Title: The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt in his Voyage into the South Sea in the Year 1593 - Reprinted from the Edition of 1622
Author: Hawkins, Richard
Language: English
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  WORKS ISSUED BY

  The Hakluyt Society.

  [Illustration]

  THE
  OBSERVATIONS OF
  SIR RICHARD HAWKINS.


  M.DCCC.XLVII.



  THE

  OBSERVATIONS

  OF

  SIR RICHARD HAWKINS, K^{NT}

  IN HIS

  VOYAGE INTO

  THE SOUTH SEA

  IN THE YEAR

  1593.


  REPRINTED FROM THE EDITION OF 1622.


  EDITED BY

  C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE,

  CAPTAIN R.N.


  LONDON:

  PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

  M.DCCC.XLVII.

RICHARDS, 100, ST. MARTIN’S LANE.



THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

Council.


    SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., Corr. Mem.
    Inst. Fr.; Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, &c. &c.,
    PRESIDENT.

  VICE-ADMIRAL SIR CHARLES MALCOLM, KT  } VICE-PRESIDENTS.
  THE REV. H. H. MILMAN, M.A.           }

  CHARLES T. BEKE, ESQ., PHIL. D., F.S.A.
  CAPTAIN C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, R.N., C.B.
  MAJOR-GENERAL J. BRIGGS, F.R.S.
  CAPTAIN F. BULLOCK, R.N.
  BOLTON CORNEY, ESQ., M.R.S.L.
  CHARLES DARWIN, ESQ., F.R.S.
  SIR HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S.
  JOHN FORSTER, ESQ.
  J. E. GRAY, ESQ., F.R.S.
  W. R. HAMILTON, ESQ., F.R.S.
  T. HODGKIN, ESQ., M.D.
  SIR JAMES M’GRIGOR, BARONET, M.D., F.R.S.
  R. H. MAJOR, ESQ.
  R. MONCKTON MILNES, ESQ., M.P.
  SIR J. RICHARDSON, M.D., F.R.S.
  ANDREW SMITH, ESQ., M.D.
  SIR GEORGE T. STAUNTON, BARONET, M.P., F.R.S.

WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY, ESQ. F.R.G.S., SECRETARY.



EDITOR’S PREFACE.


Many of the early voyages to the Spanish possessions in South America,
are open to the charge of having been conducted more upon buccaneering
principles, than on those that should guide nations in their intercourse
with each other.

Even Sir Francis Drake, on his return from one of the most memorable,
endured the mortification of being considered little better than a
pirate, and it required all the honors conferred on him by Queen
Elizabeth, to set him right in public opinion.

This is not the proper place to discuss the question, whether England
was justified in allowing such expeditions to leave her shores; it is
sufficient to state, that our author is not liable to any animadversion,
as his voyage was undertaken under the authority of the Queen’s
commission; and his conduct was marked throughout by humanity and
benevolence.

We can hardly appreciate too highly the adventurous daring of these
early navigators; but while we give due credit to them for attempting
such long voyages into almost unknown seas, in vessels of small burthen,
we must not imagine that they were utterly unprovided for the nature of
the expected service: on the contrary, great care seems have been taken
both in selecting proper crews, and in providing them with everything
needful.

Sir Richard Hawkins, at page 12, alludes generally to his own
preparations; and we read in the accounts of Sir Francis Drake’s
expedition, “that his vessels were plentifully furnished with all manner
of provisions and necessaries for so long and dangerous a voyage; and
such as served only for ornament and delight were likewise not
forgotten. For this purpose he took with him very expert musicians for
several instruments. His furniture of all kinds was rich and sumptuous;
all the vessels for his table, and many in the cook-room, being of pure
silver, curiously wrought, and many other things whereby the
magnificence of his native country might be displayed.”

We find even more detail in the _North West Fox, or Fox from the
North-west passage_, London, 1635: a work professing to give an account
of all Northern voyagers, commencing with King Arthur, and ending with
Captain Luke Fox. We quote from the preface to the latter voyage:--

“The ship of his Majesties, was (of my own chusing, and the best for
condition and quality, especially for this voyage, that the world could
afford), of burthen eighty tonnes, the number of men twenty, and two
boyes, and by all our cares was sheathed, cordaged, builded, and
repaired; all things being made exactly ready against an appointed time.
My greatest care was to have my men of godly conversation, and such as
their years, of time not exceeding thirty-five, had gained good
experience, that I might thereby be the better assisted, especially by
such as had been upon those frostbiting voyages, by which they were
hardened for indurance, and could not so soone be dismayed at the sight
of the ice. For beardless younkers, I knew as many as could man the
boate was enough; and for all our dependances was upon God alone, for I
had neither private ambition or vaine glory.

“And all these things I had contractedly done by the master, wardens,
and assistants of the Trinity House. For a lieutenant I had no use; but
it grieved me much that I could not get one man that had been on the
same voyage before, by whose counsaile or discourse I might better have
shunned the ice. I was victualled compleatly for eighteene months; but
whether the baker, brewer, butcher, and other, were master of their
arts, or professors or no, I know not; but this I am sure of, I had
excellent fat beefe, strong beere, good wheaten bread, good Iceland
ling, butter and cheese of the best, admirable sacke and aqua-vitæ,
pease, oatmeale, wheat-meale, oyle, spice, sugar, fruit, and rice; with
chyrugerie, as sirrups, julips, condits, trechisses, antidotes, balsoms,
gummes, unguents, implaisters, oyles, potions, suppositors, and purging
pills; and if I wanted instruments, my chyrugion had enough. My
carpenter was fitted from the thickest bolt to the pumpe nayle, or
tacket. The gunner, from the sacor to the pistol. The boatswaine, from
the cable to the sayle twine. The steward and cooke, from the caldron to
the spoone.

“And for books, if I wanted any I was to blame, being bountifully
furnisht from the treasurer with money to provide me, especially for
those of study there would be no leisure, nor was there, for I found
work enough.”

Besides this abundant preparation of all things needful for the body,
rules for good discipline were not wanting, which we also transcribe,
considering they have some relation to the matter in hand.

“May 7, anno 1631.--The voyage of Captaine Luke Fox, in his Majesties
pinnace the _Charles_, burthen seventy tonnes, twenty men, and two
boyes, victuals for eighteen months, young Sir John Wolstenholme being
treasurer.

“Orders and articles for civill government, to be duly observed amongst
us in this voyage.

“Forasmuch as the good successe and prosperity of every action doth
consist in the due service and glorifying of God, knowing that not only
our being and preservation, but the prosperity of all our actions and
enterprizes doe immediately depend upon His Almighty goodness and mercy;
of which this being none of the least, eyther of nature or quality. For
the better governing and managing of this present voyage, in his
Majesties ship the _Charles_, bound for the North-west Passage, towards
the South Sea, May 7, 1631, as followeth:--

“1. That all the whole company, as well officers as others, shall duly
repaire every day twice, at the call of the bell, to heare publike
prayers to be read (such as are authorized by the Church), and that in a
godly and devout manner, as good Christians ought.

“2. That no man shall swear by the name of God, nor use any prophane
oath, or blaspheme his holy name, upon pain of severe punishment.

“3. That no man shall speak any vile or unbeseeming word, against the
honour of his Majestie, our dread soveraigne, his lawes or ordinances,
or the religion established and authorized by him here in England, but
as good subjects shall duly pray for him.

“4. That no man shall speake any doubtfull or despairing words against
the good successe of the voyage, or make any doubt thereof, eyther in
publique or private, at his messe, or to his watch-mate, or shall make
any question of the skill and knowledge eyther of superiour or inferior
officer, or of the undertakings; nor shall offer to combine against the
authority thereof, upon the paine of severe punishment, as well to him
that shall first heare and conceale the same, as to the first beginner.

“5. That no man do offer to filch or steale any of the goods of the
ship or company, or doe offer to breake into hould, there to take his
pleasure of such provisions as are layd in generall for the whole
company of the ship; nor that any officer appointed for the charge and
oversight thereof, doe other wayes than shall be appointed him, but
shall every man bee carefull for the necessary preservation of the
victuall and fuell conteyned in the hould; and that also every officer
be so carefull of his store, as hee must not be found (upon examination)
to deserve punishment.

“6. That no man doe grumble at his allowance of victuall, or steale any
from others, nor shall give cross language, eyther to superior or equal,
in reviling words or daring speeches, which do tend to the inflaming of
blood or inraging of choller; remembering this also, that a stroke or a
blow is the breach of his Majesties peace, and may not want his
punishment therefore, as for other reasons.

“7. That at the boatswaine’s call, all the whole company shall appeare
above decke, or else that his mate fetch up presently all such
sloathfull persons, eyther with rope or cudgell, as in such cases
deserves the same. The quarter-masters shall look into the steeridge,
while the captains, masters, and mates are at dinner, or at supper.

“8. That all men duely observe the watch, as well at anchor as under
sayle, and at the discharge thereof, the boatswaine or his mate shall
call up the other; all praising God together, with psalme and prayer.
And so committing our selves, both soules and bodies, ship and goods, to
God’s mercifull preservation, wee beseech him to steere, direct, and
guide us, from the beginning to the end of our voyage: which hee make
prosperous unto us. Amen.”

Sir Richard Hawkins followed the profession of a seaman from an early
age. Brought up in stirring times, under the eye of his father, one of
the most experienced naval commanders of his time, he appears to have
inherited a knowledge of sound principles of discipline, and to have
become imbued with that indomitable courage, tempered with prudence,
essential to the character of a good sea officer. In 1588, Captain
Hawkins commanded the _Swallow_, a Queen’s ship of three hundred and
sixty tons, and assisted in her at the destruction of the Spanish
armada. He appears at that period to have attained a certain
consideration, as he was employed as Queen’s Commissioner, to settle
some prize claims. He next undertook the voyage the history of which is
recounted in the following pages. After his return from his detention in
the South Seas, we find him, in 1620, in the _Vanguard_, of six hundred
and sixty tons, vice-admirall of Sir Robert Mansel’s expedition against
the Algerines. He died suddenly shortly afterwards.

Admiral Burney, in his _History of Voyages and Discoveries in the South
Seas_, alluding to this work, says, “it might with propriety have been
entitled a book of good counsel; many of his observations being
unconnected with the voyage he is relating, but his digressions are
ingenious and entertaining, and they frequently contain useful or
curious information”: and Mr. Barrow, in his _Memoirs of the Naval
Worthies of Queen Elizabeth_, thinks that the “_Observations_ must take
their station in the very first rank of our old sea voyages.”

Similar considerations led the council of the Hakluyt Society to select
it, though not exactly a rare work, for early publication; and it is
submitted to the Members, with a confident hope that it will repay an
attentive perusal.

The editor has confined his labours to reproducing the text of the
original, with only such slight alterations as were necessary where the
sense of the author had been obviously marred by a misprint; giving
such explanations of obsolete words and technical terms as might
embarrass an unprofessional reader; identifying the places visited with
their modern appellation, where practicable; and adding such remarks as
occurred to him while correcting the proof sheets.

  C. R. D. B.

  _Nov. 1847._



  THE

  OBSERVATIONS

  OF

  S^{IR} RICHARD HAWKINS
  KNIGHT, IN HIS
  _VOIAGE INTO THE
  South Sea_.

  Anno Domini, 1593.

  [Illustration]

  _Per varios Casus, Artem Experientia fecit,
  Exemplo monstrante viam._--Manil. li. 1.

  [Illustration]

  LONDON

  Printed by _I. D._ for IOHN IAGGARD, and are to be
  sold at his shop at the Hand and Starre in Fleete-streete,
  _neere the Temple Gate_. 1 6 2 2.



  TO THE
  MOST ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST EXCELLENT
  PRINCE CHARLES, PRINCE OF WALES,
  DUKE OF CORNEWALL, EARLE OF CHESTER, ETC.


Amongst other neglects prejudiciall to this state, I have observed, that
many the worthy and heroyque acts of our nation, have been buried and
forgotten: the actors themselves being desirous to shunne emulation in
publishing them, and those which overlived them, fearefull to adde, or
to diminish from the actors worth, judgement, and valour, have forborne
to write them; by which succeeding ages have been deprived of the fruits
which might have beene gathered out of their experience, had they beene
committed to record. To avoyd this neglect, and for the good of my
country, I have thought it my duty to publish the observations of my
South Sea Voyage; and for that unto your highnesse, your heires, and
successors, it is most likely to be advantagious (having brought on me
nothing but losse and misery), I am bold to use your name, a protection
unto it, and to offer it with all humblenes and duty to your highnesse
approbation, which if it purchase, I have attained my desire, which
shall ever ayme to performe dutie.

  Your Highnesse humble
  And devoted servant,
  RICHARD HAWKINS.



TO THE READER.


HAD _that worthie knight, the author, lived to have seen this his
Treatise published, he would perhaps himselfe have given the account
thereof: for by his owne directions it was put to the presse, though it
pleased God to take him to his mercy during the time of the impression.
His purpose was to have recommended both it and himselfe unto our most
excellent Prince Charles, and himselfe wrote the Dedication, which being
imparted unto me, I conceited that it stood not with my dutie to
suppresse it._

_Touching the discourse it selfe, as it is out of my element to judge,
so it is out of my purpose to say much of it. This onely I may boldly
promise, that you shall heere find an expert seaman, in his owne
dialect, deliver a true relation of an unfortunat voyage; which
howsoever it proved lamentable and fatall to the actors, may yet prove
pleasing to the readers: it being an itch in our natures to delight in
newnes and varietie, be the subject never so grievous. This (if there
were no more) were yet worthy your perusall; and is as much as others
have with good acceptance afforded in relations of this nature. Howbeit
besides the bare series and context of the storie, you shall heere finde
interweaved, sundry exact descriptions of Countries, Townes, Capes,
Promontories, Rivers, Creeks, Harbours, and the like, not unprofitable
for navigators; besides many notable observations, the fruites of a long
experience, that may give light touching marine accidents, even to the
best captaines and commaunders: who if they desire to learn by precepts,
shall here find store: but if examples prevaile more with them, here are
also_ aliena pericula. _If you believe mee not, reade and judge._
Farewell.



  THE OBSERVATIONS
  OF
  SIR RICHARD HAWKINS, KNIGHT,
  IN HIS
  VOYAGE INTO THE SOUTH SEA.


SECTION I.

WITH the counsels consent, and helpe of my father, Sir John Hawkins,[1]
knight, I resolved a voyage to be made for the Ilands of Japan, of the
Phillippinas, and Molucas, the kingdomes of China, and East Indies, by
the way of the Straites of Magelan, and the South Sea.

[The necessary use of discoveries.]

The principall end of our designements, was, to make a perfect discovery
of all those parts where I should arrive, as well knowne as unknowne,
with their longitudes, and [Of travaile.] latitudes; the lying
of their coasts; their head-lands; their ports, and bayes; their cities,
townes, and peoplings; their manner of government; with the commodities
which the countries yeelded, and of which they have want, and are in
necessitie.

[Of shipping.]

For this purpose in the end of anno 1588, returning from the journey
against the Spanish Armado, I caused a ship to be builded in the river
of Thames, betwixt three and foure hundred tunnes, which was finished in
that perfection as could be required; for shee was pleasing to the eye,
profitable for stowage, good of sayle, and well conditioned.

The day of her lanching being appoynted, the Lady Hawkins (my
mother-in-law) craved the naming of the ship, which was easily granted
her: who knowing what voyage was pretended to be undertaken, named her
the _Repentance_: what her thoughts were, was kept secret to her selfe;
and although many times I expostulated with her, to declare the reason
for giving her that uncouth name, I could never have any other
satisfaction, then that repentance was the safest ship we could sayle
in, to purchase the haven of Heaven. Well, I know, shee was no
prophetesse, though a religious and most vertuous lady, and of a very
good understanding.[2]

Yet too propheticall it fell out by Gods secrete judgementes, which in
his wisdome was pleased to reveale unto us by so unknowne a way, and was
sufficient for the present, to cause me to desist from the enterprise,
and to leave the ship to my father, who willingly tooke her, and paid
the entire charge of the building and furnishing of her, which I had
concorted[3] or paid. And this I did not for any superstition I have in
names, or for that I thinke them able to further or hinder any thing;
for that all immediately dependeth upon the Providence of Almightie God,
and is disposed by him alone.

[Improper names for shipping.]

Yet advise I all persons ever (as neere as they can) by all meanes, and
in all occasions, to presage unto themselves the good they can, and in
giving names to terestriall workes (especially to ships), not to give
such as meerly represent the celestial character; for few have I knowne,
or seen, come to a good end, which have had such attributes. [Sidenote:
The _Revenge_] As was plainely seene in the _Revenge_, which was ever
the unfortunatest ship the late queenes majestie had during her raigne;
for coming out of Ireland, with Sir John Parrot, shee was like to be
cast away upon the Kentish coast. After, in the voyage of Sir John
Hawkins, my father, anno 1586, shee strucke aground coming into
Plimouth, before her going to sea. Upon the coast of Spaine, shee left
her fleete, readie to sinke with a great leake: at her returne into the
harbour of Plimouth, shee beate upon Winter stone; and after, in the
same voyage, going out of Portsmouth haven, shee ranne twice aground;
and in the latter of them, lay twentie-two houres beating upon the
shore, and at length, with eight foote of water in hold, shee was forced
off, and presently ranne upon the Oose: and was cause that shee remained
there (with other three ships of her majesties) six months, till the
spring of the yeare; when coming about to bee decked,[4] entring the
river of Thames, her old leake breaking upon her, had like to have
drowned all those which were in her. In anno 1591, with a storme of wind
and weather, riding at her moorings in the river of Rochester, nothing
but her bare masts over head, shee was turned topse-turvie, her kele
uppermost: and the cost and losse shee wrought, I have too good cause to
remember, in her last voyage, in which shee was lost, when shee gave
England and Spain just cause to remember her. For the Spaniards
themselves confesse, that three of their ships sunke by her side, and
[See Master Hacluits Relations.] was the death of above 1500
of their men, with the losse of a great part of their fleete, by a
storme which suddainly tooke them the next day. What English died in
her, many living are witnesses: amongst which was Sir Richard
Greenfeild,[5] a noble and valiant gentleman, vice-admirall in her of
her majesties fleete. So that, well considered, shee was even a ship
loaden, and full fraught with ill successe.

[The _Thunderbolt_ of London.]

The like wee might behold in the _Thunderbolt_, of London, who, in one
voyage (as I remember), had her mast cleft with a thunderbolt, upon the
coast of Barbary. After in Dartmouth, going for admirall of the
Whaftage,[6] and guard of the fleete for the river of Bourdieux, had
also her poope blown up with fire sodainly, and unto this day, never
could be knowne the cause, or manner how: and lastly, shee was burned
with her whole companie in the river of Bourdieux, and Master Edward
Wilson, generall in her, slaine by his enemies, having escaped the fire.

[The _Jesus_ of Lubeck. The _Repentance_.]

The suceesse of the _Jesus_ of Lubecke, in Saint John de Vlua, in the
Nova Spania, infamous to the Spaniardes;[7] with my _Repentance_, in the
South Sea, taken by force, hath utterly impoverished, and overthrowne
our house.

[The _Journey_ of Spaine.]

The _Journey_ of Spaine, pretended for England, anno 1587, called the
_Journey of Revenge_, left the principall of their men and ships on the
rocks of Cape Finister, and the rest made a lamentable end, for the most
part in the Groyne.[8] No more for this poynt, but to our purpose.


SECTION II.

The _Repentance_ being put in perfection, and riding at Detford, the
queenes majestie passing by her, to her pallace of Greenwych, commanded
her bargemen to row round about her, and viewing her from post to
stemme, disliked nothing but her name, and said, that shee would
christen her anew, and that henceforth shee should be called the
_Daintie_; which name she brooked as well for her proportion and grace,
as for the many happie voyages shee made in her majesties service;
having taken (for her majestie) a great Bysten,[9] of five hundred
tunnes, loaden with iron and other commodities, under the conduct of Sir
Martin Furbusher; a caracke bound for the East Indies, under my fathers
charge, and the principall cause of taking the great caracke, brought to
Dartmouth by Sir John Borrow, and the Earl of Cumberlands shippes, anno
1592, with others of moment in her other voyages.[10] To us, shee never
brought but cost, trouble, and care. Therefore my father resolved to
sell her, though with some losse, which he imparted with me: and for
that I had ever a particular love unto her, and a desire shee should
continue ours, I offered to ease him of the charge and care of her, and
to take her, with all her furniture at the price he had before taken her
of me; with resolution to put in execution the voyage for which shee was
first builded; although it lay six months and more in suspence, partly,
upon the pretended voyage for Nombrededios and Panama, which then was
fresh a foote; and partly, upon the caracke at Dartmouth, in which I was
imployed as a commissioner; but this businesse being ended, and the
other pretence waxing colde, the fift of March I resolved, and beganne
to goe forward with the journey, so often talked of, and so much
desired.

[Considerations for pretended voyages.]

And having made an estimate of the charge of victualls, munition,
imprests,[11] sea-store, and necessaries for the sayd ship; consorting
another of an hundred tunnes, which I waited for daily from the Straites
of Giberalter, with a pynace of sixtie tunnes, all mine owne: and for a
competent number of men for them; as also of all sorts of marchandises
for trade and traffique in all places where wee should come; I began to
wage men, to buy all manner of victualls and provisions, and to lade her
with them, and with all sorts of commodities (which I could call to
minde) fitting; and dispatched order to my servant in Plimouth, to put
in a readinesse my pynace;[12] as also to take [Provisions
better provided at Plimouth, then at London.] up certaine provisions,
which are better cheape in those parts then in London, as beefe, porke,
bisket, and sider. And with the diligence I used, and my fathers
furtherance, at the end of one moneth, I was ready to set sayle for
Plimouth, to joyne with the rest of my shippes and provisions. But the
expecting of the coming of the lord high admirall, Sir Robert Cecill,
principall secretary to her majestie, and Sir Walter Rawley, with
others, to honour my shippe and me with their presence and farewell,
detayned me some dayes; and the rayne and untemperate weather deprived
me of the favour, which I was in hope to have received at their hands.
Whereupon, being loath to loose more time, and the winde serving
according to my wish, the eight of April, 1593, I caused the pilot to
set sayle from Blackwall, and to vayle[13] down to Gravesend, whether
that night I purposed to come.

Having taken my unhappy last leave of my father Sir John Hawkins, I
tooke my barge, and rowed down the river, and coming to Barking, wee
might see my ship at an anchor in the midst of the channell, where ships
are not wont to more themselves: this bred in me some alteration. And
coming aboord her, one and other began to recount the perill they had
past of losse of ship and goods, which was not little; for the winde
being at east north-east, when they set sayle, and vered out southerly,
it forced them for the doubling of a point to bring their tacke aboard,
and looffing up; the winde freshing, sodenly the shipp began to make a
little hele; and for that shee was very deepe loaden, and her ports
open, the water began to enter in at them, which no bodie having regard
[Note.] unto, thinking themselves safe in the river, it augmented in
such maner as the waight of the water began to presse downe the side,
more then the winde: at length when it was seene and the shete flowne,
shee could hardly be brought upright. But God was pleased that with the
diligence and travell of the company, shee was freed of that danger;
which may be a gentle warning[14] to all such as take charge of
shipping, even before they set sayle, eyther in river or harbour, or
other part, to have an eye to their ports, and to see those shut and
callked, which may cause danger; for avoyding the many mishaps which
dayly chance for the neglect thereof, and have beene most lamentable
spectacles and examples unto us: experiments in the _Great Harry_,
admirall[15] of England, which was over-set and suncke at Portsmouth,
with her captaine, Carew, and the most part of his company drowned in a
goodly summers day, with a little flawe of winde; for that her ports
were all open, and making a small hele, by them entred their
destruction; where if they had beene shut, no wind could have hurt her,
especially in that place.

In the river of Thames, Master Thomas Candish had a small ship over-set
through the same negligence. And one of the fleete of Syr Francis Drake,
in Santo Domingo harbour, turned her keele upward likewise, upon the
same occasion; with many others, which we never have knowledge of.

And when this commeth to passe, many times negligence is cloaked with
the fury of the winde: which is a double fault; for the truth being
knowne, others would bee warned to shun the like neglects; for it is a
very bad ship whose masts crackt not asunder, whose sayles and tackling
flie not in peeces, before she over-set, especially if shee be English
built. And that which over-setteth the ship is the waight of the water
that presseth down the side, which as it entreth more and more,
increaseth the waight, and the impossibilitie of the remedie: for, the
water not entring, with easing of the sheate, or striking the sayles, or
putting the ship before the winde or sea, or other diligences, as
occasion is offered (and all expert mariners know) remedie is easily
found.[16]

With this mischaunce the mariners were so daunted, that they would not
proceede with the ship any further, except shee was lighted, which
indeede was needelesse, for many reasons which I gave: but mariners are
like to a stiffe necked horse, which taking the bridle betwixt his
teeth, forceth his rider to what him list, mauger his will; so they
having once concluded, and resolved, are with great difficultie brought
to yeelde to the raynes of reason; and to colour their negligence, they
added cost, trouble, and delay. In fine, seeing no other remedie, I
dispatched that night a servant of mine to give account to my father of
that which had past, and to bring mee presently some barke of London, to
goe along with me to Plimouth; which not finding, he brought me a hoye,
in which I loaded some sixe or eight tunnes, to give content to the
company; and so set sayle the 13th of Aprill, and the next day wee put
in at Harwich, for that the winde was contrary, and from thence departed
the 18th of the sayd moneth in the morning.

When wee were cleere of the sands, the winde veered to the south-west,
and so we were forced to put into Margat Roade, whether came presently
after us a fleete of Hollanders of above an hundreth sayle, bound for
Rochell, to loade salt; and in their companie a dozen shippes of warre;
their wafters very good ships and well appointed in all respects. All
which came alongst by our ship, and saluted us, as is the custome of the
sea, some with three, others with five, others with more peeces of
ordinance.

The next morning the winde vering easterly, I set sayle, and the
Hollanders with me, and they with the flood in hand, went out at the
North-sands-head, and I through the Gulls to shorten my way, and to set
my pilate ashore.

Comming neere the South-fore-land, the winde began to vere to the
south-east and by south, so as we could not double the point of the
land, and being close abourd the shore, and puting our ship to stay,
what with the chapping sea, and what with the tide upon the bowe, shee
mist staying, and put us in some danger, before we could flatt
[Note.] about; therefore for doubling the point of any land
better is ever a short bourd, then to put all in perill.[17]

Being tacked about, wee thought to anchor in the Downes, but the sayles
set, we made a small bourd, and after casting about agayne, doubled the
foreland, and ran alongst the coast till we came to the Isle of Wight:
where being becalmed, wee sent ashore Master Thomson, of Harwich, our
pilot, not being able before to set him on shore for the perversnes of
the winde.

Being cleere of the Wight, the winde vered southerly, and before we came
to Port-land, to the west, south-west, but with the helpe of the ebbe
wee recovered Port-land-roade, where we anchored all that night; and the
next morning with the ebbe, wee set sayle againe, the winde at west
south-west; purposing to beare it up, all the ebbe, and to stop the
flood being under sayle.


SECTION III.

[The providence of the Dutch.]

The fleete of Flemings which had beene in our company before, came
towring into the road, which certainly was a thing worth the noting, to
behold the good order the masters observed in guard of their fleete.

The admirall headmost, and the rest of the men of warre, spread alongst
to wind-ward, all saving the vice-admirall and her consort, which were
lee-most and stern-most of all; and except the admirall, which was the
first, that came to an anchor, none of the other men of warre anchored,
before all the fleete was in safetie; and then they placed themselves
round about the fleete; the vice-admirall seamost and leemost; which we
have taught unto most nations, and they observe it now a dayes better
then [The English authors of sea discipline.] we, to our
shame, that being the authors and reformers of the best discipline and
lawes in sea causes, are become those which doe now worst execute them.

And I cannot gather whence this contempt hath growne, [By them
againe neglected.] except of the neglect of discipline, or rather in
giving commands for favour to those, which want experience of what is
committed to their charge: or that there hath beene little curiositie in
our countrey in writing of the discipline of the sea; which is not lesse
necessary for us, then that of the law; and I am of opinion, that the
want of experience is much more tollerable in a generall by land, then
in a governour by sea: for in the field, the lieutenant generall, the
sergeant major, and the coronels supply what is wanting in the generall,
for that they all command, and ever there is place for counsell, which
in the sea by many accidents is denied; and the head is he that manageth
all, in whom alone if there be defect, all is badly governed, for, by
ignorance how can errors be judged or reformed? And therefore I wish all
to take upon them that which they understand, and refuse the contrary.

[The modesty of Sir Henry Palmer.]

As Sir Henry Palmer, a wise and valiant gentleman, a great commander,
and of much experience in sea causes, being appoynted by the queens
majesties counsell, to goe for generall of a fleete for the coast of
Spaine, anno 1583, submitting himselfe to their lordships pleasure,
excused the charge, saying, that his trayning up had beene in the narrow
seas; and that of the other he had little experience: and therefore was
in dutie bound to intreate their honours to make choice of some other
person, that was better acquainted and experimented in those seas; that
her majestie and their lordships might be the better served. His
modestie and discretion is doubtlesse to be had in remembrance and great
estimation; for the ambition of many which covet the command of fleetes,
and places of government (not knowing their compasse, nor how, nor what
to command) doe purchase to themselves shame; and losse to those that
employ them: being required in a [Parts required in a commander at sea.]
commander at sea, a sharpe wit, a good understanding, experience in
shipping, practise in management of sea business, knowledge in
navigation, and in command. I hold it much better to deserve it, and not
to have it, then to have it not deserving it.


SECTION IV.

The fruits and inconveniences of the latter we daily partake of, to our
losse and dishonor. As in the fleete that [The losse of the
Burdieux fleete anno 1592.] went for Burdieux, anno 1592, which had six
gallant ships for wafters. At their going out of Plimouth, the
vice-admirall, that should have beene starnmost of all, was the
headmost, and the admirall the last, and he that did execute the office
of the vice-admirall, lanching off into the sea, drew after him the
greater part of the fleete, and night comming on, and both bearing
lights, caused a separation: so that the head had a quarter of the
bodie, and the fleete three quarters, and he that should goe before,
came behinde. Whereof ensued, that the three parts meeting with a few
Spanish men of warre, wanting their head, were a prey unto them. For the
vice-admirall, and other wafters, that should be the shepheards to guard
and keepe their flocke, and to carry them in safetie before them, were
headmost, and they the men who made most [The cause.] hast to
flie from the wolfe. Whereas if they had done as they ought, in place of
losse and infamie, they had gained honor and reward.

This I have beene enformed of by the Spanish and English, which were
present in the occasion. And a ship of mine, being one of the starnmost,
freed her selfe, for that shee was in warlike manner, with her false
netting, many pendents and streamers, and at least sixteen or eight-teen
peeces of artillery; the enemie thinking her to be a wafter, or ship of
warre, not one of them durst lay her aboord: and this the master and
company vaunted of at their returne.

In the same voyage, in the river of Burdieux (as is credibly reported),
if the six wafters had kept together, they had not onely not received
domage, but gotten much [The weakness of the enemy.] honour
and reputation. For the admirall of the Spanish armado, was a Flemish
shippe of not above 130 tunnes, and the rest flie-boates[18] and small
shipping, for the most part.

And although there were twenty-two sayle in all, what manner of ships
they were, and how furnished and appoynted, is well knowne, with the
difference.

[The voyage of Sir John Hawkins anno 1590.]

In the fleete of her majestie, under the charge of my father Sir John
Hawkins, anno 1590, upon the coast of Spaine, the vice-admirall being a
head one morning, where his place was to be a sterne, lost us the taking
of eight men of warre loaden with munition, victuals, and provisions,
for the supplie of the souldiers in Brittaine: and although they were
seven or eight leagues from the shore, when our vice-admirall began to
fight with them, yet for that the rest of our fleete were some four,
some five leagues, and some more distant from them, when we beganne to
give chase, the Spaniards recovered into the harbour of Monge, before
our admirall could come up to give direction; yet well beaten, with
losse of above two hundreth men, as they themselves confessed to me
after.

And doubtlesse, if the wind had not over-blowne, and that to follow them
I was forced to shut all my lower ports, the ship I undertooke doubtles
had never endured to come to the port; but being doubble fli-boates, and
all of good sayle, they bare for their lives, and we what we could to
follow and fetch them up.

[Sir Richard Greenfield at Flores.]

In this poynt, at the Ile of Flores, Sir Richard Greenfield got eternall
honour and reputation of great valour, and of an experimented souldier,
chusing rather to sacrifice his life, and to passe all danger
whatsoever, then to fayle in his obligation, by gathering together those
which had remained a shore in that place, though with the hazard of his
ship and companie; and rather we ought to imbrace an honourable death,
then to live with infamie and dishonour, by fayling in dutie; and I
account, that he and his country got much honor in that occasion; for
one ship, and of the second sort of her majesties, sustained the force
of all the fleete of Spain, and gave them to understand, that they be
impregnible, for having bought deerely the boording of her, divers and
sundry times, and with many joyntly, and with a continuall fight of
fourteen or sixteen houres, at length leaving her without any mast
standing, and like a logge in the seas, shee made, notwithstanding, a
most honourable composition of life and libertie for above two hundreth
and sixtie men, as by the pay-booke appeareth: which her majestie of her
free grace, commanded, in recompence of their service, to be given to
every one his six moneths wages. All which may worthily be written in
our chronicles in letters of gold, in memory for all posterities, some
to beware, and others, by their example in the like occasions, to
imitate the true valour of our nation in these ages.

[Captaine Vavisor.]

In poynt of Providence, which captaine Vavisor, in the _Foresight_,[19]
gave also good proofe of his valour, in casting about upon the whole
fleete, notwithstanding the greatnesse and multitude of the Spanish
armado, to yeeld that succour which he was able; although some doe say,
and I consent with them, that the best valour is to obey, and to follow
the head, seeme that good or bad which is commanded. For God himselfe
telleth us, that obedience is better than sacrifice. Yet in some
occasions, where there is difficultie or impossibilitie to know what is
commanded, many times it is great discretion and obligation,
judiciously to take hold of the occasion to yeeld succour to his
associats, without putting himselfe in manifest danger. But to our
voyage.


SECTION V.

Being cleare of the race of Portland, the wind began to suffle[20] with
fogge and misling rayne, and forced us to a short sayle, which continued
with us three dayes; the wind never veering one poynt, nor the fogge
suffering us to see the coast.

The third day in the fogge, we met with a barke of Dartmouth, which came
from Rochell, and demanding of them if they had made any land, answered,
that they had onely seene the Edie stone that morning, which lyeth
thwart of the sound of Plimouth, and that Dartmouth (as they thought)
bare off us north north-east: which seemed strange unto us; for we made
account that we were thwart of Exmouth. Within two houres after, the
weather beganne to cleare up, and we found ourselves thwart of the
Berry, and might see the small barke bearing into Torbay, having
over-shot her port; which error often happeneth to those that make the
land in foggie weather, and use not good diligence by sound, by lying
off the land, and other circumstances, to search the truth; and is cause
of the losse of many a ship, and the sweet lives of multitudes of
men.[21]

That evening we anchored in the range of Dartmouth, till the floud was
spent; and the ebbe come, wee set sayle againe. And the next morning
early, being the 26th of Aprill, wee harboured our selves in Plimouth.

My ship at an anchor, and I ashore, I presently dispatched a messenger
to London, to advise my father, Sir John Hawkins, what had past: which,
not onely to him, but to all others, that understood what it was, seemed
strange; that the wind contrary, and the weather such as it had beene,
wee could be able to gaine Plimouth; but doubtlesse, the _Daintie_ was a
very good sea ship, and excellent by the winde; which with the neap
streames, and our diligence to benefit our selves of all advantages,
made fezible that which almost was not to be beleeved.

[Parts requisite in a good mariner.]

And in this occasion, I found by experience, that one of the principall
parts required in a mariner that frequenteth our coastes of England, is
to cast his tydes, and to know how they set from poynt to poynt, with
the difference of those in the channell from those of the shore.[22]


SECTION VI.

Now presently I began to prepare for my dispatch, and to hasten my
departure; and finding that my ship which I expected from the Straites,
came not, and that shee was to goe to London to discharge, and
uncertaine how long shee might stay, I resolved to take another of mine
owne in her place, though lesser, called the _Hawke_, onely for a
victualler; purposing in the coast of Brasill, or in the Straites,[23]
to take out her men and victualls, and to cast her off.


SECTION VII.

With my continuall travell, the helpe of my good friends, and excessive
charge (which none can easily beleeve, but those which have prooved it),
towardes the end of May, I was readie to set sayle with my three ships,
drawne out into the sound, and began to gather my company aboord.

The 28th of May (as I remember) began a storme of winde, westerly; the
two lesser shippes presently harboured themselves, and I gave order to
the master of the _Daintie_ (called Hugh Cornish), one of the most
sufficientest men of his coate, to bring her also into Catt-water, which
he laboured to doe; but being neere the mouth of the harbour, and
doubting least the anchor being weighed, the ship might cast the
contrary way, and so run on some perill, entertained himselfe a while in
laying out a warpe, and in the meane time, the wind freshing, and the
ship riding by one anchor, brake the flooke of it, and so forced them to
let fall another; by which, and by the warpe they [A cruell
storme.] had layd out, they rydd. The storme was such, as being within
hearing of those upon the shore, we were not able by any meanes to send
them succour, and the second day of the storme, desiring much to goe
aboord, there joined with me captaine William Anthony, captaine John
Ellis, [And therein the effects of courage and advice.] and
master Henry Courton, in a light horsman[24] which I had: all men
exercised in charge, and of valour and sufficiencie, and from their
youth bred up in businesse of the sea: which notwithstanding, and that
wee laboured what we could, for the space of two houres against waves
and wind, we could finde no possibilitie to accomplish our desire; which
seene, we went aboord the other shippes, and put them in the best
securitie wee could. Thus busied, we might see come driving by us the
mayne mast of the _Daintie_, which made me to feare the worst, and so
hasted a shore, to satisfie my longing.

And comming upon Catt-downe, wee might see the ship heave and sett,
which manifestly shewed the losse of the mast onely, which was well
imployed; for it saved the ship, men, and goods. For had shee driven a
ships length more, shee had (no doubt) beene cast away; and the men in
that place could not chuse but run into danger.

[The losse of the pynace.]

Comming to my house to shift me (for that we were all wett to the
skinne), I had not well changed my clothes, when a servant of mine, who
was in the pynace at my comming ashore, enters almost out of breath,
with newes, that shee was beating upon the rocks, which though I knew to
be remedilesse, I put my selfe in place where I might see her, and in a
little time after shee sunk downe right. These losses and mischances
troubled and grieved, but nothing daunted me; for common experience
taught me, that all honourable enterprises are accompanied with
difficulties and daungers; _Si fortuna me tormenta; Esperança me
contenta_:[25] of hard beginnings, many times come prosperous and happy
events. And although, a well-willing friend wisely foretold me them to
be presages of future bad successe, and so disswaded me what lay in him
with effectual reasons, from my pretence, yet the hazard of my credite,
and danger of disreputation, to take in hand that which I should not
prosecute by all meanes possible, was more powerfull to cause me to goe
forwardes, then his grave good counsell to make me desist. And so the
storme ceasing, I beganne to get in the _Daintie_, to mast her a-new,
and to recover the _Fancy_, my pynace, which, with the helpe and
furtherance of my wives father, who supplyed all my wants, together with
my credit (which I thanke God was unspotted), in ten dayes put all in
his former estate, or better. And so once againe, in Gods name, I
brought my shippes out into the sound, the wind being easterly, and
beganne to take my leave of my friends, and of my dearest friend, my
second selfe, whose unfeyned teares had wrought me into irresolution,
and sent some other in my roome, had I not considered that he that is in
the daunce, must needs daunce on, though he doe but hopp, except he will
be a laughing stocke to all the lookers on: so remembering that many had
their eyes set upon me, with diverse affections, as also the hope of
good successe (my intention being honest and good), I shut the doore to
all impediments, and mine eare to all contrary counsell, and gave place
to voluntary banishment from all that I loved and esteemed in this life,
with hope thereby better to serve my God, my prince, and countrie, then
to encrease my tallent any way.[26]

[Abuses of some sea-faring men.]

And so began to gather my companie aboord, which occupied my good
friends and the justices of the towne two dayes, and forced us to search
all lodgings, tavernes, and ale-houses. (For some would be ever taking
their leave and never depart):[27] some drinke themselves so drunke,
that except they were carried aboord, they of themselves were not able
to goe one steppe: others, knowing the necessity of the time, fayned
themselves sicke: others, to be indebted to their hostes, and forced me
to ransome them; one, his chest; another, his sword; another, his
shirts; another, his carde[28] and instruments for sea: and others, to
benefit themselves of the imprest given them, absented themselves,
making a lewd living in deceiving all, whose money they could lay hold
of; which is a scandall too rife amongst our sea-men; by it they
committing three great offences: 1, Robbery of the goods of another
person; 2, breach of their faith and promise; 3, and hinderance (with
losse of time) unto the voyage; all being a common injury to the owners,
victuallers, and company; which many times hath beene an utter overthrow
and undoing to all in generall. An abuse in our common-wealth
necessarily to be reformed; and as a person that hath both seene, and
felt by experience, these inconveniences, I wish it to be remedied; for,
I can but wonder, that the late lord high admirall of England, the late
Earle of Cumberland; and the Lord Thomas Howard, now Earle of Suffolke,
being of so great authoritie, having to their cost and losse so often
made experience of the inconveniences of these lewd proceedings, have
not united their goodnesses and wisedomes to redress this dis-loyall and
base absurditie of the vulgar.[29]

[Master Thomas Candish.]

Master Thomas Candish,[30] in his last voyage, in the sound of
Plimmouth, being readie to set sayle, complained unto me, that persons
which had absented themselves in imprests, had cost him above a
thousand and five hundred pounds: these varlets, within a few dayes
after his departure, I saw walking the streets of Plimouth, whom the
justice had before sought for with great diligence; and without
punishment. And therefore it is no wonder that others presume to doe the
like. _Impunitas peccandi illecebra._

[Master George Reymond.]

The like complaint made master George Reymond; and in what sort they
dealt with me is notorious, and was such, that if I had not beene
provident to have had a third part more of men then I had need of, I had
beene forced to goe to the sea unmanned; or to give over my voyage. And
many of my company, at sea, vaunted how they had cosoned the Earle of
Cumberland, master Candish, master Reymond, and others; some of five
poundes, some of ten, some of more, and some of lesse. And truely, I
thinke, my voyage prospered the worse, for theirs and other lewd persons
company, which were in my ship; which, I thinke, might be redressed by
some extraordinary, severe, and present justice, to be executed on the
offenders by the justice in that place where they should be found. And
for finding them, it were good that all captaines, and masters of
shippes, at their departure out of the port, should give unto the head
justice, the names and signes of all their runnawayes, and they
presently to dispatch to the nigher ports the advise agreeable, where
meeting with them, without further delay or processe, to use martial law
upon them. Without doubt, seeing the law once put in execution, they and
all others would be terrified from such villanies.

[The inconvenience of imprests.]

It might be remedied also by utter taking away of all imprests, which is
a thing lately crept into our common-wealth, and in my opinion, of much
more hurt then good unto all; and although my opinion seeme harsh, it
being a deed of charitie to helpe the needy (which I wish ever to be
exercised, and by no meanes will contradict), yet for that such as goe
to the sea (for the most part) consume that money lewdly before they
depart (as common experience teacheth us): and when they come from sea,
many times come more beggerly home then when they went forth, having
received and spent their portion before they imbarked themselves; and
having neither rent nor maintenance more then their travell, to sustaine
themselves, are forced to theeve, to cozen, or to runne away in debt.
Besides, many times it is an occasion to some to lye upon a voyage a
long time; whereas, if they had not that imprest, they might perhaps
have gayned more in another imployment, and have beene at home agayne,
to save that which they waite for. For these, and many more weightie
reasons, I am still bold, to maintaine my former assertions.

[The true use of imprests.]

Those onely used in his majesties shippes I comprehend not in this my
opinion: neither the imprests made to married men, which would be given
to their wives monethly in their absence, for their reliefe. For that is
well knowne, that all which goe to the sea now a-dayes, are provided of
foode, and house-roome, and all things necessary, during the time of
their voyage; and, in all long voyages, of apparell also: so that
nothing is to be spent during the voyage. That money which is wont to be
cast away in imprestes, might be imployed in apparell, and necessaries
at the sea, and given to those that have need, at the price it was
bought, to be deducted out of their shares or wages at their returne,
which is reasonable and charitable. This course taken, if any would
runne away, in God’s name fare him well.

Some have a more colourable kinde of cunning to abuse men, and to
sustaine themselves. Such will goe to sea with all men, and goe never
from the shore. For as long as boord wages last, they are of the
company, but those taking end, or the ship in readinesse, they have one
excuse or other, and thinke themselves no longer bound, but whilst they
receive money, and then plucke their heads out of the coller. An abuse
also worthie to be reformed.[31]


SECTION VIII.

The greater part of my companie gathered aboord, I set sayle the 12th of
June 1593, about three of the clocke in the afternoon, and made a bourd
or two off and in, wayting the returne of my boat, which I had sent
a-shore, for dispatch of some businesse: which being come aboord, and
all put in order, I looft[32] near the shore, to give my farewell to all
the inhabitants of the towne, whereof the most part were gathered
together upon the Howe, to shew their gratefull correspondency, to the
love and zeale which I, my father, and predecessors, have ever borne to
that place, as to our naturall and mother towne. And first with my noyse
of trumpets, after with my waytes,[33] and then with my other musicke,
and lastly, with the artillery of my shippes, I made the best
signification I could of a kinde farewell. This they answered with the
waytes of the towne, and the ordinance on the shore, and with shouting
of voyces; which with the fayre evening and silence of the night, were
heard a great distance off. All which taking [The consequence
of instructions at departure.] end, I sent instructions and directions
to my other ships. Which is a poynt of speciall importance; for that I
have seene commanders of great name and reputation, by neglect and
omission of such solemnities, to have runne into many inconveniences,
and thereby have learnt the necessitie of it. Whereby I cannot but
advise all such as shall have charge committed unto them, ever before
they depart out of the port, to give unto their whole fleete, not onely
directions for civill government, but also where, when, and how to
meete, if they should chance to loose company, and the signes how to
know one another a-far off, with other poynts and circumstances, as the
occasions shall minister matter different, at the discretion of the wise
commander.[34]

But some may say unto me, that in all occasions it is not convenient to
give directions: for that if the enemy happen upon any of the fleete, or
that there be any treacherous person in the company, their designments
may be discovered, and so prevented.

To this I answere, that the prudent governour, by good consideration may
avoyde this, by publication of that which is good and necessarie for the
guide of his fleete and people; by all secret instructions, to give them
sealed, and not to be opened, but comming to a place appoynted (after
the manner of the Turkish direction to the Bashawes, who are their
generalls); and in any eminent perill to cast them by the boord, or
otherwise to make away with them. For he that setteth sayle, not giving
directions in writing to his fleete, knoweth not, if the night or day
following, he may be separated from his company; which happeneth
sometimes: and then, if a place of meeting be not knowne, he runneth in
danger not to joyne them together agayne.

And for places of meeting, when seperation happeneth, I am of opinion,
to appoynt the place of meeting in such a height, twentie, or thirtie,
or fortie leagues off the land, or iland. East or west is not so
fitting, if the place affoord it, as some sound betwixt ilands, or some
iland, or harbour.

[Objections against meeting in harbours.]

It may be alleged in contradiction, and with probable reason, that it is
not fit for a fleete to stay in a harbour for one ship, nor at an anchor
at an iland, for being discovered, or for hinderance of their voyage.

Yet it is the best; for when the want is but for one or [Sidenote:
Answered.] two ships, a pynace or ship may wayte the time appoynted and
remaine with direction for them. But commonly one ship, though but a bad
sayler, maketh more haste then a whole fleete, and is at the meeting
place first, if the accident be not very important.

The place of meeting, if it might be, would be able to give, at the
least, refreshing of water and wood.


SECTION IX.

Lanching out into the channell, the wind being at east and by south, and
east south-east, which blowing hard, and a flood in hand, caused a
chapping sea, and my vice-admirall bearing a good sayle made some water,
and shooting off a peece of ordinance, I edged towardes her, to know the
cause; who answered me, that they had sprung a great leake, and that of
force they must returne into the sound; which seeing to be necessary, I
cast about, where anchoring, and going aboord, presently found, that
betwixt [False calking.] wind and water, the calkers had left
a seame uncalked, which being filled up with pitch only, the sea
labouring that out, had been sufficient to have sunk her in short space,
if it had not beene discovered in time.

And truely there is little care used now adaies amongst our countrimen
in this profession, in respect of that which was used in times past, and
is accustomed in France, in Spaine, and in other parts. Which necessitie
will cause to be reformed in time, by assigning the portion that every
workeman is to calke; that if there be damage through his default, he
may be forced to contribute towards the losse occasioned through his
negligence.

[For prevention thereof.]

And for more securitie I hold it for a good custome used in some parts,
in making an end of calking and pitching the ship, the next tide to fill
her with water, which will undoubtedly discover the defect, for no
pitcht place without calking, can suffer the force and peaze[35] of the
water. [Example.] In neglect whereof, I have seene great
damage and danger to ensue. The _Arke Royall_ of his majesties, may
serve for an example: which put all in daunger at her first going to the
sea, by a trivuell hole left open in the post,[36] and covered only with
pitch. In this point no man can be too circumspect, for it is the
security of ship, men and goods.[37]


SECTION X.

This being remedied, I set sayle in the morning, and ran south-west,
till we were cleere of Ushent; and then south south-west, till we were
some hundred leagues off, where wee met with a great hulke, of some five
or six hundred tunnes, well appointed, the which my company (as is
naturall to all mariners), presently would make a prize, and loaden with
Spaniard’s goods; and without speaking to her, wished that the gunner
might shoote at her, to cause her [Advise for shooting at
sea.] to amaine.[38] Which is a bad custome received and used of many
ignorant persons, presently to gun at all whatsoever they discover,
before they speake with them; being contrary to all discipline, and
many times is cause of dissention betwixt friends, and the breach of
amitie betwixt princes; the death of many, and sometimes losse of
shippes and all, making many obstinate, if not desperate; whereas in
using common courtesie, they would better bethinke themselves, and so
with ordinarie proceeding (justified by reason, and the custome of all
well disciplined people) might perhaps many times breede an increase of
amitie, a succour to necessity, and excuse divers inconveniencies and
sutes, which have impoverished many: for it hath chanced [Sidenote:
Sundry mischances for neglect thereof.] by this errour, that two English
ships, neither carrying flag for their perticular respects, to change
each with other a dozen payre of shott, with hurt to both, being after
too late to repent their follie. Yea a person of credit hath told mee,
that two English men of warre in the night, have layed each other aboord
willingly, with losse of many men and dammage to both, onely for the
fault of not speaking one to the other; which might seeme to carrie with
it some excuse, if they had beene neere the shore, or that the one had
beene a hull,[39] and the other under sayle, in feare shee should have
escaped, not knowing what shee was (though in the night it is no
wisedome to bourd with any ship), but in the maine sea, and both
desiring to joyne, was a sufficient declaration that both were seekers:
and therefore by day or night, he that can speake with the ship hee
seeth, is bound, upon payne to bee reputed voyd of good government, to
hayle her before hee shoote at her. Some man [Object.] may
say, that in the meanetime, shee might gaine the winde: in such causes,
and many others, necessity giveth [Answer.] exception to all
lawes; and experience teacheth what is fit to be done.

[Master Thomas Hampton.]

Master Thomas Hampton, once generall of a fleete of wafters, sent to
Rochell, anno 1585, with secret instructions, considering (and as a man
of experience), wisely understanding his place and affaires, in like
case shut his eare to the instigations and provocations of the common
sort, preferring the publique good of both kingdomes before his owne
reputation with the vulgar people: and as another Fabius Maximus,
_cunctando restituit rem, non ponendo rumores ante salutem_.[Sidenote:
The French and English fleete salute one another.] The French kings
fleete comming where he was, and to winde-ward of him, all his company
were in an uproare; for that hee would not shoote presently at them,
before they saw their intention: wherein had beene committed three great
faults: the first and principall, the breach of amitie betwixt the
princes and kingdomes: the second, the neglect of common curtesie, in
shooting before hee had spoken with them: and the third, in shooting
first, being to lee-wards of the other.

Besides, there was no losse of reputation, because the French kings
fleete was in his owne sea; and therefore for it to come to winde-ward,
or the other to go to lee-ward, was but that which in reason was
required, the kingdomes being in peace and amitie. For every prince is
to be acknowledged and respected in his jurisdiction, and where hee
pretendeth it to be his.

The French generall likewise seemed well to understand what he had in
hand; for though he were farre superiour in forces, yet used hee the
termes which were required; and comming within speech, hayled them, and
asked if there were peace or warre betwixt England and France: whereunto
answere being made that they knew of no other but peace, they saluted
each other after the maner of the sea, and then came to an anchor all
together, and as friends visited each other in their ships.

[The English carry up their flag in the French seas.]

One thing the French suffered (upon what occasion or ground I know not),
that the English alwayes carried their flag displayed; which in all
other partes and kingdomes is not permitted: at least, in our seas, if a
stranger fleete meete with any of his majesties ships, the forraigners
are bound to take in their flags, or his majesties ships to force them
to it, though thereof follow the breach of peace or whatsoever
discommodity. And whosoever should not be jealous in this point, hee is
not worthy to have the commaund of a cock-boat committed unto him: yea
no [The honour of his majesties ships.] stranger ought to open
his flag in any port of England, where there is any shipp or fort of his
majesties, upon penaltie to loose his flagg, and to pay for the powder
and shott spend upon him. Yea, such is the respect to his majesties
shippes in all places of his dominions, that no English ship displayeth
the flagge in their presence, but runneth the like daunger, except they
be in his majesties service; and then they are in predicament of the
kings ships. Which good discipline in other kingdomes is not in that
regard as it ought, but sometimes through ignorance, sometimes of
malice, neglect is made of that dutie and acknowledgement which is
required, to the cost and shame of the ignorant and malicious.

[Practised at the comming in of King Philip into England.]

In queen Maries raigne, king Philip of Spaine, comming to marry with the
queene, and meeting with the royall navie of England, the lord William
Haward, high admirall of England, would not consent, that the king in
the narrow seas should carrie his flagge displayed, untill he came into
the harbour of Plimouth.

[And in the passage of Dona Anna de Austria.]

I being of tender yeares, there came a fleete of Spaniards of above
fiftie sayle of shippes, bound for Flaunders, to fetch the queen, Donna
Anna de Austria, last wife to Philip the second of Spaine, which entred
betwixt the iland and the maine, without vayling their top-sayles, or
taking in of their flags: which my father, Sir John Hawkins, (admirall
of a fleete of her majesties shippes, then ryding in Catt-water),
perceiving, commanded his gunner to shoot at the flagge of the admirall,
that they might thereby see their error: which, notwithstanding, they
persevered arrogantly to keepe displayed; whereupon the gunner at the
next shott, lact[40] the admirall through and through, whereby the
Spaniards finding that the matter beganne to grow to earnest, tooke in
their flags and top-sayles, and so ranne to an anchor.

The generall presently sent his boat, with a principall personage to
expostulate the cause and reason of that proceeding; but my father would
not permit him to come into his ship, nor to heare his message; but by
another gentleman commanded him to returne, and to tell his generall,
that in as much as in the queenes port and chamber, he had neglected to
doe the acknowledgment and reverence which all owe unto her majestie
(especially her ships being present), and comming with so great a navie,
he could not but give suspition by such proceeding of malicious
intention, and therefore required him, that within twelve houres he
should depart the port, upon paine to be held as a common enemy, and to
proceed against him with force.

Which answere the generall understanding, presently imbarked himselfe in
the same boat, and came to the _Jesus of Lubecke_, and craved licence to
speake with my father; which at the first was denyed him, but upon the
second intreatie was admitted to enter the ship, and to parley. The
Spanish generall began to demand if there were warres betwixt England
and Spaine; who was answered, that his arrogant manner of proceeding,
usurping the queene his mistresses right, as much as in him lay, had
given sufficient cause for breach of the peace, and that he purposed
presently to give notice thereof to the queene and her counsell, and in
the meane time, that he might depart. Whereunto the Spanish generall
replyed, that he knew not any offence he had committed, and that he
would be glad to know wherein he had misbehaved himselfe. My father
seeing he pretended to escape by ignorance, beganne to put him in mind
of the custome of Spaine and Fraunce, and many other parts, and that he
could by no meanes be ignorant of that, which was common right to all
princes in their kingdomes; demanding, if a fleete of England should
come into any port of Spaine (the kings majesties ships being present),
if the English should carry their flags in the toppe, whether the
Spanish would not shoot them downe; and if they persevered, if they
would not beate them out of their port. The Spanish generall confessed
his fault, pleaded ignorance not malice, and submitted himselfe to the
penaltie my father would impose: but intreated, that their princes
(through them) might not come to have any jarre. My father a while (as
though offended), made himselfe hard to be intreated, but in the end,
all was shut up by his acknowledgement, and the auncient amitie renewed,
by feasting each other aboord and ashore.

[As also in her repassage.]

The self same fleete, at their returne from Flaunders, meeting with her
majesties shippes in the Channell, though sent to accompany the
aforesaid queene, was constrained during the time that they were with
the English, to vayle their flagges, and to acknowledge that which all
must doe that passe through the English seas.[41] But to our voyage.


SECTION XI.

Comming within the hayling of the hulke, wee demanded whence shee was?
Whether shee was bound? And what her loading? Shee answered, that shee
was of Denmarke, comming from Spaine, loaden with salt; we willed her
to strike her top-sayles, which shee did, and shewed us her
charter-parties, and billes of loading, and then saluted us, as is the
manner of the sea, and so departed.


SECTION XII.

The next day the wind became southerly, and somewhat too much, and my
shipps being all deepe loaden, beganne to feel the tempest, so that wee
not able to lye by it, neither a hull nor a try, and so with an easie
sayle bare up before the wind, with intent to put into Falmouth; but God
was pleased that comming within tenne leagues of Sylly, the wind vered
to the north-east, and so we went on in our voyage.

Thwart of the Flees of Bayon,[42] wee met with a small ship of master
Wattes, of London, called the _Elizabeth_, which came out of Plimouth
some eyght dayes after us; of whom wee enformed ourselves of some
particularities, and wrote certaine letters to our friends, making
relation of what had past till that day, and so tooke our farewell each
of the other. The like we did with a small carvell[43] of Plimouth,
which wee mett in the height of the rocke in Portingall.[44]

From thence wee directed our course to the ilands of Madera; and about
the end of June, in the sight of the ilands, we descryed a sayle some
three leagues to the east-wards, and a league to windward of us, which
by her manner of working, and making, gave us to understand, that shee
was one of the kings frigatts; for shee was long and snugg, and spread a
large clewe, and standing to the west-wards, and wee to the east-wards
to recover her wake, when we cast about, shee beganne to vere shete, and
to goe away lasking;[45] and within two glasses, it was plainely seene
that shee went from us, and so we followed on our course, and shee
seeing that, presently stroke her top-sayles, which our pynace
perceiving, and being within shot continued the chase, till I shot off a
peece and called her away; which fault many runne into, thinking to get
thereby, and sometimes loose themselves by being too bold to venture
from their fleete; for it was impossible for us, being too leeward, to
take her, or to succour our owne, shee being a ship of about two
hundreth tunnes.

[The dutie of pynaces.]

And pynaces to meddle with ships, is to buy repentance at too deare a
rate. For their office is, to wayte upon their fleete, in calmes (with
their oares) to follow a chase, and in occasions to anchor neere the
shore, when the greater ships cannot, without perill; above all, to be
readie and obedient at every call. Yet will I not, that any wrest my
meaning; neither say I, that a pynace, or small ship armed, may not take
a great ship unarmed; for daily experience teacheth us the contrary.[46]

[The Madera Ilands.]

The Madera Ilands are two: the greater, called La Madera, and the other,
Porto Santo; of great fertilitie, and rich in sugar, conserves, wine,
and sweet wood, whereof they take their name. Other commodities they
yeeld, but these are the principall. The chiefe towne and port is on the
souther side of the Madera, well fortified; they are subject to the
kingdome of Portingall; the inhabitants and garrison all Portingalles.

[Canarie Ilands.]

The third of July, we past along the Ilands of Canaria, which have the
name of a kingdome, and containe these seaven ilands: Grand Canaria,
Tenerifa, Palma, Gomera, Lancerota, Forteventura, and Fierro. These
ilands have abundance of wine, sugar, conserves, orcall,[47] pitch,
iron, and other commodities, and store of cattell, and corne, but
[Gorgosho.] that a certaine worme, called _gorgosho_, breedeth in it,
which eateth out the substance, leaving the huske in manner whole. The
head iland, where the justice, which they call _Audiencia_, is resident,
and whither all sutes have their appealation and finall sentence, is the
grand Canaria, although the Tenerifa is held for the better and richer
iland, and to have the best sugar; and the wine of the Palma is reputed
for the best. The pitch of these ilands melteth not with the sunne, and
therefore is proper for the higher works of shipping. Betwixt
Forteventura and Lancerota is a goodly sound, fit for a meeting place
for any fleete; where is good anchoring and aboundance of many sorts of
fish. There is water to be had in most of these ilands, but with great
vigilance. For the naturalls of them are venturous and hardie, and many
times clime up and downe the steepe rockes and broken hills, which seeme
impossible, which I would hardly have beleeved, had I not seene it, and
that with the greatest art and agilitie that may be. Their armes, for
the most part, are launces of nine or ten foote, with a head of a foote
and halfe long, like unto boare-spears, save that the head is somewhat
more broad.

Two things are famous in these ilands, the Pike of Tenerifa, which is
the highest land in my judgement that I have seene, and men of credit
have told they have [The description of Tenerifa.] seene it
more than fortie leagues off.[48] It is like unto a sugar loafe, and
continually covered with snow, and placed in the middest of a goodly
vallie, most fertile, and temperate round about it. Out of which, going
up to the Pike, the colde is so great, that it is insufferable, and
going downe to the townes of the iland, the heate seemeth most extreame,
till they approach neere the coast. The other [Of a tree in
Fierro.] is a tree in the iland of Fierro, which some write and affirme,
with the dropping of his leaves, to give water for the sustenance of the
whole iland, which I have not seene, although I have beene on shoare on
the iland;[49] but those which have seene it, have recounted this
mysterie differently to that which is written; in this manner: that this
tree is placed in the bottome of a valley, ever florishing with broad
leaves, and that round about it are a multitude of goodly high pynes,
which over-top it, and as it seemeth were planted by the divine
providence to preserve it from sunne and wind. Out of this valley
ordinarily rise every day great vapours and exhalations, which by reason
that the sunne is hindered to worke his operation, with the heighte of
the mountaines towards the south-east, convert themselves into moysture,
and so bedewe all the trees of the valley, and from those which over-top
this tree, drops down the dewe upon his leaves, and so from his leaves
into a round well of stone, which the naturalls of the land have made to
receive the water, of which the people and cattle have great reliefe;
but sometimes it raineth, and then the inhabitants doe reserve water for
many days to come, in their cisternes and tynaxes,[50] which is that
they drinke of, and wherewith they principally sustaine themselves.

The citty of the Grand Canaria, and chiefe port, is on the west side of
the iland; the head towne and port of Tenerifa is towards the south
part, and the port and towne of the Palma and Gomera, on the east side.

In Gomera, some three leagues south-ward from the towne, is a great
river of water, but all these ilands are perilous to land in, for the
seege[51] caused by the ocean sea, which always is forcible, and
requireth great circumspection; whosoever hath not urgent cause, is
either to goe to the east-wards, or the west-wards of all these ilands,
as well to avoyd the calmes, which hinder sometimes eight or ten dayes
sayling, as the contagion which their distemperature is wont to cause,
and with it to breed calenturas, [The first discoverers of
these Ilands.] which wee call burning fevers. These ilands are sayd to
be first discovered by a Frenchman, called John de Betancourt, about the
year 1405.[52] They are now a kingdome subject to Spaine.


SECTION XIII.

Being cleare of the ilands, wee directed our course for Cape Black,[53]
and two howres before sunne set, we had sight of a carvell some league
in the winde of us, which seemed to come from Gynea, or the ilands of
Cape de Verde, and for that hee, which had the sery-watch,[54] neglected
to look out, being to lee-ward of the ilands, and so out of hope of
sight of any shipp, for the little trade and contrariety of the winde,
that though a man will, from few places hee can recover the ilands.
Comming from the south-wards, wee had the winde of her, and perhaps the
possession also, [Note.] whereof men of warre are to have
particular care; for in an houre and place unlookt for, many times
chance accidents contrary to the ordinary course and custome; and to
have younkers in the top continually, is most convenient and necessary,
not onely for descrying of sayles and land, but also for any sudden gust
or occasion that may be offered.[55]

[Exercises upon the southwards of the countries.]

Seeing my selfe past hope of returning backe, without some extraordinary
accident, I beganne to set in order my companie and victuals. And for
that to the south-wards of the Canaries is for the most part an idle
navigation, I devised to keepe my people occupied, as well to continue
them in health (for that too much ease in hott countries is neither
profitable nor healthfull), as also to divert them from remembrance of
their home, and from play, which breedeth many inconveniences, and other
bad thoughts and workes which idleness is cause of;[56] and so shifting
my companie, as the custome is, into starboord and larboord men, the
halfe to watch and worke whilest the others slept and take rest; I
limited the three dayes of the weeke, which appertayned to each, to be
imploied in this manner; the one for the use and clensing of their
armes, the other for roomeging, making of sayles, nettings, decking,[57]
and defences for our shippes; and the third, for clensing their bodies,
mending and making their apparell, and necessaries, which though it came
to be practised but once in seaven dayes, for that the Sabboth is ever
to be reserved for God alone, with the ordinary obligation which each
person had besides, was many times of force to be omitted. And thus wee
entertained our time with a fayre wind, and in few dayes had sight of
the land of Barbary, some dozen leagues to the northwards of Cape
Blacke.

Before wee came to the Cape, wee tooke in our sayles, and made
preparation of hookes and lines to fish. For in all that coast is great
abundance of sundry kinds of fish, but especially of porgus, which we
call breames; many Portingalls and Spaniards goe yearely thither to
fish, as our country-men to the New-found-land, and within Cape Blacke
have good harbour for reasonable shipping, where they dry their fish,
paying a certaine easie tribute to the kings collector. In two houres
wee tooke store of fish for that day and the next, but longer it would
not keepe goode: and with this refreshing set sayle again, and
[Cape de Verd.] directed our course betwixt the ilands of Cape
de Verd and the Maine. These ilands are held to be scituate in one of
the most unhealthiest climates of the world, and therefore it is
wisedome to shunne the sight of them, how much more to make abode in
them.

[The unwholsomnesse thereof.]

In two times that I have beene in them, either cost us the one halfe of
our people, with fevers and fluxes of sundry kinds; some shaking, some
burning, some partaking of both; some possesst with frensie, others with
sloath, and in one of them it cost me six moneths sicknesse, with no
small hazard of life; which I attribute to the distemperature of the
ayre, for being within fourteene degrees of the equinoctiall lyne, the
sunne hath great force all the yeare, and the more for that often they
passe, two, three, and four yeares without rayne; and many times the
earth burneth in that manner as a man well shodd, cannot endure to goe
where the sunne shineth.

[The heate.]

With which extreame heate the bodie fatigated, greedily desireth
refreshing, and longeth the comming of the [The breze.] breze,
which is the north-east winde, that seldome fayleth in the after-noone
at foure of the clocke, or sooner; which comming cold and fresh, and
finding the poores of the body open, and (for the most part) naked,
penetrateth the very bones, and so causeth sudden distemperature, and
sundry manners of sicknesse, as the subjects are divers whereupon they
worke.

Departing out of the calmes of the ilands, and comming into the fresh
breeze, it causeth the like, and I have seene within two dayes after
that we have partaked of the fresh ayre, of two thousand men, above a
hundred and fiftie have beene crazed in their health.

[The remedie.]

The inhabitants of these ilands use a remedie for this, which at my
first being amongst them, seemed unto me ridiculous; but since, time and
experience hath taught to be grounded upon reason. And is, that upon
their heads they weare a night-capp, upon it a montero,[58] and a hat
over that, and on their bodies a sute of thicke cloth, and upon it a
gowne, furred or lyned with cotton, or bayes, to defend them from the
heate in that manner, as the inhabitants of cold countries, to guard
themselves from the extreamitie of the colde. Which doubtlesse, is the
best diligence that any man can use, and whosoever prooveth it, shall
find himselfe lesse annoyed with the heate, then if he were thinly
cloathed, for that where the cold ayre commeth, it peirceth not so
subtilly.

[The influence of the moone in hot countries.]

The moone also in this climate, as in the coast of Guyne, and in all
hott countries, hath forcible operation in the body of man; and
therefore, as the plannet most prejudiciall to his health, is to be
shunned; as also not to sleepe in the open ayre, or with any scuttle or
window open, whereby the one or the other may enter to hurt.

For a person of credit told me, that one night, in a river of Guyne,
leaving his window open in the side of his cabin, the moone shining upon
his shoulder, left him with such an extraordinary paine and furious
burning in it, as in above twentie houres, he was like to runne madde,
but in fine, with force of medicines and cures, after long torment, he
was eased.

Some I have heard say, and others write, that there is a starre which
never seperateth it self from the moone, but a small distance; which is
of all starres the most beneficiall to man.[59] For where this starre
entreth with the moone, it maketh voyde her hurtfull enfluence, and
where not, it is most perilous. Which, if it be so, is a notable secret
of the divine Providence, and a speciall cause amongst infinite others,
to move us to continuall thankesgiving; for that he hath so
extraordinarily compassed and fenced us from infinite miseries, his most
unworthie and ungratefull creatures.

Of these ilands are two pyles:[60] the one of them lyeth out of the way
of trade, more westerly, and so little frequented; the other lyeth some
fourscore leagues from the mayne, and containeth six in number, to wit:
Saint Iago, Fuego, Mayo, Bonavisto, Sal, and Bravo.

They are belonging to the kingdome of Portingall, and inhabited by
people of that nation, and are of great trade, by reason of the
neighbour-hood they have with Guyne and Bynne;[61] but the principall is
the buying and selling of negroes. They have store of sugar, salt, rice,
cotton wool, and cotton-cloth, amber-greece, cyvit, oliphants teeth,
brimstone, pummy stone, spunge, and some gold, but little, and that from
the mayne.

[Saint Iago.]

Saint Iago is the head iland, and hath one citie and two townes, with
their ports. The cittie called Saint Iago, whereof the iland hath his
name, hath a garrison, and two fortes, scituated in the bottome of a
pleasant valley, with a running streame of water passing through the
middest of it, whether the rest of the ilands come for justice, being
the seat of the Audiencia, with his bishop.

The other townes are Playa, some three leagues to the eastwards of Saint
Iago, placed on high, with a goodly bay, whereof it hath his name; and
Saint Domingo, a small towne within the land. They are on the souther
part of the iland, and have beene sacked sundry times in anno 1582, by
Manuel Serades, a Portingall, with a fleete [Sacked by Manuel
Serades, Sir Francis Drake, and Sir Anthony Shyrley.] of French-men; in
anno 1585, they were both burnt to the ground by the English, Sir
Francis Drake being generall; and in anno 1596, Saint Iago was taken and
sacked by the English, Sir Anthony Shyrley being generall.[62]

[Fuego.]

The second iland is Fuego; so called, for that day and night there
burneth in it a vulcan, whose flames in the night are seene twentie
leagues off in the sea. It is by nature fortified in that sort, as but
by one way is any accesse, or entrance into it, and there cannot goe up
above two men a brest. The bread which they spend in these ilands, is
brought from Portingall and Spaine, saving that which they make of rice,
or of mayes, which wee call Guynne-wheate.

[Bravo.]

The best watering is in the ile of Bravo, on the west part of the iland,
where is a great river, but foule anchoring, as is in all these ilands,
for the most part. The fruits are few, but substantiall, as palmitos,
plantanos, patatos, and coco-nutts.

[The Palmito.]

The palmito is like to the date tree, and as I thinke a kinde of it,
but wilde. In all parts of Afrique and America they are found, and in
some parts of Europe, and in divers parts different. In Afrique, and in
the West Indies they are small, that a man may cut them with a knife,
and the lesser the better: but in Brazill, they are so great, that with
difficultie a man can fell them with an axe, and the greater the better;
one foote within the top is profitable, the rest is of no value; and
that which is to be eaten is the pith, which in some is better, in some
worse.[63]

[The plantane.]

The plantane is a tree found in most parts of Afrique and America, of
which two leaves are sufficient to cover a man from top to toe. It
beareth fruit but once, and then dryeth away, and out of his roote
sprouteth up others, new. In the top of the tree is his fruit, which
groweth in a great bunch, in the forme and fashion of puddings, in some
more, in some lesse. I have seene in one bunch above foure hundred
plantanes, which have weighed above fourescore pound waight. They are of
divers proportions, some great, some lesser, some round, some square,
some triangle, most ordinarily of a spanne long, with a thicke skinne,
that peeleth easily from the meate; which is either white or yellow, and
very tender like butter, but no conserve is better, nor of a more
pleasing taste. For I never have seene any man to whom they have bred
mis-like, or done hurt with eating much of them, as of other
fruites.[64]

The best are those which ripen naturally on the tree, but in most partes
they cut them off in braunches, and hange them up in their houses, and
eate them as they ripe. For the birds and vermine presently in ripning
on the tree, are feeding on them. The best that I have seene are in
Brasill, [Placentia.] in an iland called Placentia, which are
small, and round, and greene when they are ripe; whereas the others in
ripning become yellow. Those of the West Indies and Guynne are great,
and one of them sufficient to satisfie a man; the onely fault they have
is, that they are windie. In some places they eate them in stead of
bread, as in Panama, and other parts of Tierra Firme. They grow and
prosper best when their rootes are ever covered with water; they are
excellent in conserve, and good sodden in different manners, and dried
on the tree, not inferior to suckett.[65]

[The cocos, and their kindes.]

The coco nutt is a fruit of the fashion of a hassell nutt, but that it
is as bigge as an ordinary bowle, and some are greater. It hath two
shells, the uttermost framed (as it were) of a multitude of threeds, one
layd upon another, with a greene skinne over-lapping them, which is soft
and thicke; the innermost is like to the shell of a hassell nutt in all
proportion, saving that it is greater and thicker, and some more
blacker. In the toppe of it is the forme of a munkies face, with two
eyes, his nose, and a mouth. It containeth in it both meate and drinke;
the meate white as milke, and like to that of the kernell of a nutt, and
as good as almonds blancht, and of great quantitie: the water is cleare,
as of the fountaine, and pleasing in taste, and somewhat answereth that
of the water distilled of milke. Some say it hath a singular propertie
in nature for conserving the smoothnesse of the skinne; and therefore in
Spaine and Portingall, the curious dames doe ordinarily wash their faces
and necks with it. If the holes of the shell be kept close, they keepe
foure or six moneths good, and more; but if it be opened, and the water
kept in the shell, in few dayes it turneth to vineger.

They grow upon high trees, which have no boughes; onely in the top they
have a great cap of leaves, and under them groweth the fruite upon
certaine twigs. And some affirme that they beare not fruite before they
be above fortie yeares old, they are in all things like to the palme
trees, and grow in many parts of Asia, Afrique, and America.[66] The
shels of these nuts are much esteemed for drinking cups, and much cost
and labour is bestowed upon them in carving, graving, and garnishing
them, with silver, gold, and precious stones.

In the kingdome of Chile, and in Brasill, is another kinde of these,
which they call coquillos, (as wee may interpret, little cocos) and are
as big as wal-nuts; but round and smooth, and grow in great clusters;
the trees in forme are all one, and the meate in the nut better, but
they have no water.

Another kinde of great cocos groweth in the Andes of Peru, which have
not the delicate meate nor drinke, which the others have, but within are
full of almonds, which are placed as the graines in the pomegrannet,
being three times bigger then those of Europe, and are much like them in
tast.

[Cyvet catts.]

In these ilands are cyvet-cats, which are also found in parts of Asia,
and Afrique; esteemed for the civet they yeelde, and carry about them in
a cod in their hinder parts, which is taken from them by force.

[Monkeyes.]

In them also are store of monkies, and the best proportioned that I have
seene; and parrots, but of colour [Parrots.] different to
those of the West Indies; for they are of a russet or gray colour, and
great speakers.


SECTION XIV.

With a faire and large winde we continued our course, till we came
within five degrees of the equinoctiall lyne, where the winde tooke us
contrary by the south-west, about the twentie of Julie, but a fayre gale
of wind and a smooth sea, so that wee might beare all a taunt:[67] and
to advantage ourselves what wee might, wee stoode to the east-wards,
being able to lye south-east and by south. The next day about nine of
the clocke, my companie being gathered together to serve God, which wee
accustomed to doe every morning and evening, it seemed unto me that the
coulour of the sea was different to that of the daies past, and which is
ordinarily where is deepe water; and so calling the captaine, and master
of my ship, I told them that to my seeming the water was become very
whitish, and that it made shewe of sholde water. Whereunto they made
answere, that all the lynes in our shippes could not fetch ground: for
wee could not be lesse then threescore and tenne leagues off the coast,
which all that kept reckoning in the ship agreed upon, and my selfe was
of the same opinion. And so wee applyed ourselves to serve God, but all
the time that the service endured, my heart could not be at rest, and
still me thought the water beganne to waxe whiter and whiter. Our
prayers ended, I commanded a lead and a lyne to be brought, and heaving
the lead in fourteene fathoms, wee had ground, which put us all into a
maze, and sending men into the toppe, presently discovered the land of
Guynne, some five leagues from us, very low land. I commanded a peece to
be shott, and lay by the lee, till my other shippes came up. Which
hayling us, wee demanded of them how farre they found themselves off
the land; who answered, some threescore and tenne, or fourescore
leagues: when wee told them wee had sounded and found but foureteene
fathomes, and that we were in sight of land, they began to wonder. But
having consulted what was best to be done, I caused my shalop to be
manned, which I towed at the sterne of my ship continually, and sent her
and my pynace a head to sound, and followed them with an easie sayle,
till we came in seaven and six fathome water, and some two leagues from
the shore anchored, in hope by the sea, or by the land to find some
refreshing. The sea we found to be barren of fish, and my boates could
not discover any landing place, though a whole day they had rowed
alongst the coast, with great desire to set foote on shore, for that the
sedge was exceeding great and dangerous. Which experienced, wee set
sayle, notwithstanding the contrarietie of the winde, sometimes standing
to the west-wards, sometime to the east-wards, according to the shifting
of the wind.


SECTION XV.

[Note.]

Here is to be noted, that the error which we fell into in our accompts,
was such as all men fall into where are currants that set east or west,
and are not knowne; for that there is no certaine rule yet practised for
triall of the longitude, as there is of the latitude, though some
curious and experimented of our nation, with whom I have had conference
about this poynt, have shewed me two or three manner of wayes how to
know it.[68]

[The losse of the _Edward Cotton_.]

This, some years before, was the losse of the _Edward Cotton_, bound for
the coast of Brasill, which taken with the winde contrary neere the
lyne, standing to the east-wards, and making accompt to be fiftie or
sixtie leagues off the coast, with all her sayles standing, came
suddenly a ground upon the sholes of Madre-bomba, and so was cast away,
though the most part of their company saved themselves upon raffes; but
with the contagion of the countrie, and bad entreatie which the negros
gave them, they died; so that there returned not to their country above
three or foure of them.

But God Almightie dealt more mercifully with us, in shewing us our error
in the day, and in time that wee might remedie it; to him be evermore
glory for all.

This currant from the line equinoctiall, to twentie degrees northerly,
hath great force, and setteth next of any thing east, directly upon the
shore; which we found by this meanes: standing to the westwards, the
wind southerly, when we lay with our ships head west, and by south, we
gayned in our heith[69] more then if wee had made our way good west
south-west; for that, the currant tooke us under the bow; but lying
west, or west and by north, we lost more in twelve houres then the other
way we could get in foure and twentie. By which plainly we saw, that the
currant did set east next of any thing. Whether this currant runneth
ever one way, or doth alter, and how, we could by no meanes understand,
but tract of time and observation will discover this, as it hath done of
many others in sundry seas.

The currant that setteth betwixt New-found-land and Spaine, runneth also
east and west, and long time deceived many, and made some to count the
way longer, and others shorter, according as the passage was speedie or
slowe; not knowing that the furtherance or hinderance of the currant
was cause of the speeding or flowing of the way. And in sea cardes I
have seene difference of above thirtie leagues betwixt the iland
Tercera, and the mayne. And others have recounted unto me, that comming
from the India’s, and looking out for the ilands of Azores, they have
had sight of Spaine. And some have looked out for Spaine, and have
discovered the ilands.

The selfe same currant is in the Levant sea, but runneth trade betwixt
the maynes, and changeable sometimes to the east-wards, sometimes to the
west-wards.

In Brasill and the South sea, the currant likewise is changeable, but it
runneth ever alongst the coast, accompanying the winde: and it is an
infallible rule, that twelve or twentie foure houres before the winde
alters, the currant begins to change.

In the West Indies onely the currant runneth continually one way, and
setteth alongst the coast from the equinoctiall lyne towards the north.
No man hath yet found that these courrants keepe any certaine time, or
run so many dayes, or moneths, one way as another, as doth the course of
ebbing and flowing, well knowne in all seas; only neere the shore they
have small force; partly, because of the reflux which the coast causeth,
and partly for the ebbing and flowing, which more or lesse is generall
in most seas.[70]

When the currant runneth north or south, it is easily discovered by
augmenting or diminishing the height; but how to know the setting of the
currant from east to west in the mayne sea, is difficult; and as yet I
have not knowne any man, or read any authour, that hath prescribed any
certaine meane or way to discover it.[71] But experience teacheth that
in the mayne sea, for the most part, it is variable; and therefore the
best and safest rule to prevent the danger (which the uncertainty and
ignorance heereof may cause), is carefull and continuall watch by day
and night, and upon the east and west course ever to bee before the
shipp, and to use the meanes possible to know the errour, by the rules
which newe authours may teach; beating off and on, somtimes to the
west-wards, sometimes to the east-wards, with a fayre gale of winde.


SECTION XVI.

[The scurvey.]

Being betwixt three or foure degrees of the equinoctiall line, my
company within a fewe dayes began to fall sicke, of a disease which
sea-men are wont to call the scurvey: and seemeth to bee a kind of
dropsie, and raigneth most in this climate of any that I have heard or
read of in the world; though in all seas it is wont to helpe and
increase the miserie of man; it possesseth all those of which it taketh
hold, with a loathsome sloathfulnesse, even to eate: they would be
content to change their sleepe and rest, which is the most pernicious
enemie in this sicknesse, that is knowne. It bringeth with it a great
desire to drinke, and causeth a generall swelling of all parts of the
body, especially of the legs and gums, and many times the teeth fall out
of the jawes without paine.

[The signes.]

The signes to know this disease in the beginning are divers: by the
swelling of the gummes, by denting of the flesh of the leggs with a
man’s finger, the pit remayning without filling up in a good space.
Others show it with their lasinesse: others complaine of the cricke of
the backe, etc., all which are, for the most part, certaine tokens of
infection.

[The cause.]

The cause of this sicknes some attribute to sloath; some to conceite;
and divers men speake diversly: that which I have observed is, that our
nation is more subject unto it then any other; because being bred in a
temperate clymate, where the naturall heate restrayned, giveth strength
to the stomacke, sustayning it with meates of good nourishment, and that
in a wholesome ayre; whereas comming into the hot countries (where that
naturall heate is dispersed through the whole body, which was wont to be
proper to the stomache; and the meates for the most part preserved with
salt, and its substance thereby diminished, and many times corrupted),
greater force for digestion is now required then in times past; but the
stomache finding less virtue to doe his office, in reparting to each
member his due proportion in perfection, which either giveth it rawe, or
remayneth with it indigested by his hardnes or cruditie, infeebleth the
body, and maketh it unlusty and unfit for any thing; for the stomache
being strong (though all parts els be weake), there is ever a desire to
feede, and aptnes to perform whatsoever can be required of a man; but
though all other members be strong and sound, if the stomache be
opprest, or squemish, all the body is unlustie, and unfit for any thing,
and yeeldeth to nothing so readily as sloathfulnes, which is confirmed
by the common answere to all questions: as, will you eate? will you
sleepe? will you walke? will you play? The answere is, I have no
stomache: which is as much as to say, no, not willingly: thereby
confirming, that without a sound and whole stomache, nothing can bee
well accomplished, nor any sustenance well digested.[72]

[Seething of meat in salt water.]

The seething of the meate in salt water, helpeth to cause this
infirmitie, which in long voyages can hardly be avoyded: but if it may
be, it is to be shunned; for the water of the [Corruption of
victuall.] sea to man’s body is very unwholesome. The corruption of the
victuals, and especially of the bread, is very pernicious; [Sidenote:
Vapours of the sea.] the vapours and ayre of the sea also is nothing
profitable, especially in these hot countries, where are many calmes.
And were it not for the moving of the sea by the force of windes, tydes,
and currants, it would corrupt all the world.

The experience I saw in anno 1590, lying with a fleete [Sidenote:
Azores.] of her majesties ships about the ilands of the Azores, almost
six moneths; the greatest part of the time we were becalmed: with which
all the sea became so replenished with several sorts of gellyes, and
formes of serpents, adders, and snakes, as seemed wonderfull: some
greene, some blacke, some yellow, some white, some of divers coulours;
and many of them had life, and some there were a yard and halfe, and two
yards long; which had I not seene, I could hardly have beleeved. And
hereof are witnesses all the companies of the ships which were then
present; so that hardly a man could draw a buckett of water cleere of
some corruption.[73] In which voyage, towards the end thereof, many of
every ship (saving of the _Nonpereil_, which was under my charge, and
had onely one man sicke in all the voyage), fell sicke of this disease,
and began to die apace, but that the speedie passage into our country
was [The remedies.] remedie to the crazed, and a preservative
for those that were not touched. The best prevention for this disease
(in my judgement) is to keepe cleane the shippe; to besprinkle her
ordinarily with vineger, or to burne tarre, and some sweet savours; to
feed upon as few salt meats in the hot country as [By dyet.]
may be; and especially to shunne all kindes of salt fish, and to reserve
them for the cold climates; and not to dresse any meate with salt water,
nor to suffer the companie to wash their shirts nor cloathes in it, nor
to sleepe in their cloaths when they are wett. For this cause it is
necessarily required, that provision be made of apparell for the
company, [By shift.] that they may have wherewith to shift
themselves; being a common calamitie amongst the ordinary sort of
mariners, to spend their thrift on the shore, and to bring to sea no
more cloaths then they have backes. For the bodie of man is not
refreshed with any thing more then with shifting cleane cloaths; a great
preservative of health in hott countries.

The second antidote is, to keepe the companie occupied [By
labour.] in some bodily exercise of worke, of agilitie, of pastimes, of
dauncing, of use of armes; these helpeth much to banish [By
early eating and drinking.] this infirmitie. Thirdly, in the morning, at
discharge of the watch, to give every man a bit of bread, and a draught
of drinke, either beere or wine mingled with water (at the least, the
one halfe), or a quantitie mingled with beere, that the pores of the
bodie may be full, when the vapours of the sea ascend up.[74]

The morning draught should be ever of the best and choysest of that in
the ship. Pure wine I hold to be more hurtfull then the other is
profitable. In this, others will be of a contrary opinion, but I thinke
partiall. If not, then leave I the remedies thereof to those physitions
and surgeons who have experience; and I wish that some learned man would
write of it, for it is the plague of the sea, and the spoyle of
mariners. Doubtlesse, it would be a meritorious worke with God and man,
and most beneficiall for our countrie; for in twentie yeares, since that
I have used the sea, I dare take upon me to give accompt of ten thousand
men consumed with this disease.

[By sower oranges and lemons.]

That which I have seene most fruitfull for this sicknesse, is sower
oranges and lemmons,[75] and a water which amongst others (for my
particular provision) I carryed to the sea, [By Doctor Stevens
water.] called Dr. Stevens his water, of which, for that his vertue was
not then well knowne unto me, I carryed but little, and it tooke end
quickly, but gave health to those that used it.

[By oyle of vitry.]

The oyle of vitry[76] is beneficiall for this disease; taking two drops
of it, and mingled in a draught of water, with a little sugar. It taketh
away the thirst, and helpeth to clense and comfort the stomache. But the
principall of [By the ayre of the land.] all, is the ayre of
the land; for the sea is naturall for fishes, and the land for men. And
the oftener a man can have his people to land, not hindering his voyage,
the better it is, and the profitablest course that he can take to
refresh them.[77]


SECTION XVII.

[The company sicke and dismayed.]

Having stood to the westwards some hundreth leagues and more, and the
wind continuing with us contrarie, and the sicknesse so fervent, that
every day there dyed more or lesse,--my companie in generall began to
dismay, and to desire to returne homewards, which I laboured to hinder
by good reasons and perswasions; as that to the West Indies we had not
above eight hundreth leagues, to the ilands of Azores little lesse, and
before we came to the ilands of Cape de Verde, that we should meete with
the breze; for every night we might see the reach goe contrary to the
winde which wee sayled by; verifying the old proverbe amongst
mariners,--that he hath need of a long mast, that will sayle by the
reach: and that the neerest land and speediest refreshing we could look
for, was the coast of Brasill; and that standing towards it with the
wind we had, we shortned our way for the Indies; and that to put all the
sicke men together in one shippe, and to send her home, was to make her
their grave. For we could spare but few sound men, who were also subject
to fall sicke, and the misery, notwithstanding, remedilesse. With which
they were convinced, and remayned satisfied. So leaving all to their
choyse, with the consideration of what I perswaded, they resolved, with
me, to continue our course, till that God was pleased to looke upon us
with his Fatherly eyes of mercie.

[Brasill.]

As we approached neerer and neerer the coast of Brasill, the wind began
to vere to the east-wardes; and about the middle of October, to be
large and good for us; and about [Cape S. Augustine.] the 18th
of October, we were thwart of Cape Saint Augustine, which lyeth in sixe
degrees to the southwards of the [Farnambuca.] lyne; and the
twenty-one in the height of Farnambuca, but some fourscore leagues from
the coast; the twentie foure in the height of Bayea de Todos Santos;
neere the end of October, betwixt seventeen and eighteen degrees, we
were in sixteen fathomes, sounding of the great sholes, which lye
alongst the coast, betwixt the bay of Todos [Todos Santos.
Pura de Vitoria.] Santos, and the port of Santos, alias Pura Senora de
Vitoria; which are very perilous.[78]

But the divine Providence hath ordayned great flockes of small birds,
like snytes,[79] to live upon the rockes and broken lands of these
sholes, and are met with ordinarily twentie leagues before a man come in
danger of them.

It shall not be amisse here to recount the accidents which befell us
during this contrary winde, and the curiosities to be observed in all
this time. Day and night we had continually a fayre gale of winde, and a
smooth sea, without any alteration; one day, the carpenters having
[Dangers of fire.] calked the decke of our shippe, which the
sunne with his extreame heate had opened, craved licence to heate a
little pitch in the cook-roome; which I would not consent unto
[By heating of pitch.] by any meanes; for that my cooke-roomes
were under the decke, knowing the danger; until the master undertooke
that no danger should come thereof. But he recommended the charge to
another, who had a better name then experience. He suffered the pitch to
rise, and to runne into the fire, which caused so furious a flame as
amazed him, and forced all to flie his heate. One of my company, with a
double payre of gloves, tooke off the pitch-pot, but the fire forced him
to let slip his hold-fast, before he could set it on the hearth, and so
overturned it, and as the pitch began to runne, so the fire to enlarge
it selfe, that in a moment a great part of the shippe was on a light
fire. I being in my cabin, presently imagined what the matter was, and
for all the hast I could make, before I came the fire was above the
decke: for remedie whereof, I commanded all my companie to cast their
rugge-gownes into the sea, with ropes fastened unto them. These I had
provided for my people to watch in; for in many hott countries the
nights are fresh and colde; and devided one gowne to two men, a
starboord and a larboord man; so that he which watched had ever the
gowne: for they which watched not, were either in their cabins, or under
the decke, and so needed them not. The gownes being well soked, every
man that could, tooke one, and assaulted the fire; and although some
were singed, others scalded, and many burned, God was pleased that the
fire was quenched, which I thought impossible; and doubtlesse, I never
saw my selfe in greater perill in all the dayes of my life. Let all men
take example by us, not to suffer, in any case, pitch to be heate in the
ship, except it be with a shotte heate in the fire, which cannot breed
daunger; nor to permit fire to be kindled, but upon meere necessitie;
for the inconvenience thereof is for the most part remedilesse.[80]

[By taking tobacco.]

With drinking of tobacco it is said, that the _Roebucke_ was burned in
the range of Dartmouth.

The _Primrose_, of London, was fired with a candle, at Tilbery-hope, and
nothing saved but her kele.

And another ship bound for Barbary, at Wapping.

The _Jesus of Lubecke_ had her gunner-roome set on fire with a match,
and had beene burnt without redemption, if that my father, Sir John
Hawkins, knight, then generall [By hooping and scutling of
caske.] in her, had not commaunded her sloppers[81] to be stopt, and the
men to come to the pumpes, wherof shee had two which went with chaynes;
and plying them, in a moment there was three or foure inches of water
upon the decke, which with scoopes, swabbles,[82] and platters, they
threw upon the fire, and so quenched it, and delivered both ship and men
out of no small danger.

Great care is to be had also in cleaving of wood, in hooping or
scuttling[83] of caske, and in any businesse where violence is to be
used with instruments of iron, steele, or stone: and especially in
opening of powder, these are not to be used, but mallets of wood; for
many mischances happen beyond all expectation.

I have beene credibly enformed by divers persons, that comming out of
the Indies, with scuttling a butt of water, the water hath taken fire,
and flamed up, and put all in hazard. And a servant of mine, Thomas
Gray, told me, that in the shippe wherein he came out of the Indies,
anno 1600, there happened the like; and that if with mantles they had
not smothered the fire, they had bin all burned with a pipe of water,
which in scutling tooke fire.

Master John Hazlelocke reported, that in the arsenall of Venice happened
the like, he being present. For mine [By nature of waters.]
own part, I am of opinion, that some waters have this propertie, and
especially such as have their passage by mines of brimstone, or other
mineralls, which, as all men know, give extraordinary properties unto
the waters by which they runne. Or it may be that the water being in
wine caske, and kept close, may retayne an extraordinary propertie of
the wine.[84] Yea, I have drunke fountaine and river waters many times,
which have had a savour as that of brimstone.

Three leagues from Bayon, in France, I have proved of a fountaine that
hath this savour, and is medicinable for many diseases. In the South
sea, in a river some five leagues from Cape Saint Francisco, in one
degree and a halfe to the northwardes of the lyne, in the bay of
Atacames, is a river of fresh water, which hath the like savour. Of this
I shall have occasion to speake in another place, treating of the divers
properties of fountaines and rivers; and therefore to our purpose.


SECTION XVIII.

[By swearing.]

We had no small cause to give God thankes and prayse for our
deliverance; and so, all our ships once come together, wee magnified his
glorious Name for his mercie towards us, and tooke an occasion hereby to
banish swearing out of our shippes, which amongst the common sort of
mariners and sea-faring men, is too ordinarily abused. So with a
generall consent of all our companie, it was ordayned that in every ship
there should be a palmer or ferula, which should be in the keeping of
him who was taken with an oath; and that he who had the palmer should
give to every other that he tooke swearing, in the palme of the hand, a
palmada with it, and the ferula. And whosoever at the time of evening,
or morning prayer, was found to have the palmer, should have three
blowes given him by the captaine or master; and that he should be still
bound to free himselfe, by taking another, or else to runne in daunger
of continuing the penaltie: which executed, few dayes reformed the vice;
so that in three dayes together, was not one oath heard to be sworne.
This brought both ferulas and swearing out of use.[85]

And certainly, in vices, custome is the principall sustenance; and for
their reformation, it little availeth to give good counsell, or to make
good lawes and ordenances except they be executed.


SECTION XIX.

In this time of contrary wind, those of my company which were in health,
recreated themselves with fishing, and beholding the hunting and hawking
of the sea, and the battell betwixt the whale and his enemies, which
truly are of no small pleasure. And therefore for the curious, I will
spend some time in declaration of them.

Ordinarily such ships as navigate betweene the tropiques, are
accompanied with three sorts of fish: the dolphin, which the Spaniards
call _dozado_; the _bonito_, or Spanish makerell; and the sharke, alias
_tiberune_.

[The dolphin.]

The dolphin I hold to be one of the swiftest fishes in the sea. He is
like unto a breame, but that he is longer and thinner, and his scales
very small. He is of the colour of the rayn-bow, and his head different
to other fishes; for, from his mouth halfe a spanne, it goeth straight
upright, as the head of a wherry, or the cut-water of a ship.[86] He is
very good meate if he be in season, but the best part of him is his
head, which is great. They are some bigger, some lesser; the greatest
that I have seene, might be some foure foote long.

I hold it not without some ground, that the auncient philosophers write,
that they be enamoured of a man; for in meeting with shipping, they
accompany them till they approach to colde climates; this I have noted
divers times. For disembarking out of the West Indies, anno 1583, within
three or foure dayes after, we mett a scole[2] of them, which left us
not till we came to the ilands of Azores, nere a thousand leagues. At
other times I have noted the like.

But some may say, that in the sea are many scoles[87] of this kinde of
fish, and how can a man know if they were the same?

Who may be thus satisfied, that every day in the morning, which is the
time that they approach neerest the ship, we should see foure, five, and
more, which had, as it were, our eare-marke; one hurt upon the backe,
another neere the tayle, another about the fynnes; which is a sufficient
proofe that they were the same; for if those which had received so bad
entertainment of us would not forsake us, much less those which we had
not hurt. Yet that which makes them most in love with ships and men, are
the scrappes and refreshing they gather from them.

[The bonito.]

The bonito, or Spanish makerell, is altogether like unto a makerell, but
that it is somewhat more growne; he is reasonable foode, but dryer then
a makerell. Of them there are two sorts: the one is this which I have
described; the other, so great as hardly one man can lift him. At such
times as wee have taken of these, one sufficed for a meale for all my
company. These, from the fynne of the tayle forwards, have upon the
chyne seven small yellow hillocks, close one to another.

The dolphins and bonitos are taken with certaine instruments of iron
which we call vysgeis,[88] in forme of an eel speare, but that the
blades are round, and the poynts like unto the head of a broad arrow:
these are fastened to long staves of ten or twelve foote long, with
lynes tied unto them, and so shott to the fish from the beake-head, the
poope, or other parts of the shippe, as occasion is ministered. They are
also caught with hookes and lynes, the hooke being bayted with a redd
cloth, or with a white cloth made into the forme of a fish, and sowed
upon the hooke.

[The sharke.]

The shark, or tiberune, is a fish like unto those which wee call
dogge-fishes, but that he is farre greater. I have seene of them eight
or nine foote long; his head is flatt and broad, and his mouth in the
middle, underneath, as that of the scate; and he cannot byte of the
bayte before him, but by making a halfe turne; and then he helpeth
himselfe with his tayle, which serveth him in stead of a rudder. His
skinne is rough (like to the fish which we call a rough hound), and
russet, with reddish spottes, saving that under the belly he is all
white: he is much hated of sea-faring men, who have a certaine foolish
superstition with them, and say, that the ship hath seldome good
successe, that is much accompanied with them.

It is the most ravenous fish knowne in the sea; for he swalloweth all
that he findeth. In the puch[89] of them hath beene found hatts,
cappes, shooes, shirts, leggs and armes of men, ends of ropes, and many
other things; whatsoever is hanged by the shippes side, hee sheereth it,
as though it were with a razor; for he hath three rowes of teeth on
either side, as sharpe as nailes; some say they are good for
pick-tooths. It hath chanced that a yonker casting himselfe into the sea
to swimme, hath had his legge bitten off above the knee by one of them.
And I have beene enformed, that in the _Tyger_, when Sir Richard
Greenfield went to people Virginia, a sharke cut off the legge of one of
the companie, sitting in the chaines and washing himselfe. They spawne
not as the greatest part of fishes doe, but whelpe, as the dogge or
wolfe; and for many dayes after that shee hath whelped, every night, and
towards any storme, or any danger which may threaten them hurt, the
damme receiveth her whelpes in at her mouth, and preserveth them, till
they be able to shift for themselves. I have seene them goe in and out,
being more then a foote and halfe long; and after taking the damme, we
have found her young ones in her belly.[90]

Every day my company tooke more or lesse of them, not for that they did
eat of them (for they are not held wholesome; although the Spaniards, as
I have seene, doe eate them), but to recreate themselves, and in revenge
of the injuries received by them; for they live long, and suffer much
after they bee taken, before they dye.[91]

At the tayle of one they tyed a great logge of wood, at another, an
empty batizia,[92] well stopped; one they yoaked like a hogge; from
another, they plucked out his eyes, and so threw them into the sea. In
catching two together, they bound them tayle to tayle, and so set them
swimming; another with his belly slit, and his bowels hanging out,
which his fellowes would have every one a snatch at; with other infinite
inventions to entertayne the time, and to avenge themselves; for that
they deprived them of swimming, and fed on their flesh being dead. They
are taken with harping irons, and with great hookes made of purpose,
with swyvels and chaines; for no lyne nor small rope can hold them,
which they share not asunder.

There doth accompany this fish divers little fishes, which are callet
pilats fishes, and are ever upon his fynnes, his head, or his backe, and
feede of the scraps and superfluities of his prayes. They are in forme
of a trought, and streked like a makerell, but that the strekes are
white and blacke, and the blacke greater then the white.

The manner of hunting and hawking representeth that which we reasonable
creatures use, saving onely in the disposing of the game. For by our
industry and abilitie the hound and hawke is brought to that obedience,
that whatsoever they seize is for their master; but here it is
otherwise: for the game is for him that seizeth it. The dolphins and
bonitoes are the houndes, and the alcatraces [Flying fishes]
the hawkes, and the flying fishes the game; whose wonderfull making
magnifieth the Creator, who for their safetie and helpe, hath given them
extraordinary manner of fynnes, which serve in stead of wings, like
those of the batt or rere-mouse; of such a delicate skinne, interlaced
with small bones so curiously, as may well cause admiration in the
beholders. They are like unto pilchards in colour, and making; saving
that they are somewhat rounder, and (for the most part) bigger. They
flie best with a side wind, but longer then their wings be wett they
cannot sustaine the waight of their bodies; and so the greatest flight
that I have seene them make, hath not beene above a quarter of a myle.
They commonly goe in scoles, and serve for food for the greater fishes,
or for the foules. The dolphins and bonitoes doe continually hunt after
them, and the alcatraces lye soaring in the ayre, to see when they
spring, or take their flight; and ordinarily, he that escapeth the mouth
of the dolphin or bonito, helping himselfe by his wings, falleth
prisoner into the hands of the alcatrace, and helpeth to fill his gorge.

[Alcatrace.]

The alcatrace[93] is a sea-fowle, different to all that I have seene,
either on the land or in the sea. His head like unto the head of a gull,
but his bill like unto a snytes bill, somewhat shorter, and in all
places alike. He is almost like to a heronshaw; his leggs a good spanne
long, his wings very long, and sharpe towards the poynts, with a long
tayle like to a pheasant, but with three or foure feathers onely, and
these narrower. He is all blacke, of the colour of a crow, and of little
flesh; for he is almost all skinne and bones. He soareth the highest of
any fowle that I have seene, and I have not heard of any, that have
seene them rest in the sea.

[The fight of the whale,]

Now of the fight betwixt the whale and his contraries; which are the
sword-fish and the thresher. The whale is of the greatest fishes in the
sea; and to count but the truth, unlesse dayly experience did witnesse
the relation, it might seeme incredible; hee is a huge unwildlie fish,
and to those which have not seene of them, it might seeme strange, that
other fishes should master him; but certaine it is, that many times the
thresher and sword-fish, meeting him joyntly, doe make an end of him.

[with the sword fish]

The sword fish[94] is not great, but strongly made; and in the top of
his chine, as a man may say, betwixt the necke and shoulders, he hath a
manner of sword in substance, like unto a bone, of foure or five inches
broad, and above three foote long, full of prickles of either side: it
is but thin, for the greatest that I have seene, hath not beene above a
finger thicke.

[and thresher.]

The thresher is a greater fish, whose tayle is very broad and thicke,
and very waightie. They fight in this maner; the sword fish placeth
himselfe under the belly of the whale, and the thresher upon the
ryme[95] of the water, and with his tayle thresheth upon the head of the
whale, till hee force him to give way; which the sword fish perceiving,
receiveth him upon his sword, and wounding him in the belly forceth him
to mount up againe (besides that he cannot abide long under water, but
must of force rise upp to breath): and when in such manner they torment
him, that the fight is sometimes heard above three leagues distance, and
I dare affirme, that I have heard the blowes of the thresher two leagues
off, as the report of a peece of ordinance; the whales roaring being
heard much farther. It also happeneth sundry times that a great part of
the water of the sea round about them, with the blood of the whale,
changeth his colour. The best remedy the whale hath in this extremitie
to helpe himselfe, is to get him to land, which hee procureth as soone
as hee discovereth his adversaries; and getting the shore, there can
fight but one with him, and for either of them, hand to hand, he is too
good.[96] The whale is a fish not good to be eaten, hee is almost all
fat,[97] but esteemed for his trayne; and many goe to the
New-found-land, Greene-land, and other parts onely to fish for them;
which is in this maner: when they which seeke the whale discover him,
they compasse him round [The taking of the whale.] about with
pynaces or shalops. In the head of every boat is placed a man, with a
harping iron, and a long lyne, the one end of it fastned to the harping
iron, and the other end to the head of the boat, in which it lyeth
finely coiled; and for that he cannot keepe long under water, he sheweth
which way he goeth, when rising neere any of the boats, within reach, he
that is neerest, darteth his harping iron at him. The whale finding
himself to be wounded, swimmeth to the bottome, and draweth the pynace
after him; which the fisher-men presently forsake, casting themselves
into the sea; for that many times he draweth the boat under water: those
that are next, procure to take them up. For this cause all such as goe
for that kind of fishing, are experimented in swimming. When one harping
iron is fastned in the whale, it is easily discerned which way he
directeth his course: and so ere long they fasten another, and another
in him. When he hath three or foure boats dragging after him, with their
waight, his bleeding, and fury, he becommeth so over-mastred, that the
rest of the pynaces with their presence and terror, drive him to the
place where they would have him, nature instigating him to covet the
shore.

Being once hurt, there is little need to force him to land. Once on the
shore, they presently cut great peeces of him, and in great cauldrons
seeth them.[98] The uppermost in the cauldrons is the fatt, which they
skimme off, and put it into hogsheads and pipes. This is that they call
whales oyle, or traine oyle, accompted the best sort of traine oyle. It
is hard to be beleeved, what quantitie is gathered of one whale; of the
tongue, I have beene enformed, have many pipes beene filled. The fynnes
are also esteemed for many and sundry uses; as is his spawne for divers
purposes: this wee corruptly call _parmacittie_; of the Latine word,
_spermaceti_.[99]

[Amber-greece.]

And the precious amber-greece some thinke also to be found in his
bowells, or voyded by him: but not in all seas: yea, they maintaine for
certaine, that the same is ingendred by eating an hearbe which groweth
in the sea. This hearbe is not in all seas, say they, and therefore,
where it wanteth, the whales give not this fruit. In the coast of the
East Indies in many partes is great quantitie. In the coastes of Guyne,
of Barbary, of the Florida, in the islands of Cape de Verde, and the
Canaries, amber-greece hath beene many times found, and sometimes on the
coast of Spaine and England. Whereupon it is presumed, that all these
seas have not the hearbe growing in them. The cause why the whale should
eate this hearbe, I have not heard, nor read. It may be surmised, that
it is as that of the becunia, and other beasts, which breed the beazer
stone;[100] who feeding in the valleyes and mountaines, where are many
venemous serpents, and hearbes; when they find themselves touched with
any poyson, forthwith they runne for remedie to an hearbe, which the
Spaniards call _contrayerva_, that is to say, contrary to poyson: which
having eaten, they are presently cured: but the substance of the hearbe
converteth it selfe into a medicinable stone; so it may be, that the
whale feeding of many sortes of fishes, and some of them, as is knowne,
venemous, when he findeth himselfe touched, with this hearbe he cureth
himselfe; and not being able to digest it, nature converteth it into
this substance, provoketh it out, or dyeth with it in his belly; and
being light, the sea bringeth it to the coast.

All these are imaginations, yet instruments to moove us to the
glorifying of the great and universal Creatour of all, whose secret
wisedome, and wonderfull workes, are incomprehensible.

[Amber-greece.]

But the more approved generation of the amber-greece, and which carrieth
likliest probabilitie is, that it is a liquor which issueth out of
certaine fountaines, in sundry seas, and being of a light and thicke
substance, participating of the ayre, suddenly becommeth hard, as the
yellow amber, of which they make beads;[101] which is also a liquor of a
fountayne in the Germayne sea. In the bottome it is soft and white, and
partaking of the ayre becommeth hard and stonie: also the corrall in the
sea is soft, but comming into the ayre, becommeth a stone.

Those who are of this former opinion, thinke the reason why the amber
greece is sometimes found in the whale, to be, for that he swalloweth
it, as other things which he findeth swimming upon the water; and not
able to digest it, it remaineth with him till his death.

[By the Indians.]

Another manner of fishing and catching the whale I cannot omit, used by
the Indians, in Florida; worthy to be considered, in as much as the
barbarous people have found out so great a secret, by the industry and
diligence of one man, to kill so great and huge a monster: it is in this
manner.

The Indian discovering a whale, procureth two round billets of wood,
sharpneth both at one end, and so binding them together with a cord,
casteth himselfe with them into the sea, and swimmeth towards the whale:
if he come to him, the whale escapeth not; for he placeth himselfe upon
his necke, and although the whale goeth to the bottome, he must of force
rise presently to breath (for which nature hath given him two great
holes in the toppe of his head, by which, every time that he breatheth,
he spouteth out a great quantitie of water); the Indian forsaketh not
his holde, but riseth with him, and thrusteth in a logg into one of his
spowters, and with the other knocketh it in so fast, that by no meanes
the whale can get it out. That fastned, at another opportunitie, he
thrusteth in the second logg into the other spowter, and with all the
force he can, keepeth it in.

The whale not being able to breath, swimmeth presently ashore, and the
Indian a cock-horse upon him, which his fellowes discovering, approach
to helpe him, and to make an end of him: it serveth them for their foode
many dayes after.[102]

Since the Spaniards have taught them the estimation of amber greece,
they seeke curiously for it, sell it to them, and others, for such
things as they best fancie, and most esteeme; which are, as I have beene
enformed, all sortes of edge tooles, copper, glasses, glasse-beads, red
caps, shirts, and pedlery ware. Upon this subject, divers Spaniards have
discoursed unto mee, who have beene eye witnesses thereof, declaring
them to be valorous, ventrous, and industrious: otherwise they durst not
undertake an enterprise so difficult and full of danger.


SECTION XX.

From the tropike of Cancer to three or foure degrees of the
equinoctiall, the breze, which is the north-east winde, [Best
times to passe the lyne from the northwards to the southward.] doth
raigne in our ocean sea the most part of the yeare, except it be neere
the shore, and then the wind is variable. In three or foure degrees of
eyther side the line, the winde hangeth southerly, in the moneths of
July, August, September, and October; all the rest of the yeare, from
the Cape Bona Esperança to the ilands of Azores, the breze raygneth
continually; and some yeares in the other moneths also, or calmes; but
he that purposeth to crosse the lyne from the north-wards to the
south-wards, the best and surest passage is, in the moneths of January,
February, and March. In the moneths of September, October, and November,
is also good passage, but not so sure as in the former.[103]


SECTION XXI.

Betwixt nineteene and twenty degrees to the south-wards of the lyne, the
winde tooke us contrary, which together with the sicknes of my people
made mee to seeke the shore; and about the end of October, we had sight
of the land, which presently by our height and the making of it,
discovered it selfe to be the port of Santos, alias Nostra Senora de
Victoria, and is easie to be knowne, for it hath a great high hill over
the port, which (howsoever a man commeth with the land) riseth like a
bell, and comming neere the shore, presently is discovered a white tower
or fort, which standeth upon the top of a hill over the harbour, and
upon the seamost land. It is the first land a man must compasse before
he enter the port. Comming within two leagues of the shore, we anchored;
and the captaynes and masters of my other ships being come aboord, it
was thought convenient (the weaknes of our men considered, for wee had
not in our three ships twenty foure men sound), and the winde uncertaine
when it might change, we thought with pollicie to procure that which wee
could not by force; and so to offer traffique to the people of the
shore; by that meanes to prove if wee could attayne some refreshing for
our sicke company.

In execution whereof, I wrote a letter to the governour in Latine, and
sent him with it a peece of crymson velvet, a bolt of fine holland, with
divers other things, as a present; and with it, the captaine of my ship,
who spake a little broken Spanish, giving the governour to understand
that I was bound to the East Indies, to traffique in those parts, and
that contrary windes had forced me upon that coast: if that hee were
pleased to like of it, for the commodities the country yeelded in
aboundance, I would exchange that which they wanted. With these
instructions my captaine departed about nine of the clocke in the
morning, carrying a flagge of truce in the head of the boate, and
sixteene men well armed, and provided; guided by one of my company which
two yeares before had beene captaine in that place, and so was a
reasonable pilot.

Entering the port, within a quarter of a mile is a small village, and
three leagues higher up is the chief towne; where they have two forts,
one on eyther side of the harbour, and within them ride the ships which
come thither to discharge, or loade. In the small village is ever a
garrison of one hundreth souldiers, whereof part assist there
continually, and in the white tower upon the top of the hill, which
commaundeth it.

Heere my captaine had good entertainment, and those of the shore
received his message and letter, dispatching it presently to the
governour, who was some three leagues off in another place: at least
they beare us so in hand. In the time that they expected the post, my
captaine with one other entertained himselfe with the souldiers a shore,
who after the common custome of their profession (except when they be
_besonios_),[104] sought to pleasure him, and finding that he craved
but oranges, lemmons, and matters of smal moment for refreshing for his
generall, they suffered the women and children to bring him what hee
would, which hee gratified with double pistolets,[105] that I had given
him for that purpose. So got hee us two or three hundreth oranges and
lemmons, and some fewe hennes.

All that day and night, and the next day, till nine of the clocke, wee
waited the returne of our boate; which not appearing, bred in me some
suspition; and for my satisfaction, I manned a light horseman which I
had, and the _Fancie_, the best I could, shewing strength where was
weaknesse and infirmity, and so set sayle towardes the port; our gunner
taking upon him to bee pilot, for that he had beene there some yeares
before.

Thus, with them we entred the harbour. My captaine having notice of our
being within the barre, came aboord with the boat, which was no small
joy to me; and more, to see him bring us store of oranges and lemmons,
which was that we principally sought for, as the remedie of our diseased
company. He made relation of that had past, and how they expected
present answere from the governour. We anchored right against the
village; and within two houres, by a flagge of truce, which they on the
shore shewed us, we understood that the messenger was come: our boat
went for the answere of the governour, who said, he was sorry that he
could not accomplish our desire, being so reasonable and good; for that
in consideration of the warre betwixt Spaine and England, he had
expresse order from his king, not to suffer any English to trade within
his jurisdiction, no, nor to land, or to take any refreshing upon the
shore. And therefore craved pardon, and that wee should take this for a
resolute answere: and further required us to depart the port within
three dayes, which he said he gave us for our courteous manner of
proceeding. If any of my people from that time forwards, should approach
to the shore, that he would doe his best to hinder and annoy them. With
this answere wee resolved to depart; and before it came, with the first
faire wind we determined to be packing: but the wind suffered us not all
that night, nor the next day. In which time, I lived in a great
perplexitie, for that I knew our own weaknesse, and what they might doe
unto us, if that they had knowne so much. For any man that putteth
himself into the enemies port, had need of Argus eyes, and the wind in a
bagge,[106] especially where the enemie is strong, and the tydes of any
force. For with either ebbe or flood, those who are on the shore may
thrust upon him inventions of fire: and with swimming or other devises,
may cut his cables. A common practise in all hot countries. The like may
be effected with raffes, cannoas, boates, or pynaces, to annoy and
assault him: and if this had beene practised against us, or taken
effect, our shippes must of force have yeelded themselves; for they had
no other people in them but sicke men; but many times opinion and feare
preserveth the shippes, and not the people in them.

[For prevention of annoyances, etc., in harbours.]

Wherefore it is the part of a provident governour, to consider well the
daungers that may befall him, before he put himselfe into such places;
so shall he ever be provided for prevention.

In Saint John de Vlua, in the New Spaine, when the Spanyards dishonoured
their nation with that foule act of perjury, and breach of faith, given
to my father, Sir John Hawkins (notorious to the whole world), the
Spanyards fired two great shippes, with intention to burne my fathers
_Admirall_, which he prevented by towing them with his boates another
way.

The great armado of Spaine, sent to conquer England, anno 1588, was with
that selfe same industry overthrowne; for the setting on fire of six or
seaven shippes (whereof two were mine), and letting them drive with the
flood, forced them to cut their cables, and to put to sea, to seeke a
new way to Spaine.[107] In which the greatest part of their best shippes
and men were lost and perished.

For that my people should not be dismayed, I dispatched presently my
light horsman, with onely foure men, and part of the refreshing,
advising them that with the first calme or slent[108] of wind, they
should come off.

The next night, the wind comming off the shore, wee set sayle, and with
our boates and barkes sounded as we went.

It flowed upon the barre not above foure foote water, and once in foure
and twentie houres, as in some parts of the West Indies; at full sea,
there is not upon the barre above seventeen or eighteen foote water. The
harbour runneth to the south-westwards. He that will come into it, is to
open the harbour’s mouth a good quarter of a league before he beare with
it, and be bolder of the wester side; for of the easterland[109] lyeth a
great ledge of rocks, for the most part, under water, which sometimes
break not; but with small shipping, a man may goe betwixt them and the
poynt.

[The vertue of oranges.]

Comming aboord of our shippes, there was great joy amongst my company;
and many, with the sight of the oranges and lemmons, seemed to recover
heart. This is a wonderfull secret of the power and wisedome of God,
that hath hidden so great and unknowne vertue in this fruit, to be a
certaine remedie for this infirmitie; I presently caused them all to be
reparted[110] amongst our sicke men, which were so many, that there came
not above three or foure to a share: but God was pleased to send us a
prosperous winde the next day, so much to our comfort, that not any one
dyed before we came to the ilands, where we pretended to refresh
ourselves; and although our fresh water had fayled us many dayes before
we saw the shore, by reason of our long navigation, without touching any
land, and the excessive drinking of the sicke and diseased, which could
not be excused, yet with an invention I had in my shippe, [Sidenote:
Distilling of salt water.] I easily drew out of the water of the sea,
sufficient quantitie of fresh water to sustaine my people with little
expence of fewell; for with foure billets I stilled a hogs-head of
water, and therewith dressed the meat for the sicke and whole. The water
so distilled, we found to be wholesome and nourishing.[111]


SECTION XXII.

The coast from Santos to Cape Frio, lyeth west and by south, southerly.
So we directed our course west south-west. The night comming on, and
directions given to our other shippes, we sett the watch, having a fayre
fresh gale of wind and large. My selfe with the master of our ship,
having watched the night past, thought now to give nature that which
shee had beene deprived of, and so recommended the care of steeridge to
one of his mates;[112] who with the like travell past being drowsie, or
[Unskilfulnesse of the masters mate.] with the confidence
which he had of him at the helme, had not that watchfull care which was
required; he at the helme steered west, and west and by south, and
brought us in a little time close upon the shore;[113] doubtlesse he had
cast us all away, had not God extraordinarily delivered us; for the
master being in his dead sleepe, was suddenly [Providence of
God, and the care of the master.] awaked, and with such a fright that he
could not be in quiet: whereupon waking his youth, which ordinarily
slept in his cabin by him, asked him how the watch went on; who
answered, that it could not be above an houre since he layd himselfe to
rest. He replyed, that his heart was so unquiet that he could not by any
meanes sleepe, and so taking his gowne, came forth upon the deck, and
presently discovered the land hard by us. And for that it was sandie and
low, those who had their eyes continually fixed on it, were dazeled with
the reflection of the starres, being a fayre night, and so were hindered
from the true discovery thereof. But he comming out of the darke, had
his sight more forcible, to discerne the difference of the sea, and the
shore. So that forthwith he commaunded him at the helme, to put it close
a starbourd, and tacking our ship, wee edged off; and sounding, found
scant three fathome water, whereby we saw evidently the miraculous
mercie of our God; that if he had not watched over us, as hee doth
continually over his, doubtlesse we had perished without remedie. To
whom be all glory, and prayse everlastingly, world without end.

Immediatly we shot off a peece, to give warning to our other shippes;
who having kept their direct course, and far to wind-wards and
sea-wards, because we carried no light, for that we were within sight of
the shore, could not heare the report; and the next morning were out of
sight.


SECTION XXIII.

[Care of steeridge,]

In this poynt of steeridge, the Spaniards and Portingalls doe exceede
all that I have seene, I mean for their care, which is chiefest in
navigation. And I wish in this, and in all their workes of discipline,
wee should follow their examples; as also those of any other nation.

[exquisit in the Spanyards and Portingalls.]

In every ship of moment, upon the halfe decke, or quarter decke,[114]
they have a chayre or seat; out of which whilst they navigate, the
pilot, or his adjutants[115] (which are the same officers which in our
shippes we terme the master and his mates), never depart, day nor night,
from the sight of the compasse; and have another before them, whereby
they see what they doe, and are ever witnesses of the good or bad
steeridge of all men that take the helme. This I have seene neglected in
our best shippes, yet nothing more necessary to be reformed. For a good
helme-man may be overcome with an imagination, and so mis-take one poynt
for another;[116] or the compasse may erre, which by another is
discerned. The inconveniences which hereof may ensue, all experimented
sea-men may easily conceive, and by us take warning to avoyd the like.


SECTION XXIV.

[Cape Blanco.]

The next day about tenne of the clocke, wee were thwart of Cape
Blanco,[117] which is low sandie land, and perilous; for foure leagues
into the sea (thwart it), lye banks of sand, which have little water on
them; on a sudden we found our selves amongst them, in lesse then three
fathome water; but with our boat and shalope we went sounding, and so
got cleare of them.

[Saint James ilands, alias Saint Annes.]

The next day following, we discovered the ilands where wee purposed to
refresh ourselves. They are two, and some call them Saint James, his
ilands, and others, Saint Annes.[118] They lie in two and twenty degrees
and a halfe to the south-wards of the lyne; and towards the evening
(being the fifth of November) we anchored betwixt them and the mayne, in
six fathome water, where wee found our other shippes.

All which being well moored, we presently began to set up tents and
booths for our sicke men, to carry them a shore, and to use our best
diligence to cure them. For which intent our three surgeans, with their
servants and adherents, had two boates to wayte continually upon them,
to fetch whatsoever was needfull from the shippes, to procure
refreshing, and to fish, either with netts, or hookes and lynes. Of
these implements wee had in aboundance, and it yeelded us some
refreshing. For the first dayes, the most of those which had health,
occupied themselves in romeging our ship; in bringing ashore of emptie
caske; in filling of them, and in felling and cutting of wood: which
being many workes, and few hands, went slowly forwards.

Neere these ilands, are two great rockes, or small ilands adjoyning. In
them we found great store of young gannetts [Gannets.] in
their nests, which we reserved for the sicke, and being boyled with
pickled porke well watered,[119] and mingled with oatmeale, made
reasonable pottage, and was good refreshing and sustenance for them.
This provision fayled us not, till our departure from them.

Upon one of these rocks also, we found great store of [Sidenote:
Purslane.] the hearbe purslane,[120] which boyled and made into sallets,
with oyle and vineger, refreshed the sicke stomaches, and gave appetite.

With the ayre of the shore, and good cherishing, many recovered
speedily. Some died away quickly, and others continued at a stand. We
found here some store of fruits; [Cherries.] a kind of cherry
that groweth upon a tree like a plum-tree, red of colour, with a stone
in it, but different in making to ours, for it is not altogether round,
and dented about: they have a pleasing taste.

[Palmitos.]

In one of the ilands, we found palmito trees, great and high, and in the
toppe a certaine fruit like cocos, but no bigger then a wall-nut. We
found also a fruit growing upon trees in codds, like beanes, both in the
codd and the fruit. Some of my company proved of them,[121] and they
[Purgatives.] caused vomits and purging, as any medicine taken
out of the apothecaries shop, according to the quantitie received. They
have hudds, as our beanes, which shaled off; the kernell parteth itselfe
in two, and in the middle is a thin skinne, like that of an onion, said
to be hurtfull, and to cause exceeding vomits, and therefore to be cast
away.

Monardus writing of the nature and propertie of this fruit, as of others
of the Indies, for that it is found in other [The use of
_kavas purgativas_.] parts, also calleth them _kavas purgativas_, and
sayth, that they are to be prepared by peeling them first, and then
taking away the skinne in the middle, and after beaten into powder, to
take the quantitie of five or six, either with wine or sugar. Thus they
are good against fevers, and to purge grosse humors; against the
collicke, and payne of the joynts; in taking them a man may not sleepe,
but is to use the dyet usuall, as in a day of purging.

[Artechoques or prick-peares.]

One other fruit we found, very pleasant in taste, in fashion of an
artechoque, but lesse; on the outside of colour redd, within white, and
compassed about with prickles; our people called them pricke-pears;[122]
no conserve is better. They grow upon the leaves of a certaine roote,
that is like unto that which we call _semper viva_[122] and many are
wont to hang them up in their houses; but their leaves are longer and
narrower, and full of prickes on either side. The fruit groweth upon the
side of the leafe, and is one of the best fruites that I have eaten in
the Indies. In ripening, presently the birds or vermine are feeding on
them; [A good note to take or refuse unknowne fruits.] a
generall rule to know what fruit is wholesome and good in the Indies,
and other parts. Finding them to be eaten of the beastes or fowles, a
man may boldly eate of them.

The water of these ilands is not good: the one, for being a standing
water, and full of venemous wormes and serpents, which is neare a
butt-shot from the sea shore; where we found a great tree fallen, and in
the roote of it the names of sundry Portingalls, Frenchmen, and others,
and amongst them, Abraham Cockes; with the time of their being in this
island.

[Contagious water.]

The other, though a running water, yet passing by the rootes of certaine
trees, which have a smell as that of garlique, taketh a certaine
contagious sent of them. Here two of our men dyed with swelling of their
bellies. The accident we could not attribute to any other cause, then to
this suspitious water. It is little, and falleth into the sand, and
soketh through it into the sea; and therefore we made a well of a pipe,
and placeth it under the rocke from which it falleth, and out of it
filled our caske: but we could not fill above two tunnes in a night and
day.


SECTION XXV.

So after our people began to gather their strength, wee manned our
boates, and went over to the mayne, where presently we found a great
ryver of fresh and sweete water, and a mightie marish countrie; which in
the winter[123] seemeth to be continually over-flowne with this river,
and others, which fall from the mountaynous country adjacent.

We rowed some leagues up the ryver, and found that the further up we
went, the deeper was the river, but no fruit, more then the sweate of
our bodies for the labour of our handes.

At our returne, wee loaded our boate with water, and afterwardes from
hence wee made our store.


SECTION XXVI.

[Wast and losse of men.]

The sicknesse having wasted more then the one halfe of my people, we
determined to take out the victualls of the _Hawke_, and to burne her;
which wee put in execution. And being occupied in this worke, we saw a
shippe turning to windwards, to succour her selfe of the ilands;[124]
but having discryed us, put off to sea-wards.

Two dayes after, the wind changing, we saw her againe running alongst
the coast, and the _Daintie_ not being in case to goe after her, for
many reasons, we manned the _Fancie_, and sent her after her; who about
the setting of the sunne fetched her up, and spake with her; when
finding her to be a great fly-boat, of at least three or foure hundreth
tunnes, with eighteen peeces of artillery, would have returned, but the
wind freshing in, put her to leewards; and standing in to succour her
selfe of the land, had sight of another small barke, which after a short
chase shee tooke, but had nothing of moment in her, for that she had bin
upon the great sholes of Abreoios,[125] in eighteen degrees, and there
throwne all they had by the board, to save their lives.

This and the other chase were the cause that the _Fancie_ could not beat
it up in many dayes: but before we had put all in a readinesse, the wind
changing, shee came unto us, and made relation of that which had past;
and how they had given the small barke to the Portingalls, and brought
with them onely her pilot, and a marchant called Pedro de Escalante of
Potosi.


SECTION XXVII.

[Industry of the Indians. They surprise the French.]

In this coast, the Portingalls, by industrie of the Indians, have
wrought many feats. At Cape Frio they tooke a great French ship in the
night, the most of her company being on the shore, with cannoas,[126]
which they have in this coast so great, that they carry seventie and
eightie men in one of them. And in Isla Grand, I saw one that was above
threescore foote long, of one tree, as are all that I have seen in
Brasill, with provisions in them for twentie or [San Sebastian.] thirtie
days. At the iland of San-Sebastian, neere Saint Vincent, the Indians
killed about eightie of Master Candish [Sidenote: Kill the English,] his
men, and tooke his boat, which was the overthrow of his voyage.

There commeth not any ship upon this coast, whereof these cannoas give
not notice presently to every place. And wee were certified in Isla
Grand, that they had sent [and discover us.] an Indian from
the river of Ienero, through all the mountaines and marishes, to take a
view of us, and accordingly made a relation of our shippes, boates, and
the number of men which we might have. But to prevent the like danger
that might come upon us being carelesse and negligent, I determined one
night, in the darkest and quietest of it, to see what watch our company
kept on the shore; manned our light horsman, and boat, armed them with
bowes and targetts, and got a shore some good distance from the places
where were our boothes, and sought to come upon them undiscovered: we
used all our best endevours to take them at unawares, yet comming within
fortie paces, we were discovered; the whole and the sicke came forth to
oppose themselves against us. Which we seeing, gave them the hubbub,
after the manner of the Indians, and assaulted them, and they us; but
being a close darke night, they could not discerne us presently upon the
hubbub.[127]

From our shippe the gunner shott a peece of ordinance over our heads,
according to the order given him, and thereof we tooke occasion to
retyre unto our boates, and within a little space came to the boothes
and landing places, as though wee came from our shippes to ayd them.
They [The events of a good watch.] began to recount unto us,
how that at the wester poynt of the iland, out of certaine cannoas, had
landed a multitude of Indians, which with a great out-cry came upon
them, and assaulted them fiercely; but finding better resistance then
they looked for, and seeing themselves discovered by the shippes, tooke
themselves to their heeles and returned to their cannoas, in which they
imbarked themselves, and departed. One affirmed, he saw the cannoas;
another, their long hayre; a third, their bowes; a fourth, that it could
not be, but that some of them had their payments. And it was worth the
sight, to behold those which had not moved out of their beds in many
moneths, unlesse by the helpe of others, gotten some a bow-shoot off
into the woods, others into the toppes of trees, and those which had any
strength, joyned together to fight for their lives. In fine, the boothes
and tents were left desolate.[128]

To colour our businesse the better, after we had spent some houres in
seeking out and joyning the companie together, in comforting, animating,
and commending them, I left them an extraordinary guard for that night,
and so departed to our shippes, with such an opinion of the assault
given by the Indians, that many so possessed, through all the voyage,
would not be perswaded to the contrary. Which impression wrought such
effect in most of my companie, that in all places where the Indians
might annoy us, they were ever after most carefull and vigilant, as was
convenient.[129]

In these ilands it heigheth and falleth some five or six foot water, and
but once in two and twentie houres; as in all this coast, and in many
parts of the West Indies; as also in the coast of Perew and Chely,
saving where are great bayes or indraughts, and there the tydes keep
their ordinary course of twice in foure and twentie houres.

[Palmito iland.]

In the lesser of these ilands, is a cave for a small ship to ryde in,
land-lockt, and shee may moore her sele to the trees of either side.
This we called Palmito iland, for the aboundance it hath of the greater
sort of palmito trees; the other hath none at all. A man may goe betwixt
the ilands with his ship, but the better course is out at one end.

In these ilands are many scorpions, snakes, and adders, with other
venemous vermine. They have parrots, and a certaine kinde of fowle like
unto pheasants, somewhat bigger, and seeme to be of their nature. Here
we spent above a moneth in curing of our sicke men, supplying our wants
of wood and water, and in other necessary workes. And the tenth of
December, all things put in order, we set sayle for Cape Frio, having
onely six men sicke, with purpose there to set ashore our two prisoners
before named; and anchoring under the Cape, we sent our boat a shore,
but they could not finde any convenient place to land them in, and so
returned.[130] The wind being southerly, and not good to goe on our
voyage, we succoured our selves within Isla Grand, which lyeth some
dozen or fourteene leagues from the cape, betwixt the west, and by south
and west south-west; the rather to set our prisoners a shore.

In the mid-way betwixt the Cape and this iland, lyeth [Sidenote:
Ienero.] the river Ienero, a very good harbour, fortified with a
garrison, and a place well peopled. The Isla Grand is some eight or ten
leagues long, and causeth a goodly harbour for shipping. It is full of
great sandie bayes, and in the most of them is store of good water;
within this iland are many other smaller ilands, which cause divers
sounds [Little iland.] and creekes; and amongst these little
ilands, one, for the pleasant scituation and fertilitie thereof, called
Placentia. This is peopled, all the rest desert: on this island our
prisoners desired to be put a shore, and promised to send us some
refreshing. Whereto we condescended, and sent them ashore, with two
boates well man’d and armed, who found few inhabitants in the iland; for
our people saw not above foure or five houses, notwithstanding our boats
returned loaden with plantynes, pinias,[131] potatoes, sugar-canes, and
some hennes. Amongst which they brought a kind of little plantyne,
greene, and round, which were the best of any that I have seene.

With our people came a Portingall, who said, that the island was his; he
seemed to be a Mistecho, who are those that are of a Spanish and an
Indian brood, poorely apparelled and miserable; we feasted him, and gave
him some trifles, and he, according to his abilitie, answered our
courtesie with such as he had.

The wind continuing contrary, we emptied all the water wee could come
by, which we had filled in Saint James his [Isla Grand.]
iland, and filled our caske with the water of this Isla Grand. It is a
wildernesse, covered with trees and shrubs so thicke, as it hath no
passage through, except a man make it by force. And it was strange to
heare the howling and cryes of wilde beastes in these woods day and
night, which we could not come at to see by any meanes; some like lyons,
others like beares, others like hoggs, and of such and so many
diversities, as was admirable.

[Shells of mother of pearle.]

Heere our nets profited us much; for in the sandy bayes they tooke us
store of fish. Upon the shore, at full seamark, we found in many places
certaine shels, like those of mother of pearles, which are brought out
of the East Indies, to make standing cups, called _caracoles_; of so
great curiositie as might move all the beholders to magnifie the maker
of them: and were it not for the brittlenes of them, by reason of their
exceeding thinnes, doubtles they were to bee esteemed farre above the
others; for, more excellent workemanship I have not seene in shels.[132]

The eighteenth of December, we set sayle, the wind at north-east, and
directed our course for the Straites of Magalianes. The twenty two of
this moneth, at the going too of the sunne, we descryed a Portingall
ship, and gave her chase, and comming within hayling of her, shee
rendred her selfe without any resistance; shee was of an hundred tuns,
bound for Angola, to load negroes, to be carried and sold in the river
of Plate. It is a trade of great profit, and much used, for that the
negroes are carried from the head of the river of Plate, to Patosi, to
labour in the mynes. It [Price of negroes.] is a bad negro,
who is not worth there five or six hundreth peeces, every peece of tenne
ryals, which they receive in ryals of plate,[133] for there is no other
marchandize in those partes. Some have told me, that of late they have
found out the trade and benefit of cochanillia, but the river suffereth
not vessels of burthen; for if they drawe above eight or seaven foote
water, they cannot goe further then the mouth of the river, and the
first habitation is above a hundred and twenty leagues up, whereunto
many barkes trade yearely, and carry all kinde of marchandize serving
for Patosi and Paraquay; the money which is thence returned, is
distributed in all the coast of Brasill.

[Cassavi meale.]

The loading of this ship was meale of cassavi, which the Portingals call
_Farina de Paw_. It serveth for marchandize in Angola, for the
Portingals foode in the ship, and to nourish the negroes which they
should carry to the river of Plate. This meale is made of a certaine
roote which the Indians call _yuca_, much like unto potatoes. Of it are
two kindes: the one sweete and good to be eaten (either rosted or
sodden) as potatoes, and the other of which they make their bread,
called _cassavi_; deadly poyson, if the liquor or juyce bee not
thoroughly pressed out. So prepared it is the bread of Brazill, and many
parts of the Indies, which they make in this maner: first they pare the
roote, and [The preparing thereof for food.] then upon a rough
stone they grate it as small as they can, and after that it is grated
small, they put it into a bag or poke, and betwixt two stones, with
great waight, they presse out the juyce or poyson, and after keepe it in
some bag, till it hath no juyce nor moysture left.[134] Of this they
make two sorts of bread, the one finer and the other courser, but bake
them after one maner. They place a great broad smooth stone upon other
foure, which serve in steede of a trevet, and make a quicke fire under
it, and so strawe the flower or meale a foote long, and halfe a foot
broad. To make it to incorporate, they sprinkle now and then a little
water, and then another rowe of meale, and another sprinkling, till it
be to their minde; that which is to be spent presently, they make a
finger thicke, and sometimes more thicke; but that which they make for
store, is not above halfe a finger thicke, but so hard, that if it fall
on the ground it will not breake easily. Being newly baked, it is
reasonable good, but after fewe dayes it is not to be eaten, except it
be soaked in water. In some partes they suffer the meale to become
fenoed,[135] before they make it into bread, and hold it for the best,
saying that it giveth it a better tast; but I am not of that opinion. In
other parts they mingle it with a fruite called agnanapes, which are
round, and being ripe are grey, and as big as an hazell nut, and grow in
a cod like pease, but that it is all curiously wrought: first they parch
them upon a stone, and after beate them into powder, and then mingle
them with the fine flower of cassavi, and bake them into bread, these
are their spice-cakes, which they call _xauxaw_.

[Agnanapes.]

The agnanapes are pleasant, give the bread a yellowish coulour, and an
aromaticall savour in taste.[136] The finer of this bread, being well
baked, keepeth long time, three or foure yeares. In Brazill, since the
Portingalls taught the Indians the use of sugar, they eate this meale
mingled with remels[137] of sugar, or malasses; and in this manner the
Portingalls themselves feed of it.

But we found a better manner of dressing this farina, in making
pancakes, and frying them with butter or oyle, and sometimes with
_manteca de puerco_; when strewing a little sugar upon them, it was
meate that our company desired above any that was in the shippe.

[And for beverage.]

The Indians also accustome to make their drinke of this meale, and in
three severall manners.

First is chewing it in their mouths, and after mingling it with water,
after a loathsome manner, yet the commonest drinke that they have; and
that held best which is chewed by an old woman.[138]

The second manner of their drinke, is baking it till it be halfe burned,
then they beate it into powder; and when they will drinke, they mingle a
small quantitie of it with water, which giveth a reasonable good taste.

The third, and best, is baking it, as aforesaid, and when it is beaten
into powder, to seeth it in water; after that it is well boyled, they
let it stand some three or foure dayes, and then drinke it. So, it is
much like the ale which is used in England, and of that colour and
taste.

[The manner of planting _yuca_.]

The Indians are very curious in planting and manuring of this _yuca_. It
is a little shrubb, and carryeth branches like hazell wands; being
growne as bigge as a mans finger, they breake them off in the middest,
and so pricke them into the ground; it needeth no other art or
husbandry, for out of each branch grow two, three, or foure rootes, some
bigger, some lesser: but first they burne and manure the ground, the
which labour, and whatsoever els is requisite, the men doe not so much
as helpe with a finger, but all [With the labour of the women.] lyeth
upon their poore women, who are worse then slaves; for they labour the
ground, they plant, they digge and delve, they bake, they brew, and
dresse their meate, fetch their water, and doe all drudgerie whatsoever:
yea, though they nurse a childe, they are not exempted from any labour;
their childe they carry in a wallet about their necke, ordinarily under
one arme, because it may sucke when it will.

The men have care for nothing but for their cannoas, to passe from place
to place, and of their bowes and arrowes to hunt, and their armes for
the warre, which is a sword of heavie blacke wood, some foure fingers
broad, an inch thicke, and an ell long, something broader towards the
toppe then at the handle. They call it _macana_, and it is carved and
wrought with inlayd works very curiously, but his edges are blunt. If
any kill any game in hunting, he bringeth it not with him, but from the
next tree to the game, he breaketh a bough (for the trees in the Indies
have leaves for the most part all the yeare), and all the way as he
goeth streweth little peeces of it, here and there, and comming home
giveth a peece to his woman, and so sends her for it.

If they goe to the warre, or in any journey, where it is necessary to
carry provision or marchandize, the women serve to carry all, and the
men never succour nor ease them; wherein they shew greater barbarisme
then in any thing, in my opinion, that I have noted amongst them, except
in eating one another.

[Polygamy of the Indians.]

In Brasill, and in the West Indies, the Indian may have as many wives as
he can get, either bought or given by her friends: the men and women,
for the most part, goe [Their attire.] naked, and those which
have come to know their shame, cover onely their privie parts with a
peece of cloth, the rest of their body is naked. Their houses resemble
great barnes, covered over or thatched with plantyne leaves, which reach
to the ground, and at either end is the doore.

[Their manner of housing.]

In one house are sometimes ten or twentie households: they have little
household stuffe, besides their beds, which call _hamacas_,[139] and are
made of cotton, and stayned with divers colours and workes. Some I have
seene white, of great curiositie. They are as a sheete laced at both
ends, and at either end of them long strappes, with which they fasten
them to two posts, as high as a mans middle, [And sleeping.]
and so sit rocking themselves in them. Sometimes they use them for
seates, and sometimes to sleepe in at their pleasures. In one of them I
have seene sleepe the man, his wife, and a childe.


SECTION XXVIII.

We tooke out of this prize, for our provision, some good quantitie of
this meale, and the sugar shee had, being not above three or foure
chestes: after three dayes we gave the ship to the Portingalls, and to
them libertie. In her was a Portingall knight, which went for governour
of Angola, of the habit of Christ, with fiftie souldiers, and armes for
a hundreth and fiftie, with his wife and daughter. He was old, and
complained, that after many yeares service for his king, with sundry
mishapps, he was brought to that poore estate, as for the relief of his
wife, his daughter, and himselfe, he had no other substance, but that he
had in the ship. It moved compassion, so as nothing of his was
diminished, which though to us was of no great moment, in Angola it was
worth good crownes. Onely we disarmed them all, and let them depart,
saying that they would returne to Saint Vincents.

We continued our course for the Straites, my people much animated with
this unlookt for refreshing, and praised God for his bountie,
providence, and grace extended towards us. Here it will not be out of
the way to speake a word of the particularities of the countrie.


SECTION XXIX.

[The description of Brasill.]

Brasill is accounted to be that part of America, which lyeth towards our
north sea, betwixt the river of the Amazons, neere the lyne to the
northwards, untill a man come to the river of Plate in thirty-six
degrees to the southwards of the lyne.

This coast generally lyeth next of any thing south and by west; it is a
temperate countrie, though in some parts it exceedeth in heat; it is
full of good succors for shipping, [Its havens.] and plentifull for
rivers and fresh waters; the principal habitations are, Farnambuca, the
Bay De todos los Santos, Nostra Senora de Victoria, alias Santos, the
river Ienero, Saint Vincents, and Placentia; every of them provided of a
good port. The winds are variable, but for the most part trade[140]
along the coast.

[Its commodities.]

The commodities this country yeeldeth, are the wood called Brasill,[141]
whereof the best is that of Farnambuc; (so also called, being used in
most rich colours) good cotton-wooll, great store of sugar, balsamon,
and liquid amber.

[Its wants.]

They have want of all maner of cloth, lynnen, and wollen, of iron, and
edge-tools, of copper, and principally in some places, of wax, of wine,
of oyle, and meale (for the country beareth no corne), and of all maner
of haberdashery-wares, for the Indians.

[The bestiall thereof.]

The beasts that naturally breed in this country are, tygers, lyons,
hoggs, dogges, deere, monkeyes, mycos, and conies (like unto ratts, but
bigger, and of a tawney colour), armadilloes, alagartoes, and store of
venemous wormes and serpents, as scorpions, adders, which they call
vinoras; and of them, one kind, which the divine Providence hath created
with a bell upon his head, that wheresoever he goeth, the sound of it
might be heard, and so the serpent shunned; for his stinging is without
remedie. This they call the vynora with the bell; of them there are
many, and great stores of snakes, them of that greatnesse, as to write
the truth, might seeme fabulous.

[The discommodities.]

Another worm there is in this country, which killed many of the first
inhabitants, before God was pleased to discover a remedie for it, unto a
religious person; it is like a magot, but more slender, and longer, and
of a greene colour, with a red head; this worme creepeth in at the
hinder parts, where is the evacuation of our superfluities, and there,
as it were, gleweth himselfe to the gutt, there feedeth of the bloud and
humors, and becommeth so great, that stopping the naturall passage, he
forceth the principall wheele of the clocke of our bodie to stand still,
and with it the accompt of the houres of life to take end, with most
cruell torment and paine, which is such, that he who hath beene
throughly punished with the collique can quickly decipher or
demonstrate. The antidote for this pernicious worme is garlique; and
this was discovered by a physitian to a religious person.


SECTION XXX.

Betwixt twenty-six and twenty-seven degrees neere the [Santa
Catalina.] coast lyeth an iland; the Portingalls call it Santa Catalina,
which is a reasonable harbour, and hath good refreshing of wood, water,
and fruit. It is desolate, and serveth for those who trade from Brasill
to the river of Plate, or from the river to Brasill, as an inne, or
bayting place.[142]

[Variation of the compasse.]

In our navigation towards the Straites, by our observation wee found,
that our compasse varyed a poynt and better to the eastwards. And for
that divers have written curiously and largely of the variation thereof,
I referre them that desire the understanding of it, to the _Discourse_
of Master William Aborrawh, and others; for it is a secret, whose causes
well understood are of greatest moment in all navigations.[143]

In the height of the river of Plate, we being some fiftie leagues off
the coast, a storme took us southerly, which endured fortie-eight
houres.[144] In the first day, about the going downe of the sunne,
Robert Tharlton, master of the _Fancie_, bare up before the wind,
without giving us any token or signe that shee was in distresse. We
seeing her to continue her course, bare up after her, and the night
comming on, we carried our light; but shee never answered us; for they
kept their course directly for England, which [The overthrow
of the voyage.] was the overthrow of the voyage, as well for that we had
no pynace to goe before us, to discover any danger, to seeke out roades
and anchoring, to helpe our watering and refreshing; as also for the
victuals, necessaries, and men which they carryed away with them: which
though they were not many, yet with their helpe in our fight, we had
taken the Vice-Admirall, the first time shee bourded with us, as shall
be hereafter manifested. For once we cleered her decke, and had we beene
able to have spared but a dozen men, doubtlesse we had done with her
what we would; for shee had no close fights.[145]

[The cause.]

Moreover, if shee had beene with me, I had not beene discovered upon
the coast of Perew. But I was worthy to be deceived, that trusted my
ship in the hands of an hypocrite, and a man which had left his generall
before in the [Infidelitie.] like occasion, and in the selfe-same place;
for being with Master Thomas Candish, master of a small ship in the
voyage wherein he dyed, this captaine being aboord the Admirall, in the
night time forsooke his fleet, his generall and captaine, and returned
home.

This bad custome is too much used amongst sea-men, and worthy to be
severely punished; for doubtlesse the not punishing of those offenders
hath beene the prime cause of many lamentable events, losses, and
overthrowes, to the dishonour of our nation, and frustrating of many
good and honourable enterprises.

[Discipline of the Spanish.]

In this poynt of dicipline, the Spaniards doe farre surpasse us; for
whosoever forsaketh his fleete, or commander, is not onely severely
punished, but deprived also of all charge or government for ever after.
This in our countrie is many times neglected; for that there is none to
follow the cause, the principalls being either dead with griefe, or
drowned in the gulfe of povertie, and so not able to wade through with
the burthen of that suite, which in Spaine is prosecuted by the kings
atturney, or fiscall; or at least, a judge appoynted for determining
that cause purposely.

[The only cause of their prosperities.]

Yea, I cannot attribute the good successe the Spaniard hath had in his
voyages and peoplings, to any extraordinary vertue more in him then in
any other man, were not discipline, patience, and justice far superior.
For in valour, experience, and travell, he surpasseth us not; in
shipping, preparation, and plentie of vitualls, hee commeth not neere
us; in paying and rewarding our people, no nation did goe beyond us: but
God, who is a just and bountifull rewarder, regarding obedience farre
above sacrifice, doubtlesse, in recompence of their indurance,
resolution, and subjection to commandment, bestoweth upon them the
blessing due unto it. And this, not for that the Spaniard is of a more
tractable disposition, or more docible nature than wee, but that justice
halteth with us, and so the old proverbe is verified, _Pittie marreth
the whole cittie_.

Thus come we to be deprived of the sweet fruit, which the rod of
dicipline bringeth with it, represented unto us in auncient verses,
which as a relique of experience I have heard in my youth recorded by a
wise man, and a great captaine, thus:

    The rod by power divine, and earthly regall law,
    Makes good men live in peace, and bad to stand in awe:
    For with a severe stroke the bad corrected be,
    Which makes the good to joy such justice for to see;
    The rod of dicipline breeds feare in every part,
    Reward by due desert doth joy and glad the heart.

[The cunning of runnawayes.]

These absentings and escapes are made most times onely to pilfer and
steale, as well by taking of some prise when they are alone, and without
commaund, to hinder or order their bad proceedings, as to appropriate
that which is in their intrusted ship; casting the fault, if they be
called to account, upon some poore and unknowne mariners, whom they
suffer with a little pillage to absent themselves, the cunninglier to
colour their greatest disorders, and robberies.

[And ignoble captaines.]

For doubtlesse, if he would, hee might have come unto us with great
facilitie; because within sixteene houres the storme ceased, and the
winde came fayre, which brought us to the Straites, and dured many days
after with us at north-east. This was good for them, though naught for
us: if he had perished any mast or yard, sprung any leake, wanted
victuals, or instruments for finding us, or had had any other impediment
of importance, hee might have had some colour to cloake his
lewdnes:[146] but his masts and yards being sound, his shippe staunch
and loaden with victuales for two yeares at the least, and having order
from place to place, where to finde us, his intention is easily seene
to bee bad, and his fault such, as worthily deserved to bee made
[Verified at their returne.] exemplary unto others. Which he
manifested at his returne, by his manner of proceeding, making a spoyle
of the prise hee tooke in the way homewards, as also of that which was
in the ship, putting it into a port fit for his purpose, where he might
have time and commodity to doe what hee would.

Wee made account that they had beene swallowed up of the sea, for we
never suspected that anything could make them forsake us; so, we much
lamented them. The storme ceasing, and being out of all hope, we set
sayle and went [Birds like swans.] on our course. During this storme,
certaine great fowles, as big as swannes, soared about us, and the winde
calming, setled themselves in the sea, and fed upon the sweepings of our
ship; which I perceiving, and desirous to see of them, because they
seemed farre [Caught with line and hooke.] greater then in truth they
were, I caused a hooke and lyne to be brought me; and with a peece of a
pilchard I bayted the hook, and a foot from it, tyed a peece of corke,
that it might not sinke deepe, and threw it into the sea, which, our
ship driving with the sea, in a little time was a good space from us,
and one of the fowles being hungry, presently seized upon it, and the
hooke in his upper beake. It is like to a faulcons bill, but that the
poynt is more crooked, in that maner, as by no meanes he could cleare
himselfe, except that the lyne brake, or the hooke righted: plucking him
towards the ship, with the waving of his wings he eased the waight of
his body; and being brought to the sterne of our ship, two of our
company went downe by the ladder of the poope, and seized on his necke
and wings; but such were the blowes he gave them with his pinnions, as
both left their hand-fast, being beaten blacke and blewe; we cast a
snare about his necke, and so tryced him into the ship.

[Prove good refreshment.]

By the same manner of fishing, we caught so many of them, as refreshed
and recreated all my people for that day. Their bodies were great, but
of little flesh and tender; in taste answerable to the food whereon they
feed.[147]

They were of two colours, some white, some gray; they had three joynts
in each wing; and from the poynt of one wing to the poynt of the other,
both stretched out, was above two fathomes.

The wind continued good with us, till we came to forty-nine degrees and
thirty minutes, where it tooke us westerly, being, as we made our
accompt, some fiftie leagues from the shore. Betwixt forty-nine and
forty-eight degrees, is Port Saint Julian, a good harbour, and in which
a man may grave his ship, though shee draw fifteene or sixteene foote
water: but care is to be had of the people called Pentagones. They
[Care of the Pentagones.] are treacherous, and of great
stature, so the most give them the name of gyants.[148]

The second of February, about nine of the clocke in the morning, we
discryed land, which bare south-west of us, which wee looked not for so
timely; and comming neerer and neerer unto it, by the lying, wee could
not conjecture what land it should be; for we were next of anything in
forty-eight degrees, and no platt nor sea-card which we had made mention
of any land which lay in that manner, neere about that height; in fine,
wee brought our lar-bord tacke aboord, and stood to the
north-east-wardes all that day and night, and the winde continuing
westerly and a fayre gale, wee continued our course alongst the coast
the day and night following. In which time wee made accompt we
discoverd well neere threescore leagues of the coast. It is bold, and
made small shew of dangers.

[A description of the unknowne land.]

The land is a goodly champion country, and peopled: we saw many fires,
but could not come to speake with the people; for the time of the yeare
was farre spent, to shoot [A caveat for comming suddenly too
neere an unknowne land.] the Straites, and the want of our pynace
disabled us for finding a port or roade; not being discretion with a
ship of charge, and in an unknowne coast, to come neere the shore before
it was sounded; which were causes, together with the change of winde
(good for us to passe the Straite), that hindered the further discovery
of this land, with its secrets: this I have sorrowed for many times
since, for that it had likelihood to be an excellent country. It hath
great rivers of fresh waters; for the out-shoot of them colours the sea
in many places, as we ran alongst it. It is not mountaynous, but much of
the disposition of England, and as temperate. The things we noted
principally on the coast, are these following; the westermost poynt of
the land, with which we first fell, is the end of the land to the
west-wardes, as we found afterwards. If a man bring this poynt
south-west, it riseth in three mounts, or round hillockes: [Sidenote:
Poynt Tremountaine.] bringing it more westerly, they shoot themselves
all into one; and bringing it easterly, it riseth in two hillocks. This
we call poynt Tremountaine. Some twelve or foureteene leagues from this
poynt to the east-wardes, fayre by the shore, lyeth a low flat iland of
some two [Fayre Iland.] leagues long; we named it Fayre Iland;
for it was all over as greene and smooth, as any meddow in the spring of
the yeare.

Some three or foure leagues easterly from this iland, is a goodly
opening, as of a great river, or an arme of the sea, with a goodly low
countrie adjacent. And eight or tenne leagues from this opening, some
three leagues from the shore, lyeth a bigge rocke, which at the first
wee had thought to be a shippe under all her sayles; but after, as we
came neere, it discovered it selfe to be a rocke, which [Sidenote:
Condite head.] we called _Condite-head_; for that howsoever a man
commeth with it, it is like to the condite heads about the cittie of
London.

All this coast, so farre as wee discovered, lyeth next of any thing east
and by north, and west and by south. The land, for that it was
discovered in the raigne of Queene Elizabeth, my soveraigne lady and
mistres, and a maiden Queene, and at my cost and adventure, in a
perpetuall memory of her chastitie, and remembrance of my endeavours,
[Hawkins maiden-land.] I gave it the name of HAWKINS _maiden-land_.[149]

[Bedds of oreweed with white flowers.]

Before a man fall with this land, some twentie or thirtie leagues, he
shall meete with bedds of oreweed, driving to and fro in that sea, with
white flowers growing upon them, and sometimes farther off; which is a
good show and signe the land is neere, whereof the westermost part lyeth
some threescore leagues from the neerest land of America.

With our fayre and large wind, we shaped our course [Our
comming to the Straites.] for the Straites; and the tenth of February we
had sight of land, and it was the head land of the Straites to the
north-wards, which agreed with our height, wherein we found our selves
to be, which was in fifty two degrees and fortie minutes.

Within a few houres we had the mouth of the Straites open, which lyeth
in fifty-two degrees, and fifty minutes. It riseth like the North
Foreland in Kent, and is much like the land of Margates. It is not good
to borrow neere the shore, but to give it a fayre birth; within a few
houres we entred the mouth of the Straites, which is some six leagues
broad, and lyeth in fifty-two degrees, and fifty minutes: doubling the
poynt on the star-board, which is also flat, of a good birth, we opened
a fayre bay, in which we might discry the hull of a ship beaten upon the
beach. It was of the Spanish fleete, that went to inhabite there, in
anno 1582, under the charge of Pedro Sarmiento,[150] who at his returne
was taken prisoner, and brought into England.

[Pedro Sarmiento buildeth San-Philip.]

In this bay the Spaniards made their principall habitation, and called
it the cittie of Saint Philip, and left it peopled; but the cold
barrennes of the countrie, and the malice of the Indians, with whom they
badly agreed, made speedie end of them, as also of those whom they left
in the middle of the Straites, three leagues from Cape Froward to the
east-wards, in another habitation.

We continued our course alongst this reach (for all the Straites is as a
river altering his course, sometimes upon one poynt, sometimes upon
another) which is some eight leagues long, and lyeth west north-west.
From this we entred into a goodly bay, which runneth up into the land
northerly many leagues; and at first entrance a man may see no other
thing, but as it were a maine sea. From the end of this first reach, you
must direct your course west south-west, and some fourteene or fifteene
leagues lyeth one of the narrowest places of all the Straites; this
leadeth unto another reach, that lyeth west and by north some six
leagues.

Here, in the middle of the reach, the wind tooke us by the north-west,
and so we were forced to anchor some two or three dayes. In which time,
we went a shore with our boates, and found neere the middle of this
reach, on the star-boord side, a reasonable good place to ground and
trimme a small ship, where it higheth some nine or ten foote water. Here
we saw certaine hogges, but they were so farre from us, that wee could
not discerne if they were of those of the countrie, or brought by the
Spaniards; these were all the beasts which we saw in all the time we
were in the Straites.

In two tydes we turned through this reach, and so recovered the ilands
of Pengwins; they lye from this reach [Note.] foure leagues
southwest and by west. Till you come to this place, care is to be taken
of not comming too neere to any poynt of the land: for being, for the
most part, sandie, they have sholding off them, and are somewhat
dangerous. [The ilands of Pengwins.] These ilands have beene
set forth by some to be three; we could discover but two: and they are
no more, except that part of the mayne, which lyeth over against them,
be an iland, which carrieth little likelihood, and I cannot determine
it. A man may sayle betwixt the two ilands, or betwixt them and the land
on the larboord side; from which land to the bigger iland is, as it
were, a bridge or ledge, on which is foure or five fathome water; and to
him that commeth neere it, not knowing thereof, may justly cause feare;
for it showeth to be shold water with his rypling, like unto a
race.[151]

Betwixt the former reach, and these ilands, runneth up a goodly bay into
the country to the north-wards. It causeth a great indraught, and above
these ilands runneth a great tide from the mouth of the Straites to
these ilands; the land on the larboord side is low land and sandy, for
the most part, and without doubt, ilands, for it hath many openings into
the sea, and forcible indraughts by them, and that on the starboord
side, is all high mountaynous land from end to end; but no wood on
eyther side. Before wee passed these ilands, under the lee of the bigger
iland, we anchored, the wind being at north-east, with intent to refresh
ourselves with the fowles of these ilands. [Good provision in
the Straites.] They are of divers sorts, and in great plentie, as
pengwins, wilde duckes, gulles, and gannets; of the principall we
purposed to make provisions, and those were the pengwins; which in
Welsh, as I have beene enformed, signifieth a white head. From which
derivation, and many other Welsh denominations given by the Indians, or
their predecessors, some doe inferre that America was first peopled with
Welsh-men; and Motezanna, king, or rather emperour of Mexico, did
recount unto the Spaniards, at their first comming, that his auncestors
came from a farre countrie, and were white people. Which, conferred with
an auncient cronicle, that I have read many yeares since, may be
conjectured to bee a prince of Wales, who many hundreth yeares since,
with certaine shippes, sayled to the westwards, with intent to make new
discoveries. Hee was never after heard of.

[The description of the pengwin.]

The pengwin is in all proportion like unto a goose, and hath no
feathers, but a certaine doune upon all parts of his body, and therefore
cannot fly, but avayleth himselfe in all occasions with his feete,
running as fast as most men. He liveth in the sea, and on the land;
feedeth on fish in the sea, and as a goose on the shore upon grasse.
They harbour themselves under the ground in burrowes, as the connies,
and in them hatch their young. All parts of the iland where they haunted
were undermined, save onely one valley, which it seemeth they reserved
for their foode; for it was as greene as any medowe in the moneth of
Aprill, with a most fine short grasse. The flesh of these pengwins is
much of the savour of a certaine fowle taken in the ilands of Lundey and
Silley, which wee call puffins: by the tast it is easily discerned that
they feede on fish. They are very fatt, and in dressing must be flead as
the byter; they are reasonable meate, rosted, baked, or sodden, but best
rosted. We salted some dozen or sixteen hogsheads, which served us,
whilest they lasted, in steede of powdred beefe.[152]

[Hunting the pengwin.]

The hunting of them, as we may well terme it, was a great recreation to
my company, and worth the sight, for in determining to catch them,
necessarily was required good store of people, every one with a cudgell
in his hand, to compasse them round about, to bring them, as it were,
into a ring; if they chanced to breake out, then was the sport; for the
ground being undermined, at unawares it fayled, and as they ran after
them, one fell here, another there; another, offering to strike at one,
lifting up his hand, sunke upp to the arme-pits in the earth; another,
leaping to avoyd one hole, fell into another. And after the first
slaughter, in seeing us on the shore, they shunned us, and procured to
recover the sea; yea, many times seeing themselves persecuted, they
would tumble downe from such high rocks and mountaines, as it seemed
impossible to escape with life. Yet as soone as they came to the beach,
presently wee should see them runne into the sea, as though they had no
hurt. Where one goeth, the other followeth, like sheepe after the
bel-wether: but in getting them once within the ring, close together,
few escaped, save such as by chance hid themselves in the borrowes; and
ordinarily there was no drove which yeelded us not a thousand and more:
the maner of killing them which the hunters used, being in a cluster
together, was with their cudgels to knocke them on the head; for though
a man gave them many blowes on the body, they died not; besides, the
flesh bruised is not good to keepe. The massaker ended, presently they
cut off their heads, that they might bleede [The keeping for
store.] well: such as we determined to keepe for store, wee saved in
this maner. First, we split them, and then washed them well in sea
water, then salted them: having layne some sixe howres in salt, wee put
them in presse eight howres, and the blood being soaked out, we salted
them againe in our other caske, as is the custome to salt beefe; after
this maner they continued good some two moneths, and served us in stead
of beefe.

[The gulls.]

The gulls and gannets were not in so great quantitie, yet we wanted not
young gulles to eate all the time of our stay about these ilands. It was
one of the delicatest foodes that I have eaten in all my life.

[Ducks.]

The ducks are different to ours, and nothing so good meate; yet they may
serve for necessitie. They were many, and had a part of the iland to
themselves severall, which was the highest hill, and more then a musket
shott over.

In all the dayes of my life, I have not seene greater art and curiositie
in creatures voyd of reason, then in the placing and making of their
nestes; all the hill being so full of them, that the greatest
mathematician of the world could not devise how to place one more then
there was upon the hill, leaving onely one path-way for a fowle to passe
betwixt.

The hill was all levell, as if it had beene smoothed by art; the nestes
made onely of earth, and seeming to be of the selfe same mould; for the
nests and the soyle is all one, which, with water that they bring in
their beakes, they make into clay, or a certaine dawbe, and after
fashion them round, as with a compasse. In the bottome they containe
the measure of a foote; in the height about eight inches; and in the
toppe, the same quantitie over; there they are hollowed in, somewhat
deepe, wherein they lay their eggs, without other prevention. And I am
of opinion that the sunne helpeth them to hatch their young: their nests
are for many yeares, and of one proportion, not one exceeding another in
bignesse, in height, nor circumference; and in proportionable distance
one from another. In all this hill, nor in any of their nestes, was to
be found a blade of grasse, a straw, a sticke, a feather, a moate, no,
nor the filing of any fowle, but all the nestes and passages betwixt
them, were so smooth and cleane, as if they had beene newly swept and
washed.

All which are motives to prayse and magnifie the universall Creator, who
so wonderfully manifesteth his wisedome, bountie, and providence in all
his creatures, and especially for his particular love to ingratefull
mankinde, for whose contemplation and service he hath made them all.


SECTION XXXI.

[Of seales, or sea-wolves.]

One day, having ended our hunting of pengwins, one of our mariners
walking about the iland, discovered a great company of seales, or
sea-wolves (so called for that they are in the sea, as the wolves on the
land), advising us that he left them sleeping, with their bellies
tosting against the sunne. Wee provided our selves with staves, and
other weapons, and sought to steale upon them at unawares, to surprise
some of them; and comming down the side of a hill, wee were not
discovered, till we were close upon them: notwithstanding, their
sentinell, before we could approach, with a great howle waked them: wee
got betwixt the sea and some of them, but they shunned us not; for they
came directly upon us; and though we dealt here and there a blow, yet
not a man that withstood them, escaped the overthrow. They reckon not of
a musket shott, a sword peirceth not their skinne, and to give a blow
with a staffe, is as to smite upon a stone: onely in giving the blow
upon his snowt, presently he falleth downe dead.

After they had recovered the water, they did, as it were, scorne us,
defie us, and daunced before us, untill we had shot some musket shott
through them, and so they appeared no more.

This fish is like unto a calfe, with foure leggs, but not above a spanne
long: his skinne is hayrie like a calfe; but these were different to all
that ever I have seene, yet I have seene of them in many parts; for
these were greater, and in their former parts like unto lyons, with
shagge hayre, and mostaches.

They live in the sea, and come to sleepe on the land, and they ever have
one that watcheth, who adviseth them of any accident.

They are beneficiall to man in their skinnes for many purposes; in their
mostaches for pick-tooths, and in their fatt to make traine-oyle. This
may suffice for the seale, for that he is well knowne.


SECTION XXXII.

[Devises in sudden accidents.]

One day, our boates being loaden with pengwins, and comming aboord, a
sudden storme tooke them, which together with the fury of the tyde, put
them in such great danger, that although they threw all their loading
into the sea, yet were they forced to goe before the wind and sea, to
save their lives. Which we seeing, and considering that our welfare
depended upon their safetie, being impossible to weigh our anchor,
fastned an emptie barrell well pitched to the end of our cable, in stead
of a boy, and letting it slip, set sayle to succour our boates, which in
short space wee recovered, and after returned to the place where we ryd
before.

The storme ceasing, we used our diligence by all meanes to seeke our
cable and anchor; but the tyde being forcible, and the weeds (as in many
parts of the Straites), so long, that riding in foureteene fathome
water, many times they streamed three and foure fathomes upon the ryme
of the water; these did so inrole our cable, that we could never set eye
of our boy; and to sweepe for him was but lost labour, because of the
weeds, which put us out of hope to recover it.[153]

And so our forcible businesse being ended, leaving instructions for the
_Fancie_ our pynace, according to appointment, where to find us, we
inroled them in many folds of paper, put them into a barrell of an old
musket, and stopped it in such manner as no wett could enter; then
placing it an end upon one of the highest hills, and the most frequented
of all the iland, wee imbarked our selves, and set sayle with the wind
at north-west, which could serve us but to the end of that reach, some
dozen leagues long, and some three or foure leagues broad. It lyeth next
of any thing, till you come to Cape Agreda, south-west; from this Cape
to Cape Froward, the coast lyeth west south-west.

[The second peopling of the Spaniards.]

Some foure leagues betwixt them, was the second peopling of the
Spaniards: and this Cape lyeth in fiftie five degrees and better.

Thwart Cape Froward, the wind larged with us, and we continued our
course towards the iland of Elizabeth; which lyeth from Cape Froward
some foureteene leagues west and by south. This reach is foure or five
leagues broad, and in it are many channells or openings into the sea;
for all the land on the souther part of the Straites are ilands and
broken land; and from the beginning of this reach to the end of the
Straites, high mountaynous land on both sides, in most parts covered
with snow all the yeare long.

Betwixt the iland Elizabeth and the mayne, is the narrowest passage of
all the Straites; it may be some two musket shott from side to
side.[154] From this straite to [Elizabeth bay.] Elizabeth bay
is some foure leagues, and the course lyeth north-west and by west.

This bay is all sandie and cleane ground on the easter part; but before
you come at it, there lyeth a poynt of the shore a good byrth off, which
is dangerous. And in this reach, as in many parts of the Straites,
runneth a quick and forcible tyde. In the bay it higheth eight or nine
foote water. The norther part of the bay hath foule ground, and rockes
under water: and therefore it is not wholesome borrowing of the mayne.
One of master Thomas Candish his pynaces, as I have beene enformed, came
a-ground upon one of them, and he was in hazard to have left her there.

[The river of Ieronimo.]

From Elizabeth bay to the river of Ieronimo, is some five leagues. The
course lyeth west and by north, and west. Here the wind scanted, and
forced us to seek a place to anchor in. Our boates going alongst the
shore, found a reasonable harbour, which is right against that which
they call river Ieronimo; but it is another channell, by which a man may
disemboake the straite, as by the other which is accustomed; for with a
storme, which tooke us one night, suddenly we were forced into that
opening unwittingly; but in the morning, seeing our error, and the wind
larging, with two or three bourds wee turned out into the old channell,
not daring for want of our pynace to attempt any new discoverie.[155]

[Blanches bay.]

This harbour we called Blanches bay: for that it was found by William
Blanch, one of our masters mates. Here having moored our shippe, we
began to make our provision of wood and water, whereof was plentie in
this bay, and in all other places from Pengwin ilands, till within a
dozen leagues of the mouth of the Straites.

Now finding our deckes open, with the long lying under the lyne and on
the coast of Brasill, the sunne having beene in our zenith many times,
we calked our ship within bourd and without, above the decks. And such
was the diligence we used, that at foure dayes end, we had above
threescore pipes of water, and twentie boats of wood stowed in our ship;
no man was idle, nor otherwise busied but in necessary workes: some in
felling and cleaving of wood: some in carrying of water; some in
romaging; some in washing; others in baking; one in heating of pitch;
another in gathering of mussells; no man was exempted, but knew at
evening whereunto he was to betake himselfe the morning following.

[Objection of wast.]

Some man might aske me how we came to have so many emptie caske in lesse
then two moneths; for it seemeth much that so few men in such short
time, and in so long a voyage, should waste so much?

[Answere.]

Whereto I answere, that it came not of excessive expence; for in health
we never exceeded our ordinary; but of a mischance which befell us
unknowne in the iland of Saint James, or Saint Anne, in the coast of
Brasill, where we refreshed our selves, and according to the custome
layd our caske a shore, to trimme it, and after to fill it, the place
being commodious for us. But with the water a certaine worm, called
_broma_ by the Spaniard, and by us _arters_, entred also, which eat it
so full of holes that all the water soaked out, and made much of our
caske of small use. This we remedied the best wee could, and discovered
it long before we came to this place.

[Warning against wormes.]

Hereof let others take warning, in no place to have caske on the shore
where it may be avoyded; for it is one of the provisions which are with
greatest care to be preserved in long voyages, and hardest to be
supplyed. These _arters_ or _broma_, in all hott countries, enter into
the plankes of shippes, and especially where are rivers of fresh water;
for the common opinion is that they are bred in fresh water, and with
the current of the rivers are brought into the sea; but experience
teacheth that they breed in the great seas in all hott clymates,
especially neere the equinoctiall lyne; for lying so long under and
neere the lyne, and towing a shalop at our sterne, comming to clense her
in Brasill, we found her all under water covered with these wormes, as
bigge as the little finger of a man, on the outside of the planke, not
fully covered, but halfe the thicknesse of their bodie, like to a gelly,
wrought into the planke as with a gowdge. And naturall reason, in my
judgement, confirmeth this; for creatures bred and nourished in the sea,
comming into fresh water die; as those actually bred in ponds or fresh
rivers, die presently, if they come into salt water.

But some man may say, this fayleth in some fishes and beasts. Which I
must confesse to be true; but these eyther are part terrestryall, and
part aquatile, as the mare-maide, sea-horse, and other of that kind, or
have their breeding in the fresh, and growth or continuall nourishment
in the salt water, as the salmond, and others of that kinde.

[Sheathing of shippes.]

In little time, if the shippe be not sheathed, they put all in hazard;
for they enter in no bigger then a small Spanish needle, and by little
and little their holes become ordinarily greater then a mans finger.
The thicker the planke is, the greater he groweth; yea, I have seene
many shippes so eaten, that the most of their plankes under water have
beene like honey combes, and especially those betwixt wind and water. If
they had not beene sheathed, it had bin impossible that they could have
swomme. The entring of them is hardly to be discerned, the most of them
being small as the head of a pinne.[156] Which, all such as purpose long
voyages, are to prevent by sheathing their shippes.

And for that I have seene divers manners of sheathing, for the ignorant
I will set them downe which by experience I have found best.

[In Spaine and Portingall.]

In Spaine and Portingall, some sheathe their shippes with lead; which,
besides the cost and waight, although they use the thinnest sheet-lead
that I have seene in any place, yet it is nothing durable, but subject
to many casualties.

[With double plankes.]

Another manner is used with double plankes, as thicke without as within,
after the manner of furring; which is little better then that with lead;
for, besides his waight, it dureth little, because the worme in small
time passeth through the one and the other.

[With canvas.]

A third manner of sheathing hath beene used amongst some with fine
canvas; which is of small continuance, and so not to be regarded.

[With burnt plankes.]

The fourth prevention, which now is most accompted of, is to burne the
utter planke till it come to be in every place like a cole, and after to
pitch it; this is not bad.

[In China with varnish.]

In China, as I have beene enformed, they use a certaine betane or
varnish, in manner of an artificiall pitch, wherewith they trim the
outside of their shippes. It is said to be durable, and of that vertue,
as neither worme nor water peirceth it; neither hath the sunne power
against it.

Some have devised a certaine pitch, mingled with glasse and other
ingredients, beaten into powder, with which if the shippe be pitched, it
is said, the worme that toucheth it dyeth; but I have not heard that it
hath beene useful.

[In England.]

But the most approved of all, is the manner of sheathing used now adayes
in England, with thin bourds, halfe inche thicke; the thinner the
better; and elme better then oake; for it ryveth not, it indureth better
under water, and yeeldeth better to the shippes side.

The invention of the materialles incorporated betwixt the planke and the
sheathing, is that indeed which avayleth; for without it many plankes
were not sufficient to hinder the entrance of this worme; this manner is
thus:

[Best manner of sheathing.]

Before the sheathing board is nayled on, upon the inner side of it they
smere it over with tarre halfe a finger thicke and upon the tarre
another halfe finger thicke of hayre, such as the whitelymers use, and
so nayle it on, the nayles not above a spanne distance one from another;
the thicker they are driven, the better.

Some hold opinion that the tarre killeth the worme; others, that the
worme passing the sheathing, and seeking a way through, the hayre and
the tarre so involve him that he is choked therewith; which me thinkes
is most probable; this manner of sheathing was invented by my father,
and experience hath taught it to be the best and of least cost.[157]


SECTION XXXIII.

Such was the diligence we used for our dispatch to shoot the Straites,
that at foure dayes end, wee had our water and wood stowed in our
shippe, all our copper-worke finished, and our shippe calked from post
to stemme; the first day in the morning, the wind being fayre, we
brought our selves into the channell, and sayled towards the mouth of
the Straites, praising God; and beginning our course with little winde,
we descryed a fire upon the shore, made by the Indians for a signe to
call us; which seene, I caused a boat to be man’de, and we rowed ashore,
to see what their meaning was, and approaching neere the shore, wee saw
a cannoa, made fast under a rocke with a wyth, most artificially made
with the rindes of trees, and sowed together with the finnes of whales;
at both ends sharpe, and turning up, with a greene bough in either end,
and ribbes for strengthening it. After a little while, we might discerne
on the fall of the mountaine (which was full of trees and shrubbes), two
or three Indians naked, which came out of certaine caves or coates. They
spake unto us, and made divers signes; now poynting to the harbour, out
of which we were come, and then to the mouth of the Straites: but we
understood nothing of their meaning. Yet left they us with many
imaginations, suspecting it might be to advise us of our pynace, or some
other thing of moment; but for that they were under covert, and might
worke us some treacherie (for all the people of the Straites, and the
land nere them, use all the villany they can towards white people,
taking them for Spaniards, in revenge of the deceit that nation hath
used towards them upon sundry occasions; as also for that by our stay we
could reape nothing but hinderance of our navigation), wee hasted to our
shippe, and sayled on our course.

[Long Reach.]

From Blanches Bay to long reach, which is some foure leagues, the
course lyeth west south-west entring into the long reach, which is the
last of the Straits, and longest. For it is some thirty-two leagues, and
the course lyeth next of any thing north-west.

Before the setting of the sunne, wee had the mouth of the straits open,
and were in great hope the next day to be in the South sea; but about
seaven of the clocke that night, we saw a great cloud rise out of the
north-east, which began to cast forth great flashes of lightnings, and
sodainely sayling with a fresh gale of wind at north-east, another more
forcible tooke us astayes;[158] which put us in danger; for all our
sayles being a taut, it had like to over-set our ship, before we could
take in our sayles. And therefore in all such semblances it is great
wisedome to carry a short sayle, or to take in all sayles.

[Note.]

Heere we found what the Indians forewarned[159] us of; for they have
great insight in the change of weather, and besides have secret dealings
with the prince of darknesse, who many times declareth unto them things
to come. By this meanes and other witch-crafts, which he teacheth them,
hee possesseth them, and causeth them to doe what pleaseth him.

Within halfe an houre it began to thunder and raine, with so much winde
as wee were forced to lye a hull, and so darke, that we saw nothing but
when the lightning came. This being one of the narrowest reaches of all
the straites, wee were forced, every glasse, to open a little of our
fore-sayle, to cast about our ships head: any man may conceive if the
night seemed long unto us, what desire we had to see the day. In fine,
Phœbus with his beautiful face lightned our hemisphere, and rejoyced
our heartes (having driven above twenty-foure leagues in twelve houres,
lying a hull: whereby is to be imagined the force of the winde and
current.)

We set our fore-sayle, and returned to our former harbour; from whence,
within three or foure dayes, we set sayle againe with a faire winde,
which continued with us till we came within a league of the mouth of the
straite; here the winde tooke us againe contrary, and forced us to
returne againe to our former port; where being ready to anchor, the wind
scanted with us in such maner, as wee were forced to make a bourd. In
which time, the winde and tide put us so farre to lee-wards, that we
could by no meanes seize it: so we determined to goe to Elizabeth bay,
but before we came at it, the night overtooke us; and this reach being
dangerous and narrow, wee durst neither hull, nor trye,[160] or turne to
and againe with a short sayle, and therefore bare alongst in the middest
of the channell, till we were come into the broad reach, then lay a hull
till the morning.

When we set sayle and ran alongst the coast, seeking with our boate some
place to anchor in. Some foure leagues to the west-wards of Cape
Froward, we found a goodly [English bay.] bay, which wee named
English bay; where anchored, we presently went a shore, and found a
goodly river of fresh water, and an old cannoa broken to peeces, and
some two or three of the houses of the Indians, with peeces of seale
stinking ripe. These houses are made in fashion of an oven seven or
eight foote broad, with boughes of trees, and covered with other
boughes, as our summer houses; and doubtles do serve them but for the
summer time, when they come to fish, and profit themselves of the sea.
For they retyre themselves in the winter into the country, where it is
more temperate, and yeeldeth better sustenance: for on the mayne of the
Straits, wee neyther saw beast nor fowle, sea fowle excepted, and a kind
of blacke-bird, and two hoggs towards the beginning of the straites.

Here our ship being well moored, we began to supply our wood and water
that we had spent. Which being a dayes worke, and the winde during many
dayes contrary, [Sloth cause of imagination.] I endevoured to
keepe my people occupied, to divert them from the imagination which some
had conceived, that it behooved we should returne to Brasill, and winter
there, and so shoot the straites in the spring of the yeare.

So one day, we rowed up the river, with our boat and light horseman, to
discover it and the in-land: where having spent a good part of the day,
and finding shold water, and many trees fallen thwart it, and little
fruite of our labour, nor any thing worth the noting, we returned.

Another day we trayned our people a-shore, being a goodly sandie bay;
another, we had a hurling of batchelers against married men. This day we
were busied in wrestling, the other in shooting; so we were never idle,
neyther thought we the time long.


SECTION XXXIV.

After we had past here some seven or eight dayes, one evening, with a
flawe from the shore, our ship drove off into the channell, and before
we could get up our anchor, and set our sayles, we were driven so farre
to lee-wards, that we could not recover into the bay: and night comming
on, with a short sayle, wee beate off and on till the morning. At the
break of the day, conferring with the captaine and master of my ship
what was best to be done, we resolved [Tobias Cove.] to seeke
out Tobias Cove, which lyeth over against Cape Fryo, on the southern
part of the straites, because in all the reaches of the straites, for
the most part, the winde bloweth trade, and therefore little profit to
be made by turning to winde-wards. And from the ilands of the Pengwins
to the ende of the straites towards the South sea, there is no anchoring
in the channell; and if we should be put to lee-wards of this cove, we
had no succour till we came to the ilands of Pengwins: and some of our
company which had bin with master Thomas Candish in the voyage in which
he died, and in the same cove many weekes, undertooke to be our pilots
thither. Whereupon we bare up, being some two leagues thither, having so
much winde as we could scarce lye by it with our course and bonnet of
each; but bearing up before the winde, wee put out our topsayles and
spritsayle, and within a little while the winde [Setting of
the ship upon a rock.] began to fayle us, and immediately our ship gave
a mightie blow upon a rocke, and stucke fast upon it. And had we had but
the fourth part of the wind which we had in all the night past, but a
moment before we strucke the rocke, our shippe, doubtlesse, with the
blow had broken her selfe all to peeces. But our provident and most
gracious God which commaundeth wind and sea, watched over us, and
delivered us with his powerfull hand from the unknowne danger and hidden
destruction, that so we might prayse him for his fatherly bountie and
protection, and with the prophet David say, _Except the Lord, keepe the
cittie, the watch-men watch in vaine_; for if our God had not kept our
shippe, we had bin all swallowed up alive without helpe or redemption;
and therefore he for his mercies sake grant that the memoriall of his
benefits doe never depart from before our eyes, and that we may evermore
prayse him for our wonderfull deliverance, and his continuall providence
by day and by night.

[The company dismayed.]

My company with this accident were much amazed, and not without just
cause. Immediately we used our endevour to free our selves, and with our
boates sounded round about our shippe, in the mean time assaying[161]
our pumpe to know [Diligence to free it.] if our shippe made
more water then her ordinary; we found nothing increased, and round
about our shippe deepe water, saving under the mid-shippe, for shee was
a floate a head and a sterne: and bearing some fathome before the mayne
mast, and in no other part, was like to be our destruction; for being
ebbing water, the waight in the head and sterne by fayling of the water,
began to open her plankes in the middest; and upon the upper decke, they
were gone one from another some two fingers, some more; which we sought
to ease and remedie by lightning of her burden, and throwing into the
sea all that came to hand; and laying out an anchor, we sought to wend
her off:[162] and such was the will and force we put to the capsten and
tackles fastned upon the cable, that we plucked the ring of the anchor
out of the eye, but after recovered it, though not serviceable.

[To the laborious God propitious,]

All our labour was fruitlesse, till God was pleased that the flood came,
and then we had her off with great joy and comfort, when finding the
current favourable with us, we stood over to English bay, and fetching
it, we anchored there, having beene some three houres upon the rocke,
and with the blow, as after we saw when our ship was brought aground in
Perico (which is the port of Panama), a great part of her sheathing was
beaten off on both sides in her bulges,[163] and some foure foote long
and a foote square of her false stemme, joyning to the keele, wrested a
crosse, like unto a hogges yoake, which hindered her sayling very much.

[and therefore praysed.]

Here we gave God prayse for our deliverance, and afterward procured to
supply our wood and water, which we had throwne overbourd to ease our
shippe, which was not much: that supplyed, it pleased God (who is not
ever angry), to looke upon us with comfort, and to send us a fayre and
large wind, and so we set sayle once againe, in hope to disemboke the
straite; but some dozen leagues before we came to the mouth of it, the
wind changed, and forced us to seeke out some cove or bay, with our
boates to ride in neere at hand, that we might not be forced to returne
farre backe into the straites.

They sounded a cove some sixteene leagues from the [Crabby
cove.] mouth of the straite, which after we called Crabby cove. It
brooked its name well for two causes; the one for that all the water was
full of a small kinde of redd crabbes; the other, for the crabbed
mountaines which over-topped it; a third, we might adde, for the crabbed
entertainement it gave us. In this cove we anchored, but the wind
freshing in, and three or foure hilles over-topping, like sugar-loaves,
altered and straightned the passage of the wind in such manner, as
forced it downe with such violence in flawes and furious blusterings, as
was like to over-set our shippe at an anchor, and caused her to drive,
and us to weigh; but before we could weigh it, shee was so neere the
rockes, and the puffes and gusts of wind so sodaine and uncertaine,
sometimes scant, sometimes large, that it forced us to cut our cable,
and yet dangerous if our shippe did not cast the right way. Here
necessitie, not being subject to any law, forced us to put our selves
into the hands of him that was able to deliver us. We cut our cable and
sayle all in one instant; and God, to shew his power and gratious
bountie towardes us, was pleased that our shippe cast the contrary way
towards the shore, seeming that he with his own hand did wend her about;
for in lesse then her length shee flatted,[164] and in all the voyage
but at that instant, shee flatted with difficultie, for that shee was
long, the worst propertie shee had. On either side we might see the
rockes under us, and were not halfe a shippes length from the shore, and
if she had once touched, it had beene impossible to have escaped.

Magnified ever be our Lord God, which delivered Ionas out of the whales
belly; and his apostle Peter from being overwhelmed in the waves; and us
from so certaine perishing.


SECTION XXXV.

From hence we returned to Blanches bay, and there anchored, expecting
Gods good will and pleasure. Here beganne the bitternesse of the time
to increase, with blustering and sharpe winds, accompanied with rayne
and sleeting snow, and my people to be dismayde againe, in manifesting a
desire to returne to Brasill, which I would never consent unto, no, nor
so much as to heare of.[165]

[Voyages overthrowne by pretences.]

And all men are to take care that they go not one foote backe, more then
is of mere force; for I have not seene that any who have yeelded
thereunto, but presently they [Edward Fenton and master Thomas
Candish.] have returned home. As in the voyage of master Edward Fenton,
which the Earle of Cumberland set forth, to his great charge. As also
in that of master Thomas Candish, in which he dyed. Both which pretended
to shoote the Straites of Magelan, and by perswasion of some ignorant
persons, being in good possibilitie, were brought to consent to returne
to Brasill, to winter, and after in the spring to attempt the passing of
the strait againe. None of them made any abode in Brasill; for presently
as soone as they looked homeward, one with a little blustering wind
taketh occasion to loose company; another complaineth that he wanteth
victuals; another, that his ship is leake; another, that his masts,
sayles, or cordidge fayleth him. So the willing never want probable
reasons to further their pretences. As I saw once (being but young, and
more bold then experimented), in anno 1582, in a voyage, under the
[Master William Hawkins.] charge of my uncle, William Hawkins,
of Plimouth, Esquire, in the Indies, at the wester end of the iland of
San Iuan de Portorico. One of the shippes, called the barke _Bonner_,
being somewhat leake, the captaine complained that she was not able to
endure to England; whereupon a counsell was called, and his reasons
heard and allowed. So it was concluded that the victuall, munition, and
what was serviceable, should be taken out of her, and her men devided
amongst our other shippes; the hull remaining to be sunke or burned.

To which I never spake word till I saw it resolved; being my part rather
to learne then to advise. But seeing the fatall sentence given, and
suspecting that the captaine made the matter worse then it was, rather
upon pollicy to come into another ship, which was better of sayle, then
for any danger they might runne into; with as much reason as my
capacitie could reach unto, I disswaded my unkle privately; and urged,
that seeing wee had profited the adventurers nothing, wee should
endevour to preserve our principall, especially having men and
victualls. But seeing I prevayled not, I went further, and offered to
finde out in the same shippe and others, so many men, as with me would
be content to carry her home, giving us the third part of the value of
the ship, as shee should be valued at, at her returne, by foure
indifferent persons; and to leave the vice-admirall which I had under my
charge, and to make her vice-admirall.

Whereupon, it was condescended that we should all goe aboard the shippe,
and that there it should be determined. The captaine thought himselfe
somewhat touched in reputation, and so would not that further triall
should be made of the matter: saying, that if another man was able to
carry the shippe into England, he would in no case leave her; neither
would he forsake her till shee sunke under him.

The generall commended him for his resolution, and thanked me for my
offer, tending to the generall good; my intention being to force those
who for gaine could undertake to carry her home, should also do it
gratis, according to their obligation. Thus, this leake-ship went well
into England; where after shee made many a good voyage in nine yeares,
wherein shee was imployed to and fro; and no doubt would have served
many more, had shee not beene laid up and not used, falling into the
hands of those which knew not the use of shipping. It were large to
recount the voyages and worthy enterprises, overthrowne by this
pollicie, with the shippes which have thereby gone to wracke.


SECTION XXXVI.

[Danger to hearken unto reasons of returne.]

By this and the like experiences, remembring and knowing that if once I
consented to turne but one foote backe, I should overthrow my voyage,
and loose my reputation, I resolved rather to loose my life, then to
give eare to such prejudiciall counsell. And so as the weather gave
leave, we entertained our selves the first dayes in necessary workes,
and after in making of coale (for wood was plentifull, and no man would
commence an action of wast against us), with intent, the wind continuing
long contrary, to see if wee could remedie any of our broken anchors; a
forge I had in my shippe, and of five anchors which we brought out of
England, there remained but one that was serviceable.

In the ilands of Pengwins we lost one; in Crabbe cove, another; of a
third, upon another occasion we broke an arme; and the fourth, on the
rocke had the eye of his ring broken. This, one day devising with my
selfe, I made to serve, without working him a new. Which when I tooke
first in hand, all men thought it ridiculous; but in fine, we made it in
that manner so serviceable, as till our ship came to Callaw, which is
the port of Lyma, shee scarce used any other anchor; and when I came
from Lyma to Panama, which was three yeares after, I saw it serve the
admirall in which I came, (a ship of above five hundreth tunnes),
without other art or addition, then what my owne invention contrived.

[The mending of an unserviceable anchor.]

And for that in the like necessitie or occasion, others may profit
themselves of the industrie, I will recount the manner of the forging
our eye without fire or iron. It was in this sort.

From the eye of the shanke, about the head of the crosse, we gave two
turnes with a new strong halser, betwixt three and foure inches, giving
a reasonable allowance for that, which should be the eye, and served in
stead of the ring; then we fastned the two ends of the halser, so as in
that part it was as strong as in any other, and with our capsten
stretched the two byghtes, that every part might bear proportionably;
then armed we all the halser round about with six yarne synnets, and
likewise the shanke of the anchor, and the head with a smooth matt made
of the same synnet: this done, with an inch rope, wee woolled the two
byghtes to the shanke, from the crosse to the eye, and that also which
was to serve for the ring, and fitted the stocke accordingly. This done,
those who before derided the invention, were of opinion, that it would
serve for a need; onely they put one diffcultie, that with the fall or
pitch of the anchor in hard ground, with his waight he would cut the
halser in sunder on the head; for prevention whereof, we placed a panch,
as the mariners terme it, upon the head of the anchor, with whose
softnesse this danger was prevented, and the anchor past for
serviceable.[166]

[Entertainement of time to avoyd idlenesse,]

Some of our idle time we spent in gathering the barke and fruite of a
certaine tree, which we found in all places of the straites, where we
found trees. This tree carrieth his fruite in clusters like a hawthorne,
but that it is greene, each berry of the bignesse of a pepper corne, and
every of them containing within foure or five graynes, twise as bigge as
a musterd-seed, which broken, are white within, as the good pepper, and
bite much like it, but hotter. The barke of this tree hath the savour of
all kinde of spices together, most comfortable to the stomache, and held
to be better then any spice whatsoever. And for that a learned
country-man of ours, Doctor Turner, hath written of it, by the
[in gathering of Winters barke.] name of _Winters barke_, what
I have said may suffice. The leafe of this tree is of a whitish greene,
and is not unlike to the aspen leafe.[167]

Other whiles we entertained our selves in gathering of pearles out of
mussels, whereof there are aboundance in all places, from Cape Froward
to the end of the straites.

[Of pearles.]

The pearles are but of a bad colour, and small; but it may be that in
the great mussels, in deeper water, the pearles are bigger, and of
greater value; of the small seed pearle, there was great quantitie, and
the mussels were a great refreshing unto us; for they were exceeding
good, and in great plentie. And here let me crave pardon if I erre,
seeing I disclaime from being a naturalist, by delivering my opinion
touching the breeding of these pearles, which I thinke to be of a farre
different nature and qualitie to those found in the East and West
Indies, which are found in oysters; growing in the shell, under the ruff
of the oyster, some say of the dewe, which I hold to be some old
philosophers conceit, for that it cannot bee made probable how the dew
should come into the oyster; and if this were true, then questionlesse,
wee should have them in our oysters as in those of the East and West
Indies; but those oysters were, by the Creator, made to bring foorth
this rare fruite, all their shels being, to looke to, pearle itselfe.
And the other pearles found in our oysters and mussels, in divers
partes, are ingendred out of the fatnesse of the fish, in the very
substance of the fish; so that in some mussels have beene found twenty,
and thirty, in severall partes of the fish, and these not perfect in
colour, nor clearenes, as those found in the pearle-oysters, which are
ever perfect in colour and clearenes, like the sunne in his rising, and
therefore called orientall; and not, as is supposed, because out of the
East, for they are as well found in the West, and no way inferior to
those of the East Indies.

Other fish, besides seales and crabbes, like shrimpes, and one whale,
with two or three porpusses, wee saw not in all the straites. Heere we
made also a survay of our victuals; and opening certaine barrels of
oaten meale, wee found a great part of some of them, as also of our
pipes and fatts[168] of bread, eaten and consumed by the ratts;
doubtlesse, a fift part of my company did not eate so much as these
devoured, as wee found dayly in comming to spend any of our provisions.

[Prevention of ratts.]

When I came to the sea, it was not suspected that I had a ratt in my
shippe; but with the bread in caske, which we transported out of the
_Hawke_, and the going to and againe of our boates unto our prise,
though wee had divers catts and used other preventions, in a small time
they multiplyed in such a maner as is incredible. It is one of the
generall calamities of all long voyages, and would bee carefully
prevented as much as may bee. For besides that which they consume of the
best victuals, they eate the sayles; and neither packe nor chest is free
from their [The calamities they bring to a ship.] surprises. I
have knowne them to make a hole in a pipe of water, and saying the
pumpe, have put all in feare, doubting least some leake had beene sprung
upon the ship.

Moreover, I have heard credible persons report, that shippes have beene
put in danger by them to be sunke, by a hole made in the bulge.[169] All
which is easily remedied at the first, but if once they be somewhat
increased, with difficulty they are to be destroyed. And although I
propounded a reward for every ratt which was taken, and sought meanes by
poyson and other inventions to consume them; yet their increase being so
ordinary and many, wee were not able to cleare our selves from them.


SECTION XXXVII.

At the end of foureteene dayes, one evening, being calme, and a goodly
cleare in the easter-boord, I willed our anchor to be weyed,[170] and
determined to goe into the channell, [Backwardness in the
company,] whereof ensued a murmuring amongst my company, who were
desirous to see the winde setled before we put out of the harbour: and
in part they had reason, considering how wee had beene canvased from
place to place; yet on the other side, if wee went not out before night,
wee should loose the whole nights sayling, and all the time which we
should spend in warping out; which would be, doubtles, a great part of
the fore-noone. And although the master signified unto mee the
disposition of my people, and master Henry Courton (a discreete and
vertuous gentlemen, and my good friend, who in all the voyage was ever
an especial furtherer of all that ever I ordained or proposed), in this
occasion sought to divert me, that all but my selfe were [and
the consequences thereof.] contrarily inclined to that which I thought
fit: and though the common saying be, that it is better to erre with
many, then, all contradicting, alone to hit the right way, yet truth
told mee this proverbe to bee falsely founded; for that it was not to
bee understood, that for erring it is better, but because it is supposed
that by hitting a man shall get emulation of the contradictors: I
encountered it with another, that sayth, better to be envied then
pittied; and well considering, that being out of the harbour, if the
winde took us contrary, to go to Elizabeth bay was better then to bee in
the port; for a man must of force warpe in and out of it, and in the
time that the shippe could be brought foorth into the channell, the
winde being good, a man might come from Elizabeth bay to the port, and
that there we should have the wind first, being more to the east-wardes,
and in an open bay, and moreover might set sayle in the night, if the
wind should rise in the evening or in the night; whereas, in the port,
of force, we must waite the light of the day. I made my selfe deafe to
all murmurings, and caused my commaund to be put in execution, and,
doubtlesse, it was Gods gracious inspiration, as by the event was seene;
for being gotten into the channell, within an houre, the winde came
good, and we sayled merrily on our voyage; and by the breake of the day,
wee had the mouth of the straites open, and about foure of the clocke in
the afternoone, wee were thwart of Cape Desire;[171] which is the
westermost part of the land on the souther side of the straites.


SECTION XXXVIII.

[Advertisements for commanders.]

Here such as have command may behold the many miseries that befall them,
not onely by unexpected accidents and mischances, but also by
contradictions and murmurs of their owne people, of all calamities the
greatest which can befall a man of discretion and valour, and as
difficult to be overcome; for, to require reason of the common sort, is,
as the philosopher sayth, to seeke counsell of a madd man. Herein, as I
sayd before, they resemble a stiffe necked horse, who taking the bridle
in his teeth, carrieth the rider whether he pleaseth; so once possessed
with any imagination, no reason is able to convince them. The best
remedie I can propound, is to wish our nation in this poynt to be well
advised, and in especiall, all those that follow the sea, ever having
before their eyes the auncient discipline of our predecessors; who in
conformitie and obedience to their chiefes and commanders, have beene a
mirror to all other [The advantage of obedience.] nations,
with patience, silence, and suffering, putting in execution what they
have beene commanded, and thereby gained the blessings due to such
vertues, and leaving to posteritie perpetuall memories of their glorious
victories. A just recompence for all such as conquer themselves, and
subject their most specious willes to the will of their superiors.


SECTION XXXIX.

In apprehension whereof at land, I cannot forbeare the discipline
thereof, as at this day, and in the dayes of late memory, it hath beene
practised in the states of Flaunders, Fraunce, and Brittayne; whereas
the Spaniards, Wallons, Switzers, and other nations, are daily full of
murmurings and mutenies, upon every sleight occasion.

The like I also wish should be imitated by those who follow the sea;
that is, that those who are subject to command, presume no further then
to that which belongeth unto them: _Qui nescit parere, nescit imperare_.
I speake this, for that I have sometimes seene unexpert and ignorant
persons, yea, unable to judge of any poynt appertaining to government,
or the guide of a shippe, or company of men, presuming upon their fine
witts, and enamoured of their owne conceits, contradict and dispute
against grave, wise, and experimented governours: many forward fellowes,
thinking themselves better worthie to command, then to [Sidenote:
Advertisements for young servitors.] be commanded. Such persons I advise
not to goe, but where they may command; or els looking before they
leape, to consider well under whom they place themselves, seeing, for
the most part, it is in their choyce to choose a governour from whom
they may expect satisfaction; but choyce being once made, to resolve
with the patient wife in history; that, that day wherein shee married
herselfe to an husband, that very day shee had no longer any will more
then the will of her husband: and so he that by sea or land placeth
himselfe to serve in any action, must make reckoning that the time the
journey endureth, he hath no other will, nor dispose of himselfe, then
that of his commander; for in the governors hand is all power, to
recompence and reward, to punish or forgive.

Likewise those who have charge and command, must sometimes with patience
or sufferance overcome their fury and misconceits, according to
occasions; for it is a great poynt of wisedome, especially in a generall
murmuring, where the cause is just, or that, as often times it
happeneth, any probable accident may divert the minds of the
discontented, and give hope of remedie, or future event may produce
repentance, to turne, as they say, the deafe eare, and to winke at that
a man seeth. As it is sayde of Charles the fifth, emperour of Germany,
and king of Spaine; who rounding his campe, one night, disguised, heard
some souldiers rayle and speake evil of him: those which accompanied him
were of opinion, that he should use some exemplary punishment upon them;
not so, sayth he, for these, now vexed with the miseries they suffer,
ease their hearts with their tongues; but if occasion present it selfe,
they will not sticke to sacrifice their lives for my safetie. A
resolution worthy so prudent a commander, and so magnanimous a prince.

The like is written of Fabius Maximus, the famous Romayne, who endured
the attribute of coward, with many other infamies, rather then he would
hazard the safetie of his countrie by rash and incertaine provocations.

[The patience of the Earle of Nottingham.]

No lesse worthy of perpetuall memory was the prudent pollicie and
government of our English navie, in anno 1588, by the worthy Earle of
Nottingham,[172] lord high admirall of England; who, in like case, with
mature and experimented knowledge, patiently withstood the instigations
of many couragious and noble captaines, who would have perswaded him to
have laid them aboord; but well he foresaw that the enemy had an armie
aboord, he none; that they exceeded him in number of shipping, and those
greater in bulke, stronger built, and higher molded, so that they who
with such advantage fought from above, might easily distresse all
opposition below; the slaughter, peradventure, prooving more fatall then
the victory profitable: by being overthrowne, he might have hazzarded
the kingdome; whereas by the conquest, at most, he could have boasted of
nothing but glorie, and an enemie defeated. But by sufferance, he
alwayes advantaged himselfe of winde and tide; which was the freedome of
our countrey, and securitie of our navie, with the destruction of
theirs, which in the eye of the ignorant, who judge all things by the
externall appearance, seemed invincible; but truely considered, was much
inferior to ours in all things of substance, as the event prooved; for
we sunke, spoyled, and tooke of them many, and they diminished of ours
but one small pynace, nor any man of name, save onely captaine Cocke,
who dyed with honour amidst his company. The greatest dammage, that, as
I remember, they caused to any of our shippes, was to the _Swallow_ of
her majestie, which I had in that action under my charge, with an arrow
of fire shott into her beake-head, which we saw not, because of the
sayle, till it had burned a hole in the nose as bigge as a mans head;
the arrow falling out, and driving alongst by the shippes side, made us
doubt of it, which after we discovered.


SECTION XL.

[Mutenies not alwayes to be winked at.]

In many occasions, notwithstanding, it is most prejudiciall to dissemble
the reprehension and punishment of murmurings and mutterings, when they
carry a likelihood to grow to a mutenie, seeme to leane to a faction, or
that a person of regard or merite favoureth the intention, or
contradicteth the justice, etc., and others of like qualitie. The
prudent governour is to cut off this hydra’s head in the beginning, and
by prevention to provide remedie with expedition; and this sometimes
with absolute authoritie, although the best be ever to proceed by
counsell, if necessitie and occasion require not the contrary; for
passion many times over-ruleth, but that which is sentenced and executed
by consent, is justified, although sometimes erronious.[173] March 29,
1594.


SECTION XLI.

From Cape Desire, some foure leagues north-west, lye foure ilands, which
are very small, and the middlemost of them is of the fashion of a
sugar-loafe. We were no sooner cleare of Cape Desire, and his ledge of
rockes, which lie a great way off into the sea, but the wind took us
contrary by the north-west; and so we stood off into the sea two dayes
and two nights to the west-wards.

In all the straites it ebbeth and floweth more or lesse, and in many
places it higheth very little water; but in some bayes, where are great
indraughts, it higheth eight or ten foote, and doubtlesse further in,
more. If a man be furnished with wood and water, and the winde good, he
may keepe the mayne sea, and goe round about the straites to the
southwards, and it is the shorter way; for besides the experience which
we made, that all the south part of the straites is but ilands, many
times having the sea open, I remember that Sir Francis Drake told me,
that having shott the straites, a storme first tooke him at north-west,
and after vered about to the south-west, which continued with him
[South part of the Straites ilands.] many dayes, with that
extremitie, that he could not open any sayle, and that at the end of the
storme, he found himselfe in fiftie degrees;[174] which was sufficient
testimony and proofe, that he was beaten round about the straites: for
the least height of the straites is in fifty two degrees and fiftie
minutes; in which stands the two entrances or mouths.

And moreover, he said, that standing about, when the winde changed, he
was not well able to double the southermost iland, and so anchored under
the lee of it; and going a-shore, carried a compasse with him, and
seeking out [Sir Francis Drake imbraceth the southermost point
of the world.] the southermost part of the iland, cast himselfe downe
upon the uttermost poynt, grovelling, and so reached out his bodie over
it. Presently he imbarked, and then recounted unto his people that he
had beene upon the southermost knowne land in the world, and more
farther to the southwards upon it then any of them, yea, or any man as
yet knowne. These testimonies may suffice for this truth unto all, but
such as are incredulous, and will beleeve nothing but what they see: for
my part, I am of opinion, that the straite is navigable all the yeare
long, although the best time be in November, December, and January, and
then the winds more favourable, which other times are variable, as in
all narrow seas.[175]

Being some fiftie leagues a sea-boord the straites, the winde vering to
the west-wards, we cast about to the north-wards, and lying the coast
along, shaped our course [Mocha.] for the iland Mocha. About the
fifteenth of April, we [Baldivia.] were thwart of Baldivia, which was
then in the hands of the Spaniards, but since the Indians, in anno 1599,
dispossessed them of it, and the Conception; which are two of the most
principall places they had in that kingdome, and both ports.

Baldivia had its name of a Spanish captaine so called, whom afterwards
the Indians tooke prisoner, and it is said, they required of him the
reason why he came to molest them and to take their country from them,
having no title nor right thereunto; he answered, to get gold: which the
barbarous understanding, caused gold to be molten, and powred down his
throat, saying, Gold was thy desire, glut thee with it.

It standeth in fortie degrees, hath a pleasant river and navigable, for
a ship of good burden may goe as high up as the cittie; and is a goodly
woody country.

Here our beefe beganne to take end, and was then as good as the day wee
departed from England; it was preserved in pickell, which, though it be
more chargeable, yet the profit payeth the charge, in that it is made
more durable, contrary to the opinion of many, which hold it impossible
that beefe should be kept good passing the equinoctiall lyne. And of our
porke I eate in the house of Don Beltran de Castro, in Lyma, neere foure
yeares old, very good, preserved after the same manner, notwithstanding
it had lost his pickle long before.

Some degrees before a man come to Baldivia to the southwards, as
Spaniards have told me, lyeth the iland Chule,[176] not easily to be
discerned from the mayne; for he that passeth by it, cannot but thinke
it to be the mayne. It is said to be inhabited by the Spaniards, but
badly, yet rich of gold.

The 19th of April, being Easter-even, we anchored under the iland Mocha.
It lyeth in thirty-nine degrees, it may be some foure leagues over, and
is a high mountainous hill, but round about the foote thereof, some
halfe league from the sea-shore, it is champion ground, well inhabited,
and manured.

From the straites to this iland, we found that either the coast is set
out more westerly then it is, or that we had a great current, which put
us to the west-wards: for we had not sight of land in three dayes after.
Our reckoning was to see it, but for that we coasted not the land I
cannot determine, whether it was caused by the current, or lying of the
land. But Spaniards which have sayled alongst it, have told me that it
is a bold and safe coast, and reasonable sounding off it.

In this iland of Mocha we had communication and contratation[177] with
the inhabitants, but with great vigilancie and care; for they and all
the people of Chily are mortall enemies to the Spaniards, and held us to
be of them; and so esteemed Sir Francis Drake when he was in this iland,
which was the first land also that he touched on this coast. They used
him with so fine a trechery, that they possessed themselves of all the
oares in his boate, saving two, and in striving to get them also, they
slew and hurt all his men: himselfe, who had fewest wounds, had three,
and two of them in the head. Two of his company which lived long after,
had, the one seaventeene (his name was John Bruer, who afterward was
pilot with master Candish), and the other above twentie, a
negroe-servant to Sir Francis Drake.

[Trechery of the Indians.]

And with me they used a pollicie, which amongst barbarous people was not
to be imagined, although I wrought sure; for I suffered none to treate
with me nor with my people with armes. We were armed, and met upon a
rock compassed with water, whether they came to parley and negotiate.
Being in communication with the casiques and others, many of the Indians
came to the heads of our boates, and some went into them. Certaine of my
people standing to defend the boates with their oares, for that there
went a bad sege, were forced to lay downe their musketts; which the
Indians perceiving, endevoured to fill the barrells with water, taking
it out of the sea in the hollow of their hands. By chance casting mine
eye aside, I discovered their slynesse, and with a truncheon, which I
had in mine hand, gave the Indians three or foure good lamskinnes:[178]
the casiques seeing it, began to give me satisfaction, by using rigor
towardes those which had beene in the boates; but I having gotten the
refreshing I desired, and all I could hope from them, would have no
further conversation with them. At our first comming, two of their
casiques, who are their lords or kings, came aboord our shippe (we
leaving one of our company ashore as a pledge), whom we feasted in good
manner; they eat well of all that was set before them, and dranke better
of our wine: one of them became a little giddie headed, and marvayled
much at our artillery: I caused a peece to be primed, and after to be
shott off, whereat the one started, but the other made no shew of
alteration. After putting them ashore, loaden with toyes and trifles,
which to them seemed great riches; from all parts of the iland the
people came unto us, bringing all such things as they had, to wit,
sheepe, cockes, etc. (from hennes they would not part), and [Sidenote:
Exchanges of trifles.] divers sorts of fruits and rootes, which they
exchanged with us for knives, glasses, combes, belles, beades,
counters, pinnes, and other trifles. We saw little demonstration of gold
or silver amongst them, though some they had; and for that we saw they
made estimation of it, we would not make reckoning of it: but they gave
us to understand that they had it from the mayne.

[Of sheepe.]

The sheepe of this iland are great, good, and fatt; I have not tasted
better mutton any where. They were as ours, and doubtlesse of the breed
of those which the Spaniards brought into the country. Of the sheepe of
the country we could by no meanes procure any one, although we saw of
them, and used meanes to have had of them; for they esteem them much, as
reason willeth, serving them for many uses; as in another place, God
willing, I shall declare more at large. They have small store of fish.

This iland is scituate in the province of Arawca,[179] and is held to be
peopled with the most valiant nation in all Chily, though generally the
inhabitants of that kingdome are very couragious.

[Their apparell,]

They are clothed after the manner of antiquitie, all of woollen; their
cassockes made like a sacke, square, with two holes for the two armes,
and one for the head, all open below, without lining or other art: but
of them some are most curiously wooven, and in colours, and on both
sides alike.

[and housing.]

Their houses are made round, in fashion like unto our pigeon houses,
with a laver[180] in the toppe, to evacuate the smoake when they make
fire.

They brought us a strange kinde of tobacco, made into little cakes, like
pitch, of a bad smell, with holes through the middle, and so laced many
upon a string. They presented us also with two Spanish letters, thinking
us to be Spaniards, which were written by a captaine of a frigate, that
some dayes before had received courtesie at their hands, and signified
the same to the governour; wishing that the people of the iland would
become good subjects to the king, and that therefore he would receive
them into his favour and protection, and send them some person as
governour; but none of them spake Spanish, and so we [People
of Chily]. dealt with them by signes. The people of this iland, as of
all Chily,[181] are of good stature, and well made, and of better
countenance then those Indians which I have seene in many parts. They
are of good understanding, and agilitie, and [Their weapons.]
of great strength. Their weapons are bowes and arrowes, and macanas:
their bowes short and strong, and their arrowes of a small reede or
cane, three quarters of a yard long, with two feathers, and headed with
a flint stone, which is loose, and hurting, the head remaining in the
wound; some are headed with bone, and some with hard wood, halfe burnt
in the fire. Wee came betwixt the iland and the mayne. On the south-west
part of the iland lyeth a great ledge of rockes, which are dangerous;
and it is good to bee carefull how to come too neere the iland on all
parts.

[Their hate to the Spaniards.]

Immediately when they discovered us, both upon the iland and the maine,
wee might see them make sundry great fires, which were to give advise to
the rest of the people to be in a readinesse: for they have continuall
and mortall warre with the Spaniards, and the shippes they see they
beleeve to be their enemies. The citie imperiall lyeth over against this
iland, but eight or tenne leagues into the countrey: for all the sea
coast from Baldivia till thirty-six degrees, the Indians have now, in a
manner, in their hands free from any Spaniards.


SECTION XLII.

Having refreshed our selves well in this iland, for that little time wee
stayed, which was some three dayes, wee set sayle with great joy, and
with a fayre winde sayled alongst the coast; and some eight leagues to
the northwards, we anchored againe in a goodly bay, and sent our boates
ashore, with desire to speake with some of the Indians of Arawca, and to
see if they would be content to entertaine amitie, or to chop and change
with us. But all that night and the next morning appeared not one
person, and so wee set sayle againe; and towardes the evening the winde
began to change, and to blow contrary, and that so much, and the sea to
rise so sodainely, that we could not [A cruel storme.] take in
our boates without spoyling of them. This storme continued with us ten
dayes, beyond expectation, for that wee thought our selves out of the
climate of fowle weather; but truely it was one of the sharpest stormes
that ever I felt to endure so long.

In this storme, one night haling up our boates to free the water out of
them, one of our younkers that went into them for that purpose, had not
that regard, which reason required, unto our light horseman: for with
haling her [The important losse of a small vessell.] up to
step into her out of the boate, he split her asunder, and so we were
forced to cut her off; which was no small heartes grief unto me, for
that I knew, and all my company felt, and many times lamented, the losse
of her.[182]

The storme tooke end, and wee shaped our course for [Saint Maries.] the
iland of Saint Maries, which lyeth in thirtie seaven degrees and forty
minuts; and before you come unto the iland some two leagues, in the
trade way lyeth a rocke, which, a farre off, seemeth to be a shippe
under sayle. This iland is little and low, but fertill and well peopled,
with Indians and some few Spaniards in it. Some ten leagues to the
north-wards of this iland, lyeth the citty Conception, [Citty of
Conception.] with a good port; from this we coasted alongst till wee
came in thirty-three degrees and forty minutes. In which [Iuan
Fernandes.] height lay the ilands of Iuan Fernandes, betwixt threescore
and fourescore leagues from the shore, plentiful of fish, and good for
refreshing. I purposed for many reasons not to [Good to avoid
discovery.] discover my selfe upon this coast, till wee were past Lyma
(otherwise called Cividad de Los Reyes, for that it was entered by the
Spaniard the day of the three kings); but my company urged me so farre,
that except I should seem in all things to over-beare them, in not
condescending to that which in the opinion of all, but my selfe, seemed
profitable and best, I could not but yeelde unto, though it carried a
false colour, as the ende prooved, for it was our perdition. This all my
company knoweth to be true, whereof some are yet living and can give
testimonie.

[Wilfulnesse of mariners]

But the mariner is ordinarily so carried away with the desire of
pillage, as sometimes for very appearances of small moment hee looseth
his voyage, and many times himselfe. And so the greedines of spoyle,
onely hoped for in shippes of trade, which goe too and fro in this
coast, blinded them from forecasting the perill whereinto wee exposed
our voyage, in discovering our selves before we past the coast of
Callao, which is the port of Lyma. To be short, wee haled the coast
aboord, and that evening we discovered the port of Balparizo,[183] which
serveth the citty of Saint Iago, standing some twenty leagues into the
countrey; when presently [They seize upon four ships.] we
descried foure shippes at an anchor: whereupon wee manned and armed our
boate, which rowed towards the shippes: they seeing us turning in, and
fearing that which was, ran a shore with that little they could save,
and leaft us the rest; whereof we were masters in a moment, and had the
rifling of all the storehouses on the shoare.

This night I set a good guard in all the shippes, longing to see the
light of the next morning to put all things in order; which appearing, I
began to survay them, and found nothing of moment, saving five hundred
botozios[184] of wine, two or three thousand of hennes, and some
refreshing of bread, bacon, dried beefe, waxe, candles, and other
necessaries. The rest of their lading was plankes, spares, and timber,
for Lyma, and the valleyes, which is a rich trade; for it hath no timber
but that which is brought to it from other places. They had also many
packes of Indian mantles, but of no value unto us, with much tallow, and
manteca de puerco,[185] and aboundance of great new chests, in which wee
had thought to be some great masse of wealth, but opening them, found
nothing but apples therein; all which was good marchandize in Lyma, but
to [And the warehouses.] us of small accompt. The marchandize
on shore in their store-houses was the like, and therefore in the same
predicament. The owners of the shippes gave us to understand that at a
reasonable price they would redeeme their shippes and loading, which I
hearkened unto; and so admitted certaine persons which might treat of
the matter, and concluded with them for a small price rather then to
burne them, saving for the greatest, which I carryed with me, more to
give satisfaction to my people then for any other respect; because they
would not be perswaded but that there was much gold hidden in her;
otherwise shee would have yeelded us more then the other three.

[They seize upon another ship,]

Being in this treatie, one morning at the breake of day came another
shippe touring into the harbour, and standing into the shore, but was
becalmed. Against her wee manned a couple of boates, and tooke her
before many houres. In this shippe we had some good quantitie of
[and some gold.] gold, which shee had gathered in Baldivia,
and the Conception, from whence shee came. Of this shippe was pilot and
part owner, Alonso Perezbueno, whom we kept for our pilot on this coast;
till moved with compassion (for that he was a man charged with wife and
children), we set him ashore betwixt Santa and Truxillo. Out of this
shippe we had also store of good bacon, and some provision of bread,
hennes, and other victuall. And for that shee had brought us so good a
portion, and her owner continued with us, the better to animate him to
play the honest man (though we trusted him no further then we saw him,
for we presently discovered him to be a cunning fellow), and for that
his other partner had lost the greatest part of gold, and seemed to be
an honest man, as after he prooved by his thankfulnesse in Lyma, we gave
them the ship and the greatest part of her loading freely.

[Light anchors brought from the North sea.]

Here we supplied our want of anchors, though not according to that which
was requisite in regard of the burden of our shippe; for in the South
sea, the greatest anchor for a shippe of sixe or eight hundreth tunnes,
is not a thousand waight; partly, because it is little subject to
stormes, and partly, because those they had till our comming, were all
brought out of the North sea by land; for [And the first
artillerie.] they make no anchors in those countries. And the first
artillerie they had was also brought over land, which was small; the
carriage and passage from Nombre de Dios, or Porto Velo to Panama, being
most difficult and steepe, up hill and downe hill, they are all carried
upon negroes backes.

But some years before my imprisonment, they fell to making of artillery,
and, since, they forge anchors also. [Sayles of cotton cloth.]
Wee furnished our shippe also with a shift of sayles of cotton cloth,
which are farre better in that sea then any of our double sayles; for
that in all the navigation of that sea they have little rayne and few
stormes; but where rayne and stormes are ordinary, they are not good;
for with the wett they grow so stiffe they cannot be handled.


SECTION XLIII.

I concluded the ransome of the shippes with an auncient captaine, and of
noble blood, who had his daughter there, ready to be imbarked to go to
Lyma, to serve Donia Teruza de Castro, the viceroyes wife, and sister to
Don Beltran de Castro. Her apparell and his, with divers other things
which they had imbarked in the greatest shippe, we restored, for the
good office he did us, and the confidence he had of us, comming and
going onely upon my word; for which he was after ever thankefull, and
deserved much more.

Another that treated with me was Captaine Iuan Contreres, owner of one
of the shippes, and of the iland Santa Maria, in thirtie-seaven degrees
and fortie minutes. In treating of the ransomes, and transporting and
lading the provisions we made choyce of, wee spent some sixe or eight
dayes; at the end whereof, with reputation amongst our enemies, and a
good portion towards our charges, and our shippe as well stored and
victualled as the day we departed from England, we set sayle.

[They depart from Lyma,]

The time wee were in this port, I tooke small rest, and so did the
master of our shippe, Hugh Cornish, a most carefull, orderly, and
sufficient man, because we knew our owne weaknesse; for entring into the
harbour, we had but seaventie five men and boyes, five shippes to guard,
and every one moored by himselfe; which, no doubt, if our [and
conceale their weaknes.] enemies had knowne, they would have wrought
some stratagem upon us; for the governour of Chily was there on shore in
view of us, an auncient Flanders soldier, and of experience, wisedome,
and valour, called Don Alonso de Soto Mayor, of the habit of Saint Iago,
who was after captaine generall in Terra Firme, and wrought all the
inventions upon the river of Chagree, and on the shore, when Sir
Francis Drake purposed to goe to Panama, in the voyage wherein he died;
as also, at my comming into Spaine, he was president in Panama, and
there, and in Lyma, used [The nobleness of Alonso de Soto.] me
with great courtesie, like a noble souldier and liberall gentleman. He
confessed to me after, that he lay in ambush with three hundreth horse
and foote, to see if at any time wee had landed or neglected our watch,
with balsas, (which is a certaine raffe made of mastes or trees fastened
together), to have attempted something against us. But [The
enemy less dangerous then the wine.] the enemy I feared not so much as
the wine; which, notwithstanding all the diligence and prevention I
could use day and night, overthrew many of my people. A foule fault,
because too common amongst sea-men, and deserveth some rigorous
punishment, with severitie to be executed; for it hath beene, and is
daily, the destruction of many good enterprises, amidst their best
hopes. And besides the ordinary fruites it bringeth forth, of beggery,
shame, and sicknesse, it is a most deadly sinne. A drunkard is unfit for
any government, and if I might be hired with many thousands, I would not
carry with me a man known to put his felicitie in that vice, instiling
it with the name of good fellowship; which in most well governed
common-wealths, hath beene a sufficient blemish to deprive a man of
office, of honour, and estimation. It wasteth our kingdome more then is
well understood, as well by the infirmities it causeth, as by the
consumption of wealth, to the impoverishing of us, and the enriching of
other kingdomes.

[Spanish wines and burning feavers unknowne in England.]

And though I am not old, in comparison of other auncient men, I can
remember Spanish wine rarely to be found in this kingdome. Then hot
burning feavers were not knowne in England, and men lived many moe
yeares. But since the Spanish sacks have beene common in our tavernes,
which, for conservation, is mingled with lyme[186] in its making, our
nation complaineth of calenturas, of the stone, the dropsie, and
infinite other diseases, not heard of before this wine came in frequent
use, or but very seldome. To confirme which my beliefe, I have heard one
of our learnedst physitians affirme, that he thought there died more
persons in England of drinking wine and using hot spices in their meats
and drinkes, then of all other [And consumeth treasure.]
diseases. Besides there is no yeare in which it wasteth not two millions
of crownes of our substance, by convayance into forraine countries;
which in so well a governed common-wealth as ours is acknowledged to be
through the whole world, in all other constitutions, in this onely
remaineth to be looked into and remedied. Doubtlesse, whosoever should
be the author of this reformation, would gaine with God an everlasting
reward, and of his country a statua of gold, for a perpetuall memory of
so meritorious a worke.


SECTION XLIV.

[Description of the bay.]

A league or better before a man discover this baye to the south-wards,
lyeth a great rocke, or small iland, neere the shore; under which, for a
need, a man may ride with his shippe. It is a good marke, and sure signe
of the port, and discovering the bay a man must give a good birth to the
poynt of the harbour; for it hath perilous rockes lying a good distance
off. It neither ebbeth nor floweth in this port, nor from this till a
man come to Guayaquill, which is three degrees from the equinoctiall
lyne to the south-wards. Let this be considered. It is a good harbour
for all windes that partake not of the north; for it runneth up south
and by west, and south south-west, but it hath much fowle ground.

[A new devise for stopping a leake without board.]

In one of these shippes we found a new devise for the stopping of a
sodaine leake in a shippe under water, without board, when a man cannot
come to it within board; which eased us of one that we had from the day
we departed from Detford, caused by the touching a-ground of our shippe
at low water, being loaden and in the neap streames, comming a-ground in
the sterne, the force of the tyde caused to cast thwart, wrested her
slegg, and that in such sort, as it made a continuall leake, though not
much. And for that others may profit themselves of the like, I thinke it
good to set downe the manner of it: which was, taking a round wicker
basket, and to fill it with peeces of a junke or rope, chopped very
small, and of an inch long, and after tozed all as oacombe;[187] then
the basket is to be covered with a nett, the meshes of it being at the
least two inches square, and after to be tied to a long pike or pole,
which is to goe a crosse the baskets mouth; and putting it under water,
care is to be had to keepe the baskets mouth towardes the shippes side.
If the leake be any thing great, the oacombe may be somewhat longer, and
it carrieth likelihood to doe good, and seemeth to be better then the
stitching of a bonnet, or any other diligence which as yet I have seene.

[Spare rudders.]

Another thing I noted of these shippes, which would be also used by us;
that every shippe carrieth with her a spare rudder, and they have them
to hange and unhange with great facilitie: and besides, in some parts of
the shippe they have the length, breadth, and proportion of the rudder
marked out, for any mischance that may befall them; which is a very good
prevention.[188]

Tenne leagues to the north-wards of this harbour, is the [Bay
of Quintera.] bay of Quintera, where is good anchoring, but an open bay;
where master Thomas Candish (for the good he had done to a Spaniard, in
bringing him out of the Straits of [_Nota verum hispanum._]
Magellan, where, otherwise, he had perished with his company),[189] was
by him betrayed, and a dozen of his men taken and slaine. But the
judgement of God left not his ingratitude unpunished; for in the fight
with us, in the vice-admirall, he was wounded and maymed in that manner,
as, three yeares after, I saw him begge with crutches, and in that
miserable estate, as he had beene better dead then alive.

[Coquinbo.]

From Balparizo wee sailed directly to Coquinbo,[190] which is in thirtie
degrees; and comming thwart the place, wee were becalmed, and had sight
of a shippe: but for that shee was farre off, and night at hand, shee
got from us, and wee having winde, entered the port, thinking to have
had some shipping in it; but we lost our labour: and for that the towne
was halfe a league upp in the countrey, and wee not manned for any
matter of attempt, worthy prosecution, we made no abode on the shore,
but presently set sayle for the Peru. This is the best harbour that I
have seene in the South sea, it is land-locked for all winds, and
capeable of many shippes; but the ordinary place where the shippes lade
and unlade, and accommodate themselves, is betwixt a rocke and the mayne
on the wester side, some halfe a league up within the entrance of the
port, which lyeth south and south, and by east and north, and by west.

In the in-country, directly over the port, is a round piked hill, like a
sugar loafe, and before the entrance on the southern poynt of the port,
comming in out of the sea, is a great rocke, a good birth from the
shore; and these are the markes of the port as I remember.

[Arica in Chily much commended.]

Being cleere of this port, wee shaped our course for Arica, and leaft
the kingdomes of Chily, one of the best countries that the sunne shineth
on; for it is of a temperate clymate, and abounding in all things
necessary for the use of man, with infinite rich mines of gold, copper,
and sundry other mettals.[191]

The poorest houses in it, by report of their inhabitants, have of their
owne store, bread, wine, flesh, and fruite; which is so plentifull, that
of their superfluitie they supply other partes. Sundry kindes of
cattell, as horses, goates, and oxen, brought thither by the Spaniards,
are found in [For all sorts of fruits.] heardes of thousands,
wilde and without owner; besides those of the countrey, which are common
to most partes of America: in some of which are found the bezar stones,
and those very good and great.

Amongst others, they have little beastes like unto a squirrell, but that
hee is gray; his skinne is the most delicate, soft, and curious furre
that I have seene, and of much estimation (as is of reason) in the Peru;
few of them come into Spaine, because difficult to be come by; for that
the princes and nobles laie waite for them. They call this beast
_chinchilla_, and of them they have great abundance.

All fruites of Spaine they have in great plentie, saving stone fruite
and almonds; for in no part of the Indies have I knowne that plumbes,
cherries, or almondes have borne fruit: but they have certaine little
round cocos, as those of Brasill, of the bignesse of a wall-nut, which
is as good as an almond; besides it hath most of the fruites naturall to
America, of which in another place I shall, God willing, speake
particularly.

[And plenty of gold.]

The gold they gather is in two manners: the one is washing the earth in
great trayes of wood in many waters. as the earth washeth away, the gold
in the bottome remaineth. The other is, by force of art to draw it out
of the mynes, in which they finde it. In most partes of the countrie,
the earth is mingled with gold; for the butizias, in which the wine was,
which wee found in Balparizo, had many sparkes of gold shining in them.
Of it the goldsmiths I carryed with me, for like purposes, made
experience.

When Baldivia and Arawca were peaceable, they yeelded greatest plentie,
and the best: but now, their greatest mynes are in Coquinbo, as also the
mines of copper, which they carry to the Peru, and sell it better cheape
then it is ordinarily sold in Spaine.

[The Indians forbid the search of gold.]

The Indians knowing the end of the Spaniards molestation to be
principally the desire of their riches, have enacted, that no man, upon
paine of death, doe gather any gold.

[Every showre a showre of gold.]

In Coquinbo it rayneth seldome, but every shower of rayne is a shower of
gold unto them; for with the violence of the water falling from the
mountaines, it bringeth from them the gold; and besides, gives them
water to wash it out, as also for their ingenious to worke; so that
ordinarily every weeke they have processions for rayne.

[Linnen and woollen cloth made in Coquinbo.]

In this kingdome they make much linnen and woollen cloth, and great
store of Indian mantles, with which they furnish other partes; but all
is course stuffe. It hath no silke, nor iron, except in mynes, and those
as yet not discovered. Pewter is well esteemed, and so are fine linnen,
woollen cloth, haberdashers wares, edge tooles, and armes, or munition.

It hath his governour, and _audiencia_, with two bishoppes: the one of
Saint Iago, the other of the Imperiall; all under the vice-roy,
_audiencia_, and primate of Lyma. Saint Iago is the metropolitan and
head of the kingdome, and the seate of justice, which hath its
appellation to Lyma.

[The valour of the Arawcans.]

The people are industrious and ingenious, of great strength, and
invincible courage; as in the warres, which they have susteyned above
fortie yeares continually against the Spaniards, hath beene experienced.
For confirmation whereof, I will alledge onely two proofes of many; the
one was of an Indian captaine taken prisoner by the Spaniards; and for
that he was of name, and knowne to have done his devoire against them,
they cut off his hands, thereby intending to disenable him to fight any
more against them: but he returning home, desirous to revenge this
injury, to maintaine his libertie, with the reputation of his nation,
and to helpe to banish the Spaniard, with his tongue intreated and
incited them to persevere in their accustomed valour and reputation;
abasing the enemy, and advancing his nation; condemning their contraries
of cowardlinesse, and confirming it by the crueltie used with him, and
others his companions in their mishaps; shewing them his armes without
hands, and naming his brethren whose halfe feete they had cut off,
because they might be unable to sit on horsebacke: with force arguing,
that if they feared them not, they would not have used so great
inhumanitie; for feare produceth crueltie, the companion of cowardize.
Thus incouraged he them to fight for their lives, limbes, and libertie,
choosing rather to die an honourable death fighting, then to live in
servitude, as fruitlesse members in their common-wealth. Thus, using the
office of a sergeant major, and having loaden his two stumpes with
bundles of arrowes, succoured those who in the succeeding battaile had
their store wasted, and changing himselfe from place to place, animated
and encouraged his countri-men with such comfortable perswasions, as it
is reported, and credibly beleeved, that he did much more good with his
words and presence, without striking a stroake, then a great part of the
armie did with fighting to the utmost.[192]

The other proofe is, that such of them as fight on horsebacke, are but
slightly armed, for that their armour is a beasts hide, fitted to their
bodie greene, and after worne till it be dry and hard. He that is best
armed, hath him double; yet any one of them with these armes, and with
his launce, will fight hand to hand with any Spaniard armed from head to
foote. And it is credibly reported, that an Indian being wounded through
the body by a Spaniards launce, with his owne hands hath crept on upon
the launce, and come to grapple with his adversary, and both fallen to
the ground together. By which is seene their resolution and invincible
courage, and the desire they have to maintaine their reputation and
libertie.


SECTION XLV.

Leaving the coast of Chily, and running towards that of Peru, my company
required the third of the gold we had gotten, which of right belonged
unto them; wherein I desired to give them satisfaction of my just
intention, but not to devide it till we came home, and so perswaded them
with the best reasons I could; alledging the difficultie to devide the
barres, and being parted, how easie it was to be robbed of them, and
that many would play away their portions, and come home as beggerly as
they came out; and that the shares could not be well made before our
returne to England, because every mans merites could not be discerned
nor rewarded till the end of the voyage. In conclusion, it was resolved,
and agreed, that the things of price, as gold and silver, should be put
into chests with three keyes, whereof I should have the one, the master
another, and the third, some other person whom they should name. This
they yeelded unto with great difficultie, and not without reason; for
the bad correspondence used by many captaines and owners with their
companies upon their returne, defrauding them, or diminishing their
rights, hath hatched many jealousies, and produced many disorders, with
the overthrow of all good discipline and government, as experience
teacheth; for where the souldier and mariner is unpaide, or defrauded,
what service or obedience can be required at his hands?

[Most men unwilling to follow covetous commanders.]

The covetous captaine or commander looseth the love of those under his
charge: yea, though he have all the parts besides required in a perfect
commander, yet if he preferre his private profite before justice, hardly
will any man follow such a leader, especially in our kingdome, where
more absolute authoritie and trust is committed to those who have
charge, then in many other countries.

And therefore in election of chieftaines, care would be had in
examination of this poynt. The shamefull fruites whereof (found by
experience of many yeares, wherein I have wandred the world), I leave to
touch in particular; because I will not diminish the reputation of any.
But this let me manifest, that there have bin, and are, certaine
[The mischiefs of corrupt or scantie provisions.] persons,
who, before they goe to sea, either robbe part of the provisions, or in
the buying, make penurious, unholsome, and avaritious penny-worths; and
the last I hold to be the least: for they robbe onely the victuallers
and owners; but the others steale from owners, victuallers, and
companie, and are many times the onely overthrowers of the voyage; for
the company thinking themselves to be stored with foure or sixe moneths
victualls, upon survay, they finde their bread, beefe, or drinke short,
yea, perhaps all, and so are forced to seeke home in time of best hopes
and imployment. This mischiefe is most ordinary in great actions.

Lastly, some are so cunning, that they not onely make their voyage by
robbing before they goe to sea, but of that also which commeth home.
Such gamsters, a wise man of our nation resembled to the mill on the
river of Thames, for grinding both with flood and ebbe: so these at
their going out, and comming home, will be sure to robbe all others of
their shares. Although this be a great abuse amongst us, and but of late
dayes practised, and by me spoken unto by way of animadversion, either
in hope of redresse, or for infliction of punishment; yet I would have
the world know, that in other countries the fault is farre more
insufferable. And the principall cause which I can finde for it, is that
our country imployeth her nobles, or men of credite in all actions of
moment, who rather chuse to spend wealth and gaine honor, then to gaine
riches without reputation: whereas in Spaine, and other partes, the
advancement of poore men and meane persons by favour and interest,
produceth no other end, but private and particular respects to enrich
themselves; yet the nobilitie themselves, for the most part, in all
occasions pretend rewards for any small service whatsoever, which with
us as yet is not in use.

[Of detayning and defrauding of wages.]

But the greatest and most principall robbery of all, in my opinion, is
the defrauding or detaining of the companies thirdes[193] or wages,
accursed by the just God, who forbiddeth the hyre of the labourer to
sleepe with us. To such I speake as either abuse themselves in detayning
it; or else to such as force the poore man to sell it at vile and low
prices; and lastly, to such as upon fained cavils and sutes, doe deterre
the simple and ignorant sort from their due prosecutions; which being
too much in use amongst us, hath bred in those that follow the sea a
jealousie in all imployments, and many times causeth mutenies and
infinite inconveniences. A poynt deserving consideration and
reformation, and which with great facilitie may be remedied, if upright
justice would put it selfe as stickler betwixt the owners and company.

[Of mariners by challenge of pillage.]

No lesse worthie of reformation are the generall abuses of mariners and
souldiers, who robbe all they can, under the colour of pillage, and
after make ordinance, cables, sayles, anchors, and all above deckes, to
belong unto them of right, whether they goe by thirdes or wages: this
proceedeth from those pilfering warres, wherein every gallant that can
arme out a shippe, taketh upon him the name and office of a captaine,
not knowing what to command, nor what to execute. Such commanders, for
the most part, consort and joyne unto themselves disorderly persons,
pyrates, and ruffians, under the title of men of valour and experience:
they meeting with any prise, make all upon the deckes theirs of dutie;
viz.--the best peece of ordinance for the captaine; the second, for the
gunner; the third, for his mate; the best cable and anchor for the
master; the maine topsayle for the botesman:[194] the bonnetts for the
quarter masters; and the rest of the sayles for the company. The cardes
and instruments of the master, for the master; the surgeans instruments
and chest for the surgean; the carpenters tooles and chest for the
carpenter; and so consequently of each officer, that answereth the other
in the two shippes.

If one happen upon a bag of gold, silver, pearle, or precious stones, it
is held well gotten, provided it be cleanly stolne, though the shippe
and all her loading besides be not worth so much; little considering the
common injury in defrauding the owners, victuallers, and whole companie:
and forgetting, that if himselfe were a jury-man upon another in like
case, he would adjudge him to the gallows. But I would advise such
novices to know, that our true and auncient discipline of warre is farre
different, and being understood, is much more better for the generall.
Besides it is grounded on Gods law (from whence all lawes should be
derived), and true justice, which distributeth to every one that which
to him belongeth of right, and that in due season.

In the time of warre in our country, as also in others [The
lawes of Oleron, concerning pillage.] by the lawes of Oleron, which to
our auncient sea-men were fundamental, nothing is allowed for pillage
but apparell, armes, instruments, and other necessaries belonging to the
persons in that shippe which is taken; and these too when the shippe is
gained by dint of sword; with a proviso, that if any particular pillage
exceed the valew of sixe crownes, it may be redeemed for that valew by
the generall stocke, and sould for the common benefit.

If the prise render it selfe without forcible entry, all in generall
ought to be preserved and sould in masse, and so equally devided; yea
though the shippe be wonne by force and entry, yet whatsoever belongeth
to her of tackling, sayles, or ordinance, is to bee preserved for the
generalitie: saving a peece of artillery for the captaine, another for
the gunner, and a cable and anchor for the master; which are the rights
due unto them: and these to be delivered when the shippe is in safety,
and in harbour, eyther unloaden or sould. Which law or custome, well
considered, will rise to be more beneficiall for the owners,
victuallers, and company, then the disorders newly crept in and before
remembred.

For the sayles, cables, anchors, and hull, being sould every one a part,
yeeld not the one halfe which they would doe if they were sould
altogether; besides the excusing of charges and robberies in the
unloading and parting.

In the warres of Fraunce, in the time of queen Mary, and in other
warres, as I have heard of many auncient captaines, the companie had but
the fourth part, and every man bound to bring with him the armes with
which hee would fight; which in our time I have knowne also used in
Fraunce: and if the company victualed themselves, they had then the one
halfe, and the owners the other halfe for the shippe, powder, shott, and
munition. If any prise were taken, it was sould by the tunne, shippe and
goods, so as the loading permitted it; that the marchant having bought
the goods, hee might presently transport them whethersoever he would. By
this manner of proceeding, all rested contented, all being truely paid;
for this was just dealing: if any deserved reward, he was recompensed
out of the generall stocke; if any one had filched or stolne, or
committed offence, hee had likewise his desert. And who once was knowne
to be a disordered person, or a theefe, no man would receive him into
his shippe; whereas, now a dayes many vaunt themselves of their theftes
and disorders: yea I have seene the common sort of mariners, under the
name of pillage, maintaine and justify their robberies most insolently,
before the queens majesties commissioners, with arrogant and unseemly
termes, for that they would not condiscend to their unreasonable
challenges. The demaunds being better worth then five hundreth poundes,
which some one pretended to be his; and that of the choysest
marchandize, and most of it robbed out of that part of the shippe, which
they themselves, and all the world, cannot but confesse to be
marchandize.

My opinion is, that such malaperts deserve most justly to have their
spoyle taken from them, or some worse consideration, and afterwards to
be severely punished, in prevention of greater prejudices, then can by
paper be well declared.

But I must tell you withall, such hath beene the partiallitie of some
commissioners in former times, that upon information, in lieu of
punishment, opinion hath held them for tall fellowes, when, in truth,
they never prove the best men in difficult occasions. For their mindes
are all set on spoyle, and can bee well contented to suffer their
associates to beare the brunt, whillest they are prolling after
pillage, the better to gaine and mainetaine the aforesaid attributes in
tavernes and disorderly places.

For the orderly and quiet men I have ever found in all occasions to bee
of best use, most valiant, and of greatest sufficiency. Yet I condemne
none, but those who will be reputed valiant, and are not: examine the
accusation.

[What ought to be reputed pillage.]

All what soever is found upon the decke going for marchandize, is
exempted out of the censure of pillage: silks, linnen, or woollen cloth
in whole peeces, apparell, that goeth to be sold, or other goods
whatsoever, though they be in remnants, manifestly knowne to be carryed
for that end; or being comprehended in the register, or bils of lading,
are not to bee contayned under the name of pillage.

But as I have sayd of the consort, so can I not but complaine [Sidenote:
Against the disloyalties of captaines.] of many captaines and
governours, who, overcome with like greedie desire of gaine, condiscend
to the smoothering and suppressing of this auncient discipline, the
clenlier to smother their owne disloyalties, in suffering these
breake-bulks to escape and absent themselves, till the heate be past and
partition made.

Some of these cause the bils of lading to be cast into the sea, or so to
bee hidden that they never appeare. Others send away their prisoners,
who sometimes are more worth then the shippe and her lading, because
they should not discover their secret stolne treasure; for many times
that [Concealment of much more value then the trading.] which
is leaft out of the register or bils of lading, with purpose to defraud
the prince of his customes (in their conceits held to be excessive), is
of much more value then that which the shippe and lading is worth. Yea I
have knowne shippes worth two hundreth thousand pounds, and better,
cleane swept of their principall riches, nothing but the bare bulke
being leaft unsacked. The like may be spoken of that which the
disorderly mariner and the souldier termeth pillage; yet all winked at
and unpunished, although such prizes have beene rendred without stroake
stricken.

This, doubtlesse, cannot but be a hearts greife and discouragement to
all those who vertuously and truely desire to observe the auncient
discipline of our nation, their owne honours, and the service of their
soveraigne.

[The prevention of undue pillagings.]

But to prevent these unknowne mischiefes, and for his better discharge,
I remember that my father, Sir John Hawkins, in his instructions, in
actions under his charge, had this particular article: that whosoever
rendred or tooke any shippe, should be bound to exhibite the bils of
lading; to keepe the captaine, master, marchants, and persons of
account, and to bring them to him to be examined, or into England. If
they should bee by any accident seperated from him, whatsoever was found
wanting (the prisoners being examined), was to bee made good by the
captaine and company which tooke the shippe, and this upon great
punishments. I am witness, and avow that this course did redownd much to
the benefitte of the generall stocke; to the satisfaction of her
majestie and counsell, the justification of his government, and the
content of his followers.

Thus much have I set downe concerning these abuses and the reformation
thereof, for that I have neither seene them divulged by any with whom I
have gone to sea, neither yet recorded in writing by any mans pen. Let
consideration present them to the eares of the powerfull. But now to our
voyage.


SECTION XLVI.

Running alongst the coast till wee came within few leagues of Arica,
nothing happened unto us of extraordinary noveltie or moment, for we had
the brese favourable, which seldome happeneth in this climate; finding
ourselves in nineteene degrees, wee haled the shore close abourd,
purposing to see if there were any shipping in the road of [Sidenote:
Arica.] Arica. It standeth in a great large bay, in eighteene degrees:
and before you come to it, a league to the southwards of the roade and
towne, is a great round hill, higher then the rest of the land of the
bay, neere about the towne; which wee having discovered, had sight
presently of a small barke, close abourd the shore, becalmed. Manning
our boate, wee tooke her, being loaden with fish, from Moromereno[195];
which is a goodly head-land, very high, and lyeth betwixt twenty-foure
and twenty-five degrees, and whether ordinarily some barkes use to goe a
fishing every yeare.

In her was a Spaniard and sixe Indians. The Spaniard, for that hee was
neere the shore, swam unto the rockes; and though wee offered to returne
him his barke and fish (as was our meaning), yet hee refused to accept
it, and made us answere, that hee durst not, for feare least the
[The severity of Spaine.] justice should punish him. In so
great subjection are the poore unto those who have the administration of
justice in those partes, and in most partes of the kingdomes and
countries subject to Spaine. Insomuch, that to heare the justice to
enter in at their doores, is to them destruction and desolation: for
this cause wee carried her alongst with us.

In this meane while wee had sight of another tall shippe, comming out of
the sea, which wee gave chase unto, but could not fetch upp, beeing too
good of sayle for us. Our small prize and boate standing off unto us,
descryed another shippe, which they chased and tooke also, loaden with
fish, comming from the ilands of Iuan Fernandes.

After wee opened the bay and port of Arica; but seeing it cleane without
shipping, wee haled the coast alongst, and going aboord to visit the
bigger prize, my company saluted me with a volley of small shot. Amongst
them, one musket brake, and carryed away the hand of him that shot it,
through his owne default, which for that I have seene to happen many
times, I thinke it necessary to note in this place, that others may take
warning by his harme.

[Over-charging of artilleries.]

The cause of the muskets breaking, was the charging with two bullets,
the powder being ordayned to carry but the waight of one, and the musket
not to suffer two charges of powder or shott. By this oversight, the
fire is restrayned with the overplus of the waight of shott, and not
being able to force both of them out, breaketh all to peeces, so to find
a way to its owne center.

And I am of opinion, that it is a great errour to prove great ordinance,
or small shot, with double charges of powder or shot; my reason is, for
that ordinarily the mettall is proportioned to the waight of the shot
which the peece is to beare, and the powder correspondent to the waight
of the bullet; and this being graunted, I see no reason why any man
should require to prove his peece with more then is belonging to it of
right: for I have seene many goodly peeces broken with such tryals,
being cleane without hony combes, cracke, flawe, or other perceavable
blemish, which no doubt, with their ordinary allowance, would have
served many yeares. Yea, I have beene certified by men of credit, that
some gunners have taken a glory for breaking many peeces in the tryall;
which is easie to be done by sundry slights and meanes not fitt to bee
published, much lesse to bee exercised, being prejudiciall to the
seller, and chargeable to the conscience of the practiser; therefore it
were good, this excessive tryall by double charges were cleane
abolished.[196] If I should make choyce for my selfe, I would not
willingly, that any peece should come into fort or shippe, under my
charge, which had borne at any time more then his ordinary allowance,
misdoubting, least, through the violence of the double charge, the peece
may be crased within, or so forced, as at another occasion with his
ordinary allowance, he might breake in peeces: how many men so many
mindes: for to others this may seem harsh, for that the contrary custome
hath so long time beene received, and therefore I submit to better
experience, and contradict not but that in a demy culvering, a man may
put two saker or minion shots, or many of smaller waight: and so in a
muskett, two calever shott, or many smaller, so they exceede not the
ordinary waight prescribed by proportion, arte, and experience.[197]
These experiments I hold convenient upon many occasions, yea, and most
necessary; but the vaine custome of double charges, to cause their
peeces thereby to give a better report, I affirme can produce no other
effect but danger, losse, and harme.


SECTION XLVII.

Having visited our prises, and finding nothing in them but fish, we
tooke a small portion for our victualing, and gave the bigger shippe to
the Spaniards againe, and the lesser wee kept, with purpose to make her
our pinnas. The Indians which wee tooke in her, would by no meanes
depart from us, but desired to goe with us to England, [The
amity of the Indians.] saying that the Indian and English were brothers;
and in all places where wee came, they shewed themselves much
affectionated unto us: these were natives of Moremoreno, and the most
brutish of all that ever I had seene; and except it were in forme of men
and speech, they seemed altogether voyde of that which appertained to
reasonable men. They were expert swimmers; but after the manner of
spaniels, they dive and abide under water a long time, and swallow the
water of the sea as if it were of a fresh river. Except a man see them,
he would hardly beleeve how they continue in the sea, as if they were
mer-maides, and the water their naturall element.

Their countrey is most barren, and poore of foode. If they take a fish
alive out of the sea, or meete with a peece of salted fish, they will
devoure it without any dressing, as savourely as if had beene most
curiously sodden or dressed, all which makes me beleeve that they
sustaine themselves of that which they catch in the sea.

The Spaniards profit themselves of their labour and travell, and
recompense them badly: they are in worse condition then their slaves,
for to those they give sustenance, house-roome, and clothing, and teach
them the knowledge of God: but the other they use as beastes, to doe
their labour without wages, or care of their bodies or soules.


SECTION XLVIII.

Thwart of Ariquipa,[198] the shippe we brought with us from Balparizo
being very leake, and my companie satisfied that their hope to find any
thing of worth in her was vaine, having searched her from post to
stemme, condiscended to fire her; and the rather to keepe our company
together, which could not well suffer any devision more then of meere
necessity: so by generall accord we eased ourselves of her, and
continued our course alongst the coast, till we came thwart of the bay
of Pisco, which lyeth within fifteene degrees and fifteene minutes.

Presently after wee were cleare of Cape Saugalean,[199] and his ilands,
wee ranged this bay with our boate and pinnace. It hath two small ilands
in it, but without fruite; and being becalmed, we anchored two dayes
thwart of Chilca.

[Advise given by sea and land.]

By sea and by land, those of Chyly had given advise to Don Garcia
Hurtado de Mendoça, marquis of Cavete, vice-roy of Peru, resident in
Lima, of our being on the coast. Hee presently with all possible
diligence, put out sixe shippes in warlike order, with well neere two
thousand men, and dispatched them to seeke us, and to fight with us,
under the conduct of Don Beltrian de Castro Ydelaluca, his wives
brother; who departing out of the port of Callao, turned to wind-ward in
sight over the shore, from whence they had dayly intelligence where wee
had beene discovered. And the next day after our departure out of
Chilca, about the middle of May, at breake of day, wee had sight each of
other, thwart of Cavete, wee being to wind-wards of the Spanish armado
some two leagues, and all with little or no winde. Our pinnace or prise
being furnished with oares came unto us, out of which we thought to have
taken our men, and so to leave her; but being able to come unto us at
all times, it was held for better to keepe her till necessity forced us
to leave her: and so it was determined that if we came to likelihood of
boording, shee should lay our boate aboord, and enter all her men, and
from thence to enter our shippe, and so to forsake her. Although, by the
event in that occasion this proved good, notwithstanding I hold it to
bee reproved where the enemie is farre superiour in multitude and force,
and able to come and bourd if hee list; and that the surest course is to
fortifie the principall the best that may bee, and to cut of all
impediments, where a man is forced to defence: for that no man is
assured to have time answerable to his purpose and will; and upon doubt
whether the others, in hope to save themselves, will not leave him in
greatest extremitie.


SECTION XLIX.

Wee presently put ourselves in the best order wee could to fight and to
defend ourselves: our prayers we made unto the Lord God of battails, for
his helpe and our deliverance, putting our selves wholy into his hands.
About nine of the clocke, the brese began to blow, and wee to stand off
into the sea, the Spaniards cheeke by jole with us, ever getting to the
wind-wards upon us; for that the shipping of the South sea is ever
moulded sharpe under water, and long; all their voyages depending upon
turning to wind-wardes, and the brese blowing ever southerly.

As the sunne began to mount aloft, the wind began to fresh; which
together with the rowling sea that ever beateth upon this coast, comming
out of the westerne-bourd, caused a chapping sea, wherewith the admirall
of the Spaniards snapt his maine mast asunder, and so began to lagge a
sterne, and with him other two shippes. The vice-admirall split her
maine-sayle, being come within shott of us upon our broad side, but to
lee-wards: the reare-admirall cracked her maine-yard asunder in the
middest, being a head of us. One of the armado, which had gotten upon
the broad side of us, to wind-wards, durst not assault us.

With these disgraces[200] upon them, and the hand of God helping and
delivering us, night comming, we began to consult what course was best
to be taken to free our selves; wherein were divers opinions: some sayd
it was best to stand off to the sea close by all the night; others to
lye it a hull; others to cast about to the shoare-wards two glasses, and
after all the night to stand off to sea close by. The admirall of the
Spaniards, with the other two, were a sterne of us some foure leagues;
the vice-admirall a mile right to le-wards of us; the reare-admirall in
a manner right a head, some culvering shott; and one upon our loofe,
within shott also. The moone was to rise within two houres. After much
debating, it was concluded that wee should beare up before the winde,
and seeke to escape betwixt the admirall and the vice-admirall, which
wee put in execution, not knowing of any other disgrace befallen them,
but that of the reare-admirall, till after our surrender, when they
recounted unto us all that had past. In the morning at breake of day,
wee were cleare of all our enemies, and so shaped our course alongst the
coast, for the bay of Atacames, where we purposed to trim our pinnace,
and to renue our wood and water, and so to depart upon our voyage with
all possible speede.

The Spanish armado returned presently to Callao, which is the port of
Lyma, or of the Citty of the Kings. It was first named Lyma, and
retayneth also that name of the river, which passeth by the citty called
Lyma. The Spanish armado being entred the port, the people began to goe
ashore, where they were so mocked and scorned by the women, as scarce
any one by day would shew his face: they reviled them with the name of
cowards and golnias, and craved licence of the vice-roy to bee admitted
in their roomes, and to undertake the surrendry of the English shippe. I
have beene certified for truth, that some of them affronted their
souldiers with daggers and pistols by their sides.

This wrought such effects in the hearts of the disgraced, as they vowed
eyther to recover their reputation lost, or to follow us into England;
and so with expedition, the vice-roy commaunded two shippes and a
pinnace to be put in order, and in them placed the chiefe souldiers and
marriners of the rest, and furnished them with victuals and munition.

The foresayd generall is once againe dispatched to seeke us; who ranged
the coastes and ports, enforming himselfe what hee could. Some fiftie
leagues to the north-wards of Lyma, in sight of Mongon, wee tooke a
shippe halfe loaden with wheate, sugar, miell de canas, and cordovan
skins: which for that shee was leake, and sayled badly, and tackled in
such maner as the marriners would not willingly put themselves into her,
wee tooke what was necessary for our provision and fired her.

Thwart of Truxillo, wee set the companie of her a shore, with the pilot
which we had taken in Balparizo, reserving the pilot of the burnt
shippe, and a Greeke, who chose rather to continue with us, then to
hazard their lives in going a shore; for that they had departed out of
the port of Santa, which is in eight degrees, being required by the
justice not to weigh anchor before the coast was knowne to be cleere.

It is a thing worthy to be noted, and almost incredible, with how few
men they use to sayle a shippe in the South sea; for in this prise,
which was above an hundred tuns, were but eight persons: and in a shippe
of three hundreth tuns, they use not to put above foureteene or fifteene
persons; yea, I have beene credibly enformed, that with foureteene
persons, a shippe of five hundreth tuns hath beene carried from
Guayaquil to Lyma, deepe loaden, (which is above two hundreth leagues):
and are forced ever to gaine their voyage by turning to wind-wards,
which is the greatest toyle and labour that the marriners have; and slow
sometimes in this voyage foure or five moneths, which is generall in all
the navigations of this coast.[201] But the security from stormes, and
certainty of the breze, with the desire to make their gaine the greater,
is the cause that every man forceth himselfe to the uttermost, to doe
the labour of two men.


SECTION L.

[The ilands of Salomon.]

In the height of this port of Santa, some seven hundreth and fiftie
leagues to the west-wards, lie the ilands of Salomon, of late yeares
discovered. At my being in Lyma, a fleete of foure sayle was sent from
thence to people them; which through the emulation and discord that
arose amongst them, being landed and setled in the countrey, was utterly
overthrowne; onely one shippe, with some few of the people, after much
misery, got to the Philippines. This I came to the knowledge of by a
large relation written from a person of credit, and sent from the
Philippines to Panama. I saw it at my being there, in my voyage towards
Spaine.

Having edged neere the coast to put the Spaniards on shore, a thicke
fogge tooke us, so that wee could not see the land; but recovering our
pinnace and boate, we sayled on our course, till we came thwart of the
port called Malabrigo: it lyeth in seaven degrees.

In all this coast the currant runneth with great force, but never
keepeth any certaine course, saving that it runneth alongst the coast,
sometimes to the south-wards, sometimes to the north-wards; which now
running to the north-wards, forced us so farre into the bay, which a
point [Punta de Augussa.] of the land causeth, that they call
Punta de Augussa,[202] as thinking to cleere ourselves by roving
north-west, wee could not double this point, making our way north
north-west. Therefore speciall care is ever to bee had of the current:
and doubtlesse, if the providence of Almighty God had not freede us, wee
had runne ashore upon the land, without seeing or suspecting any such
danger. His name bee ever exalted and magnified for delivering us from
the unknowne daunger, by calming the winde all night: the sunnes rising
manifested unto us our errour and perill, by discovering unto us the
land within two leagues, right a head. The current had carried us
without any wind, at the least foure leagues; which seene, and the winde
beginning to blow, wee brought our tackes abourd, and in short time
cleared our selves.

Thwart of this point of Augussa, lie two desert ilandes; they call them
Illas de Lobos, for the multitude of seales which accustome to haunt the
shore. In the bigger is very good harbour, and secure: they lie in sixe
degrees and thirtie minutes.

The next day after, wee lost sight of these ilands, being thwart of
Payta, which lyeth in five degrees; and having manned our pinnace and
boate to search the port, wee had sight of a tall shippe, which having
knowledge of our being on the coast, and thinking her selfe to be more
safe at sea then in the harbour, put her selfe then under sayle: to her
wee gave chase all that night and the next day, but in fine she being
better of sayle then wee, shee freed her selfe. Thus being too lee-ward
of the harbour and discovered, we continued our course alongst the
shore. That evening wee were thwart of the river of Guayaquill, which
hath in the mouth of it two ilands: the souther-most and biggest, called
Puma,[203] in three degrees; and the other, to the north-wards, Santa
Clara.

[Puma.]

Puma is inhabited, and is the place where they build their principall
shipping; from this river, Lyma and all the valleys are furnished with
timber, for they have none but that which is brought from hence, or from
the kingdome of Chile. By this river passeth the principall trade of the
kingdome of Quito; it is navigable some leagues into the land, and hath
great abundance of timber.

Those of the Peru, use to ground and trim their shippes in Puma, or in
Panama, and in all other partes they are forced to carene their shippes.
In Puma, it higheth and falleth fifteene or sixteene foote water, and
from this iland till a man come to Panama, in all the coast it ebbeth
and floweth more or lesse, keeping the ordinary course which the tides
doe in all seas. The water of this river, by experience, is medicinable,
for all aches of the bones, for the stone, and strangurie: the reason
which is given is, because all the bankes and low lands adjoining to
this river, are replenished with salsaperillia;[204] which lying for the
most part soaking in the water, it participateth of this vertue, and
giveth it this force.

In this river, and all the rivers of this coast, are great abundance of
_alagartoes_;[205] and it is sayd that this exceedeth the rest; for
persons of credit have certified mee, that as small fishes in other
rivers abound in scoales, so the alagartoes in this. They doe much hurt
to the Indians and Spaniards, and are dreadfull to all whom they catch
within their clutches.


SECTION LI.

Some five or sixe leagues to the north-wards of Puma, is la Punta de
Santa Elena; under which is good anchoring, cleane ground, and
reasonable succour. Being thwart of this point, wee had sight of a
shippe, which wee chased; but being of better saile then we, and the
night comming on, we lost sight of her, and so anchored under the Isla
de Plata, to recover our pinnace and boate, which had gone about the
other point of the iland, which lyeth in two degrees and fortie minutes.

[Puerto Viejo.]

The next day we past in sight of Puerto Viejo, in two degrees and ten
minutes; which lying without shipping, wee directed our course for Cape
Passaos.[206] It lyeth directly under the equinoctiall lyne; some
fourescore leagues to the west-wards of this cape, lyeth a heape of
ilands, the Spaniards call Illas de Los Galapagos: they are desert and
bear no fruite. From Cape Passaos, wee directed our course to Cape Saint
Francisco, which lyeth in one degree to the north-wardes of the lyne;
and being thwart of it, wee descried a small shippe, which wee chased
all that day and night; and the next morning our pinnace came to bourd
her; but being a shippe of advise, and full of passengers, and our ship
not able to fetch her up, they entreated our people badly, and freed
themselves; though the feare they conceived, caused them to cast all the
dispatches of the king, as also of particulars, into the sea, with a
great part of their loading, to bee lighter and better of sayle; for the
shippes of the South sea loade themselves like lighters, or sand barges,
presuming upon the securitie from stormes.


SECTION LII.

Being out of hope to fetch up this shippe, wee stood in with the cape,
where the land beginneth to trend about to the east-wards. The cape is
high land, and all covered over with trees, and so is the land over the
cape; and all the coast, from this cape to Panama, is full of wood, from
the Straites of Magelan to this Cape of San Francisco. In all the coast
from head-land to head-land, the courses lye betwixt the north, and
north and by west, and sometimes more westerly, and that but seldome. It
is a bold coast, and subject to little foule weather or alteration of
windes, for the brese, which is the sowtherly wind, bloweth continually
from Balparizo to Cape San Francisco, except it be a great chance.

Trending about the cape, wee haled in east north-east, to fetch the bay
of Atacames, which lyeth some seaven leagues from the cape. In the
mid-way, some three leagues from the shore, lyeth a banke of sand,
whereof a man must have a care; for in some parts of it, there is but
little water.

The tenth of June, wee came to an anchor in the bay of Atacames, which
on the wester part hath a round hammock. It seemeth an iland, and in
high springes I judge that the sea goeth round about it. To the
east-wards it hath a high sandie cliffe, and in the middest of the bay,
a faire birth from the shore, lyeth a bigge black rocke above water:
from this rocke to the sandie cliffe, is a drowned marsh ground, caused
by his lownesse; and a great river, which is broad, but of no depth.

Manning our boate, and running to the shore, we found presently, in the
westerne bight of the bay, a deepe river, whose indraught was so great
that we could not benefit our selves of it, being brackish, except at
low water, which hindred our dispatch; yet in five dayes, wee filled all
our emptie caske, supplied our want of wood, and grounded and put in
order our pinnace.

[They dismisse their Indians.]

Here, for that our Indians served us to no other use but to consume our
victuals, we eased our selves of them; gave them hookes and lines which
they craved, and some bread for a few dayes, and replanted them in a
farre better countrey then their owne, which fell out luckely for the
Spaniards of the shippe which wee chased thwart of Cape San Francisco;
for victuals growing short with her, having many mouthes, shee was
forced to put a shore fiftie of her passengers neere the cape; whereof
more than the one halfe dyed with famine and continual wading through
rivers and waters: the rest, by chance, meeting with the Indians which
wee had put a shore, with their fishing, guide, and industry, were
refreshed, susteyned, and brought to habitation.


SECTION LIII.

Our necessary busines being ended, wee purposed the fifteenth day of
May, in the morning, to set sayle; but the foureteenth in the evening,
we had sight of a shippe, some three leagues to sea-wards; and through
the importunitie of my captaine and companie, I condiscended that our
pinnas should give her chase: which I should not have done, for it was
our destruction. I gave them precise order, that if they stood not in
againe at night, they should seeke mee at Cape San Francisco, for the
next morning I purposed to set sayle without delay. And so seeing that
our pinnas slowed her comming, at nine of the clocke in the morning wee
weyed our anchors, and stood for the cape, where wee beate off and on
two dayes; and our pinnas not appearing, wee stood againe into the bay,
where wee descried her turning in without a maine mast, which standing
off to the sea close by, with much winde, and a chapping sea, bearing a
taunt-sayle, where a little was too much (being to small purpose),
sodainely they bare it by the bourd; and standing in with the shore, the
winde, or rather God blinding them for our punishment, they knewe not
the land; and making themselves to bee to wind-wards of the bay, bare
up, and were put into the bay of San Mathew. It is a goodly harbour, and
hath a great fresh river, which higheth fifteene or sixteene foote
water, and is a good countrey, and well peopled with Indians: they have
store of gold and emeralds. Heere the Spaniards from Guayaquill made an
habitation, whilst I was prisoner in Lyma, by the Indians consent; but
after, not able to suffer the insolencies of their guests, and being a
people of stomacke and presumption, they suffered themselves to bee
[The Indians led by a Molato.] perswaded and led by a Molato.
This leader many yeares before had fled unto them from the Spaniards:
him they had long time held in reputation of their captaine generall,
and was admitted also unto a chiefe office by the Spaniardes, to gaine
him unto them.

But now the Indians uniting themselves together, presuming that by the
helpe of this Molato, they should force the Spaniards out of the
countrey, put their resolution into execution, drove their enemies into
the woods, and slue as many as they could lay hands on; some they
killed, few escaped with life; and those who had that good happe,
suffered extreame misery before they came to Quito, the place of neerest
habitation of Spaniards.

To this bay, assoone as our people in the pinnas saw their errour, they
brought their tackes abourd, and turned and tyded it up, as they could.
Assoone as we came to anchor, I procured to remedie that was amisse; in
two daies wee dispatched all we had to doe, and the next morning wee
resolved to set sayle, and to leave the coast of Peru and Quito.

The day appearing, we began to weigh our anchors, and being a pike,
ready to cut sayle, one out of the toppe descryed [Spanish
Armado.] the Spanish armado, comming about the cape; which by the course
it kept, presently gave us to understand who they were: though my
company, as is the custome of sea-men, made them to be the fleete bound
for Panama, loaden with treasure, and importuned that in all hast we
should cut sayle and stand with them; which I contradicted, for that I
was assured, that no shipping would stirre upon the coast till they had
securitie of our departure (except some armado that might be sent to
seeke us), and that it was not the time of the yeare to carry the
treasure to Panama. And besides, in riding still at an anchor, they ever
came neerer unto us; for they stood directly with us, and wee kept the
weather gage; where if we had put our selves under sayle, the ebbe in
hand, wee should have given them the advantage, which we had in our
power, by reason of the point of the bay. And being the armado, as it
was, we gained time to fit ourselves, the better to fight. And truly (as
before, to a stiffe-necked horse), so now againe I cannot but resemble
the condition of the mariner to any thing better, then to the current of
a furious river, repressed by force or art, which neverthelesse ceaseth
not to seeke a way to overthrow both fence and banke: even so the common
sort of sea-men, apprehending a conceite in their imaginations, neither
experiment, knowledge, examples, reasons, nor authority, can alter and
remoove them from their conceited opinions. In this extremitie, with
reason I laboured to convince them, and to contradict their pretences:
but they altogether without reason, or against reason, breake out, some
into vaunting and bragging, some into reproaches of want of courage,
others into wishings that they had never come out of their countrey, if
we should refuse to fight with two shippes whatsoever. [The
unadvised courage of the multitude.] And to mend the matter, the gunner,
for his part, assured me that with the first tire[207] of shott, he
would lay the one of them in the sods: and our pinnace, that she would
take the other to taske. One promised that he would cut downe the mayne
yard; another that he would take their flagge; and all in generall
shewed a great desire to come to tryall with the enemy. To some I turned
the deafe eare, with others I dissembled, and armed myselfe with
patience (having no other defence nor remedie for that occasion),
soothing and animating them to the execution of what they promised, and
perswaded them to have a little sufferance, seeing they gained time and
advantage by it.

And to give them better satisfaction, I condiscended that our captaine,
with a competent number of men, should with our pinnace goe to discover
them; with order that they should not engage themselves in that manner
as they might not be able to come unto us, or we to succour them. In all
these divisions and opinions, our master, Hugh Dormish,[208] who was a
most sufficient man for government and valour, and well saw the errors
of the multitude, used his office as became him; and so did all those of
best understanding.

In short space our pinnace discovered what they were, and casting about
to returne unto us, the vice-admirall, being next her, began with her
chace to salute her with three or foure peeces of artillery, and so
continued chasing her and gunning at her. My company seeing this, now
began to change humour; and I then to encourage and perswade them to
performe the execution of their promises and vaunts of valour, which
they had but even now protested, and given assurance of by their
proferres and forwardnesse.

And that we might have sea-roome to fight, we presently weighed anchor,
and stood off to sea with all our sayles, in hope to get the weather
gage of our contraries. But the winde scanting with us, and larging with
them, we were [The beginning of the fight.] forced to lee-ward. And the
admirall weathering us, came rome[209] upon us: which being within
musket shott, we hayled first with our noise of trumpets, then with our
waytes, and after with our artilery: which they answered with artilery,
two for one. For they had double the ordinance we had, and almost tenne
men for one. Immediately they came shoring[210] abourd of us, upon our
lee quarter, contrary to our expectation, and the custome of men of
warre. [The inexperience of the Spaniards.] And doubtlesse, had our
gunner beene the man he was reputed to be, and as the world sould him to
me, shee had received great hurt by that manner of bourding. But [And
carelesnesse of the English.] contrary to all expectation, our stearne
peeces were unprimed, and so were all those which we had to lee-ward,
save halfe one in the quarter, which discharged, wrought that effect in
our contraries as that they had five or sixe foote water in hold, before
they suspected it.

[How farre a commander is to trust his officers.]

Hereby all men are to take warning by me, not to trust any man in such
extremities, when he himselfe may see it done: and comming to fight, let
the chieftaine himselfe be sure to have all his artilery in a
readinesse upon all occasions. This was my oversight, this my overthrow.
For I and all my company had that satisfaction of the sufficiencie and
the care of our gunner, as not any one of us ever imagined there would
be any defect found in him. For my part, I with the rest of our
officers, occupied our selves in cleering our deckes, laceing our
nettings, making of bulwarkes, arming our toppes, fitting our
wast-cloathes, tallowing our pikes, slinging our yards, doubling our
sheetes, and tackes, placing and ordering our people, and procuring that
they should be well fitted and provided of all things; leaving the
artilery, and other instruments of fire, to the gunners dispose and
order, with the rest of his mates and adherents; which, as I said, was
part of our perdition. For bearing me ever in hand, that he had five
hundred cartreges in a readinesse, within one houres fight we were
forced to occupie three persons onely in making and filling cartreges;
and of five hundred elles of canvas and other cloth given him for that
purpose, at sundry times, not one yard was to be found. For this we have
no excuse, and therefore could not avoyd the danger, to charge and
discharge with the ladell, especially in so hotte a fight.[211] And
comming now to put in execution the sinking of the shippe, as he
promised, he seemed a man without life or soule. So the admirall comming
close unto us, I myselfe, and the master of our shippe, were forced to
play the gunners.

[Deceit of the gunner, and his extreme carelesnesse, and
suspitious disloyalty.]

Those instruments of fire wherein he made me to spend excessively,
before our going to sea, now appeared not; neither the brasse balles of
artificiall fire, to be shott with slurbowes (whereof I had six bowes,
and two hundreth bals, and which are of great account and service,
either by sea or land); he had stowed them in such manner, though in
double barrels, as the salt water had spoyled them all; so that comming
to use them, not one was serviceable. Some of our company had in him
suspition to be more friend to the Spaniards then to us; for that he had
served some yeares in the _Tercera_, as gunner, and that he did all this
of purpose. Few of our peeces were cleere, when we came to use them, and
some had the shott first put in, and after the powder. Besides, after
our surrendry, it was laid to his charge, that he should say, he had a
brother that served the king in the _Peru_, and that he thought he was
in the armado; and how he would not for all the world he should be
slaine. Whether this were true or no, I know not; but I am sure all in
generall gave him an ill report, and that he in whose hands the chiefe
execution of the whole fight consisted, executed nothing as was promised
and expected.

[Admonitions for commanders.] The griefe and remembrance of
which oversights once againe inforceth me to admonish all captaines and
commanders hereby to take advice, now and then to survey their officers
and store-roomes, the oftener the better; that so their defects and
wants may be supplied in time: never relying too much upon the vulgar
report, nor giving too much credite to smooth tongues and boasting
companions. But to performe this taske, it is requisite that all
captaines and commanders were such, and so experimented in all offices,
that they might be able as well to controule as to examine all manner of
errors in officers. For the government at sea hardly suffereth a head
without exquisite experience. The deficiency whereof hath occasioned
[Who to be accounted a true mariner.] some ancient sea-men to
straighten the attribute of marriner in such sort, as that it ought not
to be given but to the man who is able to build his shippe, to fit and
provide her of all things necessary, and after to carry her about the
world: the residue to be but saylers. Hereby giving us to understand,
that though it is not expedient that he [His knowledge for
materialls.] should be an axe-carpenter, to hewe, cut, frame, and mould
each timber piece, yet that he should know the parts and peeces of the
shippe, the value of the timber, planke, and yron-worke, so to be able
as well to build in proportion, as to procure all materialls at a just
price. And againe, though it be not expected that he should sowe the
sayles, arme the shrowds, and put the tackling over head, yet is it
requisite that he should knowe how to cut his sayles, what length is
competent to every roape, and to be of sufficiency to reprehend and
reforme those who erre [For provisions.] and doe amisse. In
providing his shippe with victualls, munition, and necessaries, of force
it must be expected that he be able to make his estimate, and (that once
provided and perfected), in season, and with expedition to see it loden
and stowed commodiously, with care and proportion. After that, he is to
order the spending thereof, that in nothing he be defrauded at home; and
at sea, ever to know how much is spent, and what remaineth unspent.

[For navigation.]

In the art of navigation, he is bound also to know so much as to be able
to give directions to the pilote and master, and consequently to all the
rest of inferiour officers.


SECTION LIV.

My meaning is not that the captaine or governour should be tyed to the
actuall toyle, or to intermeddle with all offices, for that were to
binde him to impossibilities, to diminish and abase his authoritie, and
to deprive the other officers of their esteemes, and of that that
belongeth unto them, which were a great absurditie: but my opinion is,
that he should be more then superficially instructed and practised in
the imployments. Yea, I am verily perswaded, that the more absolute
authoritie any commander giveth to his under officers, being worthy of
it, the sweeter is the command, and the more respected and beloved the
commander.

[Office of the master.]

For in matter of guide and disposing of the saylers, with the tackling
of the shippe, and the workes which belong thereunto, within bourd and
without, all is to be committed to the masters charge.

[Office of the pilot.]

The pilote is to looke carefully to the sterridge of the shippe; to be
watchfull in taking the heights of sunne and starre; to note the way of
his shippe, with the augmenting and lessening of the winde, etc.

[The bote swaine.]

The boateswayne is to see his shippe kept cleane; his mastes, yards and
tacklings well coated, matted and armed; his shroudes and stayes well
set; his sayles repayred, and sufficiently prevented with martnets,
blayles, and caskettes; his boate fitted with sayle, oares, thougts,
tholes danyd, windles and rother; his anchors well boyed, safely stopped
and secured, with the rest to him appertaining.

[The steward.]

The steward is to see the preservation of vittayles and necessaries
committed unto his charge; and by measure and weight to deliver the
portions appointed, and with discretion and good tearmes to give
satisfaction to all.

[The carpenter.]

The carpenter is to view the mastes and yards, the sides of the shippe,
her deckes, and cabines, her pumpes, and boate; and moreover to occupie
him selfe in the most forceible workes, except he be otherwise
commanded.

[The gunner.]

The gunner is to care for the britching and tackling of his artilery;
the fitting of his shott, tampkins, coynes, crones,[212] and
lin-stockes, etc. To be provident in working his fire workes; in making
and filling his cartreges; in accommodating his ladles, sponges, and
other necessaries; in sifting and drying his powder; in cleaning the
armes, munition, and such like workes, intrusted unto him.

In this manner every officer, in his office, ought to be an absolute
commander, yet readie in obedience and love, to sacrifice his will to
his superiors command. This cannot but cause unitie; and unitie cannot
but purchase a happie issue to dutifull travelles.

[Directions in secret.]

Lastly, except it be in urgent and precise cases, the head should never
direct his command to any but the officers, and these secretly, except
the occasion require publication, or that it touch all in generall.

Such orders would be, for the most part, in writing, that all might know
what in generall is commanded and required.


SECTION LV.

[Parts requisite in a good husband-man.]

And as the wise husband-man, in walking from ground to ground, beholdeth
one plowing, another harrowing, another sowing, and lopping; another
pruning, one hedging, another threshing, and divers occupied in severall
labours: some he commendeth, others he reproacheth; others he adviseth,
and to another he saith nothing, for that he seeth him in the right way:
and all this, for that he knoweth and understandeth what they all doe,
better then they themselves, though busied in their ordinary workes:
even [The like in a good chieftaine.] so a worthy commander at
sea, ought to have the eyes, not only of his body, but also of his
understanding, continually set (with watchfull care) upon all men, and
all their workes under his charge; imitating the wise husband-man; first
to know, and then to command: and lastly, to will their obedience
voluntary, and without contradiction. For who knoweth not that ignorance
many times commandeth that which it understandeth not; which the artist
perceiving, first disdaineth, afterwards disteemeth, and finally in
these great actions, which admit no temporizing, either he wayveth the
respect of dutie, or faintly performeth the behest of his superiour upon
every slight occasion, either in publike opposing, or in private
murmuring: the smallest of which is most pernicious. Thus much (not
amisse) for instruction.


SECTION LVI.

[Why the Spanish admirall came to lee-wards.]

The reason why the admirall came to lee-wardes, as after I understood,
was for that her artillery being very long, and the wind fresh, bearing
a taunt sayle to fetch us up, and to keepe us company, they could not
use their ordinance to the weather of us, but lay shaking in the wind:
and doubtlesse it is most proper for shippes to have short ordinance,
except in the sterne or chase. The reasons are many: viz.--easier
charging, ease of the shippes side, better traversing, and mounting;
yea, greater security of the artillery, and consequently of the ship.
For the longer the peece is, the greater is the retention of the fire,
and so the torment and danger of the peece the greater.

But here will be contradiction by many, that dare avouch that longer
peeces are to be preferred; for that they burne their powder better, and
carrie the shott further, and so necessarily of better execution;
whereas the short artillery many times spend much of their powder
without burning, and workes thereby the slenderer effect.

To which I answere, that for land service, fortes, or castles, the long
peeces are to bee preferred: but for shipping, the shorter are much more
serviceable. And the powder in them, being such as it ought, will be all
fiered long before the shott can come forth; and to reach farre in
fights at sea, is to little effect. For he that purposeth to annoy his
enemie, must not shoot at randome, nor at point blanke, if hee purpose
to accomplish with his devoire, nether must hee spend his shott nor
powder, but where a pot-gun may reach his contrary; how much the neerer,
so much the better: and this duely executed, the short artillery will
worke its effect as well as the long; otherwise, neither short nor long
are of much importance: but here my meaning is not to approve the
overshort peeces, devised by some persons, which at every shott they
make, daunce out of their carriages, but those of indifferent length,
and which keepe the meane, betwixt seaven and eight foote.[213]


SECTION LVII.

[Intertainement of Spaniards.]

The entertainement wee gave unto our contraries, being otherwise then
was expected, they fell off, and ranged a head, having broken in peeces
all our gallerie; and presently they cast about upon us, and being able
to keepe us company, with their fighting sayles, lay a weather of us,
ordinarily within musket shott; playing continually with them and their
great artillery; which we endured, and answered as we could.

Our pinnace engaged herselfe so farre, as that before shee could come
unto us, the vice-admirall had like to cut her off, and comming to lay
us aboord, and to enter her men, the vice-admirall boorded with her: so
that some of our company entred our ship over her bow-sprit, as they
themselves reported.

We were not a little comforted with the sight of our people in safetie
within our shippe; for in all we were but [The English seventy-five. The
Spaniards thirteen hundred.] threescore and fifteene, men and boyes,
when we began to fight, and our enemies thirteene hundred men and boyes,
little more or lesse, and those of the choise of Peru.


SECTION LVIII.

[The Spanish discipline.]

Heere it shall not he out of the way to discourse a little of the
Spanish discipline, and manner of their government in generall; which
is in many things different to ours. In this expedition came two
generalls: the one Don Beltran de Castro, who had the absolute
authoritie and commaund; the other Michael Angell Filipon, a man well in
yeares, and came to this preferment by his long and painful service; who
though he had the title of generall by sea, I thinke it was rather of
courtesie then by pattent; and for that hee had beene many yeares
generall of the South sea, for the carriage and waftage of the silver
from Lyma to Panama. He seemed to bee an assistant, to supply that with
his counsell, advice, and experience, whereof Don Beltran had never made
tryall (for hee commanded not absolutely, but with the confirmation of
Don Beltran), for the Spaniards never give absolute authoritie to more
then one. A custome that hath beene, and is approoved in all empires,
kingdomes, common-wealths, and armies, rightly disciplined: the mixture
hath been seldome seene to prosper, as will manifestly appeare, if we
consider the issue of all actions and journeys committed to the
government of two, or more generally.

[Two chieftains joyned in commission, dangerous.]

The famous victory of Hannibal against the Romane consuls Paulus
Emillius and Terrentius Varro, was attributed to their equality of
government. The unhappie overthrowe given by the Turke Amurate, to the
Christian princes, in the journey of Nicapolis, is held to have
proceeded from the difference betwixt the heads, every one leaning to
his owne opinion. The overthrow in recoverie of the Holy land,
undertaken by king Richard of England, and king Philip of France, sprang
from the like differences and dissentions. The victory of the emperour
Charles the Fifth, against the Protestant princes of Germanie, is
imputed to their distractures arising from parity in command. If we
looke into our owne actions, committed to the charge of two generals,
the effects and fruits which they have brought forth, for the most part,
will be found to be little better: yea, most of them, through
emulation, envie, and pride, overthrowne, and brought to nought; though
to cover their confusions, there have never beene wanting cloakes and
colours. The most approoved writers reproove, and call it a monster with
two heads, and not without reason. For if the monarchy be generally
approoved, for strongest, soundest, and most perfect, and most
sufficient to sustaine it selfe; and the democracie and aristocracie
utterly reprooved, as weake, feeble, and subject to innovations and
infirmities; it cannot be but errour, confusion, and imperfection, to
differ or dissent from it. For where the supreame government is divided
betwixt two or more, the authoritie is diminished, and so looseth his
true force; as a fagget of stickes, whose bond being broken, the entire
strength is easily dissolved: but all under correction.

The Spaniards, in their armadoes by sea, imitate the discipline, order,
and officers, which are in an army by land, and divide themselves into
three bodies; to wit, souldiers, marriners, and gunners.

[The souldier.]

Their souldiers ward and watch, and their officers in every shippe
round, as if they were on the shoare; this is the only taske they
undergoe, except cleaning their armes, [The gunner.] wherein
they are not over curious. The gunners are exempted from all labour and
care, except about the artillery.

And these are either Almaynes, Flemmings, or strangers; for the
Spaniards are but indifferently practised in this [The marriner.] art.
The marriners are but as slaves to the rest, to moyle,[214] and to toyle
day and night; and those but few and bad, and not suffered to sleepe or
harbour themselves under the deckes. For in faire or fowle weather, in
stormes, sunne, or raine, they must passe voyde of covert or succour.

[Officers in a shippe of war. Captaine of the shippe. Captaine
of the souldiers.]

There is ordinarily in every shippe of warre, a captaine, whose charge
is as that of our masters with us, and also a captaine of the souldiers,
who commandeth the captaine of the shippe, the souldiers, gunners, and
marriners in her; yea, though there be divers captaines, with their
companies in one shippe (which is usuall amongst them), yet one hath the
supreme authoritie, and the residue are at his [_Mastros de
campo_, &c.] ordering and disposing. They have their _mastros de campo_,
seargeant, master, generall (or captaine) of the artillery, with their
alfere major, and all other officers, as in a campe.

If they come to fight with another armado, they order themselves as in a
battell by land; in a vanguard, rereward, maine battell, and wings, etc.
In every particular shippe the souldiers are all set upon the deckes;
their forecastle they account their head front, or vanguard of their
company; that abaft the mast, the rereward; and the wayste the mayne
battell; wherein they place their principall force, and on which they
principally relye, which they call their _placa de armas_, or place of
armes: which taken, their hope is lost.

The gunners fight not but with their great artillery: the marriners
attend only to the tackling of the shippe and handling of the sayles,
and are unarmed, and subject to all misfortunes; not permitted to
shelter themselves, but to be still aloft, whether it be necessary or
needlesse. So ordinarily, those which first fayle, are the marriners and
saylers, of which they have greatest neede. They use few close fights or
fire-workes; and all this proceedeth, as I judge, of errour in placing
land captaines for governours and commanders by sea; where they seldome
understand what is to be done or commanded.

[Prying of the Spaniards into our discipline.]

Some that have beene our prisoners, have perfitted[215] themselves of
that they have seene amongst us; and others disguised under colour of
treaties, for ransoming of prisoners, for bringing of presents, and
other imbassages, have noted our forme of shipping, our manner of
defences, [Their imitation of our discipline.] and discipline.
Sithence[216] which espiall, in such actions as they have beene imployed
in, they seeke to imitate our government and reformed discipline at sea:
which, doubtlesse, is the best and most proper that is at this day
knowne or practised in the whole world, if the execution be answerable
to that which is knowne and received for true and good amongst us.

In the captaine (for so the Spaniards call their admirall) was an
English gunner, who to gaine grace with those under whom hee served,
preferred himselfe, and offered to sinke our shippe with the first shott
he made: who, by the Spaniards relation, being travesing of a peece in
the bowe, to make his shott, had his head carryed away with the first or
second shott made out of our shippe. It slew also two or three of those
which stood next him.

Which may be a good and gentle warning for all those who mooved either
with covetousnesse, or with desire of revenge, or in hope of worldly
promotion, or other respect whatsoever, doe willingly and voluntarily
serve the enemie against their owne nation: _nulla causa insta videri
potest, adversus patriam arma capiendi_.

[The ends of fugitives.]

And if we consider the end of those who have thus erred, wee shall finde
them, for the most part, lamentable and most miserable. At the least,
those whom I have knowne, have lived to be pointed at with detestation,
and ended their lives in beggery, voyde of reputation.


SECTION LIX.

The fight continued so hott on both sides, that the artillery and
muskets never ceased playing. Our contraries, towards the evening,
determined the third time to lay us abourd, with resolution to take us
or to hazard all. The order they set downe for the execution hereof,
was, that the captaine (or admirall) should bring himselfe uppon our
weather bowe, and so fall abourd of us, upon our broad side: and that
the vice-admirall should lay his admirall abourd uppon his weather
quarter, and so enter his men into her; that from her they might enter
us, or doe as occasion should minister.

The captaine of the vice-admirall being more hardy then considerate, and
presuming with his shippe and company to get the price and chiefe
honour, wayted not the time to put in execution the direction given, but
presently came [The Spaniards pay deerely for their rashnesse.] abourd
to wind-wards uppon our broad side. Which, doubtlesse, was the great and
especiall providence of Almightie God, for the discouraging of our
enemies, and animating of us. For although shee was as long, or rather
longer then our shippe, being rarely[217] built, and utterly without
fights or defences; what with our muskets, and what with our fire-works,
wee cleered her decks in a moment, so that scarce any person appeared.
And doubtlesse if we had entred but a dozen men, we might have enforced
them to have rendred unto us, or taken her; but our company being few,
and the principall of them slaine or hurt, we durst not, neither was it
wisedome, to adventure the separation of those which remained: and so
held that for the best and soundest resolution, to keepe our forces
together in defence of our owne.

The vice-admirall seeing himselfe in great distresse, called to his
admirall for succour; who presently laid him abourd, and entred a
hundreth of his men, and so cleered themselves of us.

In this bourding, the vice-admirall had at the least thirtie and sixe
men hurt and slaine; and amongst them his pilote shot through the body,
so as he died presently. [And take a new resolution.] And the
admirall also received some losse, which wrought in them a new
resolution, onely with their artillery to batter us; and so with time to
force us to surrender, or to sinke us; which they put in execution: and
placing themselves within a musket shott of our weather quarter, and
sometimes on our broad side, lay continually beating upon us without
intermission; which was, doubtlesse, the best and securest determination
they could take; for they being rare[218] shippes, and without any
manner of close fights, in boarding with us, their men were all open
unto us, and we under covert and shelter. For on all parts our shippe
was musket free, and the great artillery of force must cease on either
side (the shippes being once grapled together), except we resolved to
sacrifice our selves together in fire. For it is impossible, if the
great ordinance play (the shippes being bourded), but that they must set
fire on the shippe they shoote at; and then no surety can be had to free
himselfe, as experience daily confirmeth. For a peece of artillery most
properly resembleth a thunderclap, which breaking upwards, or on the
side, hurteth not; for that the fire hath scope to dispence it selfe
without finding resistance, till the violence which forceth it taketh
end, and so it mounts to its center: but breaking downe right or
stooping downwards, and finding resistance or impediment, before the
violence that forceth it take end, being so subtill and penetrable a
substance, passeth and pierceth so wonderfully, as it leaveth the effect
of his execution in all points answerable to his levell and nighnesse.
For if the clouds be nigh the earth (as some are higher, some lower),
and breake down-wards, the violence wherewith the fire breaketh out is
such, and of so strange an execution, that men have beene found dead
without any outward signe in their flesh, and yet all their bones burnt
to dust. So the blade of the sword hath beene found broken all to
peeces in the scabard, and the scabard whole without blemish: and a
cristall glasse all shivered in peeces, his cover and case remaining
sound; which commeth to passe for that in the flesh, in the scabard, and
in the case, the fire being so subtile of nature, findeth easie passage
without resistance; but the bones, the blade, the cristall, being of
substance more solide, maketh greater resistance, and so the fire with
the more fury worketh the more his execution in its objects. As was
seene in the Spanish admirall (or captaine), after my imprisonment,
crossing from Panama to Cape San Francisco, a rayo (for so the Spaniards
call a thunder-clappe), brake over our shippe, killed one in the
fore-toppe, astonished either two or three in the shroudes, and split
the mast in strange manner: where it entred it could hardly be
descerned, but where it came forth, it drave out a great splinter before
it; and the man slaine, was cleane in a manner without signe or token of
hurt, although all his bones turned to powder; and those who lived and
recovered, had all their bodies blacke, as burnt with fire: which
plainly declareth and confirmeth that above said, and may serve to judge
in such occasions of persons hurt with thunder; for if they complaine of
their bones, and have little signe of the fire, their hazard of death is
the greater, then when the fire hath left greater impressions outward.
The fire out of a cloude worketh like effect, only where it leveleth
directly, as experience daily teacheth; killing those who are opposite,
hurting those who are neere, and only terrifying those who are further
distant.

In like manner the peece of ordinance hurteth not those which stand
aside, nor those which stand a slope from his mouth, but those alone
which stand directly against the true point of his levell: though
sometimes the winde of the shott overthroweth one, and the splinters
(being accidents), mayne[219] and hurt others. But principally where
the peece doth resemble the thunder clappe, as when the ships are
bourded: for then, although the artillery be discharged without shott,
the fury of the fire, and his piercing nature is such, as it entreth by
the seames, and all parts of the ships sides, and meeting with so fit
matter as pitch, tarre, ocombe, and sometimes with powder, presently
converteth all into flames.

For avoyding whereof, as also the danger and damage which may come by
pikes and other inventions of fire, and if any shippe be oppressed with
many shippes at once, and subject by them to be bourded; I hold it a
good course to strike his fore and mayne yards close to his decke, and
to fight with sprit-saile and myson, and top-sayles loose: so shall he
be able to hinder them from oppressing him.

[Pollicies to avoid bourdings.]

Some have thought it a good pollicy to launce out some ends of mastes or
yards by the ports or other parts: but this is to be used in the greater
shippes; for in the lesser, though they be never so strong, the waight
of the bigger will beate out the opposite sides and doe hurt, and make
great spoyle in the lesser. And in bourding, ordinarily the lesser
shippe hath all the harme which the one shippe can doe unto the other.

[Disputes concerning ships of trade.]

Here is offered to speake of a point much canvassed amongst carpenters
and sea captaines, diversly mainetained but yet undetermined: that is,
whether the race[220] or loftie built shippe bee best for the merchant,
and those which imploy themselves in trading? I am of opinion that the
race shippe is most convenient; yet so as that every perfect shippe
ought to have two deckes, for the better strengthening of her; the
better succouring of her people; the better preserving of her
merchandize and victuall; and for her greater safetie from sea and
stormes.

[Concerning the prince his shippes.]

But for the princes shippes, and such as are imployed continually in the
warres, to be built loftie I hold very necessary for many reasons. First
for majestie and terrour of the enemy; secondly, for harbouring of many
men; thirdly, for accommodating more men to fight; fourthly, for placing
and using more artillery; fiftly, for better strengthening and securing
of the shippe; sixtly, for over-topping and subjecting the enemy;
seventhly, for greater safeguard and defence of the ship and company.
For it is plaine, that the ship with three deckes, or with two and a
halfe, shewes more pomp than another of her burthen with a decke and a
halfe, or two deckes, and breedeth greater terror to the enemy,
discovering herselfe to be a more powerfull ship, as she is, then the
other; which being indeed a ship of force, seemeth to be but a barke,
and with her low building hideth her burthen. And who doubteth that a
decke and a halfe cannot harbour that proportion of men, that two
deckes, and two deckes and a halfe can accommodate to fight; nor carry
the artillery so plentifully, nor so commodiously. Neither can the ship
be so strong with a decke and a halfe as with two deckes; nor with two,
as with three; nor carry her masts so taunt; nor spread so great a clue;
nor contrive so many fightes, to answer one another for defence and
offence. And the advantage the one hath of the other, experience daily
teacheth.

[All ships of warre are not to be low built.]

In the great expedition of eightie eight, did not the _Elizabeth Jonas_,
the _Triumph_, and the _Beare_, shew greater majestie then the _Arke
Royall_ and the _Victorie_, being of equall burthens? did they not cause
greater regard in the enemy? did they not harbour and accommodate more
men, and much better? did they not beare more artillery? And if they had
come to boord with the Spanish high-charged ships, it is not to be
doubted but they would have mustred themselves better, then those which
could not with their prowesse nor props, have reached to their wastes.
The strength of the one cannot be compared with the strength of the
other: but in bourding, it goeth not so much in the strength, as in
weight and greatnesse. For the greater ship that bourdeth with the
lesser, with her mastes, her yardes, her tacklings, her anchors, her
ordinance, and with her sides, bruseth and beateth the lesser to peeces,
although the lesser be farre stronger according to proportion.

The _Foresight_ of his Majesties, and the _Daintie_, were shippes in
their proportions farre more stronger then the carake which was taken by
them and their consorts, anno 92: for she had in a manner no strong
building nor binding, and the others were strengthened and bound as art
was able to affoord; and yet both bourding with her, were so brused,
broken, and badly handled, as they had like to have sunke by her side,
though bourding with advantage to weather-wards of her. But what would
have become of them if she should have had the wind of them, and have
come aboord to wind-ward of them? In small time, no doubt, she would
have beaten them under water.

Anno 90, in the fleet under the charge of Sir John Hawkins, my father,
comming from the south-wards, the _Hope_, of his Majesties, gave chase
to a French ship, thinking her to be a Spaniard. She thought to have
freed her selfe by her sailing, and so would not availe, but endured the
shooting of many peeces, and forced the _Hope_ to lay her abourd; of
which issued that mischiefe which before I spake off. For in a moment
the French ship had all her mastes, yards, and sailes in the sea, and
with great difficultie the _Hope_ could free herselfe from sinking her.

In the self-same voyage, neere the ilands of Flores and Corvo, the
_Rainbow_ and the _Foresight_ came foule one of another; the _Rainbow_,
being the greater shippe, left the _Foresight_ much torne; and if God
had not beene pleased to seperate them, the lesser, doubtlesse, had
sunke in the sea; but in these incounters they received little or no
hurt. The boording of the _Rainbow_ and _Foresight_, as I was enformed,
proceeded of the obstinacie and self will of the captaine or master of
the _Foresight_, who would not set sayle in time, to give sea roome to
the other, comming [Particular respects must give place to the
generall.] driving upon her, for that she was more flotie.[221] This
pride I have seene many times to be the cause of great hurt, and is
worthy of severe punishment: for being all of one company, and bound
every one to helpe and further the good of the other, as members of one
body, there ought to be no strayning of courtesie; but all are bound to
suppress emulation and particular respect, in seeking the generall good
of all, yea, of every particular more ingeniously then that of his owne.

But in equitie and reason, the le-ward shippe ought ever to give way to
the weather most, in hulling or trying, without any exception. First,
for that shee advantageth the other in hulling or trying; which is
manifest, for that shee to wind-wards drives upon her to le-wards.
Secondly, for that the windermost shippe, by opening her sayle, may be
upon the other before shee be looked for, either for want of steeridge,
not being under way, or by the rowling of the sea, some one sea casting
the shippe more to le-wards then ten others. And thirdly, for that the
windermost shippe being neere, and setting sayle, is in possibilitie to
take away the winde from her to le-wards comming within danger. And this
by way of argument, for a hull and under-sayle in stormes and fayre
weather, in harbour, or at sea.

Humanitie and courtesie are ever commendable and beneficiall to all,
whereas arrogancie and ambition are ever accompanied with shame, losse,
and repentance.

[Arrogancy of a Spanish generall.]

And though in many examples, touching this point, I have beene an eye
witnesse, yet I will record but one, which I saw in the river of
Civill,[222] at my comming out of the Indies amongst the galleons loaden
with silver. For their wafting, the king sent to the Tercera, eight new
galleons, under the charge of Villa Viciosa; who entring the barre of
Saint Luar joyntly, the shippes loaden with silver, anchored in the
middest of the river in deeper water, and the wafters on either side,
neere the shoare. The admirall of the wafters rode close by the galleon
in which I was, and had moored her selfe in that manner, as her streame,
cable, and anchor, overlayed our land-most. And winding up with the
first of the flood, shee her selfe in one of her cables, which together
with the great currant of the ebbe, and force of the winde which blewe
fresh, caused her to drive, and to dragge home her anchors; and with
that which overlay ours, to cause us to doe the like. Whereupon, on both
sides was crying out to veere cable: we, for our parts, had lost all our
cables in the Terceras, saving those which were a-ground, and those very
short, and vered to the better end. The admirall strained courtesie,
thinking the other, though loaden with silver, bound to let slippe one,
so to give him way; and the generall standing in his gallery, saw the
danger which both shippes ranne into, being in a manner bourd and bourd,
and driving upon the point of the shoare: yet he commanded to hold fast,
and not to vere cable, till he was required and commanded in the kings
name, by the captaine of our shippe; protesting, the damage which should
ensue thereof to the king and merchants, to runne upon the admirals
accompt; and that in his shippe he had no other cable but those which
were aground, and that they had vered as much as they could: which the
generall knowing, and at last better considering, willed to vere his
cable end for end, and so, with some difficultie and dispute, the punto
was remedied; which if he had done at first, he had prevented all other
danger, inconvenience, and dispute, by only weighing of his cable and
anchor after the gust was past, and letting it fall in a place more
commodious: whereas, his vaine glory, stoutnesse, and selfe-will, had
put in great perill two of the kings shippes, and in them above two
millions of treasure. And it may be, if he had beene one of the ignorant
generalls, such as are sometimes imployed, whereas he was one of best
experience, I doubt not, but they would have stood so much upon their
puntos,[223] as rather then they would have consented to vere theyr
cables (for that it seemed a diminution of authoritie), they would
rather have suffered all to goe to wracke, without discerning the danger
and damage.

[Doubts and objections resolved.]

But to returne to my former point of advantage, which the greater shippe
hath of the lesser, I would have it to be understood according to
occasion, and to be understood of ships of warre with ships of warre; it
being no part of my meaning to mainetaine that a small man of warre
should [And the duty of a small ship against a greater.] not
bourd with a great shippe which goeth in trade. For I know, that the
war-like shippe that seeketh, is not only bound to bourd with a greater,
but were shee sure to hazard her selfe, shee ought to bourd where any
possibility of surprising may be hoped for. Witnesse the Biscaine
shippes of five hundreth tunnes, taken by shippes of lesse then a
hundreth. Such were those which were taken by captaine George Reymond,
and captaine Greenfield Halse; both wonne by bourding and force of
armes. And did not Markes Berry, with a shippe of foure-score tunnes, by
bourding and dent of sword, take a shippe which came from the Nova
Hispania, of neere foure hundreth tunnes? To recount all such as have
beene in this sort taken by our countreymen, as also those of great
worth they have lost, for not hazarding the bourding, were never to
make an end. Yet discretion is ever to be used; for a man that in a
small barke goeth to warre-fare, is not bound to bourd with a carake,
nor with a shippe which he seeth provided with artillery and other
preventions far above his possibilitie.

[Vain-glory of the Spanish.]

The Spaniards confesse us to advantage them in our shipping, and
attribute all our victories to that which is but a masse of dead wood,
were it not managed and ordered by art and experience; affirming, that
if we came to handie strokes and bourding, they should goe farre beyond
us, which to any person of reasonable understanding, cannot but seeme
most vaine-glorious; for we leave not to bourd with them upon occasion,
when otherwise we cannot force them to surrender: but I conclude it to
be great errour, and want of discretion in any man, to put himselfe, his
shippe, and company in perill, being able otherwise to vanquish his
enemy.[224]

This imagination, so vaine and so voyde of ground, hath growne from the
ignorance of some of our common sort of marriners and vulgar people,
which have beene prisoners in Spaine: who being examined and asked, why
her Majesties shippes in occasions bourd not, have answered and enformed
that it is the expresse order of her Majestie and counsell, in no case
to hazard her shippes by bourding; yea, I have knowne some captaines of
our owne (to colour their faint proceedings), have averred as much,
which is nothing so. For in the houre that her majestie or counsell
committeth the charge of any of her shippes to any person, it is left to
his discretion to bourd or not to bourd, as the reason of service
requireth. And therefore let no man hereafter pretend ignorance, nor for
this vanitie leave to doe his duty, or that which is most probable to
redound to the honour and service of his prince and countrey, and to
the damage of his enemy. For in case he excuse himselfe with this
allegation, it cannot but redound to his condemnation and disreputation.
And I assure all men, that in any reasonable equalitie of shipping, we
cannot desire greater advantage, then we have of the Spaniards by
bourding. The reasons why, I hold it not convenient to discourse in
particular; but experience and tract of time, with that which I have
seen amongst them, hath taught me this knowledge; and those who have
seene their discipline, and ours, cannot but testifie the same.


SECTION LX.

[Courses for artillery after bourding.]

Againe, all that which hath beene spoken of the danger of the artillery
in bourding, it is not to be wrested nor interpreted, to cut of utterly
the use of all artillery after bourding, but rather I hold nothing more
convenient in shippes of warre, then fowlers and great bases in the cage
workes, and murderers in the cobridge heads; for that their execution
and speedie charging and discharging, is of great moment.[225]

[Disuses of engines of antiquitie.]

Many I know have left the use of them, and of sundry other preventions,
as of sherehookes, stones in their toppes, and arming them; pikebolts in
their wales, and divers other engines of antiquitie. But upon what
inducement, I cannot relate, unlesse it be because they never knew their
effects and benefit; and may no doubt be used without the inconveniences
before mentioned in great ordinance. As also such may be the occasion,
that without danger some of the great artillery may be used, and that
with great effect, which is in the discretion of the commanders and
their gunners, as hath beene formerly seene, and daily is experimented.
In the _Revenge_ of her Majesties good experience was made, who sunke
two of the Spanish armado lying abourd her.


SECTION LXI.

In these bourdings and skirmishes, divers of our men were slaine, and
many hurt, and myselfe amongst them received sixe wounds; one of them in
the necke very perillous; another through the arme, perishing the bone,
and cutting the sinewes close by the arme-pit; the rest not so
dangerous. The master of our shippe had one of his eyes, his nose, and
halfe his face shott away. Master Henry Courton was slaine. On these two
I principally relyed for the prosecution of our voyage, if God, by
sicknesse, or otherwise, should take me away.

[The Spaniards parley.]

The Spaniards with their great ordinance lay continually playing upon
us, and now and then parled and invited us to surrender ourselves _a
buena querra_.[226] The captaine of our shippe, in whose direction and
guide, our lives, our honour, and welfare now remained, seeing many of
our people wounded and slaine, and that few were left to sustaine and
maintaine the fight, or to resist the entry of the enemy, if he should
againe bourd with us, and that our contraries offered us good
pertido,[227] came unto me accompanied with some others, and began to
relate the state of our shippe, and how that many were hurt and slaine,
and scarce any men appeared to traverse the artillery, or to oppose
themselves for defence, if the enemy should bourd with us againe; and
how that the admirall offered us life and liberty, and to receive us _a
buena querra_, and to send us into our owne country. Saying, that if I
thought it so meete, he and the rest were of opinion that we should put
out a flagge of truce, and make some good composition. The great losse
of blood had weakened me much. The torment of my wounds newly received,
made me faint, and I laboured for life, within short space expecting I
should give up the ghost.

But this parley pearced through my heart, and wounded my soule; words
failed me wherewith to expresse it, and none can conceive it but he
which findeth himselfe in the like agonie. Yet griefe and rage
ministered force, and caused me to breake forth into this reprehension
and execution following.

“Great is the crosse which Almightie God hath suffered to come upon me:
that assaulted by our professed enemies, and by them wounded, as you
see, in body, lying gasping for breath, those whom I reputed for my
friends to fight with me; those which I relyed on as my brethren to
defend me in all occasions; those whom I have nourished, cherished,
fostered and loved as my children, to succour me, helpe me, and to
sustaine my reputation in all extremities; are they who first draw their
swords against me, are they which wound my heart, in giving me up into
mine enemies hands. Whence proceedeth this ingratitude? whence this
faintnesse of heart? whence this madnesse? Is the cause you fight for
unjust? is the honour and love of your prince and countrey buried in the
dust? your sweete lives, are they become loathsome unto you? will you
exchange your liberty for thraldome? will you consent to see that which
you have sweat for and procured with so great labour and adventure, at
the dispose of your enemies? can you content your selves to suffer my
blood spilt before your eyes, and my life bereft me in your presence,
with the blood and lives of your deere brethren to be unrevenged? Is not
an honourable death to be preferred before a miserable and slavish life?
The one sustaining the honour of our nation, of our predecessors, and of
our societie: the other ignominious to our selves, and reproachful to
our nation. Can you be perswaded that the enemy will performe his
promise with you, that never leaveth to breake it with others, when he
thinketh it advantagious? And know you not, that with him, all is
convenient that is profitable? Hold they not this for a maxime: that,
_nulla fides est servanda cum hereticis_? In which number they accompt
us to be. Have you forgotten their faith violated with my father, in
Saint John de Ulua, the conditions and capitulations being firmed by the
vice-roy and twelve hostages, all principall personages given for the
more securitie of either party to other? Have you forgotten their
promise broken with John Vibao and his company, in Florida, having
conditioned to give them shipping and victuals, to carry them into their
countrey; immediately after they had delivered their weapons and armes,
had they not their throates cut? Have you forgotten how they dealt with
John Oxnam and his company, in this sea, yeelded upon composition; and
how after a long imprisonment, and many miseries, being carryed from
Panama to Lyma, and there hanged with all his company, as pyrates, by
the justice?[228] And can you forget how dayly they abuse our noble
natures, which being voyde of malice, measure all by sinceritie, but to
our losse; for that when we come to demand performance, they stoppe our
mouthes; either with laying the inquisition upon us, or with delivering
us into the hands of the ordinary justice, or of the kings ministers.
And then urged with their promises, they shrinke up to the shoulders,
and say, that they have now no further power over us; they sorrow in
their hearts to see their promise is not accomplished: but now they
cannot doe us any good office, but to pray to God for us, and to entreat
the ministers in our behalfe.

“Came we into the South sea to put out flags of truce? And left we our
pleasant England, with all her contentments, with intention or purpose
to avayle our selves of white ragges, and by banners of peace to deliver
ourselves for slaves into our enemies hands; or to range the world with
the English, to take the law from them, whom by our swords, prowesse,
and valour, we have alwaies heretofore bin accustomed to purchase
honour, riches, and reputation? If these motives be not sufficient to
perswade you, then I present before your eyes your wives and children,
your parents and friends, your noble and sweete countrey, your gracious
soveraigne; of all which accompt yourselves for ever deprived, if this
proposition should be put in execution. But for all these, and for the
love and respect you owe me, and for all besides that you esteeme and
hold dear in this world, and for Him that made us and all the world,
banish out of your imagination such vaine and base thoughts; and
according to your woonted resolution, prosecute the defence of your
shippe, your lives, and libertie, with the lives and libertie of your
companions; who by their wounds and hurts are disabled and deprived of
all other defence and helpe, save that which lyeth in your discretions
and prowesse. And you, captaine,--of whom I made choise amongst many, to
be my principall assistant, and the person to accomplish my dutie if
extraordinary casualtie should disable me to performe and prosecute our
voyage,--tender your obligation; and now in the occasion give testimony,
and make proofe of your constancie and valour, according to the opinion
and confidence I have ever held of you.”

Whereunto he made answere: “My good generall, I hope you have made
experience of my resolution, which shall be ever to put in execution
what you shall be pleased to command me; and my actions shall give
testimonie of the obligation wherein I stand bound unto you. What I have
done, hath not proceeded from faintnesse of heart, nor from a will to
see imaginations put in execution; for besides the losse of our
reputation, liberty, and what good else we can hope for, I know the
Spaniard too too well, and the manner of his proceedings in discharge of
promises: but only to give satisfaction to the rest of the company,
which importuned me to moove this point, I condiscended to that which
now I am ashamed of, and grieve at, because I see it disliking to you.
And here I vowe to fight it out, till life or lymmes fayle me. Bee you
pleased to recommend us to Almightie God, and to take comfort in him,
whom I hope will give us victory, and restore you to health and
strength, for all our comforts, and the happy accomplishing and
finishing of our voyage, to his glory.”

I replyed: “This is that which beseemeth you; this sorteth to the
opinion I ever held of you; and this will gaine you, with God and man, a
just reward. And you the rest, my deere companions and friends, who ever
have made a demonstration of desire to accomplish your duties, remember
that when we first discryed our enemy, you shewed to have a longing to
proove your valours against him: now that the occasion is offered, lay
hold of the fore-locke; for if once shee turne her backe, make sure
accompt never after to see her face againe: and as true English men, and
followers of the steppes of our forefathers, in vertue and valour, sell
your bloods and lives deerely, that Spaine may ever record it with
sadnesse and griefe. And those which survive, rejoyce in the purchase of
so noble a victory, with so small meanes against so powerfull an enemy.”

Hereunto they made answere: that as hitherto they had beene conformable
to all the undertakings which I had commanded or counselled, so they
would continue in the selfe same dutie and obedience to the last breath;
vowing either to remaine conquerours and free-men, or else to sell their
lives at that price which their enemies should not willingly consent to
buy them at. And with this resolution, both captaine and company tooke
their leave of me, every one particularly, and the greater part with
teares and imbracings, though we were forthwith to depart the world, and
never see one the other againe but in heaven, promising to cast all
forepassed imaginations into oblivion, and never more to speake of
surrendry.

[They resolve to fight it out.]

In accomplishment of this promise and determination, they persevered in
sustaining the fight, all this night, with the day and night following,
and the third day after. In which time the enemy never left us, day nor
night, beating continually upon us with his great and small shott.
Saving that every morning, an hower before the breake of day, he
[The enemy breatheth.] edged a little from us, to breath, and
to remedie such defects as were amisse, as also to consult what they
should doe the day and night following.

[The English repaire their defects.]

This time of interdiction, we imployed in repayring our sayles and
tacklings, in stopping our leakes, in fishing and wolling our masts and
yards, in mending our pumpes, and in fitting and providing our selves
for the day to come. Though this was but little space for so many
workes, yet gave it great reliefe and comfort unto us, and made us
better able to endure the defence: for otherwise, our ship must of force
have suncke before our surrendry, having many shot under water, and our
pumpes shot to peeces every day. In all this space, not any man of
either part tooke rest or sleepe, and little sustenance, besides bread
and wine.

In the second dayes fight, the vice-admirall comming upon our quarter,
William Blanch, one of our masters mates, with a luckie hand, made a
shot unto her with one of our sterne peeces; it carried away his maine
mast close by the decke: wherewith the admirall beare up to her, to see
what harme shee had received, and to give her such succour as shee was
able to spare; which we seeing, were in good hope that they would have
now left to molest us any longer, having wherewithall to entertaine
themselves [Advantages omitted.] in redressing their owne
harmes. And so we stood away from them close by as we could; which we
should not have done, but prosecuted the occasion, and brought our
selves close upon her weather gage, and with our great and small shot
hindered them from repairing their harmes: if we had thus done, they had
beene forced to cut all by the bourd; and it may bee, lying a hull or to
le-wards of us, with a few shot wee might have suncke her. At the least,
it would have declared to our enemies that wee had them in little
estimation, when, able to goe from them, we would not; and perhaps bin a
cause to have made them to leave us.

But this occasion was let slip, as also that other to fight with them,
sayling quarter winds, or before the winde; for having stood off to sea
a day and a night, we had scope to fight at our pleasure; and no man,
having sea roome, is bound to fight as his enemie will, with
disadvantage, being able otherwise to deal with equalitie; contrariwise,
every man ought to seeke the meanes hee can for his defence, and
greatest advantage, to the annoyance of his contrarie.

Now wee might, with our fore saile low set, have borne upp before the
winde, and the enemie of force must have done the like, if he would
fight with us, or keepe us company: and then should wee have had the
advantage of them. For although their artillery were longer, waightier,
and many more then ours, and in truth did pierce with greater violence;
yet ours being of greater bore, and [The difference of shot.]
carrying a waightier and greater shot, was of more importance and of
better effect for sinking and spoyling: for the smaller shot passeth
through, and maketh but his whole, and harmeth that which lyeth in his
way; but the greater shaketh and shivereth all it meeteth, and with the
splinters, or that which it encountreth, many times doth more hurt then
with his proper circumference: as is plainely seene in the battery by
land, when the saker, the demy-colverin, [Their effects.] the
colverin, and demi-cannon (being peeces that reach much further point
blanke then the cannon), are nothing of like importance for making the
breach, as is the cannon; for that this shot being ponderous, pierceth
with difficultie, yea worketh better effects, tormenting, shaking, and
overthrowing all; whereas the others, with their violence, pierce
better, and make onely their hole, and so hide themselves in the wooll
or rampire.[229]

Besides, our ship being yare[230] and good of steeridge, no doubt but we
should have played better with our ordinance, and with more effect then
did our enemies; which was a [Errors in fight,] great errour,
being able to fight with lesse disadvantage, and yet to fight with the
most that could be imagined, which I knew not off, neither was able to
direct though I had knowne it, being in a manner senselesse, what with
my wounds, and what with the agony of the surrendry propounded, for
that I had seldome knowne it spoken of, but that it came afterwards to
be put in execution.

The generall not being able to succour his vice-admirall, except he
should utterly leave us, gave them order to shift as well as they could
for the present, and to beare with the next port, and there to repayre
their harmes. Himselfe presently followed the chase, and in short space
fetched us up, and beganne a fresh to batter us with his great and small
shott. The vice-admirall, having saved what they could, cutt the rest by
the bourd, and with fore-sayle and myson came after us also; and before
the setting of the sunne, were come upon our broad side, wee bearing all
our sayles, and after kept us company, lying upon our weather quarter,
and annoying us what shee could.

Here I hold it necessary, to make mention of two things which were most
prejudiciall unto us, and the principall causes of our perdition; the
errours and faults of late dayes, [learned from the Flemings
and Easterlings.] crept in amongst those who follow the sea, and learned
from the Flemings and Easterlings. I wish that by our misfortunes others
would take warning, and procure to redresse them, as occasions shall be
offered.

[1. To fight unarmed. 2. To drinke to excesse.]

The one, is to fight unarmed, where they may fight armed. The other is,
in comming to fight, to drinke themselves drunke. Yea, some are so madd,
that they mingle powder with wine, to give it the greater force,
imagining that it giveth spirit, strength, and courage, and taketh away
all feare and doubt. The latter is for the most part true, but the
former is false and beastly, and altogether against reason. For though
the nature of wine, with moderation, is to comfort and revive the heart,
and to fortifie and strengthen the spirit; yet the immoderate use
thereof worketh quite contrary effects.

In fights, all receipts which add courage and spirit, are of great
regard, to be allowed and used; and so is a draught of wine, to be given
to every man before he come to action, but more then enough is
pernicious; for exceeding the same, it offendeth, and enfeebleth the
sences, converting the strength (which should resist the force of the
enemy) into weaknesse: it dulleth and blindeth the understanding, and
consequently depraveth any man of true valour; for that he is disenabled
to judge and apprehend the occasion which may be offered, to assault and
retyre in time convenient; the raynes of reason being put into the hands
of passion and disorder. For after I was wounded, this _nimium_ bred
great disorder and inconvenience in our shippe; the pott continually
walking, infused desperate and foolish hardinesse in many, who blinded
with the fume of the liquor, considered not of any danger, but thus and
thus would stand at hazard; some in vaine glory vaunting themselves;
some other rayling upon the Spaniards; another inviting his companion to
come and stand by him, and not to budge a foote from him; which
indiscreetly they put in execution, and cost the lives of many a good
man, slaine by our enemies muskettiers, who suffered not a man to shew
himselfe, but they presently overthrew him with speed and
watchfullnesse. For prevention of the second errour, although I had
great preparation of armours, as well of proofe, as of light corseletts,
yet not a man would use them; but esteemed a pott of wine a better
defence then an armour of proofe. Which truely was great madnesse, and a
lamentable fault, worthy to be banished from amongst all reasonable
people, and well to be weighed by all commanders. [The Spaniard
surpasseth us in temperance.] For if the Spaniard surpasseth us in any
thing, it is in his temperance and suffering: and where he hath had the
better hand of us, it hath beene, for the most part, through our own
folly; for that we will fight unarmed with him being armed. And although
I have heard many men maintaine, that in shipping, armour is of little
profit: all men of good understanding will condemne such desperate
ignorance. For besides, that the sleightest armour secureth the parts
of a mans body, which it covereth, from pike, sword, and all hand
weapons, it likewise giveth boldnesse and courage: a man armed, giveth a
greater and a waightier blow, then a man unarmed; he standeth faster,
and with greater difficultie is to be overthrowne.

[The use and profit of arming,]

And I never read, but that the glistering of the armour hath beene by
authors observed, for that, as I imagine, his show breedeth terror in
his contraries, and despayre to himselfe if he be unarmed. And therefore
in time of warre, such as devote themselves to follow the profession of
armes, by sea or by land, ought to covet nothing more then to be well
armed; for as much as it is the second meanes, next Gods protection, for
preserving and prolonging many mens lives.[231]

[exactly observed by the Spanish.]

Wherein the Spanish nation deserveth commendation above others; every
one, from the highest to the lowest, putting their greatest care in
providing faire and good armes. He which cannot come to the price of a
corslet, will have a coat of mayle, a jackett, at least a buffe-jerkin,
or a privie coate. And hardly will they be found without it, albeit they
live and serve, for the most part, in extreame hott countries.

Whereas I have knowne many bred in cold countries, in a moment complaine
of the waight of their armes, that they smoother them, and then cast
them off, chusing rather to be shott through with a bullet, or lanched
through with a pike, or thrust through with a sword, then to endure a
little travaile and suffering. But let me give these lazie ones this
lesson, that he that will goe a warre-fare, must resolve himselfe to
fight; and he that putteth on this resolution, must be contented to
endure both heate and waight: first for the safeguard of his life, and
next for subduing of his enemie; both which are hazarded, and put into
great danger, if he fight unarmed with an enemy armed.

[Armes more necessary by sea, then at land.]

Now for mine owne opinion, I am resolved that armour is more necessary
by sea then by land, yea, rather to be excused on the shore then in the
shippe. My reason is, for that on the shore, the bullet onely hurteth,
but in the shippe I have seene the splinters kill and hurt many at once,
and yet the shott to have passed without touching any person. As in the
galeon in which I came out of the Indies, in anno 1597, in the rode of
Tercera, when the Queenes Majesties shippes, under the charge of the
Earle of Essex, chased us into the rode, with the splinters of one
shott, were slaine, maymed, and sore hurt, at the least a dozen persons,
the most part whereof had beene excused, if they had beene armed.

And doubtlesse, if these errours had beene foreseene, and remedied by
us, many of those who were slaine and hurt, had beene on foote, and we
inabled to have sustained and maintained the fight much better and
longer, and perhaps at last had freed our selves. For if our enemy had
come to bourd with us, our close fights were such, as we were secure,
and they open unto us. And what with our cubridge heads, one answering
the other, our hatches upon bolts, our brackes in our deckes and gunner
roome, it was impossible to take us as long as any competent number of
men had remained: twentie persons would have sufficed for defence; and
for this, such ships are called impregnable, and are not to be taken,
but by surrender, nor to be overcome but with bourding or sinking, as in
us by experience was verified. And not in us alone, but in the _Revenge_
of the Queenes Majestie, which being compassed round about with all the
armado of Spaine, and bourded sundry times by many at once, is said to
have sunke three of the armado by her side.

And in this conflict, having lost all her mastes, and being no other
then a logge in the sea, could not be taken with all their force and
pollicie, till she surrendred her selfe by an honourable composition.

By these presidents,[232] let governours by sea take speciall care,
above all, to preserve their people, in imitation of the French; who
carrie many souldiers in their shippes of warre, and secure them in
their holdes, till they come to entring, and to prove their forces by
the dint of sword.

[A difference for commanders.]

But here the discreete commaunders are to put difference, betwixt those
which defend, and those which are to offend, and betwixt those which
assault, and those which are assaulted. For, as I have sayd, no
government whatsoever, better requireth a perfect and experimented
commaunder, then that of the sea. And so no greater errour can be
committed, then to commend such charges to men unexperimented in this
profession.

[Race-ships of warre disliked.]

A third and last cause, of the losse of sundry of our men, most worthy
of note for all captaines, owners, and carpenters, was the race[233]
building of our shippe, the onely fault shee had; and now a-dayes, held
for a principall grace in any shippe: but by the experience which I have
had, it seemeth for sundry reasons verie prejudiciall for shippes of
warre. For in such, those which tackle the sayles, of force must bee
upon the deckes, and are open without shelter or any defence: yet here
it will be objected, that for this [Wast clothes not so
useful] inconvenience, wast clothes are provided, and for want of them,
it is usuall to lace a bonnet, or some such shadow for the men: worthily
may it bee called a shadow, and one of the most pernitious customes that
can be used; for this shadow, or defence, being but of linnen or wollen
cloth, emboldeneth many, who without it would retire to better
securitie; whereas, now thinking themselves unseene, they become more
bould then otherwise they would, and thereby shot through when they
least thinke of it. Some captaines observing this errour, have sought to
remedie it in some of his Majesties shippes; not by altering the
building, but [as other devises.] by devising a certaine
defence, made of foure or five inch planckes, of five foote high, and
sixe foote broad, running upon wheeles, and placed in such partes of the
shippe as are most open. These they name blenders, and made of elme for
the most part; for that it shivers not with a shot, as oake and other
timber will doe, which are now in use and service: but best it is, when
the whole side hath one blender, and one armour of proofe, for defence
of those which of force must labour and be aloft.

This race building, first came in by overmuch homing[234] in of our
shippes; and received for good, under colour of making our shippes
thereby the better sea-shippes, and of better advantage to hull and
trye: but in my judgement, it breedeth many inconveniences, and is farre
from working the effect they pretend, by disinabling them for bearing
their cage worke correspondent to the proportion and mould of the
shippe, making them tender sided, and unable to carry sayle in any fresh
gaile of winde, and diminishing the play of their artillery, and the
place for accommodating their people to fight, labor, or rest.

And I am none of those who hold opinion that the over-much homing in,
the more the better, is commodious and easier for the shippe; and this
out of the experience that I have learned, which with forcible reasons I
could prove to be much rather discomodious and worthy to be reformed.
But withall, I hold it not necessary to discourse here of that
particularitie, but leave the consequence to men of understanding, and
so surcease.


SECTION LXII.

All this second day, and the third day and night, our captaine and
company susteined the fight, notwithstanding the disadvantage where with
they fought; the enemie being [The disadvantage of ships to
lee-ward.] ever to wind-ward, and wee to lee-ward, their shott much
damnifying us, and ours little annoying them; for whensoever a man
encountreth with his enemie at sea, in gayning the weather gage, hee is
in possibilitie to sinke his contrary, but his enemie cannot sinke him;
and therefore [And the best remedie.] hee which is forced to
fight with this disadvantage, is to procure by all meanes possible to
shoote downe his contraries masts or yards, and to teare or spoyle his
tackling and sayles; for which purpose, billets of some heavy wood
fitted to the great ordinance, are of great importance. And so are
arrows of fire, to bee shott out of slur-bowes, and cases of small
shott, joyned two and two together, with peeces of wyer, of five or sixe
ynches long, which also shot out of muskets are of good effect, for
tearing the sayles or cutting the tackling.

Some are of opinion that crosse barres and chaine-shot are of moment for
the spoyling of masts and yards; but experience dayly teacheth them not
to be of great importance, though neere at hand, I confesse, they worke
great execution; but the round shott is the onely principall and
powerfull meane to breake mast or yard.

[The Spaniards fore-mast thrice shot through.]

And in this our fight, the admirall of the Spaniards had his fore-mast
shot through with two round shott, some three yardes beneath the head;
had either of them entred but foure ynches further into the heart of the
mast, without all doubt it had freed us, and perhaps put them into our
hands. The third day, in the after-noone, which was the 22nd of June
1594, according to our computation, and which I follow in this my
discourse, our sayles being torne, our mastes all perished, our pumpes
rent and shot to peeces, and our shippe with fourteene shott under water
and seven or eight foote of water in hold; many of our men being slaine,
and the most part of them which remayned sore hurt, and in a manner
altogether fruiteles, and the enemie offering still to receive us _a
buena querra_, and to give us life and libertie, and imbarkation for
our countrey;--our captaine, and those which remayned of our company,
were all of opinion that our best course was to surrender our selves
before our shippe suncke. And so by common consent agreed the second
time to send a servant of mine, Thomas Sanders, to signifie unto mee the
estate of our shippe and company: and that it was impossible by any
other way to expect for hope of deliverance, or life, but by the
miraculous hand of God, in using his Almighty power, or by an honourable
surrender: which in every mans opinion was thought most convenient. So
was I desired by him to give also my consent, that the captaine might
capitulate with the Spanish generall, and to compound the best partido
he could by surrendring our selves into his hands, upon condition of
life and libertie. This hee declared unto me, being in a manner voyd of
sence, and out of hope to live or recover; which considered, and the
circumstances of his relation, I answered as I could, that hee might
judge of my state, readie every moment to give up the ghost, and unable
to discern in this cause what was convenient, except I might see the
present state of the shippe. And that the honour or dishonour, the
welfare or misery was for them, which should be partakers of life. At
last, for that I had satisfaction of his valour and true dealing in all
the time hee had served me, and in correspondence of it, had given him
(as was notorious) charge and credit in many occasions, I bound him, by
the love and regard hee ought me, and by the faith and duty to Almighty
God, to tell me truely if all were as he had declared. Whereunto hee
made answere, that hee had manifested unto mee the plaine and naked
truth, and that hee tooke God to witnesse of the same truth; with which
receiving satisfaction, I forced my selfe what I could to perswade him
to annimate his companions, and in my name to intreate the captaine and
the rest to persevere in defence of their libertie, lives, and
reputation, remitting all to his discretion: not doubting but he would
be tender of his dutie, and zealous of my reputation, in preferring his
liberty, and the liberty of the company, above all respects whatsoever.
As for the welfare hoped by a surrender, I was altogether unlikely to be
partaker thereof, death threatning to deprive me of the benefit which
the enemie offered; but if God would bee pleased to free us, the joy and
comfort I should receive, might perhaps give me force and strength to
recover health.

Which answere being delivered to the captaine, hee presently caused a
flagge of truce to be put in place of our ensigne, and began to parley
of our surrendry, with a Spaniard, which Don Beltran appointed for that
purpose, from the poope of the admirall, to offer in his name, the
conditions before specified; with his faithful promise and oath, as the
king generall, to take us _a buena querra_, and to send us all into our
owne countrey. The promise hee accepted, and sayd that under the same
hee yeelded, and surrendred himselfe, shippe, and company. Immediately
there came unto me another servant of mine, and told me that our
captaine had surrendred himselfe, and our shippe; which understood, I
called unto one Juan Gomes de Pineda, a Spanish pilote, which was our
prisoner, and in all the fight we had kept close in hold, and willed him
to goe to the generall Don Beltran de Castro from mee, to tell him that
if he would give us his word and oath, as the generall of the king, and
some pledge for confirmation, to receive us _a buena querra_, and to
give us our lives and libertie, and present passage into our owne
countrey, that we would surrender ourselves and shippe into his hands;
otherwise, that he should never enjoy of us nor ours, any thing but a
resolution every man to dye fighting.

With this message I dispatched him, and called unto me all my company,
and encouraged them to sacrifice their lives fighting and killing the
enemie, if he gave but a fillip to any of our companions. The Spaniards
willed us to hoise out our boate, which was shott all to peeces, and so
was theirs. Seeing that he called to us to amaine our sayles, which we
could not well doe, for that they were slung, and wee had not men inough
to hand them. In this parley, the vice-admirall comming upon our
quarter, and not knowing of what had past, discharged her two chase
peeces at us, and hurt our captaine very sore in the thigh, and maimed
one of our masters mates, called Hugh Maires, in one of his armes; but
after knowing us to be [The English surrender.] rendred, hee
secured us: and we satisfying them that wee could not hoise out our
boate, nor strike our sayles, the admirall layd us abourd; but before
any man entred, John Gomes went unto the generall, who received him with
great curtesie, and asked him what we required; whereunto he made
answere that my demand was, that in the Kings name, he should give us
his faith and promise to give us our lives, to keepe the lawes of fayre
warres and quarter, and to send us presently into our countrey; and in
confirmation hereof, that I required some pledge: whereunto the generall
made answere: that in the Kings Majesties name, his master, hee received
us _a buena querra_, and swore by God Almightie, and by the habit of
Alcantara (whereof he had received knighthood, and in token whereof hee
wore in his breast a greene crosse, which is the ensigne of that order),
that he would give us our lives with good entreatie, and send us as
speedily as he could into our owne countrey. In confirmation whereof, he
took of his glove, and sent it to mee as a pledge.

With this message John Gomes returned, and the Spaniards entred and
tooke possession of our shippe, every one crying, _Buena querra, buena
querra! oy por mi, maniana por ti_:[235] with which our company began
to secure themselves.

The generall was a principall gentleman of the ancient nobilitie of
Spaine, and brother to the Conde de Lemos, whose intention no doubt was
according to his promise; and therefore considering that some bad
intreaty, and insolency, might be offered unto me in my shippe, by the
common souldiers, who seldome have respect to any person in such
occasions, especially in the case I was, whereof hee had enformed
himselfe: for prevention, hee sent a principall captaine, brought up
long time in Flaunders, called Pedro Alveres de Pulgar, to take care of
me, and whilest the shippes were one abourd the other, to bring me into
his ship; which he accomplished with great humanitie and courtesie;
despising the barres of gold which were shared before his face, which
hee might alone have enjoyed if he would. And truely hee was, as after I
found by tryall, a true captaine, a man worthy of any charge, and of the
noblest condition that I have knowne any Spaniard.

[The mildnes of a generall after victorie.]

The generall received me with great courtesie and compassion, even with
teares in his eyes, and words of great consolation, and commaunded mee
to bee accommodated in his owne cabbine, where hee sought to cure and
comfort mee the best he could: the like hee used with all our hurt men,
six and thirtie at least. And doubtlesse, as true courage, valour, and
resolution, is requisit in a generall in the time of battle, so
humanitie, mildnes, and courtesie, after victorie.


SECTION LXIII.

Whilst the shippes were together, the maine-mast of the _Daintie_ fell
by the bourd, and the people being occupied in ransacking and seeking
for spoile and pillage, neglected the principall; whereof ensued, that
within a short space the _Daintie_ grew so deepe with water, which
increased for want of prevention, that all who were in her desired to
forsake her, and weaved and cryed for succour to bee saved, being out of
hope of her recoverie.

[The _Daintie_ in danger of perishing.]

Whereupon, the generall calling together the best experimented men hee
had, and consulted with them what was best to bee done; it was resolved
that generall Michaell Angell should goe abourd the _Daintie_, and with
him threescore marriners, as many souldiers, and with them the English
men who were able to labour, to free her from water, and to put her in
order if it were possible; and then to recover Perico the port of
Panama; for that, of those to wind-wards, it was impossible to turne up
to any of them, and neerer then to le-ward was not any that could supply
our necessities and wants; which lay from us east north-east, above two
hundreth leagues.

[Michaell Arckangell recovereth the ship.]

Michaell Angell being a man of experience and care, accomplished that he
tooke in hand; although in clearing and bayling the water, in placing a
pumpe, and in fitting and mending her fore-saile, he spent above six and
thirtie howers.

During which time the shippes lay all a hull; but this worke ended, they
set sayle, and directed their course for the iles of Pearles. And for
that the _Daintie_ sayled badly, what for want of her maine-sayle, and
with the advantage which all the South-sea shippes have of all those
built in our North-sea, the admirall gave her a tawe;[236] which
notwithstanding, the wind calming with us as we approached neerer to the
land, twelve dayes were spent before we could fetch sight of the ilands;
which lye alongst the coast, beginning some eight leagues, west
south-west from Panama, and run to the south-wards neere thirtie
leagues. They are many, and the most unhabited; and those which have
people, have some negroes, slaves unto the Spaniards, which occupie
themselves in labour of the land, or in fishing for pearles.

[Fishing for pearles.]

In times past, many inriched themselves with that trade, but now it is
growne to decay. The manner of fishing for pearles is, with certaine
long pinaces or small barkes, in which there goe foure, five, sixe, or
eight negroes, expert swimmers, and great deevers,[237] whom the
Spaniards call _busos_; with tract of time, use, and continuall
practise, having learned to hold their breath long under water, for the
better atchieving their worke. These throwing themselves into the sea,
with certaine instruments of their art, goe to the bottome, and seeke
the bankes of the oysters in which the pearles are ingendred, and with
their force and art remouve them from their foundation; in which they
spend more or lesse time, according to the resistance the firmnes of the
ground affordeth. Once loosed, they put them into a bagge under their
armes, and after bring them up into their boates. Having loaden it, they
goe to the shoare; there they open them and take out the pearles: they
lie under the uttermost part of the circuite of the oyster, in rankes
and proportions, under a certaine part, which is of many pleights and
folds, called the ruffe, for the similitude it hath unto a ruffe.

The pearles increase in bignes, as they be neerer the end or joynt of
the oyster. The meate of those which have these pearles is milkie, and
not very wholesome to be eaten.

In anno 1583, in the iland of Margarita,[238] I was at the dregging of
pearle oysters, after the manner we dregge oysters in England; and with
mine owne hands I opened many, and tooke out the pearles of them, some
greater, some lesse, and in good quantitie.

How the pearle is ingendred in the oyster, or mussell, for they are
found in both, divers and sundry are the opinions, but some ridiculous:
whereof, because many famous and learned men have written largely, I
will speake no more then hath beene formerly spoken, but referre their
curious desires to Pliny, with other ancient and moderne authors.

[The places where pearle are found.]

They are found in divers parts of the world, as in the West Indies, in
the South sea, in the East Indian sea, in the Straites of Magellane, and
in the Scottish sea.

Those found neere the pooles[239] are not perfect, but are of a thick
colour; whereas such as are found neere the line, are most orient and
transparent: the curious call it their water: and the best is a cleare
white shining, with fierie flames. And those of the East India have the
best reputation, though as good are found in the West India; the choice
ones are of great valew and estimation; but the greatest that I have
read or heard of, was found in these ilands of Pearles; the which king
Phillip the Second of Spaine gave to his daughter Elizabeth, wife to
Albertus, arch-duke of Austria, and governour of the states of
Flaunders; in whose possession it remaineth, and is called _la
peregrina_,[240] for the rarenes of it; being as bigge as the pomell of
a poniard.


SECTION LXIV.

[The generall continueth his honourable usage towards the
sicke and wounded.]

In this navigation, after our surrender, the generall tooke especial
care for the good intreaty of us, and especially of those who were
hurt. And God so blessed the hands of our surgians (besides that they
were expert in their art), that of all our wounded men not one died that
was alive the day after our surrendry: the number whereof was neere
fortie; and many of them with eight, ten, or twelve wounds, and some
with more. The thing that ought to move us to give God Almighty
especiall thankes and prayses, was, that they were cured in a manner
without instruments or salves. For the chests were all broken to peeces,
and many of their simples and compounds throwne into the sea; those
which remained, were such as were throwne about the shippe in broken
pots and baggs; and such as by the Divine Providence were reserved, at
the end of three dayes, by order from the generall, were commaunded to
be sought and gathered together. These with some instruments of small
moment, bought and procured from those who had reserved them to a
different end, did not onely serve for our cures, but also for the
curing of the Spaniards, being many more then those of our company.

For the Spanish surgians were altogether ignorant in their profession,
and had little or nothing wherewith to cure. And I have noted, that the
Spaniards, in generall, are nothing so curious in accommodating
themselves with good and carefull surgeans, nor to fit them with that
which belongeth to their profession, as other nations are, though they
have greater neede then any that I do know.

At the time of our surrender, I had not the Spanish tongue, and so was
forced to use an interpreter, or the Latine, or French, which holpe me
much for the understanding of those which spake to me in Spanish,
together with a little smattering I had of the Portugall.

Through the noble proceeding of Don Beltran with us, and his particular
care towards me, in curing and comforting me, I began to gather heart,
and hope of life, and health; my servants, which were on foote, advised
me ordinarily of that which past. But some of our enemies, badly
inclined, repined at the proceedings of the generall, and sayd he did
ill to use us so well; that we were Lutherans; and for that cause, the
faith which was given us, was not to be kept nor performed. Others, that
wee had fought as good souldiers, and therefore deserved good quarter:
others nicknamed us with the name of _corsarios_, or pirats; not
discerning thereby that they included themselves within the same
imputation. Some were of opinion, that from Panama, the generall would
send us into Spaine: others sayd that he durst not dispose of us but by
order from the vice-roy of Peru, who had given him his authority. This
hit the nayle on the head.

To all I gave the hearing, and laid up in the store-house of my memory
that which I thought to be of substance; and in the store-house of my
consideration, endevoured to frame a proportionable resolution to all
occurants, conformable to Gods most holy will. Withall I profitted my
selfe of the meanes which should be offered, and beare greatest
probabilitie to worke our comfort, helpe, and remedie. And so as time
ministered opportunitie, I began, and endevoured to satisfie the
generall and the better sort in the points I durst intermeddle. And
especially to perswade, by the best reasons I could, that wee might be
sent presently from Panama; alleaging the promise given us, the cost and
charges ensuing, which doubtles would be such as deserved consideration
and excuse: besides, that now whilest he was in place, and power and
authority in his hands, to performe with us, that hee would looke into
his honour, and profit himselfe of the occasion, and not put us into the
hands of a third person; who perhaps being more powerfull then himselfe,
he might be forced to pray and intreate the performance of his promise:
whereunto hee gave us the hearing, and bare us in hand that hee would
doe what hee could.

The generall, and all in generall, not onely in the Peru, but in all
Spaine, and the kingdomes thereof, before our surrendry, held all
English men of warre to be corsarios, or pirats; which I laboured to
reforme, both in the Peru, and also in the counsels of Spaine, and
amongst the chieftaines, souldiers, and better sort, with whom I came to
have conversation: alleadging that a pirate or corsario, is [Sidenote:
What a pirate is.] hee, which in time of peace or truce, spoyleth or
robbeth those which have peace or truce with them: but the English have
neyther peace nor truce with Spaine, but warre; and therefore not to be
accounted pirats. Besides, Spaine broke the peace with England, and not
England with Spaine; and that by ymbargo,[241] which of all kindes of
[Three sorts of defiances.] defiances is most reproved, and of
least reputation; the ransoming of prysoners, and that by the cannon
being more honorable; but above all, the most honorable is with trumpet
and herald to proclaime and denounce the warre by publicke defiance. And
so if they should condemne the English for pirats, of force they must
first condemne themselves.

Moreover, pirats are those who range the seas without licence from their
prince; who when they are met with, are punished more severely by their
owne lords, then when they fall into the hands of strangers: which is
notorious to be more severely prosecuted in England, in time of peace,
then in any of the kingdomes of Christendome.

But the English have all licence, either immediately from their prince,
or from others thereunto authorized, and so cannot in any sence be
comprehended under the name of pirats, for any hostility undertaken
against Spaine or the dependancies thereof.

[The custom of Spaine for of warre.]

And so the state standing as now it doth; if in Spaine a particular man
should arm a shippe, and goe in warre-fare with it against the English,
and happened to be taken by them; I make no question, but the company
should bee intreated according to that manner, which they have ever used
since the beginning of the warre, without making further inquisition.

Then if hee were rich or poore, to see if hee were able to give a
ransome, in this also they are not very curious. But if this Spanish
shippe should fall athwart his King’s armado or gallies, I make no doubt
but they would hang the captaine and his companie for pirates. My reason
is, for that by a speciall law, it is enacted, that no man in the
kingdomes of Spaine, may arme any shippe, and goe in warre-fare, without
the King’s speciall licence and commission, upon paine to be reputed a
pirate, and to bee chastised [The custome of England.] with
the punishment due to _corsarios_. In England the case is different: for
the warre once proclaimed, every man may arme that will, and hath
wherewith; which maketh for our greater exemption from being
comprehended within the number of pirates.

With these, and other like arguments to this purpose, (to avoid
tediousnes, I omitt): I convinced all those whom I heard to harpe upon
this string: which was of no small importance for our good entreatie,
and motives for many, to further and favour the accomplishment of the
promise lately made unto us.


SECTION LXV.

[A disputation concerning _buena querra_.]

One day after dinner, as was the ordinary custome, the generall, his
captaines, and the better sort of his followers, being assembled in the
cabbin of the poope in conference, an eager contention arose amongst
them, touching the capitulation of _buena querra_, and the purport
thereof. Some sayd that onely life and good entreatie of the prisoners
was to be comprehended therein: others enlarged, and restrained it,
according to their humors and experience. In fine, my opinion was
required, and what I had seene and knowne touching that point: wherein I
pawsed a little, and suspecting the worst, feared that it might be a
baite layd to catch me withall, and so excused my selfe, saying: that
where so many experimented souldiers were joyned together, my young
judgement was little to be respected: whereunto the generall replied,
that knowledge was not alwayes incident to yeares, though reason
requireth that the aged should be the wisest, but an art acquired by
action and management of affaires; and therefore they would be but
certified what I had seene, and what my judgement was in this point.
Unto which, seeing I could not well excuse myselfe, I condiscended; and
calling my wits together, holding it better to shoote out my boult by
yeelding unto reason, although I might erre, then to stand obstinate, my
will being at warre with my consent, and fearing my deniall might be
taken for discourtesie, which peradventure might also purchase me
mislike with those who seemed to wish [The resolution, etc.]
me comfort and restitution; I submitted to better judgement, the
reformation of the present assembly, saying: “Syr, under the
capitulation of _buena querra_, or fayre warres, I have ever understood,
and so it hath beene observed in these, as also in former times, that
preservation of life and good entreatie of the prisoner have beene
comprehended; and further, by no meanes to be urged to any thing
contrary to his conscience, as touching his religion; nor to be seduced
or menaced from the allegeance due to his prince and country; but rather
to ransome him for his moneths pay. And this is that which I have knowne
practised in our times, in generall, amongst all civill and noble
[The noble usage of the English,] nations. But the English
have enlarged it one point more towards the Spaniards rendred _a buena
querra_ in these warres; have ever delivered them which have beene
taken upon such compositions, without ransome: but the covetousnes
[but abused in these days.] of our age hath brought in many
abuses, and excluded the principall officers from partaking of the
benefit of this privilege, in leaving them to the discretion of the
victor, being, many times, poorer then the common souldiers, their
qualities considered; whereby they are commonly put to more then the
ordinary ransome; and not being able of themselves to accomplish it, are
forgotten of their princes and sometimes suffer long imprisonment, which
they should not.”

[Don Beltran satisfied, and answereth.]

With this, Don Beltran sayd: “This ambiguitie you have well resolved;”
and, like a worthie gentleman, with great courtesie and liberalitie,
added: “let not the last point trouble you, but bee of good comfort; for
I here give you my word anew, that your ransome, if any shall be thought
due, shall be but a cople of grey-hounds for mee, and other two for my
brother, the Conde de Lemos: and this I sweare to you by the habit of
Alcantera. Provided alwayes, that the King, my master, leave you to my
dispose, as of right you belong unto me.”

For amongst the Spaniards in their armadoes, if there bee an absolute
generall, the tenth of all is due to him, and he is to take choise of
the best: where in other countries, it is by lot that the generalls
tenth is given. And if they be but two shippes, he doth the like; and
being but one, shee is of right the generalls. This I hardly believed,
until I saw a letter, in which the King willed his vice-roy to give Don
Beltran thankes for our shippe and artillerie, which he had given to his
Majestie.

I yeelded to the generall most heartie thankes for his great favour,
wherewith hee bound mee ever to seeke how to serve him, and deserve it.


SECTION LXVI.

[Short arrowes for muskets.]

In this discourse, generall Michael Angell demanded for what purpose
served the little short arrowes which we had in our shippe, and those in
so great quantitie. I satisfied them that they were for our muskets.
They are not as yet in use amongst the Spaniards, yet of singular effect
and execution, as our enemies confessed: for the upper worke of their
shippes being musket proofe, in all places they passed through both
sides with facilitie, and wrought extraordinary disasters; which caused
admiration, to see themselves wounded with small shott, where they
thought themselves secure; and by no meanes could find where they
entred, nor come to the sight of any of the shott.

Hereof they proved to profit themselves after, but for that they wanted
the tampkins, which are first to be driven home before the arrow be put
in; and as they understood not the secret, they rejected them as
uncertaine, and therefore not to be used: but of all the shot used now
a-dayes, for the annoying of an enemie in fight by sea, few are of
greater moment for many respects, which I hold not convenient to treat
of in publique.


SECTION LXVII.

[John Oxman’s voyage to the South sea.]

A little to the south-wards of the iland of Pearle, betwixt seven and
eight degrees, is the great river of Saint Buena Ventura. It falleth
into the South sea with three mouthes, the head of which is but a little
distant from the North sea. In anno 1575, or 1576, one John Oxman,[242]
of Plymouth, going into the West Indies, joyned with the Symarons.

[What the Symarons are.]

These are fugitive negroes, and for the bad intreatie which their
masters had given them, were then retyred into the mountaines, and lived
upon the spoyle of such Spaniards as they could master, and could never
he brought into obedience, till by composition they had a place
limmitted them for their freedome, where they should live quietly by
[Their habitation.] themselves. At this day they have a great
habitation neere Panama, called Saint Iago de Los Negros, well peopled,
with all their officers and commaunders of their owne, save onely a
Spanish governour.

[Their assistance.]

By the assistance of these Symarons, hee brought to the head of this
river, by peecemeale, and in many journeys, a small pinnace; hee fitted
it by time in a warlike manner, and with the choice of his company, put
himselfe into the South sea, where his good hap was to meete with a
cople of shippes of trade, and in the one of them a great quantitie of
gold. And amongst other things, two peeces of speciall estimation: the
one a table of massie gold, with emralds, sent for a present to the
King; the other a lady of singular beautie, married, and a mother of
children. The [John Oxman capitulateth with them.] latter
grewe to bee his perdition: for hee had capitulated with these Symarons,
that their part of the bootie should be onely the prisoners, to the ende
to execute their malice upon them (such was the rancor they had
conceived against them, for that they had beene the tyrants of their
libertie). But the Spaniards not contented to have them their slaves,
who lately had beene their lords, added to their servitude, cruell
entreaties. And they againe, to feede their insatiable revenges,
accustomed to rost and eate the hearts of all those Spaniards, whom at
any time they could lay hand upon.

[His folly and breach of promise.]

John Oxman, I say, was taken with the love of this lady, and to winne
her good will, what through her teares and perswasions, and what
through feare and detestation of their barbarous inclinations, breaking
promise with the Symarons, yeelded to her request; which was, to give
the prisoners liberty with their shippes, for that they were not usefull
for him: notwithstanding, Oxman kept the lady, who had in one of the
restored shippes eyther a sonne or a nephew. [His pursuit.]
This nephew, with the rest of the Spaniards, made all the hast they
could to Panama, and they used such diligence, as within fewe howers
some were dispatched to seek those who little thought so quickly too bee
overtaken. The pursuers approaching the river, were doubtfull by which
of the afore-remembred three mouthes they should take their way.

[And evill fortune.]

In this wavering, one of the souldiers espied certaine feathers of
hennes, and some boughes of trees, which they had cut off to make their
way, swimming down one of the outlets. This was light sufficient to
guide them in their course; they entred the river, and followed the
tracke as farre as their frigats had water sufficient; and then with
part of their souldiers in their boates, and the rest on the bankes on
eyther side, they marched day and night in pursuite of their enemies;
and in fine came uppon them unexpected, at the head of the river, making
good cheare in their tents, and devided in two partialities about the
partition, and sharing of their gold. Thus were they surprised, and not
one escaped.

[He flyeth to the Symarons.]

Some say that John Oxman fled to the Symarons, but they utterly denyed
to receive or succour him, for that he had broken his promise; the onely
objection they cast in his teeth was, that if he had held his word with
them, hee had never fallen into this extremitie.

In fine, hee was taken, and after, his shippe also was possessed by the
Spaniards, which he had hid in a certaine cove, and covered with boughes
of trees, in the guard and custodie of some foure or five of his
followers. All his company were conveyed to Panama, and there were
ymbarked for Lyma; where a processe was made against them by the
justice, and all condemned and hanged as pirates.

[Breach of faith never unpunished.]

This may he a good example to others in like occasions: first to shunne
such notorious sinnes, which cannot escape punishment in this life, nor
in the life to come: for the breach of faith is reputed amongst the
greatest faults which a man can committ. Secondly, not to abuse another
mans wife, much lesse to force her; both being odious to God and man.
Thirdly, to beware of mutenies, which seldome or never are seene to come
to better ends; for where such trees flourish, the fruite, of force,
must eyther bee bitter, sweete, or very sower. And therefore, seeing wee
vaunt ourselves to bee Christians, and make profession of His law who
forbiddeth all such vanities; let us faithfully shunne them, that wee
may partake the end of that hope which our profession teacheth and
promiseth.


SECTION LXVIII.

Comming in sight of the ilands of Pearles, the wind began to fresh in
with us, and wee profited our selves of it: but [La Pacheta.]
comming thwart of a small iland, which they call la Pacheta, that lyeth
within the Pearle ilands, close abourd the mayne, and some eight or ten
leagues south and by west from Panama, the wind calmed againe.

This iland belongeth to a private man; it is a round humock,[243]
conteyning not a league of ground, but most fertile. Insomuch, that by
the owners industrie, and the labour of some few slaves, who occupie
themselves in manuring it; and two barkes, which he imployeth in
bringing the fruit it giveth to Panama, it is sayd to bee worth him
every weeke, one with another, a barre of silver, valued betwixt two
hundreth and fiftie or three hundreth pezos; which in English money, may
amount to fiftie or threescore pounds: and for that which I saw at my
being in Panama, touching this, I hold to be true.

In our course to fetch the port of Panama, wee put our selves betwixt
the iland and the maine: which is a goodly channell, of three, foure,
and five leagues broad, and without danger, except a man come too neare
the shoare on any side; and that is thought the better course, then to
goe a sea-boord of the ilands, because of the swift running of the
tydes, and the advantage to stop the ebbe: as also for succour, if a man
should happen to bee becalmed at any time beyond expectation, which
happeneth sometimes.

[The generall certefieth the _Audiencia_ of his successe.]

The seventh of July wee had sight of Perico: they are two little ilands
which cause the port of Panama, where all the shippes used to ride. It
is some two leagues west north-west of the cittie, which hath also a
pere[244] in itselfe for small barkes; at full sea it may have some sixe
or seaven foote water, but at low water it is drie.

[The great joy of the Spaniards.]

The ninth of July wee anchored under Perico, and the generall presently
advised the _Audiencia_ of that which had succeeded in his journey:
which, understood by them, caused bonfires to be made, and every man to
put luminaries in their houses. The fashion is much used amongst the
Spaniards in their feasts of joy, or for glad tidings; placing many
lights in their churches, in their windowes, and galleries, and corners
of their houses; which being in the beginning of the night, and the
cittie close by the sea-shore, showed to us, being farre of, as though
the cittie had been on a light fire.

About eight of the clocke, all the artillery of the citty was shott
off, which wee might discerne by the flashes of fire, but could not
heare the report; yet the armado being advised thereof, and in a
readinesse, answered them likewise with all their artillery; which
taking ende, as all the vanities of this earth doe, the generall settled
himselfe to dispatch advise for the King, for the vice-roy of Peru, and
for the vice-roy of the Nova Spana, for hee also had beene certified of
our being in that sea, and had fitted an armado to seeke us, and to
guard his coast.

[Note.]

But now for a farewell (and note it), let me relate unto you this
secret, how Don Beltran shewed mee a letter from the King, his master,
directed to the vice-roy, wherein he gave him particular relation of my
pretended voyage; of the ships, their burden, their munition, their
number of men, which I had in them, as perfectly as if he had seene all
with his own eyes: saying unto me, “Heereby may you discerne whether the
King, my master, have friends in England, and good and speedie advice of
all that passeth.”

Whereunto I replyed: “It was no wonder, for that hee had plentie of gold
and silver, which worketh this and more strange effects: for my journey
was publique and notorious to all the kingdome.” Whereunto hee replyed,
that if I thought is so convenient, leave should be given mee to write
into England to the Queens Majestie, my mistresse, to my father, and to
other personages, as I thought good; and leaving the letters open, that
he would send some of them in the King’s packet, others to his uncle Don
Rodrigo de Castro, cardinall and archbishoppe of Sevill, and to other
friends of his; not making any doubt but that they would be speedily in
England. For which I thanked him, and accepted his courtesie; and
although I was my selfe unable to write, yet by the hands of a servant
of mine, I wrote three or foure coppies of one letter to my father, Sir
John Hawkins; in which I briefly made relation of all that had succeeded
in our voyage.

The dispatches of Spaine and New Spaine, went by ordinary course in
ships of advise; but that for the Peru, was sent by a kinseman of the
generalls, called Don Francisco de la Cuena.

Which being dispatched, Don Beltran hasted all that ever hee could to
put his shippes in order, to returne to Lyma. Hee caused the _Daintie_
to be grounded and trimmed; for in those ilands it higheth and falleth
some fifteen or sixteen foote water.

And the generall with his captaines, and some religious men being aboord
her, and new naming her, named her the _Visitation_, for that shee was
rendred on the day on which they celebrate the visitation of the blessed
Virgin Mary. In that place, the ground being plaine and without vantage,
whereby to helpe the tender sided and sharpe ships, they are forced to
shore them on either side. In the midest of their solemnity, her props
and shores of one side fayled, and so shee fell over upon that side
suddenly, intreating many of them which were in her, very badly; and
doubtlesse, had shee bin like the shippes of the South sea, shee had
broken out her bulge: but being without mastes and empty (for in the
South sea, when they bring a-ground a shippe, they leave neither mast,
balast, nor any other thing abourd, besides the bare hull), her strength
was such as it made no great show to have received any damage; but the
feare shee put them all into was not little, and caused them to runne
out of her faster then a good pace.

In these ilands is no succour nor refreshing; onely in the one of them
is one house of strawe, and a little spring of small moment. For the
water, which the shippes use for their provision, they fetch from
another iland, two leagues west north-west of these, which they call
Tabaga, having in it some fruite and refreshing, and some fewe Indians
to inhabite it.

What succeeded to mee, and to the rest during our imprisonment, with the
rarities and particularities of the Peru and Terra Firme, my voyage to
Spaine, and the successe, with the time I spent in prison in the Peru,
in the Tercera, in Sevill, and in Madrid, with the accidents which
befell me in them, I leave for a second part of this discourse, if God
give life and convenient place and rest, necessary for so tedious and
troublesome a worke: desiring God, that is Almightie, to give his
blessing to this and the rest of my intentions, that it and they may bee
fruitefull to His glory, and the good of all: then shall my desires be
accomplished, and I account myselfe most happie. To whom be all glory,
and thankes from all eternitie.


FINIS.



THE TABLE

OF

THE PRINCIPALL OBSERVATIONS

CONTEINED IN THIS BOOKE.



  A

  Advantage of obedience 137

  Advise by land and sea 172

  Advertisements for commanders 137
    ---- for servitors 138

  Agnanapes 96

  Alonso de Soto, noblenes of 153

  Alcatraces 71

  Amber-greece 74

  Amitie of the Indians 170

  Anchors unserviceable, mending of 132

  Anchors, light, fit for the South sea 151

  Arica 168

  Arawcans, valour of the 158
    ---- much commended for all sorts of fruit and gold 157

  Armado, Spanish 182

  Arrogancy of the Spanish generall 202

  Artillery, overcharging of 169

  Artillery, courses for after bourding 206

  Austria, Donna, in the narrow seas 36


  B

  Backwardnesse of companies 136
    ---- evill consequences thereof 136

  Baldivia 143

  Bay, English 124

  Bezar stone, the 74

  Beefe, pickled 143
    ---- held good beyond the equinoctiall 143

  Blanches Bay 118

  Bourding, policies to avoid 199

  Bonito, the 67

  Brasill, knowne etc. 61

  Bravo 48

  Brasil, description of 100
    ---- its havens 100
    ---- commodities and wants 100
    ---- bestial and discommodities 100

  Burdeaux fleete, the losse of 18


  C

  Calking, false 32
    ---- prevention thereof 33

  Candish, Thomas 129
    ---- surprised 90

  Canary ilands 41

  Canary, Grand 42

  Cape Blanco 85

  Captaines, ignoble 104

  Captaines, disloyalties of 166

  Cassavi, beverage of 96

  Cassavi meale 95
    ---- preparing thereof 95

  Catalina, Saint 101

  Chieftain, parts requisite in a 189

  Chieftains, two, dangerous 192

  Cherries 86

  Chile, people of 147
    ---- their weapons 147
    ---- and hate to the Spaniards 147

  Cyvet catts 51

  Cittie of Conception 149

  Commanders, covetous, unwillingness to follow 161

  Commander, a, not to trust his officers 184

  Commanders, admonitions to 186

  Cocos, and their kinds 50

  Complaints of master Thomas Candish 27
    ---- of master George Raymond 28

  Company sicke 56
    ---- and dismayed 126

  _Cotton Edward_, the losse of 54

  Clothes made in Coquinbo 158

  Crabby Cove 128

  Care of currants 54


  D

  Departure from Lyma 152

  Devises in sudden accidents 115

  Directions to be secret 189

  Discipline of the Spanish 103

  Discipline, cause of their prosperities 103

  Discipline neglected by the English 17

  Discipline pried into by the Spaniards 194
    ---- and by them imitated 195

  Discoveries, use of 7

  Discovery on the coast to be avoyded 149

  Dolphin, the 66

  Drake, Sir Francis, upon the southermost part of the world 142

  Dutch, providence of the 17

  Ducks 113


  E

  Elizabeth Bay 117

  Engines of antiquitie, disuse of 206

  English, the, carry up their flag 35

  English, authors of sea discipline 17

  English, carelessnesse of the 184

  Exchange of trifles 145
    ---- of sheepe 146

  Exercise alwayes necessary 44


  F

  Fenton, Edward 129

  Fernandes, Juan 149

  Fire, danger of 62
    ---- by heating of pitch 62
    ---- by taking tobacco 63
    ---- by candle light 63
    ---- by hooping and scuttling 64
    ---- by nature of waters 64

  Fierro, strange tree in 42

  Fight, the Spanish, beginning of 184
    ---- their intertainment 191
    ---- the English 191
    ---- the Spanish 191
    ---- pay deere for their rashnesse 196
    ---- take a new resolution 197

  Flying fishes 70

  French and English salute 35

  French surprised 90

  Fruits wholsome, to know 87

  Fuego 48

  Fugitives, end of 195


  G

  Gannetts 86

  God propitious 127
    ---- therefore praised 127

  Gold, some, and one shippe taken 150

  Gold, every shower a shower of 158

  Greenfield, Sir Richard, at Flores 20

  Gulls 113

  Gunner, deceit of the 185


  H

  Hampton, master Thomas 34

  Harbours, annoyances in 80

  Hawkins, Master William 130

  Hawkins Mayden-land 108

  Helm-man 84


  I

  Iago, Saint 47
    ---- sacked 48

  Ilands, St. James 85

  _Jesus of Lubecke_, the 10

  Ienero 93

  Ilands, unwholsome 45
    ---- their heat 45
    ---- the breze 45
    ---- the best remedie 46

  Inconvenience of imprests 28
    ---- their true use 29

  Indians housing 98

  Indians poligamy 98

  Indians apparrell 146
    ---- and manner of sleeping 99

  Indians trechery 145

  Indians foresight 122

  Indians industry 90

  Indians dismissed 180

  Indians led by a Mulato 181

  Instructions, consequence of 30

  Isla Grand 93

  Iuca, planting of 97
    ---- by women 97


  K

  _Kavas Purgativas_, use of 87


  L

  Land, unknowne 107
    ---- care of approach 107

  Leakes, new devise for stopping, without bourd 155

  Lyne, the, best time to passe 76


  M

  Madera 40

  Mariner, a, who to be accounted 186
    ---- his knowledge 186
    ---- and materials 186
    ---- for navigation 187

  Mariners, the, revenge 69

  Mariners, wilfulnesse of 149

  Maries, S. 148

  Master, care of the 83

  Masters mate, unskilfulnesse of the 83

  Meeting, fittest places of 31

  Mocha 143

  Monkies, parrots 51

  Moone, influence of the 46

  Mutenies, how to be winked at 141

  Multitude, unadvisednesse of the 183


  O

  Objections resolved 204

  Office of a master 188
    ---- of a pilot 188
    ---- of the boteswaine 188
    ---- of the steward 188
    ---- of the carpenter 188
    ---- of the gunner 188

  Oleron, lawes of 164

  Oranges, vertue of 81

  Oreweed, beds of 108


  P

  Palmer, Sir Henry, modestie of 18

  Patience of the Earle of Nottingham 139

  Parts requisite in a commander at sea 18

  Palmito, the 48, 86

  Palmito Iland 92

  Pearles 133

  Pengwins, iland of 110
    ---- described 111
    ---- hunting of 112
    ---- kept for store 113

  Pentagones, care of the 106

  Philip, King, comming into England 36

  Pilats fishes 70

  Pillage, challenging of 163
    ---- what to be reputed 166
    ---- undue, prevention of 167

  Placentia 50

  Plaintain, the 49

  Pynaces, dutie of 40

  Pynace lost 25

  Porke, good, foure yeare old 143

  Ports, danger of open 13

  Providence of God 83

  Provisions, corrupt or scantie 161
    ---- better provided at Plimouth 12

  Puerto Viejo 178

  Puma 177

  Purgatives 87

  Purslain 86


  Q

  Quintera, bay of 156


  R

  Ratts, prevention of 135
    ---- calamities they bring 135

  Reach, Long 122

  _Repentance_, the 8

  Reasons of returne dangerous 131

  _Revenge_, the 9

  Rudders, spare 155

  Runnawayes 104


  S

  Sabboth reserved for holy exercises 44

  Sailes of cotton cloth 151

  Salomon, ilands of 176

  Santos, arrival at 77
    ---- forbidden to trade 79

  Sarmiento, Pedro 109

  Scurvy, the 56
    ---- the signes 56
    ---- the causes 57
    ---- the remedies 58
    ---- by diet 59
    ---- by shift 59
    ---- by labour 59
    ---- by early eating and drinking 59
    ---- by sower oranges and lemmons 60
    ---- by Dr. Stevens water 60
    ---- by oyle of vitry 60
    ---- by ayre of the land 60

  Seething meat in salt water 58
    ---- corruption of victuall 58

  Sea, the vapours of 58

  Seafaring men, abuses of 26

  Seales 114

  Setting the ship upon a rock 126
    ---- Diligence to free it 127

  Sheathing of ships 119
    ---- in Spaine and Portingall 120
    ---- with double plankes 120
    ---- with canvas 120
    ---- with burnt planks 120
    ---- with varnish in China 120
    ---- in England 121
    ---- best manner of 121

  Sharke, the 68

  Shipping, what requisit in 7

  Ships, the honour of his Majesties 36
    ---- of trade 199
    ---- the prince his 200
    ---- of warre are not all to be low built 200
    ---- foure taken 149

  Ship, dutie of a small against a greater 204

  Shooting at sea 33
    ---- mischances thereupon ensuing 34

  Sloth cause of fancies 125

  Sounding, care of 52

  Spanish discipline 191
    ---- officers 193
    ---- admirall commeth to leeward 190

  Spaniards parley 207
    ---- inexperience of the 184
    ---- weaknesse of the 19
    ---- vain-glory of the 205

  Severitie of Spaine 168

  Steerage, care of 84
    ---- exquisite in the Spaniards and Portingals 84

  Straights, the 108
    ---- second peopling of the 116
    ---- ilands, south part of the 142

  Stormes, effects of courage in 24

  Storme, a cruell 148

  Swans, birds like 105
    ---- how caught 105
    ---- good refreshment 106

  Swearing remedied 65


  T

  Tenerif, description of 41

  _Thunderbolt_, the, of London 10

  Tobias Cove 126

  Trading, concealement hindereth 166

  Tremontaine Point 107

  Time, entertainement of 133


  V

  Vavisor, Captaine 21

  Vessell, importance of a small 148

  Vice admirall, place of 20

  Voyages, considerations for 12
    ---- overthrowne by pretences 129

  Voyage, the overthrow of the 102
    ---- the cause 102
    ---- infidelitie 103


  W

  Wafters, order of the Flemish 17

  Wages, deteyning of 162

  Warehouses sacked 150

  Wast, objection of 118
    ---- answered 118
    ---- of men 89

  Water salt, distilling of 82
    ---- contagious 88

  Watches, care of 56

  Watch, fruits of good 91

  Weaknes, concealement of 152

  Wilfulnesse of mariners 15

  Wine more dangerous then the enemy 153

  Wines, Spanish, and fevers unknowne in England 153

  Wine consumeth treasure 154

  Whale, fight of the 71
    ---- with the sword-fish 71
    ---- with the thresher 72
    ---- taking of the 72
    ---- by the Indians 75

  Warning against wormes 119


  Y

  Yonkers ever necessary in the top 44

FINIS.

RICHARDS, PRINTER, 100, ST. MARTIN’S LANE.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Sir John Hawkins was one of the most distinguished men of his
period. He was a noted commander at sea forty-eight years, and treasurer
of the navy for twenty-two years; and it was generally owned that he was
the author of more useful inventions, and introduced into the navy
better regulations, than any officer before his time.

[2] Possibly her ladyship’s thoughts may be explained by the
consideration that she compared the objects of the proposed voyage with
those followed out by her husband. He was the first Englishman who
engaged in the inhuman traffic of slaves, and was granted the unenviable
addition to his arms: “a demi moor proper; bound.”

[3] Incurred?

[4] Docked?

[5] The brave defence of Sir Richard Greenfeild, or Greenville, against
nearly the whole Spanish fleet, merits being here recorded: himself
severely wounded and his ship a complete wreck, he ordered her to be
sunk, but to this his officers would not consent, so she surrendered on
terms. Out of one hundred men fit to bear arms, near sixty survived this
glorious action; but hardly a man but carried off some wounds as
memorials of their courage.

[6] Convoy? Whafter. A term applied to ships of war,--probably from
their carrying flags or whafts.

[7] This alludes to a base attack made on Sir John Hawkins, after he had
entered into a friendly agreement with the Viceroy.

[8] Corogne (F.) Coruña (S.).

[9] Probably an abbreviation or misprint for Biscayan. Lediard relates,
that in 1592, an expedition, fitted out against the Spaniards, took a
great Biscayan shipp of six hundred tunnes, laden with all sorts of
small iron-work.

[10] This great caracke was taken, after a sharp engagement, by six
ships, part of the expedition alluded to in note 1; which was dispatched
expressly to the Azores, to lie in wait for the East India carackes.
This expedition left under the command of Sir Walter Raleigh and Sir
John Borrough. Sir Walter was, however, superseded by Sir Martin
Forbisher. She was called the “_Madre de Dios_,” a seven-decked ship of
one hundred and sixty-five feet from stem to stern, manned with six
hundred men. The burthen of this caracke was sixteen hundred tons, and
she carried thirty-two brass guns. Her cargo, besides jewels, _which
never came to light_, was as follows: spices, drugs, silks, and
calicoes, besides other wares, many in number, but less in value, as
elephant’s teeth, china, cocoa-nuts, hides, ebony, and cloth made from
rinds of trees. All which being appraised, was reckoned to amount to at
least one hundred and fifty thousand pounds. The carracke, or Carraca,
was a large vessel of two masts, used in the India and Brazilian trade.

[11] Bounty? or perhaps wages paid in advance.

[12] A small vessel fitted with sails and oars.

[13] Drop down.

[14] We ought to profit by the experience of those who precede us. Had
this “gentle warning” been attended to, probably the loss of the _Royal
George_ might have been prevented. She went down at her anchors while
lying at Spithead, the 29th of August, 1782, having been struck by a
squall, while her lower ports were open.

[15] The term admirall, appears formerly to have been applied as well to
the principal ship in a fleet, as to the superior officer. To cite one
among many instances, in an expedition under the Earl of Cumberland, in
1594, we find the _Royal Exchange_, Admiral, two hundred and fifty tons,
commanded by Captain George Cave. The _May-flower_, two hundred and
fifty tons, Vice-Admiral, commanded by Captain W. Anthony. The _Samson_
Rear-Admiral, by Captain Nicholas Downton, together with a caravel and
pinnace.

[16] A remarkable instance of carelessness occurred in 1801. The Dutch
Frigate _Ambuscade_, went down by the head half an hour after leaving
her moorings in Sheerness harbour. This arose from the hawse holes being
unusually large, and the plugs not in.

[17] This is sound advice and good seamanship. In turning to wind-ward,
it is wise to keep in the fair way, so that in case of missing stays,
you have not a danger under your lee.

[18] Boats built for speed (?) or perhaps from the Dutch _Filibote_.

[19] In the list of seven ships composing Lord Thomas Howard’s fleet, we
find the _Foresight_, Captain Vavisour. He deserves great credit for
attempting to yield what succour he was able to the gallant Sir R.
Greenville, whose brave defence has been already alluded to in page 10.
One other vessel followed, or perhaps set, the example: the _George
Noble_, of London, falling under the lee of the _Revenge_, asked Sir
Richard if he had anything to command him; but as he was one of the
victuallers and but of small force, Sir Richard bid him shift for
himself, and leave him to his fortune. Lediard adds in a note, that it
is more than probable had all the other vessels behaved with the same
vigour and resolution as Sir Richard and his company, they might have
given a good account of the Spanish fleet. It is to be regretted the
name of the commander of the _George Noble_ is not recorded. We know not
which to admire most, his bravery in fully acting up to the principle of
“succouring a known friend in view,” or the magnanimity of Sir Richard
in dismissing him from an unequal contest.

[20] _Souffler_--to blow.

[21] It is still unfortunately too much the custom to risk the loss of
ship and “sweet lives,” by neglecting the use of the lead.

[22] The tide runs two or three hours later in the offing than in shore;
by attending to this, a vessel working down channel may gain great
advantage.

[23] Of Magellan.

[24] Probably what is now called a “gig”; a fast-pulling boat.

[25] Obviously a phrase of the period. Ancient Pistol is made to say:
“Si fortuna me contenta, spero me contenta.”

[26] Familiar as we are with the present resources of the dockyard at
Plymouth, we can hardly estimate the firmness that could bear up against
such mischances; of this stuff were the founders of the British naval
power composed.

[27]

    Now fitted the halter, now traversed the cart,
    And often took leave yet was loath to depart.

    _The Thief and the Cordelier.--Prior._


[28] Chart, or perhaps card for reducing the courses and distances:--

    _Second Witch._ I will give thee a wind.
    _First Witch._ Thou art kind.
    _Third Witch._ And I another.
    _First Witch._ I myself have all the other,
        And the very ports they blow,
        All the quarters that they know;
            I’ the shipman’s card.
    --_Macbeth._


[29] The seaman of 1600 appears to have differed very little from the
seaman of 1800. Let us hope that the present race will discountenance
such “lewd proceedings.”

[30] Thomas Cavendish, one of the early circumnavigators.

[31] Some such long-shore fellows are still to be met with.

[32] From the Dutch word _loeven_, to ply to windward.

[33] The “waytes” seem to have been either music played during the
setting of the watch, or occasionally, to show that a look-out was kept.
_Guetter_ (?)

[34] The use of private signals and the appointment of a place of
rendezvous, may perhaps date from this period.

[35] Weight--_peso_. (Spanish.)

[36] Stern-post.

[37] A trivial hole left open, or a treenail not driven by a careless
workman, may cause the failure of an important expedition; or at least
cause great mischief and discomfort: which neglect still occasionally
happens.

[38] _Amener le pavillon_--to haul down the ensign.

[39] Under bare poles.

[40] Probably derived from _lâcher un coup_: to fire a shot.

[41] In those days the principle of “mare clausum” was acted upon; now
it is “mare liberum” everywhere.

[42] Probably the islands that lie off Bayona, near Vigo.

[43] _Carabela_, (Spanish) a small vessel so called.

[44] Still well known as the rock of Lisbon.

[45] With the wind abeam.

[46] Although Sir Richard thinks it necessary to hold such prudent
language, we have little doubt he was just the man to attempt to take a
large ship armed or unarmed, in a “pynace.”

[47] _Orchilla_--a lichen yielding a purple dye.

[48] The latest measurement, by Captain Vidal, R.N., makes the height of
the Peak 12,370 feet.

[49] The old voyagers were fond of dealing in the marvellous; our author
is singularly free from this defect.

[50] We cannot trace the meaning of this word, unless it be a closed
vessel, derived from the Anglo-Saxon _tynan_--to close. At Bermuda all
the drinking water is preserved in tanks.

[51] Further on written “sedge,” surf (?)

[52] The Fortunate islands were known before they were conquered by MM.
Bethencourt, in the sixteenth century.

[53] Although the difference between _black_ and _white_ be great, we
think Cape Blanco is meant.

[54] Probably the evening watch.

[55] This has become a standing order in the service. Many a good prize
has been made by sending a mast head man up before daylight.

[56] Most of us are familiar with Dr. Watts’ lines,--

    “For Satan finds some mischief still
    For idle hands to do.”


[57] Covering--the deck so called because it covers in the
ship--_cubierta_ (Spanish).

[58] _Montera_--a species of hat worn in Spain.

[59] We apprehend the whole of this story to be “moonshine.”

[60] Groups.

[61] Coast of Guinea and Bight of Benin.

[62] From the account in Lediard, it appears that Sir A. Shyrley failed
in his object; but he deserves credit for effecting a safe retreat to
his ships in the face of a superior force. The expedition under Sir F.
Drake was successful. It is curious to notice how the titles of military
rank have changed since those days. The troops were commanded by
Christopher Carlisle, an experienced officer; under him Captain A.
Powel, _Sergeant Major_; Captain M. Morgan, and Captain J. Sampson,
_Corporals of the field_. (See p. 17, line 26.)

[63] The terminal bud of the areca or cabbage palm, when boiled, makes a
delicate dish.

[64] This is a most valuable production: we believe it bears, on the
same area, a greater weight of food than any other vegetable. The fruit
of the plantain, _Musa sapientum_, is chiefly eaten cooked. The banana,
_Musa paradisiaca_, is eaten raw. There are many species, almost all
excellent.

[65] _Succade_--preserved citron.

[66] The cocoa nut palm is too well known to need description. All its
parts are applied by the natives to innumerable uses. Few visitors to
tropical countries but have been refreshed by a draught of cocoa nut
water; always preserved cool by the thick husk.

[67] _All sail set_--at present its signification is confined to a
vessel rigged and ready for sea.

[68] It is still the custom to attribute all similar discordancies to
the effect of current. This is a simple if not very philosophical mode
of making the reckoning agree with observation. In this case, probably
both the reckoning of the ship and the position of the land on the chart
were faulty.

[69] The term height is used for latitude; probably because the pole
star was the principal object used to determine position.

[70] The current in the West Indies, known as the Gulf stream, still
runs to the northward through the Gulf of Florida, and then trending to
the eastward, expends its force in the Atlantic.

[71] At the present day, by the general use of chronometers, the
longitude can be determined with almost as great facility as the
latitude.

[72] The cause of scurvy is now known to be, the use for a long period
of one diet, and that unwholesome. Since greater attention has been paid
to the proper admixture of articles of food, and also to the cleanliness
and ventilation of the vessel, this disease has nearly disappeared.

[73]

    “The very deep did rot!
    That ever this should be!
    Yea slimy things did crawl with legs
    Upon the slimy sea.”

    _Ancient Mariner.--Coleridge._


[74] It forms part of a naval surgeon’s instructions, that in tropical
countries, when the crew are likely to be employed on shore, each is to
take a morning draught of spirits or wine, with bark infused.

[75] The scurvy is not peculiar to seamen. It raged with great violence
during the siege of Gibralter. Oranges and lemons were found of great
benefit in arresting the disease. Lime juice has been long a fixed
article of diet in men-of-war, and lately merchant vessels are compelled
to carry it as an article of provision.

[76] Oil of vitriol or sulphuric acid.

[77] In the year 1776, the Royal Society awarded their gold medal to
Captain James Cook, for a paper on “Preserving the health of the crew of
her majesty’s _Resolution_, &c.” Captain Cook considers that much was
owing to the extraordinary care taken by the admiralty in causing such
articles to be put on board, as by experience or conjecture were judged
to be useful. But he adds, that the introduction of the most salutary
articles will prove unsuccessful, unless supported by certain rules. The
men being at three watches, except on emergency, were consequently less
exposed to the weather, and generally had dry clothes to shift
themselves. Care was taken to keep their persons and clothes clean and
dry. A fire was often burned in the well. The coppers were kept clean,
and no fat allowed to be given to the people. Fresh water was obtained
at every opportunity. Few places but what offered some refreshment, and
example and authority were not wanting to induce their being employed.
These methods, under Divine Providence, enabled the _Resolution_ to
complete a voyage of three years and eighteen days with the loss of only
_one man_ by disease.

We may remark that our author seems to have been fully alive to the
importance of caring for the health of his company, and it is not
improbable that Cook benefited by some of his suggestions.

[78] Shoals called the Abrolhos.

[79] Snyte for snipe.

[80] Heating pitch, and drawing off spirits in the hold, using a light,
are the most common causes that lead to fire. Excluding the air is the
best remedy, and no better device could have been hit upon than wetting
the rug gowns.

[81] Holes in the ship’s side to carry off the water. The term now in
use is _scupper_: slopper appears to be as good a word.

[82] Swabs are a species of mop, made of a collection of rope yarns,
used to dry the deck. _Swebban_--(Anglo-Saxon) to sweep.

[83] _To scuttle_--to make openings. _Escotilla_ (Spanish), is applied
to the openings in the deck, called by us hatch-ways. The term scuttle
is also applied to the small openings made in the ship’s side, to admit
light and air.

[84] If impure water be confined in a close cask, gas will be generated,
and the effect described happen.

[85] In the instructions given by the Lords Generals, the Earl of Essex
and Charles Lord Howard, Lord High Admiral of England, to the captains
of the ships composing the expedition to Cadiz, in 1596, the second
article runs thus: Item--You shall forbid swearing, brawling, dicing,
and such like disorders, as may breed contention and disorder in your
ship, wherein you shall also avoid God’s displeasure and win his favour.

[86] The early painters and sculptors, and others who deal in “naval
attributes,” have treated the dolphin very ill; Sir Richard’s
description, if studied, might have amended the monsters given out to
the public as dolphins.

[87] A shoal or scull of fish; that is, separated from the main body.
This is Horne Tooke’s derivation. We think the term is more commonly
applied to the main body itself.

[88] _Fisgig_ or _grains_--a small trident used for striking fish. From
the Spanish _fisga_.

[89] Pouch or stomach.

[90] One species produces its young alive: others in a hard membraneous
pouch.

[91] This enmity betwixt sailors and sharks still exists, and the
interest attending their capture is great.

[92] Probably a small cask.

[93] The man-of-war bird, or cormorant--_Pelecanidæ_. On the coast of
Brazil, in latitude twenty-four, are the Alcatrasse islands.

[94] _Xiphias_--the sword or snout is about three-tenths of his whole
length.

[95] _The surface_--from cream or ream, what rises to the surface--or
perhaps from rim, brim.

[96] This story seems to be founded on the fact that the snout of the
sword fish is often found driven through parts of vessels’ bottoms;
whence it has been inferred, the fish mistook them for whales. We
imagine the account of the thresher to be fabulous.

[97] In the thirteenth century the tongue of the whale was esteemed as
an article of food; and whale beef, as it is called, is eaten at
Bermuda, and probably elsewhere.

[98] In the early days of the whale fishery, when the fish were
plentiful, the oil was boiled out on shore, near the place of capture.
At present the blubber is imported from the northern fishery.

[99]

    “And telling me the sovereign’st thing on earth
    Was parmaceti for an inward bruise.”

    --_Henry IV_, Part I.

Spermaceti is obtained from the brain of the sperm whale,--_physeter
monocephalus_--not from the spawn.

[100] _Bezoar_--name applied to a concretion found in the stomach of
various animals. Many extraordinary virtues were formerly ascribed to
it, without much foundation.

[101] Ambergris is still considered to be a concretion formed in the
stomach of the sperm whale.

[102] In Waterton’s _Wanderings_ will be found a parallel story, of a
gentleman riding on a cayman.

[103] According to Horsburgh, the least favorable season for getting to
the southward, is the period from June to September inclusive.

[104] Bisoño--(Spanish) raw, undisciplined:--

    _Pistol._ Under which king, Bezonian? speak or die.

    _Henry IV_, Part II.


[105] The double pistole was a coin of about the value of thirty or
thirty-five shillings.

[106] So that he may get away when it pleases him.

[107] Alluding to the attempt the fleet made to return northabout. In
the British Museum is preserved a curious old pack of playing cards, on
which are depicted subjects relating to the defeat of the “Spanish
Armada”. On the ten of spades is shewn a consultation about returning by
the North Ocean.

[108] Such a wind as would enable them to lie aslant or obliquely near
the desired course. It is commonly said that “a calm is half a fair
wind”; it is more than this, as out of thirty-two points, twenty would
be fair.

[109] Easterhand?

[110] _Répartir_--(French) to divide.

[111] Various schemes have been tried to distil fresh water at sea from
salt water; but none apparently have succeeded in producing an
equivalent for the expense of fuel. In steam vessels a considerable
supply is obtained from the condensation of the steam.

[112] The term mate, as used at present, implies some one under the
master. The real meaning implies persons co-equal. Thus we still speak
of ship-mates, etc., without inference to rank.

[113] The coast lies nearer south and by west, than west and by south,
so they would certainly have run on shore without any blame attaching to
the helmsman.

[114] The quarter deck may be defined as the space betwixt the mainmast
and the after-hatchway; it seems also to have been called the half deck.
Both terms arising from the fact that before the mainmast, the skids or
beams were not planked. We still speak of being _on_ the quarter deck,
but _under_ the half deck. The quarter deck is set apart for purposes of
parade, and there the officer of the watch should always be sought.

[115] _Adjutare_--(Latin) to assist.

[116] On a still night, unless the attention of the helmsman be
continually excited, it is quite possible that he get into a dreamy
state and, if at the same time, the officer of the watch is thinking of
“those far away,” the ship may be run for a time some points off her
course. In the preceding section, Sir Richard well describes the
difficulty of distinguishing betwixt a sandy shore and the water, on a
calm bright night.

[117] Cape Saint Thomé?

[118] Now called Saint Anna.

[119] Well soaked in water to remove the salt.

[120] _Portulaca sativa_--a fleshy-leaved plant, much esteemed in hot
countries for its cooling properties.

[121] Great caution should be used in tasting unknown fruits; perhaps
this tree was the _croton tiglium_, every part of which possesses
powerful drastic properties.

[122] A species of cactus; the fruit is eaten in Sicily and elsewhere.
We cannot join Sir Richard in its praise: perhaps as he had been long at
sea, he found it grateful. The cochineal insect feeds on one species of
this plant.

[123] This river is now called the Maccahe: probably it floods in the
rainy season.

[124] By working up under their lee.

[125] These shoals, already alluded to at page 62, are now called the
Abrolhos: there is a channel betwixt the islets and the main: the
soundings extend to the eastward eighty or ninety miles.

[126] Boats hollowed from the trunk of a tree.

[127] Whoop! whoop! Cotgrave gives us the meaning of _hootings_ and
_whoopings_: noises wherewith swine are scared, or infamous old women
disgraced.

[128] A sudden sensation, be it from fear or otherwise, has a surprising
effect upon persons sick or bed-ridden. Lediard relates that in a sharp
engagement with a combined squadron of French and Dutch ships, off St.
Christopher, in 1667, Sir John Harman, the English commander, who had
been lame and in great pain from the gout, upon discovering the enemy’s
fleet, got up, walked about, and gave orders as well as ever, till the
fight was over, and then became as lame as before.

[129] We do not approve of such means of exciting vigilance; some might
have got their payments. According to Æsop, _wolf_ may be called too
often.

[130] Cape Frio has since become remarkable as the point on which her
majesty’s ship _Thetis_ was wrecked in December 1830, the night after
she had left Rio Janeiro. A landing was effected, and nearly the whole
crew saved. A snug cove north of the cape, with a boat entrance to the
southward, was much used during the operations afterwards carried on to
attempt to recover the treasure embarked in her.

[131] Pine apples, _ananassa sativa_.

[132] Probably a species of nautilus.

[133] The ryal of silver, of which ten went to a “piece,” is in value
about fivepence of our money.

[134] Cassava or manioc is of the natural order _euphorbiaceæ_. The root
abounds with a poisonous juice, but this after maceration is driven off
by heat, and the fecula is obtained in an edible state. Tapioca is a
preparation of cassava. _Farina do pao_--flour of wood.

[135] _Vinewed_--mouldy.

[136] Probably cacao (_theobroma cacao_), well known from the beverage
of the same name, and from which chocolate is manufactured.

[137] In the Devonshire dialect, _remlet_ means a remnant.

[138] A similar disagreeable preparation, called _kava_, is prepared and
drunk in the Polynesian islands.

[139] The hammock now in general use at sea, takes its name from this
term.

[140] Blow steadily--in one direction. Whence trade wind.

[141] Before the discovery of America, dye woods were known by this
denomination; and Brazil owes its name to the quantity of wood of this
nature found among its forests.

[142] Saint Catherine’s now ranks as a port after Rio Janeiro and Bahia.

[143] The cause of the variation of the compass still remains a secret.
But from the close analogy existing between magnetism and electricity,
perhaps we are not far from discovering it. The variation at this point
in 1820, was 7-1/2° E.

[144] Sudden squalls are generated on the Pampas or plains lying round
Buenos Ayres, called thence Pamperos; which do great damage. See the
account of one in the Voyages of the _Adventure_ and _Beagle_.

[145] Probably barricades to retire behind in case of being boarded. The
piratical prahus of the Indian Archipelago are fitted with a similar
defence.

[146] Misbehaviour. Tooke derives _lewd_ from the Anglo-Saxon
_læwan_--to delude or mislead.

[147] This fowl was doubtless the albatross (Diomedea), which seems to
be a corruption of the Portuguese word _alcatraz_. The practice of
fishing for them still continues, though more for recreation (?) than
for refreshment.

[148] The account of the gigantic stature of the Patagonians seems to be
fabulous. Magalhaens reported them as giants; but later navigators
disputed it: however, Fitzroy states them to average nearly six feet.

[149] It is generally supposed that this land was the Falkland islands;
but as they lie betwixt 51° and 53°, this cannot be reconciled with
being “next of anything in 48°.” In this parallel, the main land
projects to the eastward; and this perhaps was the land he descried. The
rock like a sail might be the Bellaco rock.

[150] The expedition of Drake having excited considerable alarm in Peru,
the viceroy despatched Don Pedro Sarmiento with orders to take him dead
or alive. Proceeding to the Strait of Magalhaens in pursuit, he took the
opportunity to explore its shores. He afterwards pointed out to the King
of Spain, Philip II, the importance of fortifying the Straits, to
prevent the passage of strangers. Accordingly an expedition was fitted
out, which, after some accidents, founded the two settlements of Jesus
and San Felipe. The site of the last is now known as Port Famine: so
named from the disasters which befell the unhappy colonists, who mostly
perished by want. Sarmiento himself having been blown off the coast,
appears to have used every effort to obtain and forward supplies from
Brazil to his friends, but, proceeding to Europe for further assistance,
was captured and taken to England.

[151] The tides run with great velocity in some parts of the straits.
The rippling might justly cause fear, ignorant as the parties were of
the extent of the rise and fall of tide. Fitzroy relates that an
American captain hardly recovered, being told that it amounted to six or
seven fathoms.

[152] Birds which are strong-flavoured are rendered edible by stripping
off their skin.

[153] _Fucus giganteus._--In the voyage of the _Adventure_ and _Beagle_
it was found firmly rooted in twenty fathoms, yet streaming fifty feet
upon the surface.

[154] The narrowest part is in Crooked Reach, a little to the westward
of St. Jerome point: here the strait is about one mile across.

[155] This was probably the opening into Otway water, leading to
Sky-ring water, but not disemboguing into the Pacific.

[156] The _teredo navalis_ is very destructive. Nothing but metal is
proof against its ravages. It is not clear what may be its purpose in
boring into any wood that comes in its way, for it is thought not to be
nourished by what it destroys.

[157] These inventions have been improved upon by the use of copper and
other metals; of these, copper is the best; and an approved method of
applying it, is over a coating of _felt_. Truly there is nothing new
under the sun.

[158] Taken _astayes_--another term for taken aback.

[159] It is possible that the natives may have been aware of the coming
change. The suspicion entertained of them is an instance of the mistakes
often fallen into by misconceiving the motives of those whose language
cannot be understood.

[160] To hull, is to lie without sail set; to try, with only low sail;
whence we have now special storm sails, called try sails. We believe the
correct expression is “to try” either a _hull_ or _under sail_.

[161] To _assay_--to prove. Ancient mode of writing essay.

[162] _To move her off._--To wind a ship now means to turn her. The term
is probably derived from to wend.

[163] Now called bilge--that part of the ship’s bottom that bulges or
swells out. When a ship takes the ground and heels over, the bilge bears
all the strain, and consequently suffers damage.

[164] _To flat in_, means so to adjust the sails as to cause them to act
with the greatest effect to turn the ship’s head from the wind; this is
done when the ship is nearly taken aback, either by a sudden flaw or by
carelessness at the helm. As applied here, it means that the vessel came
round on her heel. The time vessels take in performing a similar
evolution, bears a certain ratio to their length; long ships requiring
more time than short ones.

[165] Sir Richard does not exaggerate “the bitternesse of the time.”
During the survey of these straits in the _Adventure_ and _Beagle_,
Captain Stokes, an active, intelligent, and energetic officer, destroyed
himself, in consequence of his excitable mind becoming worn out by the
severe hardships of the cruize, the dreadful weather experienced, and
the dangerous situations in which the _Beagle_ was constantly exposed.

[166] Synnet is plait made from rope yarns. Wooling or woolding is
performed by passing turns of rope round a spar or rope, either for
strength, or, as in this case, to prevent chafe; if spun yarn is used,
it is called serving.

[167] The tree called Winter’s bark, _Drimys Winteri_, was discovered by
Captain Winter, one of Drake’s officers. The bark is agreeably aromatic,
and was found useful in cases of scurvy.

[168] Used for vats.

[169] The devastation caused by rats is very great. We have, however,
never heard of their gnawing through the bottom. Indeed if there be any
truth in the old sailor’s superstition that rats always leave a vessel
when in a dangerous state, they must be too clever to perform so
dangerous an experiment.

[170] Much discussion has arisen as to whether this should be written
_way_, or _weigh_. We think the correct phraseology is this: when the
anchor is _weighed_, the ship is under _way_.

[171] Now called Cape Pillar--on the modern charts Cape Deseado lies to
the south of it.

[172] After the defeat of the Spanish Armada, Lord Charles Howard, of
Effingham, was created Earl of Nottingham.

[173] These observations appear to have occurred to our author, in
consequence of what had taken place during the voyages of Magalhaens and
Drake. Both these great commanders, while lying at Port Saint Julian,
tried for mutiny, and executed, some of their chief officers; doubtless
deeming it wise to cut off the hydra’s head at an early period.

[174] This must be a misprint; it should be perhaps 56°. Some accounts
state that Drake visited a bay in 57°: this must be erroneous, as Cape
Horn, the most southern part of South America, is in the parallel of
56°.

[175] Much interesting information respecting these straits will be
found in the voyages of the _Adventure_ and _Beagle_. Since the days of
Anson, the difficulties experienced in rounding Cape Horn have been such
as to cause navigators to look to the passage through these straits with
great interest, hoping, that if found practicable, adverse gales and a
heavy sea might be avoided. Now that the labours of King and Fitzroy
have provided correct charts, the road is well known; still it can
hardly be recommended to large vessels to “shoot the straits.”

[176] Chiloe.

[177] _Contractation_--commerce or dealings with them.

[178] _To lamm_ is used by Beaumont and Fletcher in the sense of
_beat_--_bruise_.

[179] The Araucanians have been immortalized in the _Araucano_, a poem
written by Don Alonzo d’Ercilla y Zuniga; Madrid, 1632.

[180] This word is perhaps derived from _lave_, _to draw out_, _to
exhaust_.

[181] Chile.

[182] A storm is often judged to be severe in inverse proportion to the
size of the vessel caught in it. We may form some idea of this sharp
storm from the fact that the boats in tow lived through it.

[183] Val paraiso--vale of Paradise.

[184] _Bota_ is Spanish for a wine-skin or vessel: _botijá_, a jar used
for the same purpose.

[185] Lard.

[186] Lime was added to sack, not to preserve it, apparently, but for
the same purpose that drugs are mixed in beer and spirits by brewers,
publicans, and rectifiers, at the present day.

    _Falstaff._ Villain, there’s lime in this sack.

    --_Hen. IV._

    _Host._ I have spoke; let him follow; let me see thee
    Froth and lime.

    --_Merry Wives of Windsor._


[187] _Teased_, pulled, or unravelled. Oakum is made from rope yarns
teased or untwisted.

[188] We owe many good hints to Spanish seamen: this among others is
used to this day.

[189] This was one of Sarmiento’s unfortunate colonists.

[190] Coquimbo, or la Serena.

[191] Thirty years back, two or three ships sufficed for the trade of
this coast with Great Britain. At present above three hundred are
employed, carrying copper ore, wool, guano, nitrate of soda, etc.

[192] This reminds us of the familiar lines:

    “For Widdrington needs must I wail,
      As one in doleful dumps;
    For when his legs were smitten off,
      He fought upon his stumps.”--_Chevy Chace._


[193] “Going by thirds” means that the crew have a certain per centage
on the profits of the voyage, in lieu of wages; thus their remuneration
partly depends on their own exertions.

[194] Boatswain?

[195] Monte Morena.

[196] It is still the custom to prove ordnance with a heavier charge
than they are expected to carry on service. It seems quite possible that
a piece may bear the proof, and yet the particles be so disarranged,
that it fail afterwards.

[197] The demy-culverin was about equivalent to the nine-pounder; a
saker to the six-pounder; and the minion to the four-pounder.

[198] Arequipa.

[199] Sangallan.

[200] Used in the sense of misfortunes.

[201] The plan pursued at that day was to beat to wind-ward in shore:
now, by standing out boldly to the westward, the voyage to the
south-ward, against the prevailing wind, is much shortened.

[202] Punta de Ahuja?

[203] Puna.

[204] Various preparations of the root of the _smilax sarsaparilla_ are
used medicinally.

[205] Alligators.

[206] Cape Pasado.

[207] The first broadside--_tirer_ (French).

[208] Cornish? See page 24.

[209] Down?

[210] To sheer, or shore, means to _separate_--we use the term “sheer
to”, but “sheer off” appears to be the only sense in which it should be
applied.

[211] The greater part of the powder on board men-of-war, is made up
into cartridges, to avoid delay in filling during action, and danger
from using loose powder in a ladle.

[212] Crows or crow-bars?

[213] The additional velocity of the projectile gained by using long
guns, is thought to overbalance the advantage which the short guns
possess by being more easily handled. The usual length of heavy guns at
present, is about nine feet and a half.

[214] _To moil_ has been supposed to be derived from the French
_mouiller_.

[215] Profited.

[216] Since.

[217] Slightly--or perhaps what we now call “deep-waisted”.

[218] See note, page 199.

[219] Maim.

[220] Probably a misprint for “rare”.

[221] Did not hold so good a wind, or drove more easily to leeward.

[222] Seville was formerly the emporium of the trade of the new world:
since the Guadalquiver has become unnavigable for large vessels, its
trade has been transferred to Cadiz.

[223] Punctilio.

[224] This apopthegm is sufficient to stamp Sir Richard Hawkins as a
great commander.

[225] Fowlers, murderers, etc., were pieces of cannon of the nature of
swivels, adapted to close combat. The “cobridge heads” seem to have been
bulk heads across the fore and after parts of the vessel.

[226] _En buena guerra_ means by fair or lawful means: it probably
implied offering quarter; which means, that if accepted, a certain sum
was to be given as ransom.

[227] _Partido_ (Spanish), favour or protection.

[228] With respect to the transaction at San Juan de Ulloa, already
alluded to at page 10, Sir Richard Hawkins had good reason to be
suspicious of the good faith of the Spaniards. From the account given in
Hakluyt, from Sir John Hawkins himself, it appears, that “he was
attacked after he had been assured on the faith of the Spanish viceroy
that no treachery should be used.” But in the matter of Oxenham,
apparently, they were not to blame. John Oxenham had accompanied Drake
in his first voyage, in 1574, and after his return, was induced to fit
out a small expedition on his own account: he was successful in
acquiring booty, but by mismanagement he and all his people fell into
the hands of the Spaniards. At Panama he was examined as to what
authority he held from his queen; but not being able to produce any
power or commission, he with all his company were sentenced to death, as
pirates.

[229] _Wool_ probably means the covering or planking. _Rampire_ (for
rampart?) what is now termed the bulwark.

[230] Ready.

[231] “Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just.”

_--Henry V._


[232] Precedents.

[233] The term “race” is here repeated: if not a misprint (see note,
page 199), can “a race ship” mean one built for speed?

[234] Tumbling home (?); applied to the inclination inward, given to a
ship’s topsides.

[235] _Hoy por mi, mañana por ti_: which may be freely translated, “my
turn to-day, yours to-morrow.”

[236] Tow or tug.

[237] Divers.

[238] This island was probably named after the Latin term “Margaritæ”
pearls.

[239] Poles.

[240] Rare--wonderful: this pearl was found at Santa Margarita; weighed
two hundred and fifty carats, and was valued at thirty thousand pounds.
Tavernier purchased one at Katifa, in Arabia, for upwards of one hundred
thousand pounds. The Ceylon pearls are most valued in England.

[241] Imbargo--embargo: laying on an embargo, means issuing an order to
prevent the sailing of vessels.

[242] Oxenham? See page 209.

[243] Mound or hillock.

[244] Pier?


[Transcriber’s Note:

Footnote 128: “off Sir Christopher, in 1667,” changed to read “off St.
Christopher, in 1667,”. St. Christopher was an island during that
period, now Saint Kitts.

Obvious printer errors corrected silently.

Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.]





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