimately, as the circle of my
[xvi] inquiries enlarged, have materially augmented my knowledge of
these subjects; but ill-health compelled me to relinquish this pleasing
though toilsome pursuit, and forced me to revisit my native land just as
I had obtained permission to look across the threshold of the Hindu
Minerva; whence, however, I brought some relics, the examination of
which I now consign to other hands. The large collection of ancient
Sanskrit and Bhakha MSS., which I conveyed to England, have been
presented to the Royal Asiatic Society, in whose library they are
deposited. The contents of many, still unexamined, may throw additional
light on the history of ancient India. I claim only the merit of having
brought them to the knowledge of European scholars; but I may hope that
this will furnish a stimulus to others to make similar exertions.

The little exact knowledge that Europe has hitherto acquired of the
Rajput States, has probably originated a false idea of the comparative
importance of this portion of Hindustan. The splendour of the Rajput
courts, however, at an early period of the history of that country,
making every allowance for the exaggeration of the bards, must have been
great. Northern India was rich from the earliest times; that portion of
it, situated on either side the Indus, formed the richest satrapy of
Darius. It has abounded in the more striking events which constitute the
materials for history; there is not a petty State in Rajasthan that has
not had its Thermopylae, and scarcely a city that has not produced its
Leonidas. But the mantle of ages has shrouded from view what the magic
pen of the historian might have consecrated to endless admiration:
Somnath might have rivalled Delphos; the spoils of Hind might have vied
with the wealth of the Libyan king; and compared with the array of the
Pandus, the army of Xerxes would have dwindled into insignificance. But
the Hindus either never had, or have unfortunately lost, their Herodotus
and Xenophon.

If “the moral effect of history depend on the sympathy it excites”
[xvii], the annals of these States possess commanding interest. The
struggles of a brave people for independence during a series of ages,
sacrificing whatever was dear to them for the maintenance of the
religion of their forefathers, and sturdily defending to death, and in
spite of every temptation, their rights and national liberty, form a
picture which it is difficult to contemplate without emotion. Could I
impart to the reader but a small portion of the enthusiastic delight
with which I have listened to the tales of times that are past, amid
scenes where their events occurred, I should not despair of triumphing
over the apathy which dooms to neglect almost every effort to enlighten
my native country on the subject of India; nor should I apprehend any
ill effect from the sound of names, which, musical and expressive as
they are to a Hindu, are dissonant and unmeaning to a European ear: for
it should be remembered that almost every Eastern name is significant of
some quality, personal or mental. Seated amidst the ruins of ancient
cities, I have listened to the traditions respecting their fall; or have
heard the exploits of their illustrious defenders related by their
descendants near the altars erected to their memory. I have, whilst in
the train of the southern Goths (the Mahrattas), as they carried
desolation over the land, encamped on or traversed many a field of
battle, of civil strife or foreign aggression, to read in the rude
memorials on the tumuli of the slain their names and history. Such
anecdotes and records afford data of history as well as of manners. Even
the couplet recording the erection of a ‘column of victory,’ or of a
temple or its repairs, contributes something to our stock of knowledge
of the past.

As far as regards the antiquity of the dynasties now ruling in Central
and Western India, there are but two the origin of which is not
perfectly within the limits of historical probability; the rest having
owed their present establishments to the progress of the Muslim arms,
their annals are confirmed by those of their conquerors. All the
existing [xviii] families, indeed, have attained their present
settlements subsequently to the Muhammadan invasions, except Mewar,
Jaisalmer, and some smaller principalities in the desert; whilst others
of the first magnitude, such as the Pramara and Solanki, who ruled at
Dhar and Anhilwara, have for centuries ceased to exist.

I have been so hardy as to affirm and endeavour to prove the common
origin of the martial tribes of Rajasthan and those of ancient Europe. I
have expatiated at some length upon the evidence in favour of the
existence of a feudal system in India, similar to that which prevailed
in the early ages on the European continent, and of which relics still
remain in the laws of our own nation. Hypotheses of this kind are, I am
aware, viewed with suspicion, and sometimes assailed with ridicule. With
regard to the notions which I have developed on these questions, and the
frequent allusions to them in the pages of this volume, I entertain no
obstinate prepossessions or prejudices in their favour. The world is too
enlightened at the present day to be in danger of being misled by any
hypothetical writer, let him be ever so skilful; but the probability is,
that we have been induced, by the multitude of false theories which time
has exposed, to fall into the opposite error, and that we have become
too sceptical with regard to the common origin of the people of the east
and west. However, I submit my proofs to the candid judgment of the
world; the analogies, if not conclusive on the questions, are still
sufficiently curious and remarkable to repay the trouble of perusal and
to provoke further investigation; and they may, it is hoped, vindicate
the author for endeavouring to elucidate the subject, “by steering
through the dark channels of antiquity by the feeble lights of forgotten
chronicles and imperfect records.”

I am conscious that there is much in this work which demands the
indulgence of the public; and I trust it will not be necessary for me to
assign a more powerful argument in plea than that which I have already
[xix] adverted to, namely, the state of my health, which has rendered it
a matter of considerable difficulty, indeed I may say of risk, to bring
my bulky materials even into their present imperfect form. I should
observe, that it never was my intention to treat the subject in the
severe style of history, which would have excluded many details useful
to the politician as well as to the curious student. I offer this work
as a copious collection of materials for the future historian; and am
far less concerned at the idea of giving too much, than at the
apprehension of suppressing what might possibly be useful.

I cannot close these remarks without expressing my obligations to my
friend and kinsman, Major Waugh, to the genius of whose pencil the world
is indebted for the preservation and transmission of the splendid
monuments of art which adorn this work.


Footnote i.25:

  M. Abel Rémusat, in his _Mélanges Asiatiques_, makes many apposite and
  forcible remarks on this subject, which, without intention, convey a
  just reproof to the lukewarmness of our countrymen. The institution of
  the Royal Asiatic Society, especially that branch of it devoted to
  Oriental translations, may yet redeem this reproach.

Footnote i.26:

  _Asiatic Researches_, vol. xv. [The _Rājatarangini_ of Kalhana has
  been translated by M. A. Stein, 2 vols., London, 1910.]

Footnote i.27:

  When the genius and erudition of such men as Schlegel are added to the
  zeal which characterizes that celebrated writer, what revelations may
  we not yet expect from the cultivation of oriental literature?

Footnote i.28:

  Some copies of these Jain MSS. from Jaisalmer, which were written from
  five to eight centuries back, I presented to the Royal Asiatic
  Society. Of the vast numbers of these MS. books in the libraries of
  Patan and Jaisalmer, many are of the most remote antiquity, and in a
  character no longer understood by their possessors, or only by the
  supreme pontiff and his initiated librarians. There is one volume held
  so sacred for its magical contents, that it is suspended by a chain in
  the temple of Chintaman, at the last-named capital in the desert, and
  is only taken down to have its covering renewed, or at the
  inauguration of a pontiff. Tradition assigns its authorship to
  Somaditya Suru Acharya, a pontiff of past days, before the Islamite
  had crossed the waters of the Indus, and whose diocese extended far
  beyond that stream. His magic mantle is also here preserved, and used
  on every new installation. The character is, doubtless, the
  nail-headed Pali; and could we introduce the ingenious, indefatigable,
  and modest Mons. E. Burnouf, with his able coadjutor Dr. Lassen, into
  the temple, we might learn something of this Sibylline volume, without
  their incurring the risk of loss of sight, which befel the last
  individual, a female Yati of the Jains, who sacrilegiously endeavoured
  to acquire its contents. [For the temple library at Jaisalmer see
  _IA_, iv. 81 ff; for those at Udaipur, _ibid._ xiii. 31. J. Burgess
  visited the Pātan library, described by the Author (_WI_, 232 ff.),
  and found a collection of palm-leaf MSS., carefully wrapped in cloth
  and deposited in large chests (_BG_, vii. 598).]

Footnote i.29:

  Mewar, Marwar, Amber, Bikaner, Jaisalmer, Kotah, and Bundi.

Footnote i.30:

  Government of ‘_four mouths_,’ alluding to the quadriform image of the
  tutelary divinity.

Footnote i.31:

  [Only portions of the _Chand-rāesa_ or _Prithīrāj Rāesa_ have been
  translated (Smith, _EHI_, 387, note; _IA_, i. 269 ff., iii. 17 ff.,
  xxxii. 167 f).]

Footnote i.32:

  Some of these preserve the names of princes who invaded India between
  the time of Mahmud of Ghazni and Shihabu-d-dīn, who are not mentioned
  by Ferishta, the Muhammadan historian. The invasion of Ajmer and the
  capture of Bayana, the seat of the Yadu princes, were made known to us
  by this means.

Footnote i.33:

  Of Marwar, there were the _Vijaya Vilas_, the _Surya Prakas_, and
  _Khyat_, or legends, besides detached fragments of reigns. Of Mewar,
  there was the _Khuman Raesa_, a modern work formed from old materials
  which are lost, and commencing with the attack of Chitor by Mahmud,
  supposed to be the son of Kasim of Sind, in the very earliest ages of
  Muhammadanism: also the _Jagat Vilas_, the _Raj-prakas_, and the _Jaya
  Vilas_, all poems composed in the reigns of the princes whose names
  they bear, but generally introducing succinctly the early parts of
  history. Besides these, there were fragments of the Jaipur family,
  from their archives; and the _Man Charitra_, or history of Raja Man.

                      AUTHOR’S INTRODUCTION TO THE
                     SECOND VOLUME OF THE ORIGINAL

In placing before the public the concluding volume of the _Annals of
Rajputana_ I have fulfilled what I considered to be a sacred obligation
to the races amongst whom I have passed the better portion of my life;
and although no man can more highly appreciate public approbation, I am
far less eager to court that approbation than to awaken a sympathy for
the objects of my work, the interesting people of Rajputana.

I need add nothing to what was urged in the Introduction to the First
Volume on the subject of Indian History; and trust that, however slight
the analogy between the chronicles of the Hindus and those of Europe, as
historical works, they will serve to banish the reproach, which India
has so long laboured under, of possessing no records of past events: my
only fear now is, that they may be thought redundant.

I think I may confidently affirm, that whoever, without being alarmed at
their bulk, has the patience attentively to peruse these Annals, cannot
fail to become well acquainted with all the peculiar features of Hindu
society, and will be enabled to trace the foundation and progress of
each State in Rajputana, as well as to form a just notion of the
character of a people, upon whom, at a future period, our existence in
India may depend.

Whatever novelty the inquirer into the origin of nations may find in
these [viii] pages, I am ambitious to claim for them a higher title than
a mass of mere archaeological data. To see humanity under every aspect,
and to observe the influence of different creeds upon man in his social
capacity, must ever be one of the highest sources of mental enjoyment;
and I may hope that the personal qualities herein delineated, will allow
the labourer in this vast field of philosophy to enlarge his sphere of
acquaintance with human varieties. In the present circumstances of our
alliance with these States, every trait of national character, and even
every traditional incident, which, by leading us to understand and
respect their peculiarities, may enable us to secure their friendship
and esteem, become of infinite importance. The more we study their
history, the better shall we comprehend the causes of their
international quarrels, the origin of their tributary engagements, the
secret principles of their mutual repulsion, and the sources of their
strength and their weakness as an aggregate body: without which
knowledge it is impossible we can arbitrate with justice in their
national disputes; and, as respects ourselves, we may convert a means of
defence into a source of bitter hostility.

It has been my aim to diversify as much as possible the details of this
volume. In the Annals of Marwar I have traced the conquest and peopling
of an immense region by a handful of strangers; and have dwelt, perhaps,
with tedious minuteness on the long reign of Raja Ajit Singh and the
Thirty Years’ War; to show what the energy of one of these petty States,
impelled by a sense of oppression, effected against the colossal power
of its enemies. It is a portion of their history which should be deeply
studied by those who have succeeded to the paramount power; for
Aurangzeb had less reason to distrust the stability of his dominion than
we have: yet what is now the house of Timur? The resources of Marwar
were reduced to as low an ebb at the close of Aurangzeb’s reign, as they
are at the present time; yet did that [ix] State surmount all its
difficulties, and bring armies into the field that annihilated the
forces of the empire. Let us not, then, mistake the supineness
engendered by long oppression, for want of feeling, nor mete out to
these high-spirited people the same measure of contumely, with which we
have treated the subjects of our earlier conquests.

The Annals of the Bhattis may be considered as the link connecting the
tribes of India Proper with the ancient races west of the Indus, or
Indo-Scythia; and although they will but slightly interest the general
reader, the antiquary may find in them many new topics for
investigation, as well as in the Sketch of the Desert, which has
preserved the relics of names that once promised immortality.

The patriarchal simplicity of the Jat communities, upon whose ruins the
State of Bikaner was founded, affords a picture, however imperfect, of
petty republics—a form of government little known to eastern despotism,
and proving the tenacity of the ancient Gete’s attachment to liberty.

Amber, and its scion Shaikhavati, possess a still greater interest from
their contiguity to our frontier. A multitude of singular privileges is
attached to the Shaikhavati federation, which it behoves the paramount
power thoroughly to understand, lest it should be led by false views to
pursue a policy detrimental to them as well as to ourselves. To this
extensive community belong the Larkhanis, so utterly unknown to us, that
a recent internal tumult of that tribe was at first mistaken for an
irruption of our old enemies, the Pindaris.

Haraoti may claim our regard from the high bearing of its gallant race,
the Haras; and the singular character of the individual with whose
biography its history closes, and which cannot fail to impart juster
notions of the genius of Asiatics [x].

So much for the matter of this volume—with regard to the manner, as the
Rajputs abhor all pleas _ad misericordiam_, so likewise does their
annalist, who begs to repeat, in order to deprecate a standard of
criticism inapplicable to this performance, that it professes _not_ to
be constructed on exact historical principles: _Non historia, sed
particulae historiae_.

In conclusion, I adopt the peroration of the ingenuous, pious, and
liberal Abu-l Fazl, when completing his History of the Provinces of
India; “Praise be unto God, that by the assistance of his Divine Grace,
I have completed the History of the Rajputs. The account cost me a great
deal of trouble in collecting, and I found such difficulty in
ascertaining dates, and in reconciling the contradictions in the several
histories of the Princes of Rajputana, that I had nearly resolved to
relinquish the task altogether: but who can resist the decrees of Fate?
I trust that those, who have been able to obtain better information,
will not dwell upon my errors; but that upon the whole I may meet with

                                         YORK PLACE, PORTMAN SQUARE,
                                                   _March 10, 1832_.

Footnote i.34:

  [_Āīn_, ii. 418.]


                         ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES
                              OF RAJASTHAN

                                 BOOK I


=Boundaries of Rajputana.=—Rajasthan is the collective and classical
denomination of that portion of India which is ‘the abode[1.1] of
(Rajput) princes.’ In the familiar dialect of these countries it is
termed Rajwara, but by the more refined Raethana, corrupted to
Rajputana, the common designation amongst the British to denote the
Rajput principalities.

What might have been the nominal extent of Rajasthan prior to the
Muhammadan conqueror Shihabu-d-din (when it probably reached beyond the
Jumna and Ganges, even to the base of the Himalaya) cannot now be known.
At present we may adhere to its restrictive definition, still
comprehending a wide space and a variety of interesting races.

Previous to the erection of the minor Muhammadan monarchies of Mandu and
Ahmadabad (the capitals of Malwa and Gujarat), on the ruins of Dhar and
Anhilwara Patan, the term Rajasthan would have been appropriated to the
space comprehended in the map prefixed to this work: the valley of the
Indus on the west, and Bundelkhand[1.2] on the east; to the north, the
sandy tracts (south of the Sutlej) termed Jangaldes; and the Vindhya
mountains to the south.

This space comprehends nearly 8° of latitude and 9° of longitude, being
from 22° to 30° north latitude, and 69° to 78° east longitude, embracing
a superficial area of 350,000 square miles[1.3] [2].

Although it is proposed to touch upon the annals of all the States in
this extensive tract, with their past and present condition, those in
the centre will claim the most prominent regard; especially Mewar,
which, copiously treated of, will afford a specimen, obviating the
necessity of like details of the rest.

=The States of Rājputāna.=—The order in which these States will be
reviewed is as follows:

      1. Mewar, or Udaipur.
      2. Marwar, or Jodhpur.
      3. Bikaner and Kishangarh.
      4. Kotah ┐ or Haraoti.
      5. Bundi ┘
      6. Amber, or Jaipur, with its branches, dependent and independent.
      7. Jaisalmer.
      8. The Indian desert to the valley of the Indus.

=History of Geographical Surveys.=—The basis of this work is the
geography of the country, the historical and statistical portion being
consequent and subordinate thereto. It was, indeed, originally designed
to be essentially geographical; but circumstances have rendered it
impossible to execute the intended details, or even to make the map[1.4]
so perfect as the superabundant material at the command of the author
might have enabled him to do; a matter of regret to himself rather than
of loss to the general reader, to whom geographic details, however
important, are usually dry and uninteresting.

It was also intended to institute a comparison between the map and such
remains of ancient geography as can be extracted from the Puranas and
other Hindu authorities; which, however, must be deferred to a future
period, when the deficiency of the present rapid and general sketch may
be supplied, should the author be enabled to resume his labours.

The laborious research, in the course of which these data were
accumulated, commenced in 1806, when the author was attached to the
embassy sent, at the close of the Mahratta wars, to the court of
Sindhia. This chieftain’s army was then in Mewar, at that period almost
a _terra incognita_, the position of whose two capitals, Udaipur and
Chitor, in the best existing maps, was precisely reversed [3]; that is,
Chitor was inserted S.E. of Udaipur instead of E.N.E., a proof of the
scanty knowledge possessed at that period.

In other respects there was almost a total blank. In the maps prior to
1806 nearly all the western and central States of Rajasthan will be
found wanting. It had been imagined, but a little time before, that the
rivers had a southerly course into the Nerbudda; a notion corrected by
the father of Indian geography, the distinguished Rennell.[1.5]

This blank the author filled up; and in 1815, for the first time, the
geography of Rajasthan was put into combined form and presented to the
Marquess of Hastings, on the eve of a general war, when the labour of
ten years was amply rewarded by its becoming in part the foundation of
that illustrious commander’s plans of the campaign. It is a duty owing
to himself to state that every map, without exception, printed since
this period has its foundation, as regards Central and Western India, in
the labours of the author.[1.6]

=The Author’s Surveys.=—The route of the embassy was from Agra, through
the southern frontier of Jaipur to Udaipur. A portion of this had been
surveyed and points laid down from celestial observation, by Dr. W.
Hunter, which I adopted as the basis of my enterprise. The Resident
Envoy[1.7] to the court of Sindhia was possessed of the valuable sketch
of the route of Colonel Palmer’s embassy in 1791, as laid down by Dr.
Hunter, the foundation of my subsequent surveys, as it merited from its
importance and general accuracy. It embraced all the extreme points of
Central India: Agra, Narwar, Datia, Jhansi, Bhopal, Sarangpur, Ujjain,
and on return from this, the first meridian of the Hindus, by Kotah,
Bundi, Rampura (Tonk), Bayana, to Agra. The position of all these places
was more or less accurately fixed, according to the time which could be
bestowed, by astronomical observation [4].

At Rampura Hunter ceased to be my guide: and from this point commenced
the new survey of Udaipur, where we arrived in June 1806. The position
then assigned to it, with most inadequate instruments, has been changed
only 1´of longitude, though the latitude amounted to about 5´.

From Udaipur the subsequent march of the army with which we moved led
past the celebrated Chitor, and through the centre of Malwa, crossing in
detail all the grand streams flowing from the Vindhya, till we halted
for a season on the Bundelkhand frontier at Khimlasa. In this journey of
seven hundred miles I twice crossed the lines of route of the former
embassy, and was gratified to find my first attempts generally coincide
with their established points.

In 1807, the army having undertaken the siege of Rahatgarh, I determined
to avail myself of the time which Mahrattas waste in such a process, and
to pursue my favourite project. With a small guard I determined to push
through untrodden fields, by the banks of the Betwa to Chanderi, and in
its latitude proceed in a westerly direction towards Kotah, trace the
course once more of all those streams from the south, and the points of
junction of the most important (the Kali Sind, Parbati, and Banas) with
the Chambal; and having effected this, continue my journey to Agra. This
I accomplished in times very different from the present, being often
obliged to strike my tents and march at midnight, and more than once the
object of plunder.[1.8] The chief points in this route were Khimlasa,
Rajwara, Kotra on the Betwa, Kanyadana,[1.9] Buradungar,[1.10] Shahabad,
Barah,[1.11] Puleta,[1.12] Baroda, Sheopur, Pali,[1.13] Ranthambhor,
Karauli, Sri Mathura, and Agra.

On my return to the Mahratta camp I resolved further to increase the
sphere, and proceeded westward by Bharatpur, Katumbar, Sentri, to
Jaipur, Tonk, Indargarh, Gugal Chhapra, Raghugarh, Aron, Kurwai, Borasa,
to Sagar: a journey of more than one thousand miles. I found the camp
nearly where I left it.

With this ambulatory court I moved everywhere within this region,
constantly employed in surveying till 1812, when Sindhia’s court became
stationary. It was then I formed my plans for obtaining a knowledge of
those countries into which I could not personally penetrate [5].

=Survey Parties.=—In 1810-11 I had despatched two parties, one to the
Indus, the other to the desert south of the Sutlej. The first party,
under Shaikh Abu-l Barakat, journeyed westward, by Udaipur, through
Gujarat, Saurashtra and Cutch, Lakhpat and Hyderabad (the capital of the
Sindi government); crossed the Indus to Tatta, proceeded up the right
bank to Sehwan; recrossed, and continued on the left bank as far as
Khairpur, the residence of one of the triumvirate governors of Sind, and
having reached the insulated Bakhar[1.14] (the capital of the Sogdoi of
Alexander), returned by the desert of Umrasumra to Jaisalmer, Marwar,
and Jaipur, and joined me in camp at Narwar. It was a perilous
undertaking; but the Shaikh was a fearless and enterprising character,
and moreover a man with some tincture of learning. His journals
contained many hints and directions for future research in the
geography, statistics, and manners of the various races amongst whom he

The other party was conducted by a most valuable man, Madari Lal, who
became a perfect adept in these expeditions of geographical discovery,
and other knowledge resulting therefrom. There is not a district of any
consequence in the wide space before the reader which was not traversed
by this spirited individual, whose qualifications for such complicated
and hazardous journeys were never excelled. Ardent, persevering,
prepossessing, and generally well-informed, he made his way when others
might have perished.[1.15]

From these remote regions the best-informed native inhabitants were, by
persuasion and recompense, conducted to me; and I could at all times, in
the Mahratta camp at Gwalior, from 1812 to 1817, have provided a native
of the valley of the Indus, the deserts of Dhat, Umrasumra, or any of
the States of Rajasthan.

The precision with which Kasids and other public conveyers of letters,
in countries where posts are little used, can detail the peculiarities
of a long line of route, and the accuracy of their distances would
scarcely be credited in Europe. I have no hesitation in asserting that
if a correct estimate were obtained of the measured [6] coss of a
country, a line might be laid down upon a flat surface with great
exactitude. I have heard it affirmed that it was the custom of the old
Hindu governments to have measurements made of the roads from town to
town, and that the _Abu Mahatma_[1.16] contains a notice of an
instrument for that purpose. Indeed, the singular coincidence between
lines measured by the perambulator and the estimated distances of the
natives is the best proof that the latter are deduced from some more
certain method than mere computation.

I never rested satisfied with the result of one set of my parties, with
the single exception of Madari’s, always making the information of one a
basis for the instruction of another, who went over the same ground; but
with additional views and advantages, and with the aid of the natives
brought successively by each, till I exhausted every field.

Thus, in a few years, I had filled several volumes with lines of route
throughout this space; and having many frontier and intermediate points,
the positions of which were fixed, a general outline of the result was
constructed, wherein all this information was laid down. I speak more
particularly of the western States, as the central portion, or that
watered by the Chambal and its tributary streams, whether from the
elevated Aravalli on the west, or from the Vindhya mountains on the
south, has been personally surveyed and measured in every direction,
with an accuracy sufficient for every political or military purpose,
until the grand trigonometrical survey from the peninsula shall be
extended throughout India. These countries form an extended plain to the
Sutlej north, and west to the Indus, rendering the amalgamation of
geographical materials much less difficult than where mountainous
regions intervene.

After having laid down these varied lines in the outline described, I
determined to check and confirm its accuracy by recommencing the survey
on a new plan, viz. trigonometrically.

My parties were again despatched to resume their labours over fields now
familiar to them. They commenced from points whose positions were fixed
(and my knowledge enabled me to give a series of such), from each of
which, as a centre, they collected every radiating route to every town
within the distance of twenty miles. The points selected were generally
such as to approach equilateral [7] triangles; and although to digest
the information became a severe toil, the method will appear, even to
the casual observer, one which must throw out its own errors; for these
lines crossed in every direction, and consequently corrected each other.
By such means did I work my way in those unknown tracts, and the result
is in part before the reader. I say, in part; for my health compels me
reluctantly to leave out much which could be combined from ten folios of
journeys extending throughout these regions.

=The Author’s Map.=—In 1815, as before stated, an outline map containing
all the information thus obtained, and which the subsequent crisis
rendered of essential importance, was presented by me to the
Governor-General of India. Upon the very eve of the war I constructed
and presented another, of the greater portion of Malwa, to which it
appeared expedient to confine the operations against the Pindaris. The
material feature in this small map was the general position of the
Vindhya mountains, the sources and course of every river originating
thence, and the passes in this chain, an object of primary importance.
The boundaries of the various countries in this tract were likewise
defined, and it became essentially useful in the subsequent
dismemberment of the Peshwa’s dominions.

In the construction of this map I had many fixed points, both of Dr.
Hunter’s and my own, to work from; and it is gratifying to observe that
though several measured lines have since been run through this space,
not only the general, but often the identical features of mine have been
preserved in the maps since given to the world. As considerable
improvement has been made by several measured lines through this tract,
and many positions affixed by a scientific and zealous geographer, I
have had no hesitation in incorporating a small portion of this improved
geography in the map now presented.[1.17]

Many surveyed lines were made by me from 1817 to 1822; and here I
express my obligations to my kinsman,[1.18] to whom alone I owe any aid
for improving this portion of my geographical labours. This officer made
a circuitous survey, which comprehended nearly the extreme points of
Mewar, from the capital, by Chitor, Mandalgarh, Jahazpur, Rajmahall, and
in return by Banai, Badnor, Deogarh [8], to the point of outset. From
these extreme points he was enabled to place many intermediate ones, for
which Mewar is so favourable, by reason of its isolated hills.

In 1820 I made an important journey across the Aravalli, by Kumbhalmer,
Pali, to Jodhpur, the capital of Marwar, and thence by Merta, tracing
the course of the Luni to its source at Ajmer; and from this celebrated
residence of the Chauhan kings and Mogul emperors; returning through the
central lands of Mewar, by Banai and Banera, to the capital.

I had the peculiar satisfaction to find that my position of Jodhpur,
which has been used as a capital point in fixing the geography west and
north, was only 3´ of space out in latitude, and little more in
longitude; which accounted for the coincidence of my position of Bikaner
with that assigned by Mr. Elphinstone in his account of the embassy to

Besides Udaipur, Jodhpur, Ajmer, etc., whose positions I had fixed by
observations, and the points laid down by Hunter, I availed myself of a
few positions given to me by that enterprising traveller, the author of
the journey into Khorasan,[1.19] who marched from Delhi, by Nagor and
Jodhpur, to Udaipur.

The outline of the countries of Gujarat,[1.20] the Saurashtra peninsula,
and Cutch, inserted chiefly by way of connexion, is entirely taken from
the labours of that distinguished geographer, the late General Reynolds.
We had both gone over a great portion of the same field, and my
testimony is due to the value of his researches in countries into which
he never personally penetrated, evincing what may be done by industry,
and the use of such materials as I have described.

=Physiography of Rājputāna.=—I shall conclude with a rapid sketch of the
physiognomy of these regions; minute and local descriptions will appear
more appropriately in the respective historical portions.

Rajasthan presents a great variety of feature. Let me place the reader
on the highest peak of the insulated Abu, ‘the saint’s pinnacle,’[1.21]
as it is termed, and guide his eye in a survey over this wide expanse,
from the ‘blue waters’ of the Indus west to the ‘withy-covered’[1.22]
Betwa on the east. From this, the most [9] elevated spot in Hindustan,
overlooking by fifteen hundred feet the Aravalli mountains, his eye
descends to the plains of Medpat[1.23] (the classic term for Mewar),
whose chief streams, flowing from the base of the Aravalli, join the
Berach and Banas, and are prevented from uniting with the Chambal only
by the Patar[1.24] or plateau of Central India.

Ascending this plateau near the celebrated Chitor, let the eye deviate
slightly from the direct eastern line, and pursue the only practicable
path by Ratangarh, and Singoli, to Kotah, and he will observe its three
successive steppes, the miniature representation of those of Russian
Tartary. Let the observer here glance across the Chambal and traverse
Haraoti to its eastern frontier, guarded by the fortress of Shahabad:
thence abruptly descend the plateau to the level of the Sind, still
proceeding eastward, until the table-mountain, the western limit of
Bundelkhand, affords a resting-point.

To render this more distinct, I present a profile of the tract described
from Abu to Kotra on the Betwa:[1.25] from Abu to the Chambal, the
result of barometrical measurement, and from the latter to the Betwa
from my general observations[1.26] of the irregularities of surface. The
result is, that the Betwa at Kotra is one thousand feet above the
sea-level, and one thousand lower than the city and valley of Udaipur,
which again is on the same level with the base of Abu, two thousand feet
above the sea. This line, the general direction of which is but a short
distance from the tropic, is about six geographic degrees in length: yet
is this small space highly diversified, both in its inhabitants and the
production of the soil, whether hidden or revealed.


Section thro’ Central India in 25° N. Lat. from Aboo [Abu] to
   Bundelkhund [Bundelkhand].
Plateau of Central India——Trap formation
Mt. Aboo [Mt. Abu—A is at the left edge of the base of Mt. Aboo, and B
   on the right]
Aravalli Mountains [C is at the left edge of the Aravalli Mountains]
Oodipoor [Udaipur—D]
Jawud [E]
Rampoora [Rampura]
Chumbul R. [Chambal R.]
Parbatty R. [Parbati R.]
Shahabad [F]
Sinde R. [In ground beneath “Sinde R.” is written "Seronge"—G]
Kunneadanna [H]
Betwa R.
Kotra [I]

A. B. The isolated Aboo 24 miles Circumference at base     Granite and
C. D. The Aravalli Chain.______________Granite reposing on compact blue
D. E. Plains of Mewar.
E. F. Patar or Plateau of Central India.___________________________Trap
F. G. Valley of the Sinde.
G. H. Table Mountain the Eastern limit of Rajpootna, structure doubtful.
H. I. Plains of the Betwa, Bundelkhund.


Let us now from our elevated station (still turned to the east) carry
the eye both south and north of the line described, which nearly bisects
Madhyadesa,[1.27] ‘the central land’ of Rajasthan; best defined by the
course of the Chambal and [10] its tributary streams, to its confluence
with the Jumna: while the regions west of the transalpine Aravalli[1.28]
may as justly be defined Western Rajasthan.

Looking to the south, the eye rests on the long-extended and
strongly-defined line of the Vindhya mountains, the proper bounds of
Hindustan and the Deccan. Though, from our elevated stand on ‘the
Saint’s Pinnacle’ of Abu, we look down on the Vindhya as a range of
diminished importance, it is that our position is the least favourable
to viewing its grandeur, which would be most apparent from the south;
though throughout this skirt of descent, irregular elevations attain a
height of many hundred feet above such points of its abrupt descent.

The Aravalli itself may be said to connect with the Vindhya, and the
point of junction to be towards Champaner; though it might be as correct
to say the Aravalli thence rose upon and stretched from the Vindhya.
Whilst it is much less elevated than more to the north, it presents bold
features throughout,[1.29] south by Lunawara, Dungarpur, and Idar, to
Amba Bhawani and Udaipur.

Still looking from Abu over the tableland of Malwa, we observe her
plains of black loam furrowed by the numerous streams from the highest
points of the Vindhya, pursuing their northerly course; some meandering
through valleys or falling over precipices; others bearing down all
opposition, and actually forcing an exit through the central plateau to
join the Chambal.

=The Aravalli Range.=—Having thus glanced at the south, let us cast the
eye north of this line, and pause on the alpine Aravalli.[1.30] Let us
take a section of it, from the capital, Udaipur, the line of our station
on Abu, passing through Oghna Panarwa, and Mirpur, to the western
descent near Sirohi, a space of nearly sixty miles in a direct line,
where “hills o’er hills and alps on alps arise,” from the ascent at
Udaipur, to the descent to Marwar. All this space to the Sirohi frontier
is inhabited by communities of the aboriginal races, living in a state
of primeval and almost savage independence, owning no paramount power,
paying no tribute, but with all the simplicity of republics; their
leaders, with the title of Rawat, being hereditary. Thus the Rawat of
the Oghna commune can assemble five thousand bows, and several others
[11] can on occasion muster considerable numbers. Their habitations are
dispersed through the valleys in small rude hamlets, near their pastures
or places of defence.[1.31]

Let me now transport the reader to the citadel pinnacle of
Kumbhalmer,[1.32] thence surveying the range running north to Ajmer,
where, shortly after, it loses its tabular form, and breaking into lofty
ridges, sends numerous branches through the Shaikhavati federation, and
Alwar, till in low heights it terminates at Delhi.

From Kumbhalmer to Ajmer the whole space is termed Merwāra, and is
inhabited by the mountain race of Mer or Mair, the habits and history of
which singular class will be hereafter related. The range averages from
six to fifteen miles in breadth, having upwards of one hundred and fifty
villages and hamlets scattered over its valleys and rocks, abundantly
watered, not deficient in pasture, and with cultivation enough for all
internal wants, though it is raised with infinite labour on terraces, as
the vine is cultivated in Switzerland and on the Rhine.

In vain does the eye search for any trace of wheel-carriage across this
compound range from Idar to Ajmer; and it consequently well merits its
appellation _ara_, ‘the barrier,’ for the strongest arm of modern
warfare, artillery, would have to turn the chain by the north to avoid
the impracticable descent to the west.[1.33]

=Views from the Aravalli Hills.=—Guiding the eye along the chain,
several fortresses are observed on pinnacles guarding the passes on
either side, while numerous rills descend, pouring over the declivities,
seeking their devious exit between the projecting ribs of the mountain.
The Berach, the Banas, the Kothari, the Khari, the Dahi all unite with
the Banas to the east, while to the west the still more numerous streams
which fertilize the rich province of Godwar, unite to ‘the Salt River,’
the Luni, and mark the true line of the desert. Of these the chief are
the Sukri and the [12] Bandi; while others which are not perennial, and
depend on atmospheric causes for their supply, receive the general
denomination of _rela_, indicative of rapid mountain torrents, carrying
in their descent a vast volume of alluvial deposit, to enrich the
siliceous soil below.

However grand the view of the chaotic mass of rock from this elevated
site of Kumbhalmer, it is from the plains of Marwar that its majesty is
most apparent; where its ‘splintered pinnacles’ are seen rising over
each other in varied form, or frowning over the dark indented recesses
of its forest-covered and rugged declivities.

On reflection, I am led to pronounce the Aravalli a connexion of the
‘Apennines of India’; the Ghats on the Malabar coast of the peninsula:
nor does the passage of the Nerbudda or the Tapti, through its
diminished centre, militate against the hypothesis, which might be
better substantiated by the comparison of their intrinsic character and

=Geology of the Aravallis.=—The general character of the Aravalli is its
primitive formation:[1.34] granite, reposing in variety of angle (the
general dip is to the east) on massive, compact, dark blue slate, the
latter rarely appearing much above the surface or base of the
superincumbent granite. The internal valleys abound in variegated quartz
and a variety of schistous slate of every hue, which gives a most
singular appearance to the roofs of the houses and temples when the sun
shines upon them. Rocks of gneiss and of syenite appear in the
intervals; and in the diverging ridges west of Ajmer the summits are
quite dazzling with the enormous masses of vitreous rose-coloured

The Aravalli and its subordinate hills are rich in both mineral and
metallic products; and, as stated in the annals of Mewar, to the latter
alone can be attributed the resources which enabled this family so long
to struggle against superior power, and to raise those magnificent
structures which would do honour to the most potent kingdoms of the

The mines are royalties; their produce a monopoly, increasing the
personal revenue of their prince. _An-Dan-Khan_ is a triple figurative
expression, which comprehends the sum of sovereign rights in Rajasthan,
being _allegiance_, _commercial duties_, _mines_. The tin-mines of Mewar
were once very productive, and yielded, it is asserted, no
inconsiderable portion of silver: but the caste of miners is extinct,
and political reasons, during the Mogul domination, led to the [13]
concealment of such sources of wealth. Copper of a very fine description
is likewise abundant, and supplies the currency; and the chief of
Salumbar even coins by sufferance from the mines on his own estate.
_Surma_, or the oxide of antimony, is found on the western frontier. The
garnet, amethystine quartz, rock crystal, the chrysolite, and inferior
kinds of the emerald family are all to be found within Mewar; and though
I have seen no specimens decidedly valuable, the Rana has often told me
that, according to tradition, his native hills contained every species
of mineral wealth.

=The Patār Plateau.=—Let us now quit our alpine station on the Aravalli,
and make a tour of the _Patar_, or plateau of Central India, not the
least important feature of this interesting region. It possesses a most
decided character, and is distinct from the Vindhya to the south and the
Aravalli to the west, being of the secondary formation, or trap, of the
most regular horizontal stratification.

The circumference of the plateau is best explained in the map, though
its surface is most unequally detailed, and is continually alternating
its character between the tabular form and clustering ridges.

Commencing the tour of Mandalgarh, let us proceed south, skirting Chitor
(both on insulated rocks detached from the plateau), thence by Jawad,
Dantoli, Rampura,[1.35] Bhanpura, the Mukunddarra Pass,[1.36] to Gagraun
(where the Kali Sind forces an entrance through its table-barrier to
Eklera)[1.37] and Margwas (where the Parbati, taking advantage of the
diminished elevation, passes from Malwa to Haraoti), and by Raghugarh,
Shahabad, Ghazigarh, Gaswani, to Jadonwati, where the plateau terminates
on the Chambal, east; while from the same point of outset, Mandalgarh,
soon losing much of its table form, it stretches away in bold ranges,
occasionally tabular, as in the Bundi fortress, by Dablana,
Indargarh,[1.38] and Lakheri,[1.38] to Ranthambhor and Karauli,
terminating at Dholpur Bari.

The elevation and inequalities of this plateau are best seen by crossing
it from west to east, from the plains to the level of the Chambal,
where, with the exception of the short flat between Kotah and Pali
ferry, this noble stream is seen rushing through the rocky barrier.

At Ranthambhor the plateau breaks into lofty ranges, their white summits
[14] sparkling in the sun; cragged but not peaked, and preserving the
characteristic formation, though disunited from the mass. Here there are
no less than seven distinct ranges (_Satpara_), through all of which the
Banas has to force a passage to unite with the Chambal. Beyond
Ranthambhor, and the whole way from Karauli to the river, is an
irregular tableland, on the edge of whose summit are the fortresses of
Utgir, Mandrel, and that more celebrated of Thun. But east of the
eastern side there is still another steppe of descent, which may be said
to originate near the fountain of the Sind at Latoti, and passing by
Chanderi, Kanyadana, Narwar, and Gwalior, terminates at Deogarh, in the
plains of Gohad. The descent from this second steppe is into Bundelkhand
and the valley of the Betwa.

Distinguished as is this elevated region of the surface of Central
India, its summit is but little higher than the general elevation of the
crest of the Vindhya, and upon a level with the valley of Udaipur and
base of the Aravalli. The slope or descent, therefore, from both these
ranges to the skirts of the plateau is great and abrupt, of which the
most intelligible and simple proof appears in the course of these
streams. Few portions of the globe attest more powerfully the force
exerted by the action of waters to subdue every obstacle, than a view of
the rock-bound channels of these streams in this adamantine barrier.
Four streams—one of which, the Chambal, would rank with the Rhine and
almost with the Rhone—have here forced their way, laying bare the
stratification from the water’s level to the summit, from three to six
hundred feet in perpendicular height, the rock appearing as if chiselled
by the hand of man. Here the geologist may read the book of nature in
distinct character; few tracts (from Rampura to Kotah) will be found
more interesting to him, to the antiquarian, or to the lover of nature
in her most rugged attire.

The surface of this extensive plateau is greatly diversified. At Kotah
the bare protruding rock in some places presents not a trace of
vegetation; but where it bevels off to the banks of the Par it is one of
the richest and most productive soils in India, and better cultivated
than any spot even of British India. In its indented sides are glens of
the most romantic description (as the fountain of ‘the snake King’ near
Hinglaj), and deep dells, the source of small streams, where many
treasures of art,[1.39] in temples and ancient dwellings, yet remain to
reward the traveller [15].

This central elevation, as before described, is of the secondary
formation, called trap. Its prevailing colour, where laid bare by the
Chambal, is milk-white: it is compact and close-grained, and though
perhaps the mineral offering the greatest resistance to the chisel, the
sculptures at the celebrated Barolli evince its utility to the artist.
White is also the prevailing colour to the westward. About Kotah it is
often mixed white and porphyritic, and about Shahabad of a mixed red and
brown tint. When exposed to the action of the atmosphere in its eastern
declivity the decomposed and rough surface would almost cause it to be
mistaken for gritstone.

This formation is not favourable to mineral wealth. The only metals are
lead and iron; but their ores, especially the latter, are abundant.
There are mines, said to be of value, of sulphuret of lead (_galena_) in
the Gwalior province, from which I have had specimens, but these also
are closed. The natives fear to extract their mineral wealth; and though
abounding in lead, tin, and copper, they are indebted almost entirely to
Europe even for the materials of their culinary utensils.

Without attempting a delineation of inferior ranges, I will only further
direct the reader’s attention to an important deduction from this
superficial review of the physiognomy of Rajwara.

=The Mountain System of Central India.=—There are two distinctly marked
declivities or slopes in Central India: the chief is that from west to
east, from the great rampart, the Aravalli (interposed to prevent the
drifting of the sands into the central plains, bisected by the Chambal
and his hundred arms) to the Betwa; the other slope is from south to
north, from the Vindhya, the southern buttress of Central India, to the

Extending our definition, we may pronounce the course of the Jumna to
indicate the central fall of that immense vale which has its northern
slope from the base of the Himalaya, and the southern from that of the
Vindhya mountains.

It is not in contemplation to delineate the varied course of the
magnificent Nerbudda, though I have abundant means; for the moment we
ascend the summit of the tropical[1.40] Vindhya, to descend into the
valley of the Nerbudda, we abandon Rajasthan and the Rajputs for the
aboriginal races, the first proprietors of the land. These I shall leave
to others, and commence and end with the Chambal, the paramount lord of
the floods of Central India [16].

=The Chambal River.=—The Chambal has his fountains in a very elevated
point of the Vindhya, amidst a cluster of hills on which is bestowed the
local appellation of Janapao. It has three co-equal sources from the
same cluster, the Chambal, Chambela, and Gambhir; while no less than
nine other streams have their origin on the south side, and pour their
waters into the Nerbudda.

The Sipra from Pipalda, the little Sind[1.41] from Dewas, and other
minor streams passing Ujjain, all unite with the Chambal in different
stages before he breaks through the plateau.

The Kali Sind, from Bagri, and its petty branch, the Sodwia, from
Raghugarh; the Niwaz (or Jamniri), from Morsukri and Magarda; the
Parbati, from the pass of Amlakhera, with its more eastern arm from
Daulatpur, uniting at Pharhar, are all points in the crest of the
Vindhya range, whence they pursue their course through the plateau,
rolling over precipices,[1.42] till engulfed in the Chambal at the
ferries of Nunera and Pali. All these unite on the right bank.

On the left bank his flood is increased by the Banas, fed by the
perennial streams from the Aravalli, and the Berach from the lakes of
Udaipur; and after watering Mewar, the southern frontier of Jaipur, and
the highlands of Karauli, the river turns south to unite at the holy
Sangam,[1.43] Rameswar. Minor streams contribute (unworthy, however, of
separate notice), and after a thousand involutions he reaches the Jumna,
at the holy Triveni,[1.44] or ‘triple-allied’ stream, between Etawa and

The course of the Chambal, not reckoning the minor sinuosities, is
upwards of five hundred miles;[1.45] and along its banks specimens of
nearly every race now existing in India may be found: Sondis,
Chandarawats, Sesodias, Haras, Gaur, Jadon, Sakarwal, Gujar, Jat,[1.46]
Tuar, Chauhan, Bhadauria, Kachhwaha, Sengar, Bundela; each in
associations of various magnitudes, from the substantive state of the
little republic communes between the Chambal and Kuwari[1.47] [17].

=The Western Desert.=—Having thus sketched the central portion of
Rajasthan, or that eastward of the Aravalli, I shall give a rapid
general[1.48] view of that to the west, conducting the reader over the
‘Thal ka Tiba,’ or ‘sand hills’ of the desert, to the valley of the

=The Luni River.=—Let the reader again take post on Abu, by which he may
be saved a painful journey over the Thal.[1.49] The most interesting
object in this arid ‘region of death’ is the ‘salt river,’ the Luni,
with its many arms falling from the Aravalli to enrich the best portion
of the principality of Jodhpur, and distinctly marking the line of that
extensive plain of ever-shifting sand, termed in Hindu geography
Marusthali, corrupted to Marwar.

The Luni, from its sources, the sacred lakes of Pushkar and Ajmer, and
the more remote arm from Parbatsar to its embouchure in the great
western salt marsh, the Rann, has a course of more than three hundred

In the term Eirinon of the historians of Alexander, we have the
corruption of the word Ran or Rann,[1.50] still used to describe that
extensive fen formed by the deposits of the Luni, and the equally
saturated saline streams from the southern desert of Dhat. It is one
hundred and fifty miles in length; and where broadest, from Bhuj to
Baliari, about seventy:[1.51] in which direction the caravans cross,
having as a place of halt an insulated oasis in this mediterranean salt
marsh. In the dry season, nothing meets the eye but an extensive and
glaring sheet of salt, spread over its insidious surface, full of
dangerous quicksands: and in the rains it is a dirty saline solution, up
to the camels’ girths in many places. The little oasis, the Khari Kaba,
furnishes pasture for this useful animal and rest for the traveller
pursuing his journey to either bank.

=The Mirage.=—It is on the desiccated borders[1.52] of this vast salt
marsh that the illusory phenomenon, the mirage, presents its fantastic
appearance, pleasing to all but the wearied traveller, who sees a haven
of rest in the embattled towers, the peaceful hamlet,[1.53] [18] or
shady grove, to which he hastens in vain; receding as he advances, till
“the sun in his might,” dissipating these “cloud-capp’d towers,” reveals
the vanity of his pursuit.

Such phenomena are common to the desert, more particularly where these
extensive saline depositions exist, but varying from certain causes. In
most cases, this powerfully magnifying and reflecting medium is a
vertical stratum; at first dense and opaque, it gradually attenuates
with increased temperature, till the maximum of heat, which it can no
longer resist, drives it off in an ethereal vapour. This optical
deception, well known to the Rajputs, is called _sikot_, or ‘winter
castles,’ because chiefly visible in the cold season: hence, possibly,
originated the equally illusory and delightful ‘Chateau en Espagne,’ so
well known in the west.[1.54]

=The Desert.=—From the north bank of the Luni to the south, and the
Shaikhavat frontier to the east, the sandy region commences. Bikaner,
Jodhpur, Jaisalmer are all sandy plains, increasing in volume as you
proceed westward. All this portion of territory is incumbent on a
sandstone formation: soundings of all the new wells made from Jodhpur to
Ajmer yielded the same result: sand, concrete siliceous deposits, and

Jaisalmer is everywhere encircled by desert; and that portion round the
capital might not be improperly termed an oasis, in which wheat, barley,
and even rice are produced. The fortress is erected on the extremity of
a range of some hundred feet in elevation, which can be traced beyond
its southern confines to the ruins of the ancient Chhotan erected upon
them, and which tradition has preserved as the capital of a tribe, or
prince, termed Hapa, of whom no other trace exists. It is not unlikely
that this ridge may be connected with that which runs through the rich
province of Jalor; consequently an offset from the base of Abu.

Though all these regions collectively bear the term Marusthali, or
‘region of death’ (the emphatic and figurative phrase for the desert),
the restrictive definition applies to a part only, that under the
dominion of the Rathor race [19].

From Balotra on the Luni, throughout the whole of Dhat and Umrasumra,
the western portion of Jaisalmer, and a broad strip between the southern
limits of Daudputra and Bikaner, there is real solitude and desolation.
But from the Sutlej to the Rann, a space of five hundred miles of
longitudinal distance, and varying in breadth from fifty to one hundred
miles, numerous oases are found, where the shepherds from the valley of
the Indus and the Thal pasture their flocks. The springs of water in
these places have various appellations, _tar_, _par_, _rar_, _dar_, all
expressive of the element, round which assemble the Rajars, Sodhas,
Mangalias, and Sahariyas,[1.55] inhabiting the desert.

I will not touch on the salt lakes or natron beds, or the other products
of the desert, vegetable or mineral; though the latter might soon be
described, being confined to the jasper rock near Jaisalmer, which has
been much used in the beautiful arabesques of that fairy fabric, at
Agra, the mausoleum of Shah Jahan’s queen.

Neither shall I describe the valley of the Indus, or that portion
eastward of the stream, the termination of the sand ridges of the
desert. I will merely remark, that the small stream which breaks from
the Indus at Dara, seven miles north of the insulated Bakhar, and falls
into the ocean at Lakhpat, shows the breadth of this eastern portion of
the valley, which forms the western boundary of the desert. A traveller
proceeding from the Khichi or flats of Sind to the east, sees the line
of the desert distinctly marked, with its elevated _tibas_ or sand
ridges under which flows the Sankra, which is generally dry except at
periodical inundations. These sand-hills are of considerable elevation,
and may be considered the limit of the inundation of the ‘sweet river,’
the Mitha Maran, a Scythic or Tatar name for river, and by which alone
the Indus is known, from the Panjnad[1.56] to the ocean [20].


Footnote 1.1:

  Or ‘regal (_rāj_) dwelling (_thān_).‘

Footnote 1.2:

  It is rather singular that the Sind River will mark this eastern
  boundary, as does the Indus (or great Sind) that to the west. East of
  this minor Sind the Hindu princes are not of pure blood, and are
  excluded from Rajasthan or Rajwara.

Footnote 1.3:

  [Rājputāna, as now officially defined, lies between lat. 23° 3´ and
  30° 12´ N., and long. 69° 30´ and 78° 17´ E., the total area,
  according to the Census Report, 1911, including Ajmer-Merwāra, being
  131,698 square miles.]

Footnote 1.4:

  Engraved by that meritorious artist Mr. Walker, engraver to the East
  India Company, who, I trust, will be able to make a fuller use of my
  materials hereafter. [This has been replaced by a modern map.]

Footnote 1.5:

  [James Rennell, 1742-1830.]

Footnote 1.6:

  When the war of 1817 broke out, copies of my map on a reduced scale
  were sent to all the divisions of the armies in the field, and came
  into possession of many of the staff. Transcripts were made which were
  brought to Europe, and portions introduced into every recent map of
  India. One map has, indeed, been given, in a manner to induce a
  supposition that the furnisher of the materials was the author of
  them. It has fulfilled a prediction of the Marquess of Hastings, who,
  foreseeing the impossibility of such materials remaining private
  property, “and the danger of their being appropriated by others,” and
  desirous that the author should derive the full advantage of his
  labours, had it signified that the claims for recompense, on the
  records of successive governments, should not be deferred. It will not
  be inferred the author is surprised at what he remarks. While he
  claims priority for himself, he is the last person to wish to see a
  halt in science—

                   “For emulation has a thousand sons.”

Footnote 1.7:

  My esteemed friend, Graeme Mercer, Esq. (of Maevisbank), who
  stimulated my exertions with his approbation.

Footnote 1.8:

  Many incidents in these journeys would require no aid of imagination
  to touch on the romantic, but they can have no place here.

Footnote 1.9:

  Eastern tableland.

Footnote 1.10:

  Sind River.

Footnote 1.11:

  Parbati River.

Footnote 1.12:

  Kali Sind River.

Footnote 1.13:

  Passage of the Chambal and junction of the Par.

Footnote 1.14:

  The Shaikh brought me specimens of the rock, which is siliceous; and
  also a piece of brick of the very ancient fortress of Sehwan, and some
  of the grain from its pits, charred and alleged by tradition to have
  lain there since the period of Raja Bhartarihari, the brother of
  Vikramaditya. It is not impossible that it might be owing to
  Alexander’s terrific progress, and to their supplies being destroyed
  by fire. Sehwan is conjectured by Captain Pottinger to be the capital
  of Musicanus. [The capital of the Sogdoi has been identified with Alor
  or Aror; but Cunningham places it between Alor and Uchh. The capital
  of Mousikanos was possibly Alor, and Sehwān the Sindimana of the
  Greeks. But, owing to changes in the course of the Lower Indus, it is
  very difficult to identify ancient sites (McCrindle, _Alexander_, 157,
  354 f.).]

Footnote 1.15:

  His health was worn out at length, and he became the victim of
  depressed spirits. He died suddenly: I believe poisoned. Fateh, almost
  as zealous as Madari, also died in the pursuit. Geography has been
  destructive to all who have pursued it with ardour in the East.

Footnote 1.16:

  A valuable and ancient work, which I presented to the Royal Asiatic

Footnote 1.17:

  It is, however, limited to Malwa, whose geography was greatly improved
  and enlarged by the labours of Captain Dangerfield; and though my
  materials could fill up the whole of this province, I merely insert
  the chief points to connect it with Rajasthan.

Footnote 1.18:

  Captain P. T. Waugh, 10th Regiment Light Cavalry, Bengal.

Footnote 1.19:

  Mr. J. B. Fraser [whose book was published in 1825].

Footnote 1.20:

  My last journey, in 1822-23, was from Udaipur, through these countries
  towards the Delta of the Indus, but more with a view to historical and
  antiquarian than geographical research. It proved the most fruitful of
  all my many journeys. [The results are recorded in _Travels in Western
  India_, published in 1839, after the author’s death.]

Footnote 1.21:

  Guru Sikhar.

Footnote 1.22:

  Its classic name is _Vetravati_, _Vetra_ being the common willow [or
  reed] in Sanskrit; said by Wilford to be the same in Welsh.

Footnote 1.23:

  Literally ‘the central (_madhya_) flat.’ [It means ‘Land of the Med

Footnote 1.24:

  Meaning ‘table (_pat_) mountain (_ar_).’—Although _ar_ may not be
  found in any Sanskrit dictionary with the signification ‘mountain,’
  yet it appears to be a primitive root possessing such
  meaning—instance, Ar-buddha, ‘hill of Buddha’; Aravalli, ‘hill of
  strength.’ _Ar_ is Hebrew for ‘mountain’ (qu. Ararat?) Ὅρος in Greek?
  The common word for a mountain in Sanskrit, _gir_, is equally so in
  Hebrew. [These derivations are out of date. The origin of the word
  _patār_ is obscure. Sir G. Grierson, to whom the question was
  referred, suggests a connexion with Marāthi _pathār_, ‘a tableland,’
  or Gujarati _pathār_ (Skr. _prastara_, ‘expanse, extent’). The word is
  probably not connected with Hindi _pāt_, ‘a board.’]

Footnote 1.25:

  The Betwa River runs under the tableland just alluded to, on the east.

Footnote 1.26:

  I am familiar with these regions, and confidently predict that when a
  similar measurement shall be made from the Betwa to Kotah, these
  results will little err, and the error will be in having made Kotah
  somewhat too elevated, and the bed of the Betwa a little too low.
  [Udaipur city is 1950 feet above sea-level.]

Footnote 1.27:

  Central India, a term which I first applied as the title of the map
  presented to the Marquess of Hastings, in 1815, ‘of Central and
  Western India,’ and since become familiar. [Usually applied to the
  Ganges-Jumna Duāb.]

Footnote 1.28:

  Let it be remembered that the Aravalli, though it loses its tabular
  form, sends its branches north, terminating at Delhi.

Footnote 1.29:

  Those who have marched from Baroda towards Malwa and marked the
  irregularities of surface will admit this chain of connexion of the
  Vindhya and Aravalli.

Footnote 1.30:

  ‘The refuge of strength’ [?], a title justly merited, from its
  affording protection to the most ancient sovereign race which holds
  dominion, whether in the east or west—the ancient stock of the
  Suryavans, the Heliadai of India, our ‘children of the sun,’ the
  princes of Mewar. [Ārāvalli probably means ‘Corner Line.’]

Footnote 1.31:

  It was my intention to have penetrated through their singular abodes;
  and I had negotiated, and obtained of these ‘forest lords’ a promise
  of hospitable passport, of which I have never allowed myself to doubt,
  as the virtues of pledged faith and hospitality are ever to be found
  in stronger keeping in the inverse ratio of civilization. Many years
  ago one of my parties was permitted to range through this tract. In
  one of the passes of their lengthened valleys ‘The Lord of the
  Mountain’ was dead: the men were all abroad, and his widow alone in
  the hut. Madari told his story, and claimed her surety and passport;
  which the Bhilni delivered from the quiver of her late lord; and the
  arrow carried in his hand was as well recognised as the cumbrous roll
  with all its seals and appendages of a traveller in Europe.

Footnote 1.32:

  _Meru_ signifies ‘a hill’ in Sanskrit, hence Komal, or properly
  Kūmbhalmer, is ‘the hill’ or ‘mountain of Kūmbha,’ a prince whose
  exploits are narrated. Likewise Ajmer is the ‘hill of Ajaya,’ the
  ‘Invincible’ hill. _Mer_ is with the long é, like _Mère_ in French, in
  classical orthography. [Ajmer, ‘hill of Aja, Chauhān.’]

Footnote 1.33:

  At the point of my descent this was characteristically illustrated by
  my Rajput friend of Semar, whose domain had been invaded and cow-pens
  emptied, but a few days before, by the mountain bandit of Sirohi. With
  their booty they took the shortest and not most practicable road: but
  though their alpine kine are pretty well accustomed to leaping in such
  abodes, it would appear they had hesitated here. The difficulty was
  soon got over by one of the Minas, who with his dagger transfixed one
  and rolled him over the height, his carcase serving at once as a
  precedent and a _stepping-stone_ for his horned kindred.

Footnote 1.34:

  [“Oldest of all the physical features which intersect the continent is
  the range of mountains known as the Arāvallis, which strikes across
  the Peninsula from north-east to south-west, overlooking the sandy
  wastes of Rājputāna. The Arāvallis are but the depressed and degraded
  relics of a far more prominent mountain system, which stood, in
  Palaeozoic times, on the edge of the Rājputāna Sea. The disintegrated
  rocks which once formed part of the Arāvallis are now spread out in
  wide red-stone plains to the east” (_IGI_, i. 1).]

Footnote 1.35:

  Near this the Chambal first breaks into the Patar.

Footnote 1.36:

  Here is the celebrated pass through the mountains.

Footnote 1.37:

  Here the Niwaz breaks the chain.

Footnote 1.38:

  Both celebrated passes, where the ranges are very complicated.

Footnote 1.39:

  I have rescued a few of these from oblivion to present to my

Footnote 1.40:

  Hence its name, _Vindhya_, ‘the barrier,’ to the further progress of
  the sun in his northern declination. [Skr. root, _bind_, _bid_, ‘to

Footnote 1.41:

  This the fourth Sind of India. We have, first, the Sind or Indus; this
  little Sind; then the Kali Sind, or ‘black river’; and again the Sind
  rising at Latoti, on the plateau west and above Sironj. _Sin_ is a
  Scythic word for river (now unused), so applied by the Hindus. [Skr.
  _Sindhu_, probably from the root _syand_, ‘to flow.’]

Footnote 1.42:

  The falls of the Kali Sind through the rocks at Gagraun and the
  Parbati at Chapra (Gugal) are well worthy of a visit. The latter,
  though I encamped twice at Chapra, from which it was reputed five
  miles, I did not see.

Footnote 1.43:

  _Sangam_ is the point of confluence of two or more rivers, always
  sacred to Mahadeva.

Footnote 1.44:

  The Jumna, Chambal, and Sind [_triveni_, ‘triple braid’].

Footnote 1.45:

  [650 miles.]

Footnote 1.46:

  The only tribes not of Rajput blood.

Footnote 1.47:

  The ‘virgin’ stream.

Footnote 1.48:

  I do not repeat the names of towns forming the arrondissements of the
  various States; they are distinctly laid down in the boundary lines of

Footnote 1.49:

  Thal is the general term for the sand ridges of the desert. [Skr.
  _sthala_, ‘firm ground.’]

Footnote 1.50:

  Most probably a corruption of _aranya_, or desert; [or _irina_,
  _īrina_, ‘desert, salt soil’], so that the Greek mode of writing it is
  more correct than the present.

Footnote 1.51:

  [The area of the Rann is about 9000 square miles: its length 150,
  breadth, 60 miles. Bhuj lies inland, not on the banks of the Rann.]

Footnote 1.52:

  It is here the wild ass (_gorkhar_) roams at large, untamable as in
  the day of the Arabian Patriarch of Uz, “whose house I have made the
  wilderness, the barren land (or, according to the Hebrew, _salt
  places_), his dwelling. He scorneth the multitude of the city, neither
  regardeth he the crying of the driver” (Job xxxix. 6, 7).

Footnote 1.53:


Footnote 1.54:

  I have beheld it from the top of the ruined fortress of Hissar with
  unlimited range of vision, no object to diverge its ray, save the
  miniature forests; the entire circle of the horizon a chain of more
  than fancy could form of palaces, towers, and these airy ‘pillars of
  heaven’ terminating in turn their ephemeral existence. But in the
  deserts of Dhat and Umrasumra, where the shepherds pasture their
  flocks, and especially where the alkaline plant is produced, the
  stratification is more horizontal, and produces more of the watery
  deception. It is this illusion to which the inspired writer refers,
  when he says, “the mock pool of the desert shall become real water”
  [Isaiah xxv. 7]. The inhabitants of the desert term it _Chitram_,
  literally ‘the picture,’ by no means an unhappy designation.

Footnote 1.55:

  _Sehraie_ [in the text], from _sahra_, ‘desert.’ Hence Sarrazin, or
  Saracen, is a corruption from _sahra_, ‘desert,’ and _zadan_, ‘to
  strike,’ contracted. _Rāhzani_, ‘to strike on the road’ (_rāh_).
  _Rāhbar_, ‘on the road,’ corrupted by the Pindaris to _labar_, the
  designation of their forays. [The true name is Sahariya, which has
  been connected with that of the Savara, a tribe in Eastern India.
  Saracen comes to us from the late Latin _Saraceni_, of which the
  origin is unknown; it cannot be derived from the Arabic _Sharqi_,
  ‘eastern’ (see _New English Dictionary_, _s.v._).]

Footnote 1.56:

  The confluent arms or sources of the Indus.


                                BOOK II
                      HISTORY OF THE RĀJPUT TRIBES

                               CHAPTER 1

=The Purānas.=—Being desirous of epitomizing the chronicles of the
martial races of Central and Western India, it was essential to
ascertain the sources whence they draw, or claim to draw, their lineage.
For this purpose I obtained from the library of the Rana of Udaipur
their sacred volumes, the Puranas, and laid them before a body of
pandits, over whom presided the learned Jati Gyanchandra. From these
extracts were made of all the genealogies of the great races of Surya
and Chandra, and of facts historical and geographical.

Most of the Puranas[2.1.1] contain portions of historical as well as
geographical knowledge; but the Bhagavat, the Skanda, the Agni, and the
Bhavishya are the chief guides. It is rather fortunate than to be
regretted that their chronologies do not perfectly agree. The number of
princes in each line varies, and names are transposed; but we recognize
distinctly the principal features in each, affording the conclusion that
they are the productions of various writers, borrowing from some common
original source [21].

=Deluge Legend.=—The Genesis[2.1.2] of India commences with an event
described in the history of almost all nations, the deluge, which,
though treated with the fancy peculiar to the orientals, is not the less
entitled to attention. The essence of the extract from the Agni Purana
is this: “When ocean quitted his bounds and caused universal destruction
by Brahma’s command, Vaivaswata[2.1.3] Manu (Noah), who dwelt near the
Himalaya[2.1.4] mountains was giving water to the gods in the Kritamala
river, when a small fish fell into his hand. A voice commanded him to
preserve it. The fish expanded to an enormous size. Manu, with his sons
and their wives, and the sages, with the seed of every living thing,
entered into a vessel which was fastened to a horn on the head of the
fish, and thus they were preserved.”

Here, then, the grand northern chain is given to which the abode of the
great patriarch of mankind approximated. In the Bhavishya it is stated,
that “Vaivaswata (sun-born) Manu ruled at the mountain Sumeru. Of his
seed was Kakutstha Raja, who obtained sovereignty at Ayodhya,[2.1.5] and
his descendants filled the land and spread over the earth.”

I am aware of the meaning given to Sumeru, that thus the Hindus
designated the north pole of the earth. But they had also a mountain
with this same appellation of pre-eminence of Meru, ‘the hill,’ with the
prefix Su, ‘good, sacred’: the Sacred Hill.

=Meru, Sumeru.=—In the geography of the Agni Purana, the term is used as
a substantial geographical limit;[2.1.6] and some of the rivers flowing
from the mountainous ranges, whose relative position with Sumeru are
there defined, still retain their ancient appellations. Let us not
darken the subject, by supposing only allegorical meanings attached to
explicit points. In the distribution of their seven dwipas, or
continents, though they interpose seas of curds, milk, or wine, we
should not reject strong and evident facts, because subsequent ignorant
interpolators filled up the page with puerilities [22].

This sacred mountain (Sumeru) is claimed by the Brahmans as the abode of
Mahadeva,[2.1.7] Adiswar,[2.1.8] or Baghes[2.1.9]; by the Jains, as the
abode of Adinath,[2.1.10] the first Jiniswara, or Jain lord. Here they
say he taught mankind the arts of agriculture and civilized life. The
Greeks claimed it as the abode of Bacchus; and hence the Grecian fable
of this god being taken from the thigh of Jupiter, confounding _meros_
(thigh) with the _meru_ (hill) of this Indian deity. In this vicinity
the followers of Alexander had their Saturnalia, drank to excess of the
wine from its indigenous vines, and bound their brows with ivy
(_vela_)[2.1.11] sacred to the Baghes of the east and west, whose
votaries alike indulge in ‘strong drink.’

These traditions appear to point to one spot, and to one individual, in
the early history of mankind, when the Hindu and the Greek approach a
common focus; for there is little doubt that Adinath, Adiswara, Osiris,
Baghes, Bacchus, Manu, Menes designate the patriarch of mankind, Noah.

The Hindus can at this time give only a very general idea of the site of
Meru; but they appear to localize it in a space of which Bamian, Kabul,
and Ghazni would be the exterior points. The former of these cities is
known to possess remains of the religion of Buddha, in its caves and
colossal statues.[2.1.12] The Paropamisan Alexandria is near Bamian; but
the Meru and Nyssa[2.1.13] of Alexander are placed more to the eastward
by the Greek writers, and according to the cautious Arrian between the
Cophas and Indus. Authority localizes it between Peshawar and Jalalabad,
and calls it Merkoh, or Markoh,[2.1.14] "a bare rock 2000 feet high [23]
with caves to the westward, termed Bedaulat by the Emperor Humayun from
its dismal appearance."[2.1.15] This designation, however, of Dasht-i
Bedaulat, or ‘unhappy plain,’ was given to the tract between the cities
beforementioned [24].

The only scope of these remarks on Sumeru is to show that the Hindus
themselves do not make India within the Indus the cradle of their race,
but west, amidst the hills of Caucasus,[2.1.16] whence the sons of
Vaivaswata, or the ‘sun-born,’ migrated eastward to the Indus and
Ganges, and founded their first establishment in Kosala, the capital,
Ayodhya, or Oudh.

Most nations have indulged the desire of fixing the source whence they
issued, and few spots possess more interest than this elevated
Madhya-Bhumi, or ‘central region’ of Asia, where the Amu, Oxus, or
Jihun, and other rivers, have their rise, and in which both the Surya
and Indu[2.1.17] races (_Sakha_) claim the hill,[2.1.18] sacred to a
great patriarchal ancestor, whence they migrated eastward.

The Rajput tribes could scarcely have acquired some of their still
existing Scythic habits and warlike superstitions on the burning plains
of Ind. It was too hot to hail with fervent adoration the return of the
sun from his southern course to enliven the northern hemisphere. This
should be the religion of a colder clime, brought from their first
haunts, the sources of the Jihun and Jaxartes. The grand solstitial
festival, the Aswamedha, or sacrifice of the horse (the type of the
sun), practised by the children of Vaivaswata, the ‘sun-born,’ was most
probably simultaneously introduced from Scythia into the plains of Ind,
and west, by the sons of Odin, Woden, or Budha, into Scandinavia, where
it became the Hi-el or Hi-ul,[2.1.19] the festival of the winter
solstice; the grand jubilee of northern nations, and in the first ages
of Christianity, being so near the epoch of its rise, gladly used by the
first fathers of the church to perpetuate that event[2.1.20][25].


Footnote 2.1.1:

  “Every Purana,” says the first authority existing in Sanskrit lore,
  “treats of five subjects: the creation of the universe; its progress,
  and the renovation of the world; the genealogy of gods and heroes;
  chronology, according to a fabulous system; and heroic history,
  containing the achievements of demi-gods and heroes. Since each purana
  contains a cosmogony, both mythological and heroic history, the works
  which bear that title may not unaptly be compared to the Grecian
  theogonies” (‘Essay on the Sanskrit and Pracrit Languages,’ by H. T.
  Colebrooke, Esq.; _As. Res._ vol. vii. p. 202). [On the age of the
  Purānas see Smith, _EHI_, 21 ff.]

Footnote 2.1.2:

  Resolvable into Sanskrit, _janam_, ‘birth,’ and _is_ and _iswar_,
  ‘lords’ [γένω, γίγνομαι, Skr. root _jan_, ‘to generate’].

Footnote 2.1.3:

  Son of the sun.

Footnote 2.1.4:

  The snowy Caucasus. Sir William Jones, in an extract from a work
  entitled _Essence of the Pooranas_, says that this event took place at
  Dravira in the Deccan.

Footnote 2.1.5:

  The present Ajodhya, capital of one of the twenty-two satrapies
  constituting the Mogul Empire, and for some generations held by the
  titular Vizir, who has recently assumed the regal title. [Ghāziu-d-dīn
  Haidar in 1819.]

Footnote 2.1.6:

  “To the south of Sumeru are the mountains Himavan, Hemakūta, and
  Nishadha; to the north are the countries Nīl, Sveta, and Sringi.
  Between Hemāchal and the ocean the land is Bhāratkhand, called Kukarma
  Bhūmi (_land of vice_, opposed to Āryāvarta, or _land of virtue_), in
  which the seven grand ranges are Mahendra, Malaya, Sahya, Suktimat,
  Riksha, Vindhya, and Paripatra” (_Agni Purana_).

Footnote 2.1.7:

  The Creator, literally ‘the Great God.’

Footnote 2.1.8:

  The ‘first lord.’

Footnote 2.1.9:

  Baghes, ‘the tiger lord.’ He wears a tiger’s or panther’s hide; which
  he places beneath him. So Bacchus did. The phallus is the emblem of
  each. Baghes has several temples in Mewar. [In identifying Bacchus
  with a Hindu tiger god the author depended on _Asiatic Researches_, i.
  258, viii. 51. For the Greek story in the text see Quintus Curtius
  viii. 10; Diodorus iii. 63; Arrian, _Anabasis_, vii.]

Footnote 2.1.10:

  First lord.

Footnote 2.1.11:

  Vela is the general term for a climber, sacred to the Indian Bacchus
  (Baghes, Adiswara, or Mahadeva), whose priests, following his example,
  are fond of intoxicating beverages, or drugs. The amarbel, or immortal
  vela, is a noble climber.

Footnote 2.1.12:

  [“In the Tūmān of Zohāk and Bāmiān, the fortress of Zohāk is a
  monument of great antiquity, and in good preservation, but the fort of
  Bāmiān is in ruins. In the mountain-side caves have been excavated and
  ornamented with plaster and paintings. Of these there are 12,000 which
  are called Sumaj, and in former times were used by the people as
  winter retreats. Three colossal figures are here: one is the statue of
  a man, 80 yards in height; another that of a woman, 50 yards high, and
  the third that of a child measuring 15 yards. Strange to relate, in
  one of the caves is placed a coffin containing the body of one who
  reposes in his last sleep. The oldest and most learned of antiquarians
  can give no account of its origin, but suppose it to be of great
  antiquity. In days of old the ancients prepared a medicament with
  which they anointed corpses and consigned them to earth in a hard
  soil. The simple, deceived by this art, attribute their preservation
  to a miracle” (_Āīn_, ii. 409 f., with Jarrett’s notes). For Bāmiān
  see _EB_, iii. 304 f.]

Footnote 2.1.13:

   Nishadha is mentioned in the Purana as a mountain. If in the genitive
  case (which the final syllable marks), it would be a local term given
  from the city of Nissa. [Nysa has no connexion with Nishadha. It
  probably lay near Jalalabad or Koh-i Mor (Smith, _EHI_, 53).]

Footnote 2.1.14:

  _Meru_, Sanskrit, and _Koh_, Persian, for a ‘hill.’

Footnote 2.1.15:

  _Asiatic Researches_, vol. vi. p. 497. Wilford appears to have
  borrowed largely from that ancient store-house (as the Hindu would
  call it) of learning, Sir Walter Raleigh’s _History of the World_. He
  combines, however, much of what that great man had so singularly
  acquired and condensed, with what he himself collected, and with the
  aid of imagination has formed a curious mosaic. But when he took a
  peep into “the chorographical description of the Terrestrial
  Paradise,” I am surprised he did not separate the nurseries of mankind
  before and after the flood. There is one passage, also, of Sir Walter
  Raleigh which would have aided his hypothesis, that Eden was in Higher
  Asia, between the common sources of the Jihun and other grand rivers:
  the abundance of the _Ficus Indica_, or bar-tree, sacred to the first
  lord, Adnath or Mahadeva.

  “Now for the tree of knowledge of good and evil, some men have
  presumed further; especially Gorapius Bocanus, who giveth himself the
  honour to have found out the kind of this tree, which none of the
  writers of former times could ever guess at, whereat Gorapius much

                      ——“Both together went
          Into the thickest wood; there soon they chose
          The fig tree; not that kind for fruit renowned,
          But such as at this day, to Indians known
          In Malabar or Decan, spreads her arms
          Branching so broad and long, that in the ground
          The bended twigs take root, and daughters grow
          About the mother tree, a pillar’d shade
          High overarched, and echoing walks between.
          There oft the Indian herdsman, shunning heat,
          Shelters in cool and tends his pasturing herds.”
                            ——“Those leaves
          They gathered, broad as Amazonian targe.”
                             _Paradise Lost_, Book ix. 1100 ff.

  Sir Walter strongly supports the Hindu hypothesis regarding the
  locality of the nursery for rearing mankind, and that “India was the
  first planted and peopled countrie after the flood” (p. 99). His first
  argument is, that it was a place where the vine and olive were
  indigenous, as amongst the Sakai Scythai (and as they still are,
  together with oats, between Kabul and Bamian); and that Ararat could
  not be in Armenia, because the Gordian mountains on which the ark
  rested were in longitude 75°, and the Valley of Shinar 79° to 80°,
  which would be reversing the tide of migration. “As they journeyed
  _from the East_, they found a plain, in the land of Shinar, and they
  dwelt there” (Genesis, chap. xi. ver. 2). He adds, “Ararat, named by
  Moses, is not any one hill, but a general term for the great Caucasian
  range; therefore we must blow up this mountain Ararat, or dig it down
  and carry it out of Armenia, or find it elsewhere in a warmer country,
  and east from Shinar.” He therefore places it in Indo-Scythia, in 140°
  of longitude and 35° to 37° of latitude, “where the mountains do build
  themselves exceeding high”: and concludes, "It was in the plentiful
  warm East where Noah rested, where he planted the vine, where he
  tilled the ground and lived thereon. Placuit vero Noacho agriculturæ
  studium in qua tractanda ipse omnium peritissimus esse dicitur; ob
  eamque rem, sua ipsius lingua, _Ish-Adamath_:[2.1.15.A] hoc est,
  _Telluris Vir_, appellatur, celebratusque est. The study of husbandry
  pleased Noah (says the excellent learned man, Arius Montanus) in the
  order and knowledge of which it is said that Noah excelled all men,
  and therefore was he called in his own language, _a man exercised in
  the earth_." The title, character, and abode exactly suit the
  description the Jains give of their first Jiniswara, Adinath, the
  first lordly man, who taught them agriculture, even to “muzzling the
  bull in treading out the corn.”

  Had Sir Walter been aware that the Hindu sacred books styled their
  country Aryavarta,[2.1.15.B] and of which the great Imaus is the
  northern boundary, he would doubtless have seized it for his Ararat.
  [Needless to say, these speculations are obsolete.]

Footnote 2.1.15.A:

  In Sanskrit, _Īsh_, ‘Lord,’ _ādi_, ‘the first,’ _matti_, ‘Earth.’ [The
  derivation is absurd: _matti_, ‘clay,’ is modern Hindi.] Here the
  Sanskrit and Hebrew have the same meaning, ‘first lord of the earth.’
  In these remote Rajput regions, where early manners and language
  remain, the strongest phrase to denote a man or human being is
  literally ‘earth.’ A chief describing a fray between his own followers
  and borderers whence death ensued, says, _Meri matti māri_, ‘My earth
  has been struck’: a phrase requiring no comment, and denoting that he
  must have blood in return.

Footnote 2.1.15.B:

  _Āryāvarta_, or the land of promise or virtue, cannot extend to the
  flat plains of India south of the Himavat; for this is styled in the
  _Purānas_ the very reverse, _kukarma des_, or land of vice. [Āryāvarta
  is the land bounded by the Himalaya and Vindhya, from the eastern to
  the western seas (Manu, _Laws_, ii. 22).]

Footnote 2.1.16:

  Hindu, or Indu-kush or koh, is the local appellation; ‘mountain of the
  moon.’ [Hindu-kush is said to mean ‘Hindu-slayer’ or ‘Indian

Footnote 2.1.17:

  Solar and lunar.

Footnote 2.1.18:

  Meru, ‘the hill,’ is used distinctively, as in Jaisalmer (the capital
  of the Bhatti tribe in the Western Desert), ‘the hill of Jaisal’;
  Merwara, or the ‘mountainous region’; and its inhabitants Meras, or
  ‘mountaineers.’ Thus, also, in the grand epic the Ramayana (Book i. p.
  236), Mena is the mountain-nymph, the daughter of Meru and spouse of
  Himavat; from whom sprung two daughters, the river goddess Ganga and
  the mountain-nymph Parbati. She is, in the Mahabharata, also termed
  Saila, the daughter of Sail, another designation of the snowy chain;
  and hence mountain streams are called in Sanskrit _silletee_ [?].
  Saila bears the same attributes with the Phrygian Cybele, who was also
  the daughter of a mountain of the same name; the one is carried, the
  other drawn, by lions. Thus the Greeks also metamorphosed _Parbat
  Pamer_, or ‘the mountain Pamer,’ into Paropamisan, applied to the
  Hindu Koh west of Bamian: but the _Parbat pat Pamer_, or ‘Pamer chief
  of hills,’ is mentioned by the bard Chand as being far east of that
  tract, and under it resided Hamīra, one of the great feudatories of
  Prithwiraja of Delhi. Had it been Paropanisan (as some authorities
  write it), it would better accord with the locality where it takes up
  the name, being near to Nyssa and Meru, of which Parbat or Pahar would
  be a version, and form Paronisan, ‘the Mountain of Nyssa,’ the range
  Nishadha of the Puranas. [The true form is Paropanisos: the suggested
  derivation is impossible.]

Footnote 2.1.19:

  _Haya_ or _Hi_, in Sanskrit, ‘horse’—_El_, ‘sun’: whence ἵππος and
  ἕλιος. Ηλ appears to have been a term of Scythian origin for the sun;
  and Hari, the Indian Apollo, is addressed as the sun. Hiul, or Jul, of
  northern nations (qu. _Noel_ of France?), is the Hindu Sankrānti, of
  which more will be said hereafter. [The feast was known as Hvil, Jul,
  or Yule, and the suggested derivation is impossible.]

Footnote 2.1.20:

  Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_.


                               CHAPTER 2

=Puranic Genealogies.=—The chronicles of the Bhagavat and Agni,
containing the genealogies of the Surya (_sun_) and Indu (_moon_) races,
shall now be examined. The first of these, by calculation, brings down
the chain to a period six centuries subsequent to Vikramaditya (A.D.
650), so that these books may have been remodelled or commented on about
this period: their fabrication cannot be supposed.

Although portions of these genealogies by Sir William Jones, Mr.
Bentley, and Colonel Wilford, have appeared in the volumes of the
_Asiatic Researches_, yet no one should rest satisfied with the
inquiries of others, if by any process he can reach the fountain-head

If, after all, these are fabricated genealogies of the ancient families
of India, the fabrication is of ancient date, and they are all they know
themselves upon the subject. The step next in importance to obtaining a
perfect acquaintance with the genuine early history of nations, is to
learn what those nations repute to be such.

Doubtless the original Puranas contained much valuable historical
matter; but, at present, it is difficult to separate a little pure metal
from the base alloy of ignorant expounders and interpolators. I have but
skimmed the surface: research, to the capable, may yet be rewarded by
many isolated facts and important transactions, now hid under the veil
of ignorance and allegory.

=Neglect of History by the Hindus.=—The Hindus, with the decrease of
intellectual power, their possession of which is evinced by their
architectural remains, where just proportion and elegant mythological
device are still visible, lost the relish for the beauty of truth, and
adopted the monstrous in their writings as well as their edifices. But
for detection and shame, matters of history would be hideously distorted
even in civilized Europe; but in the East, in the moral decrepitude of
ancient Asia, with no judge to condemn, no public to praise, each
priestly expounder may revel in an unfettered imagination, and reckon
his admirers in proportion to the mixture of the marvellous[2.2.1] [26].
Plain historical truths have long ceased to interest this artificially
fed people.

If at such a comparatively modern period as the third century before
Christ, the Babylonian historian Berosus composed his fictions, which
assigned to that monarchy such incredible antiquity, it became capable
of refutation from the many historians of repute who preceded him. But
on the fabulist of India we have no such check. If Vyasa himself penned
these legends as now existing, then is the stream of knowledge corrupt
from the fountain-head. If such the source, the stream, filtering
through ages of ignorance, has only been increased by fresh impurities.
It is difficult to conceive how the arts and sciences could advance,
when it is held impious to doubt the truth of whatever has been handed
down, and still more to suppose that the degenerate could improve
thereon. The highest ambition of the present learned priesthood,
generation after generation, is to be able to comprehend what has thus
reached them, and to form commentaries upon past wisdom; which
commentaries are commented on _ad infinitum_. Whoever dare now aspire to
improve thereon must keep the secret in his own breast. They are but the
expounders of the olden oracles; were they more they would be infidels.
But this could not always have been the case.

With the Hindus, as with other nations, the progress to the heights of
science they attained must have been gradual; unless we take from them
the merit of original invention, and set them down as borrowers of a
system. These slavish fetters of the mind must have been forged at a
later period, and it is fair to infer that the monopoly of science and
religion was simultaneous. What must be the effect of such monopoly on
the impulses and operations of the understanding? Where such exists,
knowledge could not long remain stationary; it must perforce retrograde.
Could we but discover the period when religion[2.2.2] ceased to be a
_profession_ [27] and became hereditary (and that such there was these
very genealogies bear evidence), we might approximate the era when
science attained its height.

=The Priestly Office.=—In the early ages of these Solar and Lunar
dynasties, the priestly office was not hereditary in families; it was a
profession; and the genealogies exhibit frequent instances of branches
of these races terminating their martial career in the commencement of a
religious sect, or _gotra_, and of their descendants reassuming their
warlike occupations. Thus, of the ten sons of Ikshwaku,[2.2.3] three are
represented as abandoning worldly affairs and taking to religion; and
one of these, Kanina, is said to be the first who made an _agnihotra_,
or pyreum, and worshipped fire, while another son embraced commerce. Of
the Lunar line and the six sons of Pururavas, the name of the fourth was
Raya; “from him the fifteenth generation was Harita, who with his eight
brothers took to the office of religion, and established the Kausika
Gotra, or tribe of Brahmans.”

From the twenty-fourth prince in lineal descent from Yayati, by name
Bharadwaja, originated a celebrated sect, who still bear his name, and
are the spiritual teachers of several Rajput tribes.

Of the twenty-sixth prince, Manava, two sons devoted themselves to
religion, and established celebrated sects, viz. Mahavira, whose
descendants were the Pushkar Brahmans; and Sankriti, whose issue were
learned in the Vedas. From the line of Ajamidha these ministers of
religion were continually branching off.

In the very early periods, the princes of the Solar line, like the
Egyptians and Romans, combined the offices of the priesthood with kingly
power, and this whether Brahmanical or Buddhist.[2.2.4] Many of the
royal line, before and subsequent to Rama, passed great part of their
lives as ascetics; and in ancient sculpture and drawings the head is as
often adorned with the braided lock of the ascetic as with the diadem of

The greatest monarchs bestowed their daughters on these royal hermits
and sages [28]. Ahalya, the daughter of the powerful Panchala,[2.2.6]
became the wife of the ascetic Gautama. The sage Jamadagni espoused the
daughter of Sahasra[2.2.7] Arjuna, of Mahishmat,[2.2.8] king of the
Haihaya tribe, a great branch of the Yadu race.

Among the Egyptians, according to Herodotus [ii. 37, 141], the priests
succeeded to sovereignty, as they and the military class alone could
hold lands; and Sethos, the priest of Vulcan, caused a revolution, by
depriving the military of their estates.

We have various instances in India of the Brahmans from Jamadagni to the
Mahratta Peshwa, contesting for sovereignty; power[2.2.9] and homage
being still their great aim, as in the days of Vishvamitra[2.2.10] and
Vasishtha, the royal sages [29] whom “Janaka sovereign of Mithila,
addressed with folded hands in token of superiority.”

=Relations of Rajputs with Brahmans.=—But this deference for the
Brahmans is certainly, with many Rajput classes, very weak. In obedience
to prejudice, they show them outward civility; but, unless when their
fears or wishes interfere, they are less esteemed than the bards.

The story of the King Vishvamitra of Gadhipura[2.2.11] and the Brahman
Vasishtha, which fills so many sections of the first book of the
Ramayana,[2.2.12] exemplifies, under the veil of allegory, the contests
for power between the Brahmanical and military classes, and will serve
to indicate the probable period when the castes became immutable.
Stripped of its allegory, the legend appears to point to a time when the
division of the classes was yet imperfect; though we may infer, from the
violence of the struggle, that it was the last in which Brahmanhood
could be obtained by the military.

Vishvamitra was the son of Gadhi (of the race of Kausika), King of
Gadhipura, and contemporary of Ambarisha, King of Ayodhya or Oudh, the
fortieth prince from Ikshwaku; consequently about two hundred years
anterior to Rama. This event therefore, whence we infer that the system
of castes was approaching perfection, was probably about one thousand
four hundred years before Christ.

=Dates of the Genealogies.=—If proof can be given that these genealogies
existed in the days of Alexander, the fact would be interesting. The
legend in the Puranas, of the origin of the Lunar race, appears to
afford this testimony.

Vyasa, the author of the grand epic the Mahabharata, was son of Santanu
(of the race of Hari),[2.2.13] sovereign of Delhi, by Yojanagandha, a
fisherman’s daughter,[2.2.14] [30] consequently illegitimate. He became
the spiritual father, or preceptor, of his nieces, the daughters of
Vichitravirya, the son and successor of Santanu.

=The Herakles Legend.=—Vichitravirya had no male offspring. Of his three
daughters, one was named Pandaia[2.2.15]; and Vyasa, being the sole
remaining male branch of the house of Santanu, took his niece, and
spiritual daughter, Pandaia, to wife, and became the father of Pandu,
afterwards sovereign of Indraprastha.

Arrian gives the story thus: "It is further said that he
[Herakles][2.2.16] had a very numerous progeny of children born to him
in India ... [31] but that he had only one daughter.[2.2.17] The name of
this child was Pandaia, and the land in which she was born, and with the
sovereignty of which Herakles entrusted her, was called after her name
Pandaia" (_Indika_, viii.).

This is the very legend contained in the Puranas, of Vyasa (who was
Hari-kul-es, or chief of the race of Hari) and his spiritual daughter
Pandaia, from whom the grand race the Pandavas, and from whom Delhi and
its dependencies were designated the Pandava sovereignty.

Her issue ruled for thirty-one generations in direct descents, or from
1120 to 610 before Christ; when the military minister,[2.2.18] connected
by blood, was chosen by the chiefs who rebelled against the last Pandu
king, represented as “neglectful of all the cares of government,” and
whose deposition and death introduced a new dynasty.

Two other dynasties succeeded in like manner by the usurpation of these
military ministers, until Vikramaditya, when the Pandava sovereignty and
era of Yudhishthira were both overturned.

Indraprastha remained without a sovereign, supreme power being removed
from the north to the southern parts of India, till the fourth, or,
according to some authorities, the eighth century after Vikrama, when
the throne of Yudhishthira was once more occupied by the Tuar tribe of
Rajputs, claiming descents from the Pandus. To this ancient capital,
thus refounded, the new appellation of Delhi was given; and the dynasty
of the founder, Anangpal, lasted to the twelfth century, when he
abdicated in favour of his grandson,[2.2.19] Prithiviraja, the last
imperial Rajput sovereign of India, whose defeat and death introduced
the Muhammadans.

This line has also closed with the pageant of a prince, and a colony
returned from the extreme west is now the sole arbiter of the thrones of
Pandu and Timur.

Britain has become heir to the monuments of Indraprastha raised by the
descendants of Budha and Ila; to the iron pillar of the Pandavas, "whose
pedestal[2.2.20] [32] is fixed in hell"; to the columns reared to
victory, inscribed with characters yet unknown; to the massive ruins of
its ancient continuous cities, encompassing a space still larger than
the largest city in the world, whose mouldering domes and sites of
fortresses,[2.2.21] the very names of which are lost, present a noble
field for speculation on the ephemeral nature of power and glory. What
monument would Britain bequeath to distant posterity of her succession
to this dominion? Not one: except it be that of a still less perishable
nature, the monument of national benefit. Much is in our power: much has
been given, and posterity will demand the result.


Footnote 2.2.1:

  The celebrated Goguet remarks on the madness of most nations
  pretending to trace their origin to infinity. The Babylonians, the
  Egyptians, and the Scythians, particularly, piqued themselves on their
  high antiquity, and the first assimilate with the Hindus in boasting
  they had observed the course of the stars 473,000 years. Each heaped
  ages on ages; but the foundations of this pretended antiquity are not
  supported by probability, and are even of modern invention (_Origin of

Footnote 2.2.2:

  It has been said that the Brahmanical religion was foreign to India;
  but as to the period of importation we have but loose assertion. We
  can easily give credit to various creeds and tenets of faith being
  from time to time incorporated, ere the present books were composed,
  and that previously the sons of royalty alone possessed the office.
  Authorities of weight inform us of these grafts; for instance, Mr.
  Colebrooke gives a passage in his _Indian Classes_: “A chief of the
  twice-born tribe was brought by Vishnu’s eagle from Saca Dwipa; hence
  Saca Dwipa Brahmins were known in Jambu Dwipa.” By Saka Dwipa, Scythia
  is understood, of which more will be said hereafter. Ferishta also,
  translating from ancient authorities, says, to the same effect, that
  “in the reign of Mahraje, King of Canouj, a Brahmin came from Persia,
  who introduced magic, idolatry, and the worship of the stars”; so that
  there is no want of authority for the introduction of new tenets of
  faith. [The passage, inaccurately quoted, is taken from Dow i. 16. See
  Briggs’s translation, i. Introd. lxviii.]

Footnote 2.2.3:

  See Table I. [now obsolete, not reprinted].

Footnote 2.2.4:

  Some of the earlier of the twenty-four _Tirthakaras_, or Jain
  hierarchs, trace their origin from the solar race of princes. [As
  usual, Buddhism confused with Jainism.]

Footnote 2.2.5:

  Even now the Rana of Mewar mingles spiritual duties with those of
  royalty, and when he attends the temple of the tutelary deity of his
  race, he performs himself all the offices of the high priest for the
  day. In this point a strong resemblance exists to many of the races of

Footnote 2.2.6:

  Prince of the country of Panjab, or five streams east of the Indus.
  [Panchāla was in the Ganges-Jumna Duāb and its neighbourhood.]

Footnote 2.2.7:

  The legend of this monarch stealing his son-in-law’s, the hermit’s,
  cow (of which the Ramayana gives another version), the incarnation of
  Parasuram, son of Jamadagni, and his exploits, appear purely
  allegorical, signifying the violence and oppression of royalty over
  the earth (_prithivi_), personified by the sacred _gao_, or cow; and
  that the Brahmans were enabled to wrest royalty from the martial
  tribe, shows how they had multiplied. On the derivatives from the word
  _gao_, I venture an etymology for others to pursue:

  ΓΑῙΑ, γέα, γῆ (_Dor._ γᾶ), that which produces all things (from γάω,
  _genero_); the earth.—_Jones’s Dictionary._

  ΓΆΛΑ, Milk. _Gaola_, Herdsman, in Sanskrit. Γαλατικοῖ, Κέλτοι,
  Galatians, or Gauls, and Celts (allowed to be the same) would be the
  shepherd races, the pastoral invaders of Europe [?].

Footnote 2.2.8:

  Maheswar, on the Nerbudda River.

Footnote 2.2.9:

  Hindustan abounds with Brahmans, who make excellent soldiers, as far
  as bravery is a virtue; but our officers are cautious, from
  experience, of admitting too many into a troop or company, for they
  still retain their intriguing habits. I have seen nearly as many of
  the Brahmans as of military in some companies; a dangerous error
  [realized in the Great Mutiny].

Footnote 2.2.10:

  The Brahman Vasishtha possessed a cow named Savala, so fruitful that
  with her assistance he could accomplish whatever he desired. By her
  aid he entertained King Vishvamitra and his army. It is evident that
  this cow denotes some tract of country which the priest held (bearing
  in mind that _gao_, _prithivi_, signify ‘the earth,’ as well as
  ‘cow’): a grant, beyond doubt, by some of Vishvamitra’s unwise
  ancestors, and which he wished to resume. From her were supplied "the
  oblations to the gods and the _pitrideva_ (father-gods, or ancestors),
  the perpetual sacrificial fire, the burnt-offerings and sacrifices."
  This was “the fountain of devotional acts”; this was the Savala for
  which the king offered “a hundred thousand cows”; this was "the jewel
  of which a king only should be proprietor."—The subjects of the
  Brahman appeared not to relish such transfer, and by “the lowing of
  the cow Savala” obtained numerous foreign auxiliaries, which enabled
  the Brahman to set his sovereign at defiance. Of these “the Pahlavi
  (Persian) kings, the dreadful Sakas (Sakai), and Yavanas (Greeks),
  with scymitars and gold armour, the Kambojas,” etc., were each in turn
  created by the all-producing cow. The armies of the Pahlavi kings were
  cut to pieces by Vishvamitra; who at last, by continual
  reinforcements, was overpowered by the Brahman’s levies. These
  reinforcements would appear to have been the ancient Persians, the
  Sacae, the Greeks, the inhabitants of Assam and Southern India, and
  various races out of the pale of the Hindu religion; all classed under
  the term _Mlechchha_, equivalents the ‘barbarian’ of the Greeks and

  The King Vishvamitra, defeated and disgraced by this powerful priest,
  “like a serpent with his teeth broken, like the sun robbed by the
  eclipse of its splendour, was filled with perturbation. Deprived of
  his sons and array, stripped of his pride and confidence, he was left
  without resource as a bird bereft of his wings.” He abandoned his
  kingdom to his son, and like all Hindu princes in distress,
  determined, by penitential rites and austerities, “to obtain
  Brahmanhood.” He took up his abode at the sacred Pushkar, living on
  fruits and roots, and fixing his mind, said, “I will become a
  Brahman.” By these penances he attained such spiritual power that he
  was enabled to usurp the Brahman’s office. The theocrats caution
  Vishvamitra, thus determined to become a Brahman by austerity, that
  “the divine books are to be observed with care only by those
  acquainted with their evidence; nor does it become thee (Vishvamitra)
  to subvert the order of things established by the ancients.” The
  history of his wanderings, austerities, and the temptations thrown in
  his way is related. The celestial fair were commissioned to break in
  upon his meditations. The mother of love herself descended; while
  Indra, joining the cause of the Brahmans, took the shape of the
  kokila, and added the melody of his notes to the allurements of
  Rambha, and the perfumed zephyrs which assailed the royal saint in the
  wilderness. He was proof against all temptation, and condemned the
  fair to become a pillar of stone. He persevered “till every passion
  was subdued,” till “not a tincture of sin appeared in him,” and gave
  such alarm to the whole priesthood, that they dreaded lest his
  excessive sanctity should be fatal to them: they feared “mankind would
  become atheists.” “The gods and Brahma at their head were obliged to
  grant his desire of Brahmanhood; and Vashishtha, conciliated by the
  gods, acquiesced in their wish, and formed a friendship with
  Vishvamitra” [Muir, _Original Sanskrit Texts_, Part i. (1858), 75

Footnote 2.2.11:

  Kanauj, the ancient capital of the present race of Marwar. [This is a

Footnote 2.2.12:

  See translation of this epic, by Messrs. Carey and Marshman [in verse,
  by R. T. H. Griffith].

Footnote 2.2.13:


Footnote 2.2.14:

  It is a very curious circumstance that Hindu legend gives to two of
  their most celebrated authors, whom they have invested with a sacred
  character, a descent from the aboriginal and impure tribes of India:
  Vyasa from a fisherman, and Valmiki, the author of the other grand
  epic the Ramayana, from a Baddhik or robber, an associate of the Bhil
  tribe at Abu. The conversion of Valmiki (said to have been miraculous,
  when in the act of robbing the shrine of the deity) is worked into a
  story of considerable effect, in the works of Chand, from olden

Footnote 2.2.15:

  The reason for this name is thus given. One of these daughters being
  by a slave, it was necessary to ascertain which: a difficult matter,
  from the seclusion in which they were kept. It was therefore left to
  Vyasa to discover the pure of birth, who determined that nobility of
  blood would show itself, and commanded that the princesses should walk
  uncovered before him. The elder, from shame, closed her eyes, and from
  her was born the blind Dhritarashtra, sovereign of Hastinapura; the
  second, from the same feeling, covered herself with yellow ochre,
  called _pandu_, and henceforth she bore the name of Pandya, and her
  son was called Pandu; while the third stepped forth unabashed. She was
  adjudged not of gentle blood, and her issue was Vidura.

Footnote 2.2.16:

  A generic term for the sovereigns of the race of Hari, used by Arrian
  as a proper name [?]. A section of the Mahabharata is devoted to the
  history of the Harikula, of which race was Vyasa.

  Arrian notices the similarity of the Theban and the Hindu Hercules,
  and cites as authority the ambassador of Seleucus, Megasthenes, who
  says: “This Herakles is held in special honour by the Sourasenoi, an
  Indian tribe who possess two large cities, Methora and Cleisobora....
  But the dress which this Herakles wore, Megasthenes tells us,
  resembled that of the Theban Herakles, as the Indians themselves
  admit.” [Arrian, _Indika_, viii., Methora is Mathura; Growse
  (_Mathura_, 3rd ed. 279) suggests that Cleisobora is Krishnapura,
  ‘city of Krishna.’]

  Diodorus has the same legend, with some variety. He says: "Hercules
  was born amongst the Indians, and like the Greeks they furnish him
  with a club and lion’s hide. In strength (_bala_) he excelled all men,
  and cleared the sea and land of monsters and wild beasts. He had many
  sons, but only one daughter. It is said that he built Palibothra, and
  divided his kingdom amongst his sons (the Balika-putras, sons of
  Bali). They never colonized; but in time most of the cities assumed a
  democratical form of government (though some were monarchical) till
  Alexander’s time." The combats of Hercules, to which Diodorus alludes,
  are those in the legendary haunts of the Harikulas, during their
  twelve years’ exile from the seats of their forefathers.

  How invaluable such remnants of the ancient race of Harikula! How
  refreshing to the mind yet to discover, amidst the ruins on the
  Yamuna, Hercules (Baldeva, god of strength) retaining his club and
  lion’s hide, standing on his pedestal at Baldeo, and yet worshipped by
  the Suraseni! This name was given to a large tract of country round
  Mathura, or rather round Surpura, the ancient capital founded by
  Surasena, the grandfather of the Indian brother-deities, Krishna and
  Baldeva, Apollo and Hercules. The title would apply to either; though
  Baldeva has the attributes of the ‘god of strength.’ Both are _es_
  (lords) of the race (_kula_) of Hari (Hari-kul-es), of which the
  Greeks might have made the compound Hercules. Might not a colony after
  the Great War have migrated westward? The period of the return of the
  Heraclidae, the descendants of Atreus (Atri is progenitor of the
  Harikula), would answer: it was about half a century after the Great
  War. [These speculations are worthless.]

  It is unfortunate that Alexander’s historians were unable to penetrate
  into the arcana of the Hindus, as Herodotus appears to have done with
  those of the Egyptians. The shortness of Alexander’s stay, the unknown
  language in which their science and religion were hid, presented an
  insuperable difficulty. They could have made very little progress in
  the study of the language without discovering its analogy to their

Footnote 2.2.17:

  Arrian generally exercises his judgment in these matters, and is the
  reverse of credulous. On this point he says, “Now to me it seems that
  even if Herakles could have done a thing so marvellous, he could have
  made himself longer-lived, in order to have intercourse with his
  daughter when she was of mature age” [_Indika_, ix.].

  Sandrocottus is mentioned by Arrian to be of this line; and we can
  have no hesitation, therefore, in giving him a place in the dynasty of
  Puru, the second son of Yayati, whence the patronymic used by the race
  now extinct, as was Yadu, the elder brother of Puru. Hence
  Sandrocottus, if not a Puru himself, is connected with the chain of
  which the links are Jarasandha (a hero of the Bharat), Ripunjaya, the
  twenty-third in descent, when a new race, headed by Sanaka and
  Sheshnag, about six hundred years before Christ, usurped the seat of
  the lineal descendants of Puru; in which line of usurpation is
  Chandragupta, of the tribe Maurya, the Sandrocottus of Alexander, a
  branch of this Sheshnag, Takshak, or Snake race, a race which,
  stripped of its allegory, will afford room for subsequent
  dissertation. The Prasioi of Arrian would be the stock of Puru; Prayag
  is claimed in the annals yet existing as the cradle of their race.
  This is the modern Allahabad; and the Eranaboas must be the Jumna, and
  the point of junction with the Ganges, where we must place the capital
  of the Prasioi. [For Sandrokottos or Chandragupta Maurya see Smith,
  _EHI_, 42 ff. He certainly did not belong to the ‘Snake Race.’ The
  Erannoboas (Skr. Hiranyavaha, ‘gold-bearing’) is the river Son. The
  Prasioi (Skr. Prāchyās, ‘dwellers in the east’) had their capital at
  Pātaliputra, the modern Patna (McCrindle, _Alexander_, 365 f.).]

Footnote 2.2.18:

  Analogous to the _maire du palais_ of the first races of the Franks.

Footnote 2.2.19:

  His daughter’s son. This is not the first or only instance of the
  Salic law of India being set aside. There are two in the history of
  the sovereigns of Anhilwara Patan. In all adoptions of this nature,
  when the child ‘binds round his head the turban’ of his adopted
  father, he is finally severed from the stock whence he had his birth.
  [For the early history of Delhi see Smith, _EHI_, 386 ff.]

Footnote 2.2.20:

  The khil, or iron pillar of the Pandus, is mentioned in the poems of
  Chand. An infidel Tuar prince wished to prove the truth of the
  tradition of its depth of foundation: "blood gushed up from the
  earth’s centre, the pillar became loose (_dhili_)," as did the fortune
  of the house from such impiety. This is the origin of _Delhi_. [The
  inscription on the pillar proves the falsity of the legend, and the
  name Delhi is older than the Tuar dynasty (_IGI_, xi. 233).]

Footnote 2.2.21:

  I doubt if Shahpur is yet known. I traced its extent from the remains
  of a tower between Humayun’s tomb and the grand column, the Kutb. In
  1809 I resided four months at the mausoleum of Safdar Jang, the
  ancestor of the present [late] King of Oudh, amidst the ruins of
  Indraprastha, several miles from inhabited Delhi, but with which these
  ruins forms detached links of connexion. I went to that retirement
  with a friend now no more, Lieutenant Macartney, a name well known and
  honoured. We had both been employed in surveying the canals which had
  their sources in common from the head of the Jumna, where this river
  leaves its rocky barriers, the Siwalik chain, and issues into the
  plains of Hindustan. These canals on each side, fed by the parent
  stream, returned the waters again into it; one through the city of
  Delhi, the other on the opposite side. [Cunningham (_ASR_, i. 207 ff.)
  proved that the true site of the ancient city, Siri, was the old
  ruined fort to the north-east of Rāī Pithora’s stronghold, which is at
  present called Shāhpur. This identification has been disputed by C. J.
  Campbell (_JASB_, 1866, p. 206). But Cunningham gives good reasons for
  maintaining his opinion. The place took its name from Sher Shāh and
  his son Islām or Salīm Shāh. See also Carr Stephens, _Archaeological
  and Monumental Remains of Delhi_ (1876), pp. 87 f., 190.]


                               CHAPTER 3

=Princes of the Solar Line.=—Vyasa gives but fifty-seven princes of the
Solar line, from Vaivaswata Manu to Rama; and no list which has come
under my observation exhibits more than fifty-eight, for the same
period, of the Lunar race. How different from the Egyptian priesthood,
who, according to Herodotus, gave a list up to that period of three
hundred and thirty[2.3.1] sovereigns from their first prince, also the
‘sun-born[2.3.2] Menes!’

Ikshwaku was the son of Manu, and the first who moved to the eastward,
and founded Ayodhya.

Budha (Mercury) founded the Lunar line; but we are not told who
established their first capital, Prayag,[2.3.3] though we are authorized
to infer that it was founded by Puru, the sixth in descent from Budha

A succession of fifty-seven princes occupied Ayodhya from Ikshwaku to
Rama. From Yäyati’s sons the Lunar races descend in unequal lengths. The
lines from Yadu,[2.3.4] concluding with Krishna and his cousin Kansa,
exhibit fifty-seven and fifty-nine descents from Yayati; while
Yudhishthira,[2.3.5] Salya,[2.3.6] Jarasandha,[2.3.7] and
Vahurita,[2.3.8] all contemporaries of Krishna and Kansa, are fifty-one,
forty-six, and forty-seven generations respectively, from the common
ancestor Yayati.

=Solar and Lunar Genealogies.=—There is a wide difference between the
Solar and the Yadu branches of the Lunar lines; yet is that now given
fuller than any I have met with. Sir William Jones’s lists of the Solar
line give fifty-six, and of the Lunar (Budha to Yudhishthira) forty-six,
being one less in each than in the tables now presented; nor has he
given the important branch terminating with Krishna. So close an
affinity between lists, derived from such different authorities as this
distinguished character and myself had access to, shows that there was
some general source entitled to credit.

Mr. Bentley’s[2.3.9] lists agree with Sir William Jones’s, exhibiting
fifty-six and forty-six respectively for the last-mentioned Solar and
Lunar races. But, on a close comparison, he has either copied them or
taken from the same original source; afterwards transposing names which,
though aiding a likely hypothesis, will not accord with their historical

Colonel Wilford’s[2.3.10] Solar list is of no use; but his two dynasties
of Puru and Yadu of the Lunar race are excellent, that part of the line
of Puru, from Jarasandha to Chandragupta, being the only correct one in

It is surprising Wilford did not make use of Sir William Jones’s Solar
chronology; but he appears to have dreaded bringing down Rama to the
period of Krishna, as he is known to have preceded by four generations
‘the Great War’ of the Yadu races.

It is evident that the Lunar line has reached us defective. It is
supposed so by their genealogists; and Wilford would have increased the
error by taking it as the standard, and reducing the Solar to conform

Mr. Bentley’s method is therefore preferable; namely, to suppose eleven
princes omitted in the Lunar between Janmejaya and Prachinvat. But as
there is no [34] authority for this, the Lunar princes are distributed
in the tables collaterally with the Solar, preserving contemporaneous
affinity where synchronisms will authorise. By this means all hypothesis
will be avoided, and the genealogies will speak for themselves.

There is very little difference between Sir William Jones’s and Colonel
Wilford’s lists, in that main branch of the Lunar race, of which Puru,
Hastin, Ajamidha, Kuru, Santanu, and Yudhishthira are the most
distinguished links. The coincidence is so near as to warrant a
supposition of identity of source; but close inspection shows Wilford to
have had a fuller supply, for he produces new branches, both of Hastin’s
and Kuru’s progeny. He has also one name (Bhimasena) towards the close,
which is in my lists, but not in Sir William Jones’s; and immediately
following Bhimasena, both these lists exhibit Dilipa, wanting in my copy
of the Bhagavat, though contained in the Agni Purana: proofs of the
diversity of the sources of supply, and highly gratifying when the
remoteness of those sources is considered. There is also in my lists
Tansu, the nineteenth from Budha, who is not in the lists either of Sir
William Jones or Wilford. Again; Wilford has a Suhotra preceding Hastin,
who is not in Sir William Jones’s genealogies.[2.3.11]

Again; Jahnu is made the successor to Kuru; whereas the Purana (whence
my extracts) makes Parikshit the successor, who adopts the son of Jahnu.
This son is Viduratha, who has a place in all three. Other variations
are merely orthographical.

A comparison of Sir William Jones’s Solar genealogies with my tables
will yield nearly the same satisfactory result as to original
authenticity. I say Sir William Jones’s list, because there is no other
efficient one. We first differ at the fourth from Ikshwaku. In my list
this is Am-Prithu, of which he makes two names, Anenas and Prithu.
Thence to Purukutsa, the eighteenth, the difference is only in
orthography. To Irisuaka, the twenty-third in mine, the twenty-sixth in
Sir William Jones’s list, one name is above accounted for; but here are
two wanting in mine, Trasadasyu and Haryaswa. There is, also,
considerable difference in the orthography of those names which we have
in common. Again; we differ as to the successors of Champa, the
twenty-seventh, the founder of Champapur in Bihar. In Sir William’s,
Sadeva succeeds, and he is followed by Vijaya; but my authorities state
these both to be sons of Champa, and that Vijaya, the [35] younger, was
his successor, as the elder, Sadeva, took to religious austerity. The
thirty-third and thirty-sixth, Kesi and Dilipa, are not noticed by Sir
William Jones; but there is a much more important person than either of
these omitted, who is a grand link of connexion, and affording a good
synchronism of the earliest history. This is Ambarisha, the fortieth,
the contemporary of Gadhi, who was the founder of Gadhipura or Kanauj.
Nala, Sarura, and Dilipa (Nos. 44, 45, 54 of my lists) are all omitted
by Sir William Jones.

This comparative analysis of the chronologies of both these grand races
cannot fail to be satisfactory. Those which I furnish are from the
sacred genealogies in the library of a prince who claims common origin
with them, and are less liable to interpolation. There is scarcely a
chief of character for knowledge who cannot repeat the genealogy of his
line. The Prince of Mewar has a peculiarly retentive memory in this way.
The professed genealogists, the Bhats, must have them graven on their
memory, and the Charanas (the encomiasts) ought to be well versed

The first table exhibits two dynasties of the Solar race of Princes of
Ayodhya and Mithila Des, or Tirhut, which latter I have seen nowhere
else. It also exhibits four great and three lesser dynasties of the
Lunar race; and an eighth line is added, of the race of Yadu, from the
annals of the Bhatti tribe at Jaisalmer.

Ere quitting this halting-place in the genealogical history of the
ancient races, where the celebrated names of Rama, Krishna, and
Yudhishthira close the brazen age of India, and whose issue introduce
the present iron age, or Kali Yuga, I shall shortly refer to the few
synchronic points which the various authorities admit.

Of periods so remote, approximations to truth are the utmost to be
looked for; and it is from the Ramayana and the Puranas these
synchronisms are hazarded.

=Harischandra.=—The first commences with a celebrated name of the
Solar line, Harischandra, son of Trisanku, still proverbial for
his humility.[2.3.12] He is the twenty-fourth,[2.3.13] and
declared contemporary of Parasurama, who slew the celebrated
Sahasra-Arjuna[2.3.14] of [36] the Haihaya (Lunar) race, Prince of
Mahishmati on the Nerbudda. This is confirmed by the Ramayana,
which details the destruction of the military class and assumption
of political power by the Brahmans, under their chief Parasurama,
marking the period when the military class ‘lost the umbrella of
royalty,’ and, as the Brahmans ridiculously assert, their purity
of blood. This last, however, their own books sufficiently
contradict, as the next synchronism will show.

=Sagara.=—This synchronism we have in Sagara, the thirty-second prince
of the Solar line, the contemporary of Talajangha, of the Lunar line,
the sixth in descent from Sahasra Arjuna, who had five sons preserved
from the general slaughter of the military class by Parasurama, whose
names are given in the Bhavishya Purana.

Wars were constantly carried on between these great rival races, Surya
and Indu, recorded in the Puranas and Ramayana. The Bhavishya describes
that between Sagara and Talajangha “to resemble that of their ancestors,
in which the Haihayas suffered as severely as before.” But that they had
recovered all their power since Parasurama is evident from their having
completely retaliated on the Suryas, and expelled the father[2.3.15] of
Sagara from his capital of Ayodhya. Sagara and Talajangha appear to have
been contemporary with Hastin of Hastinapura, and with Anga, descended
from Budha, the founder of Angadesa,[2.3.16] or Ongdesa, and the Anga

=Ambarisha.=—The Ramayana affords another synchronism; namely, that
Ambarisha of Ayodhya, the fortieth prince of the Solar line, was the
contemporary of Gadhi, the founder of Kanauj, and of Lomapada the Prince
of Angadesa.

=Krishna.=—The last synchronism is that of Krishna and Yudhishthira,
which terminates the [37] brazen, and introduces the Kali Yuga or iron
age. But this is in the Lunar line; nor have we any guide by which the
difference can be adjusted between the appearance of Rama of the Solar
and Krishna of the Lunar races.

Thus of the race of Krostu we have Kansa, Prince of Mathura, the
fifty-ninth, and his cousin Krishna, the fifty-eighth from Budha; while
of the line of Puru, descending through Ajamidha and Dvimidha, we have
Salya, Jarasandha, and Yudhishthira, the fifty-first, fifty-third, and
fifty-fourth respectively.

The race of Anga gives Prithusena as one of the actors and survivors of
the Mahabharata, and the fifty-third from Budha.

Thus, taking an average of the whole, we may consider fifty-five princes
to be the number of descents from Budha to Krishna and Yudhishthira;
and, admitting an average of twenty years for each reign, a period of
eleven hundred years; which being added to a like period calculated from
thence to Vikramaditya, who reigned fifty-six years before Christ, I
venture to place the establishment in India Proper of these two grand
races, distinctively called those of Surya and Chandra, at about 2256
years before the Christian era; at which period, though somewhat later,
the Egyptian, Chinese, and Assyrian monarchies are generally stated to
have been established,[2.3.17] and about a century and a half after that
great event, the Flood.

Though a passage in the Agni Purana indicates that the line of Surya, of
which Ikshwaku was the head, was the first colony which entered India
from Central Asia, yet we are compelled to place the patriarch Budha as
his contemporary, he being stated to have come from a distant region,
and married to Ila, the sister of Ikshwaku.

Ere we proceed to make any remarks on the descendants of Krishna and
Arjuna, who carry on the Lunar line, or of the Kushites and Lavites,
from Kusa and Lava, the sons of Rama, who carry on that of the Sun, a
few observations on the chief kingdoms established by their progenitors
on the continent of India will be hazarded in the ensuing Chapter [38].


Footnote 2.3.1:

  Herodotus ii. 99, 100.

Footnote 2.3.2:

  The Egyptians claim the sun, also, as the first founder of the kingdom
  of Egypt.

Footnote 2.3.3:

  The Jaisalmer annals give in succession Prayag, Mathura, Kusasthala,
  Dwaraka, as capitals of the Indu or Lunar race, in the ages preceding
  the Bharat or Great War. Hastinapur was founded twenty generations
  after these, by Hastin, from whom ramified the three grand Sakha, viz.
  Ajamidha, Vimidha, and Purumidha, which diversified the Yadu race.

Footnote 2.3.4:

  See Table I. [not reprinted].

Footnote 2.3.5:

  Of Delhi—Indraprastha.

Footnote 2.3.6:

  Salya, the founder of Aror on the Indus, a capital I had the good
  fortune to discover. Salya is the Siharas of Abu-l Fazl. [_Āīn_, ii.

Footnote 2.3.7:

  Jarasandha of Bihar.

Footnote 2.3.8:

  Vahoorita, unknown yet. [? Bahuratha.]

Footnote 2.3.9:

  _Asiatic Researches_, vol. v. p. 341.

Footnote 2.3.10:

  _Ibid._ vol. v. p. 241.

Footnote 2.3.11:

  I find them, however, in the Agni Purana.

Footnote 2.3.12:

  [The tragical story of Harischandra is told by J. Muir, _Original
  Sanskrit Texts_, i. 88 ff.]

Footnote 2.3.13:

  Sahyadri Khanda of the Skanda Purana.

Footnote 2.3.14:

  In the Bhavishya Purana this prince, Sahasra-Arjuna, is termed a
  Chakravartin, or paramount sovereign. It is said that he conquered
  Karkotaka of the Takshak, Turushka, or Snake race, and brought with
  him the population of Mahishmati, and founded Hemanagara in the north
  of India, on his expulsion from his dominions on the Nerbudda.
  Traditionary legends yet remain of this prince on the Nerbudda, where
  he is styled Sahasrabahu, or ‘with a thousand arms,’ figurative of his
  numerous progeny. The Takshak, or Snake race, here alluded to, will
  hereafter engage our attention. The names of animals in early times,
  planets, and things inanimate, all furnished symbolic appellations for
  the various races. In Scripture we have the fly, the bee, the ram to
  describe the princes of Egypt, Assyria, and Macedonia; here we have
  the snake, horse, monkey, etc. The Snake or Takshak race was one of
  the most extensive and earliest of Higher Asia, and celebrated in all
  its extent, and to which I shall have to recur hereafter. [By the
  Takshak race, so often referred to, the author seems to mean a body of
  Scythian snake-worshippers. There are instances of a serpent barrow,
  and of the use of the snake as a form of ornament among the Scythians;
  but beyond this the evidence of worship of the serpent is scanty (E.
  H. Minns, _Scythians and Greeks_, 328 f., 66 note, 294, 318, 323,
  etc.). It was really the Takka, a Panjāb tribe (Beal, _Si-yu-ki_, i.
  165 ff.; Cunningham, _Ancient Geography of India_, 148 ff.; Stein,
  _Rājatarangini_, i. 204 f.).]

  In the Ramayana it is stated that the sacrificial horse was stolen by
  “a serpent (Takshak) assuming the form of Ananta.”

Footnote 2.3.15:

  “Asita, the father of Sagara, expelled by hostile kings of the
  Haihayas, the Talajanghas, and the Sasa-vindus, fled to the Himavat
  mountains, where he died, leaving his wives pregnant, and from one of
  these Sagara was born” (Ramayana, i. 41). It was to preserve the Solar
  race from the destruction which threatened it from the prolific Lunar
  race, that the Brahman Parasurama armed: evidently proving that the
  Brahmanical faith was held by the Solar race; while the religion of
  Budha, the great progenitor of the Lunar, still governed his
  descendants. This strengthened the opposition of the sages of the
  Solar line to Vishvamitra’s (of Budha’s or the Lunar line) obtaining
  Brahmanhood. That Krishna, of Lunar stock, prior to founding a new
  sect, worshipped Budha, is susceptible of proof.

Footnote 2.3.16:

  Angdes, Ongdes, or Undes adjoins Tibet. The inhabitants call
  themselves Hungias, and appear to be the Hong-niu of the Chinese
  authors, the Huns (Hūns) of Europe and India, which prove this Tartar
  race to be Lunar, and of Budha. [Anga, the modern Bhāgalpur, is
  confounded with Hundes or Tibet.]

Footnote 2.3.17:

  Egyptian, under Misraim, 2188 B.C.; Assyrian, 2059; Chinese, 2207.
  [The first Egyptian dynasty is now dated 5500 B.C.; Chinese, 2852
  B.C.; Babylonian, 2300 B.C. Any attempt to establish an Indian
  chronology from the materials used by the Author does not promise to
  be successful.]


                               CHAPTER 4

=Ayodhya.=—Ayodhya[2.4.1] was the first city founded by the race of
Surya. Like other capitals, its importance must have risen by slow
degrees; yet making every allowance for exaggeration, it must have
attained great splendour long anterior to Rama. Its site is well known
at this day under the contracted name of Oudh, which also designates the
country appertaining to the titular wazir of the Mogul empire; which
country, twenty-five years ago, nearly marked the limits of Kosala, the
pristine kingdom of the Surya race. Overgrown greatness characterized
all the ancient Asiatic capitals, and that of Ayodhya was immense.
Lucknow, the present capital, is traditionally asserted to have been one
of the suburbs of ancient Oudh, and so named by Rama, in compliment to
his brother Lakshman.

=Mithila.=—Nearly coeval in point of time with Ayodhya was
Mithila,[2.4.2] the capital of a country of the same name, founded by
Mithila, the grandson of Ikshwaku.

The name of Janaka,[2.4.3] son of Mithila, eclipsed that of the founder
and became the patronymic of this branch of the Solar race.

=Other Kingdoms.=—These are the two chief capitals of the kingdoms of
the Solar line described in [39] this early age; though there were
others of a minor order, such as Rohtas, Champapura,[2.4.4] etc., all
founded previously to Rama.

By the numerous dynasties of the Lunar race of Budha many kingdoms were
founded. Much has been said of the antiquity of Prayag; yet the first
capital of the Indu or Lunar race appears to have been founded by
Sahasra Arjuna, of the Haihaya tribe. This was Mahishmati on the
Nerbudda, still existing in Maheswar.[2.4.5] The rivalry between the
Lunar race and that of the Suryas of Ayodhya, in whose aid the
priesthood armed, and expelled Sahasra Arjuna from Mahishmati, has been
mentioned. A small branch of these ancient Haihayas[2.4.6] yet exist in
the line of the Nerbudda, near the very top of the valley at Sohagpur,
in Baghelkhand, aware of their ancient lineage; and, though few in
number, are still celebrated for their valour.[2.4.7]

=Dwarka.=—Kusasthali Dwarka, the capital of Krishna, was founded prior
to Prayag, to Surpur, or Mathura. The Bhagavat attributes the foundation
of the city to Anrita, the brother of Ikshwaku, of the Solar race, but
states not how or when the Yadus became possessed thereof.

The ancient annals of the Jaisalmer family of the Yadu stock give the
priority of foundation to Prayag, next to Mathura, and last to Dwarka.
All these cities are too well known to require description; especially
Prayag, at the confluence of the Yamuna and Ganges. The Prasioi were the
descendants of Puru[2.4.8] of Prayag, visited by Megasthenes, ambassador
of Seleucus, and the principal city of the Yadus, ere it sent forth the
four branches from Satwata. At Prayag resided the celebrated Bharat, the
son of Sakuntala.

In the Ramayana the Sasavindus[2.4.9] (another Yadu race) are inscribed
as allied with the Haihayas in the wars with the race of Surya; and of
this race was Sisupal[2.4.10] (the founder of Chedi[2.4.11]), one of the
foes of Krishna [40].

=Surpur.=—We are assured by Alexander’s historians that the country and
people round Mathura, when he invaded India, were termed Surasenoi.
There are two princes of the name of Sursen in the immediate ancestry of
Krishna; one his grandfather, the other eight generations anterior.
Which of these founded the capital Surpur,[2.4.12] whence the country
and inhabitants had their appellation, we cannot say. Mathura and
Cleisobara are mentioned by the historians of Alexander as the chief
cities of the Surasenoi. Though the Greeks sadly disfigure names, we
cannot trace any affinity between Cleisobara and Surpur.

=Hastinapura.=—The city of Hastinapura was built by Hastin a name
celebrated in the Lunar dynasties. The name of this city is still
preserved on the Ganges, about forty miles south of Hardwar,[2.4.13]
where the Ganges breaks through the Siwalik mountains and enters the
plains of India. This mighty stream, rolling its masses of waters from
the glaciers of the Himalaya, and joined by many auxiliary streams,
frequently carries destruction before it. In one night a column of
thirty feet in perpendicular height has been known to bear away all
within its sweep, and to such an occurrence the capital of Hastin is
said to have owed its ruin.[2.4.14] As it existed, however, long after
the Mahabharata, it is surprising it is not mentioned by the historians
of Alexander, who invaded India probably about eight centuries after
that event. In this abode of the sons of Puru resided Porus, one of the
two princes of that name, opponents of Alexander, and probably Bindusara
the son of Chandragupta, surmised to be the Abisares[2.4.15] and
Sandrakottos of Grecian authorities. Of the two princes named Porus
mentioned by Alexander’s [41] historians, one resided in the very cradle
of the Puru dynasties; the abode of the other bordered on the Panjab:
warranting an assertion that the Pori of Alexander were of the Lunar
race, and destroying all the claims various authors[2.4.16] have
advanced on behalf of the princes of Mewar.[2.4.17]

Hastin sent forth three grand branches, Ajamidha, Dvimidha, and
Purumidha. Of the two last we lose sight altogether; but Ajamidha’s
progeny spread over all the northern parts of India, in the Panjab and
across the Indus. The period, probably one thousand six hundred years
before Christ.

From Ajamidha,[2.4.18] in the fourth generation, was Bajaswa, who
obtained possessions towards the Indus, and whose five sons gave their
name, Panchala, to the Panjab, or space watered by the five rivers. The
capital founded by the younger brother, Kampila, was named

The descendants of Ajamidha by his second wife, Kesini, founded another
kingdom and dynasty, celebrated in the heroic history of Northern India.
This is the Kausika dynasty.

=Kanauj.=—Kusa had four sons, two of whom, Kusanabha and Kusamba, are
well known to traditional history, and by the still surviving cities
founded by them. Kusanabha founded the city of Mahodaya on the Ganges,
afterwards changed to Kanyakubja, or Kanauj, which maintained its
celebrity until the Muhammadan invasion of Shihabu-d-din (A.D. 1193),
when this overgrown city was laid prostrate for ever. It was not
unfrequently called Gadhipura, or the ‘city of Gadhi.’ This practice of
multiplying names of cities in the east is very destructive to history.
Abu-l Fazl has taken from Hindu authorities an account of Kanauj; and
could we admit the authority of a poet on such subjects, Chand, the bard
of Prithwiraja,[2.4.20] would afford materials. Ferishta states it in
the early ages to have been twenty-five coss [42] (thirty-five miles) in
circumference, and that there were thirty thousand shops for the sale of
the areca or beetle-nut only;[2.4.21] and this in the sixth century, at
which period the Rathor dynasty, which terminated with Jaichand, in the
twelfth, had been in possession from the end of the fifth century.

Kusamba also founded a city, called after his own name Kausambi.[2.4.22]
The name was in existence in the eleventh century; and ruins might yet
exist, if search were made on the shores of the Ganges, from Kanauj

The other sons built two capitals, Dharmaranya and Vasumati; but of
neither have we any correct knowledge.

Kuru had two sons, Sudhanush and Parikhshita. The descendants of the
former terminated with Jarasandha, whose capital was Rajagriha (the
modern Rajmahal) on the Ganges, in the province of Bihar.[2.4.23] From
Parikhshita descended the monarchs Santanu and Balaka: the first
producing the rivals of the Great War, Yudhishthira and Duryodhana; the
other the Balakaputras.

Duryodhana, the successor to the throne of Kuru, resided at the ancient
capital, Hastinapura; while the junior branch, Yudhishthira, founded
Indraprastha, on the Yamuna or Jumna, which name in the eighth century
was changed to Delhi.

The sons of Balaka founded two kingdoms: Palibothra, on the lower
Ganges; and Aror,[2.4.24] on the eastern bank of the Indus, founded by
Sahl [43].

One great arm of the tree of Yayati remains unnoticed, that of Uru or
Urvasu, written by others Turvasu. Uru was the father of a line of kings
who founded several empires. Virupa, the eighth prince from Uru, had
eight sons, two of whom are particularly mentioned as sending forth two
grand shoots, Druhyu and Bhabru. From Druhyu a dynasty was established
in the north. Aradwat, with his son Gandhara, is stated to have founded
a State: Prachetas is said to have become king of Mlecchhades, or the
barbarous regions. This line terminated with Dushyanta, the husband of
the celebrated Sakuntala, father of Bharat, and who, labouring under the
displeasure of some offended deity, is said by the Hindus to have been
the cause of all the woes which subsequently befell the race. The four
grandsons of Dushyanta, Kalanjar, Keral, Pand, and Chaul, gave their
names to countries.

=Kalanjar.=—Kalanjar is the celebrated fortress in Bundelkhand, so well
known for its antiquities, which have claimed considerable notice.

=Kerala.=—Of the second, Kerala, it is only known that in the list of
the thirty-six royal races in the twelfth century, the Kerala makes one,
but the capital is unknown.[2.4.25]

=Pandya.=—The kingdom founded by Pand may be that on the coast of
Malabar, the Pandu-Mandal of the Hindus, the Regia Pandiona of the
geographers of the west, and of which, probably, Tanjore is the modern

=Chaul.=—Chaul[2.4.27] is in the Saurashtra peninsula, and on the coast,
towards Jagat Khunt, ‘the world’s end,’ and still retains its

=Anga.=—The other shoot from Bhabru became celebrated. The thirty-fourth
prince, Anga, founded the kingdom of Angadesa, of which
Champapuri[2.4.28] was the [44] capital, established about the same time
with Kanauj, probably fifteen hundred years before Christ. With him the
patronymic was changed, and the Anga race became famous in ancient Hindu
history; and to this day Un-des still designates the Alpine regions of
Tibet bordering on Chinese Tartary.

Prithusena terminates the line of Anga; and as he survived the disasters
of the Great War, his race probably multiplied in those regions, where
caste appears never to have been introduced.

=Recapitulation.=—Thus have we rapidly reviewed the dynasties of Surya
and Chandra, from Manu and Budha to Rama, Krishna, Yudhishthira, and
Jarasandha; establishing, it is hoped, some new points, and perhaps
adding to the credibility of the whole.

The wrecks of almost all the vast cities founded by them are yet to be
traced in ruins. The city of Ikshwaku and Rama, on the Sarju;
Indraprastha, Mathura, Surpura, Prayag on the Yamuna; Hastinapura,
Kanyakubja, Rajagriha on the Ganges; Maheswar on the Nerbudda; Aror on
the Indus; and Kusasthali Dwarka on the shore of the Indian Ocean. Each
has left some memorial of former grandeur: research may discover others.

There is yet an unexplored region in Panchala; Kampilanagara its
capital, and those cities established west of the Indus by the sons of

Traces of the early Indo-Scythic nations may possibly reward the search
of some adventurous traveller who may penetrate into Transoxiana, on the
sites of Cyropolis, and the most northern Alexandria; in Balkh, and
amidst the caves of Bamian.

The plains of India retain yet many ancient cities, from whose ruins
somewhat may be gleaned to add a mite to knowledge; and where
inscriptions may be found in a character which, though yet
unintelligible, will not always remain so in this age of discovery. For
such let the search be general, and when once a key is obtained, they
will enlighten each other. Wherever the races of Kuru, Uru, and Yadu
have swayed, have been found ancient and yet undeciphered characters.

Much would reward him who would make a better digest of the historical
and geographical matter in the Puranas. But we must discard the idea
that the history of Rama, the Mahabharata of Krishna and the five
Pandava[2.4.29] brothers, are [45] mere allegory: an idea supported by
some, although their races, their cities, and their coins still exist.
Let us master the characters on the columns of Indraprastha, of Prayag
and Mewar, on the rocks of Junagarh,[2.4.30] at Bijolli, on the
Aravalli, and in the Jain temples scattered over India, and then we
shall be able to arrive at just and satisfactory conclusions.


Footnote 2.4.1:

  The picture drawn by Valmiki of the capital of the Solar race is so
  highly coloured that Ayodhya might stand for Utopia, and it would be
  difficult to find such a catalogue of metropolitan embellishments in
  this, the iron age of Oudh. "On the banks of the Surayu is a large
  country called Kosala, in which is Ayodhya, built by Manu, twelve
  yojans (forty-eight miles) in extent, with streets regular and well
  watered. It was filled with merchants, beautified by gardens,
  ornamented with stately gates and high-arched porticoes, furnished
  with arms, crowded with chariots, elephants, and horses, and with
  ambassadors from foreign lands; embellished with palaces whose domes
  resembled the mountain tops, dwellings of equal height, resounding
  with the delightful music of the tabor, the flute, and the harp. It
  was surrounded by an impassable moat, and guarded by archers.
  Dasaratha was its king, a mighty charioteer. There were no atheists.
  The affections of the men were in their consorts. The women were
  chaste and obedient to their lords, endowed with beauty, wit,
  sweetness, prudence, and industry, with bright ornaments and fair
  apparel; the men devoted to truth and hospitality, regardful of their
  superiors, their ancestors, and their gods.

  “There were eight councillors; two chosen priests profound in the law,
  besides another inferior council of six. Of subdued appetites,
  disinterested, forbearing, pleasant, patient; not avaricious; well
  acquainted with their duties and popular customs; attentive to the
  army, the treasury; impartially awarding punishment even on their own
  sons; never oppressing even an enemy; not arrogant; comely in dress;
  never confident about doubtful matters; devoted to the sovereign.”

Footnote 2.4.2:

  Mithila, the modern Tirhut in Bengal [including the modern districts
  of Darbhanga, Champāran, and Muzaffarpur].

Footnote 2.4.3:

  Kusadhwaja, father of Sita (spouse of Rama), is also called Janaka; a
  name common in this line, and borne by the third prince in succession
  after Suvarna Roma, the ‘golden-haired’ chief Mithila.

Footnote 2.4.4:

  [Rohtās in the modern Shāhābād district; Champapura in Bhāgalpur.]

Footnote 2.4.5:

  Familiarly designated as Sahasra Bahu ki Basti, or ‘the town of the
  thousand-armed.’ [In Indore State (_IGI_, xvii. 8).]

Footnote 2.4.6:

  The Haihaya race, of the line of Budha, may claim affinity with the
  Chinese race which first gave monarchs to China [?].

Footnote 2.4.7:

  Of this I have heard the most romantic proofs in very recent times.

Footnote 2.4.8:

  Puru became the patronymic of this branch of the Lunar race. Of this
  Alexander’s historians made Porus. The Suraseni of Methoras
  (descendants of the Sursen of Mathura) were all Purus, the Prasioi of
  Megasthenes [see p. 37, n.]. Allahabad yet retains its Hindu name of
  Prayag, pronounced Prag.

Footnote 2.4.9:

  The Hares. Sesodia is said to have the same derivation. [From Sesoda
  in Mewār.]

Footnote 2.4.10:

  The princes of Ranthambhor, expelled by Prithwiraja of Delhi, were of
  this race.

Footnote 2.4.11:

  The modern Chanderi [in the Gwalior State, _IGI_, x. 163 f.] is said
  to be this capital, and one of the few to which no Englishman has
  obtained entrance, though I tried hard in 1807. Doubtless it would
  afford food for curiosity; for, being out of the path of armies in the
  days of conquest and revolution, it may, and I believe does, retain
  much worthy of research. [The capital of the Chedi or Kalachuri
  dynasty was Tripura or Karanbel, near Jabalpur (_IGI_, x. 12).]

Footnote 2.4.12:

  I had the pleasure, in 1814, of discovering a remnant of this city,
  which the Yamuna has overwhelmed. [The ancient Sūryapura was near
  Batesar, 40 miles south-east of Agra city. Sir H. Elliot
  (_Supplemental Glossary_, 187) remarks that it is strange that the
  Author so often claims the credit of discovery when its position is
  fixed in a set of familiar verses. For Sūryapura see A. Führer,
  _Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions_, 69.] The sacred place of
  pilgrimage, Batesar, stands on part of it. My discovery of it was
  doubly gratifying, for while I found out the Surasenoi of the Greeks,
  I obtained a medal of the little known Apollodotus, who carried his
  arms to the mouths of the Indus, and possibly to the centre of the
  land of the Yadus. He is not included by Bayer in his lists of the
  kings of Bactria, but we have only an imperfect knowledge of the
  extent of that dynasty. The Bhagavat Purana asserts thirteen Yavan or
  Ionian princes to have ruled in Balichdes [?] or Bactria, in which
  they mention Pushpamitra Dvimitra. We are justified in asserting this
  to be Demetrius, the son of Euthydemus, but who did not succeed his
  father, as Menander intervened. Of this last conqueror I also possess
  a medal, obtained amongst the Surasenoi, and struck in commemoration
  of victory, as the winged messenger of heavenly peace extends the palm
  branch from her hand. These two will fill up a chasm in the Bactrian
  annals, for Menander is well known to them. Apollodotus would have
  perished but for Arrian, who wrote the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea
  in the second century, while commercial agent at Broach, or
  classically Brigukachchha, the Barugaza of the Greeks. [The Periplus
  of the Erythraean Sea was written by an unknown Greek merchant of
  first century A.D. (McCrindle, _Commerce and Navigation_, Introd. p.

  Without the notice this writer has afforded us, my Apollodotus would
  have lost half its value. Since my arrival in Europe I have also been
  made acquainted with the existence of a medal of Demetrius, discovered
  in Bokhara, and on which an essay has been written by a _savant_ at
  St. Petersburg.

Footnote 2.4.13:

  The portal of Hari or Hara, whose trisula or trident is there.

Footnote 2.4.14:

  Wilford says this event is mentioned in two Puranas as occurring in
  the sixth or eighth generation of the Great War. Those who have
  travelled in the Duab must have remarked where both the Ganges and
  Jumna have shifted their beds.

Footnote 2.4.15:

  [Abisares is Abhisāra in the modern Kashmīr State (Smith, _EHI_, 59).]

Footnote 2.4.16:

  Sir Thomas Roe; Sir Thomas Herbert; the Holstein ambassador (by
  Olearius); Della Valle; Churchill, in his collection: and borrowing
  from these, D’Anville, Bayer, Orme, Rennell, etc.

Footnote 2.4.17:

  The ignorance of the family of Mewar of the fact would by no means be
  a conclusive argument against it, could it be otherwise substantiated;
  but the race of Surya was completely eclipsed at that period by the
  Lunar and new races which soon poured in from the west of the Indus,
  and in time displaced them all.

Footnote 2.4.18:

  Ajamidha, by his wife Nila, had five sons, who spread their branches
  (Sakha) on both sides the Indus. Regarding three the Puranas are
  silent, which implies their migration to distant regions. Is it
  possible they might be the origin of the Medes? These Medes are
  descendants of Yayati, third son of the patriarch Manu; and Madai,
  founder of the Medes, was of Japhet’s line. Ajamidha, the patronymic
  of the branch of Bajaswa, is from _Aja_, ‘a goat.’ The Assyrian Mede,
  in Scripture, is typified by the goat. [These speculations are

Footnote 2.4.19:

  Of this house was Draupadi, the wife, in common, of the five Pandava
  brothers: manners peculiar to Scythia.

Footnote 2.4.20:

  King of Delhi.

Footnote 2.4.21:

  [Briggs i. 57. The accounts of the size of the city are extravagant
  (Elphinstone, _HI_, 332 note; Cunningham, _ASR_, i. 279 ff.).]

Footnote 2.4.22:

  An inscription was discovered at Kara on the Ganges, in which Yaspal
  is mentioned as prince of the realm of Kausambi (_As. Res._ vol. ix.
  p. 440). Wilford, in his Essay on the Geography of the Purans, says
  “Causambi, near Alluhabad” (_As. Res._ vol. xiv.). [The site is
  uncertain (Smith, _EHI_, 293, note).]

Footnote 2.4.23:

  [Rājgīr in Patna District.]

Footnote 2.4.24:

  Aror, or Alor, was the capital of Sind in remote antiquity: a bridge
  over the stream which branched from the Indus, near Dara, is almost
  the sole vestige of this capital of the Sogdoi of Alexander. On its
  site the shepherds of the desert have established an extensive hamlet;
  it is placed on a ridge of siliceous rock, seven miles east of the
  insular Bakhar, and free from the inundations of the Indus. The Sodha
  tribe, a powerful branch of the Pramara race, has ruled in these
  countries from remote antiquity, and to a very late period they were
  lords of Umarkot and Umrasumra, in which divisions was Aror. Sahl and
  his capital were known to Abu-l Fazl, though he was ignorant of its
  position, which he transferred to Debal, or Dewal, the modern Tatta.
  This indefatigable historian thus describes it: “In ancient times
  there lived a raja named Siharas (Sahl), whose capital was Alor, and
  his dominions extended north to Kashmīr and south to the ocean”
  [_Āīn_, ii. 343]. Sahl, or Sahr, became a titular appellation of the
  country, its princes, and its inhabitants, the Sehraes. [See p. 21
  above.] Alor appears to have been the capital of the kingdom of
  Sigerdis, conquered by Menander of Bactria. Ibn Haukal, the Arabian
  geographer, mentions it; but a superfluous point in writing has
  changed Aror into Azor, or Azour, as translated by Sir W. Ouseley. The
  illustrious D’Anville mentions it; but, in ignorance of its position,
  quoting Abulfeda. says, in grandeur “Azour est presque comparable à
  Mooltan.” I have to claim the discovery of several ancient capital
  cities in the north of India: Surpur, on the Jumna, the capital of the
  Yadus; Alor, on the Indus, the capital of the Sodhas; Mandodri,
  capital of the Pariharas; Chandravati, at the foot of the Aravalli
  mountains; and Valabhipura, in Gujarat, capital of the Balaka-raes,
  the Balharas of Arab travellers. The Bala Rajput of Saurashtra may
  have given the name to Valabhipura, as descendants of Balaka, from
  Sahl of Aror. The blessing of the bard to them is yet, Tatta Multān ka
  Rāo (‘lord of Tatta and Multan,’ the seats of the Balaka-putras): nor
  is it improbable that a branch of these under the Indian Hercules,
  Balaram, who left India after the Great War, may have founded Balich,
  or Balkh, emphatically called the ‘mother of cities.’ The Jaisalmer
  annals assert that the Yadu and Balaka branches of the Indu race ruled
  Khorasan after the Great War, the Indo-Scythic races of Grecian
  authors. Besides the Balakas, and the numerous branches of the
  Indo-Medes, many of the sons of Kuru dispersed over these regions:
  amongst whom we may place Uttara Kuru (_Northern Kurus_) of the
  Puranas, the Ottorokorrhai of the Greek authors. Both the Indu and
  Surya races were eternally sending their superfluous population to
  those distant regions, when probably the same primeval religion
  governed the races east and west of the Indus. [Much of this is

Footnote 2.4.25:

  [The Chera or Kerala kingdom comprised the Southern Konkans or Malabar
  coast, the present Malabar district with Travancore and Cochin, the
  dynasty being in existence early in the Christian era (Smith, _EHI_,
  447; _IGI_, x. 192 f.).]

Footnote 2.4.26:

  [The Pāndya kingdom included the Madura and Tinnevelly districts, with
  parts of Trichinopoly, and sometimes Travancore, its capitals being
  Madura, or Kūdal, and Korkai (Smith, _op. cit._ 449 f.; _IGI_, xix.
  394 f.).]

Footnote 2.4.27:

  From Chaul on the coast, in journeying towards Junagarh, and about
  seven miles from the former, are the remains of an ancient city.

Footnote 2.4.28:

  From the description in the Ramayana of King Dasaratha proceeding to
  Champamalina, the capital of Lomapada, king of Anga (sixth in descent
  from the founder), it is evident that it was a very mountainous
  region, and the deep forests and large rivers presented serious
  obstructions to his journey. From this I should imagine it impossible
  that Angadesa should apply to a portion of Bengal, in which there is a
  Champamalina, described by Colonel Francklin in his Essay on
  Palibothra. [The Anga kingdom, with its capital at Champapuri, near
  Bhāgalpur, corresponded to the modern districts of North Monghyr,
  North Bhāgalpur, and Purnea west of the Mahananda river (_IGI_, v.

Footnote 2.4.29:

  The history and exploits of the Pandavas and Harikulas are best known
  in the most remote parts of India: amidst the forest-covered mountains
  of Saurashtra, the deep woods and caves of Hidimba and Virat (still
  the shelter of the savage Bhil and Koli), or on the craggy banks of
  the Charmanvati (Chambal). In each, tradition has localized the
  shelter of these heroes when exiled from the Yamuna; and colossal
  figures cut from the mountain, ancient temples and caves inscribed
  with characters yet unknown, attributed to the Pandavas, confirm the
  legendary tale.

Footnote 2.4.30:

  The ‘ancient city,’ _par eminence_, is the only name this old capital,
  at the foot of, and guarding, the sacred mount Girnar, is known by.
  Abu-l Fazl says it had long remained desolate and unknown, and was
  discovered by mere accident. [_Āīn_, ii. 245. For a description of the
  place see _BG_, viii. 487; E. C. Bayley, _Local Muhammadan Dynasties,
  Gujarāt_, 182 ff.] Tradition even being silent, they gave it the
  emphatic appellation of Juna (old) Garh (fortress). I have little
  doubt that it is the Asaldurga, or Asalgarh, of the Guhilot annals;
  where it is said that prince Asal raised a fortress, called after him,
  near to Girnar, by the consent of the Dabhi prince, his uncle.


                               CHAPTER 5

Having investigated the line from Ikshwaku to Rama, and that from Budha
(the parent and first emigrant of the Indu[2.5.1] race, from Saka Dwipa,
or Scythia, to Hindustan) to Krishna and Yudhishthira, a period of
twelve hundred years, we proceed to the second division and second table
of the genealogies.

=The Suryavansa or Solar Line.=—From Rama all the tribes termed
Suryavansa, or ‘Race of the Sun,’ claim descent, as the present princes
of Mewar, Jaipur, Marwar, Bikaner, and their numerous clans; while from
the Lunar (Indu) line of Budha and Krishna, the families of Jaisalmer
and Cutch (the Bhatti[2.5.2] and Jareja races), extending throughout the
Indian desert from the Sutlej to the ocean, deduce their pedigrees.

Rama preceded Krishna: but as their historians, Valmiki and Vyasa, who
wrote the events they witnessed, were contemporaries, it could not have
been by many years [46].

The present table contains the dynasties which succeeded these great
beacons of the Solar and Lunar races, and are three in number.[2.5.3]

1. The Suryavansa, descendants of Rama.

2. The Induvansa, descendants of Pandu through Yudhishthira.

3. The Induvansa, descendants of Jarasandha, monarch of Rajagriha.

The Bhagavat and Agni Puranas are the authorities for the lines from
Rama and Jarasandha; while that of Pandu is from the Raja Tarangini and

The existing Rajput tribes of the Solar race claim descent from Lava and
Kusa, the two elder sons of Rama; nor do I believe any existing tribes
trace their ancestry to his other children, or to his brothers.

From the eldest son, Lava, the Ranas of Mewar claim descent: so do the
Bargujar tribe, formerly powerful within the confines of the present
Amber, whose representative now dwells at Anupshahr on the Ganges.

From Kusa descend the Kachhwaha[2.5.4] princes of Narwar and Amber, and
their numerous clans. Amber, though the first in power, is but a scion
of Narwar, transplanted about one thousand years back, whose chief, the
representative of the celebrated Prince Nala, enjoys but a sorry
district[2.5.5] of all his ancient possessions.

The house of Marwar also claims descent from this stem, which appears to
originate in an error of the genealogists, confounding the race of Kusa
with the Kausika of Kanauj and Kausambi. Nor do the Solar genealogists
admit this assumed pedigree.

The Amber prince in his genealogies traces the descent of the
Mewar[2.5.6] family from Rama to Sumitra, through Lava, the eldest
brother, and not through Kusa,[2.5.7] as in some copies of the Puranas,
and in that whence Sir William Jones had his lists [47].

Mr. Bentley, taking this genealogy from the same authority as Sir
William Jones, has mutilated it by a transposition, for which his
reasons are insufficient, and militate against every opinion of the
Hindus. Finding the names Vrihadbala and Vridasura, declared to be
princes contemporary with Yudhishthira, he transposes the whole ten
princes of his list intervening between Takshak[2.5.8] and

Bahuman,[2.5.10] or ‘the man with arms’ (Darazdasht or Longimanus) is
the thirty-fourth prince from Rama; and his reign must be placed nearly
intermediate between Rama and Sumitra, or his contemporary Vikrama, and
in the sixth century from either.

Sumitra concludes the line of Surya or Rama from the Bhagavat Purana.
Thence it is connected with the present line of Mewar, by Jai Singh’s
authorities; which list has been compared with various others, chiefly
Jain, as will be related in the annals of Mewar.

It will be seen that the line of Surya exhibits fifty-six princes, from
Lava, the son of Rama, to Sumitra, the last prince given in the Puranas.
Sir William Jones exhibits fifty-seven.

To these fifty-six reigns I should be willing to allow the average of
twenty years, which would give 1120 from Rama to Sumitra, who preceded
by a short period Vikramaditya; and as 1100 have been already calculated
to have preceded the era of Rama and Yudhishthira, the inference is,
that 2200 years elapsed from Ikshwaku, the founder of the Solar line, to

=Chandravansa or the Lunar Line.=—From the Raja Tarangini and Rajavali
the Induvansa family (descendants of Pandu through Yudhishthira) is
supplied. These works, celebrated in Rajwara as collections of
genealogies and historical facts, by the Pandits Vidyadhara and
Raghunath, were compiled under the eye of the most learned prince of his
period, Sawai Jai Singh of Amber, and give the various dynasties which
ruled at Indraprastha, or Delhi, from Yudhishthira to Vikramaditya; and
although barren of events, may be considered of value in filling up a
period of entire darkness [48].

The Tarangini commences with Adinath[2.5.11] or Rishabhdeva,[2.5.12]
being the Jain[2.5.13] theogony. Rapidly noticing the leading princes of
the dynasties discussed, they pass to the birth of the kings
Dhritarashtra and Pandu, and their offspring, detailing the causes of
their civil strife, to that conflict termed the Mahabharata or Great

=The Pandava Family.=—The origin of every family, whether of east or
west, is involved in fable. That of the Pandu[2.5.14] is entitled to as
much credence as the birth of Romulus, or other founders of a race.

Such traditions[2.5.15] were probably invented to cover some great
disgrace in the Pandu family, and have relation to the story already
related of Vyasa, and the debasement of this branch of the Harikulas.
Accordingly, on the death of Pandu, Duryodhana, nephew of Pandu (son of
Dhritarashtra, who from blindness could not inherit), asserted their
illegitimacy before the assembled kin at Hastinapura. With the aid,
however, of the priesthood, and the blind Dhritarashtra, his nephew,
Yudhishthira, elder son of Pandu, was invested by him with the seal of
royalty, in the capital, Hastinapura.

Duryodhana’s plots against the Pandu and his partisans were so numerous
that the five brothers determined to leave for a while their ancestral
abodes on the Ganges. They sought shelter in foreign countries about the
Indus, and were first protected by Drupada, king of Panchala, at whose
capital, Kampilanagara, the surrounding princes had arrived as suitors
for the hand of his daughter, Draupadi.[2.5.16] But the prize was
destined for the exiled Pandu, and the skill of Arjuna in archery
obtained him the fair, who “threw round his neck the (barmala) garland
of marriage.” The disappointed princes indulged their resentment against
the exile; but by Arjuna’s bow they suffered the fate of Penelope’s
suitors, and the Pandu brought home his bride, who became the wife in
common of the five brothers: manners[2.5.17] decisively Scythic [49].

The deeds of the brothers abroad were bruited in Hastinapura and the
blind Dhritarashtra’s influence effected their recall. To stop, however,
their intestine feuds, he partitioned the Pandu sovereignty; and while
his son, Duryodhana, retained Hastinapura, Yudhishthira founded the new
capital of Indraprastha; but shortly after the Mahabharata he abdicated
in favour of his grand-nephew, Parikshita, introducing a new era, called
after himself, which existed for eleven hundred years, when it was
overturned, and Indraprastha was conquered by Vikramaditya Tuar of
Ujjain, of the same race, who established an era of his own.

On the division of the Pandu sovereignty, the new kingdom of
Indraprastha eclipsed that of Hastinapura. The brothers reduced to
obedience the surrounding[2.5.18] nations, and compelled their princes
to sign tributary engagements (_paenama_).[2.5.19]

Yudhishthira, firmly seated on his throne, determined to signalize his
reign and paramount sovereignty, by the imposing and solemn rites of
Asvamedha[2.5.20] and Rajasuya.

=The Asvamedha.=—In these magnificent ceremonies, in which princes alone
officiate, every duty, down to that of porter, is performed by royalty.

The ‘Steed of Sacrifice’ was liberated under Arjuna’s care, having
wandered whither he listed for twelve months; and none daring to accept
this challenge of supremacy, he was reconducted to Indraprastha, where,
in the meanwhile, the hall of sacrifice was prepared, and all the
princes of the land were summoned to attend.

The hearts of the Kurus[2.5.21] burned with envy at the assumption of
supremacy by the Pandus, for the Prince of Hastinapura’s office was to
serve out the sacred food [50].

The rivalry between the races burst forth afresh; but Duryodhana, who so
often failed in his schemes against the safety of his antagonists,
determined to make the virtue of Yudhishthira the instrument of his
success. He availed himself of the national propensity for play, in
which the Rajput continues to preserve his Scythic[2.5.22] resemblance.
Yudhishthira fell into the snare prepared for him. He lost his kingdom,
his wife, and even his personal liberty and that of his brothers, for
twelve years, and became an exile from the plains of the Yamuna.

The traditional history of these wanderers during the term of probation,
their many lurking places now sacred, the return to their ancestral
abodes, and the grand battle (Mahabharata) which ensued, form highly
interesting episodes in the legends of Hindu antiquity.

To decide this civil strife, every tribe and chief of fame, from the
Caucasus to the ocean, assembled on Kurukshetra, the field on which the
empire of India has since more than once been contested[2.5.23] and

This combat was fatal to the dominant influence of the “fifty-six tribes
of Yadu.” On each of its eighteen days’ combat, myriads were slain; for
“the father knew not the son, nor the disciple his preceptor.”

Victory brought no happiness to Yudhishthira. The slaughter of his
friends disgusted him with the world, and he determined to withdraw from
it; previously performing, at Hastinapura, funeral rites for Duryodhana
(slain by the hands of Bhima), whose ambition and bad faith had
originated this exterminating war. “Having regained his kingdom, he
proclaimed a new era, and placing on the throne of Indraprastha,
Parikshita, grandson to Arjuna, retired to Dwarka with Krishna and
Baldeva: and since the war to the period of writing, 4636 years have

Yudhishthira, Baldeva, and Krishna, having retired with the wreck of
this ill-fated struggle to Dwarka, the two former had soon to lament the
death of Krishna, slain by one of the aboriginal tribes of Bhils;
against whom, from their shattered condition, they were unable to
contend. After this event, Yudhishthira, with [51] Baldeva and a few
followers, entirely withdrew from India, and emigrating northwards, by
Sind, to the Himalayan mountains, are there abandoned by Hindu
traditional history, and are supposed to have perished in the

From Parikshita, who succeeded Yudhishthira, to Vikramaditya,
four[2.5.26] dynasties are given in a continuous chain, exhibiting
sixty-six princes to Rajpal, who, invading Kumaon, was slain by
Sukwanti. The Kumaun conqueror seized upon Delhi, but was soon
dispossessed by Vikramaditya, who transferred the seat of imperial power
from Indraprastha to Avanti, or Ujjain, from which time it became the
first meridian of the Hindu astronomy.

Indraprastha ceased to be a regal abode for eight centuries, when it was
re-established by Anangpal,[2.5.27] the founder of the Tuar race,
claiming descent from the Pandus. Then the name of Delhi superseded that
of Indraprastha.

"Sukwanti, a prince from the northern mountains of Kumaun, ruled
fourteen [52] years, when he was slain by Vikramaditya;[2.5.28] and from
the Bharat to this period 2915 years have elapsed."[2.5.29]

Such a period asserted to have elapsed while sixty-six princes occupied
the throne, gives an average of forty-four years to each; which is
incredible, if not absolutely impossible.

In another passage the compiler says: “I have read many books
(shastras), and all agreed to make one hundred princes, all of
Khatri[2.5.30] race, occupy the throne of Delhi from Yudhishthira to
Prithwiraja, a period of 4100 years,[2.5.31] after which the
Ravad[2.5.32] race succeeded.”

It is fortunate for these remnants of historical data that they have
only extended the duration of reigns, and not added more heads.
Sixty-six links are quite sufficient to connect Yudhishthira and

We cannot object to the “one hundred princes” who fill the space
assigned from Yudhishthira to Prithwiraja, though there is no proportion
between the number which precedes and that which follows Vikramaditya,
the former being sixty-six, the latter only thirty-four princes,
although the period cannot differ half a century.

Let us apply a test to these one hundred kings, from Yudhishthira to
Prithwiraja: the result will be 2250 years.

This test is derived from the average rate of reigns of the chief
dynasties of Rajasthan, during a period of 633[2.5.33] to 663[2.5.34]
years, or from Prithwiraja to the present date.

       Of Mewar       34[2.5.35] princes, or 19 years to each

       Of Marwar      28   princes, or 23¼     ”        ”

       Of Amber       29   princes, or 22½     ”        ”

       Of Jaisalmer   28   princes, or 23¼     ”        ”

giving an average of twenty-two years for each reign [53].

It would not be proper to ascribe a longer period to each reign, and it
were perhaps better to give the minimum, nineteen, to extended
dynasties; and to the sixty-six princes from Yudhishthira and
Vikramaditya not even so much, four revolutions[2.5.36] and usurpations
marking this period.

=Jarasandha.=—The remaining line, that of Jarasandha, taken from the
Bhagavat, is of considerable importance, and will afford scope for
further speculation.

Jarasandha was the monarch of Rajagriha,[2.5.37] or Bihar, whose son
Sahadeva, and grandson Marjari, are declared to have been contemporaries
of the Mahabharata, and consequently coeval with Parikshita, the Delhi

The direct line of Jarasandha terminates in twenty-three descents with
Ripunjaya, who was slain, and his throne assumed by his minister,
Sanaka, whose dynasty terminated in the fifth generation with
Nandivardandhana. Sanaka derived no personal advantage from his
usurpation, as he immediately placed his son, Pradyota, on the throne.
To these five princes one hundred and thirty-eight years are assigned.

A new race entered Hindustan, led by a conqueror termed Sheshnag, from
Sheshnagdesa,[2.5.38] who ascended the Pandu throne, and whose line
terminates in ten descents with Mahanandin, of spurious birth. This last
prince, who was also named Baikyat, carried on an exterminating warfare
against the ancient Rajput princes of pure blood, the Puranas declaring
that since the dynasty of Sheshnag the princes were Sudras. Three
hundred and sixty years are allotted to these ten princes.

=Chandragupta Maurya.=—A fourth dynasty commenced with Chandragupta
Maurya, of the same Takshak race.[2.5.39] The Maurya dynasty consisted
of ten princes, who are stated to have passed away in one hundred and
thirty-seven years. [322-185 B.C.]

=Sunga, Kanva Dynasties.=—The fifth dynasty of eight princes were from
Sringides, and are said to have ruled one hundred and twelve years, when
a prince of Kanvades deprived the last of life and kingdom. Of these
eight princes, four were of pure blood, when Kistna, by a Sudra woman,
succeeded. The dynasty of Kanvades terminates in twenty-three
generations with Susarman[2.5.40] [54].

=Recapitulation.=—Thus from the Great War six successive dynasties are
given, presenting a continuous chain of eighty-two princes, reckoning
from Sahadeva, the successor of Jarasandha, to Susarman.

To some of the short dynasties periods are assigned of moderate length:
but as the first and last are without such data, the test already
decided on must be applied; which will yield 1704 years, being six
hundred and four after Vikramaditya, whose contemporary will thus be
Basdeva, the fifty-fifth prince from Sahadeva of the sixth dynasty, said
to be a conqueror from the country of Katehr [or Rohilkhand]. If these
calculations possess any value, the genealogies of the Bhagavat are
brought down to the close of the fifth century following Vikramaditya.
As we cannot admit the gift of prophecy to the compilers of these books,
we may infer that they remodelled their ancient chronicles during the
reign of Susarman, about the year of Vikrama 600, or A.D. 546.

With regard to calculations already adduced, as to the average number of
years for the reigns of the foregoing dynasties, a comparison with those
which history affords of other parts of the world will supply the best
criterion of the correctness of the assumed data.

From the revolt of the ten tribes against Rehoboam[2.5.41] to the
capture of Jerusalem, a period of three hundred and eighty-seven years,
twenty kings sat on the throne of Judah, making each reign nineteen and
a half years; but if we include the three anterior reigns of Saul,
David, and Solomon, prior to the revolt, the result will be twenty-six
and a half years each.

From the dismemberment of the Assyrian[2.5.42] empire under
Sardanapalus, nearly nine hundred years before Christ, the three
consequent confluent dynasties of Babylonia, Assyria, and Media afford
very different results for comparison.

The Assyrian preserves the medium, while the Babylonish and Median run
into extremes. Of the nine princes who swayed Babylon, from the period
of its separation from, till its reunion to Assyria, a space of
fifty-two years, Darius, who ruled Media sixty [thirty-six] years [55],
outlived the whole. Of the line of Darius there were but six princes,
from the separation of the kingdoms to their reunion under Cyrus, a
period of one hundred and seventy-four years, or twenty-nine to each

The Assyrian reigns form a juster medium. From Nebuchadnezzar to
Sardanapalus we have twenty-two years to a reign; but from thence to the
extinction of this dynasty, eighteen.

The first eleven kings, the Heraclidae of Lacedaemon, commencing with
Eurysthenes (1078 before Christ), average thirty-two years; while in
republican Athens, nearly contemporary, from the first perpetual archon
until the office became decennial in the seventh Olympiad, the reigns of
the twelve chief magistrates average twenty-eight years and a half.

Thus we have three periods, Jewish, Spartan, and Athenian, each
commencing about eleven hundred years before Christ, not half a century
remote from the Mahabharata; with those of Babylonia, Assyria, and
Media, commencing where we quit the Grecian, in the eighth century
before the Christian era, the Jewish ending in the sixth century.

However short, compared with our Solar and Lunar dynasties, yet these,
combined with the average reigns of existing Hindu dynasties, will aid
the judgment in estimating the periods to be assigned to the lines thus
afforded, instead of following the improbable value attached by the

From such data, longevity appears in unison with climate and simplicity
of life: the Spartan yielding the maximum of thirty-two to a reign,
while the more luxurious Athens gives twenty-eight and a half. The Jews,
from Saul to their exile “to the waters of Babylon,” twenty-six and a
half. The Medes equal the Lacedaemonians, and in all history can only be
paralleled by the princes of Anhilwara, one of whom, Chawand, almost
equalled Darius.[2.5.43]

Of the separated ten tribes, from the revolt to the captivity, twenty
kings of Israel passed away in two centuries, or ten years each.

The Spartan and Assyrian present the extremes of thirty-two and
eighteen, giving a medium of twenty-five years to a reign.

The average result of our four Hindu dynasties, in a period of nearly
seven hundred years, is twenty-two years.

From all which data, I would presume to assign from twenty to twenty-two
years to each reign in lines of fifty princes [56].

If the value thus obtained be satisfactory, and the lines of dynasties
derived from so many authorities correct, we shall arrive at the same
conclusion with Mr. Bentley; who, by the more philosophical process of
astronomical and genealogical combination, places Yudhishthira’s era in
the year 2825 of the world; which being taken from 4004 (the world’s age
at the birth of Christ) will leave 1179 before Christ for Yudhishthira’s
era, or 1123 before Vikramaditya.[2.5.44]


Footnote 2.5.1:

  Indu, Som, Chandra, in Sanskrit ‘the moon’; hence the Lunar race is
  termed the Chandravansa, Somvansa, or Induvansa, most probably the
  root of _Hindu_. [Pers. _hindū_, Skr. _sindhu_.]

Footnote 2.5.2:

  The isolated and now dependent chieftainship of Dhat, of which Umarkot
  is the capital, separates the Bhattis from the Jarejas. Dhat is now
  amalgamated with Sind; its prince, of Pramara race and Sodha tribe,
  ancient lords of all Sind.

Footnote 2.5.3:

  A fourth and fifth might have been given, but imperfect. First the
  descendants of Kusa, second son of Rama, from whence the princes of
  Narwar and Amber: secondly, the descendants of Krishna, from whom the
  princes of Jaisalmer.

Footnote 2.5.4:

  In modern times always written and pronounced _Kutchwāha_.

Footnote 2.5.5:

  It is in the plateau of Central India, near Shahabad.

Footnote 2.5.6:

  Whatever dignity attaches to this pedigree, whether true or false,
  every prince, and every Hindu of learning, admit the claims of the
  princes of Mewar as heir to ‘the chair of Rama’; and a degree of
  reverence has consequently attached, not only to his person, but to
  the seat of his power. When Mahadaji Sindhia was called by the Rana to
  reduce a traitorous noble in Chitor, such was the reverence which
  actuated that (in other respects) little scrupulous chieftain, that he
  could not be prevailed on to point his cannon on the walls within
  which consent established ‘the throne of Rama.’ The Rana himself, then
  a youth, had to break the ice, and fired a cannon against his own
  ancient abode.

Footnote 2.5.7:

  Bryant, in his _Analysis_, mentions that the children of the Cushite
  Ham used his name in salutation as a mark of recognition. ‘Ram, Ram,’
  is the common salutation in these Hindu countries; the respondent
  often joining Sita’s name with that of her consort Rama, ‘Sita Ram.’

Footnote 2.5.8:

  Twenty-eighth prince from Rama in Mr. Bentley’s list, and twenty-fifth
  in mine.

Footnote 2.5.9:

  Thirty-seventh in Mr. Bentley’s list and thirty-fourth in mine; but
  the intervening names being made to follow Rama, Bahuman (written by
  him _Banumat_) follows Takshak.

Footnote 2.5.10:

  The period of time, also, would allow of their grafting the son of
  Artaxerxes and father of Darius, the worshipper of Mithras, on the
  stem of the adorers of Surya, while a curious notice of the Raja Jai
  Singh’s on a subsequent name on this list which he calls Naushirwan,
  strengthens the coincidence. Bahuman (see article ‘Bahaman,’
  D’Herbelot’s _Bibl. Orient._) actually carried his arms into India,
  and invaded the kingdoms of the Solar race of Mithila and Magadha. The
  time is appropriate to the first Darius and his father; and Herodotus
  [iii. 94] tells us that the richest and best of the satrapies of his
  empire was the Hindu.

Footnote 2.5.11:

  First lord.

Footnote 2.5.12:

  Lord of the Bull.

Footnote 2.5.13:

  Vidhyadhar was a Jain.

Footnote 2.5.14:

  Pandu not being blessed with progeny, his queen made use of a charm by
  which she enticed the deities from their spheres. To Dharma Raj
  (Minos) she bore Yudhishthira; by Pavan (Aeolus) she had Bhima; by
  Indra (Jupiter Coelus) she had Arjuna, who was taught by his sire the
  use of the bow, so fatal in the Great War; and Nakula and Sahadeva
  owed their birth to Aswini Kumar (Aesculapius) the physician of the

Footnote 2.5.15:

  We must not disregard the intellect of the Amber prince, who allowed
  these ancient traditions to be incorporated with the genealogy
  compiled under his eye. The prince who obtained De Silva from Emmanuel
  III. of Portugal, who combined the astronomical tables of Europe and
  Asia, and raised these monuments of his scientific genius in his
  favourite pursuit (astronomy) in all the capital cities of India,
  while engrossed in war and politics, requires neither eulogy nor

Footnote 2.5.16:

  Drupada was of the Aswa race, being descended from Bajaswa (or Hyaswa)
  of the line of Ajamidha.

Footnote 2.5.17:

  This marriage, so inconsistent with Hindu delicacy, is glossed over.
  Admitting the polyandry, but in ignorance of its being a national
  custom, puerile reasons are interpolated. In the early annals of the
  same race, predecessors of the Jaisalmer family, the younger son is
  made to succeed: also Scythic or Tatar. The manners of the Scythae
  described by Herodotus are found still to exist among their
  descendants: “a pair of slippers at the wife’s door” is a signal well
  understood by all Eimauk husbands (Elphinstone’s _Caubul_, vol. ii. p.

Footnote 2.5.18:


Footnote 2.5.19:

  _Paenama_ is a [Persian] word peculiarly expressive of subserviency to
  paramount authority, whether the engagement be in money or service:
  from _pae_, ‘the foot.’

Footnote 2.5.20:

  Sacrifice of the horse to the sun, of which a full description is
  given hereafter.

Footnote 2.5.21:

  Duryodhana, as the elder branch, retained his title as head of the
  Kurus; while the junior, Yudhishthira, on the separation of authority,
  adopted his father’s name, Pandu, as the patronymic of his new
  dynasty. The site of the great conflict (or Mahabharata) between these
  rival clans, is called Kurukshetra, or ‘Field of the Kurus.’

Footnote 2.5.22:

  Herodotus describes the ruinous passion for play amongst the Scythic
  hordes, and which may have been carried west by Odin into Scandinavia
  and Germany. Tacitus tells us that the Germans, like the Pandus,
  staked even personal liberty, and were sold as slaves by the winner
  [_Germania_, 24].

Footnote 2.5.23:

  On it the last Hindu monarch, Prithwiraja, lost his kingdom, his
  liberty, and life.

Footnote 2.5.24:

  Rajatarangini. The period of writing was A.D. 1740.

Footnote 2.5.25:

  Having ventured to surmise analogies between the Hercules of the east
  and west, I shall carry them a point further. Amidst the snows of
  Caucasus, Hindu legend abandons the Harikulas, under their leaders
  Yudhishthira and Baldeva: yet if Alexander established his altars in
  Panchala, amongst the sons of Puru and the Harikulas, what physical
  impossibility exists that a colony of them, under Yudhishthira and
  Baldeva, eight centuries anterior, should have penetrated to Greece?
  Comparatively far advanced in science and arms, the conquest would
  have been easy. When Alexander attacked the ‘free cities’ of Panchala,
  the Purus and Harikulas who opposed him evinced the recollections of
  their ancestor, in carrying the figure of Hercules as their standard.
  Comparison proves a common origin to Hindu and Grecian mythology; and
  Plato says the Greeks had theirs from Egypt and the East. May not this
  colony of the Harikulas be the Heraclidae, who penetrated into the
  Peloponnesus (according to Volney) 1078 years before Christ,
  sufficiently near our calculated period of the Great War? The
  Heraclidae claimed from Atreus: the Harikulas claim from Atri.
  Eurysthenes was the first king of the Heraclidae: Yudhishthira has
  sufficient affinity in name to the first Spartan king not to startle
  the etymologist, the _d_ and _r_ being always permutable in Sanskrit.
  The Greeks or Ionians are descended from Yavan, or Javan, the seventh
  from Japhet. The Harikulas are also Yavans claiming from Javan or
  Yavan, the thirteenth in descent from Yayati, the third son of the
  primeval patriarch. The ancient Heraclidae of Greece asserted they
  were as old as the sun, and older than the moon. May not this boast
  conceal the fact that the Heliadae (or _Suryavansa_) of Greece had
  settled there anterior to the colony of the Indu (Lunar) race of
  Harikula? In all that relates to the mythological history of the
  Indian demi-gods, Baldeva (Hercules), Krishna or Kanhaiya (Apollo),
  and Budha (Mercury), a powerful and almost perfect resemblance can be
  traced between those of Hindu legend, Greece, and Egypt. Baldeva (the
  god of strength) Harikula, is still worshipped as in the days of
  Alexander; his shrine at Baldeo in Vraj (the Surasenoi of the Greeks),
  his club a ploughshare, and a lion’s skin his covering. A Hindu
  intaglio of rare value represents Hercules exactly as described by
  Arrian, with a monogram consisting of two ancient characters now
  unknown, but which I have found wherever tradition assigns a spot to
  the Harikulas; especially in Saurashtra, where they were long
  concealed on their exile from Delhi. This we may at once decide to be
  the exact figure of Hercules which Arrian describes his descendants to
  have carried as their standard, when Porus opposed Alexander. The
  intaglio will appear in the _Trans. R.A.S._ [The speculations in this
  note have no authority.]

Footnote 2.5.26:

  The twenty-eighth prince, Khemraj, was the last in lineal descent from
  Parikshita, the grand-nephew of Yudhishthira. The first dynasty lasted
  1864 years. The second dynasty was of Visarwa, and consisted of
  fourteen princes; this lasted five hundred years. The third dynasty
  was headed by Mahraj, and terminated by Antinai, the fifteenth prince.
  The fourth dynasty was headed by Dudhsen, and terminated by Rajpal,
  the ninth and last king (Rajatarangini).

Footnote 2.5.27:

  The Rajatarangini gives the date A.V. 848, or A.D. 792, for this; and
  adds: “Princes from Siwalik, or northern hills, held it during this
  time, and it long continued desolate until the Tuars.”

Footnote 2.5.28:

  56 B.C. [Cunningham remarks that the defeat of Rāja Pāl of Delhi by
  Sukwanti, Sukdati, or Sukāditya, Rāja of Kumaun, must be assigned to
  A.D. 79: but he has little confidence in such traditions, unless
  supported by independent evidence (_ASR_, i. 138).]

Footnote 2.5.29:


Footnote 2.5.30:

  Rājput, or Kshatriya.

Footnote 2.5.31:

  This period of 4100 years may have been arrived at by the compiler
  taking for granted the number of years mentioned by Raghunath as
  having elapsed from the Mahabharata to Vikramaditya, namely 2915, and
  adding thereto the well-authenticated period of Prithwiraja, who was
  born in Samvat 1215: for if 2915 be subtracted from 4100, it leaves
  1185, the period within thirty years of the birth of Prithwiraja,
  according to the Chauhan chronicles.

Footnote 2.5.32:


Footnote 2.5.33:

  From S. 1250, or A.D. 1194, captivity and dethronement of Prithwiraja.

Footnote 2.5.34:

  From S. 1212, A.D. 1516, the founding of Jaisalmer by Jaisal, to the
  accession of Gaj Singh, the present prince, in S. 1876, or A.D. 1820.

Footnote 2.5.35:

  Many of its early princes were killed in battle; and the present
  prince’s father succeeded his own nephew, which was retrograding.

Footnote 2.5.36:

  The historians sanction the propriety of these changes, in their
  remarks, that the deposed were “deficient in [capacity for] the cares
  and duties of government.”

Footnote 2.5.37:

  Rajagriha, or Rajmahal, capital of Magadhades, or Bihar. [In Patna
  district, _IGI_, xxi. 72.]

Footnote 2.5.38:

  Figuratively, the country of the ‘head of the Snakes’; _Nag_, _Tak_,
  or _Takshak_, being synonymous: and which I conclude to be the abode
  of the ancient Scythic _Tachari_ of Strabo, the _Tak-i-uks_ of the
  Chinese, the _Tajiks_ of the present day of Turkistan. This race
  appears to be the same with that of the Turushka (of the Puranas), who
  ruled on the Arvarma (the Araxes), in Sakadwipa, or Scythia. [This is
  a confused reference to the Saisunāga dynasty, which took its name
  from its founder, Sisunāga, and comprised roughly the present Patna
  and Gaya districts, its capital being Rājagriha; the modern
  Rājgīr-Sisunāga means ‘a young elephant,’ and has no connexion with
  Sheshnāg, the serpent king (_Vishnu Purana_, 466 f.; Smith, _EHI_,

Footnote 2.5.39:

  [Chandragupta Maurya was certainly not a “Takshak”: he was probably
  “an illegitimate scion of the Nanda family” (Smith, _EHI_, 42).]

Footnote 2.5.40:

  Mr. Bentley (‘On the Hindu System of Astronomy,’ _As. Res._ vol. viii.
  pp. 236-7) states that the astronomer, Brahmagupta, flourished about
  A.D. 527, or of Vikrama 583, shortly preceding the reign of Susarman;
  that he was the founder of the system called the Kalpa of Brahma, on
  which the present Hindu chronology is founded, and to which Mr.
  Bentley says their historical data was transferred. This would
  strengthen my calculations; but the weight of Mr. Bentley’s authority
  has been much weakened by his unwarrantable attack on Mr. Colebrooke,
  whose extent of knowledge is of double value from his entire aversion
  to hypothesis. [The Sunga dynasty, founded by Pushyamitra, about 185
  B.C., lasted till about 73 B.C., when the tenth king, Devabhūti, was
  slain by his Brāhman minister, Vasudeva, who founded the Kānva
  dynasty. He was followed by three kings, and the dynasty lasted only
  forty-five years, the last member of it being slain, about 28 B.C., by
  a king of the Andhra or Sātāvahana dynasty, then reigning in the
  Deccan. For the scanty details see Smith, _EHI_, 198 ff.]

Footnote 2.5.41:

  987 years before Christ.

Footnote 2.5.42:

  For these and the following dates I am indebted to Goguet’s
  chronological tables in his _Origin of Laws_.

Footnote 2.5.43:

  [It is not clear to whom the author refers: Chāmunda Chāvada (A.D.
  880-908): or Chāmunda Chaulukya (A.D. 997-1010), (_BG_, i. Part i.
  154, 162).]

Footnote 2.5.44:

  [The evidence quoted in this chapter by which the author endeavours to
  frame a chronology for this early period, is untrustworthy. Mr.
  Pargiter tentatively dates the great Bhārata battle about 1000 B.C.,
  but the evidence is very uncertain (_JRAS_, January 1910, p. 56; April
  1914, p. 294).]


                               CHAPTER 6

=Rajputs and Mongols.=—Having thus brought down the genealogical history
of the ancient martial races of India, from the earliest period to
Yudhishthira and Krishna, and thence to Vikramaditya and the present
day, a few observations on the races invading India during that time,
and now ranked amongst the thirty-six royal races of Rajasthan,
affording scope for some curious analogies, may not be inopportune.

The tribes here alluded to are the Haihaya or Aswa, the Takshak, and the
Jat or Getae; the similitude of whose theogony, names in their early
genealogies, and many other points, with the Chinese, Tatar, Mogul,
Hindu, and Scythic races, would appear to warrant the assertion of one
common origin.

Though the periods of the passage of these tribes into India cannot be
stated with exactitude, the regions whence they migrated may more easily
be ascertained.

=Mongol Origin.=—Let us compare the origin of the Tatars and Moguls, as
given by their historian, Abulghazi, with the races we have been
treating of from the Puranas.

Mogol was the name of the Tatarian patriarch. His son was Aghuz,[2.6.1]
the founder of all the races of those northern regions, called Tatars
and Mogol [57]. Aghuz had six sons.[2.6.2] First, Kun,[2.6.3] ‘the sun,’
the Surya of the Puranas; secondly, Ai,[2.6.4] ‘the moon,’ the Indu of
the Puranas. In the latter, Ai, we have even the same name [Ayus] as in
the Puranas for the Lunar ancestor. The Tatars all claim from Ai, ‘the
moon,’ the Indus of the Puranas. Hence with them, as with the German
tribes, the moon was always a male deity. The Tatar Ai had a son,
Yulduz. His son was Hyu, from whom[2.6.5] came the first race of the
kings of China. The Puranic Ayus had a son, Yadu (pronounced Jadon);
from whose third son, Haya, the Hindu genealogist deduces no line, and
from whom the Chinese may claim their Indu[2.6.5] origin. Il Khan (ninth
from Ai) had two sons: first, Kian; and secondly, Nagas; whose
descendants peopled all Tatary. From Kian, Jenghiz Khan claimed
descent.[2.6.6] Nagas was probably the founder of the Takshak, or Snake
race[2.6.7] of the Puranas and Tatar genealogists, the Tak-i-uk Moguls
of De Guignes.

Such are the comparative genealogical origins of the three races. Let us
compare their theogony, the fabulous birth assigned by each for the
founder of the Indu race.

=Mongol and Hindu Traditions.=—1. The Puranic. “Ila (_the earth_),
daughter of the sun-born Ikshwaku, while wandering in the forests was
encountered by Budha (_Mercury_), and from the rape of Ila sprung the
Indu race.”

2. The Chinese account of the birth of Yu (Ayu), their first monarch. “A
star[2.6.8] (Mercury or Fo) struck his mother while journeying. She
conceived, and gave to the world Yu, the founder of the first dynasty
which reigned in China. Yu divided China into nine provinces, and began
to reign 2207[2.6.9] years before Christ” [58].

Thus the Ai of the Tatars, the Yu of the Chinese, and the Ayus of the
Puranas, evidently indicate the great Indu (Lunar) progenitor of the
three races. Budha (Mercury), the son of Indu (the moon), became the
patriarchal and spiritual leader; as Fo, in China; Woden and
Teutates,[2.6.10] of the tribes migrating to Europe. Hence it follows
that the religion of Buddha must be coeval with the existence of these
nations; that it was brought into India Proper by them, and guided them
until the schism of Krishna and the Suryas, worshippers of Bal, in time
depressed them, when the Buddha religion was modified into its present
mild form, the Jain.[2.6.11]

=Scythian Traditions.=—Let us contrast with these the origin of the
Scythic nations, as related by Diodorus;[2.6.12] when it will be
observed the same legends were known to him which have been handed down
by the Puranas and Abulghazi.

"The Scythians had their first abodes on the Araxes.[2.6.13] Their
origin was from a virgin born of the earth[2.6.14] of the shape of a
woman from the waist upwards, and below a serpent (symbol of Budha or
Mercury); that Jupiter had a son by her, named Scythes,[2.6.15] whose
name the nation adopted. Scythes had two sons, Palas and Napas (_qu._
the Nagas, or Snake race, of the Tatar genealogy?), who were celebrated
for their great actions, and who divided the countries; and the nations
were called after them, the Palians (_qu._ Pali?)[2.6.16] and Napians.
They led their forces as far as the Nile on Egypt, and subdued many
nations. They enlarged the empire of the Scythians as far as the Eastern
ocean, and to the Caspian and lake Moeotis. The nation had many kings,
from whom the Sacans (_Sakae_), the Massagetae (_Getae_ or _Jats_), the
Ari-aspians (_Aswas_ of Aria), and many other races. They overran
Assyria and Media[2.6.17] [59], overturning the empire, and
transplanting the inhabitants to the Araxes under the name of

As the Sakae, Getae, Aswa, and Takshak are names which have crept in
amongst our thirty-six royal races, common with others also to early
civilization in Europe, let us seek further ancient authority on the
original abodes.

Strabo[2.6.19] says: "All the tribes east of the Caspian are called
Scythic. The Dahae[2.6.20] next the sea, the Massagetae (_great_ Gete)
and Sakae more eastward; but every tribe has a particular name. All are
nomadic: but of these nomads the best-known are the Asii,[2.6.21] the
Pasiani, Tochari, Sacarauli, who took Bactria from the Greeks. The
Sakae[2.6.22] (‘races’) have made in Asia irruptions similar to those of
the Cimmerians; thus they have been seen to possess themselves of
Bactria, and the best district of Armenia, called after them

Which of the tribes of Rajasthan are the offspring of the Aswa and
Medes, of Indu race, returned under new appellations, we shall not now
stop to inquire, limiting our hypothesis to the fact of invasions, and
adducing some evidence of such being simultaneous with migrations of the
same bands into Europe. Hence the inference of a common origin between
the Rajput and early races of Europe; to support which, a similar
mythology, martial manners and poetry, language, and even music and
architectural ornaments, may be adduced.[2.6.24]

Of the first migrations of the Indu-Scythic Getae, Takshak, and Asii,
into India, that of Sheshnag (Takshak), from Sheshnagdes (Tocharistan?)
or Sheshnag, six centuries, by calculation, before Christ, is the first
noticed by the Puranas.[2.6.25] About this period a grand irruption of
the same races conquered Asia Minor, and [60] eventually Scandinavia;
and not long after the Asii and Tochari overturned the Greek kingdom of
Bactria, the Romans felt the power of the Asi,[2.6.26] the Chatti, and
Cimbri, from the Baltic shore.

“If we can show the Germans to have been originally Scythae or Goths
(Getes or Jits), a wide field of curiosity and inquiry is open to the
origin of government, manners, etc.; all the antiquities of Europe will
assume a new appearance, and, instead of being traced to the bands of
Germany, as Montesquieu and the greatest writers have hitherto done, may
be followed through long descriptions of the manners of the Scythians,
etc., as given by Herodotus. Scandinavia was occupied by the Scythae
five hundred years before Christ. These Scythians worshipped Mercury
(Budha), Woden or Odin, and believed themselves his progeny. The Gothic
mythology, by parallel, might be shown to be Grecian, whose gods were
the progeny of Coelus and Terra (Budha and Ella).[2.6.27] Dryads,
satyrs, fairies, and all the Greek and Roman superstition, may be found
in the Scandinavian creed. The Goths consulted the heart of victims, had
oracles, had sibyls, had a Venus in Freya, and Parcae in the

=The Scythian Descent of the Rajputs.=—Ere we proceed to trace these
mythological resemblances, let us adduce further opinions in proof of
the position assumed of a common origin of the tribes of early Europe
and the Scythic Rajput.

The translator of Abulghazi, in his preface, observes: "Our contempt for
the Tatars would lessen did we consider how nearly we stand related to
them, and that our ancestors originally came from the north of Asia, and
that our customs, laws, and way of living were formerly the same as
theirs. In short, that we are no other than a colony of Tatars.

"It was from Tatary those people came, who, under the successive names
of Cymbrians,[2.6.29] Kelts, and Gauls, possessed all the northern part
of Europe. What were the Goths, Huns, Alans, Swedes, Vandals, Franks,
but swarms of the same hive? The Swedish chronicles bring the
Swedes[2.6.30] from Cashgar, and [61] the affinity between the Saxon
language and Kipchak is great; and the Keltick language still subsisting
in Britany and Wales is a demonstration that the inhabitants are
descended from Tatar nations."

From between the parallels of 30° and 50° of north latitude, and from
75° to 95° of east longitude, the highlands of Central Asia, alike
removed from the fires of the equator and the cold of the arctic circle,
migrated the races which passed into Europe and within the Indus. We
must therefore voyage up the Indus, cross the Paropanisos, to the Oxus
or Jihun, to Sakatai[2.6.31] or Sakadwipa, and from thence and the
Dasht-i Kipchak conduct the Takshaks, the Getae, the Kamari, the Chatti,
and the Huns, into the plains of Hindustan.

We have much to learn in these unexplored regions, the abode of ancient
civilisation, and which, so late as Jenghiz Khan’s invasion, abounded
with large cities. It is an error to suppose that the nations of Higher
Asia were merely pastoral; and De Guignes, from original authorities,
informs us that when the Su invaded the Yueh-chi or Jats, they found
upwards of a hundred cities containing the merchandise of India, and
with the currency bearing the effigies of the prince.

Such was the state of Central Asia long before the Christian era, though
now depopulated and rendered desert by desolating wars, which have raged
in these countries, and to which Europe can exhibit no parallel. Timur’s
wars, in more modern times, against the Getic nation, will illustrate
the paths of his ambitious predecessors in the career of destruction.

If we examine the political limits of the great Getic nation in the time
of Cyrus, six centuries before Christ, we shall find them little
circumscribed in power on the rise of Timur, though twenty centuries had
elapsed [62].

=Jāts and Getae.=—At this period (A.D. 1330), under the last prince of
Getic race, Tughlak Timur Khan, the kingdom of Chagatai[2.6.32] was
bounded on the west by the Dasht-i Kipchak, and on the south by the
Jihun, on which river the Getic Khan, like Tomyris, had his capital.
Kokhand, Tashkent, Utrar,[2.6.33] Cyropolis, and the most northern of
the Alexandrias, were within the bounds of Chagatai.

The Getae, Jut, or Jat, and Takshak races, which occupy places amongst
the thirty-six royal races of India, are all from the region of Sakatai.
Regarding their earliest migrations, we shall endeavour to make the
Puranas contribute; but of their invasions in more modern times the
histories of Mahmud of Ghazni, and Timur abundantly acquaint us.

From the mountains of Jud[2.6.34] to the shores of Makran,[2.6.35] and
along the Ganges, the Jat is widely spread; while the Takshak name is
now confined to inscriptions or old writings.

Inquiries in their original haunts, and among tribes now under different
names, might doubtless bring to light their original designation, now
best known within the Indus; while the Takshak or Takiuk may probably be
discovered in the Tajik, still in his ancient haunts, the Transoxiana
and Chorasmia of classic authors; the Mawaru-n-nahr of the Persians; the
Turan, Turkistan, or Tocharistan of native geography; the abode of the
Tochari, Takshak, or Turushka invaders of India, described in the
Puranas and existing inscriptions.

The Getae had long maintained their independence when Tomyris defended
their liberty against Cyrus. Driven in successive wars across the
Sutlej, we shall elsewhere show them preserving their ancient habits, as
desultory cavaliers, under the Jat leader of Lahore, in pastoral
communities in Bikaner, the Indian desert and elsewhere, though they
have lost sight of their early history. The transition from pastoral to
agricultural pursuits is but short, and the descendant of the nomadic
Getae of Transoxiana is now the best husbandman on the plains of
Hindustan[2.6.36] [63].

The invasion of these Indu-Scythic tribes, Getae, Takshaks, Asii,
Chatti, Rajpali,[2.6.37] Huns, Kamari, introduced the worship of Budha,
the founder of the Indu or Lunar race.

Herodotus says the Getae were theists,[2.6.38] and held the tenets of
the soul’s immortality; so with the Buddhists.

Before, however, touching on points of religious resemblance between the
Asii, Getae, or Jut of Scandinavia (who gave his name to the Cimbric
Chersonese) and the Getae of Scythia and India, let us make a few
remarks on the Asii or Aswa.

=The Aswa.=—To the Indu race of Aswa (the descendants of Dvimidha and
Bajaswa), spread over the countries on both sides the Indus, do we
probably owe the distinctive appellation of Asia. Herodotus[2.6.39] says
the Greeks denominated Asia from the wife of Prometheus; while others
deduce it from a grandson of Manes, indicating the Aswa descendants of
the patriarch Manu. Asa,[2.6.40] Sakambhari,[2.6.41] Mata,[2.6.42] is
the divinity Hope, ‘mother-protectress of the Sakha,’ or races. Every
Rajput adores Asapurna, ‘the fulfiller of desire’; or, as Sakambhari
Devi (goddess protectress), she is invoked previous to any undertaking.

The Aswas were chiefly of the Indu race; yet a branch of the Suryas also
bore this designation. It appears to indicate their celebrity as
horsemen.[2.6.43] All of them worshipped the horse, which they
sacrificed to the sun. This grand rite, the Asvamedha, on the festival
of the winter solstice, would alone go far to exemplify their common
Scythic origin with the Getic Saka, authorising the inference of
Pinkerton, “that a grand Scythic nation extended from the Caspian to the

=The Asvamedha.=—The Asvamedha was practised on the Ganges and Sarju by
the Solar princes [64], twelve hundred years before Christ, as by the
Getae in the time of Cyrus; “deeming it right,” says Herodotus [i. 216]
“to offer the swiftest of created to the chief of uncreated beings”: and
this worship and sacrifice of the horse has been handed down to the
Rajput of the present day. A description of this grand ceremony shall
close these analogies.

The Getic Asii carried this veneration for the steed, symbolic of their
chief deity the sun, into Scandinavia: equally so of all the early
German tribes, the Su, Suevi, Chatti, Sucimbri, Getae, in the forests of
Germany, and on the banks of the Elbe and Weser. The milk-white steed
was supposed to be the organ of the gods, from whose neighing they
calculated future events; notions possessed also by the Aswa, sons of
Budha (Woden), on the Yamuna and Ganges, when the rocks of Scandinavia
and the shores of the Baltic were yet untrod by man. It was this omen
which gave Darius Hystaspes[2.6.44] (_hinsna_, ‘to neigh,’ _aspa_, ‘a
horse’) a crown. The bard Chand makes it the omen of death to his
principal heroes. The steed of the Scandinavian god of battle was kept
in the temple of Upsala, and always “found foaming and sweating after
battle.” “Money,” says Tacitus, “was only acceptable to the German when
bearing the effigies of the horse.”[2.6.45]

In the Edda we are informed that the Getae, or Jats, who entered
Scandinavia, were termed Asi, and their first settlement

Pinkerton rejects the authority of the Edda and follows Torfaeus, who
“from Icelandic chronicles and genealogies concludes Odin to have come
into Scandinavia in the time of Darius Hystaspes, five hundred years
before Christ.”

This is the period of the last Buddha, or Mahavira, whose era is four
hundred and seventy-seven years before Vikrama, or five hundred and
thirty-three before Christ.

The successor of Odin in Scandinavia was Gotama; and Gautama was the
successor of the last Buddha, Mahavira,[2.6.47] who as Gotama, or
Gaudama, is still adored from the Straits of Malacca to the Caspian Sea.

“Other antiquaries,” says Pinkerton, “assert another Odin, who was put
as the supreme deity one thousand years before Christ” [65].

Mallet admits two Odins, but Mr. Pinkerton wishes he had abided by that
of Torfaeus, in 500 A.C.

It is a singular fact that the periods of both the Scandinavian Odins
should assimilate with the twenty-second Buddha [Jain Tirthakara],
Neminath, and twenty-fourth and last, Mahavira; the first the
contemporary of Krishna, about 1000 or 1100 years, the last 533, before
Christ. The Asii, Getae, etc., of Europe worshipped Mercury as founder
of their line, as did the Eastern Asi, Takshaks, and Getae. The Chinese
and Tatar historians also say Buddha, or Fo, appeared 1027 years before
Christ. “The Yuchi, established in Bactria and along the Jihun,
eventually bore the name of Jeta or Yetan,[2.6.48] that is to say,
Getae. Their empire subsisted a long time in this part of Asia, and
extended even into India. These are the people whom the Greeks knew
under the name of Indo-Scythes. Their manners are the same as those of
the Turks.[2.6.49] Revolutions occurred in the very heart of the East,
whose consequences were felt afar.”[2.6.50]

The period allowed by all these authorities for the migration of these
Scythic hordes into Europe is also that for their entry into India.

The sixth century is that calculated for the Takshak from Sheshnagdesa;
and it is on this event and reign that the Puranas declare, that from
this period “no prince of pure blood would be found, but that the Sudra,
the Turushka, and the Yavan, would prevail.”

All these Indu-Scythic invaders held the religion of Buddha: and hence
the conformity of manners and mythology between the Scandinavian or
German tribes and the Rajputs increased by comparing their martial

Similarity of religious manners affords stronger proofs of original
identity than language. Language is eternally changing—so are manners;
but an exploded custom or rite traced to its source, and maintained in
opposition to climate, is a testimony not to be rejected.

=Personal Habits, Dress.=—When Tacitus informs us that the first act of
a German on rising was ablution, it will be conceded this habit was not
acquired in [66] the cold climate of Germany, but must have been of
eastern[2.6.51] origin; as were “the loose flowing robe; the long and
braided hair, tied in a knot at the top of the head”; with many other
customs, personal habits, and superstitions of the Scythic Cimbri, Juts,
Chatti, Suevi, analogous to the Getic nations of the same name, as
described by Herodotus, Justin, and Strabo, and which yet obtain amongst
the Rajput Sakhae of the present day.

Let us contrast what history affords of resemblance in religion or
manners. First, as to religion.

=Theogony.=—Tuisto (Mercury) and Ertha (the earth) were the chief
divinities of the early German tribes. Tuisto[2.6.52] was born of the
Earth (Ila) and Manus (Manu). He is often confounded with Odin, or
Woden, the Budha of the eastern tribes, though they are the Mars and
Mercury of these nations.

=Religious Rites.=—The Suiones or Suevi, the most powerful Getic nation
of Scandinavia, were divided into many tribes, one of whom, the Su
(Yueh-chi or Jat), made human sacrifices in their consecrated
groves[2.6.53] to Ertha (Ila), whom all worshipped, and whose chariot
was drawn by a cow.[2.6.54] The Suevi worshipped Isis (Isa, Gauri, the
Isis and Ceres of Rajasthan), in whose rites the figure of a ship is
introduced; “symbolic,” observes Tacitus, “of its foreign
origin.”[2.6.55] The festival of Isa, or Gauri, wife of Iswara, at
Udaipur, is performed on the lake, and appears to be exactly that of
Isis and Osiris in Egypt, as described by Herodotus. On this occasion
Iswara (Osiris), who is secondary to his wife, has a stalk of the onion
in blossom in his hand; a root detested by the Hindus generally, though
adored by the Egyptians.

=Customs of War.=—They sung hymns in praise of Hercules, as well as
Tuisto or Odin, whose banners and images they carried to the field; and
fought in clans, using the feram or javelin, both in close and distant
combat. In all maintaining [67] the resemblance to the Harikula,
descendants of Budha, and the Aswa, offspring of Bajaswa, who peopled
those regions west of the Indus, and whose redundant population spread
both east and west.

The Suevi, or Suiones, erected the celebrated temple of Upsala, in which
they placed the statues of Thor, Woden, and Freya, the triple divinity
of the Scandinavian Asii, the Trimurti of the Solar and Lunar races. The
first (Thor, the thunderer, or god of war) is Hara, or Mahadeva, the
destroyer; the second (Woden) is Budha,[2.6.56] the preserver; and the
third (Freya) is Uma, the creative power.

The grand festival to Freya was in spring, when all nature revived; then
boars were offered to her by the Scandinavians, and even boars of paste
were made and swallowed by the peasantry.

As Vasanti, or spring personified, the consort of Hara is worshipped by
the Rajput, who opens the season with a grand hunt,[2.6.57] led by the
prince and his vassal chiefs, when they chase, slay, and eat the boar.
Personal danger is disregarded on this day, as want of success is
ominous that the Great Mother will refuse all petitions throughout the

Pinkerton, quoting Ptolemy (who was fifty years after Tacitus), says
there were six nations in Yeutland or Jutland, the country of the Juts,
of whom were the Sablingii (Suevi,[2.6.58] or Suiones), the Chatti and
Hermandri, who extended to the estuary of the Elbe and Weser. There they
erected the pillar Irmansul to “the god of war,” regarding which
Sammes[2.6.59] observes: “some will have it to be Mars his pillar,
others Hermes Saul, or the pillar of Hermes or Mercury”; and he
naturally asks, “how did the Saxons come to be acquainted with the Greek
name of Mercury?”

Sacrificial pillars are termed _Sula_ in Sanskrit; which, conjoined with
Hara,[2.6.60] the Indian god of war, would be Harsula. The Rajput
warrior invokes Hara with his trident (trisula) to help him in battle,
while his battle-shout is ‘mar! mar!’ The Cimbri, one of the most
celebrated of the six tribes of Yeutland, derive their name from their
fame as warriors [68].[2.6.61]

Kumara[2.6.62] is the Rajput god of war. He is represented with seven
heads in the Hindu mythology: the Saxon god of war has six.[2.6.63] The
six-headed Mars of the Cimbri Chersonese, to whom was raised the
Irmansul on the Weser, was worshipped by the Sakasenae, the Chatti, the
Siebi or Suevi, the Jotae or Getae, and the Cimbri, evincing in name, as
in religious rites, a common origin with the martial warriors of

=Rajput Religion.=—The religion of the martial Rajput, and the rites of
Hara, the god of battle, are little analogous to those of the meek
Hindus, the followers of the pastoral divinity, the worshippers of kine,
and feeders on fruits, herbs, and water. The Rajput delights in blood:
his offerings to the god of battle are sanguinary, blood and wine. The
cup (kharpara) of libation is the human skull. He loves them because
they are emblematic of the deity he worships; and he is taught to
believe that Hara loves them, who in war is represented with the skull
to drink the foeman’s blood, and in peace is the patron of wine and
women. With Parbati on his knee, his eyes rolling from the juice of the
phul (ardent spirits) and opium, such is this Bacchanalian divinity of
war. Is this Hinduism, acquired on the burning plains of India? Is it
not rather a perfect picture of the manners of the Scandinavian heroes?

The Rajput slays buffaloes, hunts and eats the boar and deer, and shoots
ducks and wild fowl (_kukkut_); he worships his horse, his sword, and
the sun, and attends more to the martial song of the bard than to the
litany of the Brahman. In the martial mythology and warlike poetry of
the Scandinavians a wide field exists for assimilation, and a comparison
of the poetical remains of the Asi of the east and west would alone
suffice to suggest a common origin.

=Bards.=—In the sacred Bardai of the Rajput we have the bard of our
Saxon ancestry; those reciters of warlike poetry, of whom Tacitus says,
“with their barbarous strains, they influence their minds in the day of
battle with a chorus of military virtue.”

A comparison, in so extensive a field, would include the whole of their
manners and religious opinions, and must be reserved for a distinct
work.[2.6.64] The Valkyrie [69], or fatal sisters of the Suevi or Siebi,
would be the twin sisters of the Apsaras, who summon the Rajput warrior
from the field of battle, and bear him to “the mansion of the sun,”
equally the object of attainment with the children of Odin in
Scandinavia, and of Budha and Surya in the plains of Scythia and on the
Ganges, like the Elysium[2.6.65] of the Heliadae of Greece.

In the day of battle we should see in each the same excitements to glory
and contempt of death, and the _dramatis personae_ of the field, both
celestial and terrestrial, move and act alike. We should see Thor, the
thunderer, leading the Siebi, and Hara (Siva) the Indian Jove, his own
worshippers (Sivseva); in which Freya, or Bhavani, and even the
preserver (Krishna) himself, not unfrequently mingle.

=War Chariots.=—The war chariot is peculiar to the Indu-Scythic nations,
from Dasaratha,[2.6.66] and the heroes of the Mahabharata, to the
conquest of Hindustan by the Muhammadans, when it was laid aside. On the
plains of Kurukshetra, Krishna became charioteer to his friend Arjun;
and the Getic hordes of the Jaxartes, when they aided Xerxes in Greece,
and Darius on the plains of Arbela,[2.6.67] had their chief strength in
the war chariot.

The war chariot continued to be used later in the south-west of India
than elsewhere, and the Kathi,[2.6.68] Khuman, Kumari of Saurashtra have
to recent times retained their Scythic habits, as their monumental
stones testify, expressing their being slain from their cars [70].

=Position of Women.=—In no point does resemblance more attach between
the ancient German and Scandinavian tribes, and the martial Rajput or
ancient Getae, than in their delicacy towards females.

“The Germans,” says Tacitus [_Germania_, viii.], “deemed the advice of a
woman in periods of exigence oracular.” So does the Rajput, as the bard
Chand often exemplifies; and hence they append to her name the epithet
_Devi_ (or contracted _De_), ‘god-like.’ “To a German mind,” says
Tacitus, “the idea of a woman led into captivity is insupportable”; and
to prevent this the Rajput raises the poignard against the heart which
beats only for him, though never to survive the dire necessity. It is
then they perform the sacrifice ‘johar,’ when every sakha (branch) is
cut off: and hence the Rajput glories in the title of _Sakha-band_, from
having performed the sakha; an awful rite, and with every appearance of
being the _sacaea_ of the Scythic Getae, as described by Strabo.[2.6.69]

=Gaming.=—In passion for play at games of chance, its extent and dire
consequences, the Rajput, from the earliest times, has evinced a
predilection, and will stand comparison with the Scythian and his German
offspring. The German staked his personal liberty, became a slave, and
was sold as the property of the winner. To this vice the Pandavas owed
the loss of their sovereignty and personal liberty, involving at last
the destruction of all the Indu [71] races; nor has the passion abated.
Religion even consecrates the vice; and once a year, on ‘the Festival of
Lamps’ (_Diwali_), all propitiate the goddess of wealth and fortune
(Lakshmi) by offering at her shrine.

Destitute of mental pursuits, the martial Rajput is often slothful or
attached to sensual pleasures, and when roused, reckless on what he may
wreak a fit of energy. Yet when order and discipline prevail in a
wealthy chieftainship, there is much of that patriarchal mode of life,
with its amusements, alike suited to the Rajput, the Getae of the Jihun,
or Scandinavian.

=Omens, Auguries.=—Divination by lots, auguries, and omens by flights of
birds, as practised by the Getic nations described by Herodotus, and
amongst the Germans by Tacitus, will be found amongst the Rajputs, from
whose works[2.6.70] on this subject might have been supplied the whole
of the Augurs and Aruspices, German or Roman.

=Love of Strong Drink.=—Love of liquor, and indulgence in it to excess,
were deep-rooted in the Scandinavian Asi and German tribes, and in which
they showed their Getic origin; nor is the Rajput behind his brethren
either of Scythia or Europe. It is the free use of this and similar
indulgences, prohibited by ordinances which govern the ordinary Hindu,
that first induced me to believe that these warlike races were little
indebted to India.

The Rajput welcomes his guest with the _munawwar piyala_, or ‘cup of
request,’ in which they drown ancient enmities. The heroes of Odin never
relished a cup of mead more than the Rajput his _madhu_;[2.6.71] and the
bards of Scandinavia and Rajwara are alike eloquent in the praise of the
bowl, on which the Bardai exhausts every metaphor, and calls it
ambrosial, immortal.[2.6.72] “The bard, as he sipped the ambrosia, in
which sparkled the ruby seed of the pomegranate, rehearsed the glory of
the race of the fearless.[2.6.73] May the king live for ever, alike
bounteous in gifts to the bard and the foe!” Even in the heaven of
Indra, the Hindu warrior’s paradise, akin to Valhalla [72], the Rajput
has his cup, which is served by the Apsaras, the twin sister of the
celestial Hebe of Scania. “I shall quaff full goblets amongst the gods,”
says the dying Getic warrior;[2.6.74] “I die laughing”: sentiments which
would be appreciated by a Rajput.

A Rajput inebriated is a rare sight: but a more destructive and recent
vice has usurped much of the honours of the ‘invitation cup,’ which has
been degraded from the pure ‘flower’[2.6.75] to an infusion of the
poppy, destructive of every quality. Of this pernicious habit we may use
the words which the historian of German manners applies to the tribes of
the Weser and Elbe, in respect to their love of strong drink: “Indulge
it, and you need not employ the terror of your arms; their own vices
will subdue them.”

The cup of the Scandinavian worshippers of Thor, the god of battle, was
a human skull, that of the foe, in which they showed their thirst of
blood; also borrowed from the chief of the Hindu Triad, Hara, the god of
battle, who leads his heroes in the ‘red field of slaughter’ with the
_khopra_[2.6.76] in his hand, with which he gorges on the blood of the

Hara is the patron of all who love war and strong drink, and is
especially the object of the Rajput warrior’s devotion: accordingly
blood and wine form the chief oblations to the great god of the Indus.
The Gosains,[2.6.77] the peculiar priests of Hara, or Bal, the sun, all
indulge in intoxicating drugs, herbs, and drinks. Seated on their lion,
leopard, or deer skins, their bodies covered with ashes, their hair
matted and braided, with iron tongs to feed the penitential fires, their
savage appearance makes them fit organs for the commands of the blood
and slaughter. Contrary, likewise, to general practice, the minister of
Hara, the god of war, at his death is committed to the earth, and a
circular tumulus is raised over him; and with some classes of Gosains,
small tumuli, whose form is the frustrum of a cone, with lateral steps,
the apex crowned with a cylindrical stone [73].[2.6.78]

=Funeral Ceremonies.=—In the last rites for the dead, comparison will
yield proofs of original similarity. The funeral ceremonies of
Scandinavia have distinguished the national eras, and the ‘age of fire’
and ‘the age of hills,’[2.6.79] designated the periods when the warrior
was committed to mother earth or consumed on the pyre.

Odin (Budha) introduced the latter custom, and the raising of tumuli
over the ashes when the body was burned; as also the practice of the
wife burning with her deceased lord. These manners were carried from
Sakadwipa, or Saka Scythia, “where the Geta,” says Herodotus [v. 5],
“was consumed on the pyre or burned alive with her lord.” With the
Getae, the Siebi or Suevi of Scandinavia, if the deceased had more than
one wife, the elder claimed the privilege of burning.[2.6.80] Thus,
“Nanna was consumed in the same fire with the body of her husband,
Balder, one of Odin’s companions.” But the Scandinavians were anxious to
forget this mark of their Asiatic origin, and were not always willing to
burn, or to make “so cruel and absurd a sacrifice to the manes of their
husbands, the idea of which had been picked up by their Scythian
ancestors, when they inhabited the warmer climates of Asia, where they
had their first abodes.”[2.6.81]

“The Scythic Geta,” says Herodotus [iv. 71], “had his horse sacrificed
on his funeral pyre; and the Scandinavian Geta had his horse and arms
buried with him, as they could not approach Odin on foot.”[2.6.82] The
Rajput warrior is carried to his final abode armed at all points as when
alive, his shield on his back and brand in hand; while his steed, though
not sacrificed, is often presented to the deity, and becomes a
perquisite of the priest.

=Sati.=—The burning of the dead warrior, and female immolation, or
_Sati_, are well-known rites, though the magnificent cenotaphs raised on
the spot of sacrifice are little known or visited by Europeans; than
which there are no better memorials of the rise and decline of the
States of the Rajput heptarchy. It is the son who raises the mausoleum
to the memory of his father; which last token of respect, or laudable
vanity, is only limited by the means of the treasury. It is
commemorative [74] of the splendour of his reign that the dome of his
father should eclipse that of his predecessor. In every principality of
Rajwara, the remark is applicable to chieftains as well as princes.

Each sacred spot, termed ‘the place of great sacrifice’ (Mahasati), is
the haunted ground of legendary lore. Amongst the altars on which have
burned the beauteous and the brave, the harpy[2.6.83] takes up her
abode, and stalks forth to devour the hearts of her victims. The Rajput
never enters these places of silence but to perform stated rites, or
anniversary offerings of flowers and water to the manes
(pitri-deva[2.6.84]) of his ancestors.

Odin[2.6.85] guarded his warriors’ final abode from rapine by means of
“wandering fires which played around the tombs”; and the tenth chapter
of the Salic law is on punishments against “carrying off the boards or
carpets of the tombs.” Fire and water are interdicted to such
sacrilegious spoliators.

The shihaba,[2.6.86] or wandering meteoric fires, on fields of battle
and in the places of ‘great sacrifice,’ produce a pleasing yet
melancholy effect; and are the source of superstitious dread and
reverence to the Hindu, having their origin in the same natural cause as
the ‘wandering fires of Odin’; the phosphorescent salts produced from
animal decomposition.

The Scandinavian reared the tumulus over the ashes of the dead; so did
the Geta of the Jaxartes, and the officiating priests of Hara, the Hindu
god of battle.

The noble picture drawn by Gibbon of the sepulture of the Getic Alaric
is paralleled by that of the great Jenghiz Khan. When the lofty mound
was raised, extensive forests were planted, to exclude for ever the
footsteps of man from his remains.

The tumulus, the cairn, or the pillar, still rises over the Rajput who
falls in [75] battle; and throughout Rajwara these sacrificial monuments
are found, where are seen carved in relief the warrior on his steed,
armed at all points; his faithful wife (_Sati_) beside him, denoting a
sacrifice, and the sun and moon on either side, emblematic of
never-dying fame.

=Cairns, Pillars.=—In Saurashtra, amidst the Kathi, Khuman, Bala, and
others of Scythic descent, the Paliya, or Jujhar (sacrificial pillars),
are conspicuous under the walls of every town, in lines, irregular
groups, and circles. On each is displayed in rude relief the warrior,
with the manner of his death, lance in hand, generally on horseback,
though sometimes in his car; and on the coast ‘the pirates of
Budha’[2.6.87] are depicted boarding from the shrouds. Amidst the Khuman
of Tatary the Jesuits found stone circles, similar to those met with
wherever the Celtic rites prevailed; and it would require no great
ingenuity to prove an analogy, if not a common origin, between Druidic
circles and the Indo-Scythic monumental remains. The trilithon, or seat,
in the centre of the judicial circle, is formed by a number sacred to
Hara, Bal, or the sun, whose priest expounds the law.

=Worship of Arms. The Sword.=—The devotion of the Rajput is still paid
to his arms, as to his horse. He swears ‘by the steel,’ and prostrates
himself before his defensive buckler, his lance, his sword, or his

The worship of the sword (_asi_) may divide with that of the horse
(_aswa_) the honour of giving a name to the continent of Asia. It
prevailed amongst the Scythic Getae, and is described exactly by
Herodotus [iv. 62]. To Dacia and Thrace it was carried by Getic colonies
from the Jaxartes, and fostered by these lovers of liberty when their
hordes overran Europe.

The worship of the sword in the Acropolis of Athens by the Getic Attila,
with all the accompaniments of pomp and place, forms an admirable
episode in the history of the decline and fall of Rome; and had Gibbon
witnessed the worship of the double-edged sword (_khanda_) by the prince
of Mewar and all his chivalry, he might even have embellished his
animated account of the adoration of the scymitar, the symbol of Mars.

=Initiation to Arms.=—Initiation to military fame was the same with the
[76] German as with the Rajput, when the youthful candidate was
presented with the lance, or buckled with the sword; a ceremony which
will be noticed when their feudal manners are described; many other
traits of character will then be depicted. It would be easy to swell the
list of analogous customs, which even to the objects of dislike in
food[2.6.88] would furnish comparison between the ancient Celt and
Rajput; but they shall close with the detail of the most ancient of

=Asvamedha, the Horse Sacrifice.=—There are some things, animate and
inanimate, which have been common objects of adoration amongst the
nations of the earth, the sun, the moon, and all the host of heaven; the
sword; reptiles, as the serpent; animals, as the noblest, the horse.
This last was not worshipped as an abstract object of devotion, but as a
type of that glorious orb which has had reverence from every child of
nature. The plains of Tatary, the sands of Libya, the rocks of Persia,
the valley of the Ganges, and the wilds of Orinoco, have each yielded
votaries alike ardent in devotion to his effulgence:

                 Of this great world both eye and soul.

His symbolic worship and offerings varied with clime and habit; and
while the altars of Bal in Asia, of Belenus among the Celts of Gaul and
Britain, smoked with human sacrifices, the bull[2.6.89] bled to Mithras
in Babylon, and the steed was the victim to Surya on the Jaxartes and

The father of history says that the great Getae of Central Asia deemed
it right to offer the swiftest of created to the swiftest of non-created
beings. It is fair to infer that the sun’s festival with the Getae and
Aswa nations of the Jaxartes, as with those of Scandinavia, was the
winter solstice, the Sankrant of the Rajput and Hindu in general. _Hi_,
_Haya_, _Hywor_, _Aswa_ denote the steed in Sanskrit and its dialects.
In Gothic, _hyrsa_; Teutonic, _hors_; Saxon, _horse_. The grand festival
of the German tribes of the Baltic was the _Hiul_, or _Hiel_ (already
commented on), the Asvamedha[2.6.90] of the children of Surya, on the

=The Asvamedha Ceremonies.=—The ceremonies of the Asvamedha are too
expensive, and attended with too great risk, to be attempted by modern
princes. Of its fatal results we have many historical records, from the
first dawn of Indian history to the last of its princes, Prithwiraja.
The Ramayana, the Mahabharata, and the poems of Chand all illustrate
this imposing rite and its effects.[2.6.91]

The Ramayana affords a magnificent picture of the Asvamedha. Dasaratha,
monarch of Ayodhya, father of Rama, is represented as commanding the
rite: “Let the sacrifice be prepared, and the horse[2.6.92] liberated
from the north bank of the Sarju!”[2.6.93] A year being ended, and the
horse having returned from his wanderings,[2.6.94] The sacrificial
ground was prepared on the spot of liberation.

Invitations were sent to all surrounding monarchs to repair to Ayodhya:
King Kaikeya,[2.6.95] the king of Kasi,[2.6.96] Lomapada of
Angadesa,[2.6.97] Kosala of Magadhadesa,[2.6.98] with the kings of
Sindhu,[2.6.99] Sauvira,[2.6.100] and Saurashtra [78].[2.6.101]


When the sacrificial pillars are erected, the rites commence. This
portion of the ceremony, termed _Yupochchraya_, is thus minutely
detailed: "There were twenty-one yupas, or pillars,[2.6.102] of
octagonal shape, each twenty-one feet in height and four feet in
diameter, the capitals bearing the figure of a man, an elephant, or a
bull. They were of the various sorts of wood appropriated to holy rites,
overlaid with plates of gold and ornamented cloth, and adorned with
festoons of flowers. While the yupas were erecting, the Adhvaryu,
receiving his instructions from the Hotri, or sacrificing priest,
recited aloud the incantations.

"The sacrificial pits were in triple rows, eighteen in number, and
arranged in the form of the eagle. Here were placed the victims for
immolation; birds, aquatic animals, and the horse.

"Thrice was the steed of King Dasaratha led round the sacred fire by
Kosala, and as the priests pronounced the incantations he was
immolated[2.6.103] amidst shouts of joy.

"The king and queen, placed by the high priest near the horse, sat up
all night watching the birds; and the officiating priest, having taken
out the hearts, dressed them agreeably to the holy books. The sovereign
of men smelled the smoke of the offered hearts, acknowledging his
transgressions in the order in which they were committed.

"The sixteen sacrificing priests then placed (as commanded in the
ordinances) on the fire the parts of the horse. The oblation of all the
animals was made on wood, except that of the horse, which was on cane.

“The rite concluded with gifts of land to the sacrificing priests and
augurs; but the holy men preferring gold, ten millions of
jambunada[2.6.104] were bestowed on them” [79].

Such is the circumstantial account of the Asvamedha, the most imposing
and the earliest heathen rite on record. It were superfluous to point
out the analogy between it and similar rites of various nations, from
the chosen people to the Auspex of Rome and the confessional rite of the
Catholic church.

The Sankrant,[2.6.105] or Sivaratri (night of Siva), is the winter
solstice. On it the horse bled to the sun, or Balnath.

The Scandinavians termed the longest night the ‘mother night,’[2.6.106]
on which they held that the world was born. Hence the Beltane, the fires
of Bal or Belenus; the Hiul of northern nations, the sacrificial fires
on the Asvamedha, or worship of the sun, by the Suryas on the Ganges,
and the Syrians (Σύροι) and Sauromatae on the shores of the

The altars of the Phoenician Heliopolis, Balbee[2.6.107] or
Tadmor,[2.6.108] were sacred to the same divinity as on the banks of
Sarju, or Balpur, in Saurashtra, where "the horses of the sun ascended
from his fountain (_Surya-kund_)," to carry its princes to conquest.

From Syria came the instructors of the Celtic Druids, who made human
sacrifices, and set up the pillar of Belenus on the hills of Cambria and

When “Judah did evil in the sight of the Lord, and built them high
places, and images, and groves, on every high hill and under every
tree,” the object was Bal, and the pillar (the lingam) was his symbol.
It was on his altar they burned incense, and “sacrificed unto the calf
on the fifteenth[2.6.109] day of the month” (the sacred Amavas of the
Hindus). The calf of Israel is the bull (_nandi_) of Balkesar or Iswara;
the Apis of the Egyptian Osiris [80].

=Sacred Trees.=—The ash was sacred to the sun-god in the west. The
asvattha (or pipal)[2.6.110] is the ‘chief of trees,’ say the books
sacred to Bal in the East: and death, or loss of limb, is incurred by
the sacrilegious mutilator of his consecrated groves,[2.6.111] where a
pillar is raised bearing the inhibitory edict.

We shall here conclude the analogy between the Indo-Scythic Rajput races
and those of early Europe. Much more might be adduced; the old Runic
characters of Scandinavia, the Celtic, and the Osci or Etruscan, might,
by comparison with those found in the cave temples and rocks in
Rajasthan and Saurashtra, yield yet more important evidence of original
similarity; and the very name of German (from wer, _bellum_)[2.6.112]
might be found to be derived from the _feud_ (_vair_) and _foe-man_
(_vairi_) of the Rajput.

If these coincidences are merely accidental, then has too much been
already said; if not, authorities are here recorded, and hypotheses
founded, for the assistance of others [81].


Footnote 2.6.1:

  Query, if from Mogol and Aghuz, compounded, we have not the Magog, son
  of Japhet, of Scripture?

Footnote 2.6.2:

  The other four sons are the remaining elements, personified: whence
  the six races of Tatars. The Hindus had long but two races, till the
  four Agnikula made them also six, and now thirty-six!

Footnote 2.6.3:

  In Tatar, according to Abulghazi, the sun and moon.

Footnote 2.6.4:

  De Guignes.

Footnote 2.6.5:

  Sir W. Jones says the Chinese assert their Hindu origin; but a
  comparison proves both these Indu races to be of Scythic origin. [Yadu
  was son of Yayāti, and Haya was Yadu’s grandson, not son. The
  comparison of Mongol with Hindu tradition is of no value.]

Footnote 2.6.6:

  [For the Mongol genealogy see Howorth, _History of the Mongols_, Part
  i. 35. Abu-l Fazl (_Akbarnāma_, trans. H. Beveridge, i. 171 f.) gives
  the names as follows: Aghūz Khān, whose sons were—Kūn (Sun); Ai
  (Moon); Yūlduz (Star); Kok or Gok (Sky); Tāgh (Mountain); Tangīz

Footnote 2.6.7:

  Naga and Takshak are Sanskrit names for a snake or serpent, the emblem
  of Budha or Mercury. The Naga race, so well known to India, the
  Takshaks or Takiuks of Scythia, invaded India about six centuries
  before Christ.

Footnote 2.6.8:

  De Guignes, _Sur les Dynasties des Huns_, vol. i. p. 7.

Footnote 2.6.9:

  Nearly the calculated period from the Puranas.

Footnote 2.6.10:

  _Tauth_, ‘father’ in Sanskrit [? tāta]. _Qu._ Teuths, and Toth, the
  Mercury of Egypt?

Footnote 2.6.11:

  [The author seems to confuse Budha (Mercury) with Gautama Buddha, the
  teacher. Buddhism arose in India, not in Central Asia, and Jainism was
  not a milder form of it, but an independent, and probably earlier,

Footnote 2.6.12:

  Diodorus Siculus book ii.

Footnote 2.6.13:

  The Arvarma of the Puranas; the Jaxartes or Sihun. The Puranas thus
  describe Sakadwipa or Scythia. Diodorus (lib. ii.) makes the Hemodus
  the boundary between Saka-Scythia and India Proper.

Footnote 2.6.14:

  Ila, the mother of the Lunar race, is the earth personified. Ertha of
  the Saxons; ἔρα of the Greeks; _ard_ in Hebrew [?].

Footnote 2.6.15:

  Scythes, from _Sakatai_, ‘Sakadwipa,’ and _is_, ‘Lord’: Lord of
  Sakatai, or Scythia [?].

Footnote 2.6.16:

  _Qu._ Whether the Scythic Pali may not be the shepherd invaders of
  Egypt [?]. The Pali character yet exists, and appears the same as
  ancient fragments of the Buddha inscriptions in my possession: many
  letters assimilate with the Coptic.

Footnote 2.6.17:

  The three great branches of the Indu (Lunar) Aswa bore the epithet of
  _Midia_ (pronounced _Mede_), viz. Urumidha, Ajamidha, and Dvimidha.
  _Qu._ The Aswa invaders of Assyria and Media, the sons of Bajaswa,
  expressly stated to have multiplied in the countries west of the
  Indus, emigrating from their paternal seats in Panchalaka? [_Mīdha_
  means ‘pouring out seed, prolific,’ and has no connexion with Mede,
  the Madai of Genesis x. 2; the Assyrian Mada.]

Footnote 2.6.18:

  Sun-worshippers, the Suryavansa.

Footnote 2.6.19:

  Strabo lib. xi. p. 511.

Footnote 2.6.20:

  Dahya (one of the thirty-six tribes), now extinct.

Footnote 2.6.21:

  The Asii and Tochari, the Aswa and Takshak, or Turushka races, of the
  Puranas, of Sakadwipa [?]. “C’est vraisemblablement d’après le nom de
  Tachari, que M. D’Anville aura cru devoir placer les tribus ainsi
  dénommées dans le territoire qui s’appelle aujourdhui Tokarist’han,
  situé, dit ce grand géographe, entre les montagnes et le Gihon ou
  Amou” (Note 3, liv. xi. p. 254, Strabon).

Footnote 2.6.22:

  Once more I may state _Sakha_ in Sanskrit has the aspirate: literally,
  the ‘branches’ or ‘races.’ [_Saka_ and _Sākha_ have no connexion; see
  Smith, _EHI_, 226.]

Footnote 2.6.23:

  “La Sacasene étoit une contrée de l’Arménie sur les confins de
  l’Albanie ou du Shirvan” (Note 4, tome i. p. 191, Strabon). “The
  Sacasenae were the ancestors of the Saxons” (Turner’s _History of the

Footnote 2.6.24:

  Herodotus (iv. 12) says: “The Cimmerians, expelled by the Massagetae,
  migrated to the Crimea.” Here were the Thyssagetae, or western Getae
  [the lesser Getae, Herodotus iv. 22]; and thence both the Getae and
  Cimbri found their way to the Baltic. Rubruquis the Jesuit, describing
  the monuments of the Comani in the Dasht-i Kipchak, whence these
  tribes, says: “Their monuments and circles of stones are like our
  Celtic or Druidical remains” (Bell’s _Collection_). The Khumān are a
  branch of the Kāthi tribe of Saurashtra, whose paliyas, or funeral
  monumental pillars, are seen in groups at every town and village. The
  Chatti were one of the early German tribes. [Needless to say, the
  German Chatti had no connexion with the Kāthi of Gujarāt.]

Footnote 2.6.25:

  [The reference, again, is to the Saisunāga dynasty, p. 64 above.]

Footnote 2.6.26:

  Asi was the term applied to the Getes, Yeuts, or Juts, when they
  invaded Scandinavia and founded Yeutland or Jutland (see ‘_Edda_,’
  Mallet’s Introduction).

Footnote 2.6.27:

  Mercury and earth.

Footnote 2.6.28:

  Pinkerton, _On the Goths_, vol. ii. p. 94. [All this is obsolete.]

Footnote 2.6.29:

  Camari was one of the eight sons of Japhet, says Abulghazi: whence the
  Camari, Cimmerii, or Cimbri. Kamari is one of the tribes of
  Saurashtra. [Kymry = fellow-countrymen (Rhys, _Celtic Britain_, 116).]

Footnote 2.6.30:

  The Suiones, Suevi, or Su. Now the Su, Yueh-chi, or Yuti, are Getes,
  according to De Guignes. Marco Polo calls Cashgar, where he was in the
  sixth century, the birthplace of the Swedes; and De la Croix adds,
  that in 1691 Sparvenfeldt, the Swedish ambassador at Paris, told him
  he had read in Swedish chronicles that Cashgar was their country. When
  the Huns were chased from the north of China, the greater part retired
  into the southern countries adjoining Europe. The rest passed directly
  to the Oxus and Jaxartes; thence they spread to the Caspian and
  Persian frontiers. In Mawaru-l-nahr (Transoxiana) they mixed with the
  Su, the Yueh-chi, or Getes, who were particularly powerful, and
  extended into Europe. One would be tempted to regard them as the
  ancestors of those Getes who were known in Europe. Some bands of Su
  might equally pass into the north of Europe, known as the Suevi. [The
  meaning of Suevi is uncertain, but the word has no connexion with that
  of any Central Asian tribe.]

Footnote 2.6.31:

  Mr. Pinkerton’s research had discovered Sakatai, though he does not
  give his authority (D’Anville) for the Sakadwipa of the Puranas!
  “Sakitai, a region at the fountains of the Oxus and Jaxartes, styled
  Sakita from the Sacae” (D’Anville, _Anc. Geog._). The Yadus of
  Jaisalmer, who ruled Zabulistan and founded Ghazni, claim the
  Chagatais as of their own Indu stock: a claim which, without deep
  reflection, appeared inadmissible; but which I now deem worthy of

Footnote 2.6.32:

  Chagatai, or Sakatai, the Sakadwipa of the Puranas (corrupted by the
  Greeks to Scythia), “whose inhabitants worship the sun and whence is
  the river Arvarma.” [For the Chagatai Mongols see Elias-Ross, _History
  of the Moghuls of Central Asia_, Introd. 28 ff.]

Footnote 2.6.33:

  Utrar, probably the Uttarakuru of ancient geography: the uttara
  (northern) kuru (race); a branch of Indu stock.

Footnote 2.6.34:

  Jadu ka dang, the Joudes of Rennell’s map; the Yadu hills high up in
  the Panjab, where a colony of the Yadu race dwelt when expelled
  Saurashtra. [The Salt Range in the Jhelum, Shāhpur, and Miānwāli
  districts of the Panjāb, was known to ancient historians as Koh-i-Jūd,
  or ‘the hills of Jūd,’ the name being applied by the Muhammadans to
  this range on account of its resemblance to Mount Al-Jūdi, or Ararat.
  The author constantly refers to it, and suggests that the name was
  connected with the Indian Yadu, or Yādava tribe (_IGI_, xxi. 412;
  Abu-l Fazl, _Akbarnāma_, i. 237; Elliot-Dowson, ii. 235, v. 561;
  _Āīn_, ii. 405; _ASR_, ii. 17; Hughes, _Dict. of Islām_, 23).]

Footnote 2.6.35:

  The Numri, or Lumri (foxes) of Baluchistan, are Jats [?]. These are
  the Nomardies of Rennell. [They are believed to be aborigines (_IGI_,
  xvi. 146; _Census Report, Baluchistan, 1911_, i. 17).]

Footnote 2.6.36:

  [There is no evidence, beyond resemblance of name, to connect the Jats
  with the Getae.]

Footnote 2.6.37:

  Royal pastors [?]

Footnote 2.6.38:

  [iv. 59.] The sun was their ‘great deity,’ though they had in Xamolxis
  a lord of terror, with affinity to Yama, or the Hindu Pluto. “The
  chief divinity of the Fenns, a Scythic race, was Yammalu” (Pinkerton’s
  _Hist. of the Goths_, vol. ii. p. 215).

Footnote 2.6.39:

  iv. 45 [Asia probably means ‘land of the rising sun.’]

Footnote 2.6.40:

  Āsa, ‘hope.’

Footnote 2.6.41:

  Sakambhari: from _sakham_, the plural of _sakha_, ‘branch or race,’
  and _ambhar_, ‘covering, protecting.’ [The word means ‘herb

Footnote 2.6.42:

  Mata, ‘mother.’

Footnote 2.6.43:

  _Aswa_ and _haya_ are synonymous Sanskrit terms for ‘horse’; _asp_ in
  Persian; and as applied by the prophet Ezekiel [xxxviii. 6] to the
  Getic invasion of Scythia, A.C. 600: “the sons of Togarmah riding on
  horses”; described by Diodorus, the period the same as the Takshak
  invasion of India.

Footnote 2.6.44:

  [Hystaspes is from old Persian, Vishtāspa, ‘possessor of horses.’ The
  author derives it from a modern Hindi word _hīnsna_, ‘to neigh,’
  possibly from recollection of the story in Herodotus iii. 85.]

Footnote 2.6.45:

  [He possibly refers to the statement (_Germania_, v.), that their
  coins bore the impress of a two-horse chariot.]

Footnote 2.6.46:

  Asirgarh, ‘fortress of the Asi’ [_IGI_, vi. 12].

Footnote 2.6.47:

  The great (_maha_) warrior (_vir_). [Buddha lived 567-487 B.C.:
  Mahāvīra, founder of Jainism, died about 527 B.C.]

Footnote 2.6.48:

  Yeutland was the name given to the whole Cimbric Chersonese, or
  Jutland (Pinkerton, _On the Goths_).

Footnote 2.6.49:

  Turk, Turushka, Takshak, or ‘Taunak, fils de Turc’ (Abulghazi,
  _History of the Tatars_).

Footnote 2.6.50:

  _Histoire des Huns_, vol. i. p. 42.

Footnote 2.6.51:

  Though Tacitus calls the German tribes indigenous, it is evident he
  knew their claim to Asiatic origin, when he asks, “Who would leave the
  softer abodes of Asia for Germany, where Nature yields nothing but

Footnote 2.6.52:

  In an inscription of the Geta or Jat Prince of Salindrapur (Salpur) of
  the fifth century, he is styled “of the race of Tusta” (_qu._
  Tuisto?). It is in that ancient nail-headed character used by the
  ancient Buddhists of India, and still the sacred character of the
  Tatar Lamas: in short, the Pali. All the ancient inscriptions I
  possess of the branches of the Agnikulas, as the Chauhan, Pramara,
  Solanki, and Parihara, are in this character. That of the Jat prince
  styles him “Jat Kathida” (_qu._ of (da) Cathay?). From Tuisto and
  Woden we have our Tuesday and Wednesday. In India, Wednesday is
  Budhwar (Dies Mercurii), and Tuesday Mangalwar (Dies Martis), the
  Mardi of the French.

Footnote 2.6.53:

  Tacitus, _Germania_, xxxviii.

Footnote 2.6.54:

  The gau, or cow, symbolic of Prithivi, the earth. On this see note, p.

Footnote 2.6.55:

  [_Germania_, ix.]

Footnote 2.6.56:

  Krishna is the preserving deity of the Hindu triad. Krishna is of the
  Indu line of Budha, whom he worshipped prior to his own deification.

Footnote 2.6.57:

  ‘Mahurat ka shikar.’

Footnote 2.6.58:

  The Siebi of Tacitus.

Footnote 2.6.59:

  Sammes’s _Saxon Antiquities_.

Footnote 2.6.60:

  Hara is the Thor of Scandinavia; Hari is Budha, Hermes, or Mercury.

Footnote 2.6.61:

  Mallet derives it from _kempfer_, ‘to fight.’ [The name is said to
  mean ‘comrades’ (Rhys, _Celtic Britain_, 116). Irmansūl means ‘a
  colossus,’ and has no connexion with Skr. _sūla_ (Grimm, _Teutonic
  Mythology_, i. 115).]

Footnote 2.6.62:

  _Ku_ is a mere prefix, meaning ‘evil’; ‘the evil striker (_Mar_).’
  Hence, probably, the Mars of Rome. The birth of Kumar, the general of
  the army of the gods, with the Hindus, is exactly that of the
  Grecians, born of the goddess Jahnavi (Juno) without sexual
  intercourse. Kumāra is always accompanied by the peacock, the bird of
  Juno. [Kumāra probably means ‘easily dying’; there is no connexion
  with Mars, originally a deity of vegetation.]

Footnote 2.6.63:

  For a drawing of the Scandinavian god of battle see Sammes.

Footnote 2.6.64:

  I have in contemplation to give to the public a few of the sixty-nine
  books of the poems of Chand, the last great bard of the last Hindu
  emperor of India, Prithwiraja. They are entirely heroic: each book a
  relation of one of the exploits of this prince, the first warrior of
  his time. They will aid a comparison between the Rajput and
  Scandinavian bards, and show how far the Provençal Troubadour, the
  Neustrienne Trouveur, and Minnesinger of Germany, have anything in
  common with the Rajput Bardai. [For Rajput bards on horseback, drunk
  with opium, singing songs to arouse warriors’ courage, see Manucci ii.
  437 f.]

Footnote 2.6.65:

  Ἥλυσιος, from Ἥλιος, ‘the sun’; also a title of Apollo, the Hari of
  India. [The two words, from the accentuation, can have no connexion.]

Footnote 2.6.66:

  This title of the father of Rama denotes a ‘charioteer’ [‘having ten
  chariots.’ Harsha (A.D. 612-647) discarded the chariot (Smith, _EHI_,

Footnote 2.6.67:

  The Indian satrapy of Darius, says Herodotus [iii. 94], was the
  richest of all the Persian provinces, and yielded six hundred talents
  of gold. Arrian informs us that his Indo-Scythic subjects, in his wars
  with Alexander, were the élite of his army. Besides the Sakasenae, we
  find tribes in name similar to those included in the thirty-six
  Rajkula; especially the Dahae (Dahya, one of the thirty-six races).
  The Indo-Scythic contingent was two hundred war chariots and fifteen
  elephants, which were marshalled with the Parthii on the right, and
  also near Darius’s person. By this disposition they were opposed to
  the cohort commanded by Alexander in person. The chariots commenced
  the action, and prevented a manœuvre of Alexander to turn the left
  flank of the Persians. Of their horse, also, the most honourable
  mention is made; they penetrated into the division where Parmenio
  commanded, to whom Alexander was compelled to send reinforcements. The
  Grecian historian dwells with pleasure on Indo-Scythic valour: “there
  were no equestrian feats, no distant fighting with darts, but each
  fought as if victory depended on his sole arm.” They fought the Greeks
  hand to hand [Arrian, _Anabasis_, iii. 15].

  But the loss of empire was decreed at Arbela, and the Sakae and
  Indo-Scythae had the honour of being slaughtered by the Yavans of
  Greece, far from their native land, in the aid of the king of kings.

Footnote 2.6.68:

  The Kathi are celebrated in Alexander’s wars. The Kathiawar Kathi can
  be traced from Multan (_the ancient abode_) [_mūlasthāna_, ‘principal
  place’]. The Dahya (Dahae), Johya (the latter Hunnish), and Kathi are
  amongst the thirty-six races. All dwelt, six centuries ago, within the
  five streams and in the deserts south of the Ghara. The two last have
  left but a name.

Footnote 2.6.69:

  The Sakae had invaded the inhabitants on the borders of the Pontic
  Sea: whilst engaged in dividing the booty, the Persian generals
  surprised them at night, and exterminated them. To eternize the
  remembrance of this event, the Persians heaped up the earth round a
  rock in the plain where the battle was fought, on which they erected
  two temples, one to the goddess Anaītis, the other to the divinities
  Omanus and Anandate, and then founded the annual festival called
  _Sacaea_, still celebrated by the possessors of Zela. Such is the
  account by some authors of the origin of _Sacaea_. According to others
  it dates from the reign of Cyrus only. This prince, they say, having
  carried the war into the country of the Sakae (Massagetae of
  Herodotus) lost a battle. Compelled to fall back on his magazines,
  abundantly stored with provisions, but especially wine, and having
  halted some time to refresh his army, he departed before the enemy,
  feigning a flight, and leaving his camp standing full of provisions.
  The Sakae, who pursued, reaching the abandoned camp stored with
  provisions, gave themselves up to debauch. Cyrus returned and
  surprised the inebriated and senseless barbarians. Some, buried in
  profound sleep, were easily massacred; others occupied in drinking and
  dancing, without defence, fell into the hands of armed foes: so that
  all perished. The conqueror, attributing his success to divine
  protection, consecrated this day to the goddess honoured in his
  country, and decreed it should be called ‘the day of the _Sacaea_.’
  This is the battle related by Herodotus, to which Strabo alludes,
  between the Persian monarch and Tomyris, queen of the Getae. Amongst
  the Rajput Sakha, all grand battles attended with fatal results are
  termed _sakha_. When besieged, without hope of relief, in the last
  effort of despair, the females are immolated, and the warriors,
  decorated in saffron robes, rush on inevitable destruction. This is to
  perform _sakha_, where every branch (sakha) is cut off. Chitor has to
  boast of having thrice (and a half) suffered sakha. _Chitor sakha ka
  pap_, ‘by the sin of the sack of Chitor,’ the most solemn adjuration
  of the Guhilot Rajput. If such the origin of the festival from the
  slaughter of the Sakae of Tomyris, it will be allowed to strengthen
  the analogy contended for between the Sakae east and west the Indus.
  [For the Sacaea festival see Sir J. Frazer, _The Golden Bough, The
  Dying God_, 113 ff. It has no connexion with the Rajput Sākha, ‘a
  fight,’ which, again, is a different word from Sākha, ‘a branch,

Footnote 2.6.70:

  I presented a work on this subject to the Royal Asiatic Society, as
  well as another on Palmistry, etc.

Footnote 2.6.71:

  _Madhu_ is intoxicating drink, from _madhu_, ‘a bee,’ in Sanskrit
  [madhu, ‘anything sweet’]. It is well known that mead is from honey.
  It would be curious if the German mead was from the Indian madhu
  (bee): then both cup (_kharpara_) and beverage would be borrowed.
  [_Madhu_ does not mean ‘a bee’ in Sanskrit.]

Footnote 2.6.72:

  _Amrita_ (immortal), from the initial privative and _mrit_, ‘death.’
  Thus the _Immurthal_, or ‘vale of immortality,’ at Neufchatel, is as
  good Sanskrit as German [?].

Footnote 2.6.73:

  Abhai Singh, ‘the fearless lion,’ prince of Marwar, whose bard makes
  this speech at the festal board, when the prince presented with his
  own hand the cup to the bard.

Footnote 2.6.74:

  Regner Lodbrog, in his dying ode, when the destinies summon him.

Footnote 2.6.75:

  Phūl, the flower of the mahua tree, the favourite drink of a Rajput.
  Classically, in Sanskrit it is _madhūka_, of the class Polyandria
  Monogynia [_Bassia latifolia_] (see _As. Res._ vol. i. p. 300).

Footnote 2.6.76:

  A human skull; in the dialects pronounced _khopar_: _Qu._ _cup_ in
  Saxon? [Cup, in Low Latin _cuppa_.]

Footnote 2.6.77:

  The Kanphara [or Kanphata] Jogis, or Gosains, are in great bodies,
  often in many thousands, and are sought as allies, especially in
  defensive warfare. In the grand military festivals at Udaipur to the
  god of war, the scymitar, symbolic of Mars, worshipped by the
  Guhilots, is entrusted to them [_IA_, vii. 47 ff.; _BG_, ix. part i.

Footnote 2.6.78:

  An entire cemetery of these, besides many detached, I have seen, and
  also the sacred rites to their manes by the disciples occupying these
  abodes of austerity, when the flowers of the _ak_ [_Calatropis
  gigantea_] and leaves of evergreen were strewed on the grave, and
  sprinkled with the pure element.

Footnote 2.6.79:

  Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_, chap. xii.

Footnote 2.6.80:

  Mallet chap. xii. vol. i. p. 289.

Footnote 2.6.81:


Footnote 2.6.82:

  Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_, chap. xii. The Celtic Franks had the
  same custom. The arms of Chilperic, and the bones of the horse on
  which he was to be presented to Odin, were found in his tomb.

Footnote 2.6.83:

  The Dakini (the Jigarkhor of Sindh) is the genuine vampire [_Āīn_, ii.
  338 f.]. Captain Waugh, after a long chase in the valley of Udaipur,
  speared a hyena, whose abode was the tombs, and well known as the
  steed on which the witch of Ar sallied forth at night. Evil was
  predicted: and a dangerous fall, subsequently, in chasing an elk, was
  attributed to his sacrilegious slaughter of the weird sister’s steed.

Footnote 2.6.84:

  Pitri-deva, ‘Father-lords.’

Footnote 2.6.85:

  Mallet chap. xii.

Footnote 2.6.86:

  At Gwalior, on the east side of that famed fortress, where myriads of
  warriors have fattened the soil, these phosphorescent lights often
  present a singular appearance. I have, with friends whose eyes this
  will meet, marked the procession of these lambent night-fires,
  becoming extinguished at one place and rising at another, which, aided
  by the unequal _locale_, have been frequently mistaken for the
  Mahratta prince returning with his numerous torch-bearers from a
  distant day’s sport. I have dared as bold a Rajput as ever lived to
  approach them; whose sense of the levity of my desire was strongly
  depicted, both in speech and mien: “men he would encounter, but not
  the spirits of those erst slain in battle.” It was generally about the
  conclusion of the rains that these lights were observed, when
  evaporation took place from these marshy grounds impregnated with

Footnote 2.6.87:

  At Dwarka, the god of thieves is called Budha Trivikrama, or of triple
  energy: the Hermes Triplex, or three-headed Mercury of the Egyptians.
  [No such cult is mentioned in the account of Dwārka, _BG_, viii. 601.]

Footnote 2.6.88:

  Caesar informs us that the Celts of Britain would not eat the hare,
  goose, or domestic fowl. The Rajput will hunt the first, but neither
  eats it, nor the goose, sacred to the god of battle (Hara). The Rajput
  of Mewar eats the jungle fowl, but rarely the domestic.

Footnote 2.6.89:

  As he did also to Balnath (the god Bal) in the ancient times of India.
  The _baldan_, or gift of the bull to the sun, is well recorded.
  [_Baldān_, _balidāna_ does not mean the offering of a bull: it is the
  daily presentation of a portion of the meat to Earth and other
  deities.] There are numerous temples in Rajasthan of Baalim [?]; and
  Balpur (Mahadeo) has several in Saurashtra. All represent the sun—

       Peor his other name, when he enticed
       Israel in Sittim, on their march from Nile.
                             _Paradise Lost_, book i. 412 f. [77].

  The temple of Solomon was to Bal, and all the idolaters of that day
  seem to have held to the grosser tenets of Hinduism.

Footnote 2.6.90:

  In _Aswa_ (_medha_ signifies ‘to kill’) we have the derivation of the
  ancient races, sons of Bajaswa, who peopled the countries on both
  sides the Indus, and the probable etymon of _Asia_ [?]. The Assakenoi,
  the Ariaspai of Alexander’s historians, and Aspasianae, to whom
  Arsaces fled from Seleucus, and whom Strabo terms a Getic race, have
  the same origin; hence Asigarh, ‘the fortress of the Asi’ (erroneously
  termed Hansi), and Asgard were the first settlements of the Getic Asi
  in Scandinavia. Alexander received the homage of all these Getic races
  at ‘the mother of cities,’ Balkh, ‘seat of Cathaian Khan’ (the Jat
  Kathida of my inscription), according to Marco Polo, from whom Milton
  took his geography.

Footnote 2.6.91:

  The last was undertaken by the celebrated Sawai Jai Singh of Amber;
  but the milk-white steed of the sun, I believe, was not turned out, or
  assuredly the Rathors would have accepted the challenge.

Footnote 2.6.92:

  A milk-white steed is selected with peculiar marks. On liberation,
  properly guarded, he wanders where he listeth. It is a virtual
  challenge. Arjuna guarded the steed liberated by Yudhishthira; but
  that sent round by Parikshita, his grandson, “was seized by the
  Takshak of the north.” The same fate occurred to Sagara, father of
  Dasaratha, which involved the loss of his kingdom.

Footnote 2.6.93:

  The Sarju, or Gandak, from the Kumaun mountains, passes through
  Kosalades, the dominion of Dasaratha.

Footnote 2.6.94:

  The horse’s return after a year evidently indicates an astronomical
  revolution, or the sun’s return to the same point in the ecliptic.
  This return from his southern declination must have been always a day
  of rejoicing to the Scythic and Scandinavian nations, who could not,
  says Gibbon, fancy a worse hell than a large abode open to the cold
  wind of the north. To the south they looked for the deity; and hence,
  with the Rajputs, a religious law forbids their doors being to the

Footnote 2.6.95:

   Kaikeya is supposed by the translator, Dr. Carey, to be a king of
  Persia, the Kaivansa preceding Darius. The epithet _Kai_ not
  unfrequently occurs in Hindu traditional couplets. One, which I
  remember, is connected with the ancient ruins of Abhaner in Jaipur,
  recording the marriage of one of its princes with a daughter of

  _Tu beti_ Kaikamb _ki, nam Parmala ho_, etc. ‘Thou art the daughter of
  _Kaikamb_: thy name Fairy Garland.’ _Kai_ was the epithet of one of
  the Persian dynasties. _Qu._ _Kam-bakhsh_, the Cambyses of the Greeks?
  [Cambyses, Kābuzīya or Kambūzīya, possibly ‘a bard’ (Rawlinson,
  _Herodotus_, iii. 543).]

Footnote 2.6.96:


Footnote 2.6.97:

  Tibet or Ava [N. Bengal]

Footnote 2.6.98:


Footnote 2.6.99:

  Sind valley.

Footnote 2.6.100:

  Unknown to me [W. and S. Panjab and its vicinity].

Footnote 2.6.101:

  Peninsula of Kathiawar.

Footnote 2.6.102:

  I have seen several of these sacrificial pillars of stone of very
  ancient date. Many years ago, when all the Rajput States were
  suffering from the thraldom of the Mahrattas, a most worthy and
  wealthy banker of Surat, known by the family name of Trivedi, who felt
  acutely for the woes inflicted by incessant predatory foes on the sons
  of Rama and Krishna, told me, with tears in his eyes, that the evils
  which afflicted Jaipur were to be attributed to the sacrilege of the
  prince, Jagat Singh, who had dared to abstract the gold plates of the
  sacrificial pillars, and send them to his treasury: worse than
  Rehoboam, who, when he took away from the temple “the shields of gold
  Solomon had made,” had the grace to substitute others of brass.
  Whether, when turned into currency, it went as a war contribution to
  the Mahrattas, or was applied to the less worthy use of his concubine
  queen, ‘the essence of camphor,’ it was of a piece with the rest of
  this prince’s unwise conduct. Jai Singh, who erected the pillars, did
  honour to his country, of which he was a second founder, and under
  whom it attained the height from which it has now fallen. [Some
  sacrificial pillars (yūpa) were recently found in the bed of the Jumna
  near Mathura, with inscriptions dated in the twenty-fourth year of
  Kanishka’s reign, about A.D. 102.]

Footnote 2.6.103:

  On the Nauroz, or festival of the new year, the Great Mogul slays a
  camel with his own hand, which is distributed, and eaten by the court
  favourites. [A camel is sacrificed at the Īdu-l-azha festival (Hughes,
  _Dict. Islām_, 192 ff.).]

Footnote 2.6.104:

  This was native gold, of a peculiarly dark and brilliant hue, which
  was compared to the fruit jambu (not unlike a damson). Everything
  forms an allegory with the Hindus; and the production of this metal is
  appropriated to the period of gestation of Jahnavi, the river-goddess
  (Ganges), when by Agni, or fire, she produced Kumara, the god of war,
  the commander of the army of the gods. This was when she left the
  place of her birth, the Himalaya mountain (the great storehouse of
  metallic substances), whose daughter she is: and doubtless this is in
  allusion to some very remote period, when, bursting her rock-bound
  bed, Ganga exposed from ‘her side’ veins of this precious metal.

Footnote 2.6.105:

  Little bags of brocade, filled with seeds of the sesamum or cakes of
  the same, are distributed by the chiefs to friends on this occasion.
  While the author writes, he has before him two of these, sent to him
  by the young Mahratta prince, Holkar.

Footnote 2.6.106:

  Sivaratri would be ‘father night’ [?]. Siva-Iswara is the ‘universal

Footnote 2.6.107:

  Ferishta, the compiler of the imperial history of India, gives us a
  Persian or Arabic derivation of this, from _Bal_, ‘the sun,’ and
  _bec_, ‘an idol.’ [This has not been traced in Dow or Briggs.]

Footnote 2.6.108:

  Corrupted to Palmyra, the etymon of which, I believe, has never been
  given, which is a version of Tadmor. In Sanskrit, _tal_, or _tar_, is
  the ‘date-tree’; _mor_ signifies ‘chief.’ We have more than one ‘city
  of palms’ (_Talpur_) in India; and the tribe ruling in Haidarabad, on
  the Indus, is called _Talpuri_, from the place whence they originated.
  [Tadmor is Semitic, probably meaning ‘abounding in palms.’ The
  suggested derivation is impossible.]

Footnote 2.6.109:

  1 Kings xiv. 23.

Footnote 2.6.110:

  _Ficus religiosa._ It presents a perfect resemblance to the popul
  (poplar) of Germany and Italy, a species of which is the aspen. [They
  belong to different orders.] So similar is it, that the specimen of
  the pipal from Carolina is called, in the Isola Bella of the Lago
  Maggiore, _Populus angulata_; and another, in the Jardin des Plantes
  at Toulon, is termed the _Ficus populifolia, ou figuier à feuilles de
  peuplier_. The aspen, or ash, held sacred by the Celtic priests, is
  said to be the mountain-ash. ‘The calf of Bal’ is generally placed
  under the pipal; and Hindu tradition sanctifies a never-dying stem,
  which marks the spot where the Hindu Apollo, Hari (the sun), was slain
  by the savage Bhil on the shores of Saurashtra. [This is known as the
  Prāchi Pīpal, and death rites are performed close to it (_BG_, viii.
  271, note 2).]

Footnote 2.6.111:

  The religious feelings of the Rajput, though outraged for centuries by
  Moguls and mercenary Pathans, will not permit him to see the axe
  applied to the noble pipal or umbrageous bar (_Ficus indica_), without
  execrating the destroyer. Unhappy the constitution of mind which
  knowingly wounds religious prejudices of such ancient date! Yet is it
  thus with our countrymen in the East, who treat all foreign prejudices
  with contempt, shoot the bird sacred to the Indian Mars, slay the
  calves of Bal, and fell the noble pipal before the eyes of the native
  without remorse. He is unphilosophic and unwise who treats such
  prejudices with contumely: prejudices beyond the reach of reason. He
  is uncharitable who does not respect them; impolitic, who does not use
  every means to prevent such offence by ignorance or levity. It is an
  abuse of our strength, and an ungenerous advantage over their
  weakness. Let us recollect who are the guardians of these fanes of
  Bal, his pipal, and sacred bird (the peacock); the children of Surya
  and Chandra, and the descendants of the sages of yore, they who fill
  the ranks of our army, and are attentive, though silent, observers of
  all our actions: the most attached, the most faithful, and the most
  obedient of mankind! Let us maintain them in duty, obedience, and
  attachment, by respecting their prejudices and conciliating their
  pride. On the fulfilment of this depends the maintenance of our
  sovereignty in India: but the last fifteen years have assuredly not
  increased their devotion to us. Let the question be put to the
  unprejudiced, whether their welfare has advanced in proportion to the
  dominion they have conquered for us, or if it has not been in the
  inverse ratio of this prosperity? Have not their allowances and
  comforts decreased? Does the same relative standard between the
  currency and conveniences of life exist as twenty years ago? Has not
  the first depreciated twenty-five per cent, as half-batta stations and
  duties have increased? For the good of ruler and servant, let these be
  rectified. With the utmost solemnity, I aver, I have but the welfare
  of all at heart in these observations. I loved the service, I loved
  the native soldier. I have proved what he will do, where devoted,
  when, in 1817, thirty-two firelocks of my guard attacked, defeated,
  and dispersed a camp of fifteen hundred men, slaying thrice their
  numbers.[2.6.111.A] Having quitted the scene for ever, I submit my
  opinion dispassionately for the welfare of the one, and with it the
  stability or reverse of the other.

Footnote 2.6.111.A:

  What says the Thermopylae of India, Corygaum? Five hundred firelocks
  against twenty thousand men! Do the annals of Napoleon record a more
  brilliant exploit? Has a column been reared to the manes of the brave,
  European and native, of this memorable day, to excite to future
  achievement? What order decks the breast of the gallant Fitzgerald,
  for the exploit on the field of Nagpur? At another time and place his
  words, “At my peril be it! _Charge!_” would have crowned his crest!
  These things call for remedy! [Korēgāon in Poona District, where
  Captain Staunton defeated a large force of Mahrattas on January 1,
  1818 (Wilson-Mill, _Hist. of India_, ii. (1846), 303 ff.).]

Footnote 2.6.112:

  D’Anville’s derivation of German, from _wer_ (bellum) and _manus_.
  [Possibly O. Irish, _gair_, ‘neighbour,’ or _gairm_, ‘battle-cry’
  (_New Eng. Dict._ _s.v._).]


                               CHAPTER 7

Having discussed the ancient genealogies of the martial races of
Rajasthan, as well as the chief points in their character and religion
analogous to those of early Europe, we proceed to the catalogue of the
Chhattis Rajkula, or ‘thirty-six royal races.’[2.7.1]

The table before the reader presents, at one view, the authorities on
which this list is given: they are as good as abundant. The first is
from a detached leaf of an ancient work, obtained from a Yati of a Jain
temple at the old city of Nadol, in Marwar. The second is from the poems
of Chand,[2.7.2] the bard of the last Hindu king of Delhi. The third is
from an estimable work contemporary with Chand’s, the Kumarpal
Charitra[2.7.3] or “History of the Monarchy of Anhilwara Patan.” The
fourth list is from the Khichi bard.[2.7.4] The fifth, from a bard of

From every one of the bardic profession, from all the collectors and
collections of Rajasthan, lists have been received, from which the
catalogue No. 6 has been formed, admitted by the genealogists to be more
perfect than any existing document. From it, therefore, in succession,
each race shall have its history rapidly sketched; though, as a text, a
single name is sufficient to fill many pages.

The first list is headed by an invocation to Mata Sakambhari Devi, or
mother-goddess, protectress of the races (sakha) [the mother of

Each race (sakha) has its Gotracharya,[2.7.5] a genealogical creed,
describing [82] the essential peculiarities, religious tenets, and
pristine locale of the clan. Every Rajput should be able to repeat this;
though it is now confined to the family priest or the genealogist. Many
chiefs, in these degenerate days, would be astonished if asked to repeat
their gotracharya, and would refer to the bard. It is a touchstone of
affinities, and guardian of the laws of intermarriage. When the
inhibited degrees of propinquity have been broken, it has been known to
rectify the mistake, where, however, “ignorance was bliss.”[2.7.6]

                     LIST OF THE THIRTY-SIX ROYAL
           ANCIENT MSS.[t.1]       │      CHAND BARDAI.[t.2]
          Ikshwaku.                │     Ravya or Surya.
          Surya.                   │     Sahsa or Soma.
          Soma or Chandra.         │     Yadu.
          Yadu.                    │     Kakustha.
        5 Chahuman (Chauhan).      │   5 Pramara.
          Pramara.                 │     Chauhan.
          Chalukya or Solanki.     │     Chalukya.
          Parihara.                │     Chandak.
          Chawara.                 │     Silar.
       10 Dudia.                   │  10 Abhira.
          Rathor.                  │     Makwahana.
          Gohil.                   │     Gohil.
          Dabhi.                   │     Chapotkat.
          Makwahana.               │     Parihara.
       15 Norka.                   │  15 Rathor.
          Aswaria.                 │     Deora.
          Salar or Silara.         │     Tak.
          Sinda.                   │     Sindhu.
          Sepat.                   │     Ananga.
       20 Hun or Hūn.              │  20 Patak.
          Kirjal.                  │     Pritihara.
          Haraira.                 │     Didiota.
          Rajpali.                 │     Karitpal.
          Dhanpali.                │     Kotpala.
       25 Agnipali.                │  25 Hul.
          Bala.                    │     Gaur.
          Jhala.                   │     Nikumbha.
          Bhagdola.                │     Rajpalaka.
          Motdan.                  │     Kani.
       30 Mohor.                   │  30 Kalchorak or Kurkara.
          Kagair.                  │
          Karjeo.                  │
          Chadlia.                 │
          Pokara.                  │
          Nikumbha.                │
       36 Salala.                  │

                       KUMAR PAL CHARITRA.[t.3]
         Sanskrit Edition—MSS.     │    Gujarati Dialect—MSS.
          Ikshwaku.                │     Gotchar Gohil.
          Soma.                    │     Ani Gohil.
          Yadu.                    │     Kathi.
          Pramara.                 │     Kaser.
        5 Chauhan.                 │   5 Nikumbha.
          Chalukya.                │     Barbeta.
          Chandak.                 │     Bawariya.
          Silar (_Raj Tilak_)      │     Maru.
          Chapotkat.               │     Makwahana.
       10 Pritihara.               │  10 Dahima.
          Sakranka.                │     Dudia.
          Kurpala.                 │     Bala.
          Chandal.                 │     Baghel.
          Ohil.                    │     Yadu.
       15 Palaka.                  │  15 Jethwa.
          Maurya.                  │     Jareja.
          Makwahana.               │     Jat.
          Dhanpala.                │     Solanki.
          Rajpalaka.               │     Pramara.
       20 Dahya.                   │  20 Kaba.
          Turandalika.             │     Chawara.
          Nikumbha.                │     Chaurasima.
          Hun.                     │     Khant.
          Bala.                    │     Khyera.
       25 Harial.                  │  25 Rawali.
          Mokar.                   │     Masania.
          Pokara.                  │     Palani.
                                   │     Hala.
                                   │     Jhala
                                   │  30 Daharia.
                                   │     Baharia.
                                   │     Sarweya "_Chhattrya_
                                   │        _tin Sar_."
                                   │     Parihara.
                                   │     Chauhan.

      Guhilot.                 │     Ikshwaku, Kakutstha, or Surya.
      Pramara.                 │     Anwai, Indu, Som, or Chandra.
      Chauhan.                 │     Grahilot or Guhilot         24 Sakha.
      Solanki.                 │     Yadu.                        4
      Rathor.                  │   5 Tuar.                       17
      Tuar.                    │     Rathor.                     13
      Bargujar.                │     Kushwaha or Kachhwaha.
      Parihara.                │     Pramara.                    35
      Jhala.                   │     Chahuman or Chauhan.        26
   10 Yadu.                    │  10 Chalukya or Solanki.        16
      Kachhwaha.               │     Parihara.                   12
      Gaur.                    │     Chawara.                  Single.
 These subdivide: the          │     Tak, Tāk, or Takshak.
 following do not, and are     │     Jat or Geta.
 called Yaka, or single.       │  15 Hun or Hūn.
      Sengar.                  │     Kathi.
      Bala.                    │     Bala.
   15 Kharwar.                 │     Jhala.                       2
      Chawara.                 │     Jethwa or Kamari.
      Dahima.                  │  20 Gohil.
      Dahya.                   │     Sarweya.
      Bais.                    │     Silar.
   20 Gaharwal.                │     Dabhi.
      Nikumbha.                │     Gaur                         5
      Dewat.                   │  25 Doda or Dor.
      Johya.                   │     Gaharwal.
      Sikarwal.                │     Bargujar                     3
   25 Dabhia.                  │     Sengar.                   Single.
      Doda.                    │     Sikarwal.                  do.
      Maurya.                  │  30 Bais                       do.
      Mokara.                  │     Dahia.
      Abhira.                  │     Johya.
   30 Kalchorak (Haya race).   │     Mohil.
      Agnipala.                │     Nikumbha.
      Aswaria or Sarja.        │     Rajpali.
      Hul.                     │  36 Dahima.                    do.
      Manatwal.                │
      Malia.                   │     Extra.
   36 Chahil.                  │     Hul.
                               │     Daharya.


Footnote t.1:

  The author, after the invocation to “the mother protectress,” says, “I
  write the names of the thirty-six royal tribes.”

Footnote t.2:

  The bard Chand says, “Of the thirty-six races, the four Agnipalas are
  the greatest—the rest are born of woman, but these from fire.”

Footnote t.3:

  As the work is chiefly followed with the exploits of Kumarpal, who was
  of Chauhan tribe, the author reserves it for a peroration to the last
  “of all the mightiest is the Chauhan.”

Footnote t.4:

  By name Moghji.


Most of the kula (races) are divided into numerous branches[2.7.7]
(sakha), and these sakha subdivided into innumerable clans
(gotra),[2.7.8] the most important of which shall be given. A few of the
kula never ramified: these are termed _eka_, or ‘single’; and nearly
one-third are _eka_.

A table of the ‘eighty-four’ mercantile tribes, chiefly of Rajput
origin, shall also be furnished, in which the remembrance of some races
are preserved which would have perished. Lists of the aboriginal, the
agricultural and the pastoral tribes are also given to complete the

=Solar and Lunar Races.=—In the earlier ages there were but two races,
Surya and Chandra, to which were added the four Agnikulas[2.7.9]; in all
six. The others are subdivisions of Surya and Chandra, or the sakha of
Indo-Scythic origin, who found no difficulty in obtaining a place
(though a low one), before the Muhammadan era, amongst the thirty-six
regal races of Rajasthan. The former we may not unaptly consider as to
the time, as the Celtic, the latter as the Gothic, races of India. On
the generic terms Surya and Chandra, I need add nothing [83].

=Grahilot or Guhilot.=—_Pedigree_[2.7.10] _of the Suryavansi Rana, of
royal race, Lord of Chitor, the ornament of the thirty-six royal races._

By universal consent, as well as by the gotra of this race, its princes
are admitted to be the direct descendants of Rama, of the Solar line.
The pedigree is deduced from him, and connected with Sumitra, the last
prince mentioned in the genealogy of the Puranas.

As the origin and progressive history of this family will be fully
discussed in the “Annals of Mewar,” we shall here only notice the
changes which have marked the patronymic, as well as the regions which
have been under their sway, from Kanaksen, who, in the second century,
abandoned his native kingdom, Kosala, and established the race of Surya
in Saurashtra.

On the site of Vairat, the celebrated abode of the Pandavas during
exile, the descendant of Ikshwaku established his line, and his
descendant Vijaya, in a few generations, built Vijayapur.[2.7.11]

They became sovereigns, if not founders, of Valabhi, which had a
separate era of its own, called the Valabhi Samvat, according with S.
Vikrama 375.[2.7.12] Hence they became the Balakaraes, or kings of
Valabhi; a title maintained by successive dynasties of Saurashtra for a
thousand years after this period, as can be satisfactorily proved by
genuine history and inscriptions.

Gajni, or Gaini, was another capital, whence the last prince, Siladitya
(who was slain), and his family, were expelled by Parthian invaders in
the sixth century.

A posthumous son, called Grahaditya, obtained a petty sovereignty at
Idar. The change was marked by his name becoming the patronymic, and
Grahilot, _vulgo_ Guhilot, designated the Suryavansa of Rama.

With reverses and migration from the wilds of Idar to Ahar,[2.7.13] the
Guhilot was changed to Aharya, by which title the race continued to be
designated till the twelfth century, when the elder brother, Rahup,
abandoned his claim to "the [84] throne of Chitor," obtained[2.7.14] by
force of arms from the Mori,[2.7.15] and settled at Dungarpur, which he
yet holds, as well as the title Aharya; while the younger, Mahup,
established the seat of power at Sesoda, whence Sesodia set aside both
Aharya and Guhilot.

Sesodia is now the common title of the race; but being only a
subdivision, the Guhilot holds its rank in the kula.

The Guhilot kula is subdivided into twenty-four sakha,[2.7.16] or
ramifications, few of which exist:

          1. Aharya              At Dungarpur.
          2. Mangalia            In the Deserts.
          3. Sesodia             Mewar.
          4. Pipara              In Marwar.
          5. Kalam           ┐
          6. Gahor           │
          7. Dhornia         │
          8. Goda            │
          9. Magrasa         │
         10. Bhimla          ├   In few numbers, and mostly
         11. Kamkotak        │   now unknown.
         12. Kotecha         │
         13. Sora            │
         14. Uhar            │
         15. Useba           │
         16. Nirrup          ┘

         17. Nadoria         ┐
         18. Nadhota         │
         19. Ojakra          │
         20. Kuchhra         ├   Almost extinct.
         21. Dosadh          │
         22. Betwara         │
         23. Paha            │
         24. Purot           ┘   [85]

=Yadu, Yādava.=—The Yadu was the most illustrious of all the tribes of
Ind, and became the patronymic of the descendants of Budha, progenitor
of the Lunar (Indu) race. Yudhishthira and Baladeva, on the death of
Krishna and their expulsion from Delhi and Dwaraka, the last stronghold
of their power, retired by Multan across the Indus. The two first are
abandoned by tradition; but the sons of Krishna, who accompanied them
after an intermediate halt in the further Duab[2.7.17] of the five
rivers, eventually left the Indus behind, and passed into
Zabulistan,[2.7.18] founded Gajni, and peopled these countries even to

The annals of Jaisalmer, which give this early history of their founder,
mix up in a confused manner[2.7.19] the cause of their being again
driven back into India; so that it is impossible to say whether it was
owing to the Greek princes who ruled all these countries for a century
after Alexander, or to the rise of Islamism.

Driven back on the Indus, they obtained possession of the Panjab and
founded Salivahanpur. Thence expelled, they retired across the Sutlej
and Ghara into the Indian deserts; whence expelling the Langahas, the
Johyas, Mohilas, etc., they founded successively Tanot, Derawar, and
Jaisalmer,[2.7.20] in S. 1212,[2.7.21] the present capital of the
Bhattis, the lineal successors of Krishna.

=Bhatti= was the exile from Zabulistan, and as usual with the Rajput
races on any such event in their annals, his name set aside the more
ancient patronymic, Yadu. The Bhattis subdued all the tracts south of
the Ghara; but their power has been greatly circumscribed since the
arrival of the Rathors. The Map defines their existing limits, and their
annals will detail their past history.

=Jāreja, Jādeja= is the most important tribe of Yadu race next to the
Bhatti. Its history is similar. Descended from Krishna, and migrating
simultaneously with the remains of the Harikulas, there is the strongest
ground for believing that their range was not so wide as that of the
elder branch, but that they settled themselves in the valley of the
Indus, more especially on the west shore in Seistan; and in nominal and
armorial distinctions, even in Alexander’s time, they retained the marks
of their ancestry [86].

Sambos, who brought on him the arms of the Grecians, was in all
likelihood a Harikula; and the Minnagara of Greek historians Samanagara
(‘city of Sama’), his capital.[2.7.22]

The most common epithet of Krishna, or Hari, was Shama or Syama, from
his dark complexion. Hence the Jareja bore it as a patronymic, and the
whole race were Samaputras (children of Sama), whence the titular name
Sambos of its princes.[2.7.23]

The modern Jareja, who, from circumstances has so mixed with the
Muhammadans of Sind as to have forfeited all pretensions to purity of
blood, partly in ignorance and partly to cover disgrace, says that his
origin is from Sham, or Syria, and of the stock of the Persian Jamshid:
consequently, Sam has been converted into Jam[2.7.24]; which epithet
designates one of the Jareja petty governments, the Jam Raj.

These are the most conspicuous of the Yadu race; but there are others
who still bear the original title, of which the head is the prince of
the petty State of Karauli on the Chambal.

This portion of the Yadu stock would appear never to have strayed far
beyond the ancient limits of the Suraseni,[2.7.25] their ancestral
abodes. They held the celebrated Bayana; whence expelled, they
established Karauli west, and Sabalgarh east, of the Chambal. The tract
under the latter, called Yaduvati, has been wrested from the family by
Sindhia. Sri Mathura[2.7.26] is an independent fief of Karauli, held by
a junior branch.

The Yadus, or as pronounced in the dialects Jadon, are scattered over
India, and many chiefs of consequence amongst the Mahrattas are of this

There are eight sakha of the Yadu race:

                 1. Yadu            Chief Karauli.
                 2. Bhatti          Chief Jaisalmer.
                 3. Jareja          Chief Cutch Bhuj.
                 4. Samecha         Muhammadans in Sind.
                 5. Madecha      ┐
                 6. Bidman       ├  Unknown [87].
                 7. Badda        │
                 8. Soha         ┘

=Tuar, Tonwar, Tomara.=—The Tuar, though acknowledged as a subdivision
of the Yadu, is placed by the best genealogists as one of the
‘thirty-six,’ a rank to which its celebrity justly entitles it.

We have in almost every case the etymon of each celebrated race. For the
Tuar we have none; and we must rest satisfied in delivering the dictum
of the Bardai, who declares it of Pandu origin.

If it had to boast only of Vikramaditya, the paramount lord of India,
whose era, established fifty-six years before the Christian, still
serves as the grand beacon of Hindu chronology, this alone would entitle
the Tuar to the highest rank. But it has other claims to respect. Delhi,
the ancient Indraprastha, founded by Yudhishthira, and which tradition
says lay desolate for eight centuries, was rebuilt and peopled by
Anangpal Tuar, in S. 848 (A.D. 792), who was followed by a dynasty of
twenty princes, which concluded with the name of the founder, Anangpal,
in S. 1220 (A.D. 1164),[2.7.27] when, contrary to the Salic law of the
Rajputs, he abdicated (having no issue) in favour of his grandchild, the
Chauhan Prithviraja.

The Tuar must now rest on his ancient fame; for not an independent
possession remains to the race[2.7.28] which traces its lineage to the
Pandavas, boasts of Vikrama, and which furnished the last dynasty,
emperors of Hindustan.

It would be a fact unparalleled in the history of the world, could we
establish to conviction that the last Anangpal Tuar was the lineal
descendant of the founder of Indraprastha; that the issue of
Yudhishthira sat on the throne which he erected, after a lapse of 2250
years. Universal consent admits it, and the fact is as well established
as most others of a historic nature of such a distant period: nor can
any dynasty or family of Europe produce evidence so strong as the Tuar,
even to a much less remote antiquity.

The chief possessions left to the Tuars are the district of Tuargarh, on
the right bank of the Chambal towards its junction with the Jumna, and
the small [88] chieftainship of Patan Tuarvati in the Jaipur State, and
whose head claims affinity with the ancient kings of Indraprastha.

=Rāthor.=—A doubt hangs on the origin of this justly celebrated race.
The Rathor genealogies trace their pedigree to Kusa, the second son of
Rama; consequently they would be Suryavansa. But by the bards of this
race they are denied this honour; and although Kushite, they are held to
be the descendants of Kasyapa, of the Solar race, by the daughter of a
Daitya (Titan). The progeny of Hiranyakasipu is accordingly stigmatized
as being of demoniac origin. It is rather singular that they should have
succeeded to the Lunar race of Kusanabha, descendants of Ajamidha, the
founders of Kanauj. Indeed, some genealogists maintain the Rathors to be
of Kusika race.

The pristine locale of the Rathors is Gadhipura, or Kanauj, where they
are found enthroned in the fifth century; and though beyond that period
they connect their line with the princes of Kosala or Ayodhya, the fact
rests on assertion only.

From the fifth century their history is cleared from the mist of ages,
which envelops them all prior to this time; and in the period
approaching the Tatar conquest of India, we find them contesting with
the last Tuar and Chauhan kings of Delhi, and the Balakaraes of
Anhilwara, the right to paramount importance amidst the princes of Ind.
The combats for this phantom supremacy destroyed them all. Weakened by
internal strife, the Chauhan of Delhi fell, and his death exposed the
north-west frontier. Kanauj followed; and while its last prince,
Jaichand, found a grave in the Ganges, his son sought an asylum in
Marusthali, ‘the regions of death.’[2.7.29] Siahji was this son; the
founder of the Rathor dynasty in Marwar, on the ruins of the Pariharas
of Mandor. Here they brought their ancient martial spirit, and a more
valiant being exists not than can be found amongst the sons of Siahji.
The Mogul emperors were indebted for half their conquests to the _Lakh
Tarwar Rathoran_, ‘the 100,000 swords of the Rathors’; for it is beyond
a doubt that 50,000 of the blood of Siahji have been embodied at once.
But enough of the noble Rathors for the present.

The Rathor has twenty-four sakha: Dhandal, Bhadel, Chachkit, Duharia,
Khokra, Badara, Chajira, Ramdeva, Kabria, Hatundia, Malavat, Sunda,
Katecha, Maholi, Gogadeva, Mahecha, Jaisingha, Mursia, Jobsia, Jora,
etc., etc.[2.7.30] [89].

_Rathor Gotracharya._—Gotama[2.7.31] Gotra (race),—Mardawandani Sakha
(branch),—Sukracharya Guru (Regent of the planet Venus,
Preceptor),—Garupata Agni,[2.7.32]—Pankhani Devi (tutelary goddess,

=Kachhwāha.=—The Kachhwaha race[2.7.34] is descended from Kusa, the
second son of Rama. They are the Kushites[2.7.35] as the Rajputs of
Mewar are the Lavites of India. Two branches migrated from Kosala: one
founded Rohtas on the Son, the other established a colony amidst the
ravines of the Kuwari, at Lahar.[2.7.36] In the course of time they
erected the celebrated fortress of Narwar, or Nirwar, the abode of the
celebrated Raja Nala, whose descendants continued to hold possession
throughout all the vicissitudes of the Tatar and Mogul domination, when
they were deprived of it by the Mahrattas, and the abode of Nala is now
a dependency of Sindhia.

In the tenth century a branch emigrated and founded Amber, dispossessing
the aborigines, the Minas, and adding from the Rajput tribe Bargujar,
who held Rajor and large possessions around. But even in the twelfth
century the Kachhwahas were but principal vassals to the Chauhan king of
Delhi; and they have to date their greatness, as the other families
(especially the Ranas of Mewar) of Rajasthan their decline, from the
ascent of the house of Timur to the throne of Delhi. The map shows the
limits of the sway of the Kachhwahas, including their branches, the
independent Narukas of Macheri, and the tributary confederated
Shaikhavats. The Kachhwaha subdivisions have been mislaid;[2.7.37] but
the present partition into Kothris (chambers), of which there are
twelve, shall be given in their annals.

=Agnikulas, Pramāra.=—1st _Pramara_. There are four races to whom the
Hindu genealogists have given Agni, or the element of fire, as
progenitor. The Agnikulas are therefore the sons of Vulcan, as the
others are of Sol,[2.7.38] Mercurius, and Terra [90].

The Agnikulas are the Pramara, the Parihara, the Chalukya or Solanki,
and the Chauhan.[2.3.39]

That these races, the sons of Agni, were but regenerated, and converted
by the Brahmans to fight their battles, the clearest interpretations of
their allegorical history will disclose; and, as the most ancient of
their inscriptions are in the Pali character, discovered wherever the
Buddhist religion prevailed, their being declared of the race of Tasta
or Takshak,[2.3.40] warrants our asserting the Agnikulas to be of this
same race, which invaded India about two centuries before Christ. It was
about this period that Parsvanatha the twenty-third Buddha,[2.3.41]
appeared in India; his symbol, the serpent. The legend of the snake
(Takshak) escaping with the celebrated work Pingala, which was recovered
by Garuda, the eagle of Krishna, is purely allegorical; and descriptive
of the contentions between the followers of Parswanatha, figured under
his emblem, the snake, and those of Krishna, depicted under his sign,
the eagle.

The worshippers of Surya probably recovered their power on the
exterminating civil wars of the Lunar races, but the creation of the
Agnikulas is expressly stated to be for the preservation of the altars
of Bal, or Iswara, against the Daityas, or Atheists.

The celebrated Abu, or Arbuda, the Olympus of Rajasthan, was the scene
of contention between the ministers of Surya and these Titans, and their
relation might, with the aid of imagination, be equally amusing with the
Titanic war of the ancient poets of the west [91]. The Buddhists claim
it for Adinath, their first Buddha; the Brahmans for Iswara, or, as the
local divinity styled Achaleswara.[2.7.42] The Agnikunda is still shown
on the summit of Abu, where the four races were created by the Brahmans
to fight the battles of Achaleswara and polytheism, against the
monotheistic Buddhists, represented as the serpents or Takshaks. The
probable period of this conversion has been hinted at; but of the
dynasties issuing from the Agnikulas, many of the princes professed the
Buddhist or Jain faith, to periods so late as the Muhammadan invasion.

The Pramara, though not, as his name implies, the ‘chief warrior,’ was
the most potent of the Agnikulas. He sent forth thirty-five sakha, or
branches, several of whom enjoyed extensive sovereignties. ‘The world is
the Pramar’s,’ is an ancient saying, denoting their extensive sway; and
the Naukot[2.7.43] Marusthali signified the nine divisions into which
the country, from the Sutlej to the ocean, was partitioned amongst them.

Maheswar, Dhar, Mandu, Ujjain, Chandrabhaga, Chitor, Abu, Chandravati,
Mhau Maidana, Parmavati, Umarkot, Bakhar, Lodorva, and Patan are the
most conspicuous of the capitals they conquered or founded.

Though the Pramara family never equalled in wealth the famed Solanki
princes of Anhilwara, or shone with such lustre as the Chauhan, it
attained a wider range and an earlier consolidation of dominion than
either, and far excelled in all, the Parihara, the last and least of the
Agnikulas, which it long held tributary.

Maheswar, the ancient seat of the Haihaya kings, appears to have been
the first seat of government of the Pramaras. They subsequently founded
Dharanagar, and Mandu on the crest of the Vindhya hills; and to them is
even attributed the city of Ujjain, the first meridian of the Hindus,
and the seat of Vikrama.

There are numerous records of the family, fixing eras in their history
of more modern times; and it is to be hoped that the interpretation of
yet undeciphered inscriptions may carry us back beyond the seventh

The era[2.7.44] of Bhoj, the son of Munja, has been satisfactorily
settled; and an [92] inscription[2.7.45] in the nail-headed character,
carries it back a step further,[2.7.46] and elicits an historical fact
of infinite value, giving the date of the last prince of the Pramaras of
Chitor, and the consequent accession of the Guhilots.

The Nerbudda was no limit to the power of the Pramaras. About the very
period of the foregoing inscription, Ram Pramar held his court in
Telingana, and is invested by the Chauhan Bard, Chand, with the dignity
of paramount sovereign of India, and head of a splendid feudal[2.7.47]
association, whose members became independent on his death. The Bard
makes this a voluntary act of the Pramaras; but coupled with the
Guhilots’ violent acquisition of Chitor, we may suppose the successor of
Ram was unable to maintain such supremacy.

While Hindu literature survives the name of Bhoj Pramara and ‘the nine
gems’ of his court cannot perish; though it is difficult to say which of
the three[2.7.48] princes of this name is particularly alluded to, as
they all appear to have been patrons of science.

Chandragupta, the supposed opponent of Alexander, was a Maurya, and in
the sacred genealogies is declared of the race of Takshak. The ancient
inscriptions of the Pramars, of which the Maurya is a principal branch,
declare it of the race of Tasta and Takshak, as does that now given from
the seat of their power, Chitor.[2.7.49]

Salivahana, the conqueror of Vikramaditya, was a Takshak, and his era
set aside that of the Tuar in the Deccan.

Not one remnant of independence exists to mark the greatness of the
Pramaras: ruins are the sole records of their power. The prince of
Dhat,[2.7.50] in the Indian [93] desert, is the last phantom of royalty
of the race; and the descendant of the prince who protected Humayun,
when driven from the throne of Timur, in whose capital, Umarkot, the
great Akbar was born, is at the foot of fortune’s ladder; his throne in
the desert, the footstool of the Baloch, on whose bounty he is dependent
for support.

Among the thirty-five sakha of the Pramaras the Vihal was eminent, the
princes of which line appear to have been lords of Chandravati, at the
foot of the Aravalli. The Rao of Bijolia, one of the sixteen superior
nobles of the Rana’s court, is a Pramara of the ancient stock of Dhar,
and perhaps its most respectable representative.


_Mori_ [or _Maurya_].—Of which was Chandragupta, and the princes of
Chitor prior to the Guhilot.

_Sodha._—Sogdoi of Alexander, the princes of Dhat in the Indian desert.

_Sankhla._—Chiefs of Pugal, and in Marwar.

_Khair._—Capital Khairalu.

_Umra and Sumra._—Anciently in the desert, now Muhammadans.

_Vihal, or Bihal._—Princes of Chandravati.

_Mepawat._—Present chief of Bijolia in Mewar.

_Balhar._—Northern desert.

_Kaba._—Celebrated in Saurashtra in ancient times, a few yet in Sirohi.

_Umata._—The princes of Umatwara in Malwa, there established for twelve
generations. Umatwara is the largest tract left to the Pramaras. Since
the war in 1817, being under the British interference, they cannot be
called independent.

         _Rehar_              ┐
         _Dhunda_             ├  Girasia petty chiefs in Malwa.
         _Sorathia_           │
         _Harer_[2.7.51]      ┘


Footnote 2.7.51:

  [For a different list see _Census Report Rajputana, 1911_, i. 255.]


Besides others unknown; as Chaonda, Khejar, Sagra, Barkota, Puni,
Sampal, Bhiba, Kalpusar, Kalmoh, Kohila, Papa, Kahoria, Dhand, Deba,
Barhar, Jipra, Posra, Dhunta, Rikamva, and Taika. Many of these are
proselytes to Islamism, and several beyond the Indus [94].

=Chahuman or Chauhan.=—On this race so much has been said
elsewhere,[2.7.52] that it would be superfluous to give more than a
rapid sketch of them here.

This is the most valiant of the Agnikulas, and it may be asserted not of
them only, but of the whole Rajput race. Actions may be recorded of the
greater part of each of the Chhattis-kula, which would yield to none in
the ample and varied pages of history; and though the ‘Talwar Rathoran’
would be ready to contest the point, impartial decision, with a
knowledge of their respective merits, must assign to the Chauhan the van
in the long career of arms.

Its branches (sakha) have maintained all the vigour of the original
stem; and the Haras, the Khichis, the Deoras, the Sonigiras, and others
of the twenty-four, have their names immortalised in the song of the

The derivation of Chauhan is coeval with his fabulous birth: ‘the
four-handed warrior’ (_Chatur-bhuja Chatur-bahu Vira_). All failed when
sent against the demons, but the Chauhan, the last creation of the
Brahmans to fight their battles against infidelity.

A short extract may be acceptable from the original respecting the birth
of the Chauhan, to guard the rites of our Indian Jove on this Olympus,
the sacred Abu: “the Guru of mountains, like Sumer or Kailas, which
Achaleswara made his abode. Fast but one day on its summit, and your
sins will be forgiven; reside there for a year, and you may become the
preceptor of mankind.”

=The Agnikunda Fire-pit.=—Notwithstanding the sanctity of Abu, and the
little temptation to disturb the anchorites of Bal, “the Munis, who
passed their time in devotion, whom desire never approached, who drew
support from the cow, from roots, fruits, and flowers,” yet did the
Daityas, envying their felicity, render the sacrifice impure, and stop
in transit the share of the gods. “The Brahmans dug the pit for
burnt-sacrifice to the south-west (nairrit); but the demons[2.7.53]
raised storms which darkened the air and filled it with clouds of sand,
showering ordure, blood, bones and flesh, with every impurity, on their
rites. Their penance was of no avail.”

Again they kindled the sacred fire; and the priests, assembling round
the Agnikunda,[2.7.54] prayed for aid to Mahadeo [95]. "From the
fire-fountain a figure issued forth, but he had not a warrior’s mien.
The Brahmans placed him as guardian of the gate, and thence his name,
Prithivi-dwara.[2.7.55] A second issued forth, and being formed in the
palm (_challu_) of the hand was named Chalukya. A third appeared and was
named Pramara.[2.7.56] He had the blessing of the Rishis, and with the
others went against the demons, but they did not prevail. Again
Vasishtha,[2.7.57] seated on the lotus, prepared incantations; again he
called the gods to aid: and, as he poured forth the libation, a figure
arose, lofty in stature, of elevated front, hair like jet, eyes rolling,
breast expanded, fierce, terrific, clad in armour, quiver filled, a bow
in one hand and a brand in the other, quadriform (_Chaturanga_),[2.7.58]
whence his name, _Chauhan_.

“Vasishtha prayed that his hope[2.7.59] might be at length fulfilled, as
the Chauhan was despatched against the demons. Sakti-devi[2.7.60] on her
lion, armed with the trident, descended, and bestowed her blessing on
the Chauhan, and as Asapurna, or Kalika, promised always to hear his
prayer. He went against the demons; their leaders he slew. The rest
fled, nor halted till they reached the depths of hell. Anhal slew the
demons. The Brahmans were made happy; and of his race was

The genealogical tree of the Chauhans exhibits thirty-nine princes, from
Anhal, the first created Chauhan, to Prithwiraja, the last of the Hindu
emperors of India.[2.7.62] But whether the chain is entire we cannot
say. The inference is decidedly against its being so; for this creation
or regeneration is assigned to an age centuries anterior to
Vikramaditya: and we may safely state these converts to be of the
Takshak race, invaders of India at a very early period.

Ajaipal is a name celebrated in the Chauhan chronicles, as the founder
of the fortress of Ajmer, one of the earliest establishments of Chauhan

Sambhar,[2.7.64] on the banks of the extensive salt lake of the same
name, was probably anterior to Ajmer, and yielded an epithet to the
princes of this race, who [96] were styled Sambhari Rao. These continued
to be the most important places of Chauhan power, until the translation
of Prithwiraja to the imperial throne of Delhi threw a parting halo of
splendour over the last of its independent kings. There were several
princes whose actions emblazon the history of the Chauhans. Of these was
Manika Rae, who first opposed the progress of the Muhammadan arms. Even
the history of the conquerors records that the most obstinate opposition
which the arms of Mahmud of Ghazni encountered was from the prince of
Ajmer,[2.7.65] who forced him to retreat, foiled and disgraced, from
this celebrated stronghold, in his destructive route to Saurashtra.

The attack on Manika Rae appears to have been by Kasim, the general of
Walid, on the close of the first century of the Hegira.[2.7.66] The
second attack was at the end of the fourth century. A third was during
the reign of Bisaladeva, who headed a grand confederacy of the Rajput
princes against the foes of their religion. The celebrated Udayaditya
Pramar is enumerated amongst the chiefs acting in subserviency to the
Chauhan prince on this occasion, and as his death has been fixed by
unerring records in A.D. 1096, this combination must have been against
the Islamite king Maudud, the fourth from Mahmud; and to this victory is
the allusion in the inscription on the ancient pillar of Delhi.[2.7.67]
But these irruptions continued to the captivity and death of the last of
the Chauhans, whose reign exhibits a splendid picture of feudal manners.

The Chauhans sent forth twenty-four branches, of whom the most
celebrated are the existing families of Bundi and Kotah, in the division
termed Haravati. They have well maintained the Chauhan reputation for
valour. Six princely brothers shed their blood in one field, in the
support of the aged Shah Jahan against his rebellious son Aurangzeb, and
of the six but one survived his wounds.

The Khichis[2.7.68] of Gagraun and Raghugarh, the Deoras of Sirohi, the
Sonigiras of Jalor, the Chauhans of Sui Bah and Sanchor, and the
Pawechas of Pawagarh, have all immortalized themselves by the most
heroic and devoted deeds. Most of these families yet exist, brave as in
the days of Prithwiraja.

Many chiefs of the Chauhan race abandoned their faith to preserve their
lands, the Kaimkhani,[2.7.69] the Sarwanis, the Lowanis, the Kararwanis,
and the Bedwanas [97], chiefly residing in Shaikhavati, are the most
conspicuous. No less than twelve petty princes thus deserted their
faith: which, however, is not contrary to the Rajput creed; for even
Manu says, they may part with wife to preserve their land. Isaridas,
nephew of Prithwiraja, was the first who set this example.

_Twenty-four Sakha of the Chauhans._—Chauhan, Hara, Khichi, Sonigira,
Deora, Pabia, Sanchora, Goelwal, Bhadauria, Nirwan, Malani, Purbia,
Sura, Madrecha, Sankrecha, Bhurecha, Balecha, Tasera, Chachera, Rosia,
Chanda, Nikumbha, Bhawar, and Bankat.[2.7.70]

=Chalukya or Solanki.=—Though we cannot trace the history of this branch
of the Agnikulas to such periods of antiquity as the Pramara or Chauhan,
it is from the deficiency of materials, rather than any want of
celebrity, that we are unable to place it, in this respect, on a level
with them. The tradition of the bard makes the Solankis important as
princes of Sura on the Ganges, ere the Rathors obtained Kanauj.[2.7.71]
The genealogical test[2.7.72] claims Lohkot, said to be the ancient
Lahore, as a residence, which makes them of the same Sakha (Madhwani) as
the Chauhans. Certain it is, that in the eighth century we find the
Langahas[2.7.73] and Togras inhabiting Multan and the surrounding
country, the chief opponents of the Bhattis on their establishment in
the desert. They were princes of Kalyan, on the Malabar coast,[2.7.74]
which city still exhibits vestiges of ancient grandeur. It was from
Kalyan that a scion of the Solanki tree was taken, and engrafted on the
royal stem of the Chawaras of Anhilwara Patan.

It was in S. 987 (A.D. 931) that Bhojraj, the last of the Chawaras, and
the Salic law of India were both set aside, to make way for the young
Solanki, Mulraj,[2.7.75] who ruled Anhilwara for the space of
fifty-eight years. During the reign of his son and successor, Chamund
Rae,[2.7.76] Mahmud of Ghazni carried his desolating arms into the
kingdom of Anhilwara. With its wealth he raised those [98] magnificent
trophies of his conquest, among which the ‘Celestial Bride’ might have
vied with anything ever erected by man as a monument of folly.[2.7.77]
The wealth abstracted, as reported in the history of the conquerors, by
this scourge of India, though deemed incredible, would obtain belief, if
the commercial riches of Anhilwara could be appreciated. It was to India
what Venice was to Europe, the entrepôt of the products of both the
eastern and western hemispheres. It fully recovered the shock given by
Mahmud and the desultory wars of his successors; and we find Siddharaja
Jayasingha,[2.7.78] the seventh from the founder, at the head of the
richest, if not the most warlike, kingdom of India. Two-and-twenty
principalities at one time owned his power, from the Carnatic to the
base of the Himalaya Mountains; but his unwise successor drew upon
himself the vengeance of the Chauhan, Prithwiraja, a slip of which race
was engrafted, in the person of Kumarapala, on the genealogical tree of
the Solankis;[2.7.79] and it is a curious fact that this dynasty of the
Balakaraes alone gives us two examples of the Salic law of India being
violated. Kumarapala, installed on the throne of Anhilwara, ‘tied round
his head the turban of the Solanki.’ He became of the tribe into which
he was adopted. Kumarapala, as well as Siddharaja, was the patron of
Buddhism;[2.7.80] and the monuments erected under them and their
successors claim our admiration, from their magnificence and the
perfection of the arts; for at no period were they more cultivated than
at the courts of Anhilwara.

The lieutenants of Shihābu-d-din disturbed the close of Kumarapal’s
reign; and his successor, Balo Muldeo, closed this dynasty in S. 1284
(A.D. 1228), when a new dynasty, called the Vaghela (descendants of
Siddharaja) under Bīsaldeo, succeeded.[2.7.81] The dilapidations from
religious persecution were repaired; Somnath, renowned as Delphos of
old, rose from its ruins, and the kingdom of the Balakaraes was
attaining its pristine magnificence, when, under the fourth prince,
Karandeva, the angel of destruction appeared in the shape of Alau-d-din,
and the kingdom of Anhilwara was annihilated. The lieutenants of the
Tatar despot of Delhi let loose the spirit of intolerance and avarice on
the rich cities and fertile plains of Gujarat and Saurashtra. In
contempt of their faith, the altar of an Islamite Darvesh was placed in
contact with the shrine of Adinath, on the [99] most accessible of their
sacred mounts:[2.7.82] the statues of Buddha [the Jain Tirthankaras]
were thrown down, and the books containing the mysteries of their faith
suffered the same fate as the Alexandrian library. The walls of
Anhilwara were demolished; its foundations excavated, and again filled
up with the fragments of their ancient temples.[2.7.83]

The remnants of the Solanki dynasty were scattered over the land, and
this portion of India remained for upwards of a century without any
paramount head, until, by a singular dispensation of Providence, its
splendour was renovated, and its foundations rebuilt, by an adventurer
of the same race from which the Agnikulas were originally converts,
though Saharan the Tak hid his name and his tribe under his new epithet
of Zafar Khan, and as Muzaffar ascended the throne of Gujarat, which he
left to his son. This son was Ahmad, who founded Ahmadabad, whose most
splendid edifices were built from the ancient cities around it.[2.7.84]

=Bāghels.=—Though the stem of the Solankis was thus uprooted, yet was it
not before many of its branches (Sakha), like their own indigenous
bar-tree, had fixed themselves in other soils. The most conspicuous of
these is the Baghela[2.7.85] family, which gave its name to an entire
division of Hindustan; and Baghelkhand has now been ruled for many
centuries by the descendants of Siddharaja.

Besides Bandhugarh, there are minor chieftainships still in Gujarat of
the Baghela tribe. Of these, Pethapur and Tharad are the most
conspicuous. One of the chieftains of the second class in Mewar is a
Solanki, and traces his line immediately from Siddharaja: this is the
chief of Rupnagar,[2.7.86] whose stronghold commands one of the passes
leading to Marwar, and whose family annals would furnish a fine picture
of the state of border-feuds. Few of them, till of late years, have died
natural deaths.

The Solanki is divided into sixteen branches [100].

 1. Baghela—Raja of Baghelkhand (capital Bandhugarh), Raos of Pitapur,
   Tharad, and Adalaj, etc.
 2. Birpura—Rao of Lunawara.
 3. Bahala—Kalyanpur in Mewar, styled Rao, but serving the chief of
 4. Bhurta[2.7.87] ┐ In Baru, Tekra, and Chahir, in Jaisalmer.
 5. Kalacha[2.7.87] ┘
 6. Langaha—Muslims about Multan.
 7. Togra—Muslims in the Panjnad.
 8. Brika—    ”              ”
 9. Surki—In Deccan.
 10. Sarwaria[2.7.88]—Girnar in Saurashtra.
 11. Raka—Toda in Jaipur.
 12. Ranakia—Desuri in Mewar.
 13. Kharara—Alota and Jawara, in Malwa.
 14. Tantia—Chandbhar Sakanbari.[2.7.89]
 15. Almecha—No land.
 16. Kalamor—Gujarat.[2.7.90]

=Pratihāra or Parihāra.=—Of this, the last and least of the Agnikulas,
we have not much to say. The Pariharas never acted a conspicuous part in
the history of Rajasthan. They are always discovered in a subordinate
capacity, acting in feudal subjection to the Tuars of Delhi or the
Chauhans of Ajmer; and the brightest page of their history is the record
of an abortive attempt of Nahar Rao to maintain his independence against
Prithwiraja. Though a failure, it has immortalized his name, and given
to the scene of action,[2.7.91] one of the passes of the Aravalli, a
merited celebrity. Mandor[2.7.91] (classically Maddodara) was the
capital of the Parihars, and was the chief city of Marwar which owned
the sway of this tribe prior to the invasion and settlement of the
Rathors. It is placed five miles northward of the modern [101] Jodhpur,
and preserves some specimens of the ancient Pali character, fragments of
sculpture and Jain temples.

The Rathor emigrant princes of Kanauj found an asylum with the Parihars.
They repaid it by treachery, and Chonda, a name celebrated in the Rathor
annals, dispossessed the last of the Parihars, and pitched the flag of
the Rathors on the battlements of Mandor. The power of the Parihars had,
however, been much reduced previously by the princes of Mewar, who not
only abstracted much territory from them, but assumed the title of its

The Parihara is scattered over Rajasthan, but I am unaware of the
existence of any independent chieftainship there. At the confluence of
the Kuhari, the Sind, and the Chambal, there is a colony of this race,
which has given its name to a commune of twenty-four villages, besides
hamlets, situated amidst the ravines of these streams. They were
nominally subjects of Sindhia; but it was deemed requisite for the line
of defence along the Chambal that it should be included within the
British demarcation, by which we incorporated with our rule the most
notorious body of thieves in the annals of Thug history.

The Parihars had twelve subdivisions, of which the chief were the Indha
and Sindhal: a few of both are still to be found about the banks of the

=Chāwara or Chaura.=—This tribe was once renowned in the history of
India, though its name is now scarcely known, or only in the chronicles
of the bard. Of its origin we are in ignorance. It belongs neither to
the Solar nor Lunar race, and consequently we may presume it to be of
Scythic origin.[2.7.94] The name is unknown in Hindustan, and is
confined, with many others originating from beyond the Indus, to the
peninsula of Saurashtra. If foreign to India proper, its establishment
must have been at a remote period, as we find individuals of it
intermarrying with the Suryavansa ancestry of the present princes of
Mewar, when this family were the lords of Valabhi.

The capital of the Chawaras was the insular Deobandar, on the coast of
Saurashtra, and the celebrated temple of Somnath, with many others on
this coast, dedicated to Balnath, or the sun, is attributed to this
tribe of the Sauras,[2.7.95] or [102] worshippers of the sun; most
probably the generic name of the tribe as well as of the

By a natural catastrophe, or as the Hindu superstitious chroniclers will
have it, as a punishment for the piracies of the prince of Deo, the
element whose privilege he abused rose and overwhelmed his capital. As
all this coast is very low, such an occurrence is not improbable; though
the abandonment of Deo might have been compelled by the irruptions of
the Arabians, who at this period carried on a trade with these parts,
and the plunder of some of their vessels may have brought this
punishment on the Chawaras. That it was owing to some such political
catastrophe, we have additional grounds for belief from the annals of
Mewar, which state that its princes inducted the Chawaras into the seats
of the power they abandoned on the continent and peninsula of

At all events, the prince of Deo laid the foundation of Anhilwara Patan
in S. 802 (A.D. 746), which henceforth became the capital city of this
portion of India, in lieu of Valabhipura, which gave the title of
Balakaraes to its princes, the Balhara of the earlier Arabian
travellers, and following them, the geographers of Europe.[2.7.97]

Vana Raja (or, in the dialects, Banraj) was this founder, and his
dynasty ruled for one hundred and eighty-four years, when, as related in
the sketch of the Solanki tribe, Bhojraj, the seventh from the founder,
was deposed by his nephew.[2.7.98] It was during this dynasty that the
Arabian travellers[2.7.99] visited this court, of which they have left
but a confused picture. We are not, however, altogether in darkness
regarding the Chawara race, as in the Khuman Raesa, one of the
chronicles of Mewar, mention is made of the auxiliaries under a leader
named Chatansi, in the defence of Chitor against the first attack on
record of the Muhammadans.

When Mahmud of Ghazni invaded Saurashtra and captured its capital,
Anhilwara, he deposed its prince, and placed upon the throne, according
to Ferishta, a prince of the former dynasty, renowned for his ancient
line and purity of blood, and who is styled Dabichalima; a name which
has puzzled all European commentators. Now the Dabhi was a celebrated
tribe, said by some to be a branch of the [103] Chawara, and this
therefore may be a compound of Dabhi Chawara, or the Chaurasima, by some
called a branch of the ancient Yadus.[2.7.100]

This ancient connexion between the Suryavansi chiefs and the Chawaras,
or Sauras, of Saurashtra, is still maintained after a lapse of more than
one thousand years; for although an alliance with the Rana’s family is
deemed the highest honour that a Hindu prince can obtain, as being the
first in rank in Rajasthan, yet is the humble Chawara sought out, even
at the foot of fortune’s ladder, whence to carry on the blood of Rama.
The present heir-apparent of a line of ‘one hundred kings,’ the prince
Jawān Singh [1828-38], is the offspring of a Chawara mother, the
daughter of a petty chieftain of Gujarat.

It were vain to give any account of the present state of the families
bearing this name. They must depend upon the fame of past days; to this
we leave them.

=Tāk or Takshak.=—Takshak appears to be the generic term of the race
from which the various Scythic tribes, the early invaders of India,
branched off. It appears of more ancient application than Getae, which
was the parent of innumerable sakha. It might not be judicious to
separate them, though it would be speculative to say which was the
primitive title of the races called Scythic, after their country,
Sakatai or Sakadwipa, the land of the great Getae.

Abulghazi makes Taunak[2.7.101] the son of Turk or Targetai, who appears
to be the Turushka of the Puranas, the Tukyuks of the Chinese
historians, the nomadic Tokhari of Strabo, who aided to overturn the
Greek kingdom of Bactria, and gave their name to the grand division of
Asia, Tokharistan[2.7.102] or Turkistan: and there is every appearance
of that singular race, the Tajik,[2.7.103] still scattered over these
[104] regions, and whose history appears a mystery, being the
descendants of the Takshak.

It has been already observed, that ancient inscriptions in the Pali or
Buddhist character have been discovered in various parts of Rajasthan,
of the race called Tasta, Takshak, and Tak, relating to the tribes, the
Mori [or Maurya], Pramara, their descendants. Naga and Takshak are
synonymous appellations in Sanskrit for the snake, and the Takshak is
the celebrated Nagvansa of the early heroic history of India. The
Mahabharata describes, in its usual allegorical style, the wars between
the Pandavas of Indraprastha and the Takshaks of the north. The
assassination of Parikshita by the Takshak, and the exterminating
warfare carried on against them by his son and successor, Janamejaya,
who at last compelled them to sign tributary engagements, divested of
its allegory,[2.7.104] is plain historical fact.

When Alexander invaded India, he found the Paraitakai, the mountain
(_pahar_) Tak, inhabiting the Paropamisos range; nor is it by any means
unlikely that Taxiles,[2.7.105] the ally of the Macedonian king, was the
chief (_es_) of the Taks; and in the early history of the Bhatti princes
of Jaisalmer, when driven from Zabulistan, they dispossessed the Taks on
the Indus, and established themselves in their land, the capital of
which was called Salivahanpura; and as the date of this event is given
as 3008 of the Yudhishthira era, it is by no means unlikely that
Salivahana, or Salbhan (who was a Takshak), the conqueror of the Tuar
Vikrama, was of the very family dispossessed by the Bhattis, who
compelled them to migrate to the south.

The calculated period of the invasion of the Takshaks, or Nagvansa,
under Sheshnag, is about six or seven centuries before the Christian
era, at which very [105] period the Scythic invasion of Egypt and Syria,
“by the sons of Togarmah riding on horses” (the Aswas, or Asi), is alike
recorded by the prophet Ezekiel and Diodorus. The Abu Mahatma calls the
Takshaks “the sons of Himachal,” all evincing Scythic descent; and it
was only eight reigns anterior to this change in the Lunar dynasties of
India, that Parsvanath, the twenty-third Buddha [Jain Tirthankara],
introduced his tenets into India, and fixed his abode in the holy mount

Enough of the ancient history of the Tak; we will now descend to more
modern times, on which we shall be brief. We have already mentioned the
Takshak Mori [or Maurya] as being lords of Chitor from a very early
period; and but a few generations after the Guhilots supplanted the
Moris, this palladium of Hindu liberty was assailed by the arms of
Islam. We find amongst the numerous defenders who appear to have
considered the cause of Chitor their own, “the Tak from
Asirgarh.”[2.7.107] This race appears to have retained possession of
Asir for at least two centuries after this event, as its chieftain was
one of the most conspicuous leaders in the array of Prithwiraja. In the
poems of Chand he is called the “standard-bearer, Tak of Asir.”[2.7.108]

This ancient race, the foe of Janamejaya and the friend of Alexander,
closed its career in a blaze of splendour. The celebrity of the kings of
Gujarat will make amends for the obscurity of the Taks of modern times,
of whom a dynasty of fourteen kings followed each other in succession,
commencing and ending with the proud title of Muzaffar. It was in the
reign of Muhammad,[2.7.109] son of the first Tughlak, that an accident
to his nephew Firoz proved the dawn of the fortunes of the Tak;
purchased, however, with the change of name and religion. Saharan the
Tak was the first apostate of his line, who, under the name of
Wajihu-l-mulk, concealed both his origin and tribe. His son, Zafar Khan,
was raised by his patron Firoz to the government of Gujarat, about the
period when Timur invaded India. Zafar availed himself of the weakness
of his master and the distraction of the times, and mounted the throne
of Gujarat under the name of [106] Muzaffar.[2.7.110] He was
assassinated by the hand of his grandson, Ahmad, who changed the ancient
capital, Anhilwara, for the city founded by himself, and called
Ahmadabad, one of the most splendid in the east. With the apostasy of
the Tak,[2.7.111] the name appears to have been obliterated from the
tribes of Rajasthan; nor has my search ever discovered one of this name
now existing.

=Jat, Jāt.=—In all the ancient catalogues of the thirty-six royal races
of India the Jat has a place, though by none is he ever styled ‘Rajput’;
nor am I aware of any instance of a Rajput’s intermarriage with a
Jat.[2.7.112] It is a name widely disseminated over India, though it
does not now occupy a very elevated place amongst the inhabitants,
belonging chiefly to the agricultural classes.

In the Panjab they still retain their ancient name of Jat. On the Jumna
and Ganges they are styled Jāts, of whom the chief of Bharatpur is the
most conspicuous. On the Indus and in Saurashtra they are termed Jats.
The greater portion of the husbandmen in Rajasthan are Jats; and there
are numerous tribes beyond the Indus, now proselytes to the Muhammadan
religion, who derive their origin from this class.

Of its ancient history sufficient has been already said. We will merely
add, that the kingdom of the great Getae, whose capital was on the
Jaxartes, preserved its integrity and name from the period of Cyrus to
the fourteenth century, when it was converted from idolatry to the faith
of Islam. Herodotus [iv. 93-4] informs us that the Getae were theists
and held the tenet of the soul’s immortality; and De Guignes,[2.7.113]
from Chinese authorities, asserts that at a very early period they had
embraced the religion of Fo or Buddha.

The traditions of the Jats claim the regions west of the Indus as the
cradle of the race, and make them of Yadu extraction; thus corroborating
the annals of the Yadus, which state their migration from Zabulistan,
and almost inducing us to [107] dispense with the descent of this tribe
from Krishna, and to pronounce it an important colony of the Yueh-chi,
Yuti, or Jats. Of the first migration from Central Asia of this race
within the Indus we have no record; it might have been simultaneous with
the Takshak, from the wars of Cyrus or his ancestors.

It has been already remarked that the Jat divided with the Takshak the
claim of being the parent name of the various tribes called Scythic,
invaders of India; and there is now before the author an inscription of
the fifth century applying both epithets to the same prince,[2.7.114]
who is invested moreover with the Scythic quality of worshipping the
sun. It states, likewise, that the mother of this Jat prince was of Yadu
race: strengthening their claims to a niche amongst the thirty-six
Rajkulas, as well as their Yadu descent.

The fifth century of the Christian era, to which this inscription
belongs, is a period of interest in Jat history. De Guignes, from
original authorities, states the Yueh-chi or Jats to have established
themselves in the Panjab in the fifth and sixth centuries, and the
inscription now quoted applies to a prince whose capital is styled
Salindrapura in these regions; and doubtless the Salivahanpur[2.7.115]
where the Yadu Bhattis established themselves on the expulsion of the

How much earlier than this the Jat penetrated into Rajasthan must be
left to more ancient inscriptions to determine: suffice it that in A.D.
440 we find him in power.[2.7.116]

When the Yadu was expelled from Salivahanpura, and forced to seek refuge
[108] across the Sutlej among the Dahia and Johya Rajputs of the Indian
desert, where they founded their first capital, Derawar, many from
compulsion embraced the Muhammadan faith; on which occasion they assumed
the name of Jat,[2.7.117] of which at least twenty different offsets are
enumerated in the Yadu chronicles.

That the Jats continued as a powerful community on the east bank of the
Indus and in the Panjab, fully five centuries after the period our
inscription and their annals illustrate, we have the most interesting
records in the history of Mahmud, the conqueror of India, whose progress
they checked in a manner unprecedented in the annals of continental
warfare. It was in 416 of the Hegira (A.D. 1026) that Mahmud marched an
army against the Jats, who had harassed and insulted him on the return
from his last expedition against Saurashtra. The interest of the account
authorizes its being given from the original.

“The Jats inhabited the country on the borders of Multan, along the
river that runs by the mountains of Jud.[2.7.118] When Mahmud reached
Multan, finding the Jat country defended by great rivers, he built
fifteen hundred boats,[2.7.119] each armed with six iron spikes
projecting from their prows, to prevent their being boarded by the
enemy, expert in this kind of warfare. In each boat he placed twenty
archers, and some with fire-balls of naphtha to burn the Jat fleet. The
monarch having determined on their extirpation, awaited the result at
Multan. The Jats sent their wives, children, and effects to Sind
Sagar,[2.7.120] and launched four thousand, or, as others say, eight
thousand boats well armed to meet the Ghaznians. A terrible conflict
ensued, but the projecting spikes sunk the Jat boats while others were
set on fire. Few escaped from this scene of terror; and those who did,
met with the more severe fate of captivity.”[2.7.121]

Many doubtless did escape; and it is most probable that the Jat
communities, on whose overthrow the State of Bikaner was founded, were
remnants of this very warfare [109].

Not long after this event the original empire of the Getae was
overturned, when many fugitives found a refuge in India. In 1360
Togultash Timur was the great Khan of the Getae nation; idolaters even
to this period. He had conquered Khorasan, invaded Transoxiana (whose
prince fled, but whose nephew, Amir Timur, averted its subjugation),
gained the friendship of Togultash, and commanded a hundred thousand
Getae warriors. In 1369, when the Getic Khan died, such was the
ascendancy obtained by Timur over his subjects, that the Kuriltai, or
general assembly, transferred the title of Grand Khan from the Getic to
the Chagatai Timur. In 1370 he married a Getic princess, and added
Khokhand and Samarkand to his patrimony, Transoxiana. Rebellions and
massacres almost depopulated this nursery of mankind, ere the Getae
abandoned their independence; nor was it till 1388, after six invasions,
in which he burnt their towns, brought away their wealth, and almost
annihilated the nation, that he felt himself secure.[2.7.122]

In his expedition into India, having overrun great part of Europe,
“taken Moscow, and slain the soldiers of the barbarous Urus,” he
encountered his old foes “the Getae, who inhabited the plains of Tohim,
where he put two thousand to the sword, pursuing them into the desert
and slaughtering many more near the Ghaggar.”[2.7.123]

Still the Jat maintained himself in the Panjab, and the most powerful
and independent prince of India at this day is the Jat prince of Lahore,
holding dominion over the identical regions where the Yueh-chi colonized
in the fifth century, and where the Yadus, driven from Ghazni,
established themselves on the ruins of the Taks. The Jat cavalier
retains a portion of his Scythic manners, and preserves the use of the
chakra or discus, the weapon of the Yadu Krishna in the remote age of
the Bharat.

=Hun or Hūn.=—Amongst the Scythic tribes who have secured for themselves
a niche with the thirty-six races of India, is the Hun. At what period
this race, so well known by its ravages and settlement in Europe,
invaded India, we know not.[2.7.124] Doubtless it was in the society of
many others yet found in the peninsula of [110] Saurashtra, as the
Kathi, the Bala, the Makwana, etc. It is, however, confined to the
genealogies of that peninsula; for although we have mention of the Hun
in the chronicles and inscriptions of India at a very early period, he
failed to obtain a place in the catalogue of the northern bards.

The earliest notice of the tribe is in an inscription[2.7.125] recording
the power of a prince of Bihar, who, amidst his other conquests,
“humbled the pride of the Huns.” In the annals of the early history of
Mewar, in the catalogue of princes who made common cause with this the
chief of all the Rajputs, when Chitor was assailed in the first
irruption of the Muhammadans, was Angatsi, lord of the Huns, who led his
quota on this occasion. De Guignes[2.7.126] describes Angat as being the
name of a considerable horde of Huns or Moguls; and Abulghazi says that
the Tartar tribe who guarded the great wall of China were termed
Angatti, who had a distinct prince with high pay and honour. The
countries inhabited by the Hiong-nou and the Ou-huon, the Turks and
Moguls, called ‘Tatar’ from Tatan,[2.7.127] the name of the country from
the banks of the Irtish along the mountains of Altai to the shores of
the Yellow Sea, are described at large by the historian of the Huns:
following whom and other original sources, the historian of the Fall of
Rome has given great interest to his narrative of their march into
Europe. But those who are desirous to learn all that relates to the past
history and manners of this people, must consult that monument of
erudition and research, the Geography of Malte-Brun.[2.7.128]

D’Anville,[2.7.129] quoting Cosmas the traveller, informs us that the
White Huns (λευκοὶ Ούννοι)[2.7.130] occupied the north of India; and it
is most probable a colony of these found their way into Saurashtra and

It is on the eastern bank of the Chambal, at the ancient Barolli, that
tradition assigns a residence to the Hun; and one of the celebrated
temples at that place, called the Singar Chaori, is the marriage hall of
the Hun prince, who is also declared to have been possessed of a
lordship on the opposite bank, occupying the [111] site of the present
town of Bhainsror. In the twelfth century the Hun must have possessed
consequence, to occupy the place he holds in the chronicle of the
princes of Gujarat. The race is not extinct. One of the most intelligent
of the living bards of India assured the author of their existence; and
in a tour where he accompanied him, redeemed his pledge, by pointing out
the residence of some in a village on the estuary of the Mahi, though
degraded and mixed with other classes.[2.7.131]

We may infer that few convulsions occurred in Central Asia, which drove
forth these hordes of redundant population to seek subsistence in
Europe, without India participating in such overflow. The only singular
circumstance is, by what means they came to be recognized as Hindus,
even though of the lowest class. Sudra we cannot term them; for although
the Kathi and the Bala cannot be regarded as, or classed with Rajputs,
they would scorn the rank of Sudra.

=Kāthi.=—Of the ancient notices of this people much has been already
said, and all the genealogists, both of Rajasthan and Saurashtra, concur
in assigning it a place amongst the royal races of India. It is one of
the most important tribes of the western peninsula, and which has
effected the change of the name from Saurashtra to Kathiawar.

Of all its inhabitants the Kathi retains most originality: his
religion, his manners, and his looks, all are decidedly Scythic. He
occupied, in the time of Alexander, that nook of the Panjab near the
confluent five streams. It was against these Alexander marched in
person, when he nearly lost his life, and where he left such a signal
memorial of his vengeance. The Kathi can be traced from these scenes
to his present haunts. In the earlier portion of the Annals of
Jaisalmer mention is made of their conflicts with the Kathi; and their
own traditions[2.7.132] fix their settlement in the peninsula from the
south-eastern part of the valley of the Indus, about the eighth

In the twelfth century the Kathi were conspicuous in the wars with
Prithwiraja, there being several leaders of the tribe attached to his
army, as well as to that of [112] his rival, the monarch of
Kanauj.[2.7.133] Though on this occasion they acted in some degree of
subservience to the monarch of Anhilwara, it would seem that this was
more voluntary than forced.

The Kathi still adores the sun,[2.7.134] scorns the peaceful arts, and
is much less contented with the tranquil subsistence of industry than
the precarious earnings of his former predatory pursuits. The Kathi was
never happy but on horseback, collecting his blackmail, lance in hand,
from friend and foe.

We will conclude this brief sketch with Captain Macmurdo’s character of
this race. “The Kathi differs in some respects from the Rajput. He is
more cruel in his disposition, but far exceeds him in the virtue of
bravery;[2.7.135] and a character possessed of more energy than a Kathi
does not exist. His size is considerably larger than common, often
exceeding six feet. He is sometimes seen with light hair and
blue-coloured eyes. His frame is athletic and bony, and particularly
well adapted to his mode of life. His countenance is expressive, but of
the worst kind, being harsh, and often destitute of a single mild

=Bāla.=—All the genealogists, ancient and modern, insert the Bala tribe
amongst the Rajkulas. The birad, or ‘blessing,’ of the bard is _Tatta
Multan ka rao_,[2.7.137] indicative of their original abodes on the
Indus. They lay claim, however, to descent from the Suryavansi, and
maintain that their great ancestor, Bala or Bapa, was the offspring of
Lava, the eldest son of Rama; that their first settlement in Saurashtra
was at the ancient Dhank, in more remote periods called Mungi Paithan;
and that, in conquering the country adjacent, they termed it Balakshetra
(their capital Valabhipura), and assumed the title of Balarae. Here they
claim identity with the Guhilot race of Mewar: nor is it impossible that
they may be a branch of this family, which long held power in
Saurashtra.[2.7.138] Before the Guhilots adopted the worship of Mahadeo,
which period is indicated in their annals, the chief object of their
adoration was the sun, giving them that Scythic resemblance to which the
Balas have every appearance of claim [113].

The Balas on the continent of Saurashtra, on the contrary, assert their
origin to be Induvansa, and that they are the Balakaputras who were the
ancient lords of Aror on the Indus. It would be presumption to decide
between these claims; but I would venture to surmise that they might be
the offspring of Salya, one of the princes of the Mahabharata, who
founded Aror.

The Kathis claim descent from the Balas: an additional proof of northern
origin, and strengthening their right to the epithet of the bards,
‘Lords of Multan and Tatta.’ The Balas were of sufficient consequence in
the thirteenth century to make incursions on Mewar, and the first
exploit of the celebrated Rana Hamir was his killing the Bala chieftain
of Chotila.[2.7.139] The present chief of Dhank is a Bala, and the tribe
yet preserves importance in the peninsula.

=Jhāla Makwāna.=—This tribe also inhabits the Saurashtra peninsula. It
is styled Rajput, though neither classed with the Solar, Lunar, nor
Agnikula races; but though we cannot directly prove it, we have every
right to assign to it a northern origin. It is a tribe little known in
Hindustan or even Rajasthan, into which latter country it was introduced
entirely through the medium of the ancient lords of Saurashtra, the
present family of Mewar; a sanction which covers every defect. A
splendid act of self-devotion of the Jhala chief, when Rana Partap was
oppressed with the whole weight of Akbar’s power, obtained, with the
gratitude of this prince, the highest honours he could confer,—his
daughter in marriage, and a seat on his right hand. That it was the act,
and not his rank in the scale of the thirty-six tribes, which gained him
this distinction, we have decided proof in later times, when it was
deemed a mark of great condescension that the present Rana should
sanction a remote branch of his own family bestowing a daughter in
marriage on the Jhala ruler of Kotah.[2.7.140] This tribe has given its
name to one of the largest divisions of Saurashtra, Jhalawar, which
possesses several towns of importance. Of these Bankaner, Halwad, and
Dhrangadra are the principal.

Regarding the period of the settlement of the Jhalas tradition is
silent, as also on their early history: but the aid of its quota was
given to the Rana against the [114] first attacks of the Muhammadans;
and in the heroic history of Prithwiraja we have ample and repeated
mention of the Jhala chieftains who distinguished themselves in his
service, as well as in that of his antagonist, and the name of one of
these, as recorded by the bard Chand, I have seen inscribed on the
granite rock of the sacred Girnar, near their primitive abodes, where we
leave them. There are several subdivisions of the Jhala, of which the
Makwana is the principal.

=Jethwa, Jaithwa, Kamāri.=—This is an ancient tribe, and by all
authorities styled Rajput; though, like the Jhala, little known out of
Saurashtra, to one of the divisions of which it has given its name,
Jethwar. Its present possessions are on the western coast of the
peninsula: the residence of its prince, who is styled Rana, is

In remote times their capital was Ghumli, whose ruins attest
considerable power, and afford singular scope for analogy, in
architectural device, with the style termed Saxon of Europe.[2.7.141]
The bards of the Jethwas run through a long list of one hundred and
thirty crowned heads, and in the eighth century have chronicled the
marriage of their prince with the Tuar refounder of Delhi. At this
period the Jethwa bore the name of Kamar; and Sahl Kamar is reported to
be the prince who was driven from Ghumli, in the twelfth century, by
invaders from the north. With this change the name of Kamar was sunk,
and that of Jethwa assumed, which has induced the author to style them
Kamari;[2.7.142] and as they, with the other inhabitants of this
peninsula, have all the appearance of Scythic descent, urging no
pretensions to connexion with the ancient races of India, they may be a
branch of that celebrated race, the Cimmerii of higher Asia, and the
Cimbri of Europe.

Their legends are as fabulous as fanciful. They trace their descent from
the monkey-god Hanuman, and confirm it by alleging the elongation of the
spine of their princes, who bear the epithet of Puncharia, or the
‘long-tailed,’ Ranas of Saurashtra. But the manners and traditions of
this race will appear more fully in the narrative of the author’s
travels amongst them.

=Gohil.=[2.7.143]—This was a distinguished race: it claims to be
Suryavansi, and with some pretension. The first residence of the Gohils
was Juna Khergarh, near the bend of the Luni in Marwar.[2.7.144] How
long they had been established here we know not. They took it from one
of the aboriginal Bhil chiefs named Kherwa, and had been in possession
of it for twenty generations when expelled by the [115] Rathors at the
end of the twelfth century. Thence migrating to Saurashtra, they fixed
at Piramgarh;[2.7.145] which being destroyed, one branch settled at
Bhagwa, and the chief marrying the daughter of Nandanagar or
Nandod,[2.7.146] he usurped or obtained his father-in-law’s estates; and
twenty-seven generations are enumerated, from Sompal to Narsingh, the
present Raja of Nandod. Another branch fixed at Sihor, and thence
founded Bhaunagar and Gogha. The former town, on the gulf of the Mahi,
is the residence of the Gohils, who have given their name, Gohilwar, to
the eastern portion of the peninsula of Saurashtra. The present chief
addicts himself to commerce, and possesses ships which trade to the gold
coast of Sofala.

=Sarwaiya or Sariaspa.=—Of this race tradition has left us only the
knowledge that it once was famous; for although, in the catalogues of
the bard, it is introduced as the “essence of the Khatri race,”[2.7.147]
we have only a few legends regarding its present degradation. Its name,
as well as this epithet of the bard, induces a belief that it is a
branch of the Aswas, with the prefix of _sar_, denoting ‘essence,’ or
priority. But it is useless to speculate on a name.

=Silār or Salār.=—Like the former, we have here but the shade of a name;
though one which, in all probability, originated the epithet Larike, by
which the Saurashtra peninsula was known to Ptolemy and the geographers
of early Europe. The tribe of Lar was once famous in Saurashtra, and in
the annals of Anhilwara mention is made of Siddharaja Jayasingha having
extirpated them throughout his dominions. Salar, or Silar, would
therefore be distinctively _the_ Lar.[2.7.148] Indeed, the author of the
Kumarpal Charitra styles it Rajtilak, or ‘regal prince’; but the name
only now exists amongst the mercantile classes professing the faith of
Buddha [Jainism]: it is inserted as one of the eighty-four. The greater
portion of these are of Rajput origin.

=Dabhi.=—Little can be said of this tribe but that it was once
celebrated in Saurashtra. By some it is called the branch of the Yadu,
though all the genealogists give it distinct importance. It now
possesses neither territory nor numbers.[2.7.149]

=Gaur.=—The Gaur tribe was once respected in Rajasthan, though it never
there attained to any considerable eminence. The ancient kings of Bengal
were of this race, and gave their name to the capital, Lakhnauti [116].

We have every reason to believe that they were possessors of the land
afterwards occupied by the Chauhans, as they are styled in all the old
chronicles the ‘Gaur of Ajmer.’ Repeated mention is made of them in the
wars of Prithwiraja, as leaders of considerable renown, one of whom
formed a small State in the centre of India, which survived through
seven centuries of Mogul domination, till it at length fell a prey
indirectly to the successes of the British over the Mahrattas, when
Sindhia in 1809 annihilated the power of the Gaur and took possession of
his capital, Sheopur.[2.7.150] A petty district, yielding about £5000
annually, is all this rapacious head of a predatory government has left
to the Gaur, out of about twelve lacs of annual revenue. The Gaur has
five sakha: Untahar, Silhala, Tur, Dusena, and Budana.[2.7.151]

=Dor or Doda.=—We have little to say of this race. Though occupying a
place in all the genealogies, time has destroyed all knowledge of the
past history of a tribe, to gain a victory over whom was deemed by
Prithwiraja worthy of a tablet.[2.7.152]

=Gaharwār.=—The Gaharwar Rajput is scarcely known to his brethren in
Rajasthan, who will not admit his contaminated blood to mix with theirs;
though, as a brave warrior, he is entitled to their fellowship. The
original country of the Gaharwar is in the ancient kingdom of
Kasi.[2.7.153] Their great ancestor was Khortaj Deva, from whom
Jasaunda, the seventh in descent, in consequence of some grand
sacrificial rites performed at Vindhyavasi, gave the title of Bundela to
his issue. Bundela has now usurped the name of Gaharwar, and become the
appellation of the immense tract which its various branches inhabit in
Bundelkhand, on the ruins of the Chandelas, whose chief cities,
Kalanjar, Mohini, and Mahoba, they took possession of.[2.7.154]

=Chandel.=—The Chandela, classed by some of the genealogists amongst the
thirty-six tribes, were powerful in the twelfth century, possessing the
whole of the regions between [117] the Jumna and Nerbudda, now occupied
by the Bundelas and Baghelas. Their wars with Prithwiraja, forming one
of the most interesting of his exploits, ended in the humiliation of the
Chandela, and prepared the way for their conquest by the Gaharwars; the
date of the supremacy of the Bundela Manvira was about A.D. 1200.
Madhukar Sah, the thirteenth in descent from him, founded Orchha on the
Betwa, by whose son, Birsingh Deva, considerable power was attained.
Orchha became the chief of the numerous Bundela principalities; but its
founder drew upon himself everlasting infamy, by putting to death the
wise Abu-l Fazl,[2.7.155] the historian and friend of the magnanimous
Akbar, and the encomiast and advocate of the Hindu race.

From the period of Akbar the Bundelas bore a distinguished part in all
the grand conflicts, to the very close of the monarchy: nor, amongst all
the brave chiefs of Rajasthan, did any perform more gallant or faithful
services than the Bundela chieftains of Orchha and Datia. Bhagwan of
Orchha commanded the advanced guard of the army of Shah Jahan. His son,
Subhkarana, was Aurangzeb’s most distinguished leader in the Deccan, and
Dalpat fell in the war of succession on the plains of Jajau.[2.7.156]
His descendants have not degenerated; nor is there anything finer in the
annals of the chivalry of the West, than the dignified and heroic
conduct of the father of the present chief.[2.7.157] The Bundela is now
a numerous race, while the name Gaharwar remains in their original

=Bargūjar.=—This race is Suryavansi, and the only one, with the
exception of the Guhilot, which claims from Lava, the elder son of Rama.
The Bargujar held considerable possessions in Dhundhar,[2.7.158] and
their capital was the hill fortress of Rajor[2.7.159] in the
principality of Macheri. Rajgarh and Alwar were also their [118]
possessions. The Bargujars were expelled these abodes by the Kachhwahas.
A colony found refuge and a new residence at Anupshahr on the Ganges.

=Sengar.=—Of this tribe little is known, nor does it appear ever to have
obtained great celebrity. The sole chieftainship of the Sengars is
Jagmohanpur on the Jumna.[2.7.160]

=Sakarwāl.=—This tribe, like the former, never appears to have claimed
much notice amidst the princes of Rajasthan; nor is there a single
independent chieftain now remaining, although there is a small district
called after them, Sakarwar, on the right bank of the Chambal, adjoining
Jaduvati, and like it now incorporated in the province of Gwalior, in
Sindhia’s dominions. The Sakarwal is therefore reduced to subsist by
cultivation, or the more precarious employment of his lance, either as a
follower of others, or as a common depredator. They have their name from
the town of Sikri (Fatehpur), which was formerly an independent

=Bais.=—The Bais has obtained a place amongst the thirty-six races,
though the author believes it but a subdivision of the Suryavansi, as it
is neither to be met with in the lists of Chand, nor in those of the
Kumarpal Charitra. It is now numerous, and has given its name to an
extensive district, Baiswara in the Duab, or the land between the Ganges
and Jumna.[2.7.162]

=Dahia.=—This is an ancient tribe, whose residence was the banks of the
Indus, near its confluence with the Sutlej; and although they retain a
place amongst the thirty-six royal races, we have not the knowledge of
any as now existing. They are mentioned in the annals of the Bhattis of
Jaisalmer, and from name as well as from locale, we may infer that they
were the Dahae of Alexander.[2.7.163]

=Joiya, Johya.=—This race possessed the same haunts as the Dahia, and
are always coupled with them. They, however, extended across the Ghara
into the northern desert of India, and in ancient chronicles are
entitled ‘Lords of Jangaldesa,’ a tract which comprehended Hariana,
Bhatner, and Nagor. The author possesses a work relative to this tribe,
like the Dahia, now extinct.[2.7.164]

=Mohil.=—We have no mode of judging of the pretensions of this race to
the place it is allowed to occupy by the genealogists. All that can be
learned of its past history is, that it inhabited a considerable tract
so late as the foundation of the present State of Bikaner, the Rathor
founders of which expelled, if not extirpated, the Mohil. With the
Malan, Malani, and Mallia, also extinct, it may [119] claim the honour
of descent from the ancient Malloi, the foes of Alexander, whose abode
was Multan. (_Qu._ Mohilthan?)[2.7.165]

=Nikumbha.=—Of this race, to which celebrity attaches in all the
genealogies, we can only discover that they were proprietors of the
district of Mandalgarh prior to the Guhilots.[2.7.166]

=Rājpāli.=—It is difficult to discover anything regarding this race,
which, under the names of Rajpali, Rajpalaka, or simply Pala, are
mentioned by all the genealogists; especially those of Saurashtra, to
which in all probability it was confined. This tends to make it Scythic
in origin; the conclusion is strengthened by the derivation of the name,
meaning ‘royal shepherd’: it was probably a branch of the ancient

=Dahariya.=—The Kumarpal Charitra is our sole authority for classing
this race with the thirty-six. Of its history we know nothing. Amongst
the princes who came to the aid of Chitor, when first assailed by the
arms of Islam, was ‘the lord of Debal, Dahir, Despati.’[2.7.168] From
the ignorance of the transcriber of the Guhilot annals, _Delhi_ is
written instead of _Debal_; but we not only have the whole of the names
of the Tuar race, but Delhi was not in existence at this time. Slight as
is the mention of this prince in the Chitor annals, it is nevertheless
of high value, as stamping them with authenticity; for this Dahir was
actually the despot of Sind, whose tragical end in his capital Debal is
related by Abu-l Fazl. It was in the ninety-ninth year of the Hegira
that he was attacked by Muhammad bin Kasim, the lieutenant of the Caliph
of Bagdad, and treated with the greatest barbarity.[2.7.169] Whether
this prince used Dahir as a proper name, or as that of his tribe, must
be left to conjecture.

=Dahima.=—The Dahima has left but the wreck of a great name.[2.7.170]
Seven centuries have swept away all recollection of a tribe who once
afforded one of the proudest themes for the song of the bard. The Dahima
was the lord of Bayana, and one of the most powerful vassals of the
Chauhan emperor, Prithwiraja. Three brothers of this house held the
highest offices under this monarch, and the period during which the
elder, Kaimas, was his minister, was the brightest in the history of the
Chauhan: but he fell a victim to a blind jealousy. Pundir, the second
brother [120], commanded the frontier at Lahore. The third, Chawand Rae,
was the principal leader in the last battle, where Prithwiraja fell,
with the whole of his chivalry, on the banks of the Ghaggar. Even the
historians of Shihabu-d-din have preserved the name of the gallant
Dahima, Chawand Rae, whom they style Khandirai; and to whose valour,
they relate, Shihabu-d-din himself nearly fell a sacrifice. With the
Chauhan, the race seems to have been extinguished. Rainsi, his only son,
was by this sister of Chawand Rae, but he did not survive the capture of
Delhi. This marriage forms the subject of one of the books of the bard,
who never was more eloquent than in the praise of the Dahima.[2.7.171]

                       ABORIGINAL RACES[2.7.172]

Bagri, Mer, Kaba, Mina, Bhil, Sahariya, Thori, Khangar, Gond, Bhar,
Janwar, and Sarad.


Abhira or Ahir, Goala, Kurmi or Kulumbi, Gujar, and Jat


Jalia, Peshani, Sohagni, Chahira, Ran, Simala, Botila, Gotchar, Malan,
Uhir, Hul, Bachak, Batar, Kerach, Kotak, Busa, and Bargota.


Sri Sri Mal, Srimal, Oswal, Bagherwal, Dindu, Pushkarwal, Mertawal,
Harsora, Surawal, Piliwal, Bhambu, Kandhelwal, Dohalwal, Kederwal,
Desawal, Gujarwal, Sohorwal, Agarwal, Jaelwal, Manatwal, Kajotiwal,
Kortawal, Chehtrawal, Soni, Sojatwal, Nagar, Mad, Jalhera, Lar, Kapol,
Khareta, Barari, Dasora, Bambarwal, Nagadra, Karbera, Battewara, Mewara,
Narsinghpura, Khaterwal, Panchamwal, Hanerwal, Sirkera, Bais, Stukhi,
Kambowal, Jiranwal, Baghelwal, Orchitwal, Bamanwal, Srigur, Thakurwal,
Balmiwal, Tepora, Tilota, Atbargi, Ladisakha, Badnora, Khicha, Gasora,
Bahaohar, Jemo, Padmora, Maharia, Dhakarwal, Mangora, Goelwal, Mohorwal,
Chitora, Kakalia, Bhareja, Andora, Sachora, Bhungrawal, Mandahala,
Bramania, Bagria, Dindoria, Borwal, Sorbia, Orwal, Nuphag, and Nagora.
(One wanting.)


Footnote 2.7.1:

  [This catalogue is now of historical or traditional, rather than of
  ethnographical value. It includes some which are admittedly extinct:
  others which are proved to be derived from Gurjara and other foreign
  tribes, while it omits many clans which are most influential at the
  present day, and some of those included in the list are now
  represented by scattered groups outside Rājputāna.]

Footnote 2.7.2:

  Of his works I possess the most complete copy existing.

Footnote 2.7.3:

  Presented to the Royal Asiatic Society.

Footnote 2.7.4:

  Moghji, one of the most intelligent bards of the present day; but,
  heartbroken, he has now but the woes of his race to sing. Yet has he
  forgot them for a moment to rehearse the deeds of Parsanga, who sealed
  his fidelity by his death on the Ghaggar. Then the invisible mantle of
  Bhavani was wrapt around him; and with the birad (_furor poeticus_)
  flowing freely of their deeds of yore, their present degradation,
  time, and place were all forgot. But the time is fast approaching when
  he may sing with the Cambrian bard:

                  “Ye lost companions of my tuneful art,
                  Where are ye fled?”

Footnote 2.7.5:

  One of two specimens shall be given in the proper place.

Footnote 2.7.6:

  A prince of Bundi had married a Rajputni of the Malani tribe, a name
  now unknown: but a bard repeating the ‘gotracharya,’ it was discovered
  to have been about eight centuries before a ramification (sakha) of
  the Chauhan, to which the Hara of Bundi belonged—divorce and expiatory
  rites, with great unhappiness, were the consequences. What a contrast
  to the unhallowed doctrines of polyandry, as mentioned amongst the
  Pandavas, the Scythic nations, the inhabitants of Sirmor of the
  present day, and pertaining even to Britain in the days of
  Caesar!—“Uxores habent deni duodenique inter se communes,” says that
  accurate writer, speaking of the natives of this island; “et maximè
  fratres cum fratribus, parentesque cum liberis: sed si qui sint ex his
  nati, eorum habentur liberi, quo primum virgo quaeque deducta est.”

Footnote 2.7.7:

  _Aparam sakham_, ‘of innumerable branches,’ is inscribed on an ancient
  tablet of the Guhilot race.

Footnote 2.7.8:

  _Got_, _khanp_, denote a clan; its subdivisions have the patronymic
  terminating with the syllable ‘_ot_,’ ‘_awat_,’ ‘_sot_,’ in the use of
  which euphony alone is their guide: thus, _Saktawat_, ‘sons of Sakta’;
  _Kurmasot_, ‘of Kurma’; _Mairawat_, or _mairot_, mountaineers, ‘sons
  of the mountains.’ Such is the Greek _Mainote_, from _maina_, a
  mountain, in the ancient Albanian dialect, of eastern origin.

Footnote 2.7.9:

  From _agni_ (_qu._ _ignis?_) ‘fire,’ the sons of Vulcan, as the others
  of Sol and Luna, or Lunus, to change the sex of the parent of the Indu
  (moon) race.

Footnote 2.7.10:

  _Vansavali, Suryavansi Rajkuli Rana Chitor ka Dhani, Chhattis Kuli
  Sengar._—MSS. from the Rana’s library, entitled _Khuman Raesa_.

Footnote 2.7.11:

  Always conjoined with Vairat—‘Vijayapur Vairatgarh.’ [Vairāt forty-one
  miles north of Jaipur city. The reference in the text is merely a
  bardic fable, there being no connexion between Vijaya and this place
  (_ASR_, ii. 249).]

Footnote 2.7.12:

  A.D. 319. The inscription recording this, as well as others relating
  to Valabhi and this era, I discovered in Saurashtra, as well as the
  site of this ancient capital, occupying the position of ‘Byzantium’ in
  Ptolemy’s geography of India. They will be given in the _Transactions_
  of the Royal Asiatic Society. [The Valabhi agrees with the Gupta era
  (Smith, _EHI_, 20).]

Footnote 2.7.13:

  Anandpur Ahar, or ‘Ahar the city of repose.’ By the tide of events,
  the family was destined to fix their last capital, Udaipur, near Ahar.

Footnote 2.7.14:

  The middle of the eighth century.

Footnote 2.7.15:

  [Or Maurya], a Pramara prince.

Footnote 2.7.16:

  [For a different list, see _Census Report, Rajputana, 1911_, i. 256.]

Footnote 2.7.17:

  The place where they found refuge was in the cluster of hills still
  called _Yadu ka dang_, ‘the Yadu hills’:—the _Joudes_ of Rennell’s
  geography [see p. 75 above].

Footnote 2.7.18:

  [Zabulistan, with its capital, Ghazni, in Afghanistan.]

Footnote 2.7.19:

  The date assigned long prior to the Christian era, agrees with the
  Grecian, but the names and manners are Muhammadan.

Footnote 2.7.20:

  Lodorwa Patan, whence they expelled an ancient race, was their capital
  before Jaisalmer. There is much to learn of these regions.

Footnote 2.7.21:

  A.D. 1155.

Footnote 2.7.22:

  [The capital of Sambos was Sindimana, perhaps the modern Sihwān
  (Smith, _EHI_, 101).]

Footnote 2.7.23:

  [This is very doubtful.]

Footnote 2.7.24:

  They have an infinitely better etymology for this, in being
  descendants of Jambuvati, one of Hari’s eight wives. [The origin of
  the term Jām is very doubtful: see Yule, _Hobson-Jobson_, s.v.]

Footnote 2.7.25:

  The Suraseni of Vraj, the tract so named, thirty miles around Mathura.

Footnote 2.7.26:

  Its chief, Rao Manohar Singh, was well known to me, and was, I may
  say, my friend. For years letters passed between us, and he had made
  for me a transcript of a valuable copy of the Mahabharata.

Footnote 2.7.27:

  [Vigraha-rāja, known as Vīsaladeva, Bīsal Deo, in the middle of the
  twelfth century, is alleged to have conquered Delhi from a chief of
  the Tomara clan. That chief was a descendant of Ānangapāla, who, a
  century before, had built the Red Fort (Smith, _EHI_, 386).]

Footnote 2.7.28:

  Several Mahratta chieftains deduce their origin from the Tuar race, as
  Ram Rao Phalkia, a very gallant leader of horse in Sindhia’s State.

Footnote 2.7.29:

  [This is a pure myth (Smith, _EHI_, 385, 413).]

Footnote 2.7.30:

  [For a fuller list, see _Census Report, Rajputana, 1911_, i. 255 f.]

Footnote 2.7.31:

  From this I should be inclined to pronounce the Rathors descendants of
  a race (probably Scythic) professing the Buddhist faith, of which
  Gotama was the last great teacher, and disciple of the last Buddha
  Mahivira, in S. 477 (A.D. 533). [Buddhism and Jainism are, as usual,

Footnote 2.7.32:

  Enigmatical—‘Clay formation by fire’ (_agni_).

Footnote 2.7.33:

  [The Kuldevi, or family goddess, of the Rāthors in Nāgnaichiān, whose
  original title was Rājeswari or Ratheswari, her present name being
  taken from the village of Nāgāna in Pachbhadra; and she has a temple
  in the Jodhpur fort, with shrines under the _nīm_ tree (_Azadirachta
  Indica_) which is held sacred in all Rathor settlements (_Census
  Report, Marwar, 1891_, ii. 25).]

Footnote 2.7.34:

  Erroneously written and pronounced Kutchwaha.

Footnote 2.7.35:

  The resemblance between the Kushite Ramesa of Ayodhya and the Rameses
  of Egypt is strong. Each was attended by his army of satyrs, Anubis
  and Cynocephalus, which last is a Greek misnomer, for the animal
  bearing this title is of the Simian family, as his images (in the
  Turin museum) disclose, and the brother of the faithful Hanuman. The
  comparison between the deities within the Indus (called _Nilab_, ‘blue
  waters’) and those of the Nile in Egypt, is a point well worth
  discussion. [These speculations are untenable.]

Footnote 2.7.36:

  A name in compliment, probably, to the elder branch of their race,

Footnote 2.7.37:

  [See a list in _Census Report, Rajputana, 1911_, i. 255.]

Footnote 2.7.38:

  There is a captivating elegance thrown around the theogonies of Greece
  and Rome, which we fail to impart to the Hindu; though that elegant
  scholar, Sir William Jones, could make even Sanskrit literature
  fascinating; and that it merits the attempt intrinsically, we may
  infer from the charm it possesses to the learned chieftain of
  Rajasthan. That it is perfectly analogous to the Greek and Roman, we
  have but to translate the names to show. For instance:—

         Solar.                                      Lunar.

 Maricha                (Lux)           Atri.

 Kasyapa                (Uranus)        Samudra (Oceanus).

 Vaivaswata or Surya    (Sol)           Soma, or Ind (Luna; _qu._

 Vaivaswa Manu          (Filius Solis)  Brihaspati (Jupiter).

 Ila                    (Terra)         Budha (Mercurius).

Footnote 2.3.39:

  [Hoernle (_JRAS_, 1905, p. 20) believes that the Parihāras were the
  only sept which claimed fire-origin before Chand (_flor._ A.D. 1191).
  But a legend of the kind was current in South India in the second
  century A.D. (_IA_, xxxiv. 263).]

Footnote 2.3.40:

  Figuratively, ‘the serpent.’

Footnote 2.3.41:

  To me it appears that there were four distinguished Buddhas or wise
  men, teachers of monotheism in India, which they brought from Central
  Asia, with their science and its written character, the arrow or
  nail-headed, which I have discovered wherever they have been,—in the
  deserts of Jaisalmer, in the heart of Rajasthan, and the shores of
  Saurashtra; which were their nurseries.

    The first Budha is the parent of the Lunar race, A.C. 2250.
    The second (twenty-second of the Jains), Nemnath, A.C. 1120.
    The third  (twenty-third     do.    ), Parsawanath, A.C. 650.
    The fourth (twenty-fourth    do.    ), Mahivira, A.C. 533.

  [The author confuses Budha, Mercury, with Buddha, the Teacher, and
  mixes up Buddhists with Jains.]

Footnote 2.7.42:

  _Achal_, ‘immovable,’ _eswara_, ‘lord.’

Footnote 2.7.43:

  It extended from the Indus almost to the Jumna, occupying all the
  sandy regions, Naukot, Arbuda or Abu, Dhat, Mandodri, Kheralu, Parkar,
  Lodorva, and Pugal.

Footnote 2.7.44:

  See _Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 227. [Rāja
  Munja of Mālwa reigned A.D. 974-995. The famous Bhoja, his nephew, not
  his son, 1018-60 (Smith, _EHI_, 395).]

Footnote 2.7.45:

  Which will be given in the _Transactions of the Royal Asiatic

Footnote 2.7.46:

  S. 770, or A.D. 714.

Footnote 2.7.47:

  “When the Pramar of Tilang took sanctuary with Har, to the thirty-six
  tribes he made gifts of land. To Kehar he gave Katehr, to Rae Pahar
  the coast of Sind, to the heroes of the shell the forest lands. Ram
  Pramar of Tilang, the Chakravartin lord of Ujjain, made the gift. He
  bestowed Delhi on the Tuars, and Patan on the Chawaras; Sambhar on the
  Chauhans, and Kanauj on the Kamdhuj; Mardes on the Parihar, Sorath on
  the Jadon, the Deccan on Jawala, and Cutch on the Charan” (_Poems of
  Chand_). [This is an invention of the courtly bard.]

Footnote 2.7.48:

  The inscription gives S. 1100 (A.D. 1044) for the third Bhoj: and this
  date agrees with the period assigned to this prince in an ancient
  Chronogrammatic Catalogue of reigns embracing all the Princes of the
  name of Bhoj, which may therefore be considered authentic. This
  authority assigns S. 631 and 721 (or A.D. 575 and 665) to the first
  and second Bhoj.

Footnote 2.7.49:

  Herbert has a curious story of Chitor being called Taxila; thence the
  story of the Ranas being sons of Porus. I have an inscription from a
  temple on the Chambal, within the ancient limits of Mewar, which
  mentions Takshasilanagara, ‘the stone fort of the Tak,’ but I cannot
  apply it. The city of Toda (Tonk, or properly Tanka) is called in the
  Chauhan chronicles, Takatpur. [Takshasila, the Taxila of the Greeks,
  the name meaning ‘the hewn rock,’ or more probably, ‘the rock of
  Taksha,’ the Nāga king, is the modern Shāhderi in the Rāwalpindi
  District, Panjāb (_IGI_, xxii. 200 f.).]

Footnote 2.7.50:

  Of the Sodha tribe, a grand division of the Pramaras, and who held all
  the desert regions in remote times. Their subdivisions, Umra and
  Sumra, gave the names to Umarkot and Umrasumra, in which was the
  insular Bakhar, on the Indus: so that we do not misapply etymology,
  when we say in Sodha we have the Sogdoi of Alexander.

Footnote 2.7.52:

  See _Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 133,
  ‘Comments on a Sanskrit Inscription.’

Footnote 2.7.53:

  Asura-Daitya, which Titans were either the aboriginal Bhils or the
  Scythic hordes.

Footnote 2.7.54:

  I have visited this classic spot in Hindu mythology. An image of
  Adipal (the ‘first-created’), in marble, still adorns its embankment,
  and is a piece of very fine sculpture. It was too sacred a relic to

Footnote 2.7.55:

  ‘Portal or door (_dwar_) of the earth’; contracted to Prithihara and

Footnote 2.7.56:

  ‘The first striker.’

Footnote 2.7.57:

  [In the Hāra version of the legend the presiding priest is

Footnote 2.7.58:

  _Chatur_; _anga_, ‘body’ [_chaturbāhu_].

Footnote 2.7.59:

  _Asa_, ‘hope,’ _purna_, to ‘fulfil’; whence the tutelary goddess of
  the Chauhan race, Asapurna.

Footnote 2.7.60:

  The goddess of energy (_Sakti_).

Footnote 2.7.61:

  [Cunningham points out that in the original story only the Chauhān was
  created from the fire-pit, the reference to other clans being a later
  addition (_ASR_, ii. 255).]

Footnote 2.7.62:

  Born in S. 1215, or A.D. 1159. [Anhala or Agnipāla is here the head of
  the Chauhān line; but a different list appears in the _Hammīra
  Mahākāvya_ of Nayachhandra Sūri (_IA_, viii. 55 ff.).]

Footnote 2.7.63:

  [Ajmer is commonly said to have been founded by Rāja Aja, A.D. 145. It
  was founded by Ajayadeva Chauhān about A.D. 1100 (_IA_, xxv. 162 f.).]

Footnote 2.7.64:

  A name derived from the goddess Sakambhari, the tutelary divinity of
  the tribes, whose statue is in the middle of the lake.

Footnote 2.7.65:

  Dharma Dhiraj, father of Bisaladeva, must have been the defender on
  this occasion.

Footnote 2.7.66:

  [Muhammad bin Kāsim seems to have marched along the Indus valley, not
  in the direction of Ajmer (Malik Muhammad Din, _Bahawalpur Gazetteer_,
  i. 28).]

Footnote 2.7.67:

  [This is doubtful. Maudūd seems to have not come further south than
  Siālkot (Al Badaoni, _Muntakhabu-t-tawārīkh_, i. 49; Elliot-Dowson ii.
  273, iv. 139 f., 199 f., v. 160 f.).]

Footnote 2.7.68:

  [The author has barely noticed the Khīchis; for an account of them see
  _ASR_, ii. 249 ff.]

Footnote 2.7.69:

  About Fatehpur Jhunjhunu.

Footnote 2.7.70:

  [For a different list see _Rajputana Census Report, 1911_, i. 255.]

Footnote 2.7.71:

  [The Chalukya is a Gurjara tribe, the name being the Sanskritized form
  of the old dynastic title, Chalkya, of the Deccan dynasty (A.D.
  552-973); and of this Solanki is a dialectical variant (_IA_, xi. 24;
  _BG_, i. Part i. 156, Part ii. 336).]

Footnote 2.7.72:

  Solanki Gotracharya is thus: “Madhwani Sakha—Bharadwaja Gotra—Garh
  Lohkot nikas—Sarasvati Nadi (river)—Sama Veda—Kapaliswar Deva—Karduman
  Rikheswar—Tin Parwar Zunar (zone of three threads)—Keonj Devi—Mahipal
  Putra (one of the Penates).” [Lohkot is Lohara in Kashmīr (Stein,
  _Rājatarangini_, i. Introd. 108, ii. 293 ff.).]

Footnote 2.7.73:

  Called Malkhani, being the sons of Mal Khan, the first apostate from
  his faith to Islamism. Whether these branches of the Solankis were
  compelled to quit their religion, or did it voluntarily, we know not.

Footnote 2.7.74:

  Near Bombay. [In Thana District, not Malabar coast.]

Footnote 2.7.75:

  Son of Jai Singh Solanki, the emigrant prince of Kalyan, who married
  the daughter of Bhojraj. These particulars are taken from a valuable
  little geographical and historical treatise, incomplete and without
  title. [Mūlarāja Chaulukya, A.D. 961-96, was son of Bhūbhata:
  Chāmunda, A.D. 997-1010; it was in the reign of Bhīma I. (1022-64)
  that Mahmūd’s invasion in A.D. 1024 occurred (_BG_, i. Part i. 156 ff.

Footnote 2.7.76:

  Called Chamund by Muhammadan historians.

Footnote 2.7.77:

  [Ferishta i. 61.]

Footnote 2.7.78:

  He ruled from S. 1150 to 1201 [A.D. 1094-1143]. It was his court that
  was visited by El Edrisi, commonly called the Nubian geographer, who
  particularly describes this prince as following the tenets of Buddha.
  [He was probably not a Jain (_BG_, i. Part i. 179).]

Footnote 2.7.79:

  [The Gujarāt account of the campaign is different (_BG_, i. Part i.
  184 f.).]

Footnote 2.7.80:

  [Kumārapāla made many benefactions to the Jains (_Ibid._ i. Part i.
  190 f.).]

Footnote 2.7.81:

  [Ajayapāla succeeded Kumārapāla. Bhima II. (A.D. 1179-1242), called
  Bholo, ‘the simpleton,’ was the last of the Chaulukya dynasty, which
  was succeeded by that of the Vāghelas (1219-1304). Vīsaladeva reigned
  A.D. 1243-61. See a full account, _Ibid._ 194 ff.]

Footnote 2.7.82:

  Satranjaya. [_IGI_, xix. 361 ff.]

Footnote 2.7.83:

  In 1822 I made a journey to explore the remains of antiquity in
  Saurashtra. I discovered a ruined suburb of the ancient Patan still
  bearing the name of _Anhilwara_, the _Nahrwara_, which D’Anville had
  “fort à cœur de retrouver.” I meditate a separate account of this
  kingdom, and the dynasties which governed it.

Footnote 2.7.84:

  [Zafar Khān, son of Sahāran of the Tānk tribe of Rājputs, embraced
  Islam, and became viceroy of Gujarāt. According to Ferishta, he threw
  off his allegiance to Delhi in 1396, or rather maintained a nominal
  allegiance till 1403. Ahmad was grandson, not son, of Muzaffar.
  (Ferishta iv. 2 f.; Bayley, _Dynasties of Gujarat_, 67 ff.; _BG_, i.
  Part i. 232 f.).]

Footnote 2.7.85:

  The name of this subdivision is from Bagh Rao, the son of Siddharāja;
  though the bards have another tradition for its origin. [They take
  their name from the village Vaghela near Anhilwāra (_BG_, i. Part i.

Footnote 2.7.86:

  I knew this chieftain well, and a very good specimen he is of the
  race. He is in possession of the famous war-shell of Jai Singh, which
  is an heirloom.

Footnote 2.7.87:

  Famous robbers in the deserts, known as the Malduts.

Footnote 2.7.88:

  Celebrated in traditional history.

Footnote 2.7.89:

  Desperate robbers. I saw this place fired and levelled in 1807, when
  the noted Karim Pindari was made prisoner by Sindhia. It afterwards
  cost some British blood in 1817.

Footnote 2.7.90:

  [For another list see _Census Report, Rajputana, 1911_, i. 256.]

Footnote 2.7.91:

  Though now desolate, the walls of this fortress attest its antiquity,
  and it is a work that could not be undertaken in this degenerate age.
  The remains of it bring to mind those of Volterra or Cortona, and
  other ancient cities of Tuscany: enormous squared masses of stone
  without any cement. [For a full account of Mandor, see Erskine iii.
  _A._ 196 ff.]

Footnote 2.7.92:

  This was in the thirteenth century [A.D. 1381], when Mandor was
  captured, and its prince slain, by the Rawal of Chitor.

Footnote 2.7.93:

  [Six sub-clans are named in _Census Report, Rajputana, 1911_, i. 255.]

Footnote 2.7.94:

  [They have been supposed to be a branch of the Pramārs, but they are
  certainly of Gurjara origin (_IA_, iv. 145 f.; _BG_, ix. Part i. 124,
  488 f.; i. Part i. 149 ff.). According to Wilberforce-Bell, the word
  Chaura in Gujarāt means ‘robber’ (_History of Kathiawad_, 51).]

Footnote 2.7.95:

  The Σύροι of the Greek writers on Bactria, the boundary of the
  Bactrian kingdom under Apollodotus. On this see the paper on Grecian
  medals in the _Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society_, vol. i.

Footnote 2.7.96:

  Many of the inhabitants of the south and west of India cannot
  pronounce the _ch_, and invariably substitute the _s_. Thus the noted
  Pindari leader Chitu was always called Situ by the Deccanis. Again,
  with many of the tribes of the desert, the _s_ is alike a
  stumbling-block, which causes many singular mistakes, when Jaisalmer,
  the ‘hill of Jaisal,’ becomes Jahlmer, ‘the hill of fools.’

Footnote 2.7.97:

  [The Balhara of Arab travellers of the tenth century were the
  Rashtrakūta dynasty of Mālkhed, Balhara being a corruption of
  Vallabharāja, Vallabha being the royal title (_BG_, i. Part ii. 209).]

Footnote 2.7.98:

  [Vanarāja reigned from A.D. 765 to 780, and the dynasty is said to
  have lasted 196 years, but the evidence is still incomplete. The name
  of Bhojrāj does not appear in the most recent lists (_BG_, i. Part i.
  152 ff.).]

Footnote 2.7.99:

  _Rélations anciennes des Voyageurs_, par Renaudot.

Footnote 2.7.100:

  [The true form of this puzzling term seems to be Dābshalīm, whose
  story is told in Elliot-Dowson (ii. 500 ff., iv. 183). Much of the
  account is mere tradition, but it has been plausibly suggested that
  when Bhīma I., the Chaulukya king of Anhilwāra was defeated by Mahmūd
  of Ghazni in A.D. 1024, the latter may have appointed Durlabha, uncle
  of Bhīma, to keep order in Gujarāt, and that the two Dābshalīms may be
  identified with Durlabha and his son (_BG_, i. Part i. 168). Also see
  Ferishta i. 76; Bayley, _Muhammadan Dynasties of Gujarāt_, 32 ff.]

Footnote 2.7.101:

  Abulghazi [_Hist. of the Turks, Moguls, and Tartars_, 1730, i. 5 f.]
  says, when Noah left the ark he divided the earth amongst his three
  sons: Shem had Iran: Japhet, the country of ‘Kuttup Shamach,’ the name
  of the regions between the Caspian Sea and India. There he lived two
  hundred and fifty years. He left eight sons, of whom Turk was the
  elder and the seventh Camari, supposed the Gomer of Scripture. Turk
  had four sons; the eldest of whom was Taunak, the fourth from whom was
  Mogul, a corruption of Mongol, signifying _sad_, whose successors made
  the Jaxartes their winter abode. [The word means ‘brave’ (Howorth,
  _Hist. of the Mongols_, i. 27).] Under his reign no trace of the true
  religion remained: idolatry reigned everywhere. Aghuz Khan succeeded.
  The ancient Cimbri, who went west with Odin’s horde of Jats, Chattis,
  and Su, were probably the tribes descended from Camari, the son of

Footnote 2.7.102:

  Tacash continued to be a proper name with the great Khans of Khārizm
  (Chorasmia) until they adopted the faith of Muhammad. The father of
  Jalal, the foe of Jenghiz Khan, was named Tacash. Tashkent on the
  Jaxartes, the capital of Turkistan, may be derived from the name of
  the race. Bayer says, “Tocharistan was the region of the Tochari, who
  were the ancient Τώχαροι (Tochari), or Τάχαροι (Tacharoi).” Ammianus
  Marcellinus says, “many nations obey the Bactrians, whom the Tochari
  surpass” (_Hist. Reg. Bact._ p. 7).

Footnote 2.7.103:

  This singular race, the Tajiks, are repeatedly mentioned by Mr.
  Elphinstone in his admirable account of the kingdom of Kabul. They are
  also particularly noticed as monopolising the commercial transactions
  of the kingdom of Bokhara, in that interesting work, _Voyage
  d’Orenbourg à Bokhara_, the map accompanying which, for the first
  time, lays down authentically the sources and course of the Oxus and
  Jaxartes. [The term Tājik means the settled population, as opposed to
  the Turks or tent-dwellers. It is the same word as Tāzi, ‘Arab,’ still
  surviving in the name of the Persian greyhound, which was apparently
  introduced by the Arabs. Sykes (_Hist. of Persia_, ii. 153, note) and
  Skrine-Ross (_The Heart of Asia_, 3, 364 note) state that the Tājiks
  represent the Iranian branch of the Aryans.]

Footnote 2.7.104:

  The Mahabharata describes this warfare against the snakes literally:
  of which, in one attack, he seized and made a burnt-offering (hom) of
  twenty thousand. It is surprising that the Hindu will accept these
  things literally. It might be said he had but a choice of
  difficulties, and that it would be as impossible for any human being
  to make the barbarous sacrifice of twenty thousand of his species, as
  it would be difficult to find twenty thousand snakes for the purpose.
  The author’s knowledge of what barbarity will inflict leaves the fact
  of the human sacrifice, though not perhaps to this extent, not even
  improbable. In 1811 his duties called him to a survey amidst the
  ravines of the Chambal, the tract called Gujargarh, a district
  inhabited by the Gujar tribe. Turbulent and independent, like the sons
  of Esau, their hand against every man and every man’s hand against
  them, their nominal prince, Surajmall, the Jāt chief of Bharatpur,
  pursued exactly the same plan towards the population of these
  villages, whom they captured in a night attack, that Janamejaya did to
  the Takshaks: he threw them into pits with combustibles, and actually
  thus consumed them! This occurred not three-quarters of a century ago.

Footnote 2.7.105:

  Arrian says that his name was Omphis [Āmbhi], and that his father
  dying at this time, he did homage to Alexander, who invested him with
  the title and estates of his father Taxiles. Hence, perhaps (from
  _Tak_), the name of the Indus, _Attak_; [?] not _Atak_, or
  ‘forbidden,’ according to modern signification, and which has only
  been given since the Muhammadan religion for a time made it the
  boundary between the two faiths. [All these speculations are

Footnote 2.7.106:

  In Bihar, during the reign of Pradyota, the successor of Ripunjaya.
  Parsva’s symbol is the serpent of Takshak. His doctrines spread to the
  remotest parts of India, and the princes of Valabhipura of Mandor and
  Anhilwara all held to the tenets of Buddha. [As usual, Jains are
  confounded with Buddhists. There is no reason to believe that the
  Nāgas, a serpent-worshipping tribe, were not indigenous in India.]

Footnote 2.7.107:

  This is the celebrated fortress in Khandesh, now in the possession of
  the British.

Footnote 2.7.108:

  In the list of the wounded at the battle of Kanauj he is mentioned by
  name, as “Chatto the Tak.”

Footnote 2.7.109:

  He reigned from A.D. 1324 to 1351.

Footnote 2.7.110:

  ‘The victorious’ [see p. 118 above].

Footnote 2.7.111:

  The _Mirātu-l-Sikandari_ gives the ancestry of the apostate for
  twenty-three generations; the last of whom was Sesh, the same which
  introduced the Nagvansa, seven centuries before the Christian era,
  into India. The author of the work gives the origin of the name of
  Tak, or Tank, from _tarka_, ‘expulsion,’ from his caste, which he
  styles Khatri, evincing his ignorance of this ancient race.

Footnote 2.7.112:

  [Though apparently there is no legal connubium between Jāts and
  Rājputs, the two tribes are closely connected, and it has been
  suggested that both had their origin in invaders from Central Asia,
  the leaders becoming Rājputs, the lower orders Jāt peasants. The
  author, at the close of Vol. II., gives an inscription recording the
  marriage of a Jāt with a Yādava princess.]

Footnote 2.7.113:

  “The superiority of the Chinese over the Turks caused the great Khan
  to turn his arms against the Nomadic Getae of Mawaru-l-nahr
  (Transoxiana), descended from the Yueh-chi, and bred on the Jihun or
  Oxus, whence they had extended themselves along the Indus and even
  Ganges, and are there yet found. These Getae had embraced the religion
  of Fo” (_Hist. Gén. des Huns_, tom. i. p. 375).

Footnote 2.7.114:

  "To my foe, salutation! This foe how shall I describe? Of the race of
  _Jat Kathida_, whose ancestor, the warrior Takshak, formed the garland
  on the neck of Mahadeva." Though this is a figurative allusion to the
  snake necklace of the father of creation, yet it evidently pointed to
  the Jat’s descent from the Takshak. But enough has been said elsewhere
  of the snake race, the parent of the Scythic tribes, which the divine
  Milton seems to have taken from Diodorus’s account of the mother of
  the Scythac:

                “Woman to the waist, and fair;
                But ended foul in many a scaly fold!”
                          _Paradise Lost_, Book ii. 650 f.

  Whether the _Jat Kathida_ is the Jat or Getae of Cathay (_da_ being
  the mark of the genitive case) we will leave to conjecture [?]. [Ney
  Elias (_History of the Moghuls of Central Asia_, 75) suggests that the
  theory of the connexion between Jāts and Getae was largely based on an
  error regarding the term _jatah_, ‘rascal,’ applied as a mark of
  reproach to the Moguls by the Chagatai.]

Footnote 2.7.115:

  This place existed in the twelfth century as a capital; since an
  inscription of Kamarpal, prince of Anhilwara, declares that this
  monarch carried his conquests “even to Salpur.” There is Sialkot in
  Rennell’s geography, and Wilford mentions “Sangala, a famous city in
  ruins, sixty miles west by north of Lahore, situated in a forest, and
  said to be built by Puru.”

Footnote 2.7.116:

  At this time (A.D. 449) the Jut brothers, Hengist and Horsa, led a
  colony from Jutland and founded the kingdom of Kent (_qu._ _Kantha_,
  ‘a coast,’ in Sanskrit, as in Gothic _Konta_?). The laws they there
  introduced, more especially the still prevailing one of gavelkind,
  where all the sons share equally, except the youngest who has a double
  portion, are purely Scythic, and brought by the original Goth from the
  Jaxartes. Alaric had finished his career, and Theodoric and Genseric
  (_ric_, ‘king,’ in Sanskrit [?]) were carrying their arms into Spain
  and Africa. [These speculations are valueless.]

Footnote 2.7.117:

  Why should these proselytes, if originally Yadu, assume the name of
  Jat or Jāt? It must be either that the Yadus were themselves the
  Scythic Yuti or Yueh-chi, or that the branches intermarried with the
  Jats, and consequently became degraded as Yadus, and the mixed issue
  bore the name of the mother.

Footnote 2.7.118:

  The Jadu ka Dang, ‘or hills of Yadu,’ mentioned in the sketch of this
  race as one of their intermediate points of halt when they were driven
  from India after the Mahabharata.

Footnote 2.7.119:

  Near the spot where Alexander built his fleet, which navigated to
  Babylon thirteen hundred years before.

Footnote 2.7.120:

  Translated by Dow, ‘an island.’ Sind Sagar is one of the Duabas of the
  Panjab. I have compared Dow’s translation of the earlier portion of
  the history of Ferishta with the original, and it is infinitely more
  faithful than the world gives him credit for. His errors are most
  considerable in numerals and in weights and measures; and it is owing
  to this that he has made the captured wealth of India appear so

Footnote 2.7.121:

  Ferishta vol. i. [The translation in the text is an abstract of that
  of Dow (i. 72). That of Briggs (i. 81 f.) is more accurate. In neither
  version is there any mention of the Sind Sāgar. Rose (_Glossary_, ii.
  359) discredits the account of this naval engagement, and expresses a
  doubt whether the Jats at this period occupied Jūd or the Salt

Footnote 2.7.122:

  [By the ‘Getae’ of the text the author apparently means Mongols.]

Footnote 2.7.123:

  Abulghazi vol. ii. chap. 16. After his battle with Sultan Mahmud of
  Delhi, Timur gave orders, to use the word of his historian, “for the
  slaughter of a hundred thousand infidel slaves. The great mosque was
  fired, and the souls of the infidels were sent to the abyss of hell.
  Towers were erected of their heads, and their bodies were thrown as
  food to the beasts and birds of prey. At Mairta the infidel Guebres
  were flayed alive.” This was by order of Tamerlane, to whom the
  dramatic historians of Europe assign every great and good quality!

Footnote 2.7.124:

  [The first Hun invasion occurred in 455 A.D., and about 500 they
  overthrew the Gupta Empire (Smith, _EHI_, 309, 316).]

Footnote 2.7.125:

  _Asiatic Researches_, vol. i. p. 136.

Footnote 2.7.126:

  _Hist. Gén. des Huns_, tom. iii. p. 238.

Footnote 2.7.127:

  [The name Tatar is derived from that of the Ta-ta Mongols (_EB_, xxvi.

Footnote 2.7.128:

  _Précis de Géographie universelle._ Malte-Brun traces a connexion
  between the Hungarians and the Scandinavians, from similarity of
  language: “A ces siècles primitifs où les Huns, les Goths, les Jotes,
  les Ases, et bien d’autres peuples étaient réunis autour des anciens
  autels d’Odin.” Several of the words which he affords us are Sanskrit
  in origin. Vol. vi. p. 370.

Footnote 2.7.129:

  _Eclaircissemens Géographiques sur la Carte de l’Inde_, p. 43 [Smith,
  _EHI_, 315 ff.].

Footnote 2.7.130:

  An orthography which more assimilates with the Hindu pronunciation of
  the name Huon, or Oun, than Hun.

Footnote 2.7.131:

  The same bard says that there are three or four houses of these Huns
  at Trisawi, three coss from Baroda; and the Khichi bard, Moghji, says
  their traditions record the existence of many powerful Hun princes in
  India. [On the Huns in W. India see _BG_, i. Part i. 122 ff. The
  difficulty in the text is now removed by the proof that many of them
  became Rājputs.]

Footnote 2.7.132:

  The late Captain Macmurdo, whose death was a loss to the service and
  to literature, gives an animated account of the habits of the Kathi.
  His opinions coincide entirely with my own regarding this race. See
  vol. i. p. 270, _Trans. Soc. of Bombay_. [For accounts of the Kāthi
  see _BG_, ix. Part i. 252 ff., viii. 122 ff. Under the Mahrattas
  Kāthiāwār, the name of the Kāthi tract, was extended to the whole of
  Saurāshtra (Wilberforce-Bell, _Hist. of Kathiawad_, 132 f.).]

Footnote 2.7.133:

  It is needless to particularise them here. In the poems of Chand, some
  books of which I have translated and purpose giving to the public, the
  important part the Kathi had assigned to them will appear.

Footnote 2.7.134:

  [In the form of a symbol like a spider, the rays forming the legs
  (_BG_, ix. Part i. 257).]

Footnote 2.7.135:

  It is the Rajput of Kathiawar, not of Rajasthan, to whom Captain
  Macmurdo alludes.

Footnote 2.7.136:

  Of their personal appearance, and the blue eye indicative of their
  Gothic or Getic origin, the author will have occasion to speak more
  particularly in his personal narrative.

Footnote 2.7.137:

  ‘Princes of Tatta and Multan.’

Footnote 2.7.138:

  [The origin of the Bālas is not certain: they were probably Gurjaras
  (_Ibid._ 495 f.).]

Footnote 2.7.139:

  [Chotila in Kāthiāwār (_BG_, viii. 407).]

Footnote 2.7.140:

  His son, Madho Singh, the present administrator, is the offspring of
  the celebrated Zalim and a Ranawat chieftain’s daughter, which has
  entitled his (Madho Singh’s) issue to marry far above their scale in
  rank. So much does superiority of blood rise above all worldly
  considerations with a Rajput, that although Zalim Singh held the reins
  of the richest and best ordered State of Rajasthan, he deemed his
  family honoured by his obtaining to wife for his grandson the daughter
  of a Kachhwaha minor chieftain.

Footnote 2.7.141:

  [Ghumli in the Barda hills, about 40 miles east of Porbandar
  (Wilberforce-Bell, _Hist. of Kathiawad_, 49 f.; _BG_, viii. 440).]

Footnote 2.7.142:

  [The terms Kamār and Kamāri seem to have disappeared.]

Footnote 2.7.143:

  A compound word from goh, ‘strength’; Ila, ‘the earth.’ [This is out
  of the question: cf. Guhilot.]

Footnote 2.7.144:

  [For Kher, ‘the cradle of the Rathors,’ see Erskine iii. _A._ 199.]

Footnote 2.7.145:

  [For the island of Piram in Ahmadabad district see _IGI_, xx. 149 f.,
  and for the tradition Wilberforce-Bell, _op. cit._ 71 f.; _BG_, iv.
  348, viii. 114.]

Footnote 2.7.146:

  [The ancient Nandapadra in Rājpīpla, Bombay (_IGI_, xviii. 361; _BG_,
  i. Part ii. 314).]

Footnote 2.7.147:

  _Sarwaiya Khatri tain sar._

Footnote 2.7.148:

  _Su_, as before observed, is a distinctive prefix, meaning
  ‘excellent.’ [The derivation is impossible. Lāta was S. Gujarāt.]

Footnote 2.7.149:

  [For the Dābhi tribe, see _IA_, iii. 69 ff., 193 f.; Forbes,
  _Rāsmāla_, 237 f.]

Footnote 2.7.150:

  In 1807 the author passed through this territory, in a solitary ramble
  to explore these parts, then little known; and though but a young
  _Sub._, was courteously received and entertained both at Baroda and
  Sheopur. In 1809 he again entered the country under very different
  circumstances, in the suite of the British envoy with Sindhia’s court,
  and had the grief to witness the operations against Sheopur, and its
  fall, unable to aid his friends. The Gaur prince had laid aside the
  martial virtues. He became a zealot in the worship of Vishnu, left off
  animal food, was continually dancing before the image of the god, and
  was far more conversant in the mystical poetry of Krishna and his
  beloved Radha than in the martial song of the bard. His name was
  Radhikadas, ‘the slave of Radha’; and, as far as he is personally
  concerned, we might cease to lament that he was the last of his race.

Footnote 2.7.151:

  [Only two sub-clans are named in _Rajputana Census Report, 1911_, i.
  255. Gaur Rājputs are numerous in the United Provinces, and the Gaur
  Brāhmans of Jaipur represent a foreign tribe merged into Hindu society
  (_IA_, xi. 22). They can have no connexion with the Pāla or Sena
  dynasty of Bengal (Smith, _EHI_, 397 ff.).]

Footnote 2.7.152:

  See _Transactions of Royal Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 133. [They are
  found in the Upper Ganges-Jumna Duab, and are Musalmāns.]

Footnote 2.7.153:


Footnote 2.7.154:

  [For the Gaharwār, see Crooke, _Tribes and Castes N.W.P. and Oudh_,
  ii. 32 ff., and for the Gaharwār dynasty of Kanauj (Smith, _EHI_, 384

Footnote 2.7.155:

  Slain at the instigation of Prince Salim, son of Akbar, afterwards the
  emperor Jahangir. See this incident stated in the emperor’s own
  _Commentaries_ [_Āīn_, i. Introd. xxiv. ff.].

Footnote 2.7.156:

  [For Subhkaran Singh, see Manucci (i. 270, 272). Dalpat was one of his
  patients (_Ibid._ ii. 298).]

Footnote 2.7.157:

  On the death of Mahadaji Sindhia, the females of his family, in
  apprehension of his successor (Daulat Rao), sought refuge and
  protection with the Raja of Datia. An army was sent to demand their
  surrender, and hostility was proclaimed as the consequence of refusal.
  This brave man would not even await the attack, but at the head of a
  devoted band of three hundred horse, with their lances, carried
  destruction amongst their assailants, neither giving nor receiving
  quarter: and thus he fell in defence of the laws of sanctuary and
  honour. Even when grievously wounded, he would accept no aid, and
  refused to leave the field, but disdaining all compromise awaited his
  fate. The author has passed upon the spot where this gallant deed was
  performed; and from his son, the present Raja, had the annals of his

Footnote 2.7.158:

  Amber or Jaipur, as well as Macheri, were comprehended in Dhundhar,
  the ancient geographical designation [said to be derived from an
  ancient sacrificial mound (_dhūndh_), on the western frontier of the
  State, or from a demon-king, Dhūndhu (_IGI_, xiii. 385).]

Footnote 2.7.159:

  The ruins of Rajor are about fifteen miles west of Rajgarh. A person
  sent there by the author reported the existence of inscriptions in the
  temple of Nilkantha Mahadeo.

Footnote 2.7.160:

  [They are numerous in the United Provinces, but their origin and
  traditions are uncertain.]

Footnote 2.7.161:

  [See Crooke, _Tribes and Castes N.W.P. and Oudh_, iv. 263 ff.]

Footnote 2.7.162:

  [They are almost certainly of mixed origin (Crooke, _op. cit._ i. 118

Footnote 2.7.163:

  [They lived east of the Caspian Sea, and can have no connexion with
  the Indian Dahia (Sykes, _Hist. of Persia_, i. 330).]

Footnote 2.7.164:

  [Their origin is very uncertain; in Bahāwalpur they now repudiate
  Rājput descent, and claim to be descendants of the Prophet (Rose,
  _Glossary_, ii. 410 ff.; Malik Muhammad Din, _Gazetteer Bahawalpur_,
  i. 23, 133 ff.).]

Footnote 2.7.165:

  [The Malloi (Skt. Mālava) occupied the present Montgomery District,
  and parts of Jhang. They had no connexion with Multan (Skt.
  Mūlasthānapura), (Smith, _EHI_, 96; McCrindle, _Alexander_, 350 ff.).]

Footnote 2.7.166:

  [They are a mixed race, early settlers in Alwar (Crooke, _Tribes and
  Castes N.W.P. and Oudh_, iv. 86 ff.).]

Footnote 2.7.167:

  The final syllable _ka_ is a mark of the genitive case [?].

Footnote 2.7.168:

  ‘Chief of a country,’ from _des_, ‘country,’ and _pati_, ‘chief.’
  (_Qu._ δεσπότης?)

Footnote 2.7.169:

  [_Āīn_, ii. 344 f. Dāhir was killed in action: the real tragedy was
  the death of Muhammad bin Kāsim in consequence of a false accusation
  (Elliot-Dowson i. 292).]

Footnote 2.7.170:

  [Elliot (_Supplemental Glossary_, 262) writes the name Dhāhima, and
  says they are found in Meerut District.]

Footnote 2.7.171:

  Chand, the bard, thus describes Bayana, and the marriage of
  Prithwiraja with the Dahimi: “On the summit of the hills of
  Druinadahar, whose awful load oppressed the head of Sheshnag, was
  placed the castle of Bayana, resembling Kailas. The Dahima had three
  sons and two fair daughters: may his name be perpetuated throughout
  this iron age! One daughter was married to the Lord of Mewat, the
  other to the Chauhan. With her he gave in dower eight beauteous
  damsels and sixty-three female slaves, one hundred chosen horses of
  the breed of Irak, two elephants, and ten shields, a pallet of silver
  for the bride, one hundred wooden images, one hundred chariots, and
  one thousand pieces of gold.” The bard, on taking leave, says: “the
  Dahima lavished his gold, and filled his coffers with the praises of
  mankind. The Dahimi produced a jewel, a gem without price, the Prince

  The author here gives a fragment of the ruins of Bayana, the ancient
  abode of the Dahima.

Footnote 2.7.172:

  [Many names in the following list are not capable of identification,
  and their correct form is uncertain. Those of the mercantile tribes
  are largely groups confined to Rājputāna.]


                               CHAPTER 8

Having thus taken a review of the tribes which at various times
inhabited and still inhabit Hindustan, the subject must be concluded.

In so extensive a field it was impossible to introduce all that could
have been advanced on the distinctive marks in religion and manners; but
this deficiency will be remedied in the annals of the most prominent
races yet ruling, by which we shall prevent repetition.

The same religion governing the institutions of all these tribes
operates to counteract that dissimilarity in manners, which would
naturally be expected amidst so great a variety, from situation or
climate; although such causes do produce a material difference in
external habit. Cross but the elevated range which divides upland Mewar
from the low sandy region of Marwar, and the difference of costume and
manners will strike the most casual observer. But these changes are only
exterior and personal; the mental character is less changed, because the
same creed, the same religion (the principal former and reformer of
manners), guides them all.

=Distinctions between the Rājput States.=—We have the same mythology,
the same theogony, the same festivals, though commemorated with peculiar
distinctions. There are niceties in thought, as in dress, which if
possible to communicate would excite but little interest; when the tie
of a turban and the fold of a robe are, like Masonic symbols,
distinguishing badges of tribes. But it is in their domestic circle that
manners are best seen [122]; where restraint is thrown aside, and no
authority controls the freedom of expression. But does the European seek
access to this sanctum of nationality ere he gives his debtor and
creditor account of character, his balanced catalogue of virtues and
vices? He may, however, with the Rajput, whose independence of mind
places him above restraint, and whose hospitality and love of character
will always afford free communication to those who respect his opinions
and his prejudices, and who are devoid of that overweening opinion of
self, which imagines that nothing can be learned from such friendly
intercourse. The personal dissimilarity accordingly arises from locale;
the mental similarity results from a grand fixed principle, which,
whatever its intrinsic moral effect, whatever its incompatibility with
the elevated notions we entertain, has preserved to these races, as
nations, the enjoyment of their ancient habits to this distant period.
May our boasted superiority in all that exalts man above his fellows,
ensure to our Eastern empire like duration; and may these notions of our
own peculiarly favoured destiny operate to prevent us from laying
prostrate, in our periodical ambitious visitations, these the most
ancient relics of civilization on the face of the earth. For the dread
of their amalgamation with our empire will prevail, though such a result
would be opposed not only to their happiness, but to our own stability.

=Alliances with the British.=—With our present system of alliances, so
pregnant with evil from their origin, this fatal consequence (far from
desired by the legislative authorities at home) must inevitably ensue.
If the wit of man had been taxed to devise a series of treaties with a
view to an ultimate rupture, these would be entitled to applause as
specimens of diplomacy.

There is a perpetual variation between the spirit and the letter of
every treaty; and while the internal independence of each State is the
groundwork, it is frittered away and nullified by successive
stipulations, and these positive and negative qualities continue
mutually repelling each other, until it is apparent that independence
cannot exist under such conditions. Where discipline is lax, as with
these feudal associations, and where each subordinate vassal is master
of his own retainers, the article of military contingents alone would
prove a source of contention. By leading to interference with each
individual chieftain, it would render such aid worse than useless. But
this is a minor consideration to the tributary pecuniary stipulation
which, unsettled and undetermined, leaves a door open to a [123] system
of espionage into their revenue accounts—a system not only disgusting,
but contrary to treaty, which leaves ‘internal administration’ sacred.
These openings to dispute, and the general laxity of their governments
coming in contact with our regular system, present dangerous handles for
ambition: and who so blind as not to know that ambition to be
distinguished must influence every viceregent in the East? While deeds
in arms and acquisition of territory outweigh the meek éclat of civil
virtue, the periodical visitations to these kingdoms will ever be like
the comet’s,

                     Foreboding change to princes.

Our position in the East has been, and continues to be, one in which
conquest forces herself upon us. We have yet the power, however late, to
halt, and not anticipate her further orders to march. A contest for a
mud-bank has carried our arms to the Aurea Chersonesus, the limit of
Ptolemy’s geography. With the Indus on the left, the Brahmaputra to the
right, the Himalayan barrier towering like a giant to guard the Tatarian
ascent, the ocean and our ships at our back, such is our colossal
attitude! But if misdirected ambition halts not at the Brahmaputra, but
plunges in to gather laurels from the teak forest of Arakan, what surety
have we for these Hindu States placed by treaty within the grasp of our

But the hope is cherished, that the same generosity which formed those
ties that snatched the Rajputs from degradation and impending
destruction, will maintain the pledge given in the fever of success,
“that their independence should be sacred”; that it will palliate faults
we may not overlook, and perpetuate this oasis of ancient rule, in the
desert of destructive revolution, of races whose virtues are their own,
and whose vices are the grafts of tyranny, conquest, and religious

To make them known is one step to obtain for them, at least, the boon of
sympathy; for with the ephemeral power of our governors and the agents
of government, is it to be expected that the rod will more softly fall
when ignorance of their history prevails, and no kind association
springs from a knowledge of their martial achievements and yet proud
bearing, their generosity, courtesy, and extended hospitality? These are
Rajput virtues yet extant amidst all their revolutions, and which have
survived ages of Muhammadan bigotry and power; though to the honour of
the virtuous and magnanimous few among the crowned heads of eight
centuries, both Tatar and Mogul, there were some great souls [124]; men
of high worth, who appeared at intervals to redeem the oppression of a
whole preceding dynasty.

The high ground we assumed, and the lofty sentiments with which we
introduced ourselves amongst the Rajputs, arrogating motives of purity,
of disinterested benevolence, scarcely belonging to humanity, and to
which their sacred writings alone yielded a parallel, gave such exalted
notions of our right of exerting the attributes of divinity, justice,
and mercy, that they expected little less than almighty wisdom in our
acts; but circumstances have throughout occurred in each individual
State, to show we were mere mortals, and that the poet’s moral:

              ’Tis distance lends enchantment to the view,

was true in politics. Sorrow and distrust were the consequences—anger
succeeded; but the sense of obligation is still too powerful to operate
a stronger and less generous sentiment. These errors may yet be
redeemed, and our Rajput allies yet be retained as useful friends:
though they can only be so while in the enjoyment of perfect internal
independence, and their ancient institutions.

“No political institution can endure,” observes the eloquent historian
of the Middle Ages, “which does not rivet itself to the heart of men by
ancient prejudices or acknowledged merit. The feudal compact had much of
this character. In fulfilling the obligations of mutual assistance and
fidelity by military service, the energies of friendship were awakened,
and the ties of moral sympathy superadded to those of positive compact.”

We shall throw out one of the assumed causes which give stability to
political institutions; ‘acknowledged merit,’ which never belonged to
the loose feudal compact of Rajwara; but the absence of this strengthens
the necessary substitute, ‘ancient prejudices,’ which supply many

Our anomalous and inconsistent interference in some cases, and our
non-interference in others, operate alike to augment the dislocation
induced by long predatory oppression in the various orders of society,
instead of restoring that harmony and continuity which had previously
existed. The great danger, nay, the inevitable consequence of
perseverance in this line of conduct, will be their reduction to the
same degradation with our other allies, and their ultimate incorporation
with our already too extended dominion [125].

It may be contended, that the scope and tenor of these alliances were
not altogether unfitted for the period when they were formed, and our
circumscribed knowledge; but was it too late, when this knowledge was
extended, to purify them from the dross which deteriorated the two grand
principles of mutual benefit, on which all were grounded, viz. ‘perfect
internal independence’ to them, and ‘acknowledged supremacy’ to the
protecting power? It will be said, that even these corner-stones of the
grand political fabric are far from possessing those durable qualities
which the contracting parties define, but that, on the contrary, they
are the Ormuzd and Ahrimanes, the good and evil principles of
contention. But when we have superadded pecuniary engagements of
indefinite extent, increasing in the ratio of their prosperity, and
armed quotas or contingents of their troops, whose loose habits and
discipline would ensure constant complaint, we may certainly take credit
for having established a system which must compel that direct
interference, which the broad principle of each treaty professes to

The inevitable consequence is the perpetuation of that denationalising
principle, so well understood by the Mahrattas, ‘_divide et impera_.’ We
are few; to use an Oriental metaphor, our agents must ‘use the eyes and
ears of others.’ That mutual dependence, which would again have arisen,
our interference will completely nullify. Princes will find they can
oppress their chiefs, chiefs will find channels by which their
sovereign’s commands may be rendered nugatory, and irresponsible
ministers must have our support to raise these undefined tributary
supplies; and unanimity, confidence, and all the sentiments of gratitude
which they owe, and acknowledge to be our due, will gradually fade with
the national degradation. That our alliances have this tendency cannot
be disputed. By their very nature they transfer the respect of every
class of subjects from their immediate sovereign to the paramount
authority and its subordinate agents. Who will dare to urge that a
government, which cannot support its internal rule without restriction,
can be national? that without power unshackled and unrestrained by
exterior council or espionage, it can maintain self-respect, the
corner-stone of every virtue with States as with individuals? This first
of feelings these treaties utterly annihilate. Can we suppose such
denationalised allies are to be depended upon in emergencies? or, if
allowed to retain a spark of their ancient moral inheritance, that it
[126] will not be kindled into a flame against us when opportunity
offers, instead of lighting up the powerful feeling of gratitude which
yet exists towards us in these warlike communities?

Like us they were the natural foes of that predatory system which so
long disturbed our power, and our preservation and theirs were alike
consulted in its destruction. When we sought their alliance, we spoke in
the captivating accents of philanthropy; we courted them to disunite
from this Ahrimanes of political convulsion. The benevolent motives of
the great mover of these alliances we dare not call in question, and his
policy coincided with the soundest wisdom. But the treaties might have
been revised, and the obnoxious parts which led to discord, abrogated,
at the expense of a few paltry lacs of tribute and a portion of
sovereign homage. It is not yet too late. True policy would enfranchise
them altogether from our alliance; but till then let them not feel their
shackles in the galling restraint on each internal operation. Remove
that millstone to national prosperity, the poignant feeling that every
increased bushel of corn raised in their long-deserted fields must send
its tithe to the British granaries. Let the national mind recover its
wonted elasticity, and they will again attain their former celebrity. We
have the power to advance this greatness, and make it and its result our
own; or, by a system unworthy of Britain, to retard and even quench it

Never were their national characteristics so much endangered as in the
seducing calm which followed the tempestuous agitations in which they
had so long floated; doubtful, to use their own figurative expression,
whether ‘the gift of our friendship, or our arms,’ were fraught with
greater evil. The latter they could not withstand; though it must never
be lost sight of, that, like ancient Rome when her glory was fading, we
use ‘the arms of the barbarians’ to defend our conquests against them!
Is the mind ever stationary? are virtue and high notions to be acquired
from contact and example? Is there no mind above the level of £10
monthly pay in all the native legions of the three presidencies of
India? no Odoacer, no Sivaji, [127] again to revive? Is the book of
knowledge and of truth, which we hold up, only to teach them submission
and perpetuate their weakness? Can we without fresh claims expect
eternal gratitude, and must we not rationally look for reaction in some
grand impulse, which, by furnishing a signal instance of the mutability
of power, may afford a lesson for the benefit of posterity?

Is the mantle of protection, which we have thrown over these warlike
races, likely to avert such a result? It might certainly, if imbued with
all those philanthropic feelings for which we took credit, act with
soporific influence, and extinguish the embers of international
animosity. ‘The lion and the lamb were to drink from the same fountain’;
they were led to expect the holy Satya Yug, when each man reposed under
his own fig-tree, which neither strife nor envy dared approach.

When so many nations are called upon, in a period of great calamity and
danger, to make over to a foreigner, their opposite in everything, their
superior in most, the control of their forces in time of war, the
adjudication of their disputes in time of peace, and a share in the
fruits of their renovating prosperity, what must be the result; when
each Rajput may hang up his lance in the hall, convert his sword to a
ploughshare, and make a basket of his buckler? What but the prostration
of every virtue? It commences with the basis of the Rajput’s—the martial
virtues; extinguish these and they will soon cease to respect
themselves. Sloth, low cunning and meanness will follow. What nation
ever maintained its character that devolved on the stranger the power of
protection! To be great, to be independent, its martial spirit must be
cherished; happy if within the bounds of moderation. Led away by
enthusiasm, the author experienced the danger of interference, when
observing but one side of the picture—the brilliant lights which shone
on their long days of darkness, not calculating the shade which would
follow the sudden glare.

On our cessation from every species of interference alone depends their
independence or their amalgamation—a crisis fraught with danger to our
overgrown rule.

Let Alexander’s speech to his veterans, tired of conquest and refusing
to cross the Hyphasis, be applied, and let us not reckon too strongly on
our empire of opinion: “Fame never represents matters truly as they are,
but on the contrary magnifies everything. This is evident; for our own
reputation and glory, though founded on solid truth, is yet more obliged
to rumour than reality.”[2.8.3]

We may conclude with the Macedonian conqueror’s reasons for showing the
[128] Persians and his other foreign allies so much favour: “The
possession of what we got by the sword is not very durable, but the
obligation of good offices is eternal. If we have a mind to keep Asia,
and not simply pass through it, our clemency must extend to them also,
and their fidelity will make our empire everlasting. As for ourselves,
we have more than we know what to do with, and it must be an insatiable,
avaricious temper which desires to continue to fill what already runs
over.”[2.8.4] [129]


Footnote 2.8.1:

  [The present relations of the States to the Government of India
  justify these expectations.]

Footnote 2.8.2:

  If Lord Hastings’ philanthropy, which rejoiced in snatching these
  ancient States from the degradation of predatory warfare, expected
  that in four short years order should rise out of the chaos of a
  century, and “was prepared to visit with displeasure all symptoms of
  internal neglect, arising from supineness, indifference, or concealed
  ill-will”; if _he_ signified that “government would take upon itself
  the task of restoring order,” and that “all changes” on this score
  “would be demanded and rigidly exacted”: in fine, that “such
  arrangements would be made as would deprive them of the power of
  longer abusing the spirit of liberal forbearance, the motives of which
  they were incapable of understanding or appreciating”; what have they
  to hope from those without his sympathies?

Footnote 2.8.3:

  Quintus Curtius, lib. ix. [ii. 6].

Footnote 2.8.4:

  _Ibid._ lib. viii. [viii. 27].


                                BOOK III

                               CHAPTER 1

=Feudalism in Rājasthān.=—It is more than doubtful whether any code of
civil or criminal jurisprudence ever existed in any of these
principalities; though it is certain that none is at this day
discoverable in their archives. But there is a martial system peculiar
to these Rajput States, so extensive in its operation as to embrace
every object of society. This is so analogous to the ancient feudal
system of Europe, that I have not hesitated to hazard a comparison
between them, with reference to a period when the latter was yet
imperfect. Long and attentive observation enables me to give this
outline of a system, of which there exists little written evidence.
Curiosity originally, and subsequently a sense of public duty (lest I
might be a party to injustice), co-operated in inducing me to make
myself fully acquainted with the minutiae of this traditionary theory of
government; and incidents, apparently trivial in themselves, exposed
parts of a widely-extended system, which, though now disjointed, still
continue to regulate the actions of extensive communities, and lead to
the inference, that at one period it must have attained a certain degree
of perfection.

Many years have elapsed since I first entertained these opinions, long
before any connexion existed between these States and the British
Government; when their geography was little known to us, and their
history still less so. At that period I frequently travelled amongst
them for amusement, making these objects subservient thereto, and laying
the result freely before my Government. I had [130] abundant sources of
intelligence to guide me in forming my analogies; Montesquieu, Hume,
Millar, Gibbon[3.1.1]: but I sought only general resemblances and
lineaments similar to those before me. A more perfect, because more
familiar picture, has since appeared by an author,[3.1.2] who has drawn
aside the veil of mystery which covered the subject, owing to its being
till then but imperfectly understood. I compared the features of Rajput
society with the finished picture of this eloquent writer, and shall be
satisfied with having substantiated the claim of these tribes to
participation in a system, hitherto deemed to belong exclusively to
Europe. I am aware of the danger of hypothesis, and shall advance
nothing that I do not accompany by incontestable proofs.

=The Tribal System.=—The leading features of government amongst
semi-barbarous hordes or civilized independent tribes must have a
considerable resemblance to each other. In the same stages of society,
the wants of men must everywhere be similar, and will produce the
analogies which are observed to regulate Tatar hordes or German tribes,
Caledonian clans, the Rajput Kula (race), or Jareja Bhayyad
(brotherhood). All the countries of Europe participated in the system we
denominate feudal; and we can observe it, in various degrees of
perfection or deterioration, from the mountains of Caucasus to the
Indian Ocean. But it requires a persevering toil, and more
discriminating judgement than I possess, to recover all these relics of
civilization: yet though time, and still more oppression, have veiled
the ancient institutions of Mewar, the mystery may be penetrated, and
will discover parts of a system worthy of being rescued from oblivion.

=Influence of Muhammadans and Mahrattas.=—Mahratta cunning, engrafted on
Muhammadan intolerance, had greatly obscured these institutions. The
nation itself was passing rapidly away: the remnant which was left had
become a matter of calculation, and their records and their laws partook
of this general decay. The nation may recover; the physical frame may be
renewed; but the _morale_ of the society must be recast. In this chaos a
casual observer sees nothing to attract notice; the theory of government
appears, without any of the dignity which now marks our regular system.
Whatever does exist is attributed to fortuitous causes—to nothing
systematic: no fixed principle is discerned, and none is admitted; it is
deemed a mechanism without a plan. This opinion is hasty. Attention to
distinctions, though often merely nominal [131], will aid us in
discovering the outlines of a picture which must at some period have
been more finished; when real power, unrestrained by foreign influence,
upheld a system, the plan of which was original. It is in these remote
regions, so little known to the Western world, and where original
manners lie hidden under those of the conquerors, that we may search for
the germs of the constitutions of European States.[3.1.3] A contempt for
all that is Asiatic too often marks our countrymen in the East: though
at one period on record the taunt might have been reversed.

In remarking the curious coincidence between the habits, notions, and
governments of Europe in the Middle Ages, and those of Rajasthan, it is
not absolutely necessary we should conclude that one system was borrowed
from the other; each may, in truth, be said to have the patriarchal form
for its basis. I have sometimes been inclined to agree with the
definition of Gibbon, who styles the system of our ancestors the
offspring of chance and barbarism. “Le système féodal, assemblage
monstrueux de tant de parties que le tems et l’hazard ont réunies, nous
offre un objet très compliqué: pour l’étudier il faut le
décomposer.”[3.1.4] This I shall attempt.

The form, as before remarked, is truly patriarchal in these States,
where the greater portion of the vassal chiefs, from the highest of the
sixteen peers to the holders of a _charsa_[3.1.5] of land, claim
affinity in blood to the sovereign.[3.1.6]

The natural seeds are implanted in every soil, but the tree did not gain
[132] maturity except in a favoured aspect. The perfection of the system
in England is due to the Normans, who brought it from Scandinavia,
whither it was probably conveyed by Odin and the Sacasenae, or by
anterior migrations, from Asia; which would coincide with Richardson’s
hypothesis, who contends that it was introduced from Tatary. Although
speculative reasoning forms no part of my plan, yet when I observe
analogy on the subject in the customs of the ancient German tribes, the
Franks or Gothic races, I shall venture to note them. Of one thing there
is no doubt—knowledge must have accompanied the tide of migration from
the east: and from higher Asia emerged in the Asi, the Chatti, and the
Cimbric Lombard, who spread the system in Scandinavia, Friesland, and

=Origin of Feuds.=—“It has been very common,” says the enlightened
historian of the Feudal System in the Middle Ages, “to seek for the
origin of feuds, or at least for analogies to them, in the history of
various countries; but though it is of great importance to trace the
similarity of customs in different parts of the world, we should guard
against seeming analogies, which vanish away when they are closely
observed. It is easy to find partial resemblances to the feudal system.
The relation of patron and client in the republic of Rome has been
deemed to resemble it, as well as the barbarians and veterans who held
frontier lands on the tenure of defending them and the frontier; but
they were bound not to an individual, but to the state. Such a
resemblance of fiefs may be found in the Zamindars of Hindustan and the
Timariots of Turkey. The clans of the Highlanders and Irish followed
their chieftain into the field: but their tie was that of imagined
kindred and birth, not the spontaneous compact of vassalage.”[3.1.7]

I give this at length to show, that if I still persist in deeming the
Rajput system a pure relation of feuds, I have before my eyes the danger
of seeming resemblances. But grants, deeds, charters, and traditions,
copies of all of which will be found in the Appendix, will establish my
opinions. I hope to prove that the tribes in the northern regions of
Hindustan did possess the system, and that it was handed down, and still
obtains, notwithstanding seven centuries of paramount sway of the Mogul
and Pathan dynasties, altogether opposed to them except in this feature
of government where there was an original similarity. In some of these
States—those least affected by conquest—the system remained freer from
innovation. It is, however, from Mewar chiefly that I shall deduce my
examples, as its internal [133] rule was less influenced by foreign
policy, even to the period at which the imperial power of Delhi was on
the decline.

=Evidence from Mewar.=—As in Europe, for a length of time, traditionary
custom was the only regulator of the rights and tenures of this system,
varying in each State, and not unfrequently (in its minor details) in
the different provinces of one State, according to their mode of
acquisition and the description of occupants when required. It is from
such circumstances that the variety of tenure and customary law
proceeds. To account for this variety, a knowledge of them is requisite;
nor is it until every part of the system is developed that it can be
fully understood. The most trifling cause is discovered to be the parent
of some important result. If ever these were embodied into a code (and
we are justified in assuming such to have been the case), the varied
revolutions which have swept away almost all relics of their history
were not likely to spare these. Mention is made of several princes of
the house of Mewar who legislated for their country; but precedents for
every occurring case lie scattered in formulas, grants, and traditionary
sayings. The inscriptions still existing on stone would alone, if
collected, form a body of laws sufficient for an infant community; and
these were always first committed to writing, and registered ere the
column was raised. The seven centuries of turmoil and disaster, during
which these States were in continual strife with the foe, produced many
princes of high intellect as well as valour. Sanga Rana, and his
antagonist, Sultan Babur, were revived in their no less celebrated
grandsons, the great Akbar and Rana Partap: the son of the latter, Amra,
the foe of Jahangir, was a character of whom the proudest nation might
be vain.

=Evidence from Inscriptions.=—The pen has recorded, and tradition handed
down, many isolated fragments of the genius of these Rajput princes, as
statesmen and warriors, touching the political division, regulations of
the aristocracy, and commercial and agricultural bodies. Sumptuary laws,
even, which append to a feudal system, are to be traced in these
inscriptions; the annulling of monopolies and exorbitant taxes; the
regulation of transit duties; prohibition of profaning sacred days by
labour; immunities, privileges, and charters to trades, corporations,
and towns; such as would, in climes more favourable to liberty, have
matured into a league, or obtained for these branches a voice in the
councils of the State. My search for less perishable documents than
parchment when I found the cabinet of the prince contained them not, was
unceasing; but though the bigoted Muhammadan destroyed [134] most of the
traces of civilization within his reach, perseverance was rewarded with
a considerable number. They are at least matter of curiosity. They will
evince that monopolies and restraints on commerce were well understood
in Rajwara, though the doctrines of political economy never gained
footing there. The setting up of these engraved tablets or pillars,
called Seoras,[3.1.8] is of the highest antiquity. Every subject
commences with invoking the sun and moon as witnesses, and concludes
with a denunciation of the severest penalties on those who break the
spirit of the imperishable bond. Tablets of an historical nature I have
of twelve and fourteen hundred years’ antiquity, but of grants of land
or privileges about one thousand years is the oldest. Time has destroyed
many, but man more. They became more numerous during the last three
centuries, when successful struggles against their foes produced new
privileges, granted in order to recall the scattered inhabitants. Thus
one contains an abolition of the monopoly of tobacco;[3.1.9] another,
the remission of tax on printed cloths, with permission to the country
manufacturers to sell their goods free of duty at the neighbouring
towns. To a third, a mercantile city, the abolition of war
contributions,[3.1.10] and the establishment of its internal judicial
authority. Nay, even where good manners alone are concerned, the
lawgiver appears, and with an amusing simplicity:[3.1.11] “From the
public feast none shall attempt to carry anything away.” “None shall eat
after sunset,” shows that a Jain obtained the edict. To yoke the bullock
or other animal for any work on the sacred Amavas,[3.1.12] is also
declared punishable. Others contain revocations of vexatious fees to
officers of the crown; “of beds and quilts[3.1.13]”; “the seizure of the
carts, implements, or cattle of the husbandmen,”[3.1.14]—the sole boon
in our own Magna Charta demanded for the husbandman. These and several
others, of which copies are annexed, need not be repeated. If even from
such memoranda a sufficient number could be collected of each prince’s
reign up to the olden time, what more could we desire to enable us to
judge of the genius of their princes, the wants and habits of the
people, their acts and occupations? The most ancient written customary
law of France is A.D. 1088,[3.1.15] at which time Mewar was in high
[135] prosperity; opposing, at the head of a league far more powerful
than France could form for ages after, the progress of revolution and
foreign conquest. Ignorance, sloth, and all the vices which wait on and
result from continual oppression in a perpetual struggle for existence
of ages’ duration, gradually diminished the reverence of the inhabitants
themselves for these relics of the wisdom of their forefathers. In
latter years, they so far forgot the ennobling feeling and respect for
‘the stone which told’ their once exalted condition, as to convert the
materials of the temple in which many of these stood into places of
abode. Thus many a valuable relic is built up in the castles of their
barons, or buried in the rubbish of the fallen pile.

=Books of Grants.=—We have, however, the books of grants to the chiefs
and vassals, and also the grand rent-roll of the country. These are of
themselves valuable documents. Could we but obtain those of remoter
periods, they would serve as a commentary on the history of the country,
as each contains the detail of every estate, and the stipulated service,
in horse and foot, to be performed for it. In later times, when
turbulence and disaffection went unpunished, it was useless to specify a
stipulation of service that was nugatory; and too often the grants
contained but the names of towns and villages, and their value; or if
they had the more general terms of service, none of its details.[3.1.16]
From all these, however, a sufficiency of customary rules could easily
be found to form the written law of fiefs in Rajasthan. In France, in
the sixteenth century, the variety of these customs amounted to two
hundred and eighty-five, of which only sixty[3.1.17] were of great
importance. The number of consequence in Mewar which have come to my
observation is considerable, and the most important will be given in the
Appendix. Were the same plan pursued there as in that ordinance which
produced the laws of Pays Coutumiers[3.1.18] of France, viz.
ascertaining those of each district, the materials are ready.

Such a collection would be amusing, particularly if the traditionary
were added to the engraved laws. They would often appear jejune, and
might involve contradictions; but we should see the wants of the people;
and if ever our connexion (which God forbid!) should be drawn closer, we
could then legislate without offending national customs or religious
prejudices. Could this, by any instinctive [136] impulse or external
stimulus, be effected by themselves, it would be the era of their
emersion from long oppression, and might lead to better notions of
government, and consequent happiness to them all.

=Noble Origin of the Rājput Race.=—If we compare the antiquity and
illustrious descent of the dynasties which have ruled, and some which
continue to rule, the small sovereignties of Rajasthan, with many of
celebrity in Europe, superiority will often attach to the Rajput. From
the most remote periods we can trace nothing ignoble, nor any vestige of
vassal origin. Reduced in power, circumscribed in territory, compelled
to yield much of their splendour and many of the dignities of birth,
they have not abandoned an iota of the pride and high bearing arising
from a knowledge of their illustrious and regal descent. On this
principle the various revolutions in the Rana’s family never encroached;
and the mighty Jahangir himself, the Emperor of the Moguls, became, like
Caesar, the commentator on the history of the tribe of Sesodia.[3.1.19]
The potentate of the twenty-two Satrapies of Hind dwells with proud
complacency on this Rajput king having made terms with him. He praises
heaven, that what his immortal ancestor Babur, the founder of the Mogul
dynasty, failed to do, the project in which Humayun had also failed, and
in which the illustrious Akbar, his father, had but partial success, was
reserved for him. It is pleasing to peruse in the commentaries of these
conquerors, Babur and Jahangir, their sentiments with regard to these
princes. We have the evidence of Sir Thomas Roe, the ambassador of
Elizabeth to Jahangir, as to the splendour of this race: it appears
throughout their annals and those of their neighbours.

=The Rāthors of Mārwār.=—The Rathors can boast a splendid pedigree; and
if we cannot trace its source with equal certainty to such a period of
antiquity as the Rana’s, we can, at all events, show the Rathor monarch
wielding the sceptre at Kanauj, at the time the leader of an unknown
tribe of the Franks was paving the way towards the foundation of the
future kingdom of France. Unwieldy greatness caused the sudden fall of
Kanauj in the twelfth century, of which the existing line of Marwar is a
renovated scion.[3.1.20]

=The Kachhwāhas of Amber.=—Amber is a branch of the once illustrious and
ancient [137] Nishadha, now Narwar, which produced the ill-fated prince
whose story[3.1.21] is so interesting. Revolution and conquest compelled
them to quit their ancestral abodes. Hindustan was then divided into no
more than four great kingdoms. By Arabian[3.1.22] travellers we have a
confused picture of these States. But all the minor States, now existing
in the west, arose about the period when the feudal system was
approaching maturity in France and England.

The others are less illustrious, being the descendants of the great
vassals of their ancient kings.

=The Sesodias of Mewār.=—Mewar exhibits a marked difference from all the
other States in her policy and institutions. She was an old-established
dynasty when these renovated scions were in embryo. We can trace the
losses of Mewar, but with difficulty her acquisitions; while it is easy
to note the gradual aggrandisement of Marwar and Amber, and all the
minor States. Marwar was composed of many petty States, whose ancient
possessions formed an allodial vassalage under the new dynasty. A
superior independence of the control of the prince arises from the
peculiarity of the mode of acquisition; that is, with rights similar to
the allodial vassals of the European feudal system.

=Pride of Ancestry.=—The poorest Rajput of this day retains all the
pride of ancestry, often his sole inheritance; he scorns to hold the
plough, or to use his lance but on horseback. In these aristocratic
ideas he is supported by his reception amongst his superiors, and the
respect paid to him by his inferiors. The honours and privileges, and
the gradations of rank, amongst the vassals of the Rana’s house, exhibit
a highly artificial and refined state of society. Each of the superior
rank is entitled to a banner, kettle-drums preceded by heralds and
silver maces, with peculiar gifts and personal honours, in commemoration
of some exploit of their ancestors.

=Armorial Bearings.=—The martial Rajputs are not strangers to armorial
bearings,[3.1.23] now so indiscriminately used in Europe. The great
banner of Mewar exhibits a golden sun [138] on a crimson field; those of
the chiefs bear a dagger. Amber displays the _panchranga_, or
five-coloured flag. The lion rampant on an argent field is extinct with
the State of Chanderi.[3.1.24]

In Europe these customs were not introduced till the period of the
Crusades, and were copied from the Saracens; while the use of them
amongst the Rajput tribes can be traced to a period anterior to the war
of Troy. In the Mahabharat, or great war, twelve hundred years before
Christ, we find the hero Bhishma exulting over his trophy, the banner of
Arjuna, its field adorned with the figure of the Indian Hanuman.[3.1.25]
These emblems had a religious reference amongst the Hindus, and were
taken from their mythology, the origin of all devices.

=The Tribal Palladium.=—Every royal house has its palladium, which is
frequently borne to battle at the saddle-bow of the prince. Rao Bhima
Hara, of Kotah, lost his life and protecting deity together. The late
celebrated Khichi[3.1.26] leader, Jai Singh, never took the field
without the god before him. ‘Victory to Bajrang’ was his signal for the
charge so dreaded by the Mahratta, and often has the deity been
sprinkled with his blood and that of the foe. Their ancestors, who
opposed Alexander, did the same, and carried the image of Hercules
(_Baldeva_) at the head of their array.[3.1.27]

=Banners.=—The custom (says Arrian) of presenting banners as an emblem
of sovereignty over vassals, also obtained amongst the tribes of the
Indus when invaded by Alexander. When he conquered the Saka and tribes
east of the Caspian, he divided the provinces amongst the princes of the
ancient families, for which they paid homage, engaged to serve with a
certain quota of troops, and received from his own hand a banner; in all
of which he followed the customs of the country. But in these we see
only the outline of the system; we must descend to more modern days to
observe it more minutely. A grand picture is drawn of the power of
Mewar, when the first grand irruption of the Muhammadans occurred in the
first century of their era; when “a hundred[3.1.28] kings, its allies
and dependents, had their thrones raised in Chitor,” for its defence and
their own individually [139], when a new religion, propagated by the
sword of conquest, came to enslave these realms. This invasion was by
Sind and Makran; for it was half a century later ere ‘the light’ shone
from the heights of Pamir[3.1.29] on the plains of the Jumna and Ganges.

From the commencement of this religious war in the mountains westward of
the Indus, many ages elapsed ere the ‘King of the Faith’ obtained a seat
on the throne of Yudhishthira. Chand, the bard, has left us various
valuable memorials of this period, applicable to the subject
historically as well as to the immediate topic. Visaladeva, the monarch
whose name appears on the pillar of victory at Delhi, led an army
against the invader, in which, according to the bard, “the banners of
eighty-four princes were assembled.” The bard describes with great
animation the summons sent for this magnificent feudal levy from the
heart of Antarbedi,[3.1.30] to the shores of the western sea, and it
coincides with the record of his victory, which most probably this very
army obtained for him. But no finer picture of feudal manners exists
than the history of Prithwiraja, contained in Chand’s poems. It is
surprising that this epic should have been allowed so long to sleep
neglected: a thorough knowledge of it, and of others of the same
character, would open many sources of new knowledge, and enable us to
trace many curious and interesting coincidences.[3.1.31]

In perusing these tales of the days that are past, we should be induced
to conclude that the Kuriltai of the Tatars, the Chaugan of the Rajput,
and the Champ de Mars of the Frank, had one common origin.

=Influence of Caste.=—Caste has for ever prevented the inferior classes
of society from being incorporated with this haughty _noblesse_. Only
those of pure blood in both lines can hold fiefs of the crown. The
highest may marry the daughter of a Rajput, whose sole [140] possession
is a ‘skin of land’:[3.1.32] the sovereign himself is not degraded by
such alliance. There is no moral blot, and the operation of a law like
the Salic would prevent any political evil resulting therefrom. Titles
are granted, and even fiefs of office, to ministers and civil servants
not Rajputs; they are, however, but official, and never confer
hereditary right. These official fiefs may have originally arisen, here
and in Europe, from the same cause; the want of a circulating medium to
pay the offices. The Mantris[3.1.33] of Mewar prefer estates to
pecuniary stipend, which gives more consequence in every point of view.
All the higher offices—as cup-bearer, butler, stewards of the household,
wardrobe, kitchen, master of the horse—all these are enumerated as
ministerialists[3.1.34] at the court of Charlemagne in the dark ages of
Europe, and of whom we have the duplicates. These are what the author of
the Middle Ages designates as “improper feuds.”[3.1.35] In Mewar the
prince’s architect, painter, physician, bard, genealogist, heralds, and
all the generation of the foster-brothers, hold lands. Offices are
hereditary in this patriarchal government; their services personal. The
title even appends to the family, and if the chance of events deprive
them of the substance, they are seldom left destitute. It is not
uncommon to see three or four with the title of pardhan or

But before I proceed further in these desultory and general remarks, I
shall commence the chief details of the system as described in times
past, and, in part, still obtaining in the principality of the Rana of
Mewar. As its geography and distribution are fully related in their
proper place, I must refer the reader to that for a preliminary
understanding of its localities.

=Estates of Chief and Fiscal Land.=—The local disposition of the estates
was admirably contrived. Bounded on three sides, the south, east, and
west, by marauding barbarous tribes of Bhils, Mers, and Minas, the
circumference of this circle was subdivided into estates for the chiefs,
while the _khalisa_, or fiscal land, the best and richest, was in the
heart of the country, and consequently well protected [141]. It appears
doubtful whether the khalisa lands amounted to one-fourth of those
distributed in grant to the chiefs. The value of the crown demesne as
the nerve and sinew of sovereignty, was well known by the former heads
of this house. To obtain any portion thereof was the reward of important
services; to have a grant of a few acres near the capital for a garden
was deemed a high favour; and a village in the amphitheatre or valley,
in which the present capital is situated, was the _ne plus ultra_ of
recompense. But the lavish folly of the present prince, out of this
tract, twenty-five miles in circumference, has not preserved a single
village in his khalisa. By this distribution, and by the inroads of the
wild tribes in the vicinity, or of Moguls and Mahrattas, the valour of
the chiefs were kept in constant play.

The country was partitioned into districts, each containing from fifty
to one hundred towns and villages, though sometimes exceeding that
proportion. The great number of Chaurasis[3.1.37] leads to the
conclusion that portions to the amount of eighty-four had been the
general subdivision. Many of these yet remain: as the ‘Chaurasi’ of
Jahazpur and of Kumbhalmer: tantamount to the old ‘hundreds’ of our
Saxon ancestry. A circle of posts was distributed, within which the
quotas of the chiefs attended, under ‘the Faujdar of the Sima’ (_vulgo_
Sim), or commander of the border. It was found expedient to appoint from
court this lord of the frontier, always accompanied by a portion of the
royal insignia, standard, kettle-drums, and heralds, and being generally
a civil officer, he united to his military office the administration of
justice.[3.1.38] The higher vassals never attended personally at these
posts, but deputed a confidential branch of their family, with the quota
required. For the government of the districts there were conjoined a
civil and a military officer: the latter generally a vassal of the
second rank. Their residence was the chief place of the district,
commonly a stronghold.

The division of the chiefs into distinct grades, shows a highly
artificial state of society.

First class.—We have the Sixteen, whose estates were from fifty thousand
to one hundred thousand rupees and upwards, of yearly rent. These appear
in the [142] presence only on special invitation, upon festivals and
solemn ceremonies, and are the hereditary councillors of the

Second class, from five to fifty thousand rupees. Their duty is to be
always in attendance. From these, chiefly, faujdars and military
officers are selected.[3.1.39]

Third class is that of Gol[3.1.39] holding lands chiefly under five
thousand rupees, though by favour they may exceed this limit. They are
generally the holders of separate villages and portions of land, and in
former times they were the most useful class to the prince. They always
attended on his person, and indeed formed his strength against any
combination or opposition of the higher vassals.

Fourth class.—The offsets of the younger branches of the Rana’s own
family, within a certain period, are called the _babas_, literally
‘infants,’ and have appanages bestowed on them. Of this class are
Shahpura and Banera; too powerful for subjects.[3.1.40] They hold on
none of the terms of the great clans, but consider themselves at the
disposal of the prince. These are more within the influence of the
crown. Allowing adoption into these houses, except in the case of near
kindred, is assuredly an innovation; they ought to revert to the crown,
failing immediate issue, as did the great estate of Bhainsrorgarh, two
generations back. From these to the holder of a _charsa_, or hide of
land, the peculiarity of tenure and duties of each will form a subject
for discussion.

=Revenues and Rights of the Crown.=—I need not here expatiate upon the
variety of items which constitute the revenues of the prince, the
details of which will appear in their proper place. The land-tax in the
khalisa demesne is, of course, the chief source of supply; the transit
duties on commerce and trade, and those of the larger towns and
commercial marts, rank next. In former times more attention was paid to
this important branch of income, and the produce was greater because
less shackled. The liberality on the side of the crown was only equalled
by the integrity of the merchant, and the extent to which it was carried
would imply an almost Utopian degree of perfection in their mutual
qualities of liberality and honesty; the one, perhaps, generating the
other. The remark of a merchant recently, on the vexatious train of
duties and espionage attending their collection, is not merely
figurative: "our ancestors tied their invoice to the horns of the
oxen[3.1.42] at the first frontier post of customs, and no intermediate
questions [143] were put till we passed to the opposite or sold our
goods, when it was opened and payment made accordingly; but now every
town has its rights." It will be long ere this degree of confidence is
restored on either side; extensive demand on the one is met by fraud and
evasion on the other, though at least one-half of these evils have
already been subdued.

=Mines and Minerals.=—The mines were very productive in former times,
and yielded several lacs to the princes of Mewar.[3.1.43] The rich tin
mines of Jawara produced at one time a considerable proportion of
silver. Those of copper are abundant, as is also iron on the now
alienated domain on the Chambal; but lead least of all.[3.1.44]

The marble quarries also added to the revenue; and where there is such a
multiplicity of sources, none are considered too minute to be applied in
these necessitous times.

=Barār.=—_Barar_ is an indefinite term for taxation, and is connected
with the thing taxed: as _ghanim-barar_,[3.1.45] ‘war-tax’; _ghar
ginti-barar_,[3.1.46] ‘house-tax’; _hal-barar_, ‘plough-tax’;
_neota-barar_, ‘marriage-tax’; and others, both of old and new standing.
The war-tax was a kind of substitute for the regular mode of levying the
rents on the produce of the soil; which was rendered very difficult
during the disturbed period, and did not accord with the wants of the
prince. It is also a substitute in those mountainous regions, for the
_jarib_,[3.1.47] where the produce bears no proportion to the cultivated
surface; sometimes from poverty of soil, but often from the reverse, as
in Kumbhalmer, where the choicest crops are produced on the cultivated
terraces, and on the sides of its mountains, which abound with springs,
yielding the richest canes and cottons, and where experiment has proved
that four crops can be raised in the same patch of soil within the year.

The offering on confirmation of estates (or fine on renewal) is now,
though a very small, yet still one source of supply; as is the annual
and triennial payment of the quit-rents of the Bhumia chiefs. Fines in
composition of offences may also be mentioned: and they might be larger,
if more activity were introduced in the detection of offenders [144].

These governments are mild in the execution of the laws; and a heavy
fine has more effect (especially on the hill tribes) than the execution
of the offender, who fears death less than the loss of property.

=Khar-Lakar.=—The composition for ‘wood and forage’ afforded a
considerable supply. When the princes of Mewar were oftener in the
tented field than in the palace, combating for their preservation, it
was the duty of every individual to store up wood and forage for the
supply of the prince’s army. What originated in necessity was converted
into an abuse and annual demand. The towns also supplied a certain
portion of provisions; where the prince halted for the day these were
levied on the community; a goat or sheep from the shepherd, milk and
flour from the farmer. The maintenance of these customs is observable in
taxes, for the origin of which it is impossible to assign a reason
without going into the history of the period; they scarcely recollect
the source of some of these themselves. They are akin to those known
under the feudal tenures of France, arising from exactly the same
causes, and commuted for money payments; such as the _droit de giste et
de chevauche_.[3.1.48] Many also originated in the perambulations of
these princes to visit their domains;[3.1.49] a black year in the
calendar to the chief and the subject. When he honoured the chief by a
visit, he had to present horses and arms, and to entertain his prince,
in all which honours the cultivators and merchants had to share. The
duties on the sale of spirits, opium, tobacco, and even to a share of
the garden-stuff, affords also modes of supply [145].[3.1.50]


Footnote 3.1.1:

  _Miscellaneous Works_, vol. iii.

Footnote 3.1.2:

  Hallam’s _Middle Ages_.

Footnote 3.1.3:

  It is a high gratification to be supported by such authority as M. St.
  Martin, who, in his _Discours sur l’Origine et l’Histoire des
  Arsacides_, thus speaks of the system of government termed feudal,
  which I contend exists amongst the Rajputs: "On pense assez
  généralement que cette sorte de gouvernement qui dominait il y a
  quelques siècles, et qu’on appelle _système féodal_, était
  particulière à l’Europe, et que c’est dans les forêts de la Germanie
  qu’il faut en chercher l’origine. Cependant, si au lieu d’admettre les
  faits sans les discuter, comme il arrive trop souvent, on examinait un
  peu cette opinion, elle disparaitrait devant la critique, ou du moins
  elle se modifierait singulièrement; et l’on verrait que, si c’est des
  forêts de la Germanie que nous avons tiré le gouvernement féodal, il
  n’en est certainement pas originaire. Si l’on veut comparer l’Europe,
  telle qu’elle était au xii^e siècle, avec la monarchie fondée en Asie
  par les Arsacides trois siècles avant notre ère, partout on verra des
  institutions et des usages pareils. On y trouvera les mêmes dignités,
  et jusqu’aux mêmes titres, etc., etc. Boire, chasser, combattre, faire
  et défaire des rois, c’étaient là les nobles occupations d’un Parthe"
  (_Journal Asiatique_, vol. i. p. 65). It is nearly so with the Rajput.

Footnote 3.1.4:

  Gibbon, _Miscell._ vol. iii. Du gouvernement féodal.

Footnote 3.1.5:

  A ‘skin or hyde.’ Millar (chap. v. p. 85) defines a ‘hyde of land,’
  the quantity which can be cultivated by a single plough. A _charsa_,
  ‘skin or hyde’ of land, is as much as one man can water; and what one
  can water is equal to what one plough can cultivate. If irrigation
  ever had existence by the founders of the system, we may suppose this
  the meaning of the term which designated a _knight’s fee_. It may have
  gone westward with emigration. [The English ‘hide’: “the amount
  considered adequate for the support of one free family with its
  dependants: at an early date defined as being as much land as could be
  tilled by one plough in a year,” has no connexion with ‘hide,’ ‘a
  skin.’ It is O.E. _hīd_, from _híw_, _híg_, ‘household.’ ‘Hide,’ ‘a
  skin,’ is O.E. _hýd_ (_New English Dict. ssv._).]

Footnote 3.1.6:

  _Bapji_, ‘sire,’ is the appellation of royalty, and, strange enough,
  whether to male or female; while its offsets, which form a numerous
  branch of vassals, are called _babas_, ‘the infants.’

Footnote 3.1.7:

  Hallam’s _Middle Ages_, vol. i. p. 200.

Footnote 3.1.8:

  Sanskrit, _Sūla_.

Footnote 3.1.9:

  See Appendix, No. XII.

Footnote 3.1.10:

  See Appendix, No. XIII.

Footnote 3.1.11:

  See Appendix, No. XIV.

Footnote 3.1.12:

  ‘Full moon’ (See Appendix, No. XIII.).

Footnote 3.1.13:

  It is customary, when officers of the Government are detached on
  service, to exact from the towns where they are sent both bed and

Footnote 3.1.14:

  Seized for public service, and frequently to exact a composition in

Footnote 3.1.15:

  Hallam, vol. i. p. 197.

Footnote 3.1.16:

  Some of these, of old date, I have seen three feet in length.

Footnote 3.1.17:

  Hallam, vol. i. p. 199.

Footnote 3.1.18:

  Hallam notices these laws by this technical phrase.

Footnote 3.1.19:

  Sesodia is the last change of name which the Rana’s race has
  undergone. It was first Suryavansa, then Grahilot or Guhilot, Aharya,
  and Sesodia. These changes arise from revolutions and local

Footnote 3.1.20:

  [The Rāthor dynasty of Kanauj is a myth (Smith, _EHI_, 385).]

Footnote 3.1.21:

  Nala and Damayanti.

Footnote 3.1.22:

  _Relations anciennes des Voyageurs_, par Renaudot.

Footnote 3.1.23:

  It is generally admitted that armorial bearings were little known till
  the period of the Crusades, and that they belong to the east. The
  twelve tribes of Israel were distinguished by the animals on their
  banners, and the sacred writings frequently allude to the ‘Lion of
  Judah.’ The peacock was a favourite armorial emblem of the Rajput
  warrior; it is the bird sacred to their Mars (Kumara), as it was to
  Juno, his mother, in the west. The feather of the peacock decorates
  the turban of the Rajput and the warrior of the Crusade, adopted from
  the Hindu through the Saracens. “Le paon a toujours été l’emblême de
  la noblesse. Plusieurs chevaliers ornaient leurs casques des plumes de
  cet oiseau; un grand nombre de familles nobles le portaient dans leur
  blazon ou sur leur cimier; quelques-uns n’en portaient que la queue”
  (Art. “Armoirie,” _Dict. de l’ancien Régime_).

Footnote 3.1.24:

  I was the first European who traversed this wild country, in 1807, not
  without some hazard. It was then independent: about three years after
  it fell a prey to Sindhia. [Several ancient dynasties used a crest
  (_lānchhana_), and a banner (_dhvaja_): see the list in _BG_, i. Part
  ii. 299.]

Footnote 3.1.25:

  The monkey-deity. [Known as Bajrang, Skt. vajranga, ‘of powerful

Footnote 3.1.26:

  The Khichis are a branch of the Chauhans, and Khichiwara lies east of

Footnote 3.1.27:

  [Quintus Curtius, viii. 14, 46; Arrian, _Indika_, viii.]

Footnote 3.1.28:

  See Annals of Mewar, and note from D’Anville.

Footnote 3.1.29:

  The Pamir range is a grand branch of the Indian Caucasus. Chand, the
  bard, designates them as the “Parbat Pat Pamir,” or Pamir Lord of
  Mountains. From Pahār and Pamir the Greeks may have compounded
  Paropanisos, in which was situated the most remote of the Alexandrias.

Footnote 3.1.30:

  The space between the grand rivers Ganges and Jumna, well known as the

Footnote 3.1.31:

  Domestic habits and national manners are painted to the life, and no
  man can well understand the Rajput of yore who does not read these.
  Those were the days of chivalry and romance, when the assembled
  princes contended for the hand of the fair, who chose her own lord,
  and threw to the object of her choice, in full court, the _barmala_,
  or garland of marriage. Those were the days which the Rajput yet loves
  to talk of, when the glance of an eye weighed with a sceptre: when
  three things alone occupied him: his horse, his lance, and his
  mistress; for she is but the third in his estimation, after all: to
  the two first he owed her.

Footnote 3.1.32:

  Charsa, a ‘hide or skin’ [see p. 156 above].

Footnote 3.1.33:

  ‘Ministers,’ from _Mantra_, ‘mystification’ [‘a sacred text, spell’].

Footnote 3.1.34:

  It is probably of Teutonic origin, and akin to _Mantri_, which
  embraces all the ministers and councillors of loyalty (Hallam, p.
  195). [?]

Footnote 3.1.35:

  Hallam, p. 193.

Footnote 3.1.36:

  One I know, in whose family the office has remained since the period
  of Prithwiraja, who transferred his ancestor to the service of the
  Rana’s house seven hundred years ago. He is not merely a nominal
  hereditary minister, for his uncle actually held the office; but in
  consequence of having favoured the views of a pretender to the crown,
  its active duties are not entrusted to any of the family.

Footnote 3.1.37:

  The numeral eighty-four. [In the ancient Hindu kingdoms the full
  estate was a group of 84 villages, smaller units being called Byālisa,
  42, or Chaubīsa, 24 (Baden-Powell, _The Village Community_, 198, and
  see a valuable article in Elliot, _Supplemental Glossary_, 178 ff.)]

Footnote 3.1.38:

  Now each chief claims the right of administering justice in his own
  domain, that is, in civil matters; but in criminal cases they ought
  not without the special sanction of the crown. Justice, however, has
  long been left to work its own way, and the self-constituted
  tribunals, the panchayats, sit in judgment in all cases where property
  is involved.

Footnote 3.1.39:

  See Appendix, No. XX.

Footnote 3.1.40:

  [They are heads of the Rānāwat sub-tribe. The latter enjoys the right,
  on succession, of having a sword sent to him with full honours, on
  receipt of which he goes to Udaipur to be installed (Erskine ii. A.

Footnote 3.1.42:

  Oxen and carts are chiefly used in the _Tandas_, or caravans, for
  transportation of goods in these countries; camels further to the

Footnote 3.1.43:

  [On the mines of Mewār, see _IA_, i. 63 f.]

Footnote 3.1.44:

  The privilege of coining is a reservation of royalty. No subject is
  allowed to coin gold or silver, though the Salumbar chief has on
  sufferance a copper currency. The mint was a considerable source of
  income, and may be again when confidence is restored and a new
  currency introduced. The Chitor rupee is now thirty-one per cent
  inferior to the old Bhilara standard, and there was one struck at the
  capital even worse, and very nearly as bad as the _moneta nigra_ of
  Philip the Fair of France, who allowed his vassals the privilege of
  coining it. [For an account of the past and present coinage of Mewār,
  see W. W. Webb, _Currencies of the Hindu States of Rajputana_, 3 ff.]

Footnote 3.1.45:


Footnote 3.1.46:

  Numbering of houses.

Footnote 3.1.47:

  A measure of land [usually 55 English yards]

Footnote 3.1.48:

  Hallam, vol. i. p. 232.

Footnote 3.1.49:

  Hume describes the necessity for our earlier kings making these tours
  to consume the produce, being in kind. So it is in Mewar; but I fancy
  the supply was always too easily convertible into circulating medium
  to be the cause there.

Footnote 3.1.50:

  See Appendix, No. X.


                               CHAPTER 2

=Legislative Authority.=—During the period still called ‘the good times
of Mewar,’ the prince, with the aid of his civil council, the four
ministers of the crown and their deputies, promulgated all the
legislative enactments in which the general rights and wants of the
community were involved. In these the martial vassals or chiefs had no
concern: a wise exclusion, comprehending also their immediate
dependents, military, commercial, and agricultural. Even now, the little
that is done in these matters is effected by the civil administration,
though the Rajput Pardhans have been too apt to interfere in matters
from which they ought always to be kept aloof, being ever more tenacious
of their own rights than solicitous for the welfare of the community.

=Panchāyats.=—The neglect in the legislation of late years was supplied
by the self-constituted tribunals, the useful panchayats, of which
enough has been said to render further illustration unnecessary. Besides
the resident ruler of the district, who was also a judicial functionary,
there was, as already stated, a special officer of the government in
each frontier thana, or garrison post. He united the triple occupation
of embodying the quotas, levying the transit duties, and administering
justice, in which he was aided at the chabutra[3.2.1] or court, by
assembling the Chauthias or assessors of justice. Each town and village
has its chauthia, the members of which are elected by their
fellow-citizens, and remain as long as they conduct themselves
impartially in disentangling the intricacies of complaints preferred to

They are the aids to the Nagarseth, or chief magistrate, an hereditary
office in every large city in Rajasthan. Of this chauthia the Patel and
Patwari[3.2.2] are generally members. The former of these, like the
Dasaundhi of the Mahrattas, resembles in his duties the decanus of
France and the tithing-man in England. The chauthia and panchayat of
these districts are analogous to the assessors of [146] justice called
_scabini_[3.2.3] in France, who held the office by election or the
concurrence of the people. But these are the special and fixed council
of each town; the general panchayats are formed from the respectable
population at large, and were formerly from all classes of society.

The chabutras, or terraces of justice, were always established in the
khalisa, or crown demesne. It was deemed a humiliating intrusion if they
sat within the bounds of a chief. To ‘erect the flag’ within his limits,
whether for the formation of defensive posts or the collection of
duties, is deemed a gross breach of his privileged independence, as to
establish them within the walls of his residence would be deemed equal
to sequestration. It often becomes necessary to see justice enforced on
a chief or his dependent, but it begets eternal disputes and
disobedience, till at length they are worried to compliance by rozina.

=Rozīna.=—When delay in these matters, or to the general commands of the
prince, is evinced, an officer or herald is deputed with a party of
four, ten, or twenty horse or foot, to the fief of the chief, at whose
residence they take up their abode; and carrying, under the seal, a
warrant to furnish them with specified daily (_rozina_) rations, they
live at free quarters till he is quickened into compliance with the
commands of the prince. This is the only accelerator of the slow
movements of a Rajput chieftain in these days, whether for his
appearance at court or the performance of an act of justice. It is often
carried to a harassing excess, and causes much complaint.

In cases regarding the distribution of justice or the internal economy
of the chief’s estates, the government officers seldom interfere. But of
their panchayats I will only remark, that their import amongst the
vassals is very comprehensive; and when they talk of the ‘_panch_,’ it
means the ‘collective wisdom.’ In the reply to the remonstrance of the
Deogarh vassals,[3.2.4] the chief promises never to undertake any
measure without their deliberation and sanction.

On all grand occasions where the general peace or tranquillity of the
government is threatened, the chiefs form the council of the sovereign.
Such subjects are always first discussed in the domestic councils of
each chief; so that when the [147] _witenagemot_ of Mewar was assembled,
each had prepared himself by previous discussion, and was fortified by
abundance of advice.

To be excluded the council of the prince is to be in utter disgrace.
These grand divans produce infinite speculation, and the ramifications
which form the opinions are extensive. The council of each chief is, in
fact, a miniature representation of the sovereign’s. The greater
sub-vassals, his civil pardhan, the mayor of the household, the
purohit,[3.2.5] the bard, and two or three of the most intelligent
citizens, form the minor councils, and all are separately deliberating
while the superior court is in discussion. Thus is collected the wisdom
of the magnates of Rajwara.

=Military Service.=—In Mewar, during the days of her glory and
prosperity, fifteen thousand horse, bound by the ties of fidelity and
service, followed their prince into the field, all supported by lands
held by grant; from the chief who headed five hundred of his own
vassals, to the single horseman.

=Knight’s Fee or Single Horsemen.=—A knight’s fee in these States
varies. For each thousand rupees of annual rent, never less than two,
and generally three horsemen were furnished; and sometimes three horse
and three foot soldiers, according to the exigencies of the times when
the grant was conferred. The different grants[3.2.6] appended will show
this variety, and furnish additional proof that this, and all similar
systems of policy, must be much indebted to chance for the shape they
ultimately take. The knight’s fee, when William the Conqueror
partitioned England into sixty thousand such portions, from each of
which a soldier’s service was due, was fixed at £20. Each portion
furnished its soldier or paid escuage. The knight’s fee of Mewar may be
said to be two hundred and fifty rupees, or about £30.

=Limitations of Service.=—In Europe, service was so restricted that the
monarch had but a precarious authority. He could only calculate upon
forty days’ annual service from the tenant of a knight’s fee. In
Rajasthan it is very different: “at home and abroad, service shall be
performed when demanded”; such is the condition of the tenure.

For state and show, a portion of the greater vassals[3.2.7] reside at
the capital for [148] some months, when they have permission to retire
to their estates, and are relieved by another portion. On the grand
military festival the whole attend for a given time; and when the prince
took the field, the whole assembled at their own charge; but if
hostilities carried them beyond the frontier they were allowed certain

=Escuage or Scutage.=—Escuage or scutage, the phrase in Europe to denote
the amercement[3.2.8] for non-attendance, is also known and exemplified
in deeds. Failure from disaffection, turbulence, or pride, brought a
heavy fine; the sequestration of the whole or part of the estate.[3.2.9]
The princes of these States would willingly desire to see escuage more
general. All have made this first attempt towards an approximation to a
standing army; but, though the chiefs would make compensation to get rid
of some particular service, they are very reluctant to renounce lands,
by which alone a fixed force could be maintained. The rapacity of the
court would gladly fly to scutages, but in the present impoverished
state of the fiefs, such if injudiciously levied would be almost
equivalent to resumption; but this measure is so full of difficulty as
to be almost impracticable.

=Inefficiency of this Form of Government.=—Throughout Rajasthan the
character and welfare of the States depend on that of the sovereign: he
is the mainspring of the system—the active power to set and keep in
motion all these discordant materials; if he relax, each part separates,
and moves in a narrow sphere of its own. Yet will the impulse of one
great mind put the machine in regular movement, which shall endure
during two or three imbecile successors, if no fresh exterior force be
applied to check it. It is a system full of defects; yet we see them so
often balanced by virtues, that we are alternately biassed by these
counteracting qualities; loyalty and patriotism, which combine a love of
the institutions, religion, and manners of the country, are the
counterpoise to systematic evil. In no country has the system ever
proved efficient. It has been one of eternal excitement and irregular
action; inimical to order, and the repose deemed necessary after
conflict for recruiting the national strength. The absence of an
external foe was but the signal for disorders within, which increased to
a terrific height in the feuds of the two great rival factions of Mewar,
the clans of [149] Chondawat[3.2.10] and Saktawat,[3.2.11] as the
weakness of the prince augmented by the abstraction of his personal
domain, and the diminution of the services of the third class of vassals
(the Gol), the personal retainers of the crown; but when these feuds
broke out, even with the enemy at their gates, it required a prince of
great nerve and talent to regulate them. Yet is there a redeeming
quality in the system, which, imperfect as it is, could render such
perilous circumstances but the impulse to a rivalry of heroism.

=Rivalry of the Chondāwat and Saktāwat Sub-clans.=—When Jahangir had
obtained possession of the palladium of Mewar, the ancient fortress of
Chitor, and driven the prince into the wilds and mountains of the west,
an opportunity offered to recover some frontier lands in the plains, and
the Rana with all his chiefs was assembled for the purpose. But the
Saktawats asserted an equal privilege with their rivals to form the
vanguard;[3.2.12] a right which their indisputable valour (perhaps
superior to that of the other party) rendered not invalid. The
Chondawats claimed it as an hereditary privilege, and the sword would
have decided the matter but for the tact of the prince. “The harawal to
the clan which first enters Untala,” was a decision which the Saktawat
leader quickly heard; while the other could no longer plead his right,
when such a gauntlet was thrown down for its maintenance.

Untala is the frontier fortress in the plains, about eighteen miles east
of the capital, and covering the road which leads from it to the more
ancient one of Chitor. It is situated on a rising ground, with a stream
flowing beneath its walls, which are of solid masonry, lofty, and with
round towers at intervals.[3.2.13] In the centre was the governor’s
house, also fortified. One gate only gave admission to this castle.

The clans, always rivals in power, now competitors in glory, moved off
at the same time, some hours before daybreak—Untala the goal, the
harawal the reward! Animated with hope—a barbarous and cruel foe the
object of their prowess—their wives and families spectators, on their
return, of the meed of enterprise; the bard [150], who sang the praise
of each race at their outset, demanding of each materials for a new
wreath, supplied every stimulus that a Rajput could have to exertion.

The Saktawats made directly for the gateway, which they reached as the
day broke, and took the foe unprepared; but the walls were soon manned,
and the action commenced. The Chondawats, less skilled in topography,
had traversed a swamp, which retarded them—but through which they
dashed, fortunately meeting a guide in a shepherd of Untala. With more
foresight than their opponents, they had brought ladders. The chief led
the escalade, but a ball rolled him back amidst his vassals; it was not
his destiny to lead the harawal! Each party was checked. The Saktawat
depended on the elephant he rode, to gain admission by forcing the gate;
but its projecting spikes deterred the animal from applying its
strength. His men were falling thick around him, when a shout from the
other party made him dread their success. He descended from his seat,
placed his body on the spikes, and commanded the driver, on pain of
instant death, to propel the elephant against him. The gates gave way,
and over the dead body of their chief his clan rushed to the combat! But
even this heroic surrender of his life failed to purchase the honour for
his clan. The lifeless corpse of his rival was already in Untala, and
this was the event announced by the shout which urged his sacrifice to
honour and ambition. When the Chondawat chief fell, the next in rank and
kin took the command. He was one of those arrogant, reckless Rajputs,
who signalized themselves wherever there was danger, not only against
men but tigers, and his common appellation was the Benda Thakur (‘mad
chief’) of Deogarh. When his leader fell, he rolled the body in his
scarf; then tying it on his back, scaled the wall, and with his lance
having cleared the way before him he threw the dead body over the
parapet of Untala, shouting, “The vanguard to the Chondawat! we are
first in!” The shout was echoed by the clan, and the rampart was in
their possession nearly at the moment of the entry of the Saktawats. The
Moguls fell under their swords: the standard of Mewar was erected in the
castle of Untala, but the leading of the vanguard remained with the
Chondawats[3.2.14] [151].

This is not the sole instance of such jealousies being converted into a
generous and patriotic rivalry; many others could be adduced throughout
the greater principalities, but especially amongst the brave Rathors of

It was a nice point to keep these clans poised against each other; their
feuds were not without utility, and the tact of the prince frequently
turned them to account. One party was certain to be enlisted on the side
of the sovereign, and this alone counter-balanced the evil tendencies
before described. To this day it has been a perpetual struggle for
supremacy; and the epithets of ‘loyalist’ and ‘traitor’ have been
alternating between them for centuries, according to the portion they
enjoyed of the prince’s favour, and the talents and disposition of the
heads of the clans to maintain their predominance at court. The
Saktawats are weaker in numbers, but have the reputation of greater
bravery and more genius than their rivals. I am inclined, on the whole,
to assent to this opinion; and the very consciousness of this reputation
must be a powerful incentive to its preservation.

When all these governments were founded and maintained on the same
principle, a system of feuds, doubtless, answered very well; but it
cannot exist with a well-constituted monarchy. Where individual will
controls the energies of a nation, it must eventually lose its
liberties. To preserve their power, the princes of Rajasthan surrendered
a portion of theirs to the emperors of Delhi. They made a nominal
surrender to him of their kingdoms receiving them back with a sanad, or
grant, renewed on each lapse: thereby acknowledging him as lord
paramount. They received, on these occasions, the khilat of honour and
investiture, consisting of elephants, horses, arms, and jewels; and to
their hereditary title of ‘prince’ was added by the emperor, one of
dignity, _mansab_.[3.2.15] Besides this acknowledgment of supremacy,
they offered _nazarana_[3.2.16] and homage, especially on the festival
of Nauroz (the new year), engaging to attend the royal presence when
required, at the head of a stipulated number of their vassals. The
emperor presented them with a royal standard, kettle-drums, and other
insignia, which headed the array of each prince. Here we have all the
chief incidents of a great feudal sovereignty. Whether the Tatar
sovereigns borrowed these customs from their princely vassals, or
brought them from the highlands of Asia, from the Oxus [152] and
Jaxartes, whence, there is little doubt, many of these Sachha Rajputs
originated, shall be elsewhere considered.

=Akbar’s Policy towards the Rājputs.=—The splendour of such an array,
whether in the field or at the palace, can scarcely be conceived. Though
Humayun had gained the services of some of the Rajput princes, their aid
was uncertain. It was reserved for his son, the wise and magnanimous
Akbar, to induce them to become at once the ornament and support of his
throne. The power which he consolidated, and knew so well to wield, was
irresistible; while the beneficence of his disposition, and the wisdom
of his policy, maintained what his might conquered. He felt that a
constant exhibition of authority would not only be ineffectual but
dangerous, and that the surest hold on their fealty and esteem would be
the giving them a personal interest in the support of the monarchy.

=Alliances between Moguls and Rājputs.=—Akbar determined to unite the
pure Rajput blood to the scarcely less noble stream which flowed from
Aghuz Khan, through Jenghiz, Timur, and Babur, to himself, calculating
that they would more readily yield obedience to a prince who claimed
kindred with them, than to one purely Tatar; and that, at all events, it
would gain the support of their immediate kin, and might in the end
become general. In this supposition he did not err. We are less
acquainted with the obstacles which opposed his first success than those
he subsequently encountered; one of which neither he nor his descendants
ever overcame in the family of Mewar, who could never be brought to
submit to such alliance.

Amber, the nearest to Delhi and the most exposed, though more open to
temptation than to conquest, in its then contracted sphere, was the
first to set the example.[3.2.17] Its Raja Bhagwandas gave his daughter
to Humayun;[3.2.18] and subsequently this practice became so common,
that some of the most celebrated emperors were the offspring of Rajput
princesses. Of these, Salim, called after his accession, Jahangir; his
ill-fated son, Khusru; Shah Jahan;[3.2.19] Kambakhsh,[3.2.20] the
favourite of his father; Aurangzeb, and his rebellious son Akbar, whom
his Rajput kin would have placed on the throne had his genius equalled
their power, are the most prominent instances. Farrukhsiyar, when the
empire began to totter, furnished the last instance of a Mogul sovereign
[153] marrying a Hindu princess,[3.2.21] the daughter of Raja Ajit
Singh, sovereign of Marwar.

These Rajput princes became the guardians of the minority of their
imperial nephews, and had a direct stake in the empire, and in the
augmentation of their estates.

=Rājputs in the Imperial Service.=—Of the four hundred and sixteen
Mansabdars, or military commanders of Akbar’s empire, from leaders of
two hundred to ten thousand men, forty-seven were Rajputs, and the
aggregate of their quotas amounted to fifty-three thousand
horse:[3.2.22] exactly one-tenth of the united Mansabdars of the empire,
or five hundred and thirty thousand horse.[3.2.23] Of the forty-seven
Rajput leaders, there were seventeen whose mansabs were from one
thousand to five thousand horse, and thirty from two hundred to one

The princes of Amber, Marwar, Bikaner, Bundi, Jaisalmer, Bundelkhand,
and even Shaikhawati, held mansabs of above one thousand; but Amber
only, being allied to the throne, had the dignity of five thousand.

The Raja Udai Singh of Marwar, surnamed the Fat, chief of the Rathors,
held but the mansab of one thousand, while a scion of his house, Rae
Singh of Bikaner, had four thousand. This is to be accounted for by the
dignity being thrust upon the head of that house. The independent
princes of Chanderi, Karauli, Datia, with the tributary feudatories of
the larger principalities, and members of the Shaikhawat federation,
were enrolled on the other grades, from four to seven hundred. Amongst
these we find the founder of the Saktawat clan, who, quarrelling with
his brother, Rana Partap of Mewar, gave his services to Akbar. In short
it became general, and what originated in force or persuasion, was soon
coveted from interested motives; and as nearly all the States submitted
in [154] time to give queens to the empire, few were left to stigmatize
this dereliction from Hindu principle.

Akbar thus gained a double victory, securing the good opinions as well
as the swords of these princes in his aid. A judicious perseverance
would have rendered the throne of Timur immovable, had not the
tolerant principles and beneficence of Akbar, Jahangir, and Shah Jahan
been lost sight of by the bigoted and bloodthirsty Aurangzeb; who,
although while he lived his commanding genius wielded the destinies of
this immense empire at pleasure, alienated the affections, by
insulting the prejudices, of those who had aided in raising the empire
to the height on which it stood. This affection withdrawn, and the
weakness of Farrukhsiyar substituted for the strength of Aurangzeb, it
fell and went rapidly to pieces. Predatory warfare and spoliation rose
on its ruins. The Rajput princes, with a short-sighted policy, at
first connived at, and even secretly invited the tumult; not
calculating on its affecting their interests. Each looked to the
return of ancient independence, and several reckoned on great
accession of power. Old jealousies were not lessened by the part which
each had played in the hour of ephemeral greatness; and the prince of
Mewar, who preserved his blood uncontaminated, though with loss of
land, was at once an object of respect and envy to those who had
forfeited the first pretensions[3.2.24] of a Rajput. It was the only
ovation the Sesodia[3.2.25] had to boast for centuries of oppression
and spoliation, whilst their neighbours were basking in court favour.
The great increase of territory of these princes nearly equalled the
power of Mewar, and the dignities thus acquired from the sons of
Timur, they naturally wished should appear as distinguished as his
ancient title. Hence, while one inscribed on his seal “The exalted in
dignity, a prince amongst princes, and king of kings,”[3.2.26] the
prince of Mewar preserved his royal simplicity in “Maharana Bhima
Singh, son of Arsi.” But this is digression.

=Results of Feudalism.=—It would be difficult to say what would be the
happiest form of government for these States without reference to their
neighbours. Their own feudal customs would seem to have worked well. The
experiment of centuries has secured [155] to them political existence,
while successive dynasties of Afghans and Moguls, during eight hundred
years, have left but the wreck of splendid names. Were they to become
more monarchical, they would have everything to dread from unchecked
despotism, over which even the turbulence of their chiefs is a salutary

Were they somewhat more advanced towards prosperity, the crown demesne
redeemed from dissipation and sterility, and the chiefs enabled to bring
their quotas into play for protection and police, recourse should never
be had to bodies of mercenary troops, which practice, if persevered in,
will inevitably change their present form of government. This has
invariably been the result, in Europe as well as Rajasthan, else why the
dread of standing armies?

=Employment of Mercenaries.=—Escuage is an approximating step. When
Charles VII. of France[3.2.27] raised his companies of ordnance, the
basis of the first national standing army ever embodied in Europe, a tax
called ‘taille’ was imposed to pay them, and Guienne rebelled. Kotah is
a melancholy instance of subversion of the ancient order of society.
Mewar made the experiment from necessity sixty years ago, when rebellion
and invasion conjoined; and a body of Sindis were employed, which
completed their disgust, and they fought with each other till almost
mutually exterminated, and till all faith in their prince was lost.
Jaipur had adopted this custom to a greater extent; but it was an
ill-paid band, neither respected at home nor feared abroad. In Marwar
the feudal compact was too strong to tolerate it, till Pathan predatory
bands, prowling amidst the ruins of Mogul despotism, were called in to
partake in each family broil; the consequence was the weakening of all,
and opening the door to a power stronger than any, to be the arbiter of
their fate.

=General Duties of the Pattāwat, or Vassal Chief of Rājasthān.=—“The
essential principle of a fief was a mutual contract of support and
fidelity. Whatever obligations it laid upon the vassal of service to his
lord, corresponding duties of protection were imposed by it on the lord
towards his vassal. If these were transgressed on either side, the one
forfeited his land, the other his signiory or rights over it.”[3.2.28]
In this is comprehended the very foundation of feudal policy, because in
its simplicity we recognize first principles involving mutual
preservation. The best [156] commentary on this definition of simple
truth will be the sentiments of the Rajputs themselves in two papers:
one containing the opinions of the chiefs of Marwar on the reciprocal
duties of sovereign and vassal;[3.2.29] the other, those of the
sub-vassals of Deogarh, one of the largest fiefs in Rajasthan, of their
rights, the infringement of them, and the remedy.[3.2.30]

If, at any former period in the history of Marwar, its prince had thus
dared to act, his signiory and rights over it would not have been of
great value; his crown and life would both have been endangered by these
turbulent and determined vassals. How much is comprehended in that
manly, yet respectful sentence: “If he accepts our services, then he is
our prince and leader; if not, but our equal, and we again his brothers,
claimants of and laying claim to the soil.” In the remonstrance of the
sub-vassals of Deogarh, we have the same sentiments on a reduced scale.
In both we have the ties of blood and kindred, connected with and
strengthening national policy. If a doubt could exist as to the
principle of fiefs being similar in Rajasthan and in Europe, it might be
set at rest by the important question long agitated by the feodal
lawyers in Europe, “whether the vassal is bound to follow the standard
of his lord against his own kindred or against his sovereign”: which in
these States is illustrated by a simple and universal proof. If the
question were put to a Rajput to whom his service is due, whether to his
chief or his sovereign, the reply would be, _Raj ka malik wuh,
pat[3.2.31] ka malik yih_: ‘He is the sovereign of the State, but this
is my _head_’: an ambiguous phrase, but well understood to imply that
his own immediate chief is the only authority he regards.

This will appear to militate against the right of remonstrance (as in
the case of the vassals of Deogarh), for they look to the crown for
protection against injustice; they annihilate other rights by admitting
appeal higher than this. Every class looks out for some resource against
oppression. The sovereign is the last applied to on such occasions, with
whom the sub-vassal has no bond of connexion. He can receive no favour,
nor perform any service, but through his own immediate superior; and
presumes not to question (in cases not personal to himself) the
propriety of his chief’s actions, adopting implicitly his feelings [157]
and resentments. The daily familiar intercourse of life is far too
engrossing to allow him to speculate, and with his lord he lives a
patriot or dies a traitor. In proof of this, numerous instances could be
given of whole clans devoting themselves to the chief against their
sovereign;[3.2.32] not from the ties of kindred, for many were aliens to
blood; but from the ties of duty, gratitude, and all that constitutes
clannish attachment, superadded to feudal obligation. The sovereign, as
before observed, has nothing to do with those vassals not holding
directly from the crown; and those who wish to stand well with their
chiefs would be very slow in receiving any honours or favours from the
general fountain-head. The Deogarh chief sent one of his sub-vassals to
court on a mission; his address and deportment gained him favour, and
his consequence was increased by a seat in the presence of his
sovereign. When he returned, he found this had lost him the favour of
his chief, who was offended, and conceived a jealousy both of his prince
and his servant. The distinction paid to the latter was, he said,
subversive of his proper authority, and the vassal incurred by his
vanity the loss of estimation where alone it was of value.

=Obligations of a Vassal.=—The attempt to define all the obligations of
a vassal would be endless: they involve all the duties of kindred in
addition to those of obedience. To attend the court of his chief; never
to absent himself without leave; to ride with him a-hunting; to attend
him at the court of his sovereign or to war, and even give himself as a
hostage for his release; these are some of the duties of a vassal.


Footnote 3.2.1:

  Literally ‘terrace,’ or ‘altar.’

Footnote 3.2.2:

  [Headman and accountant.]

Footnote 3.2.3:

  They were considered a sort of jury, bearing a close analogy to the
  _judices selecti_, who sat with the praetor in the tribunal of Rome

Footnote 3.2.4:

  See Appendix, No. III.

Footnote 3.2.5:

  Family priest.

Footnote 3.2.6:

  See Appendix, Nos. IV. V. and VI.

Footnote 3.2.7:

  See Appendix, No.XX. art. 6; the treaty between the chiefs and his
  vassals defining service.

Footnote 3.2.8:

  Appendix, No. XVI.

Footnote 3.2.9:

  Both of which I have witnessed.

Footnote 3.2.10:

  A clan called after Chonda, eldest son of an ancient Rana, who
  resigned his birthright.

Footnote 3.2.11:

  Sakta was the son of Rana Udai Singh, founder of Udayapura, or
  Udaipur. The feuds of these two clans, like those of the Armagnacs and
  Bourguignons, “qui couvrirent la France d’un crêpe sanglant,” have
  been the destruction of Mewar. It requires but a change of names and
  places, while reading the one, to understand perfectly the history of
  the other.

Footnote 3.2.12:


Footnote 3.2.13:

  It is now in ruins, but the towers and part of the walls are still

Footnote 3.2.14:

  An anecdote appended by my friend Amra (the bard of the Sangawats, a
  powerful division of the Chondawats, whose head is Deogarh, often
  alluded to, and who alone used to lead two thousand vassals into the
  field) was well attested. Two Mogul chiefs of note were deeply engaged
  in a game of chess when the tumult was reported to them. Feeling
  confident of success, they continued their game; nor would they desist
  till the inner castle of this ‘donjon keep’ was taken, and they were
  surrounded by the Rajputs, when they coolly begged they might be
  allowed to terminate their game. This the enemy granted; but the loss
  of their chiefs had steeled their breasts against mercy, and they were
  afterwards put to death. [Compare the similar case of Ganga, Rāja of
  Mysore, who was surprised, by the treachery of his ministers, while
  occupied in a game of chess (L. Rice, _Mysore Gazetteer_ (1897), 1i.

Footnote 3.2.15:

  [‘Office, prerogative.’ For a full account of the Mansab system, see
  Irvine, _Army of the Indian Moghuls_, 3 ff.]

Footnote 3.2.16:

  Fine of relief.

Footnote 3.2.17:

  [There were earlier instances of alliances between Muhammadan princes
  and Hindus. The mother of Fīroz Shāh, born A.D. 1309, was a Bhatti
  lady: Khizr Khān married Deval Devi, a Vāghela lady of Gujarāt
  (Elliot-Dowson, iii. 271 f., 545; Elphinstone, 395).]

Footnote 3.2.18:

  [There is no evidence for this statement (Smith, _Akbar_, 58, 225).]

Footnote 3.2.19:

  The son of the Princess Jodh Bai, whose magnificent tomb still excites
  admiration at Sikandra, near Agra.

Footnote 3.2.20:

  ‘Gift of Love.’ [Kāmbakhsh had a Hindu wife, Kalyān Kumāri, daughter
  of Amar Chand and sister of Sagat Singh, Zamīndār of Manoharpur.
  Professor Jadunath Sarkar has been unable to trace a Hindu wife of
  Akbar, son of Aurangzeb.]

Footnote 3.2.21:

  To this very marriage we owe the origin of our power. When the
  nuptials were preparing, the emperor fell ill. A mission was at that
  time at Delhi from Surat, where we traded, of which Mr. Hamilton was
  the surgeon. He cured the king, and the marriage was completed. In the
  oriental style, he desired the doctor to name his reward; but instead
  of asking anything for himself, he demanded a grant of land for a
  factory on the Hoogly for his employers. It was accorded, and this was
  the origin of the greatness of the British empire in the East. Such an
  act deserved at least a column; but neither “storied urn nor animated
  bust” marks the spot where his remains are laid [C. R. Wilson, _Early
  Annals of the English in Bengal_, ii. 235, see p. 468 below].

Footnote 3.2.22:

  Abu-l Fazl [_Āīn_, i. 308 ff.].

Footnote 3.2.23:

  The infantry, regulars, and militia, exceeded 4,000,000.

Footnote 3.2.24:

  See, in the Annals of Mewar, the letter of Rae Singh of Bikaner (who
  had been compelled to submit to this practice), on hearing that Rana
  Partap’s reverses were likely to cause a similar result. It is a noble
  production, and gives the character of both.

Footnote 3.2.25:

  The tribe to which the princes of Mewar belonged.

Footnote 3.2.26:

  _Raj Rajeswara_, the title of the prince of Marwar: the prince of
  Amber, _Raj Rajindra_.

Footnote 3.2.27:

  Hallam, vol. i. p. 117.

Footnote 3.2.28:

  Hallam, vol. i. p. 173.

Footnote 3.2.29:

  See Appendix, No. I.

Footnote 3.2.30:

  See Appendix, Nos. II. and III.

Footnote 3.2.31:

  _Pat_ means ‘head,’ ‘chief.’

Footnote 3.2.32:

  The death of the chief of Nimaj, in the Annals of Marwar, and Sheogarh
  Feud, in the Personal Narrative, Vol. II.


                               CHAPTER 3

=Feudal Incidents.=—I shall now proceed to compare the more general
obligations of vassals, known under the term of ‘Feudal Incidents’ in
Europe, and show their existence in Rajasthan. These were six in number:
1. Reliefs; 2. Fines of alienation; 3. Escheats; 4. Aids; 5. Wardship;
6. Marriage [158].

=Relief.=—The first and most essential mark of a feudal relation exists
in all its force and purity here: it is a perpetually recurring mark of
the source of the grant, and the solemn renewal of the pledge which
originally obtained it. In Mewar it is a virtual and _bona fide_
surrender of the fief and renewal thereof. It is thus defined in
European polity: “A relief[3.3.1] is a sum of money due from every one
of full age taking a fief by descent.” It was arbitrary, and the
consequent exactions formed a ground of discontent; nor was the tax
fixed till a comparatively recent period.

By Magna Charta reliefs were settled at rates proportionate to the
dignity of the holder.[3.3.2] In France the relief was fixed by the
customary laws at one year’s revenue.[3.3.3] This last has long been the
settled amount of _nazarana_, or fine of relief, in Mewar.

=Fine paid on Succession.=—On the demise of a chief, the prince
immediately sends a party, termed the _zabti_ (sequestrator), consisting
of a civil officer and a few soldiers, who take possession of the State
in the prince’s name. The heir sends his prayer to court to be installed
in the property, offering the proper relief. This paid, the chief is
invited to repair to the presence, when he performs homage, and makes
protestations of service and fealty; he receives a fresh grant, and the
inauguration terminates by the prince girding him with a sword, in the
old forms of chivalry. It is an imposing ceremony, performed in a full
assembly of the court, and one of the few which has never been
relinquished. The fine paid, and the brand buckled to his side, a steed,
turban, plume, and dress of honour given to the chief, the
investiture[3.3.4] is [159] complete; the sequestrator returns to court,
and the chief to his estate, to receive the vows and congratulations of
his vassals.[3.3.5]

In this we plainly perceive the original power (whether exercised or
not) of resumption. On this subject more will appear in treating of the
duration of grants. The _kharg bandhai_, or ‘binding of the sword,’ is
also performed when a Rajput is fit to bear arms; as amongst the ancient
German tribes, when they put into the hands of the aspirant for fame a
lance. Such are the substitutes for the _toga virilis_ of the young
Roman. The Rana himself is thus ordained a knight by the first of his
vassals in dignity, the chief of Salumbar.

=Renunciation of Reliefs.=—In the demoralization of all those States,
some of the chiefs obtained renunciation of the fine of relief, which
was tantamount to making a grant in perpetuity, and annulling the most
overt sign of paramount sovereignty. But these and many other important
encroachments were made when little remained of the reality, or when it
was obscured by a series of oppressions unexampled in any European

It is in Mewar alone, I believe, of all Rajasthan, that these marks of
fealty are observable to such an extent. But what is remarked elsewhere
upon the fiefs being movable, will support the doctrine of resumption
though it might not be practised: a prerogative may exist without its
being exercised.

=Fine of Alienation.=—Rajasthan never attained this refinement
indicative of the dismemberment of the system; so vicious and
self-destructive a notion never had existence in these States.
Alienation does not belong to a system of fiefs: the lord would never
consent to it, but on very peculiar occasions.

In Cutch, amongst the Jareja[3.3.6] tribes, sub-vassals may alienate
their estates; but this privilege is dependent on the mode of
acquisition. Perhaps the only knowledge we have in Rajasthan of
alienation requiring the sanction of the lord paramount, is in donations
for pious uses: but this is partial. We see in the remonstrance of the
Deogarh vassals the opinion they entertained of their lord’s alienation
of their sub-fees to strangers, and without the Rana’s consent; which,
with a similar train of conduct, produced sequestration of his fief till
they were reinducted [160].

=Tenants of the Crown may Alienate.=—The agricultural tenants,
proprietors of land held of the crown, may alienate their rights upon a
small fine, levied merely to mark the transaction. But the tenures of
these non-combatants and the holders of fees are entirely distinct, and
cannot here be entered on, further than to say that the agriculturist
is, or was, the proprietor of the soil; the chief, solely of the tax
levied thereon. But in Europe the alienation of the _feudum paternum_
was not good without the consent of the kindred in the line of
succession.[3.3.7] This would involve sub-infeudation and frerage, which
I shall touch on distinctly, many of the troubles of these countries
arising therefrom.

=Escheats and Forfeitures.=—The fiefs which were only to descend in
lineal succession reverted to the crown on failure of heirs, as they
could not be bequeathed by will. This answers equally well for England
as for Mewar. I have witnessed escheats of this kind, and foresee more,
if the pernicious practice of unlimited adoption do not prevent the Rana
from regaining lands, alienated by himself at periods of contention.
Forfeitures for crimes must, of course, occur, and these are partial or
entire, according to the delinquency.

In Marwar, at this moment, nearly all the representatives of the great
fiefs of that country are exiles from their homes: a distant branch of
the same family, the prince of Idar, would have adopted a similar line
of conduct but for a timely check from the hand of benevolence.[3.3.8]

There is, or rather was, a class of lands in Mewar appended to the
crown, of which it bestowed life-rents on men of merit. These were
termed Chhorutar, and were given and taken back, as the name implies; in
contradistinction to grants which, though originating in good behaviour,
not only continued for life but descended in perpetuity. Such places are
still so marked in the rent-roll, but they are seldom applied to the
proper purpose.

=Aids.=—Aids, implying ‘free gifts,’ or ‘benevolences,’ as they were
termed in a European code, are well known. The _barar_ (war-tax) is well
understood in Mewar, and is levied on many occasions for the necessities
of the prince or the head of a clan. It is a curious fact, that the
_dasaundh_, or ‘tenth,’ in Mewar, as in Europe, was the [161] stated sum
to be levied in periods of emergency or danger. On the marriage of the
daughters of the prince, a benevolence or contribution was always
levied: this varied. A few years ago, when two daughters and a
granddaughter were married to the princes of Jaisalmer, Bikaner, and
Kishangarh, a schedule of one-sixth, to portion the three, was made out;
but it did not realize above an eighth. In this aid the civil officers
of government contribute equally with the others. It is a point of
honour with all to see their sovereign’s daughters married, and for once
the contribution merited the name of benevolence. But it is not levied
solely from the coffers of the rich; by the chiefs it is exacted of
their tenantry of all classes, who, of course, wish such subjects of
rejoicing to be of as rare occurrence as possible.

“These feudal aids are deserving of our notice as the commencement of
taxation, of which they long answered the purpose, till the craving
necessities and covetous policy of kings established for them more
durable and onerous burthens.”[3.3.9]

The great chiefs, it may be assumed, were not backward, on like
occasions, to follow such examples, but these gifts were more voluntary.
Of the details of aids in France we find enumerated, “paying the relief
of the suzerain on taking possession of his lands”;[3.3.10] and by Magna
Charta our barons could levy them on the following counts: to make the
baron’s eldest son a knight, to marry his eldest daughter, or to redeem
his person from captivity. The latter is also one occasion for the
demand in all these countries. The chief is frequently made prisoner in
their predatory invasions, and carried off as a hostage for the payment
of a war contribution. Everything disposable is often got rid of on an
occasion of this kind. Cœur de Lion would not have remained so long
in the dungeons of Austria had his subjects been Rajputs. In Amber the
most extensive benevolence, or _barar_,[3.3.11] is on the marriage of
the Rajkumar, or heir apparent.

=Wardship.=—This does exist, to foster the infant vassal during
minority; but often terminating, as in the system of Europe, in the
nefarious act of defrauding a helpless infant, to the pecuniary benefit
of some court favourite. It is accordingly [162] here undertaken
occasionally by the head of the clan; but two strong recent instances
brought the dark ages, and the purchase of wardships for the purpose of
spoliation, to mind. The first was in the Deogarh chief obtaining by
bribe the entire management of the lands of Sangramgarh, on pretence of
improving them for the infant, Nahar Singh, whose father was
incapacitated by derangement. Nahar was a junior branch of the clan
Sangawat, a subdivision of the Chondawat clan, both Sesodias of the
Rana’s blood. The object, at the time, was to unite them to Deogarh,
though he pleaded duty as head of the clan. His nomination of young
Nahar as his own heir gives a colouring of truth to his intentions; and
he succeeded, though there were nearer of kin, who were set aside (at
the wish of the vassals of Deogarh and with the concurrence of the
sovereign) as unfit to head them or serve him.

Another instance of the danger of permitting wardships, particularly
where the guardian is the superior in clanship and kindred, is
exemplified in the Kalyanpur estate in Mewar. That property had been
derived from the crown only two generations back, and was of the annual
value of ten thousand rupees. The mother having little interest at
court, the Salumbar chief, by bribery and intrigue, upon paying a fine
of about one year’s rent, obtained possession—ostensibly to guard the
infant’s rights; but the falsehood of this motive was soon apparent.
There were duties to perform on holding it which were not thought of. It
was a frontier post, and a place of rendezvous for the quotas to defend
that border from the incursions of the wild tribes of the south-west.
The Salumbar chief, being always deficient in the quota for his own
estate, was not likely to be very zealous in his muster-roll for his
ward’s, and complaints were made which threatened a change. The chief of
Chawand was talked of as one who would provide for the widow and minor,
who could not perform the duties of defence.

The sovereign himself often assumes the guardianship of minors; but the
mother is generally considered the most proper guardian for her infant
son. All others may have interests of their own; she can be actuated by
his welfare alone. Custom, therefore, constitutes her the guardian; and
with the assistance of the elders of the family, she rears and educates
the young chief till he is fit to be girded with the sword

The Faujdar, or military manager, who frequently regulates the household
as well as the subdivisions of the estate, is seldom of the kin or clan
of the chief: a wise regulation, the omission of which has been known to
produce, in these _maires du palais_ on a small scale, the same results
as will be described in the larger. This officer, and the civil
functionary who transacts all the pecuniary concerns of the estate, with
the mother and her family, are always considered to be the proper
guardians of the minor. ‘Blood which could not inherit,’ was the
requisite for a guardian in Europe,[3.3.13] as here; and when neglected,
the results are in both cases the same.

=Marriage.=—Refinement was too strong on the side of the Rajput to admit
this incident, which, with that of wardship (both partial in Europe),
illustrated the rapacity of the feudal aristocracy. Every chief, before
he marries, makes it known to his sovereign. It is a compliment which is
expected, and is besides attended with some advantage, as the prince
invariably confers presents of honour, according to the station of the

No Rajput can marry in his own clan; and the incident was originated in
the Norman institutes, to prevent the vassal marrying out of his class,
or amongst the enemies of his sovereign.[3.3.14]

Thus, setting aside marriage (which even in Europe was only partial and
local) and alienation, four of the six chief incidents marking the
feudal system are in force in Rajasthan, viz. relief, escheats, aids,
and wardships.

=Duration of Grants.=—I shall now endeavour to combine all the knowledge
I possess with regard to the objects attained in granting lands, the
nature and durability of these grants, whether for life and renewable,
or in perpetuity. I speak of the rules as understood in Mewar. We ought
not to expect much system in what was devoid of regularity, even
according to the old principles of European feudal law, which, though
now reduced to some fixed principles, originated in, and was governed
by, fortuitous circumstances; and after often changing its character,
ended in despotism, oligarchy, or democracy.

=Classes of Landholders.=—There are two classes of Rajput landholders in
Mewar, though the one greatly exceeds the other in number. One is the
Girasia Thakur, or lord; the other the Bhumia. The Girasia chieftain is
he who holds (_giras_) by grant (_patta_) of the [164] prince, for which
he performs service with specified quotas at home and abroad, renewable
at every lapse, when all the ceremonies of resumption,[3.3.15] the fine
of relief,[3.3.16] and the investiture take place.

The Bhumia does not renew his grant, but holds on prescriptive
possession. He succeeds without any fine, but pays a small annual
quit-rent, and can be called upon for local service in the district
which he inhabits for a certain period of time. He is the counterpart of
the allodial proprietor of the European system, and the real zamindar of
these principalities. Both have the same signification; from _bhum_ and
_zamin_, ‘land’: the latter is an exotic of Persian origin.

=Girāsia.=—Girasia is from _giras_, ‘a subsistence’; literally and
familiarly ‘a mouthful.’ Whether it may have a like origin with the
Celtic word _gwas_,[3.3.17] said to mean ‘a servant,’[3.3.18] and whence
the word vassal is derived, I shall leave to etymologists to decide, who
may trace the resemblance to the _girasia_, the vassal chieftain of the
Rajputs. All the chartularies or pattas[3.3.19] commence, "To ...
_giras_ has been ordained."

=Whether Resumable.=—It has always been a subject of doubt whether
grants were resumable at pleasure, or without some delinquency imputable
to the vassal. Their duration in Europe was, at least, the life of the
possessor, when they reverted[3.3.20] to the fisc. The whole of the
ceremonies in cases of such lapse are decisive on this point in Mewar.
The right to resume, therefore, may be presumed to exist; while the
non-practice of it, the formalities of renewal being gone through, may
be said to render the right a dead letter. But to prove its existence I
need only mention, that so late as the reign of Rana Sangram,[3.3.21]
the fiefs of Mewar were actually movable; and little more than a century
and a half has passed since this practice ceased. Thus a Rathor would
shift, with family, chattels, and retainers, from the north into the
wilds of Chappan;[3.3.22] while the Saktawat relieved would occupy the
plains at the foot of the Aravalli;[3.3.23] or a Chondawat would
exchange his [165] abode on the banks of the Chambal with a Pramara or
Chauhan from the table-mountain, the eastern boundary of Mewar.[3.3.24]

Since these exchanges were occurring, it is evident the fiefs (_pattas_)
were not grants in perpetuity. This is just the state of the benefices
in France at an early period, as described by Gibbon, following
Montesquieu: “Les bénéfices étoient amovibles; bientôt ils les rendirent
perpétuels, et enfin héréditaires.”[3.3.25] This is the precise
gradation of fiefs in Mewar; movable, perpetual, and then hereditary.
The sons were occasionally permitted to succeed their fathers;[3.3.26]
an indulgence which easily grew into a right, though the crown had the
indubitable reversion. It is not, however, impossible that these
changes[3.3.27] were not of ancient authority, but arose from the policy
of the times to prevent infidelity.

We ought to have a high opinion of princes who could produce an effect
so powerful on the minds of a proud and turbulent nobility. The son was
heir to the title and power over the vassals’ personals and movables,
and to the allegiance of his father, but to nothing which could endanger
that allegiance.

A proper apportioning and mixture of the different clans was another
good result to prevent their combinations in powerful families, which
gave effect to rebellion, and has tended more than external causes to
the ruin which the State of Mewar exhibits.

=Nobility: Introduction of Foreign Stocks.=—Throughout the various
gradations of its nobility, it was the original policy to introduce some
who were foreign in country and blood. Chiefs of the Rathor, Chauhan,
Pramara, Solanki, and Bhatti tribes were intermingled. Of these several
were lineal descendants of the most ancient races of the kings of Delhi
and Anhilwara Patan;[3.3.28] and from these, in order to preserve the
purity of blood, the princes of Mewar took their wives, when the other
princes of Hind assented to [166] the degradation of giving daughters in
marriage to the emperors of Delhi. The princes of Mewar never yielded in
this point, but preserved their ancient manners amidst all vicissitudes.
In like manner did the nobles of the Rana’s blood take daughters from
the same tribes; the interest of this foreign race was therefore
strongly identified with the general welfare, and on all occasions of
internal turmoil and rebellion they invariably supported their prince.
But when these wise institutions were overlooked, when the great clans
increased and congregated together, and the crown demesne was
impoverished by prodigality, rebellions were fostered by Mahratta
rapacity, which were little known during the lengthened paramount sway
of the kings of Delhi. This foreign admixture will lead us to the
discussion of the different kinds of grants: a difference, perhaps, more
nominal than real, but exhibiting a distinction so wide as to imply
grants resumable and irresumable.

=Kāla Pattas.=—It is elsewhere related that two great clans, descendants
of the Ranas Rae Mall and Udai Singh, and their numerous scions, forming
subdivisions with separate titles or patronymics, compose the chief
vassalage of this country.

=Exogamy.=—Chondawat and Saktawat are the stock; the former is
subdivided into ten, the latter into about six clans. Rajputs never
intermarry with their own kin: the prohibition has no limit; it extends
to the remotest degree. All these clans are resolvable into the generic
term of ‘the race’ or Kula Sesodia. A Sesodia man and woman cannot unite
in wedlock—all these are therefore of the blood royal; and the essayists
on population would have had a fine field in these quarters a century
ago, ere constant misery had thinned the country, to trace the numerous
progeny of Chonda and Sakta in the Genesis[3.3.29] of Mewar. The Bhat’s
genealogies would still, to a certain extent, afford the same means.

Descent gives a strength to the tenure of these tribes which the foreign
nobles do not possess; for although, from all that has been said, it
will be evident that a right of reversion and resumption existed (though
seldom exercised, and never but in cases of crime), yet the foreigner
had not this strength in the soil, even though of twenty generations’
duration. The epithet of _kala patta_, or ‘black grant,’ attaches to the
foreign grant, and is admitted by the holder, from which the kinsman
thinks himself exempt. It is virtually a grant resumable; nor can the
possessors feel that security which the other widely affiliated
aristocracies afford [167]. When, on a recent occasion, a revision of
all the grants took place, the old ones being called in to be renewed
under the sign-manual of the reigning prince, the minister himself
visited the chief of Salumbar, the head of the Chondawats, at his
residence at the capital, for this purpose. Having become possessed of
several villages in the confusion of the times, a perusal of the grant
would have been the means of detection; and on being urged to send to
his estate for it, he replied, pointing to the palace, “My grant is in
the foundation of that edifice”: an answer worthy of a descendant of
Chonda, then only just of age. The expression marks the spirit which
animates this people, and recalls to mind the well-known reply of our
own Earl Warenne, on the very same occasion, to the _quo warranto_ of
Edward: “By their swords my ancestors obtained this land, and by mine
will I maintain it.”

Hence it may be pronounced that a grant of an estate is for the life of
the holder, with inheritance for his offspring in lineal descent or
adoption, with the sanction of the prince, and resumable for crime or
incapacity:[3.3.30] this reversion and power of resumption being marked
by the usual ceremonies on each lapse of the grantee, of sequestration
(_zabti_), of relief (_nazarana_), of homage and investiture of the
heir. Those estates held by foreign nobles differ not in tenure; though,
for the reasons specified, they have not the same grounds of security as
the others, in whose welfare the whole body is interested, feeling the
case to be their own: and their interests, certainly, have not been so
consulted since the rebellions of S. 1822,[3.3.31] and subsequent years.
Witness the Chauhans of Bedla and Kotharia (in the Udaipur valley), and
the Pramar of the plateau of Mewar, all chiefs of the first rank.

The difficulty and danger of resuming an old-established grant in these
countries are too great to be lightly risked. Though in all these
estates there is a mixture of foreign Rajputs, yet the blood of the
chief predominates; and these must have a leader of their own, or be
incorporated in the estates of the nearest of kin. This increase might
not be desirable for the crown, but the sub-vassals cannot be turned
[168] adrift; a resumption therefore in these countries is widely felt,
as it involves many. If crime or incapacity render it necessary, the
prince inducts a new head of that blood; and it is their pride, as well
as the prince’s interest, that a proper choice should be made. If, as
has often occurred, the title be abolished, the sub-vassals retain their
sub-infeudations, and become attached to the crown.

Many estates were obtained, during periods of external commotion, by
threats, combination, or the avarice of the prince—his short-sighted
policy, or that of his ministers—which have been remedied in the late
reorganization of Mewar; where, by retrograding half a century, and
bringing matters as near as possible to the period preceding civil
dissension, they have advanced at least a century towards order.

=Bhūmia, the Allodial Proprietor.=—It is stated in the historical annals
of this country that the ancient clans, prior to Sanga Rana,[3.3.32] had
ceased, on the rising greatness of the subsequent new division of clans,
to hold the higher grades of rank; and had, in fact, merged into the
general military landed proprietors of this country under the term
_bhumia_, a most expressive and comprehensive name, importing absolute
identity with the soil: _bhum_ meaning ‘land,’ and being far more
expressive than the newfangled word, unknown to Hindu India, of
_zamindar_, the ‘land-holder’ of Muhammadan growth. These Bhumias, the
scions of the earliest princes, are to be met with in various parts of
Mewar; though only in those of high antiquity, where they were defended
from oppression by the rocks and wilds in which they obtained a footing;
as in Kumbhalmer, the wilds of Chappan, or plains of Mandalgarh, long
under the kings, and where their agricultural pursuits maintained them.

Their clannish appellations, Kumbhawat, Lunawat, and Ranawat, distinctly
show from what stem and when they branched off; and as they ceased to be
of sufficient importance to visit the court on the new and continually
extending ramifications, they took to the plough. But while they
disdained not to derive a subsistence from labouring as husbandmen, they
never abandoned their arms; and the Bhumia, amid the crags of the alpine
Aravalli where he pastures his cattle or cultivates his fields,
preserves the erect mien and proud spirit of his ancestors, with more
tractability, and less arrogance and folly, than his more [169] courtly
but now widely separated brethren, who often make a jest of his
industrious but less refined qualifications.[3.3.33] Some of these yet
possess entire villages, which are subject to the payment of a small
quit-rent: they also constitute a local militia, to be called in by the
governor of the district, but for which service they are entitled to
rations or _peti_.[3.3.34] These, the allodial[3.3.35] tenantry of our
feudal system, form a considerable body in many districts, armed with
matchlock, sword, and shield. In Mandalgarh, when their own interests
and the prince’s unite (though the rapacity of governors, pupils of the
Mahratta and other predatory schools, have disgusted these
independents), four thousand Bhumias could be collected. They held and
maintained without support the important fortress of that district,
during half a century of turmoil, for their prince. Mandalgarh is the
largest district of Mewar, and in its three hundred and sixty towns and
villages many specimens of ancient usage may be found. The Solanki held
largely here in ancient days, and the descendant of the princes of Patan
still retains his Bhum and title of Rao.[3.3.36]

=Feudal Militia.=—All this feudal militia pay a quit-rent to the crown,
and perform local but limited service on the frontier garrison; and upon
invasion,[3.3.37] when the _Kher_ is called out, the whole are at the
disposal of the prince on furnishing rations only. They assert that they
ought not to pay this quit-rent and perform service also; but this may
be doubted, since the sum is so small. To elude it, they often performed
service under some powerful chief, where faction or court interest [170]
caused it to be winked at. To serve without a _patta_ is the great
object of ambition. _Ma ka bhum_, ‘my land,’ in their Doric tongue, is a
favourite phrase.[3.3.38]

Circumstances have concurred to produce a resemblance even to the
refined fiction of giving up their allodial property to have it
conferred as a fief. But in candour it should be stated, that the only
instances were caused by the desire of being revenged on the immediate
superiors of the vassals. The Rathor chief of Dabla held of his
superior, the Raja of Banera, three considerable places included in the
grant of Banera. He paid homage, an annual quit-rent, was bound to
attend him personally to court, and to furnish thirty-five horse in case
of an invasion. During the troubles, though perfectly equal to their
performance, he was remiss in all these duties. His chief, with
returning peace, desired to enforce the return to ancient customs, and
his rights so long withheld; but the Rathor had felt the sweets of
entire independence, and refused to attend his summons. To the warrant
he replied, “his head and Dabla were together”; and he would neither pay
the quit-rent nor attend his court. This refractory spirit was reported
to the Rana; and it ended in Dabla being added to the fisc, and the
chief’s holding the rest as a vassal of the Rana, but only to perform
local service. There are many other petty free proprietors on the Banera
estate, holding from small portions of land to small villages; but the
service is limited and local in order to swell the chief’s miniature
court. If they accompany him, he must find rations for them and their

So cherished is this tenure of Bhum, that the greatest chiefs are always
solicitous to obtain it, even in the villages wholly dependent on their
authority: a decided proof of its durability above common grants. The
various modes in which it is acquired, and the precise technicalities
which distinguished its tenure, as well as the privileges attached to
it, are fully developed in translations of different deeds on the
subject [171].[3.3.39]

=Rajas of Banera and Shāhpura.=—We have also, amongst the nobility of
Mewar, two who hold the independent title of prince or raja, one of whom
is by far too powerful for a subject. These are the Rajas of Banera and
Shahpura, both of the blood royal. The ancestor of the first was the
twin-brother of Rana Jai Singh; the other, a Ranawat, branched off from
Rana Udai Singh.

They have their grants renewed, and receive the khilat of investiture;
but they pay no relief, and are exempt from all but personal attendance
at their prince’s court, and the local service of the district in which
their estates are situated. They have hitherto paid but little attention
to their duties, but this defect arose out of the times. These lands
lying most exposed to the imperial headquarters at Ajmer, they were
compelled to bend to circumstances, and the kings were glad to confer
rank and honour on such near relations of the Rana’s house. He bestowed
on them the titles of Raja, and added to the Shahpura chief’s patrimony
a large estate in Ajmer, which he now holds direct of the British
Government, on payment of an annual tribute.

=Form and Substance of Grant.=—To give a proper idea of the variety of
items forming these chartularies, I append several[3.3.40] which exhibit
the rights, privileges, and honours, as well as the sources of income,
while they also record the terms on which they are granted. Many
royalties have been alienated in modern times by the thoughtless
prodigality of the princes; even the grand mark of vassalage, the fine
of relief, has been forgiven to one or two individuals; portions of
transit duties, tolls on ferries, and other seignorial rights; coining
copper currency; exactions of every kind, from the levy of toll for
night protection of merchandise and for the repairs of fortifications,
to the share of the depredations of the common robber, will sufficiently
show the demoralization of the country.

=Division of Pattas, or Sub-infeudation.=—Many years ago, when the
similarity of the systems first struck my attention, I took one of the
grants or _pattas_ of a great vassal of Jaipur, and dissected it in all
its minutiae, with the aid of a very competent authority who had resided
as one of the managers of the chief. This document, in which the
subdivision of the whole clan is detailed, materially aided me in
developing the system [172].

The court and the household economy of a great chieftain is a miniature
representation of the sovereign’s: the same officers, from the pardhan,
or minister, to the cup-bearer (_paniyari_), as well as the same
domestic arrangements. He must have his _shish-mahall_,[3.3.41] his
_bari-mahall_,[3.3.42] and his _mandir_,[3.3.43] like his prince. He
enters the _dari-sala_, or carpet hall, the minstrel[3.3.44] preceding
him rehearsing the praises of his family; and he takes his seat on his
throne, while the assembled retainers, marshalled in lines on the right
and left, simultaneously exclaim, “Health to our chief!” which
salutation he returns by bowing to all as he passes them. When he is
seated, at a given signal they all follow the example, and shield
rattles against shield as they wedge into their places.

We have neither the kiss nor individual oaths of fidelity administered.
It is sufficient, when a chief succeeds to his patrimony, that his
‘_an_’[3.3.45] is proclaimed within his _sim_ or boundary. Allegiance is
as hereditary as the land: “I am your child; my head and sword are
yours, my service is at your command.” It is a rare thing for a Rajput
to betray his Thakur, while the instances of self-devotion for him are
innumerable: many will be seen interspersed in these papers. Base
desertion, to their honour be it said, is little known, and known only
to be execrated. Fidelity to the chief, Swamidharma, is the climax of
all the virtues. The Rajput is taught from his infancy, in the song of
the bard, to regard it as the source of honour here, and of happiness
hereafter. The poet Chand abounds with episodes on the duty and beauty
of fidelity; nor does it require a very fervid imagination to picture
the affections which such a life is calculated to promote, when the
chief is possessed of the qualities to call them forth. At the chase his
vassals attend him: in the covert of the forest, the ground their social
board, they eat their repast together, from the venison or wild boar
furnished by the sport of the day; nor is the cup neglected. They are
familiarly admitted at all times to his presence, and accompany him to
the court of their mutual sovereign. In short, they are

Their having retained so much of their ancient manners and customs,
during [173] centuries of misery and oppression, is the best evidence
that those customs were riveted to their very souls. The Rajput of
character is a being of the most acute sensibility; where honour is
concerned, the most trivial omission is often ignorantly construed into
an affront.

=Provision for Chief’s Relations.=—In all the large estates the chief
must provide for his sons or brothers, according to his means and the
number of immediate descendants. In an estate of sixty to eighty
thousand rupees of annual rent, the second brother might have a village
of three to five thousand of rent. This is his patrimony (_bapota_): he
besides pushes his fortune at the court of his sovereign or abroad.
Juniors share in proportion. These again subdivide, and have their
little circle of dependents. Each new family is known by the name of the
founder conjoined to that of his father and tribe: _Man Meghsinghgot
Saktawat_; that is, ‘Man, family of Megh, tribe Saktawat.’ The
subdivisions descend to the lowest denomination.

=Charsa.=—_Charsa_, a ‘hide of land,’ or about sufficient to furnish an
equipped cavalier. It is a singular coincidence that the term for the
lowest subdivision of land for military service should be the same
amongst the Rajputs as in the English system. Besides being similar in
name, it nearly corresponds in actual quantity. From the beginning of
the Anglo-Saxon government the land was divided into hides, each
comprehending what could be cultivated by a single plough.[3.3.47] Four
hides constituted one knight’s fee,[3.3.48] which is stated to be about
forty acres. The Charsa may have from twenty-five to thirty bighas;
which are equal to about ten acres—the Saxon hide.

For what these minor vassals held to be their rights on the great
pattawats, the reader is again referred to the letter of protest of the
inferior pattawats of the Deogarh estate—it may aid his judgement; and
it is curious to observe how nearly the subject of their prayer to the
sovereign corresponded with the edict of Conrad of Italy,[3.3.49] in the
year 1037, which originated in disagreements between the great lords and
their vassals on the subject of sub-infeudations [174].

The extent to which the subdivision before mentioned is carried in some
of the Rajput States, is ruinous to the protection and general welfare
of the country. It is pursued in some parts till there is actually
nothing left sufficiently large to share, or to furnish subsistence for
one individual: consequently a great deprivation of services to the
State ensues. But this does not prevail so much in the larger
principalities as in the isolated tributary Thakurats or lordships
scattered over the country; as amongst the Jarejas of Cutch, the tribes
in Kathiawar, and the small independencies of Gujarat bordering on the
greater western Rajput States. This error in policy requires to be
checked by supreme authority, as it was in England by Magna
Charta,[3.3.50] when the barons of those days took such precautions to
secure their own seignorial rights.

=Brotherhood.=—The system in these countries of minute subdivision of
fiefs is termed _bhayyad_,[3.3.51] or brotherhood, synonymous to the
tenure by frerage of France, but styled only an approximation to
sub-infeudation.[3.3.52] "Give me my _bat_ (share)," says the Rajput,
when he attains to man’s estate, ‘the bat of the bhayyad,’ the portion
of the frerage; and thus they go on clipping and paring till all are
impoverished. The ‘customs’ of France[3.3.53] preserved the dignities of
families and the indivisibility of a feudal homage, without exposing the
younger sons of a gentleman to beggary and dependence. It would be a
great national benefit if some means could be found to limit this
subdivision, but it is an evil difficult of remedy. The divisibility of
the Cutch and Kathiawar frerage, carried to the most destructive extent,
is productive of litigation, crime, and misery. Where it has proper
limits it is useful; but though the idea of each rood supporting its man
is very poetical, it does not and cannot answer in practice. Its limit
in Mewar we would not undertake to assert, but the vassals are careful
not to let it become too small; they send the extra numbers to seek
their fortunes abroad. In this custom, and the difficulty of finding
_daejas_, or dowers, for their daughters, we have the two chief causes
of infanticide amongst the Rajputs, which horrible practice was not
always confined to the female.

The author of the Middle Ages exemplifies ingeniously the advantages of
sub-[175]infeudation, by the instance of two persons holding one
knight’s fee; and as the lord was entitled to the service of one for
forty days, he could commute it for the joint service of the two for
twenty days each. He even erects as a maxim on it, that “whatever
opposition was made to the rights of sub-infeudation or frerage, would
indicate decay in the military character, the living principle of feudal
tenure”;[3.3.54] which remark may be just where proper limitation
exists, before it reaches that extent when the impoverished vassal would
descend to mend his shoes instead of his shield. Primogeniture is the
corner-stone of feudality, but this unrestricted sub-infeudation would
soon destroy it.[3.3.55] It is strong in these States; its rights were
first introduced by the Normans from Scandinavia. But more will appear
on this subject and its technicalities, in the personal narrative of the


Footnote 3.3.1:

  “Plusieurs possesseurs de fiefs, ayant voulu en laisser
  perpétuellement la propriété à leurs descendans, prirent des
  arrangemens avec leur Seigneur; et, outre ce qu’ils donnèrent pour
  faire le marché, ils s’engagèrent, eux et leur postérité, à abandonner
  pendant une année, au Seigneur, la jouissance entière du fief, chaque
  fois que le dit fief changerait de main. C’est ce qui forma le droit
  de _relief_. Quand un gentilhomme avait dérogé, il pouvait effacer
  cette tache moyennant finances, et ce qu’il payait s’appelait
  _relief_, il recevait pour quittance des lettres de _relief_ ou de
  réhabilitation” (Art. ‘Relief,’ _Dict. de l’anc. Régime_).

Footnote 3.3.2:

  Namely, “the heir or heirs of an earl, for an entire earldom, one
  hundred pounds; the heir or heirs of a baron, for an entire barony,
  one hundred marks; the heir or heirs of a knight, for a whole knight’s
  fee, one hundred shillings at most” (Art. III. Magna Charta).

Footnote 3.3.3:

  “Le droit de rachat devoit se payer à chaque mutation d’héritier, et
  se paya même d’abord en ligne directe.—La coutume la plus générale
  l’avait fixé à une année du revenue” (_L’Esprit des Loix_, livre xxxi.
  chap. xxxiii.)

Footnote 3.3.4:

  That symbolic species of investiture denominated ‘improper
  investiture,’ the delivery of a turf, stone, and wand, has its
  analogies amongst the mountaineers of the Aravalli. The old baron of
  Badnor, when the Mer villages were reduced, was clamorous about his
  feudal rights over those wild people. It was but the point of honour.
  From one he had a hare, from another a bullock, and so low as a pair
  of sticks which they use on the festivals of the Holi. These marks of
  vassalage come under the head of ‘petite serjanteri’ (petit
  serjeantry) in the feudal system of Europe (see Art. XLI. of Magna

Footnote 3.3.5:

  ["All Rājput Jāgīrdārs, or holders of assigned lands, pay _nazarāna_
  on the accession of a new Mahārāna, and on certain other occasions,
  while most of them pay a fine called _Kaid_ [‘imprisonment’] on
  succeeding to these estates. On the death of a Rājput Jāgīrdār, his
  estates immediately revert to the Darbār, and so remain until his son
  or successor is recognized by the Mahārāna, when the grant is renewed,
  and a fresh lease taken" (Erskine ii. A. 71).]

Footnote 3.3.6:

  Jareja is the title of the Rajput race in Cutch; they are descendants
  of the Yadus, and claim from Krishna. In early ages they inhabited the
  tracts on the Indus and in Seistan [p. 102 above].

Footnote 3.3.7:

  Wright on Tenures, _apud_ Hallam, vol. i. p. 185.

Footnote 3.3.8:

  The Hon. Mr. Elphinstone, Governor of Bombay. As we prevented the
  spoliation of Idar by the predatory powers, we are but right in seeing
  that the head does not become the spoliator himself, and make these
  brave men “wish any change but that which we have given them.”

Footnote 3.3.9:


Footnote 3.3.10:

  Ducange, _apud_ Hallam.

Footnote 3.3.11:

  _Barar_ is the generic name for taxation.

Footnote 3.3.12:

  The charter of Henry I. promises the custody of heirs to the mother or
  next of kin (Hallam, vol. ii. p. 429).

Footnote 3.3.13:

  Hallam, vol. i. p. 190.

Footnote 3.3.14:

  [The rule of tribal exogamy, whatever may be its origin, is much more
  primitive than the author supposed (Sir J. G. Frazer, _Totemism and
  Exogamy_, i. 54 ff.).]

Footnote 3.3.15:

  _Zabti_, ‘sequestration.’

Footnote 3.3.16:


Footnote 3.3.17:

  It might not be unworthy of research to trace many words common to the
  Hindu and the Celt; or to inquire whether the Kimbri, the Juts or
  Getae, the Sakasena, the Chatti of the Elbe and Cimbric Chersonese,
  and the ancient Britons, did not bring their terms with their bards
  and _vates_ (the Bhats and Bardais) from the highland of Scythia east
  of the Caspian, which originated the nations common to both, improved
  beyond the Wolga and the Indus [?].

Footnote 3.3.18:

  Hallam, vol. i. 155. [Welsh, Cornish _gwas_, ‘a servant.’]

Footnote 3.3.19:

  _Patta_, a ‘patent’ or ‘grant’; _Pattāwat_, ‘holder of the fief or

Footnote 3.3.20:

  Montesquieu, chaps. xxv., liv., xxxi.

Footnote 3.3.21:

  Ten generations ago. [At present an estate is not liable to
  confiscation save for some gross political offence (Erskine ii. A.

Footnote 3.3.22:

  The mountainous and woody region to the south-west, dividing Mewar
  from Gujarat.

Footnote 3.3.23:

  The grand chain dividing the western from the central States of

Footnote 3.3.24:

  Such changes were triennial; and, as I have heard the prince himself
  say, so interwoven with their customs was this rule that it caused no
  dissatisfaction; but of this we may be allowed at least to doubt. It
  was a perfect check to the imbibing of local attachment; and the
  prohibition against erecting forts for refuge or defiance, prevented
  its growth if acquired. It produced the object intended, obedience to
  the prince, and unity against the restless Mogul. Perhaps to these
  institutions it is owing that Mewar alone never was conquered by the
  kings during the protracted struggle of seven centuries; though at
  length worried and worn out, her power expired with theirs, and
  predatory spoliation completed her ruin.

Footnote 3.3.25:

  Gibbon, _Misc. Works_, vol. iii. p. 189; _Sur le système féodal
  surtout en France_.

Footnote 3.3.26:

  Hallam, quoting Gregory of Tours; the picture drawn in A.D. 595.

Footnote 3.3.27:

  "Fiefs had partially become hereditary towards the end of the first
  race: in these days they had not the idea of an ‘unalienable fief.’"
  Montesquieu, vol. ii. p. 431. The historian of the Middle Ages doubts
  if ever they were resumable at pleasure, unless from delinquency.

Footnote 3.3.28:

  The Nahlwara of D’Anville and the Arabian travellers of the eighth
  century, the capital of the Balhara kings.

Footnote 3.3.29:

  _Janam_, ‘birth’; _es_, ‘lord’ or ‘man.’ [See p. 24 above.]

Footnote 3.3.30:

  “La loi des Lombards oppose les bénéfices à la propriété. Les
  historiens, les formules, les codes des différens peuples barbares,
  tous les monumens qui nous restent, sont unanimes. Enfin, ceux qui ont
  écrit le livre des fiefs, nous apprennent, que d’abord les Seigneurs
  purent les ôter à leur volonté, qu’ensuite ils les assurèrent pour un
  an, et après les donnèrent pour la vie” (_L’Esprit des Loix_, chap.
  xvi. livre 30).

Footnote 3.3.31:

  A.D. 1766.

Footnote 3.3.32:

  Contemporary and opponent of Sultan Babur.

Footnote 3.3.33:

  Many of them taking wives from the degraded but aboriginal races in
  their neighbouring retreats, have begot a mixed progeny, who, in
  describing themselves, unite the tribes of father and mother.

Footnote 3.3.34:

  Literally, ‘a belly-full.’

Footnote 3.3.35:

  Allodial property is defined (Hallam, vol. i. p. 144) as “land which
  had descended by inheritance, subject to no burthen but public
  defence. It passed to all the children equally; in failure of
  children, to the nearest kindred.” Thus it is strictly the _Miras_ or
  _Bhum_ of the Rajputs: inheritance, patrimony. In Mewar it is
  divisible to a certain extent; but in Cutch, to infinity: and is
  liable only to local defence. The holder of bham calls it his
  _Adyapi_, _i.e._ of old, by prescriptive right; not by written deed.
  Montesquieu, describing the conversion of allodial estates into fiefs,
  says, “These lands were held by Romans or Franks (_i.e._ freemen) not
  the king’s vassals,” viz. lands exterior and anterior to the monarchy.
  We have Rathor, Solanki, and other tribes, now holding bhum in various
  districts, whose ancestors were conquered by the Sesodias, but left in
  possession of small portions insufficient to cause jealousy. Some of
  these may be said to have converted their lands into fiefs, as the
  Chauhan lord of ——, who served the Salumbar chief.

Footnote 3.3.36:

  Amidst ruins overgrown with forest, I discovered on two tables of
  stone the genealogical history of this branch, which was of
  considerable use in elucidating that of Anhilwara, and which
  corresponded so well with the genealogies of a decayed bard of the
  family, who travelled the country for a subsistence, that I feel
  assured they formerly made good use of these marble records.

Footnote 3.3.37:

  See Appendix, Nos. XVI. and XVII.

Footnote 3.3.38:

  I was intimately acquainted with, and much esteemed, many of these
  Bhumia chiefs—from my friend Paharji (the rock), Ranawat of Amargarh,
  to the Kumbhawat of Sesoda on the highest point, lord of the pass of
  the Aravalli; and even the mountain lion, Dungar Singh who bore
  amongst us, from his old raids, the familiar title of Roderic Dhu. In
  each situation I have had my tents filled with them; and it was one of
  the greatest pleasures I ever experienced, after I had taken my leave
  of them, perhaps for ever, crossed the frontiers of Mewar, and
  encamped in the dreary pass between it and Marwar, to find that a body
  of them had been my guards during the night. This is one of the many
  pleasing recollections of the past. Fortunately for our happiness, the
  mind admits their preponderance over opposite feelings. I had much to
  do in aiding the restoration of their past condition; leaving, I
  believe, as few traces of error in the mode as could be expected,
  where so many conflicting interests were to be reconciled.

Footnote 3.3.39:

  See Appendix.

Footnote 3.3.40:

  See Appendix, Nos. IV., V., VI.

Footnote 3.3.41:

  Mirror apartments. [To meet the demand for the glass mosaics seen in
  the palaces of Rājputāna, the Panjab, and Burma, the industry of
  blowing glass globes, silvered inside, came into existence. The globes
  are broken into fragments, and set in cement (in Burma in laquer), and
  used to decorate the walls (Watt, _Comm. Prod._ 563, 717 f.). There is
  a Shīsh Mahall in the Agra Fort.]

Footnote 3.3.42:

  Gardens on the terrace within the palace.

Footnote 3.3.43:

  Private temple of worship.

Footnote 3.3.44:


Footnote 3.3.45:

  _An_ is the oath of allegiance. Three things in Mewar are royalties a
  subject cannot meddle with: 1, _An_, or oath of allegiance; 2, _Dan_,
  or transit dues on commerce; 3, _Khan_, or mines of the precious

Footnote 3.3.46:

  I rather describe what they were, than what they are. Contentions and
  poverty have weakened their sympathies and affections; but the mind of
  philanthropy must hope that they will again become what they have

Footnote 3.3.47:

  Millar’s _Historical View of the English Government_, p. 85. [See p.
  156 above.]

Footnote 3.3.48:

  Hume, _History of England_, Appendix II. vol. ii. p. 291.

Footnote 3.3.49:

  “1. That no man should be deprived of his fief, whether held of the
  emperor or mesne lord, but by the laws of the empire and _judgement of
  his peers_. 2. That from such judgement the vassal might appeal to his
  sovereign. 3. That fiefs should be inherited by sons and their
  children, or in their failure by brothers, provided they were _feuda
  paterna_, such as had descended from the father. 4. That the lord
  should not alienate the fief of his vassal without his consent.”

Footnote 3.3.50:

  By the revised statute, _Quia emptores_, of Edw. I., which forbids it
  in excess, under penalty of forfeiture (Hallam, vol. i. p. 184).

Footnote 3.3.51:

  _Bhayyad_, ‘frerage’.

Footnote 3.3.52:

  Hallam, vol. i. p. 186.

Footnote 3.3.53:


Footnote 3.3.54:

  Hallam, vol. i. p. 186.

Footnote 3.3.55:

  “Le _droit d’aînesse_ a causé, pendant l’existence du régime féodal,
  une multitude de guerres et de procès. Notre histoire nous présente, à
  chaque page, des cadets réduits à la mendicité, se livrant à toutes
  sortes de brigandages pour réparer les torts de la fortune; des aînés,
  refusant la légitime à leurs frères; des cadets, assassinant leur aîné
  pour lui succéder, etc.” (see article, ‘Droit d’aînesse,’ _Dict. de
  l’Ancien Régime_).


                               CHAPTER 4

=Rakhwāli.=—I now proceed to another point of striking resemblance
between the systems of the east and wrest, arising from the same
causes—the unsettled state of society, and the deficiency of paramount
protection. It is here called _rakhwali_,[3.4.1] or ‘preservation’; the
_salvamenta_ of Europe.[3.4.2] To a certain degree it always existed in
these States; but the interminable predatory warfare of the last half
century increased it to so frightful an extent that superior authority
was required to redeem the abuses it had occasioned. It originated in
the necessity of protection; and the modes of obtaining it, as well as
the compensation [176] when obtained, were various. It often consisted
of money or kind on the reaping of each harvest: sometimes in a
multiplicity of petty privileges and advantages, but the chief object
was to obtain _bhum_: and here we have one solution of the constituted
_bhumia_,[3.4.3] assimilating, as observed, to the allodial proprietor.
Bhum thus obtained is irrevocable; and in the eager anxiety for its
acquisition we have another decided proof of every other kind of tenure
being deemed resumable by the crown.

It was not unfrequent that application for protection was made to the
nearest chief by the tenants of the fisc; a course eventually sanctioned
by the Government, which could not refuse assent where it could not
protect. Here, then, we revert to first principles; and ‘seignorial
rights’ may be forfeited, when they cease to yield that which ought to
have originated them, viz. benefit to the community. Personal service at
stated periods, to aid in the agricultural[3.4.4] economy of the
protector, was sometimes stipulated, when the husbandmen were to find
implements and cattle,[3.4.5] and to attend whenever ordered. The
protected calls the chief ‘patron’; and the condition may not unaptly be
compared to that of personal commendation,[3.4.6] like _salvamenta_,
founded on the disturbed state of society. But what originated thus was
often continued and multiplied by avarice, and the spirit of rapine,
which disgraced the Rajput of the last half century, though he had
abundance of apologies for ‘scouring the country.’ But all _salvamenta_
and other marks of vassalage, obtained during these times of desolation,
were annulled in the settlement which took place between the Rana and
his chiefs, in A.D. 1818[3.4.7] [177].

But the crown itself, by some singular proceeding, possesses, or did
possess, according to the _Patta Bahi_, or Book of Grants, considerable
_salvamenta_ right, especially in the districts between the new and
ancient capitals, in sums of from twenty to one hundred rupees in
separate villages.

To such an extent has this _rakhwali_[3.4.8] been carried when
protection was desired, that whole communities have ventured their
liberty, and become, if not slaves, yet nearly approaching the condition
of slaves, to the protector. But no common visitation ever leads to an
evil of this magnitude. I mention the fact merely to show that it does
exist; and we may infer that the chief, who has become the arbiter of
the lives and fortunes of his followers, must have obtained this power
by devoting all to their protection. The term thus originated, and
probably now (with many others) written for the first time in English
letters in this sense, is _Basai_.

=Basāi, Slavery.=—Slavery is to be found in successive stages of society
of Europe, but we have no parallel in Rajwara (at least in name) to the
agricultural serfs and _villains_ of Europe; nor is there any
intermediate term denoting a species of slavery between the
_Gola_[3.4.9] of the Hindu chief’s household and the free Rajput but the
singular one of _basai_, which must be explained, since it cannot be
translated. This class approximates closely to the _tributarii_ and
_coloni_, perhaps to the _servi_, of the Salic Franks, “who were
cultivators of the earth, and subject to residence upon their master’s
estate, though not destitute of property or civil rights.”[3.4.10]
Precisely the condition of the cultivator in Haraoti who now tills for a
taskmaster the fields he formerly owned, degraded to the name of
_hali_,[3.4.11] a ploughman.

“When small proprietors,” says Hallam, “lost their lands by mere rapine,
we may believe their liberty was hardly less endangered.” The _hali_ of
Haraoti knows the bitter truth of this inference, which applies to the
subject immediately before us, [178] the _basai_. The portion of liberty
the latter has parted with, was not originally lost through compulsion
on the part of the protector, but from external violence, which made
this desperate remedy necessary. Very different from the _hali_ of
Kotah, who is servile though without the title—a serf in condition but
without the patrimony; compelled to labour for subsistence on the land
he once owned; chained to it by the double tie of debt and strict
police; and if flight were practicable, the impossibility of bettering
his condition from the anarchy around would render it unavailing. This
is not the practice under the patriarchal native government, which, with
all its faults, retains the old links of society, with its redeeming
sympathies; but springs from a _maire du palais_, who pursued an
unfeeling and mistaken policy towards this class of society till of late
years. Mistaken ambition was the origin of the evil; he saw his error,
and remedied it in time to prevent further mischief to the State. This
octogenarian ruler, Zalim Singh of Kotah, is too much of a philosopher
and politician to let passion overcome his interests and reputation; and
we owe to the greatest despot a State ever had the only regular charter
which at present exists in Rajasthan, investing a corporate body with
the election of their own magistrates and the making of their own laws,
subject only to confirmation; with all the privileges which marked in
the outset the foundation of the free cities of Europe, and that of
boroughs in England.

It is true that, in detached documents, we see the spirit of these
institutions existing in Mewar, and it is as much a matter of
speculation, whether this wise ruler promulgated this novelty as a trap
for good opinions, or from policy and foresight alone: aware, when all
around him was improving, from the shackles of restraint being cast
aside, that his retention of them must be hurtful to himself. Liberality
in this exigence answered the previous purpose of extortion. His system,
even then, was good by comparison; all around was rapine, save in the
little oasis kept verdant by his skill, where he permitted no other
oppression than his own.

This charter is appended[3.4.12] as a curiosity in legislation, being
given thirty years ago. Another, for the agriculturists’ protection, was
set up in A.D. 1821. No human being prompted either; though the latter
is modelled from the proceedings in Mewar, and may have been intended,
as before observed, to entrap applause.

In every district of Haraoti the stone was raised to record this
ordinance [179].

=Gola—Das= (_Slaves_).—Famine in these regions is the great cause of
loss of liberty: thousands were sold in the last great famine. The
predatory system of the Pindaris and mountain tribes aided to keep it
up. Here, as amongst the Franks, freedom is derived through the mother.
The offspring of a _goli_[3.4.13] or _dasi_ must be a slave. Hence the
great number of golas in Rajput families, whose illegitimate offspring
are still adorned in Mewar, as our Saxon slaves were of old, with a
silver ring round the left ankle, instead of the neck. They are well
treated, and are often amongst the best of the military
retainers;[3.4.14] but are generally esteemed in proportion to the
quality of the mother, whether Rajputni, Muslim, or of the degraded
tribes: they hold confidential places about the chiefs of whose blood
they are. The great-grandfather of the late chief of Deogarh used to
appear at court with three hundred _golas_[3.4.15] on horseback in his
train, the sons of Rajputs, each with a gold ring round his ankle: men
whose lives were his own. This chief could then head two thousand
retainers, his own vassals.[3.4.16]

=Slavery due to Gambling.=—Tacitus[3.4.17] describes the baneful effects
of gambling amongst the German tribes, as involving personal liberty;
their becoming slaves, and being subsequently sold by the winner. The
Rajput’s passion for gaming, as remarked in the history of the tribes,
is strong; and we can revert to periods long anterior to Tacitus, and
perhaps before the woods of Germany were peopled with the worshippers of
Tuisto, for the antiquity of this vice amongst the Rajput warriors,
presenting a highly interesting picture of its pernicious effects.
Yudhishthira having staked and lost the throne of India to Duryodhana,
to recover it hazarded the beautiful and virtuous Draupadi. By the
loaded dice of his foes she became the _goli_ of the Kaurava, who,
triumphing in his pride, would have unveiled her in public; but the
deity presiding over female modesty preserved her from the rude gaze of
the assembled host; the miraculous scarf lengthened as he withdrew it,
till tired, he desisted at the instance of superior interposition.
Yudhishthira, not satisfied with this, staked twelve years of his
personal liberty, and became an exile from the haunts of Kalindi, a
wanderer in the wilds skirting the distant ocean [180].

The illegitimate sons of the Rana are called _das_, literally ‘slave’:
they have no rank, though they are liberally provided for. _Basai_
signifies ‘acquired slavery’; in contradistinction to _gola_, ‘an
hereditary slave.’ The gola can only marry a goli: the lowest Rajput
would refuse his daughter to a son of the Rana of this kind. The basai
can redeem[3.4.18] his liberty: the gola has no wish to do so, because
he could not improve his condition nor overcome his natural defects. To
the basai nothing dishonourable attaches: the class retain their
employments and caste, and are confined to no occupation, but it must be
exercised with the chief’s sanction. Individuals reclaimed from
captivity, in gratitude have given up their liberty: communities, when
this or greater evils threatened, have done the same for protection of
their lives, religion, and honour. Instances exist of the population of
towns being in this situation. The greater part of the inhabitants of
the estate of Bijolli are the basai of its chief, who is of the Pramara
tribe: they are his subjects; the Rana, the paramount lord, has no sort
of authority over them. Twelve generations have elapsed since his
ancestor conducted this little colony into Mewar, and received the
highest honours and a large estate on the plateau of its border, in a
most interesting country.[3.4.19]

The only badge denoting the basai is a small tuft of hair on the crown
of the head. The term interpreted has nothing harsh in it, meaning
‘occupant, dweller, or settler.’ The numerous towns in India called
_Basai_ have this origin: chiefs abandoning their ancient haunts, and
settling[3.4.20] with all their retainers and chattels in new abodes.
From this, the town of Basai near Tonk (Rampura), derived its name, when
the Solanki prince was compelled to abandon his patrimonial lands in
Gujarat; his subjects of all classes accompanying him voluntarily, in
preference to submitting to foreign rule. Probably the foundation of
Bijolli was similar; though only the name of Basai now attaches to the
inhabitants. It is not uncommon [181], in the overflowing of gratitude,
to be told, “You may sell me, I am your basai.”[3.4.21]

=Private Feuds—Composition.=—In a state of society such as these
sketches delineate, where all depends on the personal character of the
sovereign, the field for the indulgence of the passions, and especially
of that most incident to the uncontrollable habits of such
races—revenge—must necessarily be great. Private feuds have tended, with
the general distraction of the times, to desolate this country. Some
account of their mode of prosecution, and the incidents thence arising,
cannot fail to throw additional light on the manners of society, which
during the last half-century were fast receding to a worse than
semi-barbarous condition, and, aided by other powerful causes, might
have ended in entire annihilation. The period was rapidly advancing,
when this fair region of Mewar, the garden of Rajasthan, would have
reverted to its primitive sterility. The tiger and the wild boar had
already become inmates of the capital, and the bats flitted undisturbed
in the palaces of her princes. The ante-courts, where the chieftains and
their followers assembled to grace their prince’s cavalcade, were
overgrown with dank shrubs and grass, through which a mere footpath
conducted the ‘descendant of a hundred kings’ to the ruins of his

In these principalities the influence of revenge is universal. Not to
prosecute a feud is tantamount to an acknowledgement of
self-degradation; and, as in all countries where the laws are
insufficient to control individual actions or redress injuries, they
have few scruples as to the mode of its gratification. Hence feuds are
entailed with the estates from generation to generation. To sheathe the
sword till ‘a feud is balanced’ (their own idiomatic expression), would
be a blot never to be effaced from the escutcheon.

In the Hindu word which designates a feud we have another of those
striking coincidences in terms to which allusion has already been made:
_vair_ is ‘a feud,’ _vairi_, ‘a foe.’ The Saxon term for the composition
of a feud, _wergild_, is familiar to every man. In some of these States
the initial vowel is hard, and [182] pronounced _bair_. In Rajasthan,
_bair_ is more common than _vair_, but throughout the south-west _vair_
only is used. In these we have the original Saxon word _war_,[3.4.22]
the French _guer_. The Rajput _wergild_ is land or a daughter to wife.
In points of honour the Rajput is centuries in advance of our Saxon
forefathers, who had a legislative remedy for every bodily injury, when
each finger and toe had its price.[3.4.23] This might do very well when
the injury was committed on a hind, but the Rajput must have blood for
blood. The monarch must be powerful who can compel acceptance of the
compensation, or _mund-kati_.[3.4.24]

The prosecution of a feud is only to be stopped by a process which is
next to impracticable; namely, by the party injured volunteering
forgiveness, or the aggressor throwing himself as a suppliant unawares
on the clemency of his foe within his own domains: a most trying
situation for each to be placed in, yet not unexampled, and revenge in
such a case would entail infamy. It was reserved for these degenerate
days to produce such an instance.

=Amargarh-Shāhpura Feud.=—The Raja of Shahpura, one of the most powerful
of the chiefs of Mewar, and of the Rana’s blood, had a feud with the
Ranawat chief, the Bhumia proprietor of Amargarh. Ummeda,[3.4.25] the
chief of Shahpura, held two estates: one was the grant of the kings of
Delhi, the other of his own sovereign, and each amounting to
£10,000[3.4.26] of annual rent, besides the duties on commerce. His
estate in Mewar was in the district of Mandalgarh, where also lay his
antagonist’s; their bounds were in common and some of the lands were
intermixed: this led to disputes, threats, and blows, even in the towns
of their fathers, between their husbandmen. The Bhumia Dilel was much
less powerful; he was lord of only ten villages, not yielding above
£1200 a year; but they were compact and well managed, and he was [183]
popular amongst his brethren, whose swords he could always command. His
castle was perched on a rock, and on the towers facing the west (the
direction of Shahpura) were mounted some swivels: moreover a belt of
forest surrounded it, through which only two or three roads were cut, so
that surprise was impossible. Dilel had therefore little to fear, though
his antagonist could bring two thousand of his own followers against
him. The feud burned and cooled alternately; but the Raja’s exposed
villages enabled Dilel to revenge himself with much inferior means. He
carried off the cattle, and sometimes the opulent subjects, of his foe,
to his donjon-keep in Amargarh for ransom. Meanwhile the husbandmen of
both suffered, and agriculture was neglected, till half the villages
held by Ummeda in Mandalgarh became deserted. The Raja had merited this
by his arrogance and attempts to humble Dilel, who had deserved more of
the sympathies of his neighbours than his rival, whose tenants were
tired of the payments of _barchi-dohai_.[3.4.27]

Ummeda was eccentric, if the term be not too weak to characterize acts
which, in more civilized regions, would have subjected him to coercion.
He has taken his son and suspended him by the cincture to the pinnacle
of his little chapel at Shahpura, and then called on the mother to come
and witness the sight. He would make excursions alone on horseback or on
a swift camel, and be missing for days. In one of these moods he and his
foe Dilel encountered face to face within the bounds of Amargarh. Dilel
only saw a chief high in rank at his mercy. With courtesy he saluted
him, invited him to his castle, entertained him, and pledged his health
and forgiveness in the _munawwar piyala_:[3.4.28] they made merry, and
in the cup agreed to extinguish the remembrance of the feud.

Both had been summoned to the court of the sovereign. The Raja proposed
that they should go together, and invited him to go by Shahpura. Dilel
accordingly saddled his twenty steeds, moved out his equipage, and
providing himself with fitting raiment, and funds to maintain him at the
capital, accompanied the Raja to receive the return of his hospitality.
They ate from the same platter,[3.4.29] drank of the same cup and
enjoyed the song and dance. They even went together to [184] their
devotions, to swear before their deity what they had pledged in the
cup—oblivion of the past. But scarcely had they crossed the threshold of
the chapel, when the head of the chief of Amargarh was rolling on the
pavement, and the deity and the altar were sprinkled with his blood! To
this atrocious and unheard-of breach of the laws of hospitality, the
Raja added the baseness of the pilferer, seizing on the effects of his
now lifeless foe. He is said, also, with all the barbarity and malignity
of long-treasured revenge, to have kicked the head with his foot,
apostrophising it in the pitiful language of resentment. The son of
Dilel, armed for revenge, collected all his adherents, and confusion was
again commencing its reign. To prevent this, the Rana compelled
restitution of the horses and effects; and five villages from the estate
of the Raja were the _mund-kati_ (wergild) or compensation to the son of
Dilel. The rest of the estate of the murderer was eventually
sequestrated by the crown.

The feuds of Arja and Sheogarh are elsewhere detailed, and such
statements could be multiplied. Avowal of error and demand of
forgiveness, with the offer of a daughter in marriage, often stop the
progress of a feud, and might answer better than appearing as a
suppliant, which requires great delicacy of contrivance.[3.4.30] Border
disputes[3.4.31] are most prolific in the production of feuds, and the
Rajput lord-marchers have them entailed on them as regularly as their
estates. The border chiefs of Jaisalmer and Bikaner carry this to such
extent that it often involved both states in hostilities. The _vair_ and
its composition in Mandalgarh will, however, suffice for the present to
exemplify these things.

=Rajput Pardhans or Premiers.=—It would not be difficult, amongst the
_Majores Domus Regiae_ of these principalities, to find parallels to the
_Maires du Palais_ of France. Imbecility in the chief, whether in the
east or west, must have the same consequences; and more than one State
in India will present us with the joint appearance of the phantom and
the substance of royalty. The details of [185] personal attendance at
court will be found elsewhere. When not absent on frontier duties, or by
permission at their estates, the chiefs resided with their families at
the capital; but a succession of attendants was always secured, to keep
up its splendour and perform personal service at the palace. In Mewar,
the privileges and exemptions of the higher class are such as to exhibit
few of the marks of vassalage observable at other courts. Here it is
only on occasion of particular festivals and solemnities that they ever
join the prince’s cavalcade, or attend at court. If full attendance is
required, on the reception of ambassadors, or in discussing matters of
general policy, when they have a right to hear and advise as the
hereditary council (_panchayat_) of the State, they are summoned by an
officer, with the prince’s _juhar_,[3.4.32] and his request. On grand
festivals the great _nakkaras_, or kettle-drums, beat at three stated
times; the third is the signal for the chief to quit his abode and mount
his steed. Amidst all these privileges, when it were almost difficult to
distinguish between the prince and his great chiefs, there are occasions
well understood by both, which render the superiority of the former
apparent: one occurs in the formalities observed on a lapse; another,
when at court in personal service, the chief once a week mounts guard at
the palace with his clan. On these occasions the vast distance between
them is seen. When the chief arrives in the grand court of the palace
with his retainers, he halts under the balcony till intimation is given
to the prince, who from thence receives his obeisance and duty. This
over, he retires to the great _darikhana_, or hall of audience,
appropriated for these ceremonies, where carpets are spread for him and
his retainers. At meals the prince sends his compliments, requesting the
chief’s attendance at the _rasora_[3.4.33] or ‘feasting hall,’ where
with other favoured chiefs he partakes of dinner with the prince. He
sleeps in the hall of audience, and next morning with the same
formalities takes his leave. Again, in the summons to the presence from
their estates, instant obedience is requisite. But in this, attention to
their rank is studiously shown by _ruqa_, written by the private
secretary, with the sign-manual of the prince attached, and sealed with
the private finger-ring. For the inferior grades, the usual seal of
state entrusted to the minister is used.

But these are general duties. In all these States some great court
favourite [186], from his talents, character, or intrigue, holds the
office of premier. His duties are proportioned to his wishes, or the
extent of his talents and ambition; but he does not interfere with the
civil administration, which has its proper minister. They, however, act
together. The Rajput premier is the military minister, with the
political government of the fiefs; the civil minister is never of this
caste. Local customs have given various appellations to this officer. At
Udaipur he is called _bhanjgarh_; at Jodhpur, _pardhan_; at Jaipur
(where they have engrafted the term used at the court of Delhi)
_musahib_; at Kotah, _kiladar_, and _diwan_ or regent. He becomes a most
important personage, as dispenser of the favours of the sovereign.
Through him chiefly all requests are preferred, this being the surest
channel to success. His influence, necessarily, gives him unbounded
authority over the military classes, with unlimited power over the
inferior officers of the State. With a powerful body of retainers always
at his command, it is surprising we have not more frequently our ‘mayors
of Burgundy and Dagoberts,’[3.4.34] our ‘Martels and Pepins,’ in

We have our hereditary Rajput premiers in several of these States: but
in all the laws of succession are so regulated that they could not usurp
the throne of their prince, though they might his functions.

When the treaty was formed between Mewar and the British Government, the
ambassadors wished to introduce an article of guarantee of the office of
pardhan to the family of the chief noble of the country, the Rawat of
Salumbar. The fact was, as stated, that the dignity was hereditary in
this family; but though the acquisition was the result of an act of
virtue, it had tended much towards the ruin of the country, and to the
same cause are to be traced all its rebellions.


  _To face page 216._

The ambassador was one of the elders of the same clan, being the grand
uncle of the hereditary pardhan. He had taken a most active share in the
political events of the last thirty years, and had often controlled the
councils of his prince during this period, and actually held the post of
premier himself when stipulating [187] for his minor relative. With the
ascendancy he exercised over the prince, it may be inferred that he had
no intention of renouncing it during his lifetime; and as he was
educating his adopted heir to all his notions of authority, and
initiating him in the intrigues of office, the guaranteed dignity in the
head of his family would have become a nonentity,[3.4.35] and the Ranas
would have been governed by the deputies of their mayors. From both
those evils the times have relieved the prince. The crimes of Ajit had
made his dismissal from office a point of justice, but imbecility and
folly will never be without ‘mayors.’

When a Rana of Udaipur leaves the capital, the Salumbar chief is
invested with the government of the city and charge of the palace during
his absence. By his hands the sovereign is girt with the sword, and from
him he receives the mark of inauguration on his accession to the throne.
He leads, by right, the van in battle; and in case of the siege of the
capital, his post is the _surajpol_,[3.4.36] and the fortress which
crowns it, in which this family had a handsome palace, which is now
going fast to decay.

It was the predecessor of the present chief of Salumbar who set up a
pretender and the standard of rebellion; but when foreign aid was
brought in, he returned to his allegiance and the defence of the
capital. Similar sentiments have often been awakened in patriotic
breasts, when roused by the interference of foreigners in their internal
disputes. The evil entailed on the State by these hereditary offices
will appear in its annals.

In Marwar the dignity is hereditary in the house of Awa; but the last
brave chief who held it became the victim of a revengeful and capricious
sovereign,[3.4.37] [188] who was jealous of his exploits; and dying, he
bequeathed a curse to his posterity who should again accept the office.
It was accordingly transferred to the next in dignity, the house of
Asop. The present chief, wisely distrusting the prince whose reign has
been a series of turmoils, has kept aloof from court. When the office
was jointly held by the chiefs of Nimaj and Pokaran, the tragic end of
the former afforded a fine specimen of the prowess and heroism of the
Rathor Rajput. In truth, these pardhans of Marwar have always been
mill-stones round the necks of their princes; an evil interwoven in
their system when the partition of estates took place amidst the sons of
Jodha in the infancy of this State. It was, no doubt, then deemed
politic to unite to the interests of the crown so powerful a branch,
which when combined could always control the rest; but this gave too
much equality.

=The Chief of Pokaran.=—Deo Singh, the great-grandfather of the Pokaran
chief alluded to, used to sleep in the great hall of the palace with
five hundred of his clan around him. “The throne of Marwar is in the
sheath of my dagger,” was the repeated boast of this arrogant chieftain.
It may be anticipated that either he or his sovereign would die a
violent death. The lord of Pokaran was entrapped, and instant death
commanded; yet with the sword suspended over his head, his undaunted
spirit was the same as when seated in the hall, and surrounded by his
vassals. “Where, traitor, is now the sheath that holds the fortunes of
Marwar?” said the prince. The taunt recoiled with bitterness when he
loftily replied, “With my son at Pokaran I have left it.” No time was
given for further insult; his head rolled at the steps of the palace;
but the dagger of Pokaran still haunts the imaginations of these
princes, and many attempts have been made to get possessed of their
stronghold on the edge of the desert.[3.4.38] The narrow escape of the
present chief will be related hereafter, with the sacrifice of his
friend and coadjutor, the chief of Nimaj.

=Premiers in Kotah and Jaisalmer.=—In Kotah and Jaisalmer the power of
the ministers is supreme. We might describe their situation in the words
of Montesquieu. "The Pepins kept their princes in a state of
imprisonment in the palace, showing them once a year to the people. On
this occasion they made such ordinances as were directed [189] by the
mayor; they also answered ambassadors, but the mayor framed the

Like those of the Merovingian race, these puppets of royalty in the east
are brought forth to the Champ de Mars once a year, at the grand
military festival, the Dasahra. On this day, presents provided by the
minister are distributed by the prince. Allowances for every branch of
expenditure are fixed, nor has the prince the power to exceed them. But
at Kotah there is nothing parsimonious, though nothing superfluous. On
the festival of the birth of Krishna, and other similar feasts, the
prince likewise appears abroad, attended by all the insignia of royalty.
Elephants with standards precede; lines of infantry and guns are drawn
up; while a numerous cavalcade surrounds his person. The son of the
minister sometimes condescends to accompany his prince on horseback; nor
is there anything wanting to magnificence, but the power to control or
alter any part of it. This failing, how humiliating to a proud mind,
acquainted with the history of his ancestors and imbued with a portion
of their spirit, to be thus muzzled, enchained, and rendered a mere
pageant of state! This chain would have been snapped, but that each link
has become adamantine from the ties this ruler has formed with the
British Government. He has well merited our protection; though we never
contemplated to what extent the maintenance of these ties would involve
our own character. But this subject is connected with the history of an
individual who yields to none of the many extraordinary men whom India
has produced, and who required but a larger theatre to have drawn the
attention of the world. His character will be further elucidated in the
Annals of Haravati [190].


Footnote 3.4.1:

  See Appendix, Nos. VII., VIII., and IX.

Footnote 3.4.2:

  This is the ‘_sauvement_ ou _vingtain_’ of the French system: there it
  ceased with the cause. “Les guerres (feudal) cessèrent avec le régime
  féodal, et les paysans n’eurent plus besoin de la protection du
  Seigneur; on ne les força pas moins de réparer son château, et de lui
  payer le droit qui se nommait de _sauvement_ ou _vingtain_” (Art.
  ‘Château,’ _Dict. de l’Ancien Régime_).

Footnote 3.4.3:

  The chief might lose his _patta_ lands, and he would then dwindle down
  into the _bhumia_ proprietor, which title only lawless force could
  take from him. See Appendix, No. IX.

Footnote 3.4.4:

  See Appendix, No. X., Art. II.

Footnote 3.4.5:

  This species would come under the distinct term of Hydages due by
  soccage vassals, who in return for protection supply carriages and
  work (Hume, vol. ii. p. 308).

Footnote 3.4.6:

  Hallam, vol. i. p. 169.

Footnote 3.4.7:

  In indulging my curiosity on this subject, I collected some hundred
  engagements, and many of a most singular nature. We see the chieftain
  stipulating for fees on marriages; for a dish of the good fare at the
  wedding feast, which he transfers to a relation of his district if
  unable to attend himself; portions of fuel and provender; and even
  wherewithal to fill the wassail cup in his days of merriment. The
  Rajput’s religious notions are not of so strict a character as to
  prevent his even exacting his _rakhwali_ dues from the church lands,
  and the threat of slaughtering the sacred flock of our Indian Apollo
  has been resorted to, to compel payment when withheld. Nay, by the
  chiefs it was imposed on things locomotive: on caravans, or Tandas of
  merchandise, wherever they halted for the day, _rakhwali_ was
  demanded. Each petty chief through whose district or patch of
  territory they travelled, made a demand, till commerce was dreadfully
  shackled; but it was the only way in which it could be secured. It was
  astonishing how commerce was carried on at all; yet did the cloths of
  Dacca and the shawls of Kashmir pass through all such restraints, and
  were never more in request. Where there is demand no danger will deter
  enterprise; and commerce flourished more when these predatory armies
  were rolling like waves over the land, than during the succeeding
  halcyon days of pacification.

Footnote 3.4.8:

  The method by which the country is brought under this tax is as
  follows: “When the people are almost ruined by continual robberies and
  plunders, the leader of the band of thieves, or some friend of his,
  proposes that, for a sum of money annually paid, he will keep a number
  of men in arms to protect such a tract of ground, or as many parishes
  as submit to the contribution. When the terms are agreed upon he
  ceases to steal, and thereby the contributors are safe: if any one
  refuse to pay, he is immediately plundered. To colour all this
  villainy, those concerned in the robberies pay the tax with the rest;
  and all the neighbourhood must comply or be undone. This is the case
  (among others), with the whole low country of the shire of Ross”
  (Extract from Lord Lovat’s Memorial to George I. on the State of the
  Highlands of Scotland, in A.D. 1724).

Footnote 3.4.9:

  In Persian _ghulām_, literally ‘slave’; evidently a word of the same
  origin with the Hindu _gola_. [The words have no connexion.]

Footnote 3.4.10:

  Hallam, vol. i. p. 217.

Footnote 3.4.11:

   From _hal_, ‘a plough.’ _Syl_ is ‘a plough’ in Saxon (Turner’s
  _Anglo-Saxons_). The _h_ and _s_ are permutable throughout Rajwara.
  [The words have no connexion.] In Marwar, _Salim Singh_ is pronounced
  _Halim Hingh_.

Footnote 3.4.12:

  See Appendix, No. XI.

Footnote 3.4.13:

  Female slave.

Footnote 3.4.14:

  See Appendix, No. XIX.

Footnote 3.4.15:

  The reader of Dow’s translation of Ferishta [i. 134] may recollect
  that when Kutbu-d-din was left the viceroy of the conqueror he is made
  to say: “He gave the country to Gola the son of Pittu Rai.” [“He
  delivered over the country to the Gola, or natural son, of Pithow Ray”
  (Briggs’ trans. i. 128).] Dow mistakes this appellation of the natural
  brother of the last Hindu sovereign for a proper name. He is mentioned
  by the bard Chand in his exploits of Prithwiraja.

Footnote 3.4.16:

  I have often received the most confidential messages, from chiefs of
  the highest rank, through these channels. [There are, at the present
  day, several bastard castes originally composed of the illegitimate
  children of men of rank, Rājputs, Brāhmans, Mahājans, and others.
  These are now recruited from the descendants of such persons, and from
  recently born illegitimate children (_Census Report, Rajputana, 1911_,
  i. 249f.).]

Footnote 3.4.17:

  _Germania_, xxiv.

Footnote 3.4.18:

  The _das_ or ‘slave’ may hold a fief in Rajasthan, hut he never can
  rise above the condition in which this defect of birth has placed him.
  “L’affranchissement consistait à sortir de la classe des serfs, par
  l’acquisition d’un fief, ou settlement d’un fonds. La nécessité où
  s’étaient trouvés les seigneurs féodaux de vendre une partie de leurs
  terres, pour faire leurs équipages des croisades, avait rendu ces
  acquisitions communes; mais le fief n’anoblissait qu’à la troisième
  génération.” Serfs who had twice or thrice been champions, or saved
  the lives of their masters, were also liberated. “Un évêque d’Auxerre
  déclara qu’il n’affranchirait gratuitement, qui que ce soit, s’il
  n’avait reçu quinze blessures à son service” (see Article
  ‘Affranchissement,’ _Dict. de l’ancien Régime_).

Footnote 3.4.19:

  I could but indistinctly learn whether this migration, and the species
  of paternity here existing, arose from rescuing them from Tatar
  invaders, or from the calamity of famine.

Footnote 3.4.20:

  _Basna_, ‘to settle.’

Footnote 3.4.21:

  I had the happiness to be the means of releasing from captivity some
  young chiefs, who had been languishing in Mahratta fetters as hostages
  for the payment of a war contribution. One of them, a younger brother
  of the Purawat division, had a mother dying to see him; but though he
  might have taken her house in the way, a strong feeling of honour and
  gratitude made him forgo this anxious visit: “I am your Rajput, your
  gola, your basai.” He was soon sent off to his mother. Such little
  acts, mingling with public duty, are a compensation for the many
  drawbacks of solitude, gloom, and vexation, attending such situations.
  They are no sinecures or beds of roses—ease, comfort, and health,
  being all subordinate considerations.

Footnote 3.4.22:

  Gilbert on _Tenures_, art. “Warranty,” p. 169. [Wergild, _wer_, ‘man,’
  _gield_, _gieldan_; _vair_ is Skt. _vīra_, ‘hero’; O.E. _wer_, O.H.G.
  _werran_, ‘to embroil,’ Fr. _guerre_.]

Footnote 3.4.23:

  “The great toe took rank as it should be, and held to double the sum
  of the others, for which ten scyllinga was the value without the nail,
  which was thirty scealta to boot” (Turner’s _Anglo-Saxons_, vol. ii.
  p. 133).

Footnote 3.4.24:

  Appendix, No. XVIII. The laws of composition were carried to a much
  greater extent amongst the Hindu nations than even amongst those of
  the Anglo-Saxons, who might have found in Manu all that was ever
  written on the subject, from the killing of a Brahman by design to the
  accidental murder of a dog. The Brahman is four times the value of the
  soldier, eight of the merchant, and sixteen times of the Sudra. “If a
  Brahman kill one of the soldier caste (without malice), a bull and one
  thousand cows is the fine of expiation. If he slays a merchant, a bull
  and one hundred cows is the fine. If a Sudra or lowest class, ten
  white cows and a bull to the priest is the expiation” [_Laws_, xi. 127
  ff.]. Manu legislated also for the protection of the brute creation,
  and if the priest by chance kills a cat, a frog, a dog, a lizard, an
  owl, or a crow, he must drink nothing but milk for three days and
  nights, or walk four miles in the night.

Footnote 3.4.25:

  _Ummeda_, ‘hope.’

Footnote 3.4.26:

  Together £20,000, equal to £100,000 of England, if the respective
  value of the necessaries of life be considered.

Footnote 3.4.27:

  _Barchi_ is ‘a lance.’ In these marauding days, when there was a
  riever in every village, they sallied out to ‘run the country,’ either
  to stop the passenger on the highway or the inhabitant of the city.
  The lance at his breast, he would call out _dohai_, an invocation of
  aid. During harvest time _barchi-dohai_ used to be exacted.

Footnote 3.4.28:

  ‘Cup of invitation.’ [_Munawwar_, Pers. ‘bright, splendid.’]

Footnote 3.4.29:

  This is a favourite expression, and a mode of indicating great
  friendship: ‘to eat of the same platter (_thali_), and drink of the
  same cup (_piyala_).’

Footnote 3.4.30:

  The Bundi feud with the Rana is still unappeased, since the
  predecessor of the former slew the Rana’s father. It was an
  indefensible act, and the Bundi prince was most desirous to terminate
  it. He had no daughter to offer, and hinted a desire to accompany me
  _incog._ and thus gain admission to the presence of the Rana. The
  benevolence and generosity of this prince would have insured him
  success; but it was a delicate matter, and I feared some exposure from
  any arrogant hot-headed Rajput ere the scene could have been got up.
  The Raja Bishan Singh of Bundi is since dead [in 1828]; a brave and
  frank Rajput; he has left few worthier behind. His son [Rām Singh,
  1821-89], yet a minor, promises well. The protective alliance, which
  is to turn their swords into ploughshares, will prevent their becoming
  foes; but they will remain sulky border-neighbours, to the fostering
  of disputes and the disquiet of the merchant and cultivator.

Footnote 3.4.31:


Footnote 3.4.32:

  A salutation, only sent by a superior to an inferior.

Footnote 3.4.33:

  The kitchen is large enough for a fortress, and contains large eating
  halls. Food for seven hundred of the prince’s court is daily dressed.
  This is not for any of the personal servants of the prince, or female
  establishments; all these are separate.

Footnote 3.4.34:

  Dagobert commended his wife and son Clovis to the trust of Ega, with
  whom she jointly held the care of the palace. On his death, with the
  aid of more powerful lords, she chose another mayor. He confirmed
  their grants for life. They made his situation hereditary; but which
  could only have held good from the crowd of imbeciles who succeeded
  Clovis, until the descendant of this mayor thrust out his children and
  seized the crown. This change is a natural consequence of unfitness;
  and if we go back to the genealogies (called sacred) of the Hindus, we
  see there a succession of dynasties forced from their thrones by their
  ministers. Seven examples are given in the various dynasties of the
  race of Chandra. (See Genealogical Tables, No. II.) [The above is in
  some ways inaccurate, but it is unnecessary to correct it, as it is
  not connected with the question of premiers in Rājputāna: see _EB_,
  xvii. 938.]

Footnote 3.4.35:

  So many sudden deaths had occurred in this family, that the branch in
  question (Ajit Singh’s) were strongly suspected of ‘heaping these
  mortal murders on their crown,’ to push their elders from their seats.
  The father of Padma, the present chief, is said to have been taken off
  by poison; and Pahar Singh, one generation anterior, returning
  grievously wounded from the battle of Ujjain, in which the southrons
  first swept Mewar, was not permitted to recover. The mother of the
  present young chief of the Jhala tribe of the house of Gogunda, in the
  west, was afraid to trust him from her sight. She is a woman of great
  strength of mind and excellent character, but too indulgent to an only
  son. He is a fine bold youth, and, though impatient of control, may be
  managed. On horseback with his lance, in chase of the wild boar, a
  more resolute cavalier could not be seen. His mother, when he left the
  estate alone for court, which he seldom did without her accompanying
  him, never failed to send me a long letter, beseeching me to guard the
  welfare of her son. My house was his great resort: he delighted to
  pull over my books, or go fishing or riding with me.

Footnote 3.4.36:

  _Surya_, ‘sun’; and _pol_, ‘gate.’ _Poliya_, ‘a porter.’

Footnote 3.4.37:

  “The _cur_ can bite,” the reply of this chief, either personally, or
  to the person who reported that his sovereign so designated him, was
  never forgiven.

Footnote 3.4.38:

  His son, Sabal Singh, followed in his footsteps, till an accidental
  cannon-shot relieved the terrors of the prince.

Footnote 3.4.39:

  _L’Esprit des Loix_, chap. vi. livre 31.


                               CHAPTER 5

=Adoption.=—The hereditary principle, which perpetuates in these States
their virtues and their vices, is also the grand preservative of their
political existence and national manners: it is an imperishable
principle, which resists time and innovation: it is this which made the
laws of the Medes and Persians, as well as those of the Rajputs,
unalterable. A chief of Mewar, like his sovereign, never dies: he
disappears to be regenerated. ‘_Le roi est mort, vive le roi!_’ is a
phrase, the precise virtue of which is there well understood. Neither
the crown nor the greater fiefs are ever without heirs. Adoption is the
preservative of honours and titles; the great fiefs of Rajasthan can
never become extinct.[3.5.1] But, however valuable this privilege, which
the law of custom has made a right, it is often carried to the most
hurtful and foolish extent. They have allowed the limit which defined it
to be effaced, and each family, of course, maintains a custom, so
soothing to vanity, as the prospect of having their names revived in
their descendants. This has resulted from the weakness of the prince and
the misery of the times. Lands were bestowed liberally which yielded
nothing to their master, who, in securing a nominal obedience and
servitude, had as much as the times made them worth when given; but with
returning prosperity and old customs, these great errors have become too
visible. Adoptions are often made during the life of the incumbent when
without prospect of issue. The chief and his wife first agitate the
subject in private; it is then confided to the little council of the
fief, and when propinquity and merit unite, they at once petition the
prince to confirm their wishes, which are generally acceded to. So many
interests are to be consulted on this occasion, that the blind
partiality of the chief to any particular object is always counterpoised
by the elders of the clan, who must have a pride in seeing a proper
Thakur[3.5.2] at their head, and who prefer the nearest of kin, to
prevent the disputes which would be attendant on neglect in this point

On sudden lapses, the wife is allowed the privilege, in conjunction with
those interested in the fief, of nomination, though the case is seldom
left unprovided for: there is always a presumptive heir to the smallest
sub-infeudation of these estates. The wife of the deceased is the
guardian of the minority of the adopted.

=The Case of Deogarh.=—The chief of Deogarh, one of the sixteen
Omras[3.5.3] of Mewar, died without issue. On his death-bed he
recommended to his wife and chiefs Nahar Singh for their adoption. This
was the son of the independent chieftain of Sangramgarh, already
mentioned. There were nearer kin, some of the seventh and eighth
degrees, and young Nahar was the eleventh. It was never contemplated
that the three last gigantic[3.5.4] chieftains of Deogarh would die
without issue, or the branches, now claimants from propinquity, would
have been educated to suit the dignity; but being brought up remote from
court, they had been compelled to seek employment where obtainable, or
to live on the few acres to which their distant claim of birth
restricted them. Two of these, who had but the latter resource to fly
to, had become mere boors; and of two who had sought service abroad by
arms, one was a cavalier in the retinue of the prince, and the other a
hanger-on about court: both dissipated and unfitted, as the frerage
asserted, ‘to be the chieftains of two thousand Rajputs, the sons of one
father.’[3.5.5] Much interest and intrigue were carried on for one of
these, and he was supported by the young prince and a faction. Some of
the senior Pattawats of Deogarh are men of the highest character, and
often lamented the sombre qualities of their chief, which prevented the
clan having that interest in the State to which its extent and rank
entitled it. While these intrigues were in their infancy, they adopted a
decided measure; they brought home young Nahar from his father’s
residence, and ‘bound round his head the turban of the deceased.’ In his
name the death of the late chief was announced. It was added, that he
hoped to see his friends after the stated days of _matam_ or mourning;
and he performed all the duties of the son of Deogarh, and lighted the
funeral pyre.

When these proceedings were reported, the Rana was highly and justly
incensed. The late chief had been one of the rebels of S. 1848;[3.5.6]
and though pardon had been [192] granted, yet this revived all the
recollection of the past, and he felt inclined to extinguish the name of

In addition to the common sequestration, he sent an especial one with
commands to collect the produce of the harvest then reaping, charging
the sub-vassals with the design of overturning his lawful authority.
They replied very submissively, and artfully asserted that they had only
given a son to Gokuldas, not an heir to Deogarh; that the sovereign
alone could do this, and that they trusted to his nominating one who
would be an efficient leader of so many Rajputs in the service of the
Rana. They urged the pretensions of young Nahar, at the same time
leaving the decision to the sovereign. Their judicious reply was well
supported by their ambassador at court, who was the bard of Deogarh, and
had recently become, though _ex officio_, physician to the
prince.[3.5.8] The point was finally adjusted, and Nahar was brought to
court, and invested with the sword by the hand of the sovereign, and he
is now lord of Deogarh Madri, one of the richest and most powerful
fiefs[3.5.9] of Mewar. Madri was the ancient name of the estate; and
Sangramgarh, of which Nahar was the heir, was severed from it, but by
some means had reverted to the crown, of which it now holds. The
adoption of Nahar by Gokuldas leaves the paternal estate without an
immediate heir; and his actual father being mad, if more distant claims
are not admitted, it is probable that Sangramgarh will eventually revert
to the fisc.

=Reflections.=—The system of feuds must have attained considerable
maturity amongst the Rajputs, to have left such traces, notwithstanding
the desolation that has swept the land: but without circumspection these
few remaining customs will become a dead letter. Unless we abstain from
all internal interference, we must destroy the links which connect the
prince and his vassals; and, in lieu of a system decidedly imperfect, we
should leave them none at all, or at least not a system of feuds, the
only one they can comprehend. Our friendship has rescued them from
exterior foes, and time will restore the rest. With the dignity and
[193] establishments of their chiefs, ancient usages will revive; and
_nazarana_ (relief), _kharg bandhai_ (investiture), _dasaundh_ (aids or
benevolence, literally ‘the tenth’), and other incidents, will cease to
be mere ceremonies. The desire of every liberal mind, as well as the
professed wish of the British Government, is to aid in their renovation,
and this will be best effected by not meddling with what we but
imperfectly understand.[3.5.10]

We have nothing to apprehend from the Rajput States if raised to their
ancient prosperity. The closest attention to their history proves beyond
contradiction that they were never capable of uniting, even for their
own preservation: a breath, a scurrilous stanza of a bard, has severed
their closest confederacies. No national head exists amongst them as
amongst the Mahrattas; and each chief being master of his own house and
followers, they are individually too weak to cause us any alarm.

No feudal government can be dangerous as a neighbour; for defence it has
in all countries been found defective; and for aggression, totally
inefficient. Let there exist between us the most perfect understanding
and identity of interests; the foundation-step to which is to lessen or
remit the galling, and to us contemptible tribute, now exacted,
enfranchise them from our espionage and agency, and either unlock them
altogether from our dangerous embrace, or let the ties between us be
such only as would ensure grand results: such as general commercial
freedom and protection, with treaties of friendly alliance. Then, if a
Tatar or a Russian invasion threatened our eastern empire, fifty
thousand Rajputs would be no despicable allies.[3.5.11]

=Rajput Loyalty and Patriotism.=—Let us call to mind what they did when
they fought for Aurangzeb: they are still unchanged, if we give them the
proper stimulus. Gratitude, honour, and fidelity, are terms which at one
time were the foundation of all the virtues of a Rajput. Of the theory
of these sentiments he is still enamoured; but, unfortunately, for his
happiness, the times have left him but little scope for the practice
[194] of them. Ask a Rajput which is the greatest of crimes? he will
reply, ‘_gunchhor_,’ ‘forgetfulness of favours.’ This is his most
powerful term for ingratitude. Gratitude with him embraces every
obligation of life, and is inseparable from _swamidharma_, ‘fidelity to
his lord.’ He who is wanting in these is not deemed fit to live, and is
doomed to eternal pains in Pluto’s[3.5.12] realm hereafter.[3.5.13]

“It was a powerful feeling,” says an historian[3.5.14] who always
identifies his own emotions with his subject, “which could make the
bravest of men put up with slights and ill-treatment at the hand of
their sovereign, or call forth all the energies of discontented exertion
for one whom they never saw, and in whose character there was nothing to
esteem. Loyalty has scarcely less tendency to refine and elevate the
heart than patriotism itself.” That these sentiments were combined, the
past history of the Rajputs will show;[3.5.15] and to the strength of
these ties do they owe their political existence, which has outlived
ages of strife. But for these, they would have been converts and vassals
to the Tatars, who would still have been enthroned in Delhi. Neglect,
oppression, and religious interference, sunk one of the greatest
monarchies of the world;[3.5.16] made Sivaji a hero, and converted the
peaceful husbandmen of the Kistna and Godavari into a brave but
rapacious soldier.

We have abundant examples, and I trust need not exclaim with the wise
minister of Akbar, “who so happy as to profit by them?”[3.5.17]

The Rajput, with all his turbulence, possesses in an eminent degree both
loyalty and patriotism; and though he occasionally exhibits his
refractory spirit to his [195] father and sovereign,[3.5.18] we shall
see of what he is capable when his country is threatened with
dismemberment, from the history of Mewar, and the reign of Ajit Singh of
Marwar. In this last we have one of the noblest examples history can
afford of unbounded devotion. A prince, whom not a dozen of his subjects
had ever seen, who had been concealed from the period of his birth
throughout a tedious minority to avoid the snares of a tyrant,[3.5.19]
by the mere magic of a name kept the discordant materials of a great
feudal association in subjection, till, able to bear arms, he issued
from his concealment to head these devoted adherents, and reconquer what
they had so long struggled to maintain. So glorious a contest, of twenty
years’ duration, requires but an historian to immortalize it.
Unfortunately we have only the relation of isolated encounters, which,
though exhibiting a prodigality of blood and acts of high devotion, are
deficient in those minor details which give unity and interest to the

=Gallant Services to the Empire.=—Let us take the Rajput character from
the royal historians themselves, from Akbar, Jahangir, Aurangzeb. The
most brilliant conquests of these monarchs were by their Rajput allies;
though the little regard the latter had for opinion alienated the
sympathies of a race, who when rightly managed, encountered at command
the Afghan amidst the snows of Caucasus, or made the furthest Cheronese
tributary to the empire. Assam, where the British arms were recently
engaged, and for the issue of which such anxiety was manifested in the
metropolis of Britain, was conquered by a Rajput prince,[3.5.20] whose
descendant is now an ally of the British Government.

But Englishmen in the east, as elsewhere, undervalue everything not
national. They have been accustomed to conquest, not reverses: though it
is only by studying the character of those around them that the latter
can be avoided and this superiority maintained. Superficial observers
imagine that from lengthened predatory spoliation the energy of the
Rajput has fled: an idea which is at once erroneous and dangerous. The
vices now manifest from oppression will disappear [196] with the cause,
and with reviving prosperity new feelings will be generated, and each
national tie and custom be strengthened. The Rajput would glory in
putting on his saffron robes[3.5.21] to fight for such a land, and for
those who disinterestedly laboured to benefit it.

Let us, then, apply history to its proper use. We need not turn to
ancient Rome for illustration of the dangers inseparable from wide
dominion and extensive alliances. The twenty-two Satrapies of India, the
greater part of which are now the appanage of Britain, exhibited, even a
century ago, one of the most splendid monarchies history has made known,
too extensive for the genius of any single individual effectually to
control. Yet was it held together, till encroachment on their rights,
and disregard to their habits and religious opinions, alienated the
Rajputs, and excited the inhabitants of the south to rise against their
Mogul oppressors. ‘Then was the throne of Aurangzeb at the mercy of a
Brahman, and the grandson[3.5.22] of a cultivator in the province of
Khandesh held the descendants of Timur pensioners on his bounty’ [197].


Footnote 3.5.1:

  [The abandonment of the policy of escheat or lapse, and the
  recognition of the right of adoption were announced by Lord Canning in

Footnote 3.5.2:

  As in Deogarh.

Footnote 3.5.3:

  [Umara, plural of Amīr, ‘a chief.’]

Footnote 3.5.4:

  Gokuldas, the last chief, was one of the finest men I ever beheld in
  feature and person. He was about six feet six, perfectly erect, and a
  Hercules in bulk. His father at twenty was much larger, and must have
  been nearly seven feet high. It is surprising how few of the chiefs of
  this family died a natural death. It has produced some noble Rajputs.

Footnote 3.5.5:

  _Ek bap ka beta._

Footnote 3.5.6:

  A.D. 1792.

Footnote 3.5.7:

  That of the clan of Deogarh.

Footnote 3.5.8:

  Apollo [Krishna] is the patron both of physicians and poets; and
  though my friend Amra does not disgrace him in either calling, it was
  his wit, rather than his medical degree, that maintained him at court.
  He said it was not fitting that the sovereign of the world should be
  served by clowns or opium-eaters; and that young Nahar, when educated
  at court under the Rana’s example, would do credit to the country: and
  what had full as much weight as any of the bard’s arguments was, that
  the fine of relief on the _Talwar bandhai_ (or girding on of the
  sword) of a lac of rupees, should be immediately forthcoming.

Footnote 3.5.9:

  Patta. [About 30 miles south of Udaipur city.]

Footnote 3.5.10:

  Such interference, when inconsistent with past usage and the genius of
  the people, will defeat the very best intentions. On the grounds of
  policy and justice, it is alike incumbent on the British Government to
  secure the maintenance of their present form of government, and not to
  repair, but to advise the repairs of the fabric, and to let their own
  artists alone be consulted. To employ ours would be like adding a
  Corinthian capital to a column of Ellora, or replacing the mutilated
  statue of Baldeva with a limb from the Hercules Farnese. To have a
  chain of prosperous independent States on our only exposed frontier,
  the north-west, attached to us from benefits, and the moral conviction
  that we do not seek their overthrow, must be a desirable policy.

Footnote 3.5.11:

  [The author’s prediction has been realized by recent events.]

Footnote 3.5.12:


Footnote 3.5.13:

  The _gunchhor_ (ungrateful) and _satchhor_ (violator of his faith) are
  consigned, by the authority of the bard, to sixty-thousand years’
  residence in hell. Europeans, in all the pride of mastery, accuse the
  natives of want of gratitude, and say their language has no word for
  it. They can only know the _namak-haram_ [‘he that is false to his
  salt’] of the Ganges. _Gunchhor_ is a compound of powerful import, as
  ingratitude and infidelity are the highest crimes. It means,
  literally, "abandoner (from _chhorna_, ‘to quit’) of virtue (_gun_)."

Footnote 3.5.14:

  Hallam, vol. i. p. 323.

Footnote 3.5.15:

  Of the effects of loyalty and patriotism combined, we have splendid
  examples in Hindu history and tradition. A more striking instance
  could scarcely be given than in the recent civil distractions at
  Kotah, where a mercenary army raised and maintained by the Regent,
  either openly or covertly declared against him, as did the whole
  feudal body to a man, the moment their young prince asserted his
  subverted claims, and in the cause of their rightful lord abandoned
  all consideration of self, their families and lands, and with their
  followers offered their lives to redeem his rights or perish in the
  attempt. No empty boast, as the conclusion testified. God forbid that
  we should have more such examples of Rajput devotion to their sense of
  fidelity to their lords!

Footnote 3.5.16:

  See statement of its revenues during the last emperor, who had
  preserved the empire of Delhi united.

Footnote 3.5.17:

  Abu-l Fazl uses this expression when moralizing on the fall of
  Shihabu-d-din, king of Ghazni and first established monarch of
  India, slain by Prithwiraja, the Hindu sovereign of Delhi [_Āīn_,
  ii. 302]. [Muhammad Ghori, Shihābu-d-dīn, was murdered on the road
  to Ghazni by a fanatic of the Mulāhidah sect, in March, A.D. 1206
  (_Tabakāt-ī-Nāsiri_, in Elliot-Dowson ii. 297, 235). According to
  the less probable account of Ferishta (Briggs, i. 185), he was
  murdered at Rohtak by a gang of Gakkhars or rather Khokhars (Rose,
  _Glossary_, ii. 275).]

Footnote 3.5.18:

  The Rajput, who possesses but an acre of land, has the proud feeling
  of common origin with his sovereign, and in styling him _bapji_
  (sire), he thinks of him as the common father or representative of the
  race. What a powerful incentive to action!

Footnote 3.5.19:


Footnote 3.5.20:

  Raja Man of Jaipur, who took Arakan, Orissa, and Assam. Raja Jaswant
  Singh of Marwar retook Kabul for Aurangzeb, and was rewarded by
  poison. Raja Ram Singh Hara, of Kotah, made several important
  conquests; and his grandson, Raja Isari Singh, and his five brothers,
  were left on one field of battle.

Footnote 3.5.21:

  When a Rajput is determined to hold out to the last in fighting, he
  always puts on a robe dyed in saffron. [This was the common practice,
  saffron being the colour of the bridal robe (Malcolm, _Memoir of
  Central India_, 2nd ed. i. 358; Grant Duff, _Hist. of the Mahrattas_,
  317; Forbes, _Rāsmālā_, 408).]

Footnote 3.5.22:




                      FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN=


       DOCUMENTS, _most of which are in the_ AUTHOR’S POSSESSION

                                 No. I

 _Translation of a Letter from the expatriated Chiefs[3.a.1] of Marwar to
      the Political Agent of the British Government, Western Rajput

          After compliments.

We have sent to you a confidential person, who will relate what regards
us. The Sarkar Company are sovereigns of Hindustan, and you know well
all that regards our condition. Although there is nothing which respects
either ourselves or our country hid from you, yet is there matter
immediately concerning us which it is necessary to make known.

Sri Maharaja and ourselves are of one stock, all Rathors. He is our
head, we his servants: but now anger has seized him, and we are
dispossessed of our country. Of the estates, our patrimony and our
dwelling, some have been made khalisa,[3.a.2] and those who endeavour to
keep aloof expect the same fate. Some under the most solemn pledge of
security have been inveigled and suffered death, and others imprisoned.
Mutasadis,[3.a.3] officers of state, men of the soil and those foreign
to it, have been seized, and the most unheard-of deeds and cruelties
inflicted, which we cannot even write. Such a spirit has possessed his
mind as never was known to any former prince of Jodhpur. His forefathers
have reigned for generations; our forefathers were their ministers and
advisers, and whatever was performed was by the collective wisdom of the
council of our chiefs. Before the face of his ancestors, our own
ancestors have slain and been slain; and in performing services to the
kings,[3.a.4] they made the State of Jodhpur what it is. Wherever Marwar
was concerned, there our fathers were to be found, and with their lives
preserved the land. Sometimes our head was a minor; even then by the
wisdom of our fathers and their services, the land was kept firm under
our feet, and thus has it descended from generation to generation.
Before his eyes (Raja Man’s) we have performed good service: when at
that perilous time the host of Jaipur[3.a.5] surrounded [198] Jodhpur on
the field we attacked it; our lives and fortunes were at stake, and God
granted us success; the witness is God Almighty. Now, men of no
consideration are in our prince’s presence; hence this reverse. _When
our services are acceptable, then is he our lord; when not, we are again
his brothers and kindred, claimants and laying claim to the land._

He desires to dispossess us; but can we let ourselves be dispossessed?
The English are masters of all India. The chief of —— sent his agent to
Ajmer; he was told to go to Delhi. Accordingly Thakur —— went there, but
no path was pointed out. If the English chiefs will not hear us, who
will? The English allow no one’s lands to be usurped, and our birthplace
is Marwar—from Marwar we must have bread. A hundred thousand
Rathors—where are they to go to? From respect to the English alone have
we been so long patient, and without acquainting your government of our
intentions, you might afterwards find fault; therefore we make it known,
and we thereby acquit ourselves to you. What we brought with us from
Marwar we have consumed, and even what we could get on credit; and now,
when want must make us perish, we are ready and can do anything.[3.a.6]

The English are our rulers, our masters. Sri Man Singh has seized our
lands; by your government interposing these troubles may be settled, but
without its guarantee and intervention we can have no confidence
whatever. Let us have a reply to our petition. We will wait it in
patience; but if we get none, the fault will not be ours, having given
everywhere notice. Hunger will compel man to find a remedy. For such a
length of time we have been silent from respect to your government
alone: our own Sarkar is deaf to complaint. But to what extreme shall we
wait? Let our hopes be attended to. Sambat 1878, Sawan sudi duj.

(August 1821.)

                                        True Translation:
                                             (Signed)     JAMES TOD.

                                 No. II

_Remonstrance of the Sub-Vassals of Deogarh against their chief, Rawat
Gokul Das._

1. He respects not the privileges or customs established of old.

2. To each Rajput’s house a charas[3.a.7] or hide of land was attached:
this he has resumed.

3. Whoever bribes him is a true man: who does not, is a thief.

4. Ten or twelve villages established by his pattayats[3.a.8] he has
resumed, and left their families to starve.

5. From time immemorial sanctuary (_saran_) has been esteemed sacred:
this he has abolished.

6. On emergencies he would pledge his oath to his subjects (_ryots_),
and afterwards plunder them.

7. In old times, it was customary when the presence of his chiefs and
kindred was required, to invite them by letter: a fine is now the
warrant of summons: thus lessening their dignity.

8. Such messengers, in former times, had a taka[3.a.9] for their ration
(_bhatta_); now he imposes two rupees [199].

9. Formerly, when robberies occurred in the mountains within the limits
of Deogarh, the loss was made good: now all complaint is useless, for
his faujdar[3.a.10] receives a fourth of all such plunder. The
Mers[3.a.11] range at liberty; but before they never committed murder:
now they slay as well as rob our kin; nor is there any redress, and such
plunder is even sold within the town of Deogarh.

10. Without crime, he resumes the lands of his vassals for the sake of
imposition of fines; and after such are paid, he cuts down the green
crops, with which he feeds his horses.

11. The cultivators[3.a.12] on the lands of the vassals he seizes by
force, extorts fines, or sells their cattle to pay them. Thus
cultivation is ruined and the inhabitants leave the country.

12. From oppression the town magistrates[3.a.13] of Deogarh have fled to
Raepur. He lays in watch to seize and extort money from them.

13. When he summons his vassals for purposes of extortion and they
escape his clutches, he seizes on their wives and families. Females,
from a sense of honour, have on such occasions thrown themselves into

14. He interferes to recover old debts, distraining the debtor of all he
has in the world: half he receives.

15. If any one have a good horse, by fair means or foul he contrives to
get it.

16. _When Deogarh was established, at the same time were our allotments:
as is his patrimony, so is our patrimony._[3.a.14] Thousands have been
expended in establishing and improving them, yet our rank, privileges,
and rights he equally disregards.

17. From these villages, founded by our forefathers, he, at will, takes
four or five skins of land and bestows them on foreigners; and thus the
ancient proprietors are reduced to poverty and ruin.

18. From of old, all his Rajput kin had daily rations, or portions of
grain: for four years these rights have been abolished.

19. From ancient times the pattayats formed his council; now he consults
only foreigners. What has been the consequence? the whole annual revenue
derived from the mountains is lost.

20. From the ancient Bhum[3.a.15] of the Frerage[3.a.16] the
mountaineers carry off the cattle, and instead of redeeming them, this
faujdar sets the plunderers up to the trick of demanding

21. Money is justice, and there is none other: whoever has money may be
heard. The bankers and merchants have gone abroad for protection, but he
asks not where they are.

22. When cattle are driven off to the hills, and we do ourselves justice
and recover them, we are fined, and told that the mountaineers have his
pledge. Thus our dignity is lessened. Or if we seize one of these
marauders, a party is sent to liberate him, for which the faujdar [200]
receives a bribe. Then a feud ensues at the instigation of the liberated
Mer, and the unsupported Rajput is obliged to abandon his
patrimony.[3.a.18] There is neither protection nor support. The chief is
supine, and so regardless of honour, that he tells us to take money to
the hills and redeem our property. Since this faujdar had power, ‘poison
has been our fate.’ Foreigners are all in all, and the home-bred are set
aside. Deccanis and plunderers enjoy the lands of his brethren. Without
fault, the chiefs are deprived of their lands, to bring which into order
time and money have been lavished. Justice there is none.

Our rights and privileges in his family are the same as his in the
family of the Presence.[3.a.19] Since you[3.a.20] entered Mewar, lands
long lost have been recovered. What crimes have we committed that at
this day we should lose ours?

We are in great trouble.[3.a.21]

                                No. III

Maharaja Sri Gokuldas to the four ranks (_char misl_) of Pattayats of
Deogarh, commanding. Peruse.

Without crime no vassal shall have his estate or charsas disseized.
Should any individual commit an offence, it shall be judged by the _four
ranks_ (char misl), my brethren, and then punished. Without consulting
them on all occasions I shall never inflict punishment.[3.a.22] To this
I swear by Sri Nathji. No departure from this agreement shall ever
occur. S. 1874; the 6th Pus.


  _To face page 232._

                                 No. IV

_Grant from Maharana Ari Singh, Prince of Mewar, to the Sindi Chief,
Abdu-l Rahim Beg._

      Ganeshji![3.a.23]                         Eklingji![3.a.23]

Sri Maharaja Dhiraj Maharana Ari Singh to Mirza Abdu-l Rahim Beg
Adilbegot, commanding.

Now some of our chiefs having rebelled and set up the impostor Ratna
Singh, brought the [201] Deccani army and erected batteries against
Udaipur, in which circumstances your services have been great and tended
to the preservation of our sovereignty: therefore, in favour towards
you, I have made this grant, which your children and children’s children
shall continue to enjoy. You will continue to serve faithfully; and
whoever of my race shall dispossess you or yours, on him be Eklingji and
the sin of the slaughter of Chitor.


1st. In estates, 200,000 rupees.

2nd. In cash annually, 25,000.

3rd. Lands outside the Debari gate, 10,000.

4th. As a residence, the dwelling-house called Bharat Singh’s.

5th. A hundred bighas of land outside the city for a garden.

6th. The town of Mithun in the valley, to supply wood and forage.

7th. To keep up the tomb of Ajmeri Beg, who fell in action, one hundred
bighas of land.

                       _Privileges and Honours._

8th. A seat in Darbar and rank in all respects equal to the chieftain of

9th. Your kettle-drums (Nakkara) to beat to the exterior gate, but with
one stick only.

10th. Amar Balaona,[3.a.25] and a dress of honour on the Dasahra[3.a.26]

11th. Drums to beat to Ahar. All other privileges and rank like the
house of Salumbar.[3.a.27] Like that house, yours shall be from
generation to generation; therefore according to the valuation of your
grant you will serve.

12th. Your brothers or servants, whom you may dismiss, I shall not
entertain or suffer my chief to entertain.

13th. The Chamars[3.a.28] and Kirania[3.a.29] you may use at all times
when alone, but never in the Presence.

14th. Munawwar Beg, Anwar Beg, Chaman Beg, are permitted seats in front
of the throne; Amar Balaona, and honorary dresses on Dasahra, and seats
for two or three other relatives who may be found worthy the honour.

15th. Your agent (_Vakil_) shall remain at court with the privileges due
to his rank.

                       By command:
                              SAH MOTI RAM BOLIA,

S. 1826 (A.D. 1770) Bhadon (August) sudi 11 Somwar (Monday).

                                 No. V

 _Grant of the Patta of Bhainsror to Rawat Lal Singh, one of the sixteen
                         great vassals of Mewar._

Maharaja Jagat Singh to Rawat Lal Singh Kesarisinghgot,[3.a.30]

Now to you the whole Pargana of Bhainsror[3.a.31] is granted as _Giras_,
viz. [202]:

     Town of Bhainsror                            3000         1500

     Fifty-two others (names uninteresting),
       besides one in the valley of the
       capital. Total value                     62,000 31,000[3.a.32]

With two hundred and forty-eight horse and two hundred and forty-eight
foot, good horse and good Rajputs, you will perform service. Of this,
forty-eight horse and forty-eight foot are excused for the protection of
your fort; therefore with two hundred foot and two hundred horse you
will serve when and wherever ordered. The first grant was given in Pus,
S. 1798, when the income inserted was over-rated. Understanding this,
the Presence (huzur) ordered sixty thousand of annual value to be
attached to Bhainsror.

                                 No. VI

       _Grant from Maharana Sangram Singh of Mewar to his Nephew,
      the Prince Madho Singh, heir-apparent to the principality of

                              SRI RAMJAYATI

                          (_Victory to Rama_).

    SRI GANESH PRASAD                               SRI EKLING PRASAD

     (_By favour of                                  (_By favour of
        Ganesh_).                                      Eklinga_).

[Illustration: (_See notes [3.a.33] and [3.a.34] below._)]

Maharaja Dhiraj Maharana Sri Sangram Singh, Adisatu, commanding. To my
nephew, Kunwar Madho Singhji, _giras_ (a fief) has been granted, viz.:

The fief (_patta_) of Rampura; therefore, with one thousand horse and
two thousand foot, you will perform service during six months annually;
and when foreign service is required, three thousand foot and three
thousand horse.

While the power of the Presence is maintained in these districts you
will not be dispossessed.

                              By command:
                  PANCHOLI RAECHAND and MEHTA MUL DAS.
       S. 1785 (A.D. 1729); Chait sudi 7th; Mangalwar (Tuesday).

                  _Addressed in the Rana’s own hand._

To my nephew Madho Singh[3.a.35] [203]. My child, I have given you
Rampura: while mine, you shall not be deprived of it. Done.

                                No. VII

   _Grant of Bhum Rakhwali (Salvamenta) from the village of Dongla to
                       Maharaja Khushhal Singh._

           S. 1806 (A.D. 1750), _the first of Sawan (July)_.

1st. A field of one hundred and fifty-one bighas, of which thirty-six
are irrigated.

2nd. One hundred and two bighas of waste and unirrigated, viz.:

      Six bighas cultivated by Govinda the oilman.

      Three, under Hira and Tara the oilmen.

      Seventeen cultivated by the mason Hansa, and Lal the oilman.

      Four bighas of waste and forest land (_parti_, _aryana_) which
          belonged to Govinda and Hira, etc., etc.; and so on
          enumerating all the fields composing the above aggregate.

                         _Dues and Privileges_

          Pieces of money      12.

          Grain                24 maunds.

          On the festivals of Rakhi, Diwali, and Holi, one
             copper coin from each house.

          Serana               at harvest.

          Shukri from the Brahmans.

          Transit duties for protection of merchandise, viz.,
            a     pice on every cart-load, and half a pice
            for each     bullock.

          Two platters on every marriage feast.


                                No. VIII

_Grant of Bhum by the Inhabitants of Amli to Rawat Fateh Singh of Amet._
S. 1814 (A.D. 1758)

The Ranawats Sawant Singh and Subhag Singh had Amli in grant; but they
were oppressive to the inhabitants, slew the Patels Jodha and Bhagi, and
so ill-treated the Brahmans, that Kusal and Nathu sacrificed themselves
on the pyre. The inhabitants demanded the protection of the Rana, and
the pattayats were changed; and now the inhabitants grant in rakhwali
one hundred and twenty-five bighas as bhum to Fateh Singh[3.a.36] [204].

                                 No. IX

  _Grant of Bhum by the Inhabitants of the Town of Dongla to Maharaja
                      Zorawar Singh, of Bhindar._

To Sri Maharaja Zorawar Singh, the Patels, traders, merchants, Brahmans,
and united inhabitants of Dongla, make agreement.

Formerly the ‘runners’ in Dongla were numerous: to preserve us from whom
we granted bhum to the Maharaja. To wit:

One well, that of Hira the oilman.

One well, that of Dipa the oilman.

One well, that of Dewa the oilman.

In all, three wells, being forty-four bighas of irrigated (_piwal_), and
one hundred and ninety-one bighas of unirrigated (_mal_) land. Also a
field for juar.

         _Customs or Dignities (Maryad) attached to the Bhum._

1st. A dish (_kansa_) on every marriage.

2nd. Six hundred rupees ready cash annually.

3rd. All Bhumias, Girasias, the high roads, passes from raids and
‘runners,’ and all disturbances whatsoever, the Maharaja must settle.

When the Maharaja is pleased to let the inhabitants of Dongla reinhabit
their dwellings, then only can they return to them.[3.a.37]

Written by the accountant Kacchia, on the full moon of Jeth, S. 1858,
and signed by all the traders, Brahmans, and towns-people.


                                 No. X

     _Grant of Bhum by the Prince of Mewar to an inferior Vassal._

Maharana Bhim Singh to Baba Ram Singh, commanding.

Now a field of two hundred and twenty-five bighas in the city of
Jahazpur, with the black orchard (_sham bagh_) and a farm-house
(_nohara_) for cattle, has been granted you in bhum.

Your forefathers recovered for me Jahazpur and served with fidelity; on
which account this bhum is renewed. Rest assured no molestation shall be
offered, nor shall any pattayat interfere with you.


 One serana.[3.a.38]
 Two halmas [205].[3.a.39]
 Offerings of coco-nuts on the Holi and Dasahra festivals.
 From every hundred bullock-loads[3.a.40] of merchandise, twelve annas.
 From every hundred and twenty-five ass-loads, six annas.
 From each horse sold within Jahazpur, two annas.
 From each camel sold, one anna.
 From each oil-mill, one pula.
 From each iron mine (_madri_), a quarter rupee.
 From each distillation of spirits, a quarter rupee.
 From each goat slain, one pice.
 On births and marriages,[3.a.41] five platters (_kansa_).
 The handful (_inch_) from every basket of greens.
 With every other privilege attached to bhum.

              Irrigated land (_piwal_)         51 bighas.
              Unirrigated land (_mal_)        110   "
              Mountain land (_magra_)          40   "
              Meadow land (_bira_)             25   "
                                              226 bighas.

 Asarh (June) S. 1853 (A.D. 1797).

                                 No. XI

      _Charter of Privileges and Immunities granted to the town of
            Jhalrapatan, engraved on a Pillar in that City._

S. 1853 (A.D. 1797), corresponding with the Saka 1718, the sun being in
the south, the season of cold, and the happy month of Kartika,[3.a.42]
the enlightened half of the month, being Monday the full moon.

Maharaja Dhiraj Sri Ummed Singh Deo,[3.a.43] the Faujdar[3.a.44] Raj
Zalim Singh [206] and Kunwar Madho Singh, commanding. To all the
inhabitants of Jhalrapatan, Patels,[3.a.45] Patwaris,[3.a.46]
Mahajans,[3.a.47] and to all the thirty-six castes, it is written.

At this period entertain entire confidence, build and dwell.

Within this abode all forced contributions and confiscations are for
ever abolished. The taxes called Bhalamanusi,[3.a.48] Anni,[3.a.49] and
Rekha Barar,[3.a.50] and likewise all Bhetbegar,[3.a.51] shall cease.

To this intent is this stone erected, to hold good from year to year,
now and evermore. There shall be no violence in this territory. This is
sworn by the cow to the Hindu and the hog to the Musalman: in the
presence of Captain Dilel Khan, Chaudhari Sarup Chand, Patel Lalo, the
Mahesri Patwari Balkishan, the architect Kalu Ram, and the stone-mason

Parmo[3.a.52] is for ever abolished. Whoever dwells and traffics within
the town of Patan, one half of the transit duties usually levied in
Haravati are remitted; and all mapa (meter’s) duties are for ever


                                No. XII

_Abolitions, Immunities, Prohibitions, etc. etc. Inscription in the
Temple of Lachhmi Narayan at Akola._

In former times tobacco was sold in one market only. Rana Raj Singh
commanded the monopoly to be abolished. S. 1645.

Rana Jagat Singh prohibited the seizure of the cots and quilts by the
officers of his government from the printers of Akola.


                                No. XIII

_Privileges and Immunities granted to the Printers of Calico and
Inhabitants of the Town of Great Akola in Mewar._

Maharana Bhim Singh, commanding, to the inhabitants of Great Akola.

Whereas the village has been abandoned from the assignments levied by
the garrison of Mandalgarh, and it being demanded of its population how
it could again be rendered prosperous, they unanimously replied: "Not to
exact beyond the dues and contributions (_dand dor_) established of
yore; to erect the pillar promising never to exact above half the
produce of the crops, or to molest the persons of those who thus paid
their dues."

The Presence agreed, and this pillar has been erected. May Eklinga look
to him who breaks this command. The hog to the Musalman and the cow to
the Hindu.

Whatever contributions (_dand_) parmo,[3.a.53] puli,[3.a.54] heretofore
levied shall be paid [207].

All crimes committed within the jurisdiction of Akola to be tried by its
inhabitants, who will sit in justice on the offender and fine him
according to his faults.

On Amavas[3.a.55] no work shall be done at the well[3.a.56] or at the
oil-mill, nor printer put his dye-pot on the fire.[3.a.57]

Whoever breaks the foregoing, may the sin of the slaughter of Chitor be
upon him.

This pillar was erected in the presence of Mehta Sardar Singh, Sanwal
Das, the Chaudharis Bhopat Ram and Daulat Ram, and the assembled Panch
of Akola.

Written by the Chaudhari Bhopji, and engraved by the stonecutter Bhima.

                          S. 1856 (A.D. 1800)


                                No. XIV

_Prohibition against Guests carrying away Provisions from the Public

Sri Maharana Sangram Singh to the inhabitants of Marmi.

On all feasts of rejoicing, as well as those on the ceremonies for the
dead, none shall carry away with them the remains of the feast. Whoever
thus transgresses shall pay a fine to the crown of one hundred and one
rupees. S. 1769 (A.D. 1713), Chait Sudi 7th.


                                 No. XV

Maharana Sangram Singh to the merchants and bankers of Bakrol.

The custom of furnishing quilts (_sirak_)[3.a.59] of which you complain
is of ancient date. Now when the collectors of duties, their officers,
or those of the land revenue stop at Bakrol, the merchants will furnish
them with beds and quilts. All other servants will be supplied by the
other inhabitants.

Should the dam of the lake be in any way injured, whoever does not aid
in its repair shall, as a punishment, feed one hundred and one Brahmans.
Asarh 1715, or June A.D. 1659 [208].


                                No. XVI

  _Warrant of the Chief of Bijolli to his Vassal, Gopaldas Saktawat._

Maharaja Mandhata to Saktawat Gopaldas, be it known.

At this time a daily fine of four rupees is in force against you. Eighty
are now due; Ganga Ram having petitioned in your favour, forty of this
will be remitted. Give a written declaration to this effect—that with a
specified quota you will take the field; if not, you will stand the

Viz.: One good horse and one matchlock, with appurtenances complete, to
serve at home and abroad (_des pardes_), and to run the country[3.a.60]
with the Kher.

When the levy (_kher_) takes the field, Gopaldas must attend in person.
Should he be from home, his retainers must attend, and they shall
receive rations from the presence. Sawan sudi das (August 10) S. 1782.


                                No. XVII

Maharaja Udaikaran to the Saktawat Shambhu Singh. Be it known.

I had annexed Gura to the fisc, but now, from favour, restore it to you.
Make it flourish, and serve me at home and abroad, with one horse, and
one foot soldier.

When abroad you shall receive rations (_bhatta_) as follows:

     Flour                3 lb.

     Pulse                4 ounces.

     Butter (_ghi_)       2 pice weight.

     Horses’ feed         4 seers at 22 takas each seer, of daily

If for defence of the fort you are required, you will attend with all
your dependents, and bring your wife, family, and chattels; for which,
you will be exempted from two years of subsequent service. Asarh 14, S.
1834 [209].


                               No. XVIII

_Bhum in Mundkati, or Compensation for Blood, to Jeth Singh Chondawat._

The Patel’s son went to bring home his wife with Jeth’s Rajputs as a
guard. The party was attacked, the guard killed, and there having been
no redress for the murder, twenty-six bighas have been granted in
mundkati[3.a.61] (compensation).

                                No. XIX

Rawat Megh Singh to his natural brother, Jamna Das, a patta (_fief_) has
been granted, viz.:

            The village of Rajpura, value       Rupees  401
            A garden of mogra flowers[3.a.62]            11
                                                Rupees  412

Serve at home and abroad with fidelity: contributions and aids pay
according to custom, and as do the rest of the vassals. Jeth 14th, S.

                                 No. XX

_Charter given by the Rana of Mewar, accepted and signed by all his
Chiefs; defining the duties of the contracting Parties._

                               A.D. 1818.

Siddh Sri Maharana Dhiraj, Maharana Bhim Singh, to all the nobles my
brothers and kin, Rajas, Patels, Jhalas, Chauhans, Chondawats, Panwars,
Sarangdeots, Saktawats, Rathors, Ranawats, etc., etc.

Now, since S. 1822 (A.D. 1776), during the reign of Sri Ari
Singhji,[3.a.63] when the troubles commenced, laying ancient usages
aside, undue usurpations of the land have been made: therefore on this
day, Baisakh badi 14th, S. 1874 (A.D. 1818), the Maharana assembling all
his chiefs, lays down the path of duty in new ordinances.

1st. All lands belonging to the crown obtained since the troubles, and
all lands seized by one chief from another, shall be restored.

2nd. All Rakhwali,[3.a.64] Bhum, Lagat,[3.a.65] established since the
troubles, shall be renounced.

3rd. Dhan,[3.a.66] Biswa,[3.a.67] the right of the crown alone, shall be

4th. No chiefs shall commit thefts or violence within the boundaries of
their estates. They shall entertain no Thugs,[3.a.68] foreign thieves or
thieves of the country, as Moghias,[3.a.68] Baoris,[3.a.68]
Thoris:[3.a.68] but those who shall adopt peaceful habits may remain;
but should any return to their old pursuits, their heads shall instantly
be taken off. All property stolen shall be made good by the proprietor
of the estate within the limits of which it is plundered [210].

5th. Home or foreign merchants, traders, Kafilas,[3.a.69]
Banjaras,[3.a.70] who enter the country, shall be protected. In no wise
shall they be molested or injured, and whoever breaks this ordinance,
his estate shall be confiscated.

6th. According to command, at home or abroad service must be performed.
Four divisions (_chaukis_) shall be formed of the chiefs, and each
division shall remain three months in attendance at court, when they
shall be dismissed to their estates. Once a year, on the festival of the
Dasahra,[3.a.71] all the chiefs shall assemble with their quotas ten
days previous thereto, and twenty days subsequent they shall be
dismissed to their estates. On urgent occasions, and whenever their
services are required, they shall repair to the Presence.

7th. Every Pattawat holding a separate patta from the Presence shall
perform separate service. They shall not unite or serve under the
greater Pattawats: and the sub-vassals of all such chiefs shall remain
with and serve their immediate Pattawat.[3.a.72]

8th. The Maharana shall maintain the dignities due to each chief
according to his degree.

9th. The Ryots shall not be oppressed: there shall be no new exactions
or arbitrary fines. This is ordained.

10th. What has been executed by Thakur Ajit Singh and sanctioned by the
Rana, to this all shall agree.[3.a.73]

11th. Whosoever shall depart from the foregoing, the Maharana shall
punish. In doing so the fault will not be the Rana’s. Whoever fails, on
him be the oath (_an_) of Eklinga and the Maharana.

[Here follow the signatures of all the chieftains of rank in Mewar,
which it is needless to insert] [211].


  _To face page 247._


Footnote 3.a.1:

  The names omitted to prevent any of them falling a sacrifice to the
  blind fury of their prince. The brave chief of Nimaj has sold his
  life, but dearly. In vain do we look in the annals of Europe for such
  devotion and generous despair as marked his end, and that of his brave
  clan. He was a perfect gentleman in deportment, modest and mild, and
  head of a powerful clan.

Footnote 3.a.2:

  Fiscal, that is, sequestrated.

Footnote 3.a.3:

  Clerks, and inferior officers of government.

Footnote 3.a.4:

  Alluding to the sovereigns of Delhi. In the magnificent feudal
  assemblage at this gorgeous court, where seventy-six princes stood in
  the Divan (_Diwan-i-Khass_) each by a pillar covered with plates of
  silver, the Marwar prince had the right hand of all. I have an
  original letter from the great-grandfather of Raja Man to the Rana,
  elate with this honour.

Footnote 3.a.5:

  In 1806.

Footnote 3.a.6:

  The historian of the Middle Ages justly remarks, that “the most deadly
  hatred is that which men, exasperated by proscription and forfeitures,
  bear their country.”

Footnote 3.a.7:

  Hide or skin, from the vessel used in irrigation being made of

Footnote 3.a.8:

  The vassals, or those holding fiefs (patta) of Deogarh.

Footnote 3.a.9:

  A copper coin, equal to twopence.

Footnote 3.a.10:

  Military commander; a kind of inferior _maire du palais_, on every
  Rajput chieftain’s estate, and who has the military command of the
  vassals. He is seldom of the same family, but generally of another

Footnote 3.a.11:


Footnote 3.a.12:

  Of the Jat and other labouring tribes.

Footnote 3.a.13:

  Chauthias. In every town there is an unpaid magistracy, of which the
  head is the Nagar Seth, or chief citizen, and the four Chauthias,
  tantamount to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, who hold their courts and
  decide in all civil cases.

Footnote 3.a.14:

  Here are the precise sentiments embodied in the remonstrances of the
  great feudal chiefs of Marwar to their prince; see Appendix, No. I.

Footnote 3.a.15:

  The old allodial allotments.

Footnote 3.a.16:


Footnote 3.a.17:

  The _salvamenta_ of our feudal writers; the _blackmail_ of the north.

Footnote 3.a.18:


Footnote 3.a.19:

  The Rana.

Footnote 3.a.20:

  The Author.

Footnote 3.a.21:

  With the articles of complaint of the vassals of Deogarh and the short
  extorted charter, to avoid future cause for such, we may contrast the
  following: "Pour avoir une idée du brigandage que les nobles
  exerçaient à l’époque où les premieres _chartes_ furent accordées, il
  suffit d’en lire quelques-unes, et l’on verra que le seigneur y
  disait:—‘Je promets de ne point _voler, extorquer_ les biens et les
  meubles des habitans, de les délivrer des _totes_ ou _rapines_, et
  autres _mauvaises coutumes_, et de ne plus commettre envers eux
  d’exactions.’—En effet, dans ces tems malheureux, vivres, meubles,
  chevaux, voitures, dit le savant Abbé de Mably, tout était enlevé par
  l’insatiable et aveugle avidité des seigneurs" (Art. ‘Chartres,’
  _Dict. de l’Ancien Régime_).

Footnote 3.a.22:

  This reply to the remonstrance of his vassals is perfectly similar in
  point to the 43rd article of Magna Charta.

Footnote 3.a.23:

  Invocations to Ram, Ganesh (god of wisdom), and Eklinga, the
  patron-divinity of the Sesodia Guhilots.

Footnote 3.a.24:

  The first of the foreign vassals of the Rana’s house. [Bari Sādri,
  about 50 miles E.S.E. of Udaipur city, held by the senior noble of
  Mewār, a Rājput of the Jhāla sub-sept, styled Rāja of Sādri (Erskine
  ii. A. 93).]

Footnote 3.a.25:

  A horse furnished by the prince, always replaced when he dies,
  therefore called Amar, or immortal.

Footnote 3.a.26:

  The grand military festival, when a muster is made of all the Rajput

Footnote 3.a.27:

  The first of the home-chieftains.

Footnote 3.a.28:

  The tail of the wild ox, worn across the saddle-bow.

Footnote 3.a.29:

  An umbrella or shade against the sun; from _kiran_, ‘a ray.’

Footnote 3.a.30:

  Clan (_got_) of Kesari Singh, one of the great branches of the

Footnote 3.a.31:

  On the left bank of the Chambal.

Footnote 3.a.32:

  To explain these double _rekhs_, or estimates, one is the full value,
  the other the deteriorated rate.

Footnote 3.a.33:

  The bhala, or lance, is the sign-manual of the Salumbar chieftain, as
  hereditary premier of the state.

Footnote 3.a.34:

  Is a monogram forming the word _Sahai_, being the sign-manual of the

Footnote 3.a.35:

  _Bhanaij_ is sister’s son; as _Bhatija_ is brother’s son. It will be
  seen in the Annals, that to support this prince to the succession of
  the Jaipur Gaddi, both Mewar and Jaipur were ruined, and the power of
  the Deccanis established in both countries.

Footnote 3.a.36:

  This is a proof of the value attached to bhum, when granted by the
  inhabitants, as the first act of the new proprietor though holding the
  whole town from the crown, was to obtain these few bighas as bhum.
  After having been sixty years in that family, Amli has been resumed by
  the crown: the bhum has remained with the chief.

Footnote 3.a.37:

  This shows how bhum was extorted in these periods of turbulence, and
  that this individual gift was as much to save them from the effects of
  the Maharaja’s violence as to gain protection from that of others.

Footnote 3.a.38:

  A seer on each maund of produce.

Footnote 3.a.39:

  The labour of two ploughs (_hal_). _Halma_ is the personal service of
  the husbandman with his plough for such time as is specified. _Halma_
  is precisely the detested _corvée_ of the French régime. “Les
  _corvées_ sont tout ouvrage ou service, soit de corps ou de charrois
  et bêtes, pendant le jour, qui est dû à un seigneur. Il y avait deux
  sortes de _corvées_: les réelles et les personnelles, etc. Quelquefois
  le nombre des _corvées_ était fixe: mais, le plus souvent, elles
  étaient à volonté du seigneur, et c’est ce qu’on appelait _corvées à
  merci_” (Art. ‘Corvée,’ _Dict. de l’anc. Régime_). Almost all the
  exactions for the last century in Mewar may come under this latter

Footnote 3.a.40:

  A great variety of oppressive imposts were levied by the chiefs during
  these times of trouble, to the destruction of commerce and all
  facility of travelling. Everything was subject to tax, and a long
  train of vexatious dues exacted for “repairs of forts, boats at
  ferries, night-guards, guards of passes,” and other appellations, all
  having much in common with the ‘Droit de _Péage_’ in France. “Il n’y
  avait pas de ponts, de gués, de chaussées, d’écluses, de défilés, de
  portes, etc., où les féodaux ne fissent payer un droit à ceux que
  leurs affaires ou leur commerce forçaient de voyager” (_Dict. de
  l’anc. Régime_).

Footnote 3.a.41:

  The privileges of our Rajput chieftains on the marriages of their
  vassals and cultivating subjects are confined to the best dishes of
  the marriage feast or a pecuniary commutation. This is, however,
  though in a minor degree, one of the vexatious claims of feudality of
  the French system, known under the term _noçages_, where the seigneur
  or his deputy presided, and had the right to be placed in front of the
  bride, “et de chanter à la fin du répas, une chanson guillerette.” But
  they even carried their insolence further, and "poussèrent leur mépris
  pour les villains (the agricultural classes of the Rajput system)
  jusqu’à exiger que leurs chiens eussent _leur couvert_ auprès de la
  mariée, et qu’on les laissât manger sur la table" (Art. ‘Noçages,’
  _Dict. de l’anc. Régime_).

Footnote 3.a.42:


Footnote 3.a.43:

  The Raja of Kotah.

Footnote 3.a.44:

  Commander of the forces and regent of Kotah.

Footnote 3.a.45:

  Officers of the land revenue.

Footnote 3.a.46:

  Land accountants.

Footnote 3.a.47:

  The mercantile class.

Footnote 3.a.48:

  Literally ‘good behaviour.’

Footnote 3.a.49:

  An agricultural tax.

Footnote 3.a.50:

  Tax for registering.

Footnote 3.a.51:

  This includes in one word the forced labour exacted from the working
  classes: the _corvée_ of the French system.

Footnote 3.a.52:

  Grain thrown on the inhabitants at an arbitrary rate; often resorted
  to at Kotah, where the regent is farmer general.

Footnote 3.a.53:

  Grain, the property of the government, thrown on the inhabitants for
  purchase at an arbitrary valuation.

Footnote 3.a.54:

  The handful from each sheaf at harvest.

Footnote 3.a.55:

  A day sacred to the Hindu, being that which divides the month.

Footnote 3.a.56:

  Meaning, they shall not irrigate the fields.

Footnote 3.a.57:

  This part of the edict is evidently the instigation of the Jains, to
  prevent the destruction of life, though only that of insects.

Footnote 3.a.58:

  The cause of this sumptuary edict was a benevolent motive, and to
  prevent the expenses on these occasions falling too heavily on the
  poorer classes. It was customary for the women to carry away under
  their petticoats (_ghaghra_) sufficient sweetmeats for several days’
  consumption. The great Jai Singh of Amber had an ordinance restricting
  the number of guests to fifty-one on these occasions, and prohibited
  to all but the four wealthy classes the use of sugar-candy: the others
  were confined to the use of molasses and brown sugar. To the lower
  vassals and the cultivators these feasts were limited to the coarser
  fare; to juar flour, greens and oil. A dyer who on the Holi feasted
  his friends with sweetmeats of fine sugar and scattered about balls
  made of brown sugar, was fined five thousand rupees for setting so
  pernicious an example. The _sadh_, or marriage present, from the
  bridegroom to the bride’s father, was limited to fifty-one rupees. The
  great sums previously paid on this score were preventives of
  matrimony. Many other wholesome regulations of a much more important
  kind, especially those for the suppression of infanticide, were
  instituted by this prince.

Footnote 3.a.59:

  ‘Defence against the cold weather’ (_si_). This in the ancient French
  régime came under the denomination of “_Albergie_ ou Hébergement, un
  droit royal. Par exemple, ce ne fut qu’après le règne de Saint Louis,
  et moyennant finances, que les habitans de Paris et de Corbeil
  s’affranchirent, les premiers de fournir au roi et à sa suite de bons
  oreillers et d’excellens lits de plumes, tant qu’il séjournait dans
  leur ville, et les seconds de le régaler quand il passait par leur

Footnote 3.a.60:

  The ‘Daurayat’ or runners, the term applied to the bands who swept the
  country with their forays in those periods of general confusion, are
  analogous to the armed bands of the Middle Ages, who in a similar
  manner desolated Europe under the term _routiers_, tantamount to our
  _rabars_ (on the road), the _labars_ of the Pindaris in India. The
  Rajput Daurayat has as many epithets as the French _routier_, who were
  called _escorcheurs_, _tard veneurs_ (of which class Gopaldas appears
  to have been), _mille-diables_, _Guilleries_, etc. From the Crusades
  to the sixteenth century, the nobles of Europe, of whom these bands
  were composed (like our Rajputs), abandoned themselves to this sort of
  life; who, to use the words of the historian, “préférèrent la vie
  vagabonde à laquelle ils s’étoient accoutumés dans le camp, à
  retourner cultiver leurs champs. C’est alors que se formèrent ces
  bandes qu’on vit parcourir le royaume et étendre sur toutes les
  provinces le fléau de leurs inclinations destructives, répandre
  partout l’effroi, la misère, le deuil et le désespoir; mettre les
  villes à contribution, piller et incendier les villages, égorger les
  laboureurs, et se livrer à des accès de cruauté qui font frémir”
  (_Dict. de l’ancien régime et des abus féodaux_, art. ‘Routier,’ p.

  We have this apology for the Rajput _routiers_, that the nobles of
  Europe had not; they were driven to it by perpetual aggressions of
  invaders. I invariably found that the reformed _routier_ was one of
  the best subjects: it secured him from indolence, the parent of all
  Rajput vices.

Footnote 3.a.61:

  _Mund_, ‘the head’; _kati_, ‘cut.’

Footnote 3.a.62:

  [The double jasmine, _Jasminum sambac_.]

Footnote 3.a.63:

  The rebellion broke out during the reign of this prince.

Footnote 3.a.64:


Footnote 3.a.65:


Footnote 3.a.66:

  Transit duty.

Footnote 3.a.67:


Footnote 3.a.68:

  Different descriptions of thieves. [The Moghias are settled
  principally in E. Mewār; if not identical with, they are closely
  allied to, the Bāori (Luard, _Ethnographic Survey, Central India_,
  App. V. 17 ff.). Gen. C. Hervey (_Some Records of Crime_, i. 386 ff.)
  makes frequent references to dacoities committed by them from their
  headquarters, Nīmach. The Bāori or Bāwariya are a notorious criminal
  tribe (Rose, _Glossary_, ii. 70 ff.; M. Kennedy, _Notes on Criminal
  Classes in Bombay Presidency_, 173 ff., 198 ff.). The Thori in Mārwār
  claim Rājput origin, and are connected with the Aheri, or nomad
  hunters (_Census Report, Mārwār, 1891_, ii. 194). According to Rose
  (_op. cit._ iii. 466) those in the Panjāb are rather vagrants than
  actual criminals.]

Footnote 3.a.69:

  Caravans of merchandise, whether on camels, bullocks, or in carts.

Footnote 3.a.70:

  Caravans of bullocks, chiefly for the transport of grain and salt.

Footnote 3.a.71:

  On this festival the muster of all the feudal retainers is taken by
  the Rana in person, and honorary dresses and dignities are bestowed.

Footnote 3.a.72:

  This article had become especially necessary, as the inferior chiefs,
  particularly those of the third class, had amalgamated themselves with
  the head of their clans, to whom they had become more accountable than
  to their prince.

Footnote 3.a.73:

  This alludes to the treaty which this chief had formed, as the
  ambassador of the Rana, with the British Government.


                                BOOK IV
                            ANNALS OF MEWĀR

                               CHAPTER 1

We now proceed to the history of the States of Rajputana, and shall
commence with the Annals of Mewar, and its princes.

=Titles of Mewār Chiefs: descent from the Sun.=—These are styled Ranas,
and are the elder branch of the Suryavansi, or ‘children of the sun.’
Another patronymic is Raghuvansi, derived from a predecessor of Rama,
the focal point of each scion of the solar race. To him, the conqueror
of Lanka,[4.1.1] the genealogists endeavour to trace the solar lines.
The titles of many of these claimants are disputed; but the Hindu tribes
yield unanimous suffrage to the prince of Mewar as the legitimate heir
to the throne of Rama, and style him Hindua Suraj, or ‘Sun of the
Hindus.’[4.1.2] He is universally allowed to be the first of the
‘thirty-six royal tribes’; nor has a doubt ever been raised respecting
his purity of descent. Many of these tribes[4.1.3] have been swept away
by time; and the genealogist, who abhors a vacuum in his mystic page,
fills up their place with others, mere scions of some ancient but
forgotten stem.

=Stability of Mewār State.=—With the exception of Jaisalmer, Mewar is
the only dynasty of these races[4.1.3] which has outlived eight
centuries of foreign domination, in the same lands where [212] conquest
placed them. The Rana still possesses nearly the same extent of
territory which his ancestors held when the conqueror from Ghazni first
crossed the ‘blue waters’[4.1.4] of the Indus to invade India; while the
other families now ruling in the northwest of Rajasthan are the relics
of ancient dynasties driven from their pristine seats of power, or their
junior branches, who have erected their own fortunes. This circumstance
adds to the dignity of the Ranas, and is the cause of the general homage
which they receive, notwithstanding the diminution of their power.
Though we cannot give the princes of Mewar an ancestor in the Persian
Nushirwan, nor assert so confidently as Sir Thomas Roe his claims to
descent from the celebrated Porus,[4.1.5] the opponent of Alexander, we
can carry him into the regions of antiquity more remote than the
Persian, and which would satisfy the most fastidious in respect to

=Origin of the Rājputs.=—In every age and clime we observe the same
eager desire after distinguished pedigree, proceeding from a feeling
which, though often derided, is extremely natural. The Rajaputras are,
however, scarcely satisfied with discriminating their ancestors from the
herd of mankind. Some plume themselves on a celestial origin, whilst
others are content to be demi-celestial; and those who cannot advance
such lofty claims, rather than acknowledge the race to have originated
in the ordinary course of nature, make their primeval parent of demoniac
extraction; accordingly, several of the dynasties who cannot obtain a
niche amongst the children of the sun or moon, or trace their descent
from some royal saint, are satisfied to be considered the offspring of
some Titan (_Daitya_). These puerilities are of modern fabrication, in
cases where family documents have been lost, or emigration has severed
branches from the parent stock; who, increasing in power, but ignorant
of their birth, have had recourse to fable to supply the void. Various
authors, borrowing from the same source, have assigned the seat of Porus
to the Rana’s family; and coincidence of name has been the cause of the
family being alternately elevated and depressed. Thus the incidental
circumstance of the word Rhamnae being found in Ptolemy’s geography, in
countries bordering on Mewar, furnishes our ablest geographers[4.1.6]
with a reason [213] for planting the family there in the second century;
while the commentators[4.1.7] on the geography of the Arabian travellers
of the ninth and tenth centuries[4.1.8] discover sufficient evidence in
“the kingdom of Rahmi, always at war with the Balhara sovereign,” to
consider him (notwithstanding Rahmi is expressly stated “not to be much
considered for his birth or the antiquity of his kingdom”) as the prince
of Chitor, celebrated in both these points.

The translator of the _Periplus of the Erythrean Sea_, following
D’Anville,[4.1.9] makes Ozene (Ujjain) the capital of a Porus,[4.1.10]
who sent an embassy to Augustus to regulate their commercial
intercourse, and whom he asserts to be the ancestor of the Rana. But to
show how guarded we should be in admitting verbal resemblance to decide
such points, the title of Rana is of modern adoption, even so late as
the twelfth century; and was assumed in consequence of the victorious
issue of a contest with the Parihara prince of Mandor, who bore the
title of Rana, and who surrendered it with his life and capital to the
prince of Mewar. The latter substituted it for the more ancient
appellation of Rawal;[4.1.11] but it was not till the thirteenth century
that the novel distinction was generally recognized by neighbouring
powers. Although we cannot for a moment admit the Rahmi, or even the
Rhamnae of Ozene, to be connected with this family, yet Ptolemy appears
to have given the real ancestor in his Baleokouroi, the Balhara monarchs
of the Arabian travellers, the Valabhiraes of Saurashtra, who were the
ancestors of the princes of Mewar.[4.1.12]

Before we proceed, it is necessary to specify the sources whence
materials were obtained for the Annals of Mewar, and to give some idea
of the character they merit as historical data [214].

=Sources of the History.=—For many years previous to sojourning at the
court of Udaipur, sketches were obtained of the genealogy of the family
from the rolls of the bards. To these was added a chronological sketch,
drawn up under the eye of Raja Jai Singh of Amber, with comments of some
value by him, and which served as a ground-work. Free access was also
granted to the Rana’s library, and permission obtained to make copies of
such MSS. as related to his history. The most important of these was the
Khuman Raesa,[4.1.13] which is evidently a modern work founded upon
ancient materials, tracing the genealogy to Rama, and halting at
conspicuous beacons in this long line of crowned heads, particularly
about the period of the Muhammadan irruption in the tenth century, the
sack of Chitor by Alau-d-din in the thirteenth century, and the wars of
Rana Partap with Akbar, during whose reign the work appears to have been

The next in importance were the Rajvilas, in the Vraj Bhakha, by Man
Kabeswara;[4.1.14] and the Rajratnakar,[4.1.15] by Sudasheo Bhat: both
written in the reign of Rana Raj Singh, the opponent of Aurangzeb: also
the Jaivilas, written in the reign of Jai Singh, son of Raj Singh. They
all commence with the genealogies of the family, introductory to the
military exploits of the princes whose names they bear.

The Mamadevi Prasistha is a copy of the inscriptions[4.1.16] in the
temple of ‘the Mother of the Gods’ at Kumbhalmer. Genealogical rolls of
some antiquity were obtained from the widow of an ancient family bard,
who had left neither children nor kindred to follow his profession.
Another roll was procured from a priest of the Jains residing in
Sandrai, in Marwar, whose ancestry had enjoyed from time immemorial the
title of Guru, which they held at the period of the sack of Valabhipura
in the fifth century, whence they emigrated simultaneously with the
Rana’s ancestors. Others were obtained from Jain priests at Jawad in
Malwa. Historical documents possessed by several chiefs were readily
furnished, and extracts were made from works, both Sanskrit and Persian,
which incidentally mention the family. To these were added traditions or
biographical anecdotes furnished in conversation by the Rana, or men of
intellect amongst his chiefs [215], ministers, or bards, and
inscriptions calculated to reconcile dates; in short, every
corroborating circumstance was treasured up which could be obtained by
incessant research during sixteen years. The Commentaries of Babur and
Jahangir, the Institutes of Akbar, original grants, public and autograph
letters of the emperors of Delhi and their ministers, were made to
contribute more or less; yet, numerous as are the authorities cited, the
result may afford but little gratification to the general reader, partly
owing to the unpopularity of the subject, partly to the inartificial
mode of treating it.

=Kanaksen.=—At least ten genealogical lists, derived from the most
opposite sources, agree in making Kanaksen the founder of this dynasty;
and assign his emigration from the most northern of the provinces of
India to the peninsula of Saurashtra in S. 201, or A.D. 145. We shall,
therefore, make this the point of outset; though it may be premised that
Jai Singh, the royal historian and astronomer of Amber, connects the
line with Sumitra (the fifty-sixth descendant from the deified Rama),
who appears to have been the contemporary of Vikramaditya, B.C. 56.

The country of which Ayodhya (now Oudh) was the capital, and Rama
monarch, is termed, in the geographical writings of the Hindus, Kosala;
doubtless from the mother of Rama, whose name was Kausalya.[4.1.17] The
first royal emigrant from the north is styled, in the Rana’s archives,
Kosala-putra, ‘son of Kosala.’

=Titles of the Chiefs.=—Rama had two sons, Lava and Kusa: from the
former the Rana’s family claim descent. He is stated to have built
Lahore, the ancient Lohkot;[4.1.18] and the branch from which the
princes of Mewar are descended resided there until Kanaksen emigrated to
Dwarka. The difficulty of tracing these races through a long period of
years is greatly increased by the custom of changing the appellation of
the tribe, from conquest, locality, or personal celebrity. Sen[4.1.19]
seems to have been the martial termination for many generations: this
was followed by Dit, or Aditya, a term for the ‘sun.’ The first change
in the name of the tribe was on their expulsion from Saurashtra, when
for the generic term of Suryavansi was substituted the particular
appellation of Guhilot. This name was maintained till another event
dispersed the family, and when they settled in [216] Ahar,[4.1.20]
Aharya became the appellative of the branch. This continued till loss of
territory and new acquisitions once more transferred the dynasty to
Sesoda,[4.1.21] a temporary capital in the western mountains. The title
of Ranawat, borne by all descendants of the blood royal since the
eventful change which removed the seat of government from Chitor to
Udaipur, might in time have superseded that of Sesodia, if continued
warfare had not checked the increase of population; but the Guhilot
branch of the Suryavansi still retain the name of Sesodia.

Having premised thus much, we must retrograde to the darker ages,
through which we shall endeavour to conduct this celebrated dynasty,
though the clue sometimes nearly escapes from our hands in these
labyrinths of antiquity.[4.1.22] When it is recollected to what violence
this family has been subjected during the last eight centuries, often
dispossessed of all but their native hills and compelled to live on
their spontaneous produce, we could scarcely expect that historical
records should be preserved. Chitor was thrice sacked and destroyed, and
the existing records are formed from fragments, registers of births and
marriages, or from the oral relations of the bards.

=Legend of Kanaksen.=—By what route Kanaksen, the first emigrant of the
solar race, found his way into Saurashtra from Lohkot, is uncertain: he,
however, wrested dominion from a prince of the Pramara race, and founded
Birnagara in the second century (A.D. 144). Four generations afterwards,
Vijayasen, whom the prince of Amber calls Nushirwan, founded Vijayapur,
supposed to be where Dholka now stands, at the head of the Saurashtra
peninsula.[4.1.23] Vidarba was also founded by him, the name of which
was afterwards changed to Sihor. But the most celebrated was the
capital, Valabhipura, which for years baffled all search, till it was
revealed in its now humbled condition as Walai, ten miles west [217] of
Bhaunagar. The existence of this city was confirmed by a celebrated Jain
work, the Satrunjaya Mahatma.[4.1.24] The want of satisfactory proof of
the Rana’s emigration from thence was obviated by the most unexpected
discovery of an inscription of the twelfth century, in a ruined temple
on the tableland forming the eastern boundary of the Rana’s present
territory, which appeals to the ‘walls of Valabhi’ for the truth of the
action it records. And a work written to commemorate the reign of Rana
Raj Singh opens with these words: “In the west is Sorathdes,[4.1.25] a
country well known: the barbarians invaded it, and conquered
Bal-ka-nath;[4.1.26] all fell in the sack of Valabhipura, except the
daughter of the Pramara.” And the Sandrai roll thus commences: “When the
city of Valabhi was sacked, the inhabitants fled and founded Bali,
Sandrai, and Nadol in Mordar des.”[4.1.27] These are towns yet of
consequence, and in all the Jain religion is still maintained, which was
the chief worship of Valabhipura when sacked by the ‘barbarian.’ The
records preserved by the Jains give S.B. 205 (A.D. 524) as the date of
this event.[4.1.28]

The tract about Valabhipura and northward is termed Bal, probably from
the tribe of Bala, which might have been the designation of the Rana’s
tribe prior to that of Grahilot; and most probably Multan, and all these
regions of the Kathi, Bala, etc., were dependent on Lohkot, whence
emigrated Kanaksen; thus strengthening the surmise of the Scythic
descent of the Ranas, though now installed in the seat of Rama. The sun
was the deity of this northern tribe, as of the Rana’s ancestry, and the
remains of numerous temples to this grand object of Scythic homage are
still to be found scattered over the peninsula; whence its name,
Saurashtra, the country of the Sauras, or Sun-worshippers; the
Surastrene or Syrastrene of ancient geographers; its inhabitants, the
_Suros_ (Σύρων) of Strabo.[4.1.29]

Besides these cities, the MSS. give Gayni[4.1.30] as the last refuge of
the family [218] when expelled Saurashtra. One of the poetic chronicles
thus commences: “The barbarians had captured Gajni. The house of
Siladitya was left desolate. In its defence his heroes fell; of his seed
but the name remained.”

=Invaders of Saurāshtra.=—These invaders were Scythic, and in all
probability a colony from the Parthian kingdom, which was established in
sovereignty on the Indus in the second century, having their capital at
Saminagara, where the ancient Yadu ruled for ages: the Minnagara[4.1.31]
of Arrian, and the Mankir of the Arabian geographers. It was by this
route, through the eastern portion of the valley of the Indus, that the
various hordes of Getae or Jats, Huns, Kamari, Kathi, Makwahana, Bala
and Aswaria, had peopled this peninsula, leaving traces still visible.
The period is also remarkable when these and other Scythic hordes were
simultaneously abandoning higher Asia for the cold regions of Europe and
the warm plains of Hindustan. From the first to the sixth century of the
Christian era, various records exist of these irruptions from the north.
Gibbon, quoting De Guignes, mentions one in the second century, which
fixed permanently in the Saurashtra peninsula; and the latter, from
original authorities, describes another of the Getae or Jats, styled by
the Chinese Yueh-chi, in the north of India.[4.1.32] But the authority
directly in point is that of Cosmas, surnamed Indikopleustes, who was in
India during the reign of Justinian, and that of the first monarch of
the Chinese dynasty of Leam.[4.1.33] Cosmas [219] had visited Kalyan,
included in the Balhara kingdom; and he mentions the Ephthalites, or
White Huns, under their king Golas, as being established on the Indus at
the very period of the invasion of Valabhipura.[4.1.34]

Arrian, who resided in the second century at Barugaza (Broach),
describes a Parthian sovereignty as extending from the Indus to the
Nerbudda.[4.1.35] Their capital has already been mentioned, Minnagara.
Whether these, the Abtelites[4.1.36] of Cosmas, were the Parthian
dynasty of Arrian, or whether the Parthians were supplanted by the Huns,
we must remain in ignorance, but to one or the other we must attribute
the sack of Valabhipura.

The legend of this event affords scope for speculation, both as regards
the conquerors and the conquered, and gives at least a colour of truth
to the reputed Persian ancestry of the Rana: a subject which will be
distinctly considered. The solar orb, and its type, fire, were the chief
objects of adoration of Siladitya of Valabhipura. Whether to these was
added that of the lingam, the symbol of Balnath (the sun), the primary
object of worship with his descendants, may be doubted. It was certainly
confined to these, and the adoption of ‘strange gods’ by the Suryavansi
Guhilot is comparatively of modern invention.[4.1.37]

=The Fountain of the Sun.=—There was a fountain (_Suryakunda_) ‘sacred
to the sun’ at Valabhipura, from which arose, at the summons of
Siladitya (according to the legend) the seven-headed horse Saptasva,
which draws the car of Surya, to bear him to battle. With such an
auxiliary no foe could prevail; but a wicked minister revealed to the
enemy the secret of annulling this aid, by polluting the sacred fountain
with blood. This accomplished, in vain did the prince call on Saptasva
to save him from the strange and barbarous foe: the charm was broken,
and with it sunk the dynasty of Valabhi. Who the ‘barbarian’ was that
defiled with blood of kine [220] the fountain of the sun,[4.1.38]
whether Getae, Parthian, or Hun, we are left to conjecture. The Persian,
though he venerated the bull, yet sacrificed him on the altar of
Mithras;[4.1.39] and though the ancient Guebre purifies with the
urine[4.1.40] of the cow, he will not refuse to eat beef; and the
iniquity of Cambyses, who thrust his lance into the flank of the
Egyptian Apis, is a proof that the bull was abstractedly no object of
worship. It would be indulging a legitimate curiosity, could we by any
means discover how these ‘strange’ tribes obtained a footing amongst the
Hindu races; for so late as seven centuries ago we find Getae, Huns,
Kathi, Ariaspas, Dahae, definitively settled, and enumerated amongst the
Chhattis rajkula. How much earlier the admission, no authority states;
but mention is made of several of them aiding in the defence of Chitor,
on the first appearance of the faith of Islam upwards of eleven hundred
years ago.


Footnote 4.1.1:

  Said to be Ceylon; an idea scouted by the Hindus, who transfer Lanka
  to a very distant region. [The latter is certainly not the common

Footnote 4.1.2:

  This descendant of one hundred kings shows himself in cloudy weather
  from the _surya-gaukhra_, or ‘balcony of the sun.’

Footnote 4.1.3:

  See _History of the Tribes_.

Footnote 4.1.4:

  _Nilab_ from _nil_, ‘blue,’ and _ab_, ‘water’; hence the name of the
  Nile in Egypt and in India [?]. _Sind_, or _Sindhu_, appears to be a
  Scythian word: _Sin_ in the Tatar, _t sin_ in Chinese, ‘river.’ [It is
  Sanskrit, meaning ‘divider.’] Hence the inhabitants of its higher
  course termed it _aba sin_, ‘parent stream’; and thus, very probably,
  _Abyssinia_ was formed by the Arabians; ‘the country on the Nile,’ or
  _aba sin_. [Abyssinia is ‘land of the Habashi, or negroes.’]

Footnote 4.1.5:

  See p. 47 above.

Footnote 4.1.6:

  D’Anville and Rennell. [The Rhamnae have been identified with the
  Brāhūi of Baluchistān (McCrindle, _Ptolemy_, 159). Lassen places them
  on the Nerbudda.]

Footnote 4.1.7:

  Maurice and others.

Footnote 4.1.8:

  _Relations anciennes des voyageurs_, par Renaudot.

Footnote 4.1.9:

  D’Anville (_Antiquités de l’Inde_) quotes Nicolas of Damascus as his
  authority, who says the letter written by Porus, prince of Ozene, was
  in the Greek character.

Footnote 4.1.10:

  This _Porus_ is a corruption of _Puar_, once the most powerful and
  conspicuous tribe in India; classically written Pramara, the dynasty
  which ruled at Ujjain for ages. [This is not certain (Smith, _EHI_,
  60, note).]

Footnote 4.1.11:

  _Rawal_, or _Raul_, is yet borne as a princely title by the Aharya
  prince of Dungarpur, and the Yadu prince of Jaisalmer, whose ancestors
  long ruled in the heart of Scythia. _Raoul_ seems to have been titular
  to the Scandinavian chiefs of Scythic origin. The invader of Normandy
  was _Raoul_, corrupted to _Rollon_ or _Rollo_. [The words, of course,
  have no connexion: Rāwal, Skt. _rājakula_, ‘royal family.’]

Footnote 4.1.12:

  The Balhara kings, and their capital Nahrwala, or Anhilwara Patan,
  have given rise to much conjecture amongst the learned. We shall,
  before this work is closed, endeavour to condense what has been said
  by ancient and modern authorities on the subject; and from
  manuscripts, ancient inscriptions, and the result of a personal visit
  to this ancient domain, to set the matter completely at rest. [See p.
  122 above.] [“Hippokoura, the royal seat of Baleo Kouros” (_Periplus_,
  viii. 83). Baleo Kouros has been identified with Vilivāyakura, a name
  found on coins of the Andhra dynasty (_BG_, i. Part ii. 158;
  McCrindle, _Ptolemy_, 179).]

Footnote 4.1.13:

  _Khuman_ is an ancient title of the earlier princes, and still used.
  It was borne by the son of _Bappa_, the founder, who retired to
  Transoxiana, and there ruled and died: the very country of the ancient
  Scythic _Khomani_.

Footnote 4.1.14:

  Lord of rhyme.

Footnote 4.1.15:

  Sea of gems.

Footnote 4.1.16:

  These inscriptions will be described in the Personal Narrative.

Footnote 4.1.17:

  [It is the other way: Kausalya took her name from Kosala.]

Footnote 4.1.18:

  [See p. 116 above.]

Footnote 4.1.19:

  _Sen_, ‘army’; _kanak_, ‘gold.’ [Kanaksen is entirely mythical. It has
  been suggested that the name is a reminiscence of the connexion of the
  great Kushān Emperor, Kanishka, with Gujarāt and Kāthiāwār (_BG_, i.
  Part i. 101).]

Footnote 4.1.20:

  Ahar, or Ar, is in the valley of the present capital, Udaipur.

Footnote 4.1.21:

  The origin of this name is from the trivial occurrence of the expelled
  prince of Chitor having erected a town to commemorate the spot, where
  after an extraordinarily hard chase he killed a hare (_sasu_).

Footnote 4.1.22:

  The wild fable which envelops or adorns the cradle of every
  illustrious family is not easily disentangled. The bards weave the web
  with skill, and it clings like ivy round each modern branch, obscuring
  the aged stem, in the time-worn branches of which monsters and
  demi-gods are perched, whose claims of affinity are held in high
  estimation by these ‘children of the sun,’ who would deem it criminal
  to doubt that the loin-robe (_dhoti_) of their great founder, Bapa
  Rawal, was less than five hundred cubits in circumference, that his
  two-edged sword (_khanda_), the gift of the Hindu Proserpine, weighed
  an ounce less than sixty-four pounds, or that he was an inch under
  twenty feet in height.

Footnote 4.1.23:

  [Vijayapur has been doubtfully identified with Bījapur in the
  Ahmadābād district (_BG_, i. Part i. 110).]

Footnote 4.1.24:

  Presented to the Royal Asiatic Society of London.

Footnote 4.1.25:

  Sorath or Saurashtra.

Footnote 4.1.26:

  The ‘lord of Bal.’

Footnote 4.1.27:


Footnote 4.1.28:

  [The date of the fall of Valabhi is very uncertain (Smith, _EHI_, 315,
  note). It is said to have been destroyed in the reign of Sīlāditya
  VI., the last of the dynasty, about A.D. 776 (Duff, _Chronology of
  India_, 31, 67, 308).]

Footnote 4.1.29:

  [There is possibly a confusion with the Soras of Aelian (xv. 8) which
  has been identified by Caldwell (_Dravidian Grammar_, 17) with the
  Σῶραι of Ptolemy, and with the Chola kingdom of Southern India.
  Surāshtra or Saurāshtra, ‘land of the Sus,’ was afterwards
  Sanskritized into ‘goodly country’ (Monier Williams, _Skt. Dict._
  s.v.; _BG_, i. Part i. 6).]

Footnote 4.1.30:

  Gaini, or Gajni, is one of the ancient names of Cambay (the port of
  Valabhipura), the ruins of which are about three miles from the modern
  city. Other sources indicate that these princes held possessions in
  the southern continent of India, as well as in the Saurashtra
  peninsula. Talatalpur Patan, on the Godavari, is mentioned, which
  tradition asserts to be the city of Deogir; but which, after many
  years’ research, I discovered in Saurashtra, it being one of the
  ancient names of Kandala. In after times, when succeeding dynasties
  held the title of Balakarae, though the capital was removed inland to
  Anhilwara Patan, they still held possession of the western shore, and
  Cambay continued the chief port. [For the identification of Gajni with
  Cambay see _IA_, iv. 147; _BG_, vi. 213 note. The site of Devagiri has
  been identified with Daulatābād (_BG_, i. Part ii. 136; Beal,
  _Buddhist Records of the Western World_, ii. 255, note).]

Footnote 4.1.31:

  The position of Minnagara has occupied the attention of geographers
  from D’Anville to Pottinger. Sind being conquered by Omar, general of
  the caliph Al-Mansur (Abbasi), the name of Minnagara was changed to
  Mansura, “une ville célèbre sur le rivage droit du Sind ou Mehran.”
  “Ptolémée fait aussi mention de cette ville; mais en la déplaçant,”
  etc. D’Anville places it about 26°, but not so high as Ulug Bég, whose
  tables make it 26° 40´. I have said elsewhere that I had little doubt
  that Minnagara, handed down to us by the author of the _Periplus_ as
  the μετρόπολις τῆς Σκυθίας, was the Saminagara of the Yadu Jarejas,
  whose chronicles claim Seistān as their ancient possession, and in all
  probability was the stronghold (_nagara_) of Sambos, the opponent of
  Alexander. On every consideration, I am inclined to place it on the
  site of Sehwan. The learned Vincent, in his translation of the
  _Periplus_, enters fully and with great judgment upon this point,
  citing every authority, Arrian, Ptolemy, Al-Biruni, Edrisi, D’Anville,
  and De la Rochette. He has a note (26, p. 386, vol. i.) which is
  conclusive, could he have applied it: “Al-Birun [equi-distant] between
  Debeil and Mansura.” D’Anville also says: “de Mansora à la ville
  nommée Birun, la distance est indiquée de quinze parasanges dans
  Abulféda,” who fixes it, on the authority of Abu-Rehan (surnamed
  Al-Biruni from his birthplace), at 26° 40´. The ancient name of
  Haidarabad, the present capital of Sind, was Nerun (نيرون;) or Nirun,
  and is almost equi-distant, as Abulfeda says, between Debal (Dewal or
  Tatta) and Mansura, Sehwan, or Minnagara, the latitude of which,
  according to my construction, is 26° 11´. Those who wish to pursue
  this may examine the _Éclaircissemens sur la Carte de l’Inde_, p. 37
  _et seq._, and Dr. Vincent’s estimable translation, p. 386. [The site
  of Minnagara, like those of all the cities in the delta of the Indus,
  owing to changes in the course of the river, is very uncertain.
  Jhajhpur or Mungrapur has been suggested (McCrindle, _Ptolemy_, 72,
  _Periplus_, 1086 f.). Nīrūn has been identified with Helāi, a little
  below Jarak, on the high road from Tatta to Haidarābād (Elliot-Dowson
  i. 400).]

Footnote 4.1.32:

  See _History of the Tribes_, p. 107, and translation of Inscription
  No. I. _Vide_ Appendix.

Footnote 4.1.33:

  Considerable intercourse was carried on between the princes of India
  and China from the earliest periods; but particularly during the
  dynasties of Sum, Leam and Tam, from the fourth to the seventh
  centuries, when the princes from Bengal and Malabar to the Panjab sent
  embassies to the Chinese monarchs. The dominions of these Hindu
  princes may yet be identified. [Cosmas flourished in the sixth century
  A.D., and never reached India proper (_EB_, vii. 214).]

Footnote 4.1.34:

  [Gollas was Mihiragula (Smith, _EHI_, 317).]

Footnote 4.1.35:

  [_Ibid._ 230 f.]

Footnote 4.1.36:

  D’Herbelot (vol. i. p. 179) calls them the Haiathelah or Indoscythae,
  and says that they were apparently from Thibet, between India and
  China. De Guignes (tome i. p. 325) is offended with this explanation,
  and says: “Cette conjecture ne peut avoir lieu, les Euthélites n’ayant
  jamais demeuré dans le Thibet.” A branch of the Huns, however, did
  most assuredly dwell in that quarter, though we will not positively
  assert that they were the Abtelites. The Haihaya was a great branch of
  the Lunar race of Yayati, and appears early to have left India for the
  northern regions, and would afford a more plausible etymology for the
  Haiathelah than the Te-le, who dwelt on the waters (_ab_) of the Oxus.
  This branch of the Hunnish race has also been termed Nephthalite, and
  fancied one of the lost tribes of Israel [?].

Footnote 4.1.37:

  Ferishta, in the early part of his history [i. Introd. lxviii f.],
  observes that, some centuries prior to Vikramaditya, the Hindus
  abandoned the simple religion of their ancestors, made idols, and
  worshipped the host of heaven, which faith they had from Kashmir, the
  foundry of magic superstition.

Footnote 4.1.38:

  Divested of allegory, it means simply that the supply of water was
  rendered impure, and consequently useless to the Hindus, which
  compelled them to abandon their defences and meet death in the open
  field. Alau-d-din practised the same _ruse_ against the celebrated
  Achal, the Khichi prince of Gagraun, which caused the surrender of
  this impregnable fortress. “It matters not,” observes an historian
  whose name I do not recollect, “whether such things are true, it is
  sufficient that they were believed. We may smile at the mention of the
  ghost, the evil genius of Brutus, appearing to him before the battle
  of Pharsalia; yet it never would have been stated, had it not
  assimilated with the opinions and prejudices of the age.” And we may
  deduce a simple moral from “the parent orb refusing the aid of his
  steed to his terrestrial offspring,” viz. that he was deserted by the
  deity. Fountains sacred to the sun and other deities were common to
  the Persians, Scythians, and Hindus, and both the last offered steeds
  to him in sacrifice. Vide _History of the Tribes_, article
  ‘Aswamedha,’ p. 91.

Footnote 4.1.39:

  The Baldan, or sacrifice of the bull to Balnath, is on record, though
  now discontinued amongst the Hindus. [_Baldān_ = _balidāna_, ‘a
  general offering to the gods.’]

Footnote 4.1.40:

  Pinkerton, who is most happy to strengthen his aversion for the Celt,
  seizes on a passage in Strabo, who describes him as having recourse to
  the same mode of purification as the Guebre. Unconscious that it may
  have had a religious origin, he adduces it as a strong proof of the
  uncleanliness of their habits.


                               CHAPTER 2

=The Refugee Queen.=—Of the prince’s family, the queen Pushpavati alone
escaped the sack of Valabhi, as well as the funeral pyre, upon which, on
the death of Siladitya, his other wives were sacrificed. She was a
daughter of the Pramara prince of Chandravati [221], and had visited the
shrine of the universal mother, Amba-Bhavani, in her native land, to
deposit upon the altar of the goddess a votive offering consequent to
her expectation of offspring. She was on her return, when the
intelligence arrived which blasted all her future hopes, by depriving
her of her lord, and robbing him, whom the goddess had just granted to
her prayers, of a crown. Excessive grief closed her pilgrimage. Taking
refuge in a cave in the mountains of Malia, she was delivered of a son.
Having confided the infant to a Brahmani of Birnagar named Kamlavati,
enjoining her to educate the young prince as a Brahman, but to marry him
to a Rajputni,[4.2.1] she mounted the funeral pile to join her lord.
Kamlavati, the daughter of the priest of the temple, was herself a
mother, and she performed the tender offices of one to the orphan
prince, whom she designated Goha, or ‘cave-born.’[4.2.2] The child was a
source of perpetual uneasiness to its protectors: he associated with
Rajput children, killing birds, hunting wild animals, and at the age of
eleven was totally unmanageable: to use the words of the legend, “How
should they hide the ray of the sun?”

=The Legend of Goha.=—At this period Idar was governed by a chief of the
savage race of Bhil; his name, Mandalika.[4.2.3] The young Goha
frequented the forests in company with the Bhils, whose habits better
assimilated with his daring nature than those of the Brahmans. He became
a favourite with the Vanaputras, or ‘children of the forest,’ who
resigned to him Idar with its woods and mountains. The fact is mentioned
by Abu-l Fazl,[4.2.4] and is still repeated by the bards, with a
characteristic version of the incident, of which doubtless there were
many. The Bhils having determined in sport to elect a king, the choice
fell on Goha; and one of the young savages, cutting his finger, applied
the blood as the tīka of sovereignty to his forehead. What was done in
sport was confirmed by the old forest chief. The sequel fixes on Goha
the stain of ingratitude, for he slew his benefactor, and no motive is
assigned in the legend for the deed. Goha’s name became the patronymic
of his descendants, who were styled Guhilot, classically Grahilot, in
time softened to Gehlot.

We know very little concerning these early princes but that they dwelt
in this mountainous region for eight generations; when the Bhils, tired
of a foreign rule, assailed Nagaditya, the eighth prince, while hunting,
and deprived him of life and Idar. The descendants of Kamlavati (the
Birnagar Brahmani), who retained the office of priest in the family,
were again the preservers of the line of Valabhi. The infant Bappa, son
of Nagaditya [222], then only three years old, was conveyed to the
fortress of Bhander,[4.2.5] where he was protected by a Bhil of Yadu
descent. Thence he was removed for greater security to the wilds of
Parasar. Within its impervious recesses rose the three-peaked
(_trikuta_) mountain, at whose base was the town of Nagindra,[4.2.6] the
abode of Brahmans, who performed the rites of the ‘great god.’ In this
retreat passed the early years of Bappa, wandering through these Alpine
valleys, amidst the groves of Bal and the shrines of the brazen calf.

The most antique temples are to be seen in these spots—within the dark
gorge of the mountain, or on its rugged summit—in the depths of the
forest, and at the sources of streams, where sites of seclusion, beauty,
and sublimity alternately exalt the mind’s devotion. In these regions
the creative power appears to have been the earliest, and at one time
the sole, object of adoration, whose symbols, the serpent-wreathed
phallus (lingam), and its companion, the bull, were held sacred even by
the ‘children of the forest.’ In these silent retreats Mahadeva
continued to rule triumphant, and the most brilliant festivities of
Udaipur were those where his rites are celebrated in the nine days
sacred to him, when the Jains and Vaishnavas mix with the most zealous
of his votaries; but the strange gods from the plains of the Yamuna and
Ganges have withdrawn a portion of the zeal of the Guhilots from their
patron divinity Eklinga, whose diwan,[4.2.7] or viceregent, is the Rana.
The temple of Eklinga, situated in one of the narrow defiles leading to
the capital, is an immense structure, though more sumptuous than
elegant. It is built entirely of white marble, most elaborately carved
and embellished; but lying in the route of a bigoted foe, it has
undergone many dilapidations. The brazen bull, placed under his own
dome, facing the sanctuary of the phallus, is nearly of the natural
size, in a recumbent posture. It is cast (hollow) of good shape, highly
polished and without flaw, except where the hammer of the Tatar had
opened a passage in the hollow flank in search of treasure[4.2.8] [223].

=The Marriage of Bappa.=—Tradition has preserved numerous details of
Bappa’s[4.2.9] infancy, which resembles the adventures of every hero or
founder of a race. The young prince attended the sacred kine, an
occupation which was honourable even to the ‘children of the sun,’ and
which they still pursue: possibly a remnant of their primitive Scythic
habits. The pranks of the royal shepherd are the theme of many a tale.
On the Jhal Jhulni, when swinging is the amusement of the youth of both
sexes, the daughter of the Solanki chief of Nagda and the village
maidens had gone to the groves to enjoy this festivity, but they were
unprovided with ropes. Bappa happened to be at hand, and was called by
the Rajput damsels to forward their sport. He promised to procure a rope
if they would first have a game at marriage. One frolic was as good as
another, and the scarf of the Solankini was united to the garment of
Bappa, the whole of the village lasses joining hands with his as the
connecting link; and thus they performed the mystical number of
revolutions round an aged tree. This frolic caused his flight from
Nagda, and originated his greatness, but at the same time burthened him
with all these damsels; and hence a heterogeneous issue, whose
descendants still ascribe their origin to the prank of Bappa round the
old mango-tree of Nagda. A suitable offer being shortly after made for
the young Solankini’s hand, the family priests of the bridegroom, whose
duty it was, by his knowledge of palmistry, to investigate the fortunes
of the bride, discovered that she was already married: intelligence
which threw the family into the greatest consternation.[4.2.10] Though
Bappa’s power over his brother shepherds was too strong to create any
dread of disclosure as to his being the principal in this affair, yet
was it too much to expect that a secret, in which no less than six
hundred of the daughters of Eve were concerned, could long remain such?
Bappa’s mode of swearing his companions to secrecy is preserved. Digging
a small pit, and taking a pebble in his hand, “Swear,” cried he,
“secrecy and obedience to me in good and in evil; that you will reveal
to me all that you hear, and failing, desire that the good deeds of your
forefathers may, like this pebble (dropping it into the pit) fall into
the Washerman’s well.”[4.2.11] They took the oath. The Solanki chief,
however, heard that [224] Bappa was the offender, who, receiving from
his faithful scouts intimation of his danger, sought refuge in one of
the retreats which abound in these mountains, and which in after-times
proved the preservation of his race. The companions of his flight were
two Bhils: one of Undri, in the valley of the present capital; the other
of Solanki descent, from Oghna Panarwa, in the western wilds. Their
names, Baleo and Dewa, have been handed down with Bappa’s; and the
former had the honour of drawing the tika of sovereignty with his own
blood on the forehead of the prince, on the occasion of his taking the
crown from the Mori.[4.2.12] It is pleasing to trace, through a series
of ages, the knowledge of a custom still ‘honoured in the observance.’
The descendants of Baleo of Oghna and the Undri Bhil still claim the
privilege of performing the tika on the inauguration of the descendants
of Bappa.

=Oghna Panarwa.=—Oghna Panarwa is the sole spot in India which enjoys a
state of natural freedom. Attached to no State, having no foreign
communications, living under its own patriarchal head, its chief, with
the title of Rana, whom one thousand hamlets scattered over the
forest-crowned valleys obey, can, if requisite, appear at ‘the head of
five thousand bows.’ He is a Bhumia Bhil of mixed blood, from the
Solanki Rajput, on the old stock of pure (ujla) Bhils, the autochthones
(if such there be of any country) of Mewar. Besides making the tika of
blood from an incision in the thumb, the Oghna chief takes the prince by
the arm and seats him on the throne, while the Undri Bhil holds the
salver of spices and sacred grains of rice[4.2.13] used in making the

But the solemnity of being seated on the throne of Mewar is so
expensive, that many of these rites have fallen into disuse. Jagat Singh
was the last prince whose coronation was conducted with the ancient
magnificence of this princely house. It cost the sum of ninety lakhs of
rupees (£1,125,000), nearly one entire year’s revenue of the State in
the days of its prosperity, and which, taking into consideration the
comparative value of money, would amount to upwards of four millions
sterling[4.2.14] [225].

To resume the narrative: though the flight of Bappa and its cause are
perfectly natural, we have another episode; when the bard assuming a
higher strain has recourse to celestial machinery for the _dénouement_
of this simple incident: but “an illustrious race must always be crowned
with its proper mythology.” Bappa who was the founder of a line of a
‘hundred kings,’ feared as a monarch, adored as more than mortal, and,
according to the legend, ‘still living’ (_charanjiva_), deserves to have
the source of his pre-eminent fortune disclosed, which, in Mewar, it
were sacrilege to doubt. While he pastured the sacred kine in the
valleys of Nagindra, the princely shepherd was suspected of
appropriating the milk of a favourite cow to his own use. He was
distrusted and watched, and although indignant, the youth admitted that
they had reason to suspect him, from the habitual dryness of the brown
cow when she entered the pens at even.[4.2.15] He watched, and traced
her to a narrow dell, when he beheld the udder spontaneously pouring its
stores amidst the shrubs. Under a thicket of cane a hermit was reposing
in a state of abstraction, from which the impetuosity of the shepherd
soon roused him. The mystery was revealed in the phallic symbol of the
‘great God,’ which daily received the lacteal shower, and raised such
doubts of the veracity of Bappa.

No eye had hitherto penetrated into this natural sanctuary of the rites
of the Hindu Creator, except the sages and hermits of ancient days (of
whom this was the celebrated Harita),[4.2.16] whom this bounteous cow
also fed.

Bappa related to the sage all he knew of himself, received his blessing,
and retired; but he went daily to visit him, to wash his feet, carry
milk to him, and gather such wild flowers as were acceptable offerings
to the deity. In return he received lessons of morality, and was
initiated into the mysterious rites of Siva: and at length he was
invested with the triple cordon of faith (_tin parwa zunnar_)[4.2.17] by
the hands of the sage, who became his spiritual guide, and bestowed on
his pupil the title of [226] ‘Regent (Diwan) of Eklinga.’ Bappa had
proofs that his attentions to the saint and his devotions to Eklinga
were acceptable, by a visit from his consort, ‘the lion-born goddess.’
From her hand he received the panoply of celestial fabrication, the work
of Viswakarma (the Vulcan of Eastern mythology), which outvies all the
arms ever forged for Greek or Trojan. The lance, bow, quiver, and
arrows; a shield and sword (more famed than Balisarda)[4.2.18] which the
goddess girded on him with her own hand: the oath of fidelity and
devotion was the ‘relief’ of this celestial investiture. Thus initiated
into the mysteries of ‘the first’ (_adi_), admitted under the banners of
Bhavani, Harita resolved to leave his pupil to his fortunes, and to quit
the worship of the symbol for the presence of the deity in the mansions
above. He informed Bappa of his design, and commanded him to be at the
sacred spot early on the following morn; but Bappa showed his
materiality by oversleeping himself, and on reaching the spot the sage
had already made some progress in his car, borne by the Apsaras, or
celestial messengers. He checked his aerial ascent to give a last token
of affection to his pupil; and desiring him to reach up to receive his
blessing, Bappa’s stature was extended to twenty cubits; but as he did
not reach the car, he was commanded to open his mouth, when the sage did
what was recorded as performed, about the same period, by Muhammad, who
spat into the mouth of his favourite nephew, Husain, the son of Ali.
Bappa showed his disgust and aversion by blinking, and the projected
blessing fell on his foot, by which squeamishness he obtained only
invulnerability by weapons instead of immortality. The saint was soon
lost in the cerulean space. Thus marked as the favourite of heaven, and
having learned from his mother that he was nephew to the Mori prince of
Chitor, he ‘disdained a shepherd’s slothful life,’ and with some
companions from these wilds quitted his retreat, and for the first time
emerged into the plains. But, as if the brand of Bhavani was
insufficient, he met with another hermit in the forest of the Tiger
Mount,[4.2.19] the famed Gorakhnath, who presented to him the
double-edged sword,[4.2.20] which, with the proper incantation, could
‘sever rocks.’ With this he opened the road to fortune leading to the
throne of Chitor [227].

Chitor was at this period held by the Mori prince of the Pramar race,
the ancient lords of Malwa, then paramount sovereigns of Hindustan: but
whether this city was then the chief seat of power is not known. Various
public works, reservoirs, and bastions, yet retain the name of this

Bappa’s connexion with the Mori[4.2.21] obtained him a good reception;
he was enrolled amongst the sawants or leaders, and a suitable estate
conferred upon him. The inscription of the Mori prince’s reign, so often
alluded to, affords a good idea of his power, and of the feudal manners
of his court. He was surrounded by a numerous nobility, holding estates
on the tenure of military service, but whom he had disgusted by his
neglect, and whose jealousy he had provoked by the superior regard shown
to Bappa. A foreign foe appearing at this time, instead of obeying the
summons to attend, they threw up their grants, and tauntingly desired
him to call on his favourite.[4.2.22]

Bappa undertook the conduct of the war, and the chiefs, though
dispossessed of their estates, accompanied him from a feeling of shame.
The foe was defeated and driven out of the country; but instead of
returning to Chitor, Bappa continued his course to the ancient seat of
his family, Gajni, expelled the ‘barbarian’ called Salim, placed on the
throne a chief of the Chaura tribe,[4.2.23] and returned with the
discontented nobles. Bappa, on this occasion, is said to have married
the daughter of his enemy. The nobles quitted Chitor, leaving their
defiance with their prince. In vain were the spiritual preceptor
(_Guru_) and foster-brother (_Dhabhai_) sent as ambassadors: their only
reply was, that as they had ‘eaten his salt,’ they would forbear their
vengeance for twelve months. The noble deportment of Bappa won their
esteem, and they transferred to him their service and homage. With the
temptation of a crown, the gratitude of the Grahilot was given to the
winds. On return they assaulted and carried Chitor, and, in the words of
the chronicle, “Bappa took Chitor from the Mori and became himself the
mor (crown) of the land”: he obtained by universal consent the title of
‘sun of the Hindus (_Hindua suraj_), preceptor of princes (_Raj Guru_),
and universal lord (_Chakravartin_)’ [228].

He had a numerous progeny, some of whom returned to their ancient seats
in Saurashtra, whose descendants were powerful chieftains in that tract
so late as Akbar’s reign.[4.2.24] Five sons went to Marwar, and the
ancient Gohils ‘of the land of Kher,’ expelled and driven to
Gohilwal,[4.2.25] have lost sight of their ancestry, and by a singular
fatality are in possession of the wreck of Valabhipura, ignorant of its
history and their connexion with it, mixing with Arabs and following
marine and mercantile pursuits; and the office of the bard having fallen
into disrepute, they cannot trace their forefathers beyond

The close of Bappa’s career is the strangest part of the legend, and
which it might be expected they would be solicitous to suppress.
Advanced in years, he abandoned his children and his country, carried
his arms west to Khorasan, and there established himself, and married
new wives from among the ‘barbarians,’ by whom he had a numerous

Bappa had reached the patriarchal age of one hundred when he died. An
old volume of historical anecdotes, belonging to the chief of Delwara,
states that he became an ascetic at the foot of Meru, where he was
buried alive after having overcome all the kings of the west, as in
Ispahan, Kandahar, Kashmir, Irak, Iran, Turan, and Kafiristan; all of
whose daughters he married, and by whom he had one hundred and thirty
sons, called the Nausshahra Pathans. Each of these founded a tribe,
bearing the name of the mother. His Hindu children were ninety-eight in
number, and were called Agni-upasi Suryavansi, or ‘sunborn
fire-worshippers.’ The chronicles also record that (in like manner as
did the subjects of the Bactrian king Menander, though from a different
motive) the subjects of Bappa quarrelled for the disposal of his
remains. The Hindu wished the fire to consume them; the ‘barbarian’ to
commit them to earth; but on raising the pall while the dispute was
raging, innumerable flowers of the lotus were found in the place of the
remains of mortality: these were conveyed and planted in the lake. This
is precisely what is related of the end of the Persian Nushirwan[4.2.28]

=The Question of Dates.=—Having thus briefly sketched the history of the
founder of the Guhilot dynasty in Mewar, we must now endeavour to
establish the epoch of this important event in its annals. Although
Bappa Rawal was nine generations after the sack of Valabhipura, the
domestic annals give S. 191 (A.D. 135) for his birth; which the bards
implicitly following, have vitiated the whole chronology. An important
inscription[4.2.29] in a character little known, establishes the fact of
the Mori dynasty being in possession of Chitor in S. 770 (A.D. 714). Now
the annals of the Rana’s house expressly state Bappa Rawal to be the
nephew of the Mori prince of Chitor; that at the age of fifteen he was
enrolled amongst the chieftains of his uncle, and that the vassals
(before alluded to), in revenge for the resumption of their grants by
the Mori, dethroned him and elevated as their sovereign the youthful
Bappa. Notwithstanding this apparently irreconcilable anachronism, the
family traditions accord with the inscription, except in date. Amidst
such contradictions the development of the truth seemed impossible.
Another valuable inscription of S. 1024 (A.D. 968), though giving the
genealogy from Bappa to Sakti Kumar and corroborating that from Chitor,
and which furnished convincing evidence, was not sanctioned by the
prince or his chroniclers, who would admit nothing as valid that
militated against their established era 191 for the birth of their
founder. After six years’ residence and unremitting search amid ruins,
archives, inscriptions, traditions, and whatever could throw light upon
this point, the author quitted Udaipur with all these doubts in his
mind, for Saurashtra, to prosecute his inquiries in the pristine abodes
of the race. Then it was that he was rewarded, beyond his most sanguine
expectations, by the discovery of an inscription which reconciled these
conflicting authorities and removed every difficulty. This marble, found
in the celebrated temple of Somnath,[4.2.30] made mention of a distinct
era, viz. the Valabhi Samvat, as being used in Saurashtra; which era was
three hundred and seventy-five years subsequent to Vikramaditya.[4.2.31]

On the sack of Valabhi thirty thousand families abandoned this ‘city of
a hundred temples,’ and led by their priests found a retreat for
themselves and their faith [230] in Mordardes (Marwar), where they
erected the towns of Sandrai and Bali, in which latter we recognise the
name of the city whence they were expelled. The religion of Valabhi, and
consequently of the colonists, was the Jain; and it was by a priest
descended from the survivors of this catastrophe, and still with their
descendants inhabiting those towns, that these most important documents
were furnished to the author. The Sandrai roll assigns the year 305
(Valabhi era) for the destruction of Valabhi: another, also from Jain
authority, gives 205; and as there were but nine princes from Vijayasen,
the founder, to its fall, we can readily believe the first a numerical
error. Therefore 205 + 375 = 580 S. Vikrama (A.D. 524), for the invasion
of Saurashtra by ‘the barbarians from the north,’ and sack of

Now if from 770, the date of the Mori tablet, we deduct 580, there
remains 190; justifying the pertinacity with which the chroniclers of
Mewar adhered to the date given in their annals for the birth of Bappa,
viz. 191: though they were ignorant that this period was dated from the
flight from Valabhipura.

Bappa, when he succeeded to the Mori prince, is said to have been
fifteen years old; and his birth being one year anterior to the Mori
inscription of 770 + 14 = S.V. 784 (A.D. 728),[4.2.32] is the period for
the foundation of the Guhilot dynasty in Mewar: since which, during a
space of eleven hundred years, fifty-nine princes lineally descended
from Bappa have sat on the throne of Chitor.

Though the bards and chroniclers will never forgive the temerity which
thus curtails the antiquity of their founder, he is yet placed in the
dawn of chivalry, when the Carlovingian dynasty was established in the
west, and when Walid, whose bands planted ‘the green standard’ on the
Ebro, was ‘commander of the faithful.’

From the deserted and now forgotten ‘city of the sun,’ Aitpur, the abode
of wild beasts and savage Bhils, another memorial[4.2.33] of the princes
of Mewar was obtained. It relates to the prince Sakti Kumar. Its date is
S. 1024 (A.D. 968), and it contains the names of fourteen of his
ancestors in regular succession. Amongst these is Bappa, or Saila. When
compared with the chronicles and [231] family archives, it was highly
gratifying to find that, with the exception of one superfluous name and
the transposition of others, they were in perfect accordance.

Hume says, “Poets, though they disfigure the most certain history by
their fictions, and use strange liberties with truth, when they are the
sole historians, as among the Britons, have commonly some foundation for
their wildest exaggerations.” The remark is applicable here; for the
names which had been mouldering for nine centuries, far from the abode
of man, are the same they had worked into their poetical legends. It was
at this exact epoch that the arms of Islam, for the first time, crossed
the Indus. In the ninety-fifth year of the Hegira,[4.2.34] Muhammad bin
Kasim, the general of the Caliph Walid, conquered Sind, and penetrated
(according to early Arabian authors) to the Ganges; and although Elmacin
mentions only Sind, yet other Hindu States were at this period convulsed
from the same cause: witness the overthrow of Manikrae of Ajmer, in the
middle of the eighth century, by a foe ‘coming in ships,’ Anjar
specified as the point where they landed. If any doubt existed that it
was Kasim who advanced to Chitor[4.2.35] and was defeated by Bappa, it
was set at rest by finding at this time in Chitor ‘Dahir,[4.2.36] the
prince of Debil.’ Abu-l Fazl[4.2.37] records, from Arabian authorities,
that Dahir was lord of Sind, and resided at his capital, Debal, the
first place captured by Kasim in 95. His miserable end, and the
destruction of his house, are mentioned by the historian, and account
for the son being found with the Mori prince of Chitor.

Nine princes intervened between Bappa and Sakti Kumar, in two centuries
(twenty-two years to each reign): just the time which should elapse from
the founder, who ‘abandoned his country for Iran,’ in S. 820, or A.D.
764. Having thus established four epochs in the earlier history of the
family, viz.—Kanaksen’, A.D. 144; 2, Siladitya, and sack of Valabhi,
A.D. 524; 3, Establishment in Chitor and Mewar, A.D. 720; 4, Sakti
Kumar, A.D. 1068;[4.2.38] we may endeavour to relieve this narrative by
the notices which regard their Persian descent [232].


Footnote 4.2.1:

  [This corroborates Bhandarkar’s theory that the Guhilots sprang from
  Nāgar Brāhmans.]

Footnote 4.2.2:

  [This is a folk-etymology to explain the name Guhilot, probably
  derived from Guha or Guhasena (A.D. 559-67), the fourth and apparently
  the first great Valabhi monarch (_BG_, i. Part i. 85).]

Footnote 4.2.3:

  [Mandalīka seems to mean ‘ruler of a district’ (_mandal_), (Bayley,
  _Dynasties of Gujarāt_, 183).]

Footnote 4.2.4:

  [_Āīn_, ii. 268.]

Footnote 4.2.5:

  Fifteen miles south-west of Jharol, in the wildest region in India.
  [In Gwalior State, _IGI_, viii. 72.]

Footnote 4.2.6:

  Or Nagda, still a place of religious resort, about ten miles north of
  Udaipur. Here I found several very old inscriptions relative to the
  family, which preserve the ancient denomination Gohil instead of
  Gehlot. One of these is about nine centuries old. [The ancient name
  was Nāgahrida (Erskine ii. A. 106).]

Footnote 4.2.7:

  Ekling-ka-Diwan is the common title of the Rana.

Footnote 4.2.8:

  Amongst the many temples where the brazen calf forms part of the
  establishment of Balkesar, there is one sacred to Nandi alone, at Nain
  in the valley. This lordly bull has his shrine attended as devoutly as
  was that of Apis at Memphis; nor will Eklinga yield to his brother
  Serapis. The changes of position of the Apis at Nain are received as
  indications of the fruitfulness of the seasons, though it is not
  apparent how such are contrived.

Footnote 4.2.9:

  _Bappa_ is not a proper name, it signifies merely a ‘child.’ [This is
  wrong: it is the old Prākrit form of _bāp_, ‘father’ (_IA_, xv. 275
  f.; _BG_, i. Part i. 84).] He is frequently styled _Saila_, and in
  inscriptions _Sailadīsa_, ‘the mountain lord.’

Footnote 4.2.10:

  [The legend implies that Bāpa, from association with Bhīls, was
  regarded to be of doubtful origin.]

Footnote 4.2.11:

  Deemed in the East the most impure of all receptacles. These wells are
  dug at the sides of streams, and give a supply of pure water filtering
  through the sand.

Footnote 4.2.12:

  [The right is said to have been enjoyed by the Bhils till the time of
  Rāna Hamīr Singh, who died A.D. 1364, and it was recognised in
  Dungarpur till fairly recent times (Erskine ii. A. 228). The Jāts have
  the same right in Bīkaner (Rose, _Glossary_, ii. 301): Mers in
  Porbandar (Wilberforce-Bell, _Hist. of Kathiawad_, 53): Kandhs in
  Kalahandi (Russell, _Tribes and Castes Central Provinces_, iii. 465,
  and cf. ii. 280).]

Footnote 4.2.13:

  Hence, perhaps, the name _khushka_ for tika. [_Khushka_, _khushk_,
  ‘dry,’ is plain boiled rice without seasoning.] Grains of ground rice
  in curds is the material of the primitive tika, which the author has
  had applied to him by a lady in Gujargarh, one of the most savage
  spots in India, amidst the _levée en masse_, assembled hostilely
  against him, but separated amicably.

Footnote 4.2.14:

  Such the pride of these small kingdoms in days of yore, and such their
  resources, till reduced by constant oppression! But their public works
  speak what they could do, and have done; witness the stupendous work
  of marble, and its adjacent causeway, which dams the lake of Rajsamand
  at Kankrauli, and which cost upwards of a million. When the spectator
  views this expanse of water, this ‘royal sea’ (_rajsamand_) on the
  borders of the plain; the pillar of victory towering over the plains
  of Malwa, erected on the summit of Chitor by Rana Mokal; their palaces
  and temples in this ancient abode; the regal residence erected by the
  princes when ejected, must fill the observer with astonishment at the
  resources of the State. They are such as to explain the metaphor of my
  ancient friend Zalim Singh, who knew better than we the value of this
  country: “Every pinch of the soil of Mewar contains gold.”

Footnote 4.2.15:

  _Godhūli_, the dust raised at the time when the cows come home.

Footnote 4.2.16:

  On this spot the celebrated temple of Eklinga was erected, and the
  present high priest traces sixty-six descents from Harita to himself.
  To him (through the Rana) I was indebted for the copy of the Sheo
  (_Siva_) Purana presented to the Royal Asiatic Society.

Footnote 4.2.17:

  [_Zunnār_ is an Arabic word, the Hindi _janeo_.]

Footnote 4.2.18:

  [The sword stolen from Orlando by Brunello, given to Rogero (Ariosto,
  _Orlando Furioso_).]

Footnote 4.2.19:

  The _Nahra Magra_, seven miles from the eastern pass leading to the
  capital, where the prince has a hunting seat surrounded by several
  others belonging to the nobles, but all going to decay. The tiger and
  wild boar now prowl unmolested, as none of the ‘unlicensed’ dare shoot
  in these royal preserves.

Footnote 4.2.20:

  They surmise that this is the individual blade which is yet annually
  worshipped by the sovereign and chiefs on its appropriate day, one of
  the nine sacred to the god of war; a rite completely Scythic. I had
  this relation from the chief genealogists of the family, who gravely
  repeated the incantation: “By the preceptor, Gorakhnath and the great
  god, Eklinga; by Takshka the serpent, and the sage Harita; by Bhavani
  (Pallas) strike!”

Footnote 4.2.21:

  Bappa’s mother was a Pramar, probably from Abu or Chandravati, near to
  Idar; and consequently Bappa was nephew to every Pramar in existence.
  [The Morya or Maurya sub-clan of the Pramārs still exists (_Census
  Report, Rajputana, 1911_, i. 255). For traces of the Mauryas in W.
  India see _BG_, i. Part ii. 284, note.]

Footnote 4.2.22:

  We are furnished with a catalogue of the tribes which served the Mori
  prince, which is extremely valuable, from its acquainting us with the
  names of tribes no longer existing.

Footnote 4.2.23:

  [See p. 121, above.]

Footnote 4.2.24:

  See _Āīn_, ii. 247, which speaks of fifty thousand [8000] Guhilots in

Footnote 4.2.25:

  Pepara Guhilots.

Footnote 4.2.26:

  The ‘land of Kher,’ on the south-west frontier of Marwar, near the
  Luni river.

Footnote 4.2.27:

  The reigning prince told the author that there was no doubt of Bappa
  having ended his days among ‘the Turks’: a term now applied to all
  Muhammadans by the Hindu, but at that time confined to the inhabitants
  of Turkistan, the Turushka of the Puranas, and the Takshak of early

Footnote 4.2.28:

  [Recent inquiries identify Bappa, whose name is merely a title, with
  either Mahendrāji ii. or Kālbhoja, early chiefs of Mewār (Erskine ii.
  B. 8). It has been suggested that his legend is mixed up with that of
  Bappa or Saila of Valabhi, the story of his retreat to Irān
  representing the latter being carried as a captive to Mansūra on the
  fall of Valabhi or Gandhār (_BG_, i. Part i. 94, note 2). In any case,
  the whole story is mere legend, a tale like that of the mysterious
  disappearance of Romulus and other kings (Sir J. Frazer, _Lectures on
  the Early History of the Kingship_, 269 ff.). A similar tale is told
  of Rāna Uda in later Mewār history.]

Footnote 4.2.29:

  _Vide_ Appendix, Translation, No. II.

Footnote 4.2.30:

  See Translation, No. III.

Footnote 4.2.31:

  [The Valabhi era begins in A.D. 318-19.]

Footnote 4.2.32:

  This will make Bappa’s attainment of Chitor fifteen years posterior to
  Muhammad bin Kasim’s invasion. I have observed generally a discrepancy
  of ten years between the Samvat and Hegira; the Hegira reckoned from
  the sixteenth year of Muhammad’s mission, and would if employed
  reconcile this difficulty. [The traditional dates are untrustworthy,
  being based on a confused reminiscence of Valabhi history (_IA_, xv.
  275). A list of the chiefs of Mewār, with the dates as far as can be
  ascertained, is given by Erskine (ii. B. 8 ff.).]

Footnote 4.2.33:

  See Translation of Inscription, No. IV.

Footnote 4.2.34:

  A.D. 713, or S. 769: the Inscription 770 of Man Mori, against whom
  came the ‘barbarian.’

Footnote 4.2.35:

  I was informed by a friend, who had seen the papers of Captain
  Macmurdo, that he had a notice of Kasim’s having penetrated to
  Dungarpur. Had this gentleman lived, he would have thrown much light
  on these Western antiquities. [Muhammad bin Kāsim does not seem to
  have attacked Ajmer: the place was not founded till A.D. 1000 (Watson,
  _Gazetteer_, i. A. 9).]

Footnote 4.2.36:

  By an orthographical error, the modern Hindu, ignorant of Debal, has
  written Delhi. But there was no lord of Delhi at this time: he is
  styled Dahir, Despat (lord) of Debal, from _des_, ‘a country,’ and
  _pat_, ‘the head.’

Footnote 4.2.37:

  _Āīn_, ii. 344 f.

Footnote 4.2.38:

  [The dates are open to much question. It is known from inscriptions
  that Sakti Kumār was alive in A.D. 977.]


                               CHAPTER 3

=Connexion of the Rānas with Persia.=—Historic truth has, in all
countries, been sacrificed to national vanity: to its gratification
every obstacle is made to give way; fictions become facts, and even
religious prejudices vanish in this mirage of the imagination. What but
this spurious zeal could for a moment induce any genuine Hindu to
believe that, only twelve centuries ago, ‘an eater of beef’ occupied the
chair of Rama, and enjoyed by universal acclaim the title of ‘Sun of the
Hindus’; or that the most ancient dynasty in the world could owe its
existence to the last of the Sassanian kings:[4.3.1] that a slip from
such a tree could be surreptitiously grafted on that majestic stem,
which has flourished from the golden to the iron age, covering the land
with its branches? That there existed a marked affinity in religious
rites between the Rana’s family and the Guebres, or ancient Persians, is
evident. With both, the chief object of adoration was the sun; each bore
the image of the orb on their banners. The chief day in the seven[4.3.2]
was dedicated to the sun; to it is sacred the chief gate of the city,
the principal bastion of every fortress. But though the faith of Islam
has driven away the fairy inhabitants from the fountains of Mithras,
that of Surya has still its devotees on the summit of Chitor, as at
Valabhi: and could we trace with accuracy their creeds to a distant age,
we might discover them to be of one family, worshipping the sun at the
fountains of the Oxus and Jaxartes.

The darkest period of Indian history is during the six centuries
following Vikramaditya, which are scarcely enlightened by a ray of
knowledge: but India was undergoing great changes, and foreign tribes
were pouring in from the north. To this period, the sixth century, the
genealogies of the Puranas are brought down, which expressly declare
(adopting the prophetic spirit to conceal [233] the alterations and
additions they then underwent) that at this time the genuine line of
princes would be extinct, and that a mixed race would rule conjointly
with foreign barbarians; as the Turushka, the Mauna,[4.3.3] the
Yavan,[4.3.4] the Gorind, and Garddhabin.[4.3.5] There is much of truth
in this; nor is it to be doubted that many of the Rajput tribes entered
India from the north-west regions about this period. Gor and Gardhaba
have the same signification; the first is Persian; the second its
version in Hindi, meaning the ‘wild ass,’ an appellation of the Persian
monarch Bahram, surnamed Gor from his partiality to hunting that animal.
Various authorities state Bahramgor being in India in the fifth century,
and his having there left progeny by a princess of Kanauj. A passage
extracted by the author from an ancient Jain MS. indicates that “in S.
523 Raja Gardhabela, of Kakustha, or Suryavansa, ruled in Valabhipura.”
It has been surmised that Gardhabela was the son of Bahramgor, a son of
whom is stated to have obtained dominion at Patan; which may be borne in
mind when the authorities for the Persian extraction of the Rana’s
family are given.[4.3.6]

The Hindus, when conquered by the Muhammadans, naturally wished to gild
the chains they could not break. To trace a common, though distant,
origin with the conquerors was to remove some portion of the taint of
dishonour which arose from giving their daughters in marriage to the
Tatar emperors of Delhi; and a degree of satisfaction was derived from
assuming that the blood thus corrupted once flowed from a common
fountain[4.3.7] [234].

Further to develop these claims of Persian descent, we shall commence
with an extract from the Upadesa Prasād, a collection of historic
fragments in the Magadhi dialect. "In Gujardes (Gujarat) there are
eighty-four cities. In one of these, Kaira, resided the Brahman
Devaditya, the expounder of the Vedas. He had an only child, Subhaga
(_of good fortune_) by name, at once a maiden and a widow. Having
learned from her preceptor the solar incantation, incautiously repeating
it, the sun appeared and embraced her, and she thence became
pregnant.[4.3.8] The affliction of her father was diminished when he
discovered the parent; nevertheless [as others might be less charitable]
he sent her with a female attendant to Valabhipura, where she was
delivered of twins, male and female. When grown up the boy was sent to
school; but being eternally plagued about his mysterious birth, whence
he received the nickname of Ghaibi (‘concealed’), in a fit of irritation
he one day threatened to kill his mother if she refused to disclose the
author of his existence. At this moment the sun revealed himself: he
gave the youth a pebble, with which it was sufficient to touch his
companions in order to overcome them. Being carried before the Balhara
prince, who menaced Ghaibi, the latter slew him with the pebble, and
became himself sovereign of Saurashtra, taking the name of
Siladitya[4.3.9] (from _sila_, ‘a stone or pebble,’ and _aditya_, ‘the
sun’): his sister was married to the Raja of Broach." Such is the
literal translation of a fragment totally unconnected with the history
of the Rana’s family, though evidently bearing upon it. The father of
Siladitya, according to the Sandrai roll and other authorities of that
period, is Suraj (the sun) Rao, though two others make a Somaditya
intervene[4.3.10] [235].

Let us see what Abu-l Fazl says of the descent of the Ranas from
Nushirwan: “The chief of the State was formerly called Rāwal, but for a
long time past has been known as Rāna. He is of the Ghelot clan, and
pretends to descent from Noshirwān the Just. An ancestor of this family
through the vicissitudes of fortune came to Berār and was distinguished
as the chief of Narnālah. About eight hundred years previous to the
present time[4.3.11] Narnālah was taken by the enemy and many were
slain. One Bāpa, a child, was carried by his mother from this scene of
desolation to Mewār, and found refuge with Rājah Mandalīkh, a

The work which has furnished all the knowledge which exists on the
Persian ancestry of the Mewar princes is the _Maasiru-l-Umara_, or that
(in the author’s possession) founded on it, entitled _Bisatu-l-Ghanim_,
or ‘Display of the Foe,’ written in A.H. 1204[4.3.13] [A.D. 1789]. The
writer of this work styles himself Lachhmi Narayan Shafik Aurangabadi,
or ‘the rhymer of Aurangabad.’ He professes to give an account of
Sivaji, the founder of the Mahratta empire; for which purpose he goes
deep into the lineage of the Ranas of Mewar, from whom Sivaji was
descended,[4.3.14] quoting at length the Maasiru-l-Umara, from which the
following is a literal translation: "It is well known that the Rajas of
Udaipur are exalted over all the princes of Hind. Other Hindu princes,
before they can succeed to the throne of their fathers, must receive the
khushka, or tilak of regality and investiture, from them. This type of
sovereignty is received with humility and veneration. The khushka of
these princes is made with human blood: their title is Rana, and they
deduce [236] their origin from Noshirwan-i-Adil (_i.e._ the Just), who
conquered the countries of ——,[4.3.15] and many parts of Hindustan.
During his lifetime his son Noshizad, whose mother was the daughter of
Kaiser of Rum,[4.3.16] quitted the ancient worship and embraced the
‘faith[4.3.17] of the Christians,’ and with numerous followers entered
Hindustan. Thence he marched a great army towards Iran, against his
father Noshirwan; who despatched his general, Rambarzin,[4.3.18] with
numerous forces to oppose him. An action ensued, in which Noshizad was
slain; _but his issue remained in Hindustan, from whom are descended the
Ranas of Udaipur_. Nushirwan had a wife from the Khakhan[4.3.19] of
China, by whom he had a son called Hormuz, declared heir to the throne
shortly before his death. As according to the faith of the
fire-worshippers[4.3.20] it is not customary either to bury or to burn
the dead, but to leave the corpse exposed to the rays of the sun, so it
is said the body of Nushirwan has to this day suffered no decay, but is
still fresh."

I now come to the account of Yazd, "the son of Shahriyar, the son of
Khusru Parves, the son of Hormuz, the son of Nushirwan.

"Yazd was the last king of Ajam. It is well known he fought many battles
with the Muhammadans. In the fifteenth year of the caliphat, Rustam, son
of Ferokh, a great chief, was slain in battle by Saad-bin-wakas, who
commanded for Omar, which was the death-blow to the fortunes of the
house of Sassan: so that a remnant of it did not remain in A.H. 31, when
Iran was seized by the Muhammadans. This battle had lasted four days
when Rustam Ferokzad was slain by the hand of Hilkal, the son of Al
Kumna, at Saad’s command [237]; though Firdausi asserts by Saad himself.
Thirty thousand Muslims were slain, and the same number of the men of
Ajam. To count the spoils was a torment. During this year (the
thirty-first), the sixteenth of the prophet,[4.3.21] the era of the
Hegira was introduced. In A.H. 17 Abu Musa of Ashur seized Hormuz, the
son of the uncle of Yazdegird, whom he sent with Yazdegird’s daughter to
Imam Husain, and another daughter to Abubakr.

"Thus far have I[4.3.22] extracted from the history of the
fire-worshippers. He who has a mind to examine these, let him do so. The
people of the religion of Zardusht have a full knowledge of all these
events, with their dates; for the pleasure of their lives is the
obtaining accounts of antiquity and astronomical knowledge, and their
books contain information of two and three thousand years. It is also
told, that when the fortunes of Yazdegird were on the wane, his family
dispersed to different regions. The second daughter, Shahr Banu, was
married to Imam Husain,[4.3.23] who, when he fell a martyr (shahid), an
angel carried her to heaven. The third daughter, Banu, was seized by a
plundering Arab and carried into the wilds of Chichik, thirty coss from
Yazd. Praying to God for deliverance, she instantly disappeared; and the
spot is still held sacred by the Parsis, and named ‘the secret abode of
perfect purity.’ Hither, on the twenty-sixth of the month Bahman, the
Parsis yet repair to pass a month in pilgrimage, living in huts under
indigenous vines skirting the rock, out of whose fissures water falls
into a fountain below: but if the unclean approach the spring, it ceases
to flow.

“Of the eldest daughter of Yazdegird, Maha Banu, the Parsis have no
accounts; but the books of Hind give evidence to her arrival in that
country, and that from her issue is the tribe Sesodia. But, at all
events, this race is either of the seed of Nushishad, the son of
Nushirwan, or of that of the daughter of Yazdegird.”[4.3.24]

Thus have we adduced, perhaps, all the points of evidence for the
supposed Persian origin of the Rana’s family. The period of the invasion
of Saurashtra by Nushishad, who mounted the throne A.D. 531, corresponds
well with the sack of Valabhi, A.D. 524 [238]. The army he collected in
Laristan to depose his father might have been from the Parthians, Getae,
Huns, and other Scythic races then on the Indus, though it is unlikely,
with such an object in view as the throne of Persia, that he would waste
his strength in Saurashtra. Khusru Parvez, grandson of Nushirwan the
great, and who assumed this title according to Firdausi, married Marian,
the daughter of Maurice, the Greek emperor of Byzantium. She bore him
Shirauah (the Siroes of the early Christian writers), who slew his
father. It is difficult to separate the actions of the two Nushirwans,
and still more to say which of them merited the epithet of _adil_, or

According to the ‘Tables’ in Moreri,[4.3.25] Nushishad, son of Khusru
the Great, reigned from A.D. 531 to 591. This is opposed to the
_Maasiru-l-Umara_, which asserts that he was slain during his rebellion.
Siroes, son of Khusru (the second Nushirwan) by his wife Marian,
alternately called the friend and foe of the Christians, did raise the
standard of revolt, and met the fate attributed to Nushishad; on which
Yazdegird, his nephew, was proclaimed. The crown was intended for
Shirauah’s younger brother, which caused the revolt, during which the
elder sought refuge in India.

These revolutions in the Sassanian house were certainly simultaneous
with those which occurred in the Rana’s, and no barrier existed to the
political intercourse at least between the princely worshippers of Surya
and Mithras. It is, therefore, curious to speculate even on the
possibility of such a pedigree to a family whose ancestry is lost in the
mists of time; and it becomes interesting when, from so many authentic
sources, we can raise testimonies which would furnish, to one even
untinctured with the love of hypothesis, grounds for giving ancestors to
the Ranas in Maurice of Byzantium and Cyrus (Khusru) of Persia [239]. We
have a singular support to these historic relics in a geographical fact,
that places on the site of the ancient Valabhi a city called Byzantium,
which almost affords conclusive proof that it must have been the son of
Nushirwan who captured Valabhi and Gajni, and destroyed the family of
Siladitya; for it would be a legitimate occasion to name such conquest
after the city where his Christian mother had had birth.[4.3.26]
Whichever of the propositions we adopt at the command of the author of
The Annals of Princes, namely, “that the Sesodia race is of the seed of
Nushishad, son of Nushirwan, or of that of Mahabanu, daughter of
Yazdegird,” we arrive at a singular and startling conclusion, viz. that
the ‘Hindua Suraj, descendant of a hundred kings,’ the undisputed
possessor of the honours of Rama, the patriarch of the Solar race, is
the issue of a Christian princess: that the chief prince amongst the
nations of Hind can claim affinity with the emperors of ‘the mistress of
the world,’ though at a time when her glory had waned, and her crown had
been transferred from the Tiber to the Bosphorus.

But though I deem it morally impossible that the Ranas should have their
lineage from any _male_ branch of the Persian house, I would not equally
assert that Mahabanu, the fugitive daughter of Yazdegird, may not have
found a husband, as well as sanctuary, with the prince of Saurashtra;
and she may be the Subhagna (mother of Siladitya), whose mysterious
amour with the ‘sun’[4.3.27] compelled her to abandon her native city of
Kaira. The son of Marian had been in Saurashtra, and it is therefore not
unlikely that her grandchild should there seek protection in the
reverses of her family.

The Salic law is here in full force, and honours, though never acquired
by the female, may be stained by her; yet a daughter of the noble house
of Sassan might be permitted to perpetuate the line of Rama without the
reproach of taint.[4.3.28]

We shall now abandon this point to the reader, and take leave of
Yazdegird,[4.3.29] the last of the house of Sassan, in the words of the
historian of Rome: “Avec lui, on voit périr pour jamais la gloire et
l’empire des Perses. Les rochers du Mazendaran et les sables du Kerman,
furent les seuls[4.3.30] asiles que les vainqueurs laissèrent aux
sectateurs de Zoroastre”[4.3.31] [240].


Footnote 4.3.1:

  Yezdegird died A.D. 651.

Footnote 4.3.2:

  _Surajwar_, or _Adityawar_, Sun-day; and the other days of the week,
  from the other planets, which Western nations have taken from the

Footnote 4.3.3:

  See _History of the Tribes_, pp. 123, 135, articles ‘Takshak,’ and
  ‘Jhala,’ or _Makwahana_, in all probability the _Mauna_ of the
  _Puranas_ [?].

Footnote 4.3.4:

  The Yavan, or Greek princes, who apparently continued to rule within
  the Indus after the Christian era, were either the remains of the
  Bactrian dynasty or the independent kingdom of Demetrius or
  Apollodotus, who ruled in the Panjab, having as their capital Sagala,
  changed by Demetrius to Euthymedia. Bayer says, in his _Hist. Reg.
  Bact._, p. 84: “I find from Claudius Ptolemy, that there was a city
  within the Hydaspes yet nearer the Indus, called Sagala, also
  Euthymedia; but I scarcely doubt that Demetrius called it Euthydemia,
  from his father, after his death and that of Menander. Demetrius was
  deprived of his patrimony A.U.C. 562.” [The site of Sagala is
  uncertain—Chiniot, Shāhkot, Siālkot (_IGI_, ii. 80 f.; McCrindle,
  _Ptolemy_, 122 ff.).]

  On this ancient city, Sagala, I have already said much; conjecturing
  it to be the Salbhanpura of the Yadus when driven from Zabulistan, and
  that of the Yuch-chi or Yuti, who were fixed there from Central Asia
  in the fifth century, and if so early as the second century, when
  Ptolemy wrote, may have originated the change of Yuti-media, the
  ‘Central Yuti.’ The numerous medals which I possess, chiefly found
  within the probable limits of the Greek kingdom of Sagala, either
  belong to these princes or the Parthian kings of Minnagara on the
  Indus. The legends are in Greek on one side, and in the Sassanian
  character on the reverse. Hitherto I have not deciphered the names of
  any but those of Apollodotus and Menander; but the titles of ‘Great
  King,’ ‘Saviour,’ and other epithets adopted by the Arsacidae, are
  perfectly legible. The devices, however, all incline me to pronounce
  them Parthian. It would be curious to ascertain how these Greeks and
  Parthians gradually merged into the Hindu population [see _IGI_, ii.

Footnote 4.3.5:

  [The list in the Vishnu Purāna (474 f.) gives 7 Abhīras, 10
  Garddhabas, 16 Sakas, 14 Tushāras, 13 Mundas, 11 Maunas. On the
  impossibility of reducing the Purānic accounts to order see Smith,
  _EHI_, 274.]

Footnote 4.3.6:

  [Rawlinson (_Seventh Oriental Monarchy_, 298) regards the eastern
  adventure of Bahrāmgor, Varahran V., as mythical. Sykes (_Hist. of
  Persia_, i. 470) thinks they can hardly be authentic, “but I do not
  reject it as entirely devoid of historical basis.”]

Footnote 4.3.7:

  The Hindu genealogist, in ignorance of the existence of Aghuz Khan,
  the Tatar patriarch, could not connect the chain of Chagatai with
  Chandra. The Brahman, better read, supplied the defect, and with his
  doctrine of the metempsychosis animated the material frame of the
  beneficent Akbar with the ‘good genius’ of a Hindu; and that of their
  mortal foe, Aurangzeb, with one of evil destiny, being that of
  Kalayavana, the foe of Krishna. They gravely assert that Akbar visited
  his ancient hermitage at the confluence of the Ganges and Jumna, and
  excavated the implements of penance used by him in his former shape,
  as one of the sages of ancient times; while such is their aversion to
  Aurangzeb, that they declare the final avatar, Time (_Kal_), on his
  white steed, will appear in his person. The Jaisalmer annals affirm
  that the whole Turkish (_Turushka_) race of Chagatai are of Yadu
  stock; while the Jam Jareja of Cutch traces his descent from the
  Persian Jamshid, contemporary with Solomon. These are curious claims,
  but the Rana’s family would consider such vanity criminal.

Footnote 4.3.8:

  [For legends of women impregnated by the sun see Frazer, _Golden
  Bough_, Part vii. vol. i. 74 ff.]

Footnote 4.3.9:

  This is probably the Siladitya of the Satrunjaya Mahatma, who repaired
  the temple on Satrunjaya in S. 477 (A.D. 421). [A mere folk
  etymology—Sīlāditya, from _sil_, ‘to worship,’ _āditya_, ‘the sun.’]

Footnote 4.3.10:

  In perusing this fragment we are struck by the similarity of
  production of these Hindu Heliadae and that of the celebrated Tatar
  dynasty from which Jenghiz Khan was descended. The Niruns, or
  ‘children of light,’ were from an amour of the sun with Alung Goa,
  from which Jenghiz was the ninth in descent. Authorities quoted by
  Petis de la Croix, in his life of this conqueror, and likewise by
  Marigny, in his _History of the Saracens_, affirm Jenghiz Khan to be a
  descendant of Yazdegird, the last Sassanian prince. Jenghiz was an
  idolater, and hated the very name of Muhammadan [see Howorth, _Hist.
  of the Mongols_, i. 37 ff.]. A courtier telling Aurangzeb of his
  celestial ancestry, gravely quoting the affair of the mother of the
  race of Timur with the sun, the bigoted monarch coarsely replied,
  “Mama qahba bud,” which we will not translate.

Footnote 4.3.11:

  Akbar commenced his reign A.D. 1556, and had been forty years on the
  throne when the ‘Institutes’ were composed by the Abu-l Fazl. [The
  translation of Gladwin in the original text has been replaced by that
  of Jarrett, _Āīn_, ii. 268.]

Footnote 4.3.12:

  Orme [_Historical Fragments_, Notes, p. xxii] was acquainted with this
  passage, and shows his knowledge of the Hindu character by observing
  that it was a strange pedigree to assign a Hindu prince, for Khusru,
  of the religion of Zoroaster, though compelled to many abstinences,
  was not restrained from eating beef: and Anquetil du Perron says of
  the Parsis, their descendants, that they have refrained since their
  emigration from slaying the cow merely to please the Hindu.

Footnote 4.3.13:

  The cryptographic date is contained in the numerical value of the
  letters which compose the title:

                                          ┐  As the total is only 1183,
  B. S. A. T.  a. l.   G.  N. A. E. M.    ├    either the date is wrong,
 2. 60. 1. 9. 1. 9. 1000. 50. 1. 10. 40.  │    or a deficient value
                                          ┘    given to the numerals.

Footnote 4.3.14:

  Wilford, who by his indefatigable research and knowledge of Sanskrit
  had accumulated extensive materials, unhappily deteriorated by a too
  credulous imagination, yet containing much valuable matter available
  to those sufficiently familiar with the subject to select with safety,
  has touched on this, and almost on every other point in the circle of
  Hindu antiquities. Ali Ibrahim, a learned native of Benares, was
  Wilford’s authority for asserting the Rana’s Persian descent, who
  stated to him that he had seen the original history, which was
  entitled, Origin of the Peishwas from the Ranas of Mewar. (Ibrahim
  must have meant the Satara princes, whose ministers were the Peshwas.)
  From this authority three distinct emigrations of the Guebres, or
  ancient Persians, are recorded, from Persia into Gujarat. The first in
  the time of Abu Bakr, A.D. 631; the second on the defeat of Yazdegird,
  A.D. 651; and the third when the descendants of Abbas began to
  prevail, A.D. 749. Also that a son of Noshirwan landed near Surat with
  eighteen thousand of his subjects, from Laristan, and were well
  received by the prince of the country. Abu-l Fazl confirms this
  account by saying, "the followers of Zoroaster, when they fled from
  Persia, settled in _Surat_," the contracted term for the peninsular of
  Saurashtra, as well as the city of this name [_Āīn_, ii. 243].

Footnote 4.3.15:

  The names are obliterated in the original. Ferishta [i. Introd. lxxix]
  informs us that Ramdeo Rathor, sovereign of Kanauj, was made tributary
  by Firoz ‘Sassan’; and that Partap Chand, who usurped the throne of
  Ramdeo, neglecting to pay this tribute, Noshirwan marched into India
  to recover it, and in his progress subdued Kabul and the Panjab. From
  the striking coincidence of these original and decisive authorities,
  we may rest assured that they had recourse to ancient records, both of
  the Guebres and the Hindus, for the basis of their histories, which
  research may yet discover.

Footnote 4.3.16:

  Maurice, emperor of Byzantium. [Sykes (_Hist. of Persia_, ii. 495)
  calls the son of Nushirwān Nushishad, and mentions his rebellion
  against his father. There seems to be no evidence that Nushishad
  reached India: he was slain after he revolted (Malcolm, _Hist.
  Persia_, 2nd ed. i. 112 ff.).]

Footnote 4.3.17:

  _Din-i-Tarsar._ See Ebn Haukal, art. ‘Serir,’ or Russia; whose king, a
  son of Bahram Chassin, whom he styles a _Tersar_ or Christian, first
  possessed it about the end of the sixth century.

Footnote 4.3.18:

  The _Verames_ of Western historians [Malcolm, _op. cit._ i. 113].

Footnote 4.3.19:

  _Khakhan_ was the title of the kings of Chinese Tartary. It was held
  by the leader of the Huns, who at this period held power on the
  Caspian: it was also held by the Urus, Khuzr, Bulgar, Serir, all terms
  for Russia, before its _Kaisar_ was cut down into _Tzar_, for the
  original of which, the kings of Rome, as of Russia, were indebted to
  the Sanskrit _Kesar_, a ‘lion’ [Lat. Caesar] (_vide_ Ibn Haukal, art.

Footnote 4.3.20:

  Din-i-Majusi; literally, ‘faith of the Magi.’

Footnote 4.3.21:

  Muhammad, born A.D. 578; the Hegira, or flight, A.D. 622.

Footnote 4.3.22:

  It must be borne in mind that it is the author of the
  _Maasiru-l-Umara_, not the rhymer of Aurungabad, who is speaking.

Footnote 4.3.23:

  [This is the Persian tradition (Sykes, _op. cit._ ii. 44).]

Footnote 4.3.24:

  For the extract from “The Annals of Princes (_Maasiru-l-Umara_)” let
  us laud the memory of the rhymer of Aurungabad. An original copy,
  which I in vain attempted to procure in India, is stated by Sir
  William Ouseley to be in the British Museum. We owe that country a
  large debt, for we have robbed her of all her literary treasures,
  leaving them to sleep on the shelves of our public institutions.
  [There is no real evidence of the Persian descent of the Rānas, and it
  has been suggested that the story is based on the fire symbols on the
  coinage found in Kāthiawār and Mewār, these, though in the main
  Indo-Scythic, betraying from about sixth century a more direct
  Sassanian influence (_BG_, i. Part i. 102). At the same time recent
  discoveries indicate Persian influence in N. India.]

Footnote 4.3.25:

  Vide _Grand Dictionnaire Historique_.

Footnote 4.3.26:

  [Byzantium cannot have been a Greek colony, the name apparently
  representing Vijayanta, now Vijayadurga, the southern entrance of the
  Vāghotan River in Ratnagiri (McCrindle, _Ptolemy_, 47; _BG_, i. Part
  ii. 174 f.).]

Footnote 4.3.27:

  It will be recollected that the various authorities given state Raja
  Suraj (_sun_), of Kakustha race, to be the father of Siladitya.
  _Kakustha_ is a term used synonymously with _Suryavansa_, according to
  the Solar genealogists. Those who may be inclined to the Persian
  descent may trace it from _Kaikaus_, a well-known epithet in the
  Persian dynasties. I am unacquainted with the etymology of Kakustha;
  but it may possibly be from _ka_, ‘of or belonging to,’ _Kusa_ (Cush),
  the second son of Rama [?]. I have already hinted that the Assyrian
  Medes might be descendants of Hyaspa, a branch of the Indu-Mede of the
  family of Yayati which bore the name of _Kausika_. [The reference in
  the text may be to Kakutstha, grandson of Ikshwāku, who is said to
  have taken his name because he stood on the hump (_Kukuda_) of Indra
  when he was turned into a bull (Wilson, _Vishna Purāna_, 361).]

Footnote 4.3.28:

  “The moral consequence of a pedigree,” says Hume, “is differently
  marked by the influence of law and custom. The male sex is deemed more
  noble than the female. The association of our ideas pursues the
  regular descent of honour and estates from father to son, and their
  wives, however essential, are considered only in the light of foreign
  auxiliaries” (_Essays_, vol. ii. p. 192). Not unlike the Rajput axiom,
  though more coarsely expressed; “It is, who planted the tree, not
  where did it grow,” that marks his idea of the comparative value of
  the side whence honours originate; though purity of blood in both
  lines is essential.

Footnote 4.3.29:

  A new era had commenced, not of Yazdegird’s accession, as is supposed,
  which would have been vain indeed, when the throne was tottering under
  him, but consequent to the completion of the grand cycle of 1440
  years. He was slain at Merv in A.D. 651, the 31st of the Hegira; on
  the eleventh year of which, or A.D. 632 (according to Moreri), he
  commenced his reign.

Footnote 4.3.30:

  Gibbon was wrong. India afforded them an asylum, and their issue
  constitutes the most wealthy, the most respected, and the most
  enlightened part of the native community of Bombay and the chief towns
  of that presidency.

Footnote 4.3.31:

  Gibbon, _Miscellaneous Works_, ‘Sur la Monarchie des Mèdes,’ vol. iii.


                               CHAPTER 4

=Samarsi, Samar Singh.=—Having established Bappa on the throne of Chitor
S. 784 (A.D. 728), we will proceed to glean from the annals, from the
period of his departure for Iran, S. 820 (A.D. 764) to another halting
point—the reign of Samarsi, S. 1249 (A.D. 1193);[4.4.1] an important
epoch, not only in the history of Mewar, but to the whole Hindu race;
when the diadem of sovereignty was torn from the brow of the Hindu to
adorn that of the Tatar. We shall not, however, overleap the four
intervening centuries, though we may not be able to fill up the reigns
of the eighteen princes[4.4.2] whose “banner at this time was a golden
sun on a crimson field,”[4.4.3] and several of whose names yet live
recorded “with an iron pen on the rock” of their native abodes.

An intermediate period, from Bappa to Samarsi, that of Sakti Kumar, is
fixed by the Aitpur inscription in S. 1024 (A.D. 968); and from the more
perishable yet excellent authority of an ancient Jain MS. the era of
Allat, the ancestor of Sakti Kumar, was S. 922 (A.D. 866), four
generations anterior. From Bappa’s departure for Iran, in A.D. 764, to
the subversion of Hindu dominion in the reign of Samarsi, in A.D. 1193,
we find recorded an intermediate Islamite invasion. This was during the
reign of Khuman, between A.D. 812 and 836, which event forms the chief
subject of the Khuman-Raesa, the most ancient of the poetic chronicles
of Mewar [241].

As the history of India at this period is totally dark, we gladly take
advantage of the lights thus afforded. By combining these facts with
what is received as authentic, though scarcely less obscure or more
exact than these native legends, we may furnish materials for the future
historian. With this view, let us take a rapid sketch of the irruptions
of the Arabians into India, from the rise of Islamism to the foundation
of the Ghaznivid empire, which sealed the fate of the Hindus. The
materials are but scanty. El-Makin, in his history of the Caliphs,
passes over such intercourse almost without notice. Abu-l-Fazl, though
not diffuse, is minute in what he does say, and we can confide in his
veracity. Ferishta has a chapter devoted to this subject, which merits a
better translation than yet exists.[4.4.4] We shall, however, in the
first place, touch on Bappa’s descendants, till we arrive at the point
proper for the introduction of the intended sketch.

Of the twenty-four tribes of Guhilot, several issued from the founder,
Bappa. Shortly after the conquest of Chitor, Bappa proceeded to
Saurashtra and married the daughter of Yusufgol, prince of the island of
Bandardiva.[4.4.5] With his bride he conveyed to Chitor the statue of
Vyanmata, the tutelary goddess of her race, who still divides with
Eklinga the devotion of the Guhilot princes. The temple in which he
enshrined this islandic goddess yet stands on the summit of Chitor, with
many other monuments assigned by tradition to Bappa. This princess bore
him Aparajit, who from being born in Chitor was nominated successor to
the throne, to the exclusion of his less fortunate elder brother, Asil
(born of the daughter of the Kaba (Pramara) prince of Kalibao near
Dwaraka), who, however, obtained possessions in Saurashtra, and founded
a race called the Asila Guhilots,[4.4.6] whose descendants were so
numerous, even in Akbar’s reign, as to [242] be supposed able to bring
into the field fifty thousand men at arms. We have nothing important to
record of the actions of Aparajit, who had two sons, Kalbhoj[4.4.7] and
Nandkumar. Kalbhoj succeeded Aparajit, and his warlike qualities are
extolled in an inscription discovered by the author in the valley of
Nagda. Nandkumar slew Bhimsen Dor (_Doda_), and possessed himself of
Deogarh in the Deccan.

=Khumān I.=—Khuman succeeded Kalbhoj. His name is remarkable in the
history of Mewar. He came to the throne at the beginning of the ninth
century, when Chitor was assailed by another formidable invasion of
Muhammadans. The chief object of the Khuman Raesa is to celebrate the
defence made on this occasion, and the value of this Raesa consists in
the catalogue of the princes who aided in defending this bulwark of the
Hindu faith. The bard, in an animated strain, makes his sovereign on
this occasion successfully defend the ‘crimson standard’ of Mewar, treat
with contempt the demand for tribute, and after a violent assault, in
which the ‘barbarian’ is driven back, follow and discomfit him in the
plan, carrying back the hostile leader, Mahmud, captive. With this
event, which introduces the name of Mahmud two centuries before the
conqueror of Ghazni, we will pause, and resume the promised sketch of
the intercourse of Arabia and Hindustan at this period.

=The Muhammadan Invasion, A.D. 644-55.=—The first intimation of the
Moslems attempting the invasion of India is during the caliphat of Omar,
who built the port of Bassorah at the mouth of the Tigris, chiefly to
secure the trade of Gujarat and Sind; into which latter country a
powerful army penetrated under Abul Aas,[4.4.8] who was killed in battle
at Aror. The Caliph Osman, who succeeded Omar, sent to explore the state
of India, while he prepared an army to invade it in person: a design
which he never fulfilled. The generals of the Caliph Ali made conquests
in Sind, which they abandoned at Ali’s death. While Yazid was governor
of Khorasan several attempts were made on India, as also during the
caliphat of Abdu-l Malik, but without any lasting [243] results. It was
not till the reign of Walid[4.4.9] that any successful invasion took
place. He not only finally conquered Sind and the adjoining continent of
India, but rendered tributary all that part of India on this side the
Ganges.[4.4.10] What an exalted idea must we not form of the energy and
rapidity of such conquests, when we find the arms of Islam at once on
the Ganges and the Ebro, and two regal dynasties simultaneously cut off,
that of Roderic, the last of the Goths of Andaloos, and Dahir Despati in
the valley of the Indus. It was in A.H. 99 (A.D. 712, S. 774) that
Muhammad bin Kasim vanquished and slew Dahir, prince of Sind, after
numerous conflicts. Amongst the spoils of victory sent to the caliph on
this occasion were the daughters of the subjugated monarch, who were the
cause of Kasim’s destruction,[4.4.11] when he was on the eve of carrying
the war against Raja [244] Harchand of Kanauj. Some authorities state
that he actually prosecuted it; and as Sind remained a dependency of the
caliphat during several successive reigns, the successor of Kasim may
have executed his plans. Little is said of India from this period to the
reign of Al-Mansur, except in regard to the rebellion of Yazid in
Khorasan, and the flight of his son to Sind. The eight sovereigns, who
rapidly followed, were too much engaged with the Christians of the west
and the Huns on the Caspian to think of India. Their armies were then in
the heart of France, which was only saved from the Koran by their
overthrow at Tours by Charles Martel.


     GUHILOT     │  Eras.  │ CALIPHS OF │        Eras.         │Remarks.
     PRINCES     │    │    │BAGHDAD and │          │           │
                 │ S  │C.E.│  KINGS OF  │   A.H.   │   A.D.    │
                 │    │    │  GHAZNI.   │          │           │
                 │    │    │_Caliphs of_│          │           │
                 │    │    │ _Baghdad._ │          │           │
                 │    │    │            │          │           │
 Bappa,      born│769 │713 │ Walid (7th │ 86 to 96 │705 to 715 │Conquered India to
                 │    │    │  Ummaiya   │          │           │the Ganges.
                 │    │    │  Caliph)   │          │           │
                 │    │    │            │          │           │
 ———     obtained│784 │728 │  Omar II.  │99 to 102 │718 to 721 │Sindi conquered. The
                 │    │    │    (9th    │          │           │
           Chitor│    │    │    do.)    │          │           │Mori prince of
                 │    │    │            │          │           │Chitor attacked by
                 │    │    │            │          │           │Muhammad (son of
                 │    │    │            │          │           │Kasim), the General
                 │    │    │            │          │           │of Omar.
                 │    │    │            │          │           │
 ———      governs│    │    │Hasham (10th│104 to 125│723 to 742 │Battle of Tours,
                 │    │    │    do.)    │          │           │
            Mewar│    │    │            │          │           │A.D. 732, and
                 │    │    │            │          │           │defeat of the
                 │    │    │            │          │           │Caliph’s army,
                 │    │    │            │          │           │under Abdulrahman,
                 │    │    │            │          │           │by Charles Martel.
                 │    │    │            │          │           │
 ———     abandons│820 │764 │ Al-Mansur  │136 to 158│754 to 775 │Final conquest of
                 │    │    │   Abbasi   │          │           │
           Chitor│    │    │ (2nd do.)  │          │           │Sind, and the name
                 │    │    │            │          │           │of its capital,
                 │    │    │            │          │           │Aror, changed to
                 │    │    │            │          │           │Mansura. Bappa,
                 │    │    │            │          │           │founder of the
                 │    │    │            │          │           │Guhilot race in
                 │    │    │            │          │           │Mewar, retires to
                 │    │    │            │          │           │Iran.
                 │    │    │            │          │           │
 Aparajit,       │    │    │ Harunu-r-  │170 to 193│786 to 809 │Partition of the
 Kalbhoj         │    │    │rashid (5th │          │           │caliphat amongst
                 │    │    │    do.)    │          │           │Harun’s sons. The
                 │    │    │            │          │           │second, Al-Mamun,
                 │    │    │            │          │           │obtains Zabulistan,
                 │    │    │            │          │           │Sind, and India,
                 │    │    │            │          │           │and ruled them till
                 │    │    │            │          │           │A.D. 813, when he
                 │    │    │            │          │           │became Caliph.
                 │    │    │            │          │           │
 Khuman          │868 │812 │  Al-Mamun  │198 to 218│813 to 833 │Invasion and attack
                 │    │    │    (7th    │          │           │
                 │ to │ to │    do.)    │          │           │on Chitor from
                 │892 │836 │            │          │           │Zabulistan.
                 │    │    │            │          │           │
 Bhartaribhat.   │    │    │            │          │           │
 Singhji.        │    │    │            │          │           │
 Allat.          │    │    │            │          │           │
 Narabahan.      │    │    │ _Kings of  │          │           │
                 │    │    │  Ghazni._  │          │           │
 Salivahan.      │    │    │            │          │           │
 Sakti Kumar     │1024│968 │  Alptigin  │   350    │    957    │Inscription of
                 │    │    │            │          │           │Sakti-kumar from
                 │    │    │            │          │           │ruins of Aitpur.
                 │    │    │            │          │           │
 Amba Pasao.     │    │    │            │          │           │
 Naravarman      │    │    │ Sabuktigin │   367    │    977    │Invasion of India.
 Jasuvarman [or  │    │    │   Mahmud   │387 to 418│997 to 1027│Invasions of India,
 Kirtivarman]    │    │    │            │          │           │destruction of
                 │    │    │            │          │           │Aitpur.

Al-Mansur, when only the lieutenant of the Caliph Abbas, held the
government of Sind and of India, and made the island of Bakhar on the
Indus, and the adjacent Aror,[4.4.14] the ancient capital, his
residence, naming it Mansura; and it was during his government that
Bappa Rawal abandoned Chitor for Iran.

The celebrated Harunu-r-rashid, contemporary of Charlemagne, in
apportioning his immense empire amongst his sons, gave to the second,
Al-Mamun, Khorasan, Zabulistan, Kabulistan, Sind, and Hindustan.[4.4.15]
Al-Mamun, on the death of Harun, deposed his brother, and became caliph
in A.H. 198 or A.D. 813, and ruled to 833, the exact period of the reign
of Khuman, prince of Chitor. The domestic history brings the enemy
assailant of Chitor from Zabulistan; and as the leader’s name is given
_Mahmud Khorasan Pat_, there can be little doubt that it is an error
arising from ignorance of the copyist, and should be _Mamun_.

=Mahmūd’s Invasion.=—Within twenty years after this event, the sword of
conquest and conversion was withdrawn from India, and Sind was the only
province left to Mutawakkil (A.D. 850 [847-861]), the grandson of Harun,
for a century after whom the throne of Baghdad, like that of ancient
Rome, was sold by her praetorians to the highest bidder. From this time
we find no mention whatever of Hindustan, or even of Sind, until
Sabuktigin,[4.4.16] governor of Khorasan, hoisted the standard of
independent sovereignty at Ghazni. In A.H. 365 (A.D. 974) he carried his
arms [245] across the Indus, forcing the inhabitants to abandon the
religion of their ancestors, and to read the Koran from the altars of
Bal and Krishna. Towards the close of this century he made his last
invasion, accompanied by his son, the celebrated Mahmud, destined to be
the scourge of the Hindu race, who early imbibed the paternal lesson
inculcating the extirpation of infidels. Twelve several visitations did
Mahmud make with his Tatar hordes, sweeping India of her riches,
destroying her temples and architectural remains, and leaving the
country plunged in poverty and ignorance. From the effect of these
incursions she never recovered; for though she had a respite of a
century between Mahmud and the final conquest, it was too short to
repair what it had cost ages to rear: the temples of Somnath, of Chitor,
and Girnar are but types of the magnificence of past times. The memorial
of Sakti Kumar proves him to have been the contemporary of Sabuktigin,
and to one of his son’s visitations is attributed the destruction of the
‘city of the sun’ (Aitpur),[4.4.17] his capital.

=Attack on Chitor.=—Having thus condensed the little information
afforded by Muhammadan historians of the connexion between the caliphs
of Baghdad and princes of Hind, from the first to the end of the fourth
century of the Hegira, we shall revert to the first recorded attack on
the Mori prince of Chitor, which brought Bappa into notice. This was
either by Yazid or Muhammad bin Kasim from Sind.[4.4.18] Though in the
histories of the caliphs we can only expect to find recorded those
expeditions which were successful, or had some lasting results, there
are inroads of their revolted lieutenants or their frontier deputies,
which frequently, though indistinctly, alluded to in Hindu annals, have
no place in Muhammadan records. Throughout the period mentioned there
was a stir amongst the Hindu nations, in which we find confusion and
dethronement from an unknown invader, who is described as coming
sometimes by Sind, sometimes by sea, and not unfrequently as a demon and
magician; but invariably as _mlechchha_, or ‘barbarian.’[4.4.19] From S.
750 to S. 780 (A.D. 694 to [246] 724), the annals of the Yadus, the
Chauhans, the Chawaras, and the Guhilots, bear evidence to simultaneous
convulsions in their respective houses at this period. In S. 750 (A.H.
75) the Yadu Bhatti was driven from his capital Salpura in the Panjab,
across the Sutlej into the Indian desert; the invader named Farid. At
the same period Manika Rae, the Chauhan prince of Ajmer, was assailed
and slain.[4.4.20]

=The Muster of the Clans.=—The first of the Khichi princes who occupied
the Duab of Sindsagar in the Panjab, as well as the ancestor of the
Haras established in Golkonda, was expelled at the same time. The
invader is treated in the genuine Hindu style as a Danava, or demon, and
is named Ghairaram[4.4.21] (_i.e._ restless), from Kujliban,[4.4.22] a
term geographically given to a portion of the Himalaya mountains about
the glaciers of the Ganges. The ancestor of the founder of Patan was
expelled from his petty islandic dominion on the coast of Saurashtra at
the same time. This is the period when Yazid was the caliph’s lieutenant
in Khorasan, and when the arms of Walid conquered to the Ganges; nor is
there a doubt that Yazid or Kasim was the author of all these
revolutions in the Hindu dynasties. We are supported in this by the
names of the princes contained in the catalogue who aided to defend
Chitor and the Mori prince on this occasion. It is evident that Chitor
was, alternately with Ujjain, the seat of sovereignty of the Pramara at
this period, and, as it became the rallying point of the Hindus, that
this race was the first in consequence.[4.4.23] We find the prince of
Ajmer, and the quotas of Saurashtra and Gujarat [247]; Angatsi, lord of
the Huns; Busa, the lord of the North; Sheo, the prince of the Jarejas;
the Johya, lord of Jangaldes; the Aswaria, the Sepat, the Kulhar, the
Malan, the Ohir, the Hul, and many others, having nothing of the Hindu
in name, now extinct. But the most conspicuous is ‘Dahir Despati from
Debal.’ This is erroneously written Delhi, the seat of the Tuars;
whereas we recognize the name of the prince of Sind, slain by Kasim,
whose expatriated son doubtless found refuge in Chitor.[4.4.24]

=The Defeat of the Enemy.=—This attack on the Mori prince was defeated
chiefly through the bravery of the youthful Guhilot. The foe from
Kujliban, though stated to have advanced by Mathura, retreated by
Saurashtra and Sind, pursued by Bappa. He found the ancient seat of his
ancestors, Gajni,[4.4.25] still in the possession of the ‘Asur’: a term
as well as _mlechchha_, or ‘barbarian,’ always given to the Islamite at
this period. Salim, who held Gajni, was attacked and forced to
surrender, and Bappa inducted into this stronghold of his ancestors a
nephew of his own. It is no less singular than honourable to their
veracity that the annals should record the fact, so contrary to their
religion, of Bappa having married the daughter of the conquered Salim;
and we have a right to infer that it was from the influence acquired by
this union that he ultimately abandoned the sovereignty of Mewar and the
title of ‘Hindua Suraj’ to become the founder of the ‘one hundred and
thirty tribes of Naushahra [248] Pathans’ of the west. It is fair to
conclude from all these notices regarding the founder of the Guhilot
race in Chitor that he must have abjured his faith for that of Islam;
and it is probable (though the surmise must ever remain unproved) that,
under some new title applicable to such change, we may have, in one of
the early distinguished leaders of ‘the Faith,’ the ancestor of the

=Khumān II.=—Let us now proceed to the next irruption of the Islamite
invaders in the reign of Khuman, from A.D. 812 to 836. Though the leader
of this attack is styled ‘Mahmud Khorasan Pat,’ it is evident from the
catalogue of Hindu princes who came to defend Chitor that this ‘lord of
Khorasan’ was at least two centuries before the son of Sabuktigin; and
as the period is in perfect accordance with the partition of the
caliphat by Harun amongst his sons, we can have no hesitation in
assigning such invasion to Mamun, to whose share was allotted Khorasan,
Sind, and the Indian dependencies. The records of this period are too
scanty to admit of our passing over in silence even a barren catalogue
of names, which, as texts, with the aid of collateral information, may
prove of some benefit to the future antiquarian and historian.

"From Gajni came the Guhilot; the Tak from Asir; from Narlai the
Chauhan; the Chalukya from Rahargarh; from Setubandha the Jarkhera; from
Mandor the Khairavi; from Mangrol the Makwahana; from Jethgarh the
Joria; from Taragarh the Rewar; the Kachhwaha from Narwar; from Sanchor
the Kalam; from Junagarh the Dasanoh; from Ajmer the Gaur; from
Lohadargarh the Chandano; from Dasaundi the Dor; from Delhi the Tuar;
from Patan the Chawara, preserver of royalty (_Rajdhar_); from Jalor the
Sonigira; from Sirohi the Deora; from Gagraun the Khichi; the Jadon from
Junagarh; the Jhala from Patri; from Kanauj the Rathor; from Chotiala
the Bala; from Piramgarh the Gohil; from Jaisalgarh the Bhatti; the Busa
from Lahore; the Sankhla from Roneja; the Sehat from Kherligarh; from
Mandalgarh the Nikumbha; the Bargujar from Rajor; from Karangarh the
Chandel; from Sikar the Sikarwal; from Umargarh the Jethwa; from Pali
the Bargota; from Khantargarh the Jareja; from Jirga the Kherwar; from
Kashmir the Parihara."

Of the Guhilot from Gajni we have said enough; nor shall we comment on
the Tak, or his capital, Asir, which now belongs to the British
Government. The Chauhan, who came from Narlai, was a celebrated branch
of the Ajmer [249] house, and claims the honour of being the parent of
the Sonigiras of Jalor and the Deoras of Sirohi. Nadol is mentioned by
Ferishta as falling a prey to one of Mahmud’s invasions, who destroyed
its ancient temples; but from erroneous punctuation it is lost in the
translation as Bazule.[4.4.26] Of Rahargarh and the Jarkhera from
Setubandha (on the Malabar coast) nothing is known.[4.4.27] Of the
Khairavi from Mandor we can only say that it appears to be a branch of
the Pramaras (who reckoned Mandor one of the nine strongholds,
‘_Nau-kot_,’ under its dominion), established anterior to the Pariharas,
who at this period had sovereignty in Kashmir. Both the Dor and his
capital, Dasaundi, are described in ancient books as situated on the
Ganges below Kanauj.

It is a subject of regret that the annals do not mention the name of the
Tuar prince of Delhi, which city could not have been refounded above a
century when this call was made upon its aid. Abu-l Fazl, Ferishta,
their translators, and those who have followed them have been corrected
by the _Edinburgh Review_, whose critical judgment on this portion of
ancient history is eminently good. I possess the original Hindu record
used by Abu-l Fazl, which gives S. 829 for the first Anangpal instead of
S. 429; and as there were but nineteen princes who intervened until his
dynasty was set aside by the Chauhan, it requires no argument to support
the _four_ instead of _eight_ centuries. The former will give the just
average of twenty-one years to a reign. The name of Anangpal was titular
in the family, and the epithet was applied to the last as to the first
of the race.

The name of the Chawara prince of Patan (Anhilwara) being recorded
amongst the auxiliaries of Khuman, is another satisfactory proof of the
antiquity of this invasion; for this dynasty was extinct, and succeeded
by the Solankis, in S. 998 (A.D. 942), fifty years prior to Mahmud of
Ghazni, who captured Patan during the reign of Chawand, the second
Solanki prince.[4.4.28]

The Sonigira, who came from Jalor, is a celebrated branch of the Chauhan
race, but we are ignorant of the extent of time that it held this
fortress: and as nothing can invalidate the testimonies afforded by the
names of the Chawara of [250] Patan, the Kachhwaha of Narwar, the Tuar
of Delhi, and the Rathor from Kanauj, there can be no hesitation at
pointing out the anachronisms of the chronicle, which states the Deora
from Sirohi, the Khichi from Gagraun, or the Bhatti from Jaisalgarh,
amongst the levies on this occasion; and which we must affirm to be
decided interpolations, the two first being at that period in possession
of the Pramara, and the latter not erected for three centuries later.
That the Deoras, the Khichis, and the Bhattis came to the aid of Khuman,
we cannot doubt; but the copyist, ignorant even of the names of the
ancient capitals of these tribes, Chhotan, Sindsagar, and Tanot,
substituted those which they subsequently founded.

The Jadon (Yadu) from Junagarh (Girnar) was of the race of Krishna, and
appeared long to have held possession of this territory; and the names
of the Khengars, of this tribe, will remain as long as the stupendous
monuments they reared on this sacred hill. Besides the Jadon, we find
Saurashtra sending forth the Jhalas, the Balas, and the Gohils to the
aid of the descendant of the lord of Valabhipura, whose paramount
authority they once all acknowledged, and who appeared to have long
maintained influence in that distant region.

Of the tribe of Busa, who left their capital, Lahore, to succour Chitor,
we have no mention, further than the name being enumerated amongst the
unassigned tribes of Rajputs.[4.4.29] Ferishta frequently notices the
princes of Lahore in the early progress of Islamism, though he does not
tell us the name of the tribe. In the reign of the caliph Al-Mansur,
A.H. 143 (A.D. 761), the Afghans of Kirman and Peshawar, who, according
to this authority, were a Coptic colony expelled from Egypt,[4.4.30] had
increased in such numbers as to abandon their residence about the ‘hill
of Sulaiman,’ and crossing the Indus, wrested possessions from the Hindu
princes of Lahore. This frontier warfare with a tribe which, though it
had certainly not then embraced the faith of Islam, brought to their
succour the forces of the caliph in Zabulistan, so that in five months
seventy battles were fought with varied success; but the last, in which
the Lahore prince carried his arms to Peshawar,[4.4.31] produced a
peace. Hence arose a union of interests between them and the hill tribe
of Gakkhar, and all the Kohistan west of the Indus was ceded to them
[251] on the condition of guarding this barrier into Hindustan against
invasion. For this purpose the fortress of Khaibar was erected in the
chief pass of the Koh-i-Daman. For two centuries after this event
Ferishta is silent on this frontier warfare, stating that henceforth
Hindustan was only accessible through Sind. When Aliptigin first crossed
the Indus, the prince of Lahore and the Afghans still maintained this
alliance and united to oppose him. Jaipal was then prince of Lahore; and
it is on this event that Ferishta, for the first time, mentions the
tribe of Bhatti,[4.4.32] “at the advice of whose prince he conferred the
command of the united forces on an Afghan chief,” to whom he assigned
the provinces of Multan and Lamghan. From this junction of interests the
princes of Lahore enjoyed comparative security, until Sabuktigin and
Mahmud compelled the Afghans to serve them: then Lahore was captured.
The territory dependent upon Lahore, at this period, extended from
Sirhind to Lamghan, and from Kashmir to Multan. Bhatinda divided with
Lahore the residence of its princes. Their first encounter was at
Lingham, on which occasion young Mahmud first distinguished himself, and
as the historian says, “the eyes of the heavens were obscured at seeing
his deeds.”[4.4.33] A tributary engagement was the result, which Jaipal
soon broke; and being aided by levies from all the princes of Hindustan,
marched an army of one hundred thousand men against Sabuktigin, and was
again defeated on the banks of the Indus. He was at length invested and
taken in Bhatinda by Mahmud, when he put himself to death.[4.4.34] The
successors of Jaipal are mentioned merely as fugitives, and always
distinct from the princes of Delhi. It is most probable that they were
of the tribe termed Busa in the annals of Mewar, possibly a subdivision
of another; though Ferishta calls the prince of Lahore a Brahman.

The Sankhla from Roneja. Both tribe and abode are well known: it is a
subdivision of the Pramara. Harbuji Sankhla was the Paladin of Marwar,
in which Roneja was situated.

The Sehat from Kherligarh was a northern tribe, dwelling about the
Indus, and though entirely unknown to the modern genealogists of India,
is frequently mentioned in the early history of the Bhattis, when their
possessions extended on both sides of the Hyphasis. As intermarriages
between the Bhattis and Sehats are [252] often spoken of, it must have
been Rajput. It most probably occupied the province of Swat, the Suvat
of D’Anville, a division of the province of Ashthanagar, where dwelt the
Assakenoi of Alexander; concerning which this celebrated geographer
says, “Il est mention de Suvat comme d’un canton du pays d’Ash-nagar
dans la même géographie turque” (_Ecl._ p. 25). The whole of this ground
was sacred to the Jadon tribe from the most remote antiquity, from
Multan, the hills of Jud, to Aswinikot (the Tshehin-kote of D’Anville),
which, built on the point of confluence of the Choaspes of the Greeks
with the Indus, marks the spot where dwelt the Assakenoi, corroborated
by the Puranas, which mention the partition of all these territories
amongst the sons of Bajaswa, the lord of Kampilnagara, the grand
subdivision of the Yadu race. In all likelihood the Sehat, who came to
the aid of Khuman of Chitor, was a branch of these Assakenoi, the
opponents of Alexander.[4.4.35] The modern town of Dinkot appears to
occupy the site of Aswinikot, though D’Anville feels inclined to carry
it into the heart of Bajaur and place it on the rock (_silla_)
Aornos.[4.4.36] Such the Sehat; not improbably the Soha, one of the
eight subdivisions of the Yadu.[4.4.37] When, in S. 785, the Bhatti
chief Rao Tanu was driven across the Sutlej, the Sehats are mentioned
with other tribes as forming the army of Husain Shah, with the Barahas,
the Judis, and Johyas (the Juds and Jinjohyas of Babur), the Butas, and
the ‘men of Dud.’

The Chandel, from Karangarh, occupied the tracts now termed Bundelkhand.

We shall pass over the other auxiliary tribes and conclude with the
Parihar, who came from Kashmir on this occasion; a circumstance entirely
overlooked in the dissertation on this tribe;[4.4.38] nor does this
isolated fact afford room for further discussion on a race which
expelled the Pramaras from Mandor.

Such aids, who preserved Khuman when assailed by the ‘Khorasan Pat,’
fully demonstrate the antiquity of the annals, which is further attested
by inscriptions. Khuman fought twenty-four great battles, and his name,
like that of Caesar, became a family distinction. At Udaipur, if you
make a false step, or even sneeze, you hear the ejaculation of ‘Khuman
aid you!’ Khuman, by the advice of the Brahmans, resigned the gaddi to
his younger son, Jograj; but again resumed [253] it, slaying his
advisers and execrating the name of Brahman, which he almost
exterminated in his own dominions. Khuman was at length slain by his own
son, Mangal; but the chiefs expelled the parricide, who seized upon
Lodorwa in the northern desert, and there established the Mangalia

=Bhartribhat III.=—Bhartribhat (familiarly Bhato) succeeded. In his
reign, and in that of his successor, the territory dependent on Chitor
was greatly increased. All the forest tribes, from the banks of the Mahi
to Abu, were subjugated, and strongholds erected, of which Dharangarh
and Ujargarh still remain to maintain them. He established no less than
thirteen[4.4.39] of his sons in independent possessions in Malwa and
Gujarat, and these were distinguished as the Bhatera Guhilots.

We shall now leap over fifteen generations; which, though affording a
few interesting facts to the antiquary, would not amuse the general
reader. We will rest satisfied with stating that the Chauhans of Ajmer
and the Guhilots of Chitor were alternately friends and foes; that
Durlabh Chauhan was slain by Bersi Rawal in a grand battle fought at
Kawaria, of which the Chauhan annals state ‘that their princes were now
so powerful as to oppose the chief of Chitor.’ Again, in the next reign,
we find the renowned Bisaldeo, son of Durlabh, combining with Rawal
Tejsi of Chitor to oppose the progress of Islamite invasion: facts
recorded by inscriptions as well as by the annals. We may close these
remarks on the fifteen princes, from Khuman to Samarsi, with the words
of Gibbon on the dark period of Guelphic annals: “It may be presumed
that they were illiterate and valiant; that they plundered in their
youth, and reared churches in their old age; that they were fond of
arms, horses, and hunting”; and, we may add, continued bickering with
their vassals within when left unemployed by the enemy from without


Footnote 4.4.1:

  [“We now know that Samar Singh was alive up to 1299, only four years
  before Alāu-d-dīn’s siege of Chitor, and that in several inscriptions
  his dates are given as 1273, 1274, 1285, etc.... Instead of being the
  father of Karan Singh I., as stated by Tod, Samar Singh came eight
  generations after him, and was the father of Ratan Singh I., who,
  according to Muhammadan historians, was the ruler of Chitor during the
  reign of Alāu-d-dīn, and the husband of Padmini” (Erskine ii. A. 14

Footnote 4.4.2:

  See Genealogical Table.

Footnote 4.4.3:

  This, according to the roll, was the standard of Bappa.

Footnote 4.4.4:

  Amongst the passages which Dow [i. 37] has slurred over in his
  translation is the interesting account of the origin of the Afghans;
  who, when they first came in contact with those of the new faith, in
  A.H. 62, dwelt around the Koh-i-Sulaiman. Ferishta, quoting authority,
  says: "The Afghans were Copts, ruled by Pharaun, many of whom were
  converted to the laws and religion of Moses; but others, who were
  stubborn in their worship to their gods, fled towards Hindustan, and
  took possession of the country adjoining the Koh-i-Sulaiman. They were
  visited by Kasim from Sind, and in the 143rd year of the Hegira had
  possessed themselves of the provinces of Kirman, Peshawar, and all
  within their bounds (_sinoran_)," which Dow has converted into a
  province. The whole geographical description of the Kohistan, the
  etymology of the term _Rohilla_, and other important matter, is
  omitted by him [see Briggs, trans. i. 6 f.].

Footnote 4.4.5:

  [The island Diu.] Yūsufgol is stated to have held Chaul on the
  mainland. He was most probably the father of Vanaraja Chawara, the
  founder of Patan Anhilwara, whose ancestors, on the authority of the
  Kumarpal Charitra, were princes of Bandardiva, held by the Portuguese
  since the time of Albuquerque, who changed its name to Deo. [But
  Yūsufgol, if he existed, must have been a Musalmān. Vanarāja Chāwara
  was son of Jayasekhara, said to have been slain in battle, A.D. 696,
  leaving his wife pregnant (_BG_, i. Part i. 150 f.). Yūsufgol does not
  appear in the local history.]

Footnote 4.4.6:

  The ancient roll from which this is taken mentions Asil giving his
  name to a fortress, called Asilgarh. His son, Bijai Pal, was slain in
  attempting to wrest Khambayat (Cambay) from Sangram Dabhi. One of his
  wives, from a violent death, was prematurely delivered of a boy,
  called Setu; and as, in such cases, the Hindu supposes the deceased to
  become a discontented spirit (_churail_), Churaila became the name of
  the tribe. Bija, the twelfth from Asil, obtained Sonal from his
  maternal uncle, Khengar Dabhi, prince of Girnar, but was slain by Jai
  Singh Deo, prince of Surat. From these names compounded, Dabi and
  Churaila, we may have the Dabisalima of Mahmud. [The Asil Guhilots are
  now included in the Mers of the Kāthiawār coast; their numbers are
  exaggerated in the text (_Āīn_, ii. 247; _BG_, ix. Parti. 126).] [See
  p. 266 above.]

Footnote 4.4.7:

  Also called Karna. He it was who excavated the Boraila lake, and
  erected the grand temple of Eklinga on the site of the hermitage of
  Harita, whose descendant, the present officiating priest, reckons
  sixty-six descents, while the princes of Mewar amount to seventy-two
  in the same period.

Footnote 4.4.8:

  [Ferishta (i. 2) calls him Sayyid bin Abiu-l-Aas.]

Footnote 4.4.9:

  See Table next page.

Footnote 4.4.10:

  Marigny (quoting El-Makin), _Hist. of the Arabians_, vol. ii. p. 283;
  _Mod. Univ. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 47.

Footnote 4.4.11:

  “The two young princesses, in order to revenge the death of their
  father, represented falsely to the Khalif that Muhammad bin Kasim had
  been connected with them. The Khalif, in a rage, gave order for
  Muhammad bin Kasim to be sewed up in a raw hide, and sent in that
  condition to court. When the mandate arrived at Tatta, Kasim was
  prepared to carry an expedition against Harchand, monarch of Kanauj.
  When he arrived at court, the Khalif showed him to the daughters of
  Dahir, who expressed their joy upon beholding their father’s murderer
  in such a condition” [_Āīn_, ii. 345; Elliot-Dowson i. 209 f.].

Footnote 4.4.13:

  [The Mewār dates are quite untrustworthy (see Erskine iii. B. 8 f.).]

Footnote 4.4.14:

  Aror is seven miles east of Bakhar.

Footnote 4.4.15:

  Marigny, vol. iii. p. 83; _Univ. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 162.

Footnote 4.4.16:

   His father’s name was Aliptigin, termed a slave by Ferishta and his
  authorities; though El-Makin gives him an ancestor in Yazdegird. [He
  was a slave (Elliot-Dowson iv. 159).]

Footnote 4.4.17:

  _Ait_, contracted from _Aditya_: hence _Itwar_, ‘Sunday.’

Footnote 4.4.18:

  [This is not corroborated by Musulmān authorities.]

Footnote 4.4.19:

  Even from the puerilities of Hindu legends something may be extracted.
  A mendicant dervesh, called Roshan Ali (_i.e._ the ‘_light_ of Ali’),
  had found his way to Garh Bitli (the ancient name of the Ajmer
  fortress), and having thrust his hand into a vessel of curds destined
  for the Raja, had his finger cut off. The disjointed member flew to
  Mecca, and was recognized as belonging to the saint. An army was
  equipped in the disguise of horse-merchants, which invaded Ajmer,
  whose prince was slain. May we not gather from this incident that an
  insult to the first Islamite missionary, in the person of Roshan Ali,
  brought upon the prince the arms of the Caliph? The same Chauhan
  legends state that Ajaipal was prince of Ajmer at this time; that in
  this invasion by sea he hastened to Anjar (on the coast of Cutch),
  where he held the ‘guard of the ocean’ (_Samudra ki Chauki_), where he
  fell in opposing the landing. An altar was erected on the spot, on
  which was sculptured the figure of the prince on horseback, with his
  lance at rest, and which still annually attracts multitudes at the
  ‘fair (Mela) of Ajaipal.’ The subsequent invasion alluded to in the
  text, of S. 750 (A.D. 694), is marked by a curious anecdote. When the
  ‘Asurs’ had blockaded Ajmer, Lot, the infant son of Manika Rae, was
  playing on the battlements, when an arrow from the foe killed the heir
  of Ajmer, who has ever since been worshipped amongst the lares and
  penates of the Chauhans; and as he had on a silver chain anklet at the
  time, this ornament is forbid to the children of the race. In all
  these Rajput families there is a putra (_adolescens_) amongst the
  penates, always one who has come to an untimely end, and chiefly
  worshipped by females; having a strong resemblance to the rites in
  honour of Adonis. We have traced several Roman and Grecian terms to
  Sanskrit origin; may we add that of _lares_, from _larla_, ‘dear’ or
  ‘beloved’? [?].

Footnote 4.4.20:

  [The story is “puerile and fictitious: independent of which the Arabs
  had quite enough to do nearer home” (Elliot-Dowson i. 426).]

Footnote 4.4.21:

  [Persian: not a likely name.]

Footnote 4.4.22:

  Signifying ‘Elephant forests,’ and described in a Hindu map (stamped
  on cloth and painted) of India from Kujliban to Lanka, and the
  provinces west of the Indus to Calcutta; presented by me to the Royal
  Asiatic Society.

Footnote 4.4.23:

  The list of the vassal princes at the court of the Mori confirms the
  statement of the bard Chand, of the supremacy of Ram Pramara, and the
  partition of his dominion, as described (see p. 63, note) amongst the
  princes who founded separate dynasties at this period; hitherto in
  vassalage or subordinate to the Pramara. We can scarcely suppose the
  family to have suffered any decay since their ancestor, Chandragupta,
  connected by marriage with as well as the ally of the Grecian
  Seleucus, and who held Greeks in his pay. From such connexion, the
  arts of sculpture and architecture may have derived a character
  hitherto unnoticed. Amidst the ruins of Barolli are seen sculptured
  the Grecian helmet; and the elegant ornament, the Kumbha, or ‘vessel
  of desire,’ on the temple of Annapurna (_i.e._ ‘giver of food’), the
  Hindu Ceres, has much affinity to the Grecian device. From the
  inscription (see No. 2) it is evident that Chitor was an appanage of
  Ujjain, the seat of Pramar empire. Its monarch, Chandragupta (Mori
  [Maurya]), degraded into the barber (Maurya) tribe, was the descendant
  of Srenika, prince of Rajagriha, who, according to the Jain work,
  Kalpadruma Kalka, flourished in the year 477 before Vikramaditya, and
  from whom Chandragupta was the thirteenth in descent. The names as
  follows: Kanika, Udsen, and nine in succession of the name of Nanda,
  thence called the Nau-nanda. These, at twenty-two years to a reign
  (see p. 64), would give 286 years, which -477 = 191 s.v. + 56 = 247
  A.C. Now it was in A.C. 260, according to Bayer, that the treaty was
  formed between Seleucus and Chandragupta; so that this scrap of Jain
  history may be regarded as authentic and valuable. Asoka (a name of
  weight in Jain annals) succeeded Chandragupta. He by Kunala, whose son
  was Samprati, with whose name ends the line of Srenika, according to
  the authority from which I made the extract. The name of Samprati is
  well known from Ajmer to Saurashtra, and his era is given in a
  valuable chronogrammatic catalogue in an ancient Jain manuscript from
  the temple of Nadol, at 202 of the Virat Samvat. He is mentioned both
  traditionally and by books as the great supporter of the Jain faith,
  and the remains of temples dedicated to Mahavira, erected by this
  prince, yet exist at Ajmer, on Abu, Kumbhalmer, and Girnar. [Much of
  this needs correction, which cannot be done in the limits of a note.
  For the Nanda dynasty see Smith, _EHI_, 40, and for Chandragupta
  Maurya and Asoka, 115 ff.]

Footnote 4.4.24:

  [This and the second catalogue are fictions. They conflict with the
  conditions then existing in Gujarāt, and such motley arrays are a
  favourite bardic theme (Forbes, _Rāsmāla_, 31, note; _ASR_, ii. 379).]

Footnote 4.4.25:

  It has already been stated that the ancient name of Cambay was Gaini
  or Gajni, whose ruins are three miles from the present city [see p.
  254 above]. There is also a Gajni on the estuary of the Mahi, and
  Abu-l Fazl incidentally mentions a Gajnagar as one of the most
  important fortresses of Gujarat, belonging to Ahmad Shah; in
  attempting to obtain which by stratagem, his antagonist, Hoshang, king
  of Malwa, was made prisoner. I am unaware of the site of this place,
  though there are remains of an extensive fortress near the capital,
  founded by Ahmad, and which preserves no name. It may be the ancient
  Gajnagar. [The Author confuses the place in Gujarāt with Jājnagar or
  Jājpur in Orissa, captured through a stratagem by Hoshang (_Āīn_, ii.
  219; Ferishta iv. 178; _BG_, i. Part i. 359).]

Footnote 4.4.26:

  I presented to the Royal Asiatic Society two inscriptions from Nadol,
  one dated S. 1024, the other 1039. They are of Prince Lakha, and state
  as instances of his power that he collected the transit duties at the
  further barrier of Patan, and levied tribute from the prince of
  Chitor. He was the contemporary of Mahmud, who devastated Nadol. I
  also discovered inscriptions of the twelfth century relative to this
  celebrated Chauhan family, in passing from Udaipur to Jodhpur. [Dow
  (i. 170) writes “Tilli and Buzule”; Briggs (i. 196) has “Baly and
  Nadole”; Elliot-Dowson (ii. 229) writes “Pāli and Nandūl,” the
  differences being due to misreading of the Arabic script.]

Footnote 4.4.27:

  [Setubandha is the causeway made by Rāma to Lanka or Ceylon (_IGI_, v.

Footnote 4.4.28:

  [Chāmunda reigned A.D. 997-1010; Anhilwāra was captured under Bhīma I.

Footnote 4.4.29:

  See p. 144.

Footnote 4.4.30:

  [Ferishta i. 6.]

Footnote 4.4.31:

  The scene of action was between Peshawar and Kirman, the latter lying
  ninety miles south-west of the former.

Footnote 4.4.32:

  Dow omits this in his translation [see Briggs i. Introd. 9, i. 16].

Footnote 4.4.33:

  The sense of this passage has been quite perverted by Dow [see Briggs
  i. 16].

Footnote 4.4.34:

  [See Smith, _EHI_, 382.]

Footnote 4.4.35:

  [The capital of the Assakenoi was Massaga, near the Malakand Pass
  (Smith, _EHI_, 54; McCrindle, _Alexander_, 334 f.).]

Footnote 4.4.36:

  [For the site see Smith, _EHI_, 56, note 2.]

Footnote 4.4.37:

  See p. 104.

Footnote 4.4.38:

  See p. 119 f.

Footnote 4.4.39:

  By name, Kulanagar, Champaner, Choreta, Bhojpur, Lunara, Nimthor,
  Sodara, Jodhgarh, Sandpur, Aitpur, and Gangabheva. The remaining two
  are not mentioned.


                               CHAPTER 5

Although the whole of this chain of ancestry, from Kanaksen in the
second, Vijaya the founder of Valabhi in the fourth, to Samarsi in the
thirteenth century, cannot be discriminated with perfect accuracy, we
may affirm, to borrow a metaphor, that “the two extremities of it are
riveted in truth”: and some links have at intervals been recognized as
equally valid. We will now extend the chain to the nineteenth century.

=Samar Singh, Samarsi: The Tuars of Delhi.=—Samarsi was born in S.
1206.[4.5.1] Though the domestic annals are not silent on his acts, we
shall recur chiefly to the bard of Delhi[4.5.2] for his character and
actions, and the history of the period. Before we proceed, however, a
sketch of the political condition of Hindustan during the last of the
Tuar sovereigns of Delhi, derived from this authority and in the bard’s
own words, may not be unacceptable. "In Patan is Bhola Bhim the
Chalukya, of iron frame.[4.5.3] On the mountain Abu, Jeth Pramara, in
battle immovable as the star of the north. In Mewar is Samar Singh, who
takes tribute from the mighty, a wave of iron in the path of Delhi’s
foe. In the midst of all, strong in his own strength, Mandor’s prince,
the arrogant Nahar Rao, the might of Maru, fearing none. In Delhi the
chief of all [255] Ananga, at whose summons attended the princes of
Mandor, Nagor, Sind, Jalwat,[4.5.4] and others on its confines,
Peshawar, Lahore, Kangra, and its mountain chiefs, with Kasi,[4.5.5]
Prayag,[4.5.6] and Garh Deogir. The lords of Simar[4.5.7] were in
constant danger of his power." The Bhatti, since their expulsion from
Zabulistan, had successively occupied as capitals, Salivahanapur in the
Panjab, Tanot, Derawar, which last they founded, and the ancient
Lodorwa, which they conquered in the desert; and at the period in
question were constructing their present residence, Jaisalmer. In this
nook they had been fighting for centuries with the lieutenants of the
Caliph at Aror, occasionally redeeming their ancient possessions as far
as the city of the Tak on the Indus. Their situation gave them little
political interest in the affairs of Hindustan until the period of
Prithiraj, one of whose principal leaders, Achales, was the brother of
the Bhatti prince. Anangpal, from this description, was justly entitled
to be termed the paramount sovereign of Hindustan; but he was the last
of a dynasty of nineteen princes, who had occupied Delhi nearly four
hundred years, from the time of the founder Bilan Deo, who, according to
a manuscript in the author’s possession, was only an opulent Thakur when
he assumed the ensigns of royalty in the then deserted Indraprastha,
taking the name of Anangpal,[4.5.8] ever after titular in the family.
The Chauhans of Ajmer owed at least homage to Delhi at this time,
although Bisaldeo had rendered it almost nominal; and to Someswar, the
fourth in descent, Anangpal was indebted for the preservation of this
supremacy against the attempts of Kanauj, for which service he obtained
the Tuar’s daughter in marriage, the issue of which was Prithiraj, who
when only eight years of age was proclaimed successor to the Delhi

=Prithiraj.=—Jaichand of Kanauj and Prithiraj bore the same relative
situation to Anangpal; Bijaipal, the father of the former, as well as
Someswar, having had a daughter of the Tuar to wife. This originated the
rivalry between the Chauhans and Rathors, which ended in the destruction
of both. When Prithiraj mounted the throne of Delhi, Jaichand not only
refused to acknowledge his supremacy, but set forth his own claims to
this distinction. In these he was supported by the prince of Patan [256]
Anhilwara (the eternal foe of the Chauhans), and likewise by the
Parihars of Mandor. But the affront given by the latter, in refusing to
fulfil the contract of bestowing his daughter on the young Chauhan,
brought on a warfare, in which this first essay was but the presage of
his future fame. Kanauj and Patan had recourse to the dangerous
expedient of entertaining bands of Tatars, through whom the sovereign of
Ghazni was enabled to take advantage of their internal broils.

Samarsi, prince of Chitor, had married the sister of Prithiraj, and
their personal characters, as well as this tie, bound them to each other
throughout all these commotions, until the last fatal battle on the
Ghaggar. From these feuds Hindustan never was free. But unrelenting
enmity was not a part of their character: having displayed the valour of
the tribe, the bard or Nestor of the day would step in, and a marriage
would conciliate and maintain in friendship such foes for two
generations. From time immemorial such has been the political state of
India, as represented by their own epics, or in Arabian or Persian
histories: thus always the prey of foreigners, and destined to remain
so. Samarsi had to contend both with the princes of Patan and Kanauj;
and although the bard says “he washed his blade in the Jumna,” the
domestic annals slur over the circumstance of Siddharaja-Jayasingha
having actually made a conquest of Chitor; for it is not only included
in the eighteen capitals enumerated as appertaining to this prince, but
the author discovered a tablet[4.5.9] in Chitor, placed there by his
successor, Kumarpal, bearing the date S. 1206, the period of Samarsi’s
birth. The first occasion of Samarsi’s aid being called in by the
Chauhan emperor was on the discovery of treasure at Nagor, amounting to
seven millions of gold, the deposit of ancient days. The princes of
Kanauj and Patan, dreading the influence which such sinews of war would
afford their antagonist, invited Shihabu-d-din to aid their designs of
humiliating the Chauhan, who in this emergency sent an embassy to
Samarsi. The envoy was Chand Pundir, the vassal chief of Lahore, and
guardian of that frontier. He is conspicuous from this time to the hour
“when he planted his lance at the ford of the Ravi,” and fell in
opposing the passage of Shihabu-d-din. The presents he carries, the
speech with which he greets the Chitor prince, his reception, reply, and
dismissal are all preserved by [257] Chand. The style of address and the
apparel of Samarsi betoken that he had not laid aside the office and
ensigns of a ‘Regent of Mahadeva.’ A simple necklace of the seeds of the
lotus adorned his neck; his hair was braided, and he is addressed as
Jogindra, or chief of ascetics. Samarsi proceeded to Delhi; and it was
arranged, as he was connected by marriage with the prince of Patan, that
Prithiraj should march against this prince, while he should oppose the
army from Ghazni. He (Samarsi) accordingly fought several indecisive
battles, which gave time to the Chauhan to terminate the war in Gujarat
and rejoin him. United, they completely discomfited the invaders, making
their leader prisoner. Samarsi declined any share of the discovered
treasure, but permitted his chiefs to accept the gifts offered by
Chauhan. Many years elapsed in such subordinate warfare, when the prince
of Chitor was again constrained to use his buckler in defence of Delhi
and its prince, whose arrogance and successful ambition, followed by
disgraceful inactivity, invited invasion with every presage of success.
Jealousy and revenge rendered the princes of Patan, Kanauj, Dhar, and
the minor courts indifferent spectators of a contest destined to
overthrow them all.

=The Death of Samar Singh.=—The bard gives a good description of the
preparations for his departure from Chitor, which he was destined never
to see again. The charge of the city was entrusted to a favourite and
younger son, Karna: which disgusted the elder brother, who went to the
Deccan to Bidar, where he was well received by an Abyssinian
chief,[4.5.10] who had there established himself in sovereignty. Another
son, either on this occasion or on the subsequent fall of Chitor, fled
to the mountains of Nepal, and there spread the Guhilot line.[4.5.11] It
is in this, the last of the books of Chand, termed _The Great Fight_,
that we have the character of Samarsi fully delineated. His arrival at
Delhi is hailed with songs of joy as a day of deliverance. Prithiraj and
his court advance seven miles to meet him, and the description of the
greeting of the king of Delhi and his sister, and the chiefs on either
side who recognize ancient friendships, is most animated. Samarsi reads
his brother-in-law an indignant lecture on his unprincely inactivity,
and throughout the book divides attention with him.

In the planning of the campaign, and march towards the Ghaggar to meet
the foe [258], Samarsi is consulted, and his opinions are recorded. The
bard represents him as the Ulysses of the host: brave, cool, and skilful
in the fight; prudent, wise, and eloquent in council; pious and decorous
on all occasions; beloved by his own chiefs, and reverenced by the
vassals of the Chauhan. In the line of march no augur or bard could
better explain the omens, none in the field better dress the squadrons
for battle, none guide his steed or use his lance with more address. His
tent is the principal resort of the leaders after the march or in the
intervals of battle, who were delighted by his eloquence or instructed
by his knowledge. The bard confesses that his precepts of government are
chiefly from the lips of Khuman;[4.5.12] and of his best episodes and
allegories, whether on morals, rules for the guidance of ambassadors,
choice of ministers, religious or social duties (but especially those of
the Rajput to the sovereign), the wise prince of Chitor is the general

On the last of three days’ desperate fighting Samarsi was slain,
together with his son Kalyan, and thirteen thousand of his household
troops and most renowned chieftains.[4.5.13] His beloved Pirtha, on
hearing the fatal issue, her husband slain, her brother captive, the
heroes of Delhi and Chitor “asleep on the banks of the Ghaggar, in the
wave of the steel,” joined her lord through the flame, nor waited the
advance of the Tatar king, when Delhi was carried by storm, and the last
stay of the Chauhans, Prince Rainsi, met death in the assault. The
capture of Delhi and its monarch, the death of his ally of Chitor, with
the bravest and best of their troops, speedily ensured the further and
final success of the Tatar arms; and when Kanauj fell, and the traitor
to his nation met his fate in the waves of the Ganges, none were left to
contend with Shihabu-d-din the possession of the regal seat of the
Chauhan. Scenes of devastation, plunder, and massacre commenced, which
lasted through ages; during which nearly all that was sacred in religion
or celebrated in art was destroyed by these ruthless and barbarous
invaders. The noble Rajput, with a spirit of constancy and enduring
courage, seized every opportunity to turn upon his oppressor. By his
perseverance and valour he wore out entire dynasties of foes,
alternately yielding ‘to his fate,’ or restricting the circle of
conquest. Every road in Rajasthan was moistened with torrents of blood
of the [259] spoiled and the spoiler. But all was of no avail; fresh
supplies were ever pouring in, and dynasty succeeded dynasty, heir to
the same remorseless feeling which sanctified murder, legalized
spoliation, and deified destruction. In these desperate conflicts entire
tribes were swept away whose names are the only memento of their former
existence and celebrity.

=Gallant Resistance of the Rājputs.=—What nation on earth would have
maintained the semblance of civilization, the spirit or the customs of
their forefathers, during so many centuries of overwhelming depression
but one of such singular character as the Rajput? Though ardent and
reckless, he can, when required, subside into forbearance and apparent
apathy, and reserve himself for the opportunity of revenge. Rajasthan
exhibits the sole example in the history of mankind of a people
withstanding every outrage barbarity can inflict, or human nature
sustain, from a foe whose religion commands annihilation, and bent to
the earth, yet rising buoyant from the pressure, and making calamity a
whetstone to courage. How did the Britons at once sink under the Romans,
and in vain strive to save their groves, their druids, or the altars of
Bal from destruction! To the Saxons they alike succumbed; they, again,
to the Danes; and this heterogeneous breed to the Normans. Empire was
lost and gained by a single battle, and the laws and religion of the
conquered merged in those of the conquerors. Contrast with these the
Rajputs; not an iota of their religion or customs have they lost, though
many a foot of land. Some of their States have been expunged from the
map of dominion; and, as a punishment of national infidelity, the pride
of the Rathor, and the glory of the Chalukya, the overgrown Kanauj and
gorgeous Anhilwara, are forgotten names! Mewar alone, the sacred bulwark
of religion, never compromised her honour for her safety, and still
survives her ancient limits; and since the brave Samarsi gave up his
life, the blood of her princes has flowed in copious streams for the
maintenance of this honour, religion, and independence.

=Karan Singh I.: Ratan Singh.=—Samarsi had several sons;[4.5.14] but
Karna was his heir, and during his minority his mother, Kuramdevi, a
princess of Patan, nobly maintained what his father left. She headed her
Rajputs and gave battle[4.5.15] in person to Kutbu-d-din, near [260]
Amber, when the viceroy was defeated and wounded. Nine Rajas, and eleven
chiefs of inferior dignity with the title of Rawat, followed the mother
of their prince.

Karna (the radiant) succeeded in S. 1249 (A.D. 1193); but he was not
destined to be the founder of a line in Mewar.[4.5.16] The annals are at
variance with each other on an event which gave the sovereignty of
Chitor to a younger branch, and sent the elder into the inhospitable
wilds of the west, to found a city[4.5.17] and perpetuate a
line.[4.5.18] It is stated generally that Karna had two sons, Mahup and
Rahup; but this is an error: Samarsi and Surajmall were brothers: Karna
was the son of the former and Mahup was his son, whose mother was a
Chauhan of Bagar. Surajmall had a son named Bharat, who was driven from
Chitor by a conspiracy. He proceeded to Sind, obtained Aror from its
prince, a Musalman, and married the daughter of the Bhatti chief of
Pugal, by whom he had a son named Rahup. Kama died of grief for the loss
of Bharat and the unworthiness of Mahup, who abandoned him to live
entirely with his maternal relations, the Chauhans.

The Sonigira chief of Jalor had married the daughter of Karna, by whom
he had a child named Randhol,[4.5.19] whom by treachery he placed on the
throne of Chitor, slaying the chief Guhilots. Mahup being unable to
recover his rights, and unwilling to make any exertion, the chair of
Bappa Rawal would have passed to the Chauhans but for an ancient bard of
the house. He pursued his way to Aror, held by old Bharat as a fief of
Kabul. With the levies of Sind he marched to claim the right abandoned
by Mahup and at Pali encountered and defeated the Sonigiras. The
retainers of Mewar flocked to his standard, and by their aid he
enthroned himself in Chitor. He sent for his father and mother,
Ranangdevi, whose dwelling on the Indus was made over to a younger
brother, who bartered his faith for Aror, and held it as a vassal of

=Rāhup.=—Rahup obtained Chitor in S. 1257 (A.D. 1201), and shortly after
sustained the attack of Shamsu-d-din, whom he met and overcame in a
battle at Nagor. Two [261] great changes were introduced by this prince;
the first in the title of the tribe, to Sesodia; the other in that of
its prince, from Rawal to Rana. The puerile reason for the former has
already been noticed;[4.5.20] the cause of the latter is deserving of
more attention. Amongst the foes of Rahup was the Parihar prince of
Mandor: his name Mokal, with the title of Rana. Rahup seized him in his
capital and brought him to Sesoda, making him renounce the rich district
of Godwar and his title of Rana, which he assumed himself, to denote the
completion of his feud. He ruled thirty-eight years in a period of great
distraction, and appears to have been well calculated, not only to
uphold the fallen fortunes of the State, but to rescue them from utter
ruin. His reign is the more remarkable by contrast with his successors,
nine of whom are ‘pushed from their stools’ in the same or even a
shorter period than that during which he upheld the dignity.

From Rahup to Lakhamsi [Lakshman Singh], in the short space of half a
century, nine princes of Chitor were crowned, and at nearly equal
intervals of time followed each other to ‘the mansions of the sun.’ Of
these nine, six fell in battle. Nor did they meet their fate at home,
but in a chivalrous enterprise to redeem the sacred Gaya from the
pollution of the barbarian. For this object these princes successively
fell, but such devotion inspired fear, if not pity or conviction, and
the bigot renounced the impiety which Prithimall purchased with his
blood, and until Alau-d-din’s reign, this outrage to their prejudices
was renounced. But in this interval they had lost their capital, for it
is stated as the only occurrence in Bhonsi’s[4.5.21] reign that he [262]
“recovered Chitor” and made the name of Rana be acknowledged by all. Two
memorials are preserved of the nine princes from Rahup to Lakhamsi, and
of the same character: confusion and strife within and without. We will,
therefore, pass over these to another grand event in the vicissitudes of
this house, which possesses more of romance than of history, though the
facts are undoubted.


Footnote 4.5.1:

  [For the error in his date see p. 281 above.]

Footnote 4.5.2:

  The work of Chand is a universal history of the period in which he
  wrote. In the sixty-nine books, comprising one hundred thousand
  stanzas, relating to the exploits of Prithiraj, every noble family of
  Rajasthan will find some record of their ancestors. It is accordingly
  treasured amongst the archives of each race having any pretensions to
  the name of Rajput. From this he can trace his martial forefathers who
  ‘drank of the wave of battle’ in the passes of Kirman when the ‘cloud
  of war rolled from Himachal’ to the plains of Hindustan. The wars of
  Prithiraj, his alliances, his numerous and powerful tributaries, their
  abodes and pedigrees, make the works of Chand invaluable as historic
  and geographical memoranda, besides being treasures in mythology,
  manners, and the annals of the mind. To read this poet well is a sure
  road to honour, and my own Guru was allowed, even by the professional
  bards, to excel therein. As he read I rapidly translated about thirty
  thousand stanzas. Familiar with the dialects in which it is written, I
  have fancied that I seized occasionally the poet’s spirit; but it were
  presumption to suppose that I embodied all his brilliancy, or fully
  comprehended the depth of his allusions. But I knew for whom he wrote.
  The most familiar of his images and sentiments I heard daily from the
  mouths of those around me, the descendants of the men whose deeds he
  rehearses. I was enabled thus to seize his meaning, where one more
  skilled in poetic lore might have failed, and to make my prosaic
  version of some value. [For Chand Bardāi see Grierson, _Modern
  Literary History of Hindustan_, 3 f.]

Footnote 4.5.3:

  [Bhīma II., Chaulukya, known as Bhola, ‘the simpleton,’ A.D.

Footnote 4.5.4:

  Unknown, unless the country on the ‘waters’ (_jal_) of Sind.

Footnote 4.5.5:


Footnote 4.5.6:


Footnote 4.5.7:

  The cold regions (_si_, ‘cold’).

Footnote 4.5.8:

  _Ananga_ is a poetical epithet of the Hindu Cupid, literally
  ‘incorporeal’; but, according to good authority, applicable to the
  founder of the desolate abode, _palna_ being ‘to support,’ and _anga_,
  with the primitive _an_, ‘without body.’

Footnote 4.5.9:

  See Inscription No. 5.

Footnote 4.5.10:

  Styled Habshi Padshah.

Footnote 4.5.11:

  [The Gorkhas or Gurkhas are said to have reached Nepal through Kumaun
  after the fall of Chitor (_IGI_, xix. 32).]

Footnote 4.5.12:

  I have already mentioned that Khuman became a patronymic and title
  amongst the princes of Chitor.

Footnote 4.5.13:

  [The battle was fought at Tarāīn or Talāwari in the Ambāla District,
  Panjāb, in 1192.]

Footnote 4.5.14:

  Kalyanrae, slain with his father; Kumbhkaran, who went to Bidar; a
  third, the founder of the Gorkhas. [This assertion, based on the
  authority of Chand, is incorrect, Samar Singh being misplaced, and
  succeeded by Ratan Singh (Erskine ii. A. 146).]

Footnote 4.5.15:

  This must be the battle mentioned by Ferishta (see Dow, p. 169, vol.

Footnote 4.5.16:

  He had a son, Sarwan, who took to commerce. Hence the mercantile
  Sesodia caste, Sarwania.

Footnote 4.5.17:

  Dungarpur, so named from _dungar_, ‘a mountain.’

Footnote 4.5.18:

  [The facts are that after "Karan Singh the Mewār family divided into
  two branches—one with the title of Rāwal, the other Rāna. In the
  first, or Rāwal, branch were Khem or Kshem Singh, the eldest son of
  Karan Singh, Sāmant Singh, Kumār Singh, Mathan Singh, Padam Singh,
  Jeth Singh, Tej Singh, Samar Singh, and Ratan Singh, all of whom
  reigned at Chitor; while in the Rāna branch were Rāhup, a younger son
  of Karan Singh, Narpat, Dinkaran, Jaskaran, Nāgpāl, Puranpāl, Prithi
  Pāl, Bhuvān Singh, Bhīm Singh, Jai Singh, and Lakshman Singh, who
  ruled at Sesoda, and called themselves Sesodias. Thus, instead of
  having to fit in something like ten generations between Samar Singh,
  who, as we know, was alive in 1299, and the siege of Chitor, which
  certainly took place in 1303, we find that those ten princes were not
  descendants of Samar Singh at all, but the contemporaries of his seven
  immediate predecessors on the _gaddi_ of Chitor and of himself, and
  that both Ratan Singh, the son of Samar Singh, and Lakshman Singh, the
  contemporary of Ratan Singh, were descended from a common ancestor,
  Karan Singh I., nine and eleven generations back respectively. It is
  also possible to reconcile the statement of the Musalmān historians
  that Ratan Singh (called Rāī Ratan) was ruler of Chitor during the
  siege—a statement corroborated by an inscription at Rājnagar—with the
  generally accepted story that it was Rāna Lakshman Singh who fell in
  defence of the fort" (Erskine ii. A. 15).]

Footnote 4.5.19:

  So pronounced, but properly written Randhaval, ‘the standard of the

Footnote 4.5.20:

  See note, p. 252.

Footnote 4.5.21:

  His second son, Chandra, obtained an appanage on the Chambal, and his
  issue, well known as Chandarawats, constituted one of the most
  powerful vassal clans of Mewar. Rampura (Bhanpura) was their
  residence, yielding a revenue of nine lakhs (£110,000), held on the
  tenure of service which, from an original grant in my possession from
  Rana Jagat Singh to his nephew Madho Singh, afterwards prince of
  Amber, was three thousand horse and foot (see p. 235), and the fine of
  investiture was seventy-five thousand rupees. Madho Singh, when prince
  of Amber, did what was invalid as well as ungrateful; he made over
  this domain, granted during his misfortunes, to Holkar, the first limb
  lopped off Mewar. The Chandarawat proprietor continued, however, to
  possess a portion of the original estate with the fortress of Amad,
  which it maintained throughout all the troubles of Rajwara till A.D.
  1821. It shows the attachment to custom that the young Rao applied and
  received ‘the sword’ of investiture from his old lord paramount, the
  Rana, though dependent on Holkar’s forbearance. But a minority is
  proverbially dangerous in India. Disorder from party plots made Amad
  troublesome to Holkar’s government, which as his ally and preserver of
  tranquillity we suppressed by blowing up the walls of the fortress.
  This is one of many instances of the harsh, uncompromising nature of
  our power, and the anomalous description of our alliances with the
  Rajputs. However necessary to repress the disorder arising from the
  claims of ancient proprietors and the recent rights of Holkar, or the
  new proprietor, Ghafur Khan, yet surrounding princes, and the general
  population, who know the history of past times, lament to see a name
  of five hundred years’ duration thus summarily extinguished, which
  chiefly benefits an upstart Pathan. Such the vortex of the ambiguous,
  irregular, and unsystematic policy, which marks many of our alliances,
  which protect too often but to injure, and gives to our office of
  general arbitrator and high constable of Rajasthan a harsh and
  unfeeling character. Much of this arises from ignorance of the past
  history; much from disregard of the peculiar usages of the people; or
  from that expediency which too often comes in contact with moral
  fitness, which will go on until the day predicted by the Nestor of
  India, when “_one sikka_ (seal) alone will be used in Hindustan.”


                               CHAPTER 6

=Lakhamsi: Lachhman Singh.=—Lakhamsi[4.6.1] succeeded his father in S.
1331 (A.D. 1275), a memorable era in the annals, when Chitor, the
repository of all that was precious yet untouched of the arts of India,
was stormed, sacked, and treated with remorseless barbarity by the
Pathan [Khilji] emperor, Alau-d-din. Twice it was attacked by this
subjugator of India. In the first siege it escaped spoliation, though at
the price of its best defenders: that which followed is the first
successful assault and capture of which we have any detailed account.

=Bhīm Singh: Padmini.=—Bhimsi was the uncle of the young prince, and
protector during his minority. He had espoused the daughter of Hamir
Sank (Chauhan) of Ceylon, the cause of woes unnumbered to the Sesodias.
Her name was Padmini,[4.6.2] a title bestowed only on the superlatively
fair, and transmitted with renown to posterity by tradition and the song
of the bard. Her beauty, accomplishments, exaltation, and destruction,
with other incidental circumstances, constitute the subject of one of
the most popular traditions of Rajwara. The Hindu bard recognizes the
fair, in preference to fame and love of conquest, as the motive for the
attack of Alau-d-din, who [263] limited his demand to the possession of
Padmini; though this was after a long and fruitless siege. At length he
restricted his desire to a mere sight of this extraordinary beauty, and
acceded to the proposal of beholding her through the medium of mirrors.
Relying on the faith of the Rajput, he entered Chitor slightly guarded,
and having gratified his wish, returned. The Rajput, unwilling to be
outdone in confidence, accompanied the king to the foot of the fortress,
amidst many complimentary excuses from his guest at the trouble he thus
occasioned. It was for this that Ala risked his own safety, relying on
the superior faith of the Hindu. Here he had an ambush; Bhimsi was made
prisoner, hurried away to the Tatar camp, and his liberty made dependent
on the surrender of Padmini.

=The Siege of Chitor.=—Despair reigned in Chitor when this fatal event
was known, and it was debated whether Padmini should be resigned as a
ransom for their defender. Of this she was informed, and expressed her
acquiescence. Having provided wherewithal to secure her from dishonour,
she communed with two chiefs of her own kin and clan of Ceylon, her
uncle Gora, and his nephew Badal, who devised a scheme for the
liberation of their prince without hazarding her life or fame.
Intimation was dispatched to Ala that on the day he withdrew from his
trenches the fair Padmini would be sent, but in a manner befitting her
own and his high station, surrounded by her females and handmaids; not
only those who would accompany her to Delhi, but many others who desired
to pay her this last mark of reverence. Strict commands were to be
issued to prevent curiosity from violating the sanctity of female
decorum and privacy. No less than seven hundred covered litters
proceeded to the royal camp. In each was placed one of the bravest of
the defenders of Chitor, borne by six armed soldiers disguised as
litter-porters. They reached the camp. The royal tents were enclosed
with _kanats_ (walls of cloth); the litters were deposited, and half an
hour was granted for a parting interview between the Hindu prince and
his bride. They then placed their prince in a litter and returned with
him, while the greater number (the supposed damsels) remained to
accompany the fair to Delhi.[4.6.3] But Ala had no intention to permit
Bhimsi’s return, and was becoming jealous of the long interview he
enjoyed, when, instead of the prince and Padmini, the devoted band
issued from their litters: but Ala was too well guarded. Pursuit was
ordered, while these covered the retreat till they perished to a man. A
fleet horse was in reserve for [264] Bhimsi, on which he was placed, and
in safety ascended the fort, at whose outer gate the host of Ala was
encountered. The choicest of the heroes of Chitor met the assault. With
Gora and Badal at their head, animated by the noblest sentiments, the
deliverance of their chief and the honour of their queen, they devoted
themselves to destruction, and few were the survivors of this slaughter
of the flower of Mewar. For a time Ala was defeated in his object, and
the havoc they had made in his ranks, joined to the dread of their
determined resistance, obliged him to desist from the enterprise.

Mention has already been made of the adjuration,“by the sin of the sack
of Chitor.” Of these sacks they enumerate _three and a half_. This is
the ‘half’; for though the city was not stormed, the best and bravest
were cut off (_sakha_). It is described with great animation in the
Khuman Raesa. Badal was but a stripling of twelve, but the Rajput
expects wonders from this early age. He escaped, though wounded, and a
dialogue ensues between him and his uncle’s wife, who desires him to
relate how her lord conducted himself ere she joins him. The stripling
replies: “He was the reaper of the harvest of battle; I followed his
steps as the humble gleaner of his sword. On the gory bed of honour he
spread a carpet of the slain; a barbarian prince his pillow, he laid him
down, and sleeps surrounded by the foe.” Again she said: "Tell me,
Badal, how did my love (_piyar_) behave?" “Oh! mother, how further
describe his deeds when he left no foe to dread or admire him?” She
smiled farewell to the boy, and adding, “My lord will chide my delay,”
sprung into the flame.

Alau-d-din, having recruited his strength, returned to his object,
Chitor. The annals state this to have been in S. 1346 (A.D. 1290), but
Ferishta gives a date thirteen years later.[4.6.4] They had not yet
recovered the loss of so many valiant men who had sacrificed themselves
for their prince’s safety, and Ala carried on his attacks more closely,
and at length obtained the hill at the southern point, where he
entrenched himself. They still pretend to point out his trenches; but so
many have been formed by subsequent attacks that we cannot credit the
assertion. The poet has found in the disastrous issue of this siege
admirable materials for his song. He represents the Rana, after an
arduous day, stretched on his pallet, and during a night of watchful
anxiety, pondering on the means by which he might preserve from the
general destruction one at least of his twelve sons; when a voice [265]
broke on his solitude, exclaiming, “_Main bhukhi ho_”;[4.6.5] and
raising his eyes, he saw, by the dim glare of the chiragh,[4.6.6]
advancing between the granite columns, the majestic form of the guardian
goddess of Chitor. “Not satiated,” exclaimed the Rana, “though eight
thousand of my kin were late an offering to thee?” “I must have regal
victims; and if twelve who wear the diadem bleed not for Chitor, the
land will pass from the line.” This said, she vanished.

On the morn he convened a council of his chiefs, to whom he revealed the
vision of the night, which they treated as the dream of a disordered
fancy. He commanded their attendance at midnight; when again the form
appeared, and repeated the terms on which alone she would remain amongst
them. “Though thousands of barbarians strew the earth, what are they to
me? On each day enthrone a prince. Let the kirania,[4.6.7] the chhatra
and the chamara,[4.6.7] proclaim his sovereignty, and for three days let
his decrees be supreme: on the fourth let him meet the foe and his fate.
Then only may I remain.”

Whether we have merely the fiction of the poet, or whether the scene was
got up to animate the spirit of resistance, matters but little, it is
consistent with the belief of the tribe; and that the goddess should
openly manifest her wish to retain as her tiara the battlements of
Chitor on conditions so congenial to the warlike and superstitious
Rajput was a gage readily taken up and fully answering the end. A
generous contention arose amongst the brave brothers who should be the
first victim to avert the denunciation. Arsi urged his priority of
birth: he was proclaimed, the umbrella waved over his head, and on the
fourth day he surrendered his short-lived honours and his life. Ajaisi,
the next in birth, demanded to follow; but he was the favourite son of
his father, and at his request he consented to let his brothers precede
him. Eleven had fallen in turn, and but one victim remained to the
salvation of the city, when the Rana, calling his chiefs around him,
said, “Now I devote myself for Chitor.”

=The Johar.=—But another awful sacrifice was to precede this act of
self-devotion in that horrible rite, the _Johar_,[4.6.8] where the
females are immolated to preserve them from pollution or captivity. The
funeral pyre was lighted within the ‘great subterranean retreat,’[4.6.9]
in chambers impervious to the light [266] of day, and the defenders of
Chitor beheld in procession the queens, their own wives and daughters,
to the number of several thousands. The fair Padmini closed the throng,
which was augmented by whatever of female beauty or youth could be
tainted by Tatar lust. They were conveyed to the cavern, and the opening
closed upon them, leaving them to find security from dishonour in the
devouring element.

A contest now arose between the Rana and his surviving son; but the
father prevailed, and Ajaisi, in obedience to his commands, with a small
band passed through the enemy’s lines, and reached Kelwara in safety.
The Rana, satisfied that his line was not extinct, now prepared to
follow his brave sons; and calling around him his devoted clans, for
whom life had no longer any charms, they threw open the portals and
descended to the plains, and with a reckless despair carried death, or
met it, in the crowded ranks of Ala. The Tatar conqueror took possession
of an inanimate capital, strewed with brave defenders, the smoke yet
issuing from the recesses where lay consumed the once fair object of his
desire; and since this devoted day the cavern has been sacred: no eye
has penetrated its gloom, and superstition has placed as its guardian a
huge serpent, whose ‘venomous breath’ extinguishes the light which might
guide intruders to ‘the place of sacrifice.’

=The Conquests of Alāu-d-dīn.=—Thus fell, in A.D. 1303, this celebrated
capital, in the round of conquest of Alau-d-din, one of the most
vigorous and warlike sovereigns who have occupied the throne of India.
In success, and in one of the means of attainment, a bigoted hypocrisy,
he bore a striking resemblance to Aurangzeb; and the title of
‘Sikandaru-s-Sani,’ or the second Alexander, which he assumed and
impressed on his coins, was no idle vaunt. The proud Anhilwara, the
ancient Dhar and Avanti, Mandor and Deogir, the seats of the Solankis,
the Pramaras, the Pariharas and Taks, the entire Agnikula race, were
overturned for ever by Ala. Jaisalmer, Gagraun, Bundi, the abodes of the
Bhatti, the Khichi, and the Hara, with many of minor importance,
suffered all the horrors of assault from this foe of the race, though
destined again to raise their heads. The Rathors of Marwar and the [267]
Kachhwahas of Amber were yet in a state of insignificance: the former
were slowly creeping into notice as the vassals of the Pariharas, while
the latter could scarcely withstand the attacks of the original Mina
population. Ala remained in Chitor some days, admiring the grandeur of
his conquest; and having committed every act of barbarity and wanton
dilapidation which a bigoted zeal could suggest, overthrowing the
temples and other monuments of art, he delivered the city in charge to
Maldeo, the chief of Jalor, whom he had conquered and enrolled amongst
his vassals. The palace of Bhim and the fair Padmini alone appears to
have escaped the wrath of Ala; it would be pleasing could we suppose any
kinder sentiment suggested the exception, which enables the author of
these annals to exhibit the abode of the fair of Ceylon.


  _To face page 312._

=The Flight of Rāna Ajai Singh.=—The survivor of Chitor, Rana Ajaisi,
was now in security at Kelwara, a town situated in the heart of the
Aravalli mountains, the western boundary of Mewar, to which its princes
had been indebted for twelve centuries of dominion. Kelwara is at the
highest part of one of its most extensive valleys, termed the Shero
Nala, the richest district of this Alpine region. Guarded by faithful
adherents, Ajaisi cherished for future occasion the wrecks of Mewar. It
was the last behest of his father that when he attained ‘one hundred
years’ (a figurative expression for dying) the son of Arsi, the elder
brother, should succeed him. This injunction, from the deficiency of the
qualities requisite at such a juncture in his own sons, met a ready
compliance. Hamir was this son, destined to redeem the promise of the
genius of Chitor and the lost honours of his race, and whose birth and
early history fill many a page of their annals. His father, Arsi, being
out on a hunting excursion in the forest of Ondua, with some young
chiefs of the court, in pursuit of the boar entered a field of maize,
when a female offered to drive out the game. Pulling one of the stalks
of maize, which grows to the height of ten or twelve feet, she pointed
it, and mounting the platform made to watch the corn, impaled the hog,
dragged him before the hunters, and departed. Though accustomed to feats
of strength and heroism from the nervous arms of their countrywomen, the
act surprised them. They descended to the stream at hand, and prepared
the repast, as is usual, on the spot. The feast was held, and comments
were passing on the fair arm which had transfixed the boar, when a ball
of clay from a sling fractured a limb of the prince’s steed. Looking in
the direction whence it [268] came, they observed the same damsel, from
her elevated stand,[4.6.10] preserving her fields from aerial
depredators; but seeing the mischief she had occasioned she descended to
express her regret and then returned to her pursuit. As they were
proceeding homewards after the sports of the day, they again encountered
the damsel, with a vessel of milk on her head, and leading in either
hand a young buffalo. It was proposed, in frolic, to overturn her milk,
and one of the companions of the prince dashed rudely by her; but
without being disconcerted, she entangled one of her charges with the
horse’s limbs and brought the rider to the ground. On inquiry the prince
discovered that she was the daughter of a poor Rajput of the Chandano
tribe.[4.6.11] He returned the next day to the same quarter and sent for
her father, who came and took his seat with perfect independence close
to the prince, to the merriment of his companions, which was checked by
Arsi asking his daughter to wife. They were yet more surprised by the
demand being refused. The Rajput, on going home, told the more prudent
mother, who scolded him heartily, made him recall the refusal, and seek
the prince. They were married, and Hamir was the son of the Chandano
Rajputni.[4.6.12] He remained little noticed at the maternal abode till
the catastrophe of Chitor. At this period he was twelve years of age,
and had led a rustic life, from which the necessity of the times
recalled him.

=Mewār occupied by the Musalmāns: The Exploit of Hamīr.=—Mewar was now
occupied by the garrisons of Delhi, and Ajaisi had besides to contend
with the mountain chiefs, amongst whom Munja Balaicha was the most
formidable, who had, on a recent occasion, invaded the Shero Nala, and
personally encountered the Rana, whom he wounded on the head with a
lance. The Rana’s sons, Sajansi and Ajamsi, though fourteen and fifteen,
an age at which a Rajput ought to indicate his future character, proved
of little aid in the emergency. Hamir was summoned, and accepted the
feud against Munja, promising to return successful or not at all. In a
few days he was seen entering the pass of Kelwara with Munja’s head at
his saddle-bow. Modestly placing the trophy at his uncle’s feet, he
exclaimed: “Recognize the head of your foe!” Ajaisi ‘kissed his
beard,’[4.6.13] and observing that fate had stamped empire on his
forehead, impressed [269] it with a tika of blood from the head of the
Balaicha. This decided the fate of the sons of Ajaisi; one of whom died
at Kelwara, and the other, Sajansi, who might have excited a civil war,
was sent from the country.[4.6.14] He departed for the Deccan, where his
issue was destined to avenge some of the wrongs the parent country had
sustained, and eventually to overturn the monarchy of Hindustan; for
Sajansi was the ancestor of Sivaji, the founder of the Satara throne,
whose lineage[4.6.15] is given in the chronicles of Mewar.

=Rāna Hamīr Singh, A.D. 1301-64.=—Hamir succeeded in S. 1357 (A.D.
1301), and had sixty-four years granted to him to redeem his country
from the ruins of the past century, which period had elapsed since India
ceased to own the paramount sway of her native princes. The day on which
he assumed the ensigns of rule he gave, in the _tika daur_, an earnest
of his future energy, which he signalized by a rapid inroad into the
heart of the country of the predatory Balaicha, and captured their
stronghold Pusalia. We may here explain the nature of this custom of a
barbaric chivalry.

=The Inaugural Foray.=—The tika daur signifies the foray of
inauguration, which obtained from time immemorial on such events, and is
yet maintained where any semblance of hostility will allow its
execution. On the morning of installation, having previously received
the tika of sovereignty, the prince at the head of his retainers makes a
foray into the territory of any one with whom he may have a feud, or
with whom he may be indifferent as to exciting one; he captures a
stronghold or plunders a town, and returns with the trophies. If amity
should prevail with all around, which the prince cares not to disturb,
they have still a mock representation of the custom. For many reigns
after the Jaipur princes united their fortunes to the throne of Delhi
their frontier town, Malpura, was the object of the tika daur of the
princes of Mewar.

=Chitor under a Musalmān Garrison.=—“When Ajmall[4.6.16] went another
road,” as the bard figuratively describes the demise of Rana Ajaisi,
“the son of Arsi unsheathed the sword, thence never stranger to his
hand.” Maldeo remained with the royal garrison at Chitor,[4.6.17] but
Hamir [270] desolated their plains, and left to his enemies only the
fortified towns which could safely be inhabited. He commanded all who
owned his sovereignty either to quit their abodes, and retire with their
families to the shelter of the hills on the eastern and western
frontiers, or share the fate of the public enemy. The roads were
rendered impassable from his parties, who issued from their retreats in
the Aravalli, the security of which baffled pursuit. This destructive
policy of laying waste the resources of their own country, and from this
asylum attacking their foes as opportunity offered, has obtained from
the time of Mahmud of Ghazni in the tenth, to Muhammad, the last who
merited the name of Emperor of Delhi, in the eighteenth century.

=Resistance of Hamīr Singh.=—Hamir made Kelwara[4.6.18] his residence,
which soon became the chief retreat of the emigrants from the plains.
The situation was admirably chosen, being covered by several ranges,
guarded by intricate defiles, and situated at the foot of a pass leading
over the mountain into a still more inaccessible retreat (where
Kumbhalmer now stands),[4.6.19] well watered and wooded, with abundance
of pastures and excellent indigenous fruits and roots. This tract, above
fifty miles in breadth, is twelve hundred feet above the level of the
plains and three thousand above the sea, with a considerable quantity of
arable land, and free communication to obtain supplies by the passes of
the western declivity from Marwar, Gujarat, or the friendly Bhils, of
the west, to whom this house owes a large debt of gratitude. On various
occasions the communities of Oghna and Panarwa furnished the princes of
Mewar with five thousand bowmen, supplied them with provisions, or
guarded the safety of their families when they had to oppose the foe in
the field. The elevated plateau of the eastern frontier presented in its
forests and dells many places of security; but Ala[4.6.20] traversed
these in person, destroying as he went: neither did they possess the
advantages of climate and natural productions arising from the elevation
of the other. Such was the state of Mewar: its places of strength
occupied by the foe, cultivation and peaceful objects neglected from the
persevering hostility of Hamir, when a proposal of marriage came from
the Hindu governor of Chitor, which was immediately accepted, contrary
to the [271] wishes of the prince’s advisers.

=The Recovery of Chitor.=—Whether this was intended as a snare to entrap
him, or merely as an insult, every danger was scouted by Hamir which
gave a chance to the recovery of Chitor. He desired that ‘_the
coco-nut_[4.6.21] _might be retained_’ coolly remarking on the dangers
pointed out, "My feet shall at least tread in the rocky steps in which
my ancestors have moved. A Rajput should always be prepared for
reverses; one day to abandon his abode covered with wounds, and the next
to reascend with the _maur_ (crown) on his head." It was stipulated that
only five hundred horse should form his suite. As he approached Chitor,
the five sons of the Chauhan advanced to meet him, but on the portal of
the city no toran,[4.6.22] or nuptial emblem, was suspended. He,
however, accepted the unsatisfactory reply to his remark on this
indication of treachery, and ascended for the first time the ramp of
Chitor. He was received in the ancient halls of his ancestors by Rao
Maldeo, his son Banbir, and other chiefs, _with folded hands_. The bride
was brought forth, and presented by her father without any of the
solemnities practised on such occasions; ‘the knot of their garments
tied and their hands united,’ and thus they were left. The family priest
recommended patience, and Hamir retired with his bride to the apartments
allotted for them. Her kindness and vows of fidelity overcame his
sadness upon learning that he had married a widow. She had been wedded
to a chief of the Bhatti tribe, shortly afterwards slain, and when she
was so young as not to recollect even his appearance. He ceased to
lament the insult when she herself taught him how it might be avenged,
and that it might even lead to the recovery of Chitor. It is a privilege
possessed by the bridegroom to have one specific favour complied with as
a part of the dower (_daeja_), and Hamir was instructed by his bride to
ask for Jal, one of the civil [272] officers of Chitor, and of the Mehta
tribe. With his wife so obtained, and the scribe whose talents remained
for trial, he returned in a fortnight to Kelwara. Khetsi was the fruit
of this marriage, on which occasion Maldeo made over all the hill tracts
to Hamir. Khetsi was a year old when one of the penates
(Khetrpal)[4.6.23] was found at fault, on which she wrote to her parents
to invite her to Chitor, that the infant might be placed before the
shrine of the deity. Escorted by a party from Chitor, with her child she
entered its walls; and instructed by the Mehta, she gained over the
troops who were left, for the Rao had gone with his chief adherents
against the Mers of Madri. Hamir was at hand. Notice that all was ready
reached him at Bagor. Still he met opposition that had nearly defeated
the scheme; but having forced admission, his sword overcame every
obstacle, and the oath of allegiance (_an_) was proclaimed from the
palace of his fathers.

The Sonigira on his return was met with ‘a salute of arabas,’[4.6.24]
and Maldeo himself carried the account of his loss to the Khilji king
Mahmud, who had succeeded Ala. The ‘standard of the sun’ once more shone
refulgent from the walls of Chitor, and was the signal for return to
their ancient abodes from their hills and hiding-places to the adherents
of Hamir. The valleys of Kumbhalmer and the western highlands poured
forth their ‘streams of men,’ while every chief of true Hindu blood
rejoiced at the prospect of once more throwing off the barbarian yoke.
So powerful was this feeling, and with such activity and skill did Hamir
follow up this favour of fortune, that he marched to meet Mahmud, who
was advancing to recover his lost possessions. The king unwisely
directed his march by the eastern plateau, where numbers were rendered
useless by the intricacies of the country. Of the three steppes which
mark the physiognomy of this tract, from the first ascent from the plain
of Mewar to the descent at Chambal, the king had encamped on the
central, at Singoli, where he was attacked, defeated, and made prisoner
by Hamir, who slew Hari Singh, brother of Banbir, in single combat. The
king suffered a confinement of three months in Chitor, nor was liberated
till he had surrendered Ajmer, Ranthambor, Nagor, and Sui Sopur, besides
paying fifty lakhs of rupees and one hundred elephants. Hamir would
exact no promise of cessation from further inroads, but contented
himself with assuring him that from such he should be prepared to defend
Chitor, not within, but without the walls [273].[4.6.25]

Banbir, the son of Maldeo, offered to serve Hamir, who assigned the
districts of Nimach, Jiran, Ratanpur, and the Kerar to maintain the
family of his wife in becoming dignity; and as he gave the grant he
remarked: “Eat, serve, and be faithful. You were once the servant of a
Turk, but now of a Hindu of your own faith; for I have but taken back my
own, the rock moistened by the blood of my ancestors, the gift of the
deity I adore, and who will maintain me in it; nor shall I endanger it
by the worship of a fair face, as did my predecessor.” Banbir shortly
after carried Bhainsror by assault, and this ancient possession guarding
the Chambal was again added to Mewar. The chieftains of Rajasthan
rejoiced once more to see a Hindu take the lead, paid willing homage,
and aided him with service when required.

=The Power of Rāna Hamīr Singh.=—Hamir was the sole Hindu prince of
power now left in India: all the ancient dynasties were crushed, and the
ancestors of the present princes of Marwar and Jaipur brought their
levies, paid homage, and obeyed the summons of the prince of Chitor, as
did the chiefs of Bundi, Gwalior, Chanderi, Raesin, Sikri, Kalpi, Abu,

Extensive as was the power of Mewar before the Tatar occupation of
India, it could scarcely have surpassed the solidity of sway which she
enjoyed during the two centuries following Hamir’s recovery of the
capital. From this event to the next invasion from the same Cimmerian
abode, led by Babur, we have a succession of splendid names recorded in
her annals, and though destined soon to be surrounded by new Muhammadan
dynasties, in Malwa and Gujarat as well as Delhi, yet successfully
opposing them all. The distracted state of affairs when the races of
Khilji, Lodi, and Sur alternately struggled for and obtained the seat of
dominion, Delhi, was favourable to Mewar, whose power was now so
consolidated that she not only repelled armies from her territory, but
carried war abroad, leaving tokens of victory at Nagor, in Saurashtra,
and to the walls of Delhi.

=Public Works.=—The subjects of Mewar must have enjoyed not only a long
repose, but high prosperity during this period, judging from their
magnificent public works, when a triumphal [274] column must have cost
the income of a kingdom to erect, and which ten years’ produce of the
crown-lands of Mewar could not at this time defray. Only one of the
structures prior to the sack of Chitor was left entire by Ala, and is
yet existing, and this was raised by private and sectarian hands. It
would be curious if the unitarian profession of the Jain creed was the
means of preserving this ancient relic from Ala’s wrath.[4.6.26] The
princes of this house were great patrons of the arts, and especially of
architecture; and it is a matter of surprise how their revenues, derived
chiefly from the soil, could have enabled them to expend so much on
these objects and at the same time maintain such armies as are
enumerated. Such could be effected only by long prosperity and a mild,
paternal system of government; for the subject had his monuments as well
as the prince, the ruins of which may yet be discovered in the more
inaccessible or deserted portions of Rajasthan. Hamir died full of
years, leaving a name still honoured in Mewar, as one of the wisest and
most gallant of her princes, and bequeathing a well-established and
extensive power to his son.

=Kshetra or Khet Singh, A.D. 1364-82.=—Khetsi succeeded in S. 1421 (A.D.
1365) to the power and to the character of his father. He captured Ajmer
and Jahazpur from Lila Pathan, and reannexed Mandalgarh, Dasor, and the
whole of Chappan (for the first time) to Mewar. He obtained a victory
over the Delhi monarch Humayun[4.6.27] at Bakrol; but unhappily his life
terminated in a family broil with his vassal, the Hara chief of
Bumbaoda, whose daughter he was about to espouse.

=Laksh Singh, A.D. 1382-97.=—Lakha Rana, by this assassination, mounted
the throne in Chitor in S. 1439 (A.D. 1373). His first act was the
entire subjugation of the mountainous region of Merwara, and the
destruction of its chief stronghold, Bairatgarh, where he erected
Badnor. But an event of much greater importance than settling his
frontier, and which most powerfully tended to the prosperity of the
country, was the discovery of the tin and silver mines of Jawara, in the
tract wrested by Khetsi from the Bhils of Chappan.[4.6.28] Lakha Rana
has the merit of having first worked them, though their existence is
superstitiously alluded to so early as the period of the founder. It is
said the ‘seven metals’ (_haft-dhat_)[4.6.29] were formerly [275]
abundant; but this appears figurative. We have no evidence for the gold,
though silver, tin, copper, lead, and antimony were yielded in abundance
(the first two from the same matrix), but the tin that has been
extracted for many years past yields but a small portion of
silver.[4.6.30] Lakha Rana defeated the Sankhla Rajputs of
Nagarchal,[4.6.31] at Amber. He encountered the emperor Muhammad Shah
Lodi, and on one occasion defeated a royal army at Badnor; but he
carried the war to Gaya, and in driving the barbarian from this sacred
place was slain.[4.6.32] Lakha is a name of celebrity, as a patron of
the arts and benefactor of his country. He excavated many reservoirs and
lakes, raised immense ramparts to dam their waters, besides erecting
strongholds. The riches of the mines of Jawara were expended to rebuild
the temples and palaces levelled by Ala. A portion of his own palace yet
exists, in the same style of architecture as that, more ancient, of
Ratna and the fair Padmini; and a minster (_mandir_) dedicated to the
creator (Brahma), an enormous and costly fabric, is yet entire. Being to
‘the One,’ and consequently containing no idol, it may thus have escaped
the ruthless fury of the invaders.

Lakha had a numerous progeny, who have left their clans called after
them, as the Lunawats and Dulawats, now the sturdy allodial proprietors
of the Alpine regions bordering on Oghna, Panarwa, and other tracts in
the Aravalli.[4.6.33] But a circumstance which set aside the rights of
primogeniture, and transferred the crown of Chitor from his eldest son,
Chonda, to the younger, Mokal, had nearly carried it to another line.
The consequences of making the elder branch a powerful vassal clan with
claims to the throne, and which have been the chief cause of its
subsequent prostration, we will reserve for another chapter [276].


Footnote 4.6.1:

  [Rāna Lachhman Singh was not, strictly speaking, ruler of Chitor. He
  belonged to the Rāna branch, and succeeded Jai Singh. When Chitor was
  invested he came to help his relation, Rāwal Ratan Singh, husband of
  Padmini, and ruler of Chitor, and was killed, with seven of his sons
  (Erskine ii. B. 10).]

Footnote 4.6.2:

  [‘The Lotus.’ Ferishta in his account of the siege says nothing of
  Padmini (i. 353 f.). Her story is told in _Āīn_, ii. 269 f.]

Footnote 4.6.3:

  [A folk-tale of the ‘Horse of Troy’ type, common in India; see Rhys
  Davids, _Buddhist India_, 4 f.; Ferishta ii. 115; Grant Duff, _Hist.
  Mahrattas_, 64, note; cf. Herodotus v. 20.]

Footnote 4.6.4:

  [Chitor was captured in August 1303 (Ferishta i. 353; Elliot-Dowson
  iii. 77).]

Footnote 4.6.5:

  ‘I am hungry.’

Footnote 4.6.6:


Footnote 4.6.7:

  These are the insignia of royalty. The _kirania_ is a parasol, from
  _kiran_, ‘a ray’: the _chhatra_ is the umbrella, always red; the
  _chamara_, the flowing tail of the wild ox, set in a gold handle, and
  used to drive away the flies.

Footnote 4.6.8:

  [Sir G. Grierson informs me that _Johar_ or _Jauhar_ is derived from
  _Jatugriha_, ‘a house built of lac or other combustibles,’ in allusion
  to the story in the _Mahābhārata_ (i. chap. 141-151) of the attempted
  destruction of the Pāndavas by setting such a building on fire. For
  other examples of the rite see Ferishta i. 59 f.; Elliot-Dowson i.
  313, 536 f., iii. 426, 433, iv. 277, 402, v. 101; Forbes, _Rās Māla_,
  286; Malcolm, _Memoir Central India_, 2nd ed. i. 483. For recent cases
  Irvine, _Army of the Indian Moghuls_, 242; _Punjab Notes and Queries_,
  iv. 102 ff.]

Footnote 4.6.9:

  The Author has been at the entrance of this retreat, which, according
  to the Khuman Raesa, conducts to a subterranean palace, but the
  mephitic vapours and venomous reptiles did not invite to adventure,
  even had official situation permitted such slight to these prejudices.
  The Author is the only Englishman admitted to Chitor since the days of
  Herbert, who appears to have described what he saw.

Footnote 4.6.10:

  A stand is fixed upon four poles in the middle of a field, on which a
  guard is placed armed with a sling and clay balls, to drive away the
  ravens, peacocks, and other birds that destroy the corn.

Footnote 4.6.11:

  One of the branches of the Chauhan.

Footnote 4.6.12:

  [The same tale is told of Dhadīj, grandson of Prithirāj, the ancestor
  of the Dahiya Jāts (Rose, _Glossary_, ii. 220; Risley, _People of
  India_, 2nd ed., 179 f.).]

Footnote 4.6.13:

  This is an idiomatic phrase; Hamir could have had no beard.

Footnote 4.6.14:

  _Des desa._

Footnote 4.6.15:

  Ajaisi, Sajansi, Dalipji, Sheoji, Bhoraji, Deoraj, Ugarsen, Mahulji,
  Kheluji, Jankoji, Satuji, Sambhaji, Sivaji (the founder of the
  Mahratta nation), Sambhaji, Ramraja, usurpation of the Peshwas. The
  Satara throne, but for the jealousies of Udaipur, might on the
  imbecility of Ramraja have been replenished from Mewar. It was offered
  to Nathji, the grandfather of the present chief Sheodan Singh,
  presumptive heir to Chitor. Two noble lines were reared from princes
  of Chitor expelled on similar occasions; those of Sivaji and the
  Gorkhas of Nepal. [This pedigree is largely the work of the bards. But
  the Mahrattas, who seem to be chiefly sprung from the Kunbi peasantry,
  claim Rājput origin, and several of their clans bear Rājput names. It
  is said that in 1836 the Rāna of Mewār was satisfied that the Bhonslas
  and certain other families had the right to be regarded as Rājputs
  (_Census Report, Bombay_, 1901, i. 184 f.; Russell, _Tribes and Castes
  Central Provinces_, iv. 199 ff.).]

Footnote 4.6.16:

  This is a poetical version of the name of Ajaisi; a liberty frequently
  taken by the bards for the sake of rhyme.

Footnote 4.6.17:

  [From an inscription at Chitor it appears that the fort remained in
  the charge of Muhammadans up to the time of Muhammad Tughlak
  (1324-51), who appointed Māldeo of Jālor governor (Erskine ii. A.

Footnote 4.6.18:

  The lake he excavated here, the Hamir-talao, and the temple of the
  protecting goddess on its bank, still bear witness of his acts while
  confined to this retreat.

Footnote 4.6.19:

  See Plate, view of Kumbhalmer.

Footnote 4.6.20:

  I have an inscription, and in Sanskrit, set up by an apostate chief or
  bard in his train, which I found in this tract.

Footnote 4.6.21:

  This is the symbol of an offer of marriage.

Footnote 4.6.22:

  The toran is the symbol of marriage. It consists of three wooden bars,
  forming an equilateral triangle; mystic in shape and number, and
  having the apex crowned with the effigies of a peacock, it is placed
  over the portal of the bride’s abode. At Udaipur, when the princes of
  Jaisalmer, Bikaner, and Kishangarh simultaneously married the two
  daughters and granddaughter of the Rana, the torans were suspended
  from the battlements of the tripolia, or three-arched portal, leading
  to the palace. The bridegroom on horseback, lance in hand, proceeds to
  break the toran (_toran torna_), which is defended by the damsels of
  the bride, who from the parapet assail him with missiles of various
  kinds, especially with a crimson powder made from the flowers of the
  _palasa_, at the same time singing songs fitted to the occasion,
  replete with double-entendres. At length the toran is broken amidst
  the shouts of the retainers; when the fair defenders retire. The
  similitude of these ceremonies in the north of Europe and in Asia
  increases the list of common affinities, and indicates the violence of
  rude times to obtain the object of affection; and the lance, with
  which the Rajput chieftain breaks the toran, has the same emblematic
  import as the spear, which, at the marriage of the nobles in Sweden,
  was a necessary implement in the furniture of the marriage chamber
  (vide Mallett, _Northern Antiquities_). [The custom perhaps represents
  a symbol of marriage by capture, but it has also been suggested that
  it symbolizes the luck of the bride’s family which the bridegroom
  acquires by touching the arch with his sword (see Luard, _Ethnographic
  Survey Central India_, 22; Enthoven, _Folk-lore Notes Gujarāt_, 69;
  Russell, _Tribes and Castes Central Provinces_, ii. 410).]

Footnote 4.6.23:

  [Khetrpāl, Kshetrapāla, is guardian of the field (_Kshetra_).]

Footnote 4.6.24:

  A kind of arquebuss [properly the gun-carriage. Irvine, _Army of the
  Indian Moghuls_, 140 ff.]

Footnote 4.6.25:

  Ferishta does not mention this conquest over the Khilji emperor; but
  as Mewar recovered her wonted splendour in this reign, we cannot doubt
  the truth of the native annals. [There is a mistake here. The
  successor of Alāu-d-dīn was Kutbu-d-dīn Mubārak, who came to the
  throne in 1316. Ferishta says that Rāī Ratan Singh of Chitor, who had
  been taken prisoner in the siege, was released by the cleverness of
  his daughter, and that Alāu-d-dīn ordered his son, Khizr Khān, to
  evacuate the place, on which the Rāī became tributary to Alāu-d-dīn.
  Also in 1312 the Rājputs threw the Muhammadan officers over the
  ramparts and asserted their independence (Ferishta, trans. Briggs, i.
  363, 381). Erskine says that the attack was made by Muhammad Tughlak

Footnote 4.6.26:

  [The Jain tower, known as Kirtti Stamb, ‘pillar of fame,’ erected in
  the twelfth or thirteenth century by Jīja, a Bagherwāl Mahājan, and
  dedicated to Ādināth, the first Jain Tīrthankara or saint.]

Footnote 4.6.27:

  [The contemporary of Khet Singh at Delhi was Fīroz Shāh Tughlak.]

Footnote 4.6.28:

  [The mines at Jāwar, sixteen miles south of Udaipur city, produce
  lead, zinc, and some silver. The mention of tin in the text seems
  wrong (Watt, _Dict. Econ. Prod._ vi. Part iv. 356; _Comm. Prod._

Footnote 4.6.29:

  _Haft-dhat_, corresponding to the planets, each of which ruled a
  metal: hence Mihr, ‘the sun,’ for gold; Chandra, ‘the moon,’ for

Footnote 4.6.30:

  They have long been abandoned, the miners are extinct, and the
  protecting deities of mines are unable to get even a flower placed on
  their shrines, though some have been reconsecrated by the Bhils, who
  have converted Lakshmi into Sitalamata (Juno Lucina), whom the Bhil
  females invoke to pass them through danger.

Footnote 4.6.31:

  Jhunjhunu, Singhana, and Narbana formed the ancient Nagarchal

Footnote 4.6.32:

  [There was no Sultān Muhammad Shāh Lodi, and that dynasty did not
  begin till 1451. Fīroz Shāh (1351-88) was contemporary of Laksh Singh
  at Delhi. It is not likely that a Rājput in the fourteenth century
  conducted a campaign at Gaya in Bengal; but, according to Har Bilas
  Sarda, author of a recent monograph on Rāna Kūmbha, the fact is
  corroborated by inscriptions, Peterson, _Bhaunagar Inscriptions_, 96,
  117, 119.]

Footnote 4.6.33:

  The Sarangdeot chief of Kanor (on the borders of Chappan), one of the
  sixteen lords of Mewar, is also a descendant of Lakha, as are some of
  the tribes of Sondwara, about Pharphara and the ravines of the Kali


                               CHAPTER 7

If devotion to the fair sex be admitted as a criterion of civilization,
the Rajput must rank high. His susceptibility is extreme, and fires at
the slightest offence to female delicacy, which he never forgives. A
satirical impromptu, involving the sacrifice of Rajput prejudices,
dissolved the coalition of the Rathors and Kachhwahas, and laid each
prostrate before the Mahrattas, whom when united they had crushed: and a
jest, apparently trivial, compromised the right of primogeniture to the
throne of Chitor, and proved more disastrous in its consequences than
the arms either of Moguls or Mahrattas.

=Chonda renounces his Birthright.=—Lakha Rana was advanced in years, his
sons and grandsons established in suitable domains, when ‘the coco-nut
came’ from Ranmall, prince of Marwar, to affiance his daughter with
Chonda, the heir of Mewar. When the embassy was announced, Chonda was
absent, and the old chief was seated in his chair of state surrounded by
his court. The messenger of Hymen was courteously received by Lakha, who
observed that Chonda would soon return and take the gage; “for,” added
he, drawing his fingers over his moustaches, “I don’t suppose you send
such playthings to an old greybeard like me.” This little sally was of
course applauded and repeated; but Chonda, offended at delicacy being
sacrificed to wit, declined accepting the symbol which his father had
even in jest supposed might be intended for him: and as it could not be
returned without gross insult to Ranmall, the old Rana, incensed at his
son’s obstinacy, agreed to accept it himself, provided Chonda would
swear to renounce his birthright in the event of his having a son, and
be to the child but the ‘first of his Rajputs.’ He swore by Eklinga to
fulfil his father’s wishes.

=Rāna Mokala, A.D. 1397-1433.=—Mokalji was the issue of this union, and
had attained the age of five when the Rana resolved to signalize his
finale by a raid against the enemies of their faith [277], and to expel
the ‘barbarian’ from the holy land of Gaya. In ancient times this was by
no means uncommon, and we have several instances in the annals of these
States of princes resigning ‘the purple’ on the approach of old age, and
by a life of austerity and devotion, pilgrimage and charity, seeking to
make their peace with heaven “for the sins inevitably committed by all
who wield a sceptre.” But when war was made against their religion by
the Tatar proselytes to Islam, the Sutlej and the Ghaggar were as the
banks of the Jordan—Gaya, their Jerusalem, their holy land; and if there
destiny filled his cup, the Hindu chieftain was secure of
beatitude,[4.7.1] exempted from the troubles of ‘second birth’;[4.7.2]
and borne from the scene of probation in celestial cars by the
Apsaras,[4.7.3] was introduced at once into the ‘realm of the
sun.’[4.7.4] Ere, however, the Rana of Chitor journeyed to this bourne,
he was desirous to leave his throne unexposed to civil strife. The
subject of succession had never been renewed; but discussing with Chonda
his warlike pilgrimage to Gaya, from which he might not return, he
sounded him by asking what estates should be settled on Mokal. “The
throne of Chitor,” was the honest reply; and to set suspicion at rest,
he desired that the ceremony of installation should be performed
previous to Lakha’s departure. Chonda was the first to pay homage and
swear obedience and fidelity to his future sovereign: reserving, as the
recompense of his renunciation, the first place in the councils, and
stipulating that in all grants to the vassals of the crown, his symbol
(the lance) should be superadded to the autograph of the prince. In all
grants the lance of Salumbar[4.7.5] still precedes the monogram of the

The sacrifice of Chonda to offended delicacy and filial respect was
great, for he had all the qualities requisite for command. Brave, frank,
and skilful, he conducted all public affairs after his father’s
departure and death, to the benefit of the minor and the State. The
queen-mother, however, who is admitted as the natural guardian of her
infant’s rights on all such occasions, felt umbrage and discontent at
her loss of power; forgetting that, but for Chonda, she would never
[278] have been mother to the Rana of Mewar. She watched with a jealous
eye all his proceedings; but it was only through the medium of suspicion
she could accuse the integrity of Chonda, and she artfully asserted
that, under colour of directing state affairs, he was exercising
absolute sovereignty, and that if he did not assume the title of Rana,
he would reduce it to an empty name. Chonda, knowing the purity of his
own motives, made liberal allowance for maternal solicitude; but
upbraiding the queen with the injustice of her suspicions, and advising
a vigilant care to the rights of Sesodias, he retired to the court of
Mandu, then rising into notice, where he was received with the highest
distinctions, and the district of Halar[4.7.7] was assigned to him by
the king.

=Rāthor Influence in Mewār.=—His departure was the signal for an influx
of the kindred of the queen from Mandor. Her brother Jodha (who
afterwards gave his name to Jodhpur) was the first, and was soon
followed by his father, Rao Ranmall, and numerous adherents, who deemed
the arid region of Maru-des, and its rabri, or maize porridge, well
exchanged for the fertile plains and wheaten bread of Mewar.

=Raghudeva, the Mewār Hero.=—With his grandson on his knee, the old Rao
“would sit on the throne of Bappa Rawal, on whose quitting him for play,
the regal ensigns of Mewar waved over the head of Mandor.” This was more
than the Sesodia nurse[4.7.8] (an important personage in all Hindu
governments) could bear, and bursting with indignation, she demanded of
the queen if her kin was to defraud her own child of his inheritance.
The honesty of the nurse was greater than her prudence. The creed of the
Rajput is to ‘obtain sovereignty,’ regarding the means as secondary and
this avowal of her suspicions only hastened their designs. The queen
soon found herself without remedy, and a remonstrance to her father
produced a hint which threatened the existence of her offspring. Her
fears were soon after augmented by the assassination of Raghudeva, the
second brother of Chonda, whose estates were Kelwara and Kawaria. To the
former place, where he resided aloof from the court, Rao Ranmall sent a
dress of honour, which etiquette requiring him to put on when presented,
the prince was assassinated in the act. Raghudeva was so much beloved
for his virtues, courage, and manly beauty, that his [279] murder became
martyrdom, and obtained for him divine honours, and a place amongst the
_Di Patres_ (_Pitrideva_) of Mewar. His image is on every hearth, and is
daily worshipped with the Penates. Twice in the year his altars receive
public homage from every Sesodia, from the Rana to the serf.[4.7.9]

=The Expulsion of the Rāthor Party.=—In this extremity the queen-mother
turned her thoughts to Chonda, and it was not difficult to apprise him
of the danger which menaced the race, every place of trust being held by
her kinsmen, and the principal post of Chitor by a Bhatti Rajput of
Jaisalmer. Chonda, though at a distance, was not inattentive to the
proverbially dangerous situation of a minor amongst the Rajputs. At his
departure he was accompanied by two hundred Aherias or huntsmen, whose
ancestors had served the princes of Chitor from ancient times. These had
left their families behind, a visit to whom was the pretext for their
introduction to the fort. They were instructed to get into the service
of the keepers of the gates, and, being considered more attached to the
place than to the family, their object was effected. The queen-mother
was counselled to cause the young prince to descend daily with a
numerous retinue to give feasts to the surrounding villages, and
gradually to increase the distance, but not to fail on the ‘festival of
lamps’[4.7.10] to hold the feast (_got_) at Gosunda.[4.7.11]

These injunctions were carefully attended to. The day arrived, the feast
was held at Gosunda; but the night was closing in, and no Chonda
appeared. With heavy hearts the nurse, the Purohit,[4.7.12] and those in
the secret moved homeward, and had reached the eminence called Chitori,
when forty horsemen passed them at the gallop, and at their head Chonda
in disguise, who by a secret sign paid homage as he passed to his
younger brother and sovereign. Chonda and [280] his band had reached the
Rampol,[4.7.13] or upper gate, unchecked. Here, when challenged, they
said they were neighbouring chieftains, who, hearing of the feast at
Gosunda, had the honour to escort the prince home. The story obtained
credit; but the main body, of which this was but the advance, presently
coming up, the treachery was apparent. Chonda unsheathed his sword, and
at his well-known shout the hunters were speedily in action. The Bhatti
chief, taken by surprise, and unable to reach Chonda, launched his
dagger at and wounded him, but was himself slain; the guards at the
gates were cut to pieces, and the Rathors hunted out and killed without

=Death of Rāo Ranmall.=—The end of Rāo Ranmall was more ludicrous than
tragical. Smitten with the charms of a Sesodia handmaid of the queen,
who was compelled to his embrace, the old chief was in her arms,
intoxicated with love, wine, and opium, and heard nothing of the tumult
without. A woman’s wit and revenge combined to make his end afford some
compensation for her loss of honour. Gently rising, she bound him to his
bed with his own Marwari turban:[4.7.14] nor did this disturb him, and
the messengers of fate had entered ere the opiate allowed his eyes to
open to a sense of his danger. Enraged, he in vain endeavoured to
extricate himself; and by some tortuosity of movement he got upon his
legs, his pallet at his back like a shell or shield of defence. With no
arms but a brass vessel of ablution, he levelled to the earth several of
his assailants, when a ball from a matchlock extended him on the floor
of the palace. His son Jodha was in the lower town, and was indebted to
the fleetness of his steed for escaping the fate of his father and
kindred, whose bodies strewed the _terre-pleine_ of Chitor, the merited
reward of their usurpation and treachery.

=The Revenge of Chonda.=—But Chonda’s revenge was not yet satisfied. He
pursued Rao Jodha, who, unable to oppose him, took refuge with Harbuji
Sankhla, leaving Mandor to its fate. This city Chonda entered by
surprise, and holding it till his sons Kantatji and Manjaji arrived with
reinforcements, the Rathor treachery was repaid by their keeping
possession of the capital during twelve years. We might here leave the
future founder of Jodhpur, had not this feud led to the junction of the
rich [281] province of Godwar to Mewar, held for three centuries and
again lost by treachery. It may yet involve a struggle between the
Sesodias and Rathors.[4.7.15]

“Sweet are the uses of adversity.” To Jodha it was the first step in the
ladder of his eventual elevation. A century and a half had scarcely
elapsed since a colony, the wreck of Kanauj, found an asylum, and at
length a kingdom, taking possession of one capital and founding another,
abandoning Mandor and erecting Jodhpur. But even Jodha could never have
hoped that his issue would have extended their sway from the valley of
the Indus to within one hundred miles of the Jumna, and from the desert
bordering on the Sutlej to the Aravalli mountains: that one hundred
thousand swords should at once be in the hands of Rathors, ‘the sons of
one father’ (_ek Bap ke Betan_).

If we slightly encroach upon the annals of Marwar, it is owing to its
history and that of Mewar being here so interwoven, and the incidents
these events gave birth so illustrative of the national character of
each, that it is, perhaps, more expedient to advert to the period when
Jodha was shut out from Mandor, and the means by which he regained that
city, previous to relating the events of the reign of Mokal.

=Harbuji Sānkhla.=—Harbuji Sankhla, at once a soldier and a devotee, was
one of those Rajput cavaliers ‘_sans peur et sans reproche_,’ whose life
of celibacy and perilous adventure was mingled with the austere devotion
of an ascetic; by turns aiding with his lance the cause which he deemed
worthy, or exercising an unbounded hospitality towards the stranger.
This generosity had much reduced his resources when Jodha sought his
protection. It was the eve of the _Sada-bart_, one of those hospitable
rites which, in former times, characterized Rajwara. This ‘perpetual
charity’ supplies food to the stranger and traveller, and is distributed
not only by individual chiefs and by the government, but by
subscriptions of communities. Even in Mewar, in her present impoverished
condition, the offerings to the gods in support of their shrines and the
establishment of the _Sada-bart_ were simultaneous. Hospitality is a
virtue pronounced to belong more peculiarly to a semi-barbarous
condition. Alas! for refinement and ultra-civilization, strangers to the
happiness enjoyed by Harbuji Sankhla. Jodha, with one hundred and twenty
followers, came to solicit the ‘stranger’s fare’: but unfortunately it
was too late, the _Sada-bart_ had been distributed. In this exigence,
Harbuji recollected that there was a wood [282] called _mujd_,[4.7.16]
used in dyeing, which among other things in the desert regions is
resorted to in scarcity. A portion of this was bruised, and boiled with
some flour, sugar, and spices, making altogether a palatable pottage;
and with a promise of better fare on the morrow, it was set before the
young Rao and his followers, who, after making a good repast, soon
forgot Chitor in sleep. On waking, each stared at his fellow, for their
mustachios were dyed with their evening’s meal; but the old chief, who
was not disposed to reveal his expedient, made it minister to their
hopes by giving it a miraculous character, and saying “that as the grey
of age was thus metamorphosed into the tint of morn[4.7.17] and hope, so
would their fortunes become young, and Mandor again be theirs.”

Elevated by this prospect, they enlisted Harbuji on their side. He
accompanied them to the chieftain of Mewa, “whose stables contained one
hundred chosen steeds.” Pabuji, a third independent of the same stamp,
with his ‘coal-black steed,’ was gained to the cause, and Jodha soon
found himself strong enough to attempt the recovery of his capital. The
sons of Chonda were taken by surprise: but despising the numbers of the
foe, and ignorant who were their auxiliaries, they descended sword in
hand to meet the assailants. The elder[4.7.18] son of Chonda with many
adherents was slain; and the younger, deserted by the subjects of
Mandor, trusted to the swiftness of his horse for escape; but being
pursued, was overtaken and killed on the boundary of Godwar. Thus Jodha,
in his turn, was revenged, but the ‘feud was not balanced.’ Two sons of
Chitor had fallen for one chief of Mandor. But wisely reflecting on the
original aggression, and the superior power of Mewar, as well as his
being indebted for his present success to foreign aid, Jodha sued for
peace, and offered as the _mundkati_, or ‘price of blood,’ and ‘to
quench the feud,’ that the spot where Manja fell should be the future
barrier of the two States. The entire province of Godwar was
comprehended in the cession, which for three centuries withstood every
contention, till the internal dissensions of the last half century,
which grew out of the cause by which [283] it was obtained, and the
change of succession in Mewar severed this most valuable

Who would imagine, after such deadly feuds between these rival States,
that in the very next succession these hostile frays were not only
buried in oblivion, but that the prince of Marwar abjured ‘his turban
and his bed’ till he had revenged the assassination of the prince of
Chitor, and restored his infant heir to his rights? The annals of these
States afford numerous instances of the same hasty, overbearing
temperament governing all; easily moved to strife, impatient of revenge,
and steadfast in its gratification. But this satisfied, resentment
subsides. A daughter of the offender given to wife banishes its
remembrance, and when the bard joins the lately rival names in the
couplet, each will complacently curl his mustachio over his lip as he
hears his ‘renown expand like the lotus,’ and thus ‘the feud is
extinguished.’ Thus have they gone on from time immemorial, and will
continue, till what we may fear to contemplate. They have now neither
friend nor foe but the British. The Tatar invader sleeps in his tomb,
and the Mahratta depredator is muzzled and enchained. To return.

=Mokal, A.D. 1397-1433.=—Mokal, who obtained the throne by Chonda’s
surrender of his birthright, was not destined long to enjoy the
distinction, though he evinced qualities worthy of heading the Sesodias.
He ascended the throne in S. 1454 (A.D. 1398), at an important era in
the history of India; when Timur, who had already established the race
of Chagatai in the kingdoms of Central Asia, and laid prostrate the
throne of Byzantium, turned his arms towards India. But it was not a
field for his ambition; and the event is not even noticed in the annals
of Mewar: a proof that it did not affect their repose. But they record
an attempted invasion by the king of Delhi, which is erroneously stated
to have been by Firoz Shah. A grandson of this prince had indeed been
set up, and compelled to flee from the arms of Timur, and as the
direction of his flight was Gujarat, it is not unlikely that the
recorded attempt to penetrate by the passes of Mewar may have been his
[284]. Be this as it may, the Rana Mokal anticipated and met him beyond
the passes of the Aravalli, in the field of Raepur, and compelled him to
abandon his enterprise. Pursuing his success, he took possession of
Sambhar and its salt lakes, and otherwise extended and strengthened his
territory, which the distracted state of the empire consequent to
Timur’s invasion rendered a matter of little difficulty. Mokal finished
the palace commenced by Lakha, now a mass of ruins; and erected the
shrine of Chaturbhuja, ‘the four-armed deity,’[4.7.20] in the western

=Lāl Bāi.=—Besides three sons, Rana Mokal had a daughter, celebrated for
her beauty, called Lal Bai, or ‘the ruby.’ She was betrothed to the
Khichi chieftain of Gagraun, who at the Hathleva[4.7.21] demanded the
pledge of succour on foreign invasion. Dhiraj, the son of the Khichi,
had come to solicit the stipulated aid against Hoshang of Malwa, who had
invested their capital. The Rana’s headquarters were then at Madri, and
he was employed in quelling a revolt of the mountaineers, when Dhiraj
arrived and obtained the necessary aid. Madri was destined to be the
scene of the termination of Mokal’s career: he was assassinated by his
uncles, the natural brothers of his father, from an unintentional
offence, which tradition has handed down in all its details.

=Assassination of Rāna Mokal.=—Chacha and Mera were the natural sons of
Khetsi Rana (the predecessor of Lakha); their mother a fair handmaid of
low descent, generally allowed to be a carpenter’s daughter. ‘The fifth
sons of Mewar’ (as the natural children are figuratively termed) possess
no rank, and though treated with kindness, and entrusted with
confidential employments, the sons of the chiefs of the second class
take precedence of them, and ‘sit higher on the carpet.’ These brothers
had the charge of seven hundred horse in the train of Rana Mokal at
Madri. Some chiefs at enmity with them, conceiving that they had
overstepped their privileges, wished to see them humiliated. Chance
procured them the opportunity: which, however, cost their prince his
life. Seated in a grove with his chiefs around him, he inquired the name
of a particular tree. The Chauhan chief, feigning ignorance, whispered
him to ask either of the brothers; and not perceiving their scope, he
artlessly did so. “Uncle, what tree is this?” The sarcasm thus prompted
they considered as reflecting on their birth (being sons [285] of the
carpenter’s daughter), and the same day, while Mokal was at his
devotions, and in the act of counting his rosary, one blow severed his
arm from his body, while another stretched him lifeless. The brothers,
quickly mounting their steeds, had the audacity to hope to surprise
Chitor, but the gates were closed upon them.

=Rāna Kūmbha, A.D. 1433-68.=—Though the murder of Mokal is related to
have no other cause than the sarcasm alluded to, the precautions taken
by the young prince Kumbha,[4.7.22] his successor, would induce a belief
that this was but the opening of a deep-laid conspiracy. The traitors
returned to the stronghold near Madri, and Kumbha trusted to the
friendship and good feeling of the prince of Marwar in this emergency.
His confidence was well repaid. The prince put his son at the head of a
force, and the retreat of the assassins being near his own frontier,
they were encountered and dislodged. From Madri they fled to Pai, where
they strengthened a fortress in the mountains named Ratakot; a lofty
peak of the compound chain which encircles Udaipur, visible from the
surrounding country, as are the remains of this stronghold of the
assassins. It would appear that their lives were dissolute, for they had
carried off the virgin daughter of a Chauhan, which led to their
eventual detection and punishment. Her father, Suja, had traced the
route of the ravishers, and, mixing with the workmen, found that the
approaches to the place of their concealment were capable of being
scaled. He was about to lay his complaint before his prince, when he met
the cavalcade of Kumbha and the Rathor. The distressed father, ‘covering
his face,’ disclosed the story of his own and daughter’s dishonour. They
encamped till night at Delwara, when, led by the Chandana, they issued
forth to surprise the authors of so many evils.

=Suja and the Tiger.=—Arrived at the base of the rock, where the parapet
was yet low, they commenced the escalade, aided by the thick foliage.
The path was steep and rugged, and in the darkness of the night each had
grasped his neighbour’s skirt for security. Animated by a just revenge,
the Chauhan (Suja) led the way, when on reaching a ledge of the rock the
glaring eyeballs of a tigress flashed upon him. Undismayed, he squeezed
the hand of the Rathor prince who followed him, and who on perceiving
the object of terror instantly buried his poignard in her heart. This
omen was superb. They soon reached the summit. Some had ascended the
parapet; others were scrambling over, when the minstrel [286] slipping,
fell, and his drum, which was to have accompanied his voice in singing
the conquest, awoke by its crash the daughter of Chacha. Her father
quieted her fears by saying it was only “the thunder and the rains of
Bhadon”: to fear God only and go to sleep, for their enemies were safe
at Kelwa. At this moment the Rao and his party rushed in. Chacha and
Mera had no time to avoid their fate. Chacha was cleft in two by the
Chandana, while the Rathor prince laid Mera at his feet, and the spoils
of Ratakot were divided among the assailants.


Footnote 4.7.1:


Footnote 4.7.2:

  This is a literal phrase, denoting further transmigration of the soul,
  which is always deemed a punishment. The soldier who falls in battle
  in the faithful performance of his duty is alone exempted, according
  to their martial mythology, from the pains of ‘second birth.’

Footnote 4.7.3:

  The fair messengers of heaven.

Footnote 4.7.4:

  _Suraj Mandal._

Footnote 4.7.5:

  The abode of the chief of the various clans of Chondawat.

Footnote 4.7.6:

  _Vide_ p. 235.

Footnote 4.7.7:

  [Hālār in W. Kāthiāwār (_BG_, viii. 4).]

Footnote 4.7.8:

  The _Dhāi_. The _Dhābhāis_, or ‘foster-brothers,’ often hold lands in
  perpetuity, and are employed in the most confidential places; on
  embassies, marriages, etc.

Footnote 4.7.9:

  On the 8th day of the Dasahra, or ‘military festival,’ when the levies
  are mustered at the Chaugan, or ‘Champ de Mars,’ and on the 10th of
  Chait his altars are purified, and his image is washed and placed
  thereon. Women pray for the safety of their children; husbands, that
  their wives may be fruitful. Previously to this, a son of Bappa Rawal
  was worshipped; but after the enshrinement of Raghudeva, the adoration
  of Kulisputra was gradually abolished. Nor is this custom confined to
  Mewar: there is a deified _Putra_ in every Rajput family—one who has
  met a violent death. Besides Eklinga, the descendants of Bappa have
  adopted numerous household divinities: the destinies of life and
  death, Baenmata the goddess of the Chawaras, Nagnachian the serpent
  divinity of the Rathors, and Khetrapal, or ‘fosterer of the field,’
  have with many others obtained a place on the Sesodia altars. This
  festival may not unaptly be compared to that of Adonis amongst the
  Greeks, for the _Putra_ is worshipped chiefly by women.

Footnote 4.7.10:

  The _Diwali_, from _diwa_, ‘a lamp.’ This festival is in honour of
  Lakshmi, goddess of wealth.

Footnote 4.7.11:

  Seven miles south of Chitor, on the road to Malwa.

Footnote 4.7.12:

  The family priest and instructor of youth.

Footnote 4.7.13:

  _Rampol_, ‘the gate of Ram.’

Footnote 4.7.14:

  Often sixty cubits in length.

Footnote 4.7.15:

  [Godwār, including the Bāli and Desuri districts in S.E. Mārwār, is
  now known as the Desuri Hukūmat: see Erskine iii. A. 180 f.]

Footnote 4.7.16:

  The wood of Solomon’s temple is called _almug_; the prefix _al_ is
  merely the article [?]. This is the wood also mentioned in the annals
  of Gujarat, of which the temple to Adinath was constructed. It is said
  to be indestructible even by fire. It has been surmised that the
  fleets of Tyre frequented the Indian coast: could they thence have
  carried the _Almujd_ for the temple of Solomon? [Almug, according to
  the _Encyclopædia Biblica_ (i. 1196) is either Brazil-wood or red
  sandalwood (_Pterocarpus santalinus_). Sir G. Watt, who has kindly
  examined the question, thinks it very improbable that the _mujd_ of
  the text is almug wood, because neither the true sandalwood (_Santalum
  album_) nor the red sandalwood (_Pterocarpus santalinus_) is found in
  Rājputāna. He identifies the _mujd_ of the text with _Moringa
  concanensis_, a small tree found wild in Sind and the Konkan, which
  yields a gum of considerable value, and its congener _Moringa
  pterygosperma_ (_Comm. Prod._ 784), the horse-radish tree of India, is
  used as a dye in Jamaica, and probably could be so used in India.]

Footnote 4.7.17:

  This wood has a brownish-red tint.

Footnote 4.7.18:

  This is related with some variation in other annals of the period.

Footnote 4.7.19:

  There is little hope, while British power acts as high constable and
  keeper of the peace in Rajwara, of this being recovered: nor, were it
  otherwise, would it be desirable to see it become an object of
  contention between these States. Marwar has attained much grandeur
  since the time of Jodha, and her resources are more unbroken than
  those of Mewar, who, if she could redeem, could not, from its exposed
  position, maintain the province against the brave Rathor.

Footnote 4.7.20:

  [The four-armed Vishnu, the favourite deity of the Mertia Rāthors
  (_Census Report, Rajputana, 1891_, ii. 26).]

Footnote 4.7.21:

  The ceremony of joining hands.

Footnote 4.7.22:

  [His mother was a Pramār, Subhāgya Devi, daughter of Rāja Jaitmall,


                               CHAPTER 8

=Rāna Kūmbha, A.