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Title: A Character of the Province of Maryland - Described in four distinct parts; also a small Treatise - on the Wild and Naked Indians (or Susquehanokes) of - Maryland, their customs, manners, absurdities, and religion; - together with a collection of historical letters.
Author: Alsop, George
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "A Character of the Province of Maryland - Described in four distinct parts; also a small Treatise - on the Wild and Naked Indians (or Susquehanokes) of - Maryland, their customs, manners, absurdities, and religion; - together with a collection of historical letters." ***

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 A Character of the Province of MARYLAND.




 Baltimore, 1880.




 Fund-Publication, No. 15.

 A Character of the Province of MARYLAND.




 Baltimore, 1880.


 “Thy fathers went down into Egypt with three score and ten persons,
 and now the Lord thy God hath made thee as the stars of heaven for
 multitude.” . . . _Moses._

 “Two things are to be considered in writing history, truth and
 elocution, for in truth consisteth the soul, and in elocution the
 body of history; the latter without the former, is but a picture
 of history; the former without the latter, unapt to instruct. The
 principle and proper work of history, being to instruct, and enable
 men by their knowledge of actions past, to bear themselves prudently
 in the present, and providently towards the future.” . . . _T. Hobbes._




















    _Our western world, with all its matchless floods,_
    _Our vast transparent lakes and boundless woods,_
    _Stamped with the traits of majesty sublime,_
    _Unhonored weep the silent lapse of time,_
    _Spread their wild grandeur to the unconscious sky,_
    _In sweetest seasons pass unheeded by;_
    _While scarce one muse returns the songs they gave,_
    _Or seeks to snatch their glories from the grave._
                          ALEXANDER WILSON, The Ornithologist.

_The greater part of the magnificent countries east of the Alleghanies
is in a high state of cultivation and commercial prosperity, with
natural advantages not surpassed in any country. Nature, however, still
maintains her sway in some parts, especially where pine-barrens and
swamps prevail. The territory of the United States covers an area of
2,963,666 square miles, about one-half of which is capable of producing
everything that is useful to man, but not more than a twenty-sixth
part of it has been cleared. The climate is generally healthy, the
soil fertile, abounding in mineral treasures, and it possesses every
advantage from navigable rivers and excellent harbors_ . . . MRS.





 Not entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1869, by

 In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the United States for
 the Southern District of New York.








The subscriber announces to the public, that he intends publishing
a series of works, relating to the history, literature, biography,
antiquities and curiosities of the Continent of America. To be entitled


The books to form this collection, will chiefly consist of reprints
from old and scarce works, difficult to be produced in this country,
and often also of very rare occurrence in Europe; occasionally an
original work will be introduced into the series, designed to throw
light upon some obscure point of American history, or to elucidate
the biography of some of the distinguished men of our land. Faithful
reprints of every work published will be given to the public; nothing
will be added, except in the way of notes, or introduction, which will
be presented entirely distinct from the body of the work. They will
be brought out in the best style, both as to type, press work and
paper, and in such a manner as to make them well worthy a place in any
gentleman’s library.

A part will appear about once in every six months, or oftener, if the
public taste demand it; each part forming an entire work, either an
original production, or a reprint of some valuable, and at the same
time scarce tract. From eight or twelve parts will form a handsome
octavo volume, which the publisher is well assured, will be esteemed
entitled to a high rank in every collection of American history and

Should reasonable encouragement be given, the whole collection may in
the course of no long period of time become not less voluminous, and
quite as valuable to the student in American history, as the celebrated
Harleian Miscellany is now to the student and lover of British
historical antiquities.

 W. GOWANS, _Publisher_.


George Alsop, the author of this curious tract, was born according
to the inscription on his portrait, in 1638. He served a two years’
apprenticeship to some trade in London, but seems to have been wild
enough. His portrait and his language alike bespeak the rollicking
roysterer of the days of the restoration, thoroughly familiar with
all the less reputable haunts of London. He expresses a hearty
contempt for Cromwell and his party, and it may be that the fate which
confined him to a four years’ servitude in Maryland was an order of
transportation issued in the name of the commonwealth of England. He
speaks disdainfully of the “mighty low and distracted life” of such as
could not pay their passage, then, according to _Leah and Rachel_ (p.
14), generally six pounds, as though want of money was not in his case
the cause of his emigrating from England. He gives the letters he wrote
to his family and friends on starting, but omits the date, although
from allusions to the death of Cromwell in a letter dated at Gravesend,
September 7th, he evidently sailed in 1658, the protector having died
on the 3d of September in that year.

In Maryland he fell to the lot of Thomas Stockett, Esq., one of three
brothers who came to Maryland in 1658, {10} perhaps at the same time
as Alsop, and settled originally it would seem in Baltimore county. It
was on this estate that Alsop spent the four years which enabled him to
write the following tract. He speaks highly of his treatment and the
abundance that reigned in the Stockett mansion.

Alsop’s book appeared in 1666. One of the laudatory verses that preface
it is dated January, 1665 (5/6), and as it would appear that he did
not remain in Maryland after the expiration of his four years, except
perhaps for a short time in consequence of a fit of sickness to which
he alludes, he probably returned to London to resume his old career.

Of his subsequent life nothing is known, and though Allison ascribes to
him a volume of Sermons, we may safely express our grave doubts whether
the author of this tract can be suspected of anything of the kind.

The book, written in a most extravagant style, contains no facts as to
the stirring events in Maryland history which preceded its date, and
in view, doubtless, of the still exasperated state of public feeling,
seems to have studiously avoided all allusion to so unattractive a
subject. As an historical tract it derives its chief value from the
portion which comprises its _Relation of the Susquehanna Indians_.

The object for which the tract was issued seems evident. It was
designed to stimulate emigration to Maryland, and is written in
a vulgar style to suit the class it was to reach. While from its
dedication to Lord Baltimore, and the merchant adventurers, we may
infer that it was paid for by them, in order to encourage emigration,
especially of redemptioners. {11}

Much of the early emigration to America was effected by what was called
the redemption system. Under this, one disposed to emigrate, but unable
to raise the £6, entered into a contract in the following form, with a
merchant adventurer, ship owner or ship master, and occasionally with
a gentleman emigrant of means, under which the latter gave him his
passage and supplies:


 [From _A Relation of Maryland_, &c., 1635.]

 This indenture made the ...... day of .............. in the .........
 yeere of our Soveraigne Lord King Charles &c betweene ..............
 of the one party, and .............. on the other party, Witnesseth
 that the said .............. doth hereby covenant, promise and grant
 to and with the said .............. his Executors and Assignes, to
 serve him from the day of the date hereof, vntill his first and next
 arrivall in Maryland, and after for and during the tearme of ......
 yeeres, in such service and employment as the said ..............
 or his assignes shall there employ him, according to the custome
 of the countrey in the like kind. In consideration whereof, the
 said .............. doth promise and grant, to and with the said
 .............. to pay for his passing and to find him with Meat,
 Drinke, Apparell and Lodging, with other necessaries during the said
 terme; and at the end of the said terme, to give him one Whole yeeres
 provision of Corne and fifty acres of Land, according to the order
 of the countrey. In witnesse whereof, the said .............. hath
 hereunto put his hand and seale the day and yeere above written.

 Sealed and delivered
   in the presence of

The term of service, at first limited to five years (_Relation of
Maryland_, 1635, p. 63), was subsequently reduced to four (Act of 1638,
&c.), and so remained into the next {12} century (Act of April, 1715).
Thus a woman in the _Sot Weed Factor_, after speaking of her life in
England, says:

    Not then a slave for twice two year,
    My cloaths were fashionably new,
    Nor were my shifts of linnen Blue;
    But things are changed; now at the Hoe,
    I daily work and Barefoot go,
    In weeding Corn or feeding Swine,
    I spend my melancholy Time.

Disputes arose as to the time when the term began, and it was finally
fixed at the anchoring of the vessel in the province, but not more than
fourteen days were to be allowed for anchoring after they passed the
Capes (Act of 1715). When these agreements were made with the merchant
adventurer, ship owner or ship captain, the servants were sold at
auctions, which were conducted on the principle of our tax sales, the
condition being the payment of the advances, and the bidding being for
the term of service, descending from the legal limit according to his
supposed value as a mechanic or hand, the best man being taken for
the shortest term. Where the emigrants made their agreement with the
gentleman emigrant, they proceeded at once to the land he took up, and
in the name of the servant the planter took up at least one hundred
acres of land, fifty of which, under the agreement, he conveyed to the
servant at the expiration of his term of service.

Alsop seems to have made an agreement, perhaps on the voyage, with
Thomas Stockett, Esq., as his first letter from America mentions his
being in the service of that gentleman. His last letter is dated at
Gravesend, the 7th of September, and his first in Maryland January 17
(1659), making a voyage of four months, which he loosely calls five,
and describes as “a blowing and dangerous passage.” {13}

Through the kindness of George Lynn Lachlin Davis, Esq., I have been
enabled to obtain from J. Shaaf Stockett, Esq., a descendant of Captain
Stockett, some details as to his ancestor, the master of our author,
during his four years’ servitude, which was not very grievous to
him, for he says, “had I known my yoak would have been so easie (as
I conceive it will) I would have been here long before now, rather
than to have dwelt under the pressure of a Rebellious and Trayterous
government so long as I did.”

A manuscript statement made some years later by one Joseph Tilly,
states: “About or in y^e year of o^r Lord 1667 or 8 I became acquainted
w^{th} 4 Gent^n y^t were brethren & then dwellers here in Maryland the
elder of them went by y^e name of Coll^o Lewis Stockett & y^e second
by y^e name of Capt^n Thomas Stockett, y^e third was Doct^r Francis
Stockett & y^e Fourth Brother was M^r Henry Stockett. These men were
but y^n newly seated or seating in Anne Arunndell County & they had
much business w^h the Lord Baltimore then pp^{etor} of y^e Provinces,
my house standing convenient they were often entertained there: they
told mee y^t they were Kentish men or Men of Kent & y^t for that they
had been concerned for King Charles y^e first, were out of favour
w^{th} y^e following Governm^t they Mortgaged a Good an estate to
follow King Charles the second in his exile & at their Return they
had not money to redeem their mortgage, w^{ch} was y^e cause of their
coming hither.      JOSEPH TILLY.”

Of the brothers, who are said to have arrived in the spring or summer
of 1658, only Captain Thomas Stockett remained in Maryland, the others
having, according to family tradition, returned to England. As stated
in the {14} document just given, they settled in Anne Arundell county,
and on the 19th of July, 1669, “Obligation,” a tract of 664 acres of
land was patented to Captain Thomas Stockett, and a part still after
the lapse of nearly two centuries remains in the family, being owned by
Frank H. Stockett, Esq., of the Annapolis bar.

By his wife Mary (_Wells_ it is supposed), Captain Thomas Stockett had
one son, Thomas, born April 17, 1667, from whose marriage with Mary,
daughter of Thomas Sprigg, of West River, gentleman (March 12, 1689),
and subsequent marriage with Damarris Welch, the Stocketts of Maryland,
Kentucky, Pennsylvania, New York and New Jersey are descended.

The arms of this branch, as given in the family archives, are “Or a
Lyon rampant sable armed and Langued Gules a cheife of y^e second a
castle Tripple towred argent betwixt two Beausants—to y^e crest upon a
helm on a wreath of y^e colours, a Lyon Proper segeant supporte on a
stock ragged and trunked argent Borne by the name of Stockett with a
mantle Gules doubled Argent.” These agree with the arms given by Burke
as the arms of the Stocketts of St. Stephens, county of Kent.

Thomas Stockett’s will, dated April 23, 1671, was proved on the 4th of
May in the same year, so that his death must have occurred within the
ten intervening days. He left his estate to his wife for life, then his
lands to his son Thomas, and his posthumous child if a son, and his
personal estate to be divided among his daughters. His executors were
his brothers Francis and Henry and his brother (in-law) Richard Wells.
His dispositions of property are brief, much of the will consisting of
pious expressions and wishes. {15}

To return to the early Maryland emigration, at the time there was
evident need for some popular tract to remove a prejudice that had been
created against that colony, especially in regard to the redemptioners.
The condition of those held for service in Maryland had been
represented as pitiable indeed, the labor intolerable, the usage bad,
the diet hard, and that no beds were allowed but the bare boards. Such
calumnies had already been refuted in 1656 by Hammond, in his _Leah
and Rachel_. Yet it would seem that ten years later the proprietor of
Maryland found it necessary to give Alsop’s flattering picture as a new

The original tract is reproduced so nearly in fac simile here that
little need be said about it. The original is a very small volume, the
printed matter on the page being only 2 1/8 inches by 4 7/8. (See note
No. 1).

At the end are two pages of advertisements headed “These Books, with
others, are Printed for Peter Dring, and are to be sold at his Shop, at
the Sun in the Poultrey, next door to the Rose Tavern.”

Among the books are Eliana, Holesworth’s Valley of Vision, Robotham’s
Exposition of Solomon’s Song, N. Byfields’ Marrow of the Oracle of
God, Pheteplace’s Scrutinia Sacra, Featly Tears in Time of Pestilence,
Templum Musicum by Joannes Henricus Alstedius, two cook books, a jest
book, Troads Englished, and ends with A Comment upon the Two Tales of
our Renowned Poet Sir Jeffray Chaucer, Knight.

At the end of this is the following by way of erratum: “Courteous
Reader. In the first Epistle Dedicatory, for Felton read Feltham.”


    _View here the Shadow whoſe Ingenious Hand_
    _Hath drawne exact the Province   Mary Land_
    _Diſplay’d her Glory in ſuch Scænes of Witt_
    _That thoſe that read must fall in Love with it_
    _For which his Labour hee deſerves the praiſe_
    _As well as Poets doe the wreath of Bays      ._

           _Anno Dõ: 1666. Ætatis Suæ 28._    _H.W._




 Of the PROVINCE of


 Wherein is Deſcribed in four diſtinct
 Parts, (_Viz._)

 I. _The Scituation, and plenty of the Province._

 II. _The Laws, Cuſtoms, and natural Demeanor
 of the Inhabitant._

 III. _The worſt and beſt Vſage of a Mary-Land
 Servant, opened in view._

 IV. _The Traffique, and Vendable Commodities
 of the Countrey._


 A SMALL _Treatiſe_ on the Wilde and
 Naked INDIANS (or _Suſquehanokes_)
 of _Mary-Land_, their Cuſtoms, Manners,
 Abſurdities, & Religion.

 Together with a Collection of Hiſtorical


 _London_, Printed by _T. J._ for _Peter Dring_,
 at the ſign of the Sun in the _Poultrey_; 1666.



 Absolute Lord and Proprietary of the Provinces of _Mary-Land_ and
 _Avalon_ (see note No. 3) in _America_.


I have adventured on your Lordships acceptance by guess; if presumption
has led me into an Error that deserves correction, I heartily beg
Indempnity, and resolve to repent soundly for it, and do so no
more. What I present I know to be true, Experientia docet; It being
an infallible Maxim, _That there is no Globe like the occular and
experimental view of a Countrey_. And had not Fate by a necessary
imployment, consin’d me within the narrow walks of a four years
Servitude, and by degrees led me through the most intricate and dubious
paths of this Countrey, by a commanding and undeniable Enjoyment, I
could not, nor should I ever have undertaken to have written a line of
this nature.


If I have wrote or composed any thing that’s wilde and confused, it is
because I am so my self, and the world, as far as I can perceive, is
not much out of the same trim; therefore I resolve, if I am brought to
the Bar of _Common Law_ for any thing I have done here, to plead _Non
compos mentis_, to save my Bacon.

There is an old Saying in English, _He must rise betimes that would
please every one_. And I am afraid I have lain so long a bed, that
I think I shall please no body; if it must be so, I cannot help it.
But as _Feltham_ (see note No. 4) in his _Resolves_ says, _In things
that must be, ’tis good to be resolute_; And therefore what Destiny
has ordained, I am resolved to wink, and stand to it. So leaving your
Honour to more serious meditations, I subscribe my self,

 My Lord
 Your Lordship most
 Humble Servant,

 To all the Merchant Adventurers for MARY-LAND,
 together with those Commanders of Ships
 that saile into that Province.


 _You are both Adventurers, the one of Estate, the other of Life: I
 could tell you I am an Adventurer too, if I durst presume to come into
 your Company. I have ventured to come abroad in Print, and if I should
 be laughed at for my good meaning, it would so break the credit of
 my understanding, that I should never dare to shew my face upon the
 Exchange of (conceited) Wits again._

 _This dish of Discourse was intended for you at first, but it was
 manners to let my Lord have the first cut, the Pye being his own. I
 beseech you accept of the matter as ’tis drest, only to stay your
 stomachs, and I’le promise you the next shall be better done, ’Tis
 all as I can serve you in at present, and it may be questionable
 whether I have served you in this or no. Here I present you with_ A
 Character of Mary-Land_, it may be you will say ’tis weakly done, if
 you do I cannot help it, ’tis as well as I could do it, considering
 several Obstacles that like blocks were thrown in my way to hinder my
 proceeding: The major part thereof was written in the intermitting
 time of my sickness, therefore I hope the afflicting weakness of {24}
 my Microcosm may plead a just excuse for some imperfections of my
 pen. I protest what I have writ is from an experimental knowledge of
 the Country, and not from any imaginary supposition. If I am blamed
 for what I have done too much, it is the first, and I will irrevocably
 promise it shall be the last. There’s a Maxim upon Tryals at Assizes,
 That if a thief be taken upon the first fault, if it be not to
 hainous, they only burn him in the hand and let him go_ (see note No.
 5): _So I desire you to do by me, if you find any thing that bears a
 criminal absurdity in it, only burn me for my first fact and let me
 go. But I am afraid I have kept you too long in the Entry, I shall
 desire you therefore to come in and sit down._



The Reason why I appear in this place is, lest the general Reader
should conclude I have nothing to say for my self; and truly he’s in
the right on’t, for I have but little to say (for my self) at this
time: For I have had so large a Journey, and so heavy a Burden to
bring _Mary-Land_ into _England_, that I am almost out of breath: I’le
promise you after I am come to my self, you shall hear more of me. Good
Reader, because you see me make a brief Apologetical excuse for my
self, don’t judge me; for I am so self-conceited of my own merits, that
I almost think I want none. _De Lege non judicandum ex solâ linea_,
saith the Civilian; We must not pass judgement upon a Law by one line:
And because we see but a small Bush at a Tavern door, conclude there is
no Canary (see note No. 6). For as in our vulgar Resolves ’tis said, _A
good face needs no Band, and an ill one deserves none_: So the French
Proverb sayes, Bon Vien il n’a faut point de Ensigne, Good Wine needs
no Bush. I suppose by this time some of my speculative observers {26}
have judged me vainglorious; but if they did but rightly consider me,
they would not be so censorious. For I dwell so far from Neighbors,
that if I do not praise my self, no body else will: And since I am left
alone, I am resolved to summon the _Magna Charta_ of Fowles to the Bar
for my excuse, and by their irrevocable Statutes plead my discharge.
_For its an ill Bird will befoule her own Nest_: Besides, I have a
thousand _Billings-gate_ (see note No. 7) Collegians that will give in
their testimony, _That they never knew a Fish-woman cry stinking Fish_.
Thus leaving the Nostrils of the Citizens Wives to demonstrate what
they please as to that, and thee (Good Reader) to say what thou wilt, I
bid thee Farewel.



    When first _Apollo_ got my brain with Childe,
    He made large promise never to beguile,
    But like an honest Father, he would keep
    Whatever Issue from my Brain did creep:
    With that I gave consent, and up he threw
    Me on a Bench, and strangely he did do;
    Then every week he daily came to see
    How his new Physick still did work with me.
    And when he did perceive he’d don the feat,
    Like an unworthy man he made retreat,
    Left me in desolation, and where none
    Compassionated when they heard me groan.
    What could he judge the Parish then would think,
    To see me fair, his Brat as black as Ink?
    If they had eyes, they’d swear I were no Nun,
    But got with Child by some black _Africk_ Son,
    And so condemn me for my Fornication,
    To beat them Hemp to stifle half the Nation.
    Well, since ’tis so, I’le alter this base Fate,
    And lay his Bastard at some Noble’s Gate;
    Withdraw my self from Beadles, and from such,
    Who would give twelve pence I were
    in their clutch: {28}
    Then, who can tell? this Child which I do hide,
    May be in time a Small-beer Col’nel _Pride_ (see note No 8).
    But while I talk, my business it is dumb,
    I must lay double-clothes unto thy Bum,
    Then lap thee warm, and to the world commit
    The Bastard Off-spring of a New-born wit.
    Farewel, poor Brat, thou in a monstrous World,
    In swadling bands, thus up and down art hurl’d;
    There to receive what Destiny doth contrive,
    Either to perish, or be sav’d alive.
    Good Fate protect thee from a Criticks power,
    For If he comes, thou’rt gone in half an hour,
    Stiff’d and blasted, ’tis their usual way,
    To make that Night, which is as bright as Day.
    For if they once but wring, and skrew their mouth,
    Cock up their Hats, and set the point Du-South,
    Armes all a kimbo, and with belly strut,
    As if they had _Parnassus_ in their gut:
    These are the Symtomes of the murthering fall
    Of my poor Infant, and his burial.
    Say he should miss thee, and some ign’rant Asse
    Should find thee out, as he along doth pass,
    It were all one, he’d look into thy Tayle,
    To see if thou wert Feminine or Male;
    When he’d half starv’d thee, for to satisfie
    His peeping Ign’rance, he’d then let thee lie;
    And vow by’s wit he ne’re could understand,
    The Heathen dresses of another Land:
    Well, ’tis no matter, wherever such as he
    Knows one grain, more than his simplicity.
    Now, how the pulses of my senses beat,
    To think the rigid Fortune
    thou wilt meet; {29}
    Asses and captious Fools, not six in ten
    Of thy Spectators will be real men,
    To Umpire up the badness of the cause,
    And screen my weakness from the rav’nous Laws,
    Of those that will undoubted sit to see
    How they might blast this new-born Infancy:
    If they should burn him, they’d conclude hereafter,
    ’Twere too good death for him to dye a Martyr;
    And if they let him live, they think it will
    Be but a means for to encourage ill,
    And bring in time some strange _Antipod’ans_,
    A thousand Leagues beyond _Philippians_,
    To storm our Wits; therefore he must not rest,
    But shall be hang’d, for all he has been prest:
    Thus they conclude.—My Genius comforts give,
    In Resurrection he will surely live.

To my Friend Mr. GEORGE ALSOP, on his Character of MARY-LAND.

    _Who such odd nookes of Earths great mass describe,_
    _Prove their descent from old_ Columbus _tribe:_
    _Some Boding augur did his Name devise,_
    _Thy Genius too cast in th’ same mould and size;_
    _His Name predicted he would be a Rover,_
    _And hidden places of this Orb discover;_
    _He made relation of that World in gross,_
    _Thou the particulars retail’st to us:_
    _By this first Peny of thy fancy we_
    _Discover what thy greater Coines will be;_
    _This Embryo thus well polisht doth presage,_
    _The manly Atchievements of its future age._
    _Auspicious winds blow gently on this spark,_
    _Untill its flames discover what’s yet dark;_
    _Mean while this short Abridgement we embrace,_
    _Expecting that thy busy soul will trace_
    _Some Mines at last which may enrich the World,_
    _And all that poverty may be in oblivion hurl’d._
    _Zoilus is dumb, for thou the mark hast hit,_
    _By interlacing History with Wit:_
    _Thou hast described its superficial Treasure,_
    _Anatomiz’d its bowels at thy leasure;_
    _That_ MARY-LAND _to thee may duty owe,_
    _Who to the World dost all her Glory shew;_
    _Then thou shalt make the Prophesie fall true,_
    _Who fill’st the World (like th’ Sea) with knowledge new._

    WILLIAM BOGHERST. (See note No. 9.)

To my Friend Mr. GEORGE ALSOP, on his Character of MARY-LAND.

    _This plain, yet pithy and concise Description_
    _Of_ Mary-Lands _plentious and sedate condition,_
    _With other things herein by you set forth,_
    _To shew its Rareness, and declare its Worth;_
    _Compos’d in such a time, when most men were_
    _Smitten with Sickness, or surpriz’d with Fear,_
    _Argues a Genius good, and Courage stout,_
    _In bringing this Design so well about:_
    _Such generous Freedom waited on thy brain,_
    _The Work was done in midst of greatest pain;_
    _And matters flow’d so swiftly from thy source,_
    _Nature design’d thee (sure) for such Discourse._
    _Go on then with thy Work so well begun,_
    _Let it come forth, and boldly see the Sun;_
    _Then shall’t be known to all, that from thy Youth_
    _Thou heldst it Noble to maintain the Truth,_
    _’Gainst all the Rabble-rout, that yelping stand,_
    _To cast aspersions on thy_ MARY-LAND:
    _But this thy Work shall vindicate its Fame,_
    _And as a Trophy memorize thy Name,_
    _So if without a Tomb thou buried be,_
    _This Book’s a lasting Monument for thee._

    H. W., Master of Arts. (See note No. 10).

From my Study, _Jan._ 10, 1665.


 A Land-skip of the
 Province of
 Or the
 Lord Baltimors
 Plantation neere
 By Geo: Alsop Gent.

 Am. Photo-Lithographic Co. N.Y. Osborne’s Process]






_Of the situation and plenty of the Province of_ Mary-Land.

Mary-land is a Province situated upon the large extending bowels of
_America_, under the Government of the Lord _Baltemore_, adjacent
Northwardly upon the Confines of _New-England_, and neighbouring
Southwardly upon _Virginia_, dwelling pleasantly upon the Bay of
_Chæsapike_ (see note No. 11), between the Degrees of 36 and 38, in
the Zone temperate, and by Mathematical computation is eleven hundred
and odd Leagues in Longitude from _England_, being within her own
imbraces extraordinary pleasant and fertile. Pleasant, in respect of
the multitude of Navigable Rivers and Creeks that conveniently and
most profitably lodge within the armes of her green, spreading, and
delightful Woods; whose natural womb (by her plenty) maintains and
preserves the several diversities of Animals that rangingly inhabit
her Woods; as she doth otherwise generously fructifie {36} this
piece of Earth with almost all sorts of Vegetables, as well Flowers
with their varieties of colours and smells, as Herbes and Roots with
their several effects and operative virtues, that offer their benefits
daily to supply the want of the Inhabitant whene’re their necessities
shall _Sub-pœna_ them to wait on their commands. So that he, who out
of curiosity desires to see the Landskip of the Creation drawn to
the life, or to read Natures universal Herbal without book, may with
the Opticks of a discreet discerning, view _Mary-Land_ drest in her
green and fragrant Mantle of the Spring. Neither do I think there is
any place under the Heavenly altitude, or that has footing or room
upon the circular Globe of this world, that can parallel this fertile
and pleasant piece of ground in its multiplicity, or rather Natures
extravagancy of a superabounding plenty. For so much doth this Country
increase in a swelling Spring-tide of rich variety and diversities
of all things, not only common provisions that supply the reaching
stomach of man with a satisfactory plenty, but also extends with its
liberality and free convenient benefits to each sensitive faculty,
according to their several desiring Appetites. So that had Nature made
it her business, on purpose to have found out a situation for the Soul
of profitable Ingenuity, she could not have fitted herself better in
the traverse of the whole Universe, nor in convenienter terms have told
man, _Dwell here, live plentifully and be rich_. {37}

The Trees, Plants, Fruits, Flowers, and Roots that grow here in
_Mary-Land_, are the only Emblems or Hieroglyphicks of our Adamitical
or Primitive situation, as well for their variety as odoriferous
smells, together with their vertues, according to their several
effects, kinds and properties, which still bear the Effigies of
Innocency according to their original Grafts; which by their dumb
vegetable Oratory, each hour speaks to the Inhabitant in silent acts,
That they need not look for any other Terrestrial Paradice, to suspend
or tyre their curiosity upon, while she is extant. For within her doth
dwell so much of variety, so much of natural plenty, that there is not
any thing that is or may be rare, but it inhabits within this plentious
soyle: So that those parts of the Creation that have borne the Bell
away (for many ages) for a vegetable plentiousness, must now in silence
strike and vayle all, and whisper softly in the auditual parts of
_Mary-Land_, that _None but she in this dwells singular_; and that as
well for that she doth exceed in those Fruits, Plants, Trees and Roots,
that dwell and grow in their several Clymes or habitable parts of the
Earth besides, as the rareness and super-excellency of her own glory,
which she flourishly abounds in, by the abundancy of reserved Rarities,
such as the remainder of the World (with all its speculative art) never
bore any occular testimony of as yet. I shall forbear to particularize
those several sorts of vegetables that flourishingly grows here,
by {38} reason of the vast tediousness that will attend upon the
description, which therefore makes them much more fit for an Herbal,
than a small Manuscript or History. (See note No. 12).

As for the wilde Animals of this Country, which loosely inhabits the
Woods in multitudes, it is impossible to give you an exact description
of them all, considering the multiplicity as well as the diversity
of so numerous an extent of Creatures: But such as has fallen within
the compass or prospect of my knowledge, those you shall know of;
_videlicet_, the Deer, because they are oftner seen, and more
participated of by the Inhabitants of the Land, whose acquaintance by a
customary familiarity becomes much more common than the rest of Beasts
that inhabit the Woods by using themselves in Herds about the Christian
Plantations. Their flesh, which in some places of this Province is the
common provision the Inhabitants feed on, and which through the extreme
glut and plenty of it, being daily killed by the _Indians_, and brought
in to the _English_, as well as that which is killed by the Christian
Inhabitant, that doth it more for recreation, than for the benefit they
reap by it. I say, the flesh of Venison becomes (as to food) rather
denyed, than any way esteemed or desired. And this I speak from an
experimental knowledge; For when I was under a Command, and debarr’d
of a four years ranging Liberty in the Province of _Mary-Land_, the
Gentleman whom I served my conditional and {39} prefixed time withall,
had at one time in his house fourscore Venisons, besides plenty of
other provisions to serve his Family nine months, they being but seven
in number; so that before this Venison was brought to a period by
eating, it so nauseated our appetites and stomachs, that plain bread
was rather courted and desired than it.

The Deer (see note No. 13) here neither in shape nor action differ
from our Deer in _England_: the Park they traverse their ranging and
unmeasured walks in, is bounded and impanell’d in with no other pales
than the rough and billowed Ocean: They are also mighty numerous in the
Woods, and are little or not at all affrighted at the face of a man,
but (like the Does of _Whetstons_ Park) (see note No. 14) though their
hydes are not altogether so gaudy to extract an admiration from the
beholder, yet they will stand (all most) till they be scratcht.

As for the Wolves, Bears, and Panthers (see note No. 15) of this
Country, they inhabit commonly in great multitudes up in the remotest
parts of the Continent; yet at some certain time they come down near
the Plantations, but do little hurt or injury worth noting, and that
which they do is of so degenerate and low a nature, (as in reference
to the fierceness and heroick vigour that dwell in the same kind of
Beasts in other Countries), that they are hardly worth mentioning: For
the highest of their designs and circumventing reaches is but cowardly
and base, only {40} to steal a poor Pigg, or kill a lost and half
starved Calf. The Effigies of a man terrifies them dreadfully, for they
no sooner espy him but their hearts are at their mouths, and the spurs
upon their heels, they (having no more manners than Beasts) gallop
away, and never bid them farewell that are behind them.

The Elke, the Cat of the Mountain, the Rackoon, the Fox, the Beaver,
the Otter, the Possum, the Hare, the Squirril, the Monack, the Musk-Rat
(see note No. 16), and several others (whom I’le omit for brevity sake)
inhabit here in _Mary-Land_ in several droves and troops, ranging the
Woods at their pleasure.

The meat of most of these Creatures is good for eating, yet of no value
nor esteem here, by reason of the great plenty of other provisions, and
are only kill’d by the _Indians_ of the Country for their Hydes and
Furrs, which become very profitable to those that have the right way of
traffiquing for them, as well as it redounds to the _Indians_ that take
the pains to catch them, and to slay and dress their several Hydes,
selling and disposing them for such commodities as their Heathenish
fancy delights in.

As for those Beasts that were carried over at the first seating of the
Country, to stock and increase the situation, as Cows, Horses, Sheep
and Hogs (see note No. 17), they are generally tame, and use near
home, especially the Cows, Sheep and Horses. The Hogs, whose increase
is innumerable in the Woods, do {41} disfrequent home more than the
rest of Creatures that are look’d upon as tame, yet with little trouble
and pains they are slain and made provision of. Now they that will
with a right Historical Survey, view the Woods of _Mary-Land_ in this
particular, as in reference to Swine, must upon necessity judge this
Land lineally descended from the _Gadarean_ Territories. (See note No.

_Mary-Land_ (I must confess) cannot boast of her plenty of Sheep here,
as other Countries; not but that they will thrive and increase here,
as well as in any place of the World besides, but few desire them,
because they commonly draw down the Wolves among the Plantations, as
well by the sweetness of their flesh, as by the humility of their
nature, in not making a defensive resistance against the rough dealing
of a ravenous Enemy. They who for curiosity will keep Sheep, may expect
that after the Wolves have breathed themselves all day in the Woods to
sharpen their stomachs, they will come without fail and sup with them
at night, though many times they surfeit themselves with the sawce
that’s dish’d out of the muzzle of a Gun, and so in the midst of their
banquet (poor Animals) they often sleep with their Ancestors.

Fowls of all sorts and varieties dwell at their several times and
seasons here in _Mary-Land_. The Turkey, the Woodcock, the Pheasant,
the Partrich, the Pigeon, and others, especially the Turkey, whom
I have seen {42} in whole hundreds in flights in the Woods of
_Mary-Land_, being an extraordinary fat Fowl, whose flesh is very
pleasant and sweet. These Fowls that I have named are intayled from
generation to generation to the Woods. The Swans, the Geese and Ducks
(with other Water-Fowl) derogate in this point of setled residence; for
they arrive in millionous multitudes in _Mary-Land_ about the middle of
_September_, and take their winged farewell about the midst of _March_
(see note No. 19): But while they do remain, and beleagure the borders
of the shoar with their winged Dragoons, several of them are summoned
by a Writ of _Fieri facias_, to answer their presumptuous contempt upon
a Spit.

As for Fish, which dwell in the watry tenements of the deep, and by
a providential greatness of power, is kept for the relief of several
Countries in the world (which would else sink under the rigid enemy of
want), here in _Mary-Land_ is a large sufficiency, and plenty of almost
all sorts of Fishes, which live and inhabit within her several Rivers
and Creeks, far beyond the apprehending or crediting of those that
never saw the same, which with very much ease is catched, to the great
refreshment of the Inhabitants of the Province.

All sorts of Grain, as Wheat, Rye, Barley, Oates, Pease, besides
several others that have their original and birth from the fertile womb
of this Land (and no where else), they all grow, increase, and thrive
here {43} in _Mary-Land_, without the chargable and laborious manuring
of the Land with Dung; increasing in such a measure and plenty, by
the natural richness of the Earth, with the common, beneficial and
convenient showers of rain that usually wait upon the several Fields
of Grain (by a natural instinct), so that Famine (the dreadful Ghost
of penury and want) is never known with his pale visage to haunt the
Dominions of _Mary-Land_. (See note No. 20).

    _Could’st thou (O Earth) live thus obscure, and now_
    _Within an Age, shew forth thy plentious brow_
    _Of rich variety, gilded with fruitful Fame,_
    _That (Trumpet-like) doth Heraldize thy Name,_
    _And tells the World there is a Land now found,_
    _That all Earth’s Globe can’t parallel its Ground?_
    _Dwell, and be prosperous, and with thy plenty feed_
    _The craving Carkesses of those Souls that need._



_Of the Government and Natural Disposition of the People._

Mary-Land, not from the remoteness of her situation, but from the
regularity of her well ordered Government, may (without sin, I think)
be called _Singular_: And though she is not supported with such large
Revenues as some of her Neighbours are, yet such is her wisdom in a
reserved silence, and not in pomp, to shew her well-conditioned Estate,
in relieving at a distance the proud poverty of those that wont be
seen they want, as well as those which by undeniable necessities are
drove upon the Rocks of pinching wants: Yet such a loathsome creature
is a common and folding-handed Beggar, that upon the penalty of almost
a perpetual working in Imprisonment, they are not to appear, nor lurk
near our vigilant and laborious dwellings. The Country hath received a
general spleen and antipathy against the very name and nature of it;
and though there were no Law provided (as there is) to suppress it, I
am certainly confident, there is none within the Province that would
lower themselves so much below the dignity of men to beg, as long as
limbs and life keep house together; so much is a vigilant industrious
care esteem’d. {45}

He that desires to see the real Platform of a quiet and sober
Government extant, Superiority with a meek and yet commanding power
sitting at the Helme, steering the actions of State quietly, through
the multitude and diversity of Opinionous waves that diversly meet, let
him look on _Mary-Land_ with eyes admiring, and he’ll then judge her,
_The Miracle of this Age_.

Here the _Roman Catholick_, and the _Protestant Episcopal_ (whom the
world would perswade have proclaimed open Wars irrevocably against each
other), contrarywise concur in an unanimous parallel of friendship,
and inseparable love intayled into one another: All Inquisitions,
Martyrdom, and Banishments are not so much as named, but unexpressably
abhorr’d by each other.

The several Opinions and Sects that lodge within this Government,
meet not together in mutinous contempts to disquiet the power that
bears Rule, but with a reverend quietness obeys the legal commands
of Authority. (See note No. 21). Here’s never seen Five Monarchies
in a Zealous Rebellion, opposing the Rights and Liberties of a true
setled Government, or Monarchical Authority: Nor did I ever see (here
in _Mary-Land_) any of those dancing Adamitical Sisters, that plead a
primitive Innocency for their base obscenity, and naked deportment; but
I conceive if some of them were there at some certain time of the year,
between the Months of _January_ and _February_, {46} when the winds
blow from the North-West quarter of the world, that it would both cool,
and (I believe) convert the hottest of these Zealots from their burning
and fiercest concupiscence. (See note No. 22).

The Government of this Province doth continually, by all lawful means,
strive to purge her Dominions from such base corroding humors, that
would predominate upon the least smile of Liberty, did not the Laws
check and bridle in those unwarranted and tumultuous Opinions. And
truly, where a kingdom, State or Government, keeps or cuts down the
weeds of destructive Opinions, there must certainly be a blessed
harmony of quietness. And I really believe this Land or Government
of _Mary-Land_ may boast, that she enjoys as much quietness from the
disturbance of Rebellious Opinions, as most States or Kingdoms do in
the world: For here every man lives quietly, and follows his labour
and imployment desiredly; and by the protection of the Laws, they are
supported from those molestious troubles that ever attend upon the
Commons of other States and Kingdoms, as well as from the Aquafortial
operation of great and eating Taxes. Here’s nothing to be levyed out
of the Granaries of Corn; but contrarywise, by a Law every Domestick
Governor of a Family is enjoyned to make or cause to be made so
much Corn by a just limitation, as shall be sufficient for him and
his Family (see note No. 23): So that by this wise and _Janus_-like
providence, the thin-jawed Skeliton with his starv’d Carkess is never
{47} seen walking the Woods of _Mary-Land_ to affrighten Children.

Once every year within this Province is an Assembly called, and out
of every respective County (by the consent of the people) there is
chosen a number of men, and to them is deliver’d up the Grievances of
the Country; and they maturely debate the matters, and according to
their Consciences make Laws for the general good of the people; and
where any former Law that was made, seems and is prejudicial to the
good or quietness of the Land, it is repeal’d. These men that determine
on these matters for the Republique, are called Burgesses, and they
commonly sit in Junto about six weeks, being for the most part good
ordinary Householders of the several Counties, which do more by a plain
and honest Conscience, than by artificial Syllogisms drest up in gilded
Orations. (See note No. 24).

Here Suits and Tryals in Law seldome hold dispute two Terms or Courts,
but according as the Equity of the Cause appears is brought to a
period. (See note No. 25). The _Temples_ and _Grays-Inne_ are clear
out of fashion here: Marriot (see note No. 26) would sooner get a
paunch-devouring meal for nothing, than for his invading Counsil. Here
if the Lawyer had nothing else to maintain him but his bawling, he
might button up his Chops, and burn his Buckrom Bag, or else hang it
upon a pin untill its Antiquity had eaten it up with durt and dust:
Then with a {48} Spade, like his Grandsire _Adam_, turn up the face
of the Creation, purchasing his bread by the sweat of his brows, that
before was got by the motionated Water-works of his jaws. So contrary
to the Genius of the people, if not to the quiet Government of the
Province, that the turbulent Spirit of continued and vexatious Law,
with all its querks and evasions, is openly and most eagerly opposed,
that might make matters either dubious, tedious, or troublesom. All
other matters that would be ranging in contrary and improper Spheres,
(in short) are here by the Power moderated, lower’d and subdued. All
villanous Outrages that are committed in other States, are not so much
as known here: A man may walk in the open Woods as secure from being
externally dissected, as in his own house or dwelling. So hateful is a
Robber, that if but once imagin’d to be so, he’s kept at a distance,
and shun’d as the Pestilential noysomness. (See note No. 27).

It is generally and very remarkably observed, That those whose Lives
and Conversations have had no other gloss nor glory stampt on them
in their own Country, but the stigmatization of baseness, were here
(by the common civilities and deportments of the Inhabitants of this
Province) brought to detest and loath their former actions. Here
the Constable hath no need of a train of Holberteers (see note No.
28), that carry more Armour about them, than heart to guard him:
Nor is he ever troubled to leave his {49} Feathered Nest to some
friendly successor, while he is placing of his Lanthern-horn Guard
at the end of some suspicious Street, to catch some Night-walker, or
Batchelor of Leachery, that has taken his Degree three story high in a
Bawdy-house. Here’s no _Newgates_ for pilfering Felons, nor _Ludgates_
for Debtors, nor any _Bridewels_ (see note No. 29) to lash the soul of
Concupiscence into a chast Repentance. For as there is none of these
Prisons in _Mary-Land_, so the merits of the Country deserves none,
but if any be foully vitious, he is so reserv’d in it, that he seldom
or never becomes popular. Common Alehouses (whose dwellings are the
only Receptacles of debauchery and baseness, and those Schools that
trains up Youth, as well as Age, to ruine), in this Province there
are none; neither hath Youth his swing or range in such a profuse and
unbridled liberty as in other Countries; for from an antient Custom
at the primitive seating of the place, the Son works as well as the
Servant (an excellent cure for untam’d Youth), so that before they
eat their bread, they are commonly taught how to earn it; which makes
them by that time Age speaks them capable of receiving that which
their Parents indulgency is ready to give them, and which partly is
by their own laborious industry purchased, they manage it with such
a serious, grave and watching care, as if they had been Masters of
Families, trained up in that domestick and governing power from their
Cradles. These Christian Natives of the Land, {50} especially those
of the Masculine Sex, are generally conveniently confident, reservedly
subtile, quick in apprehending, but slow in resolving; and where they
spy profit sailing towards them with the wings of a prosperous gale,
there they become much familiar. The Women differ something in this
point, though not much: They are extreme bashful at the first view,
but after a continuance of time hath brought them acquainted, there
they become discreetly familiar, and are much more talkative then men.
All Complemental Courtships, drest up in critical Rarities, are meer
strangers to them, plain wit comes nearest their Genius; so that he
that intends to Court a _Mary-Land_ Girle, must have something more
than the Tautologies of a long-winded speech to carry on his design, or
else he may (for ought I know) fall under the contempt of her frown,
and his own windy Oration. (See note No. 30).

One great part of the Inhabitants of this Province are desiredly
Zealous, great pretenders to Holiness; and where any thing appears that
carries on the Frontispiece of its Effigies the stamp of Religion,
though fundamentally never so imperfect, they are suddenly taken with
it, and out of an eager desire to any thing that’s new, not weighing
the sure matter in the Ballance of Reason, are very apt to be catcht.
(See note No. 31). _Quakerism_ is the only Opinion that bears the
Bell away (see note No. 32): The _Anabaptists_ (see note No. 33)
have little to say here, {51} as well as in other places, since the
Ghost of _John_ of _Leyden_ haunts their Conventicles. The _Adamite_,
_Ranter_, and _Fifty-Monarchy men_, _Mary-Land_ cannot, nay will not
digest within her liberal stomach such corroding morsels: So that this
Province is an utter Enemy to blasphemous and zealous Imprecations,
drain’d from the Lymbeck of hellish and damnable Spirits, as well
as profuse prophaness, that issues from the prodigality of none but
cract-brain Sots.

    _’Tis said the Gods lower down that Chain above,_
    _That tyes both Prince and Subject up in Love;_
    _And if this Fiction of the Gods be true,_
    _Few_, Mary-Land, _in this can boast but you:_
    _Live ever blest, and let those Clouds that do_
    _Eclipse most States, be always Lights to you;_
    _And dwelling so, you may for ever be_
    _The only Emblem of Tranquility._



_The necessariness of Servitude proved, with the common usage of
Servants in_ Mary-Land, _together with their Priviledges_.

As there can be no Monarchy without the Supremacy of a King and Crown,
nor no King without Subjects, nor any Parents without it be by the
fruitful off-spring of Children; neither can there be any Masters,
unless it be by the inferior Servitude of those that dwell under
them, by a commanding enjoynment: And since it is ordained from the
original and superabounding wisdom of all things, That there should be
Degrees and Diversities amongst the Sons of men, in acknowledging of a
Superiority from Inferiors to Superiors; the Servant with a reverent
and befitting Obedience is as liable to this duty in a measurable
performance to him whom he serves, as the loyalest of Subjects to his
Prince. Then since it is a common and ordained Fate, that there must
be Servants as well as Masters, and that good Servitudes are those
Colledges of Sobriety that checks in the giddy and wild-headed youth
from his profuse and uneven course of life, by a limited constrainment,
as well as it otherwise agrees with the moderate and discreet Servant:
Why should there be such an exclusive {53} Obstacle in the minds and
unreasonable dispositions of many people, against the limited time of
convenient and necessary Servitude, when it is a thing so requisite,
that the best of Kingdoms would be unhing’d from their quiet and well
setled Government without it. Which levelling doctrine we here of
_England_ in this latter age (whose womb was truss’d out with nothing
but confused Rebellion) have too much experienced, and was daily rung
into the ears of the tumultuous Vulgar by the Bell-weather Sectaries of
the Times: But (blessed be God) those Clouds are blown over, and the
Government of the Kingdom coucht under a more stable form.

There is no truer Emblem of Confusion either in Monarchy or Domestick
Governments, then when either the Subject, or the Servant, strives for
the upper hand of his Prince, or Master, and to be equal with him,
from whom he receives his present subsistance: Why then, if Servitude
be so necessary that no place can be governed in order, nor people
live without it, this may serve to tell those which prick up their
ears and bray against it, That they are none but Asses, and deserve
the Bridle of a strict commanding power to reine them in: For I’me
certainly confident, that there are several Thousands in most Kingdoms
of Christendom, that could not at all live and subsist, unless they had
served some prefixed time, to learn either some Trade, Art, or Science,
and by either of them to extract their present livelihood. {54}

Then methinks this may stop the mouths of those that will undiscreetly
compassionate them that dwell under necessary Servitudes; for let but
Parents of an indifferent capacity in Estates, when their Childrens age
by computation speak them seventeen or eighteen years old, turn them
loose to the wide world, without a seven years working Apprenticeship
(being just brought up to the bare formality of a little reading
and writing) and you shall immediately see how weak and shiftless
they’le be towards the maintaining and supporting of themselves; and
(without either stealing or begging) their bodies like a Sentinel must
continually wait to see when their Souls will be frighted away by the
pale Ghost of a starving want.

Then let such, where Providence hath ordained to live as Servants,
either in _England_ or beyond Sea, endure the prefixed yoak of their
limited time with patience, and then in a small computation of years,
by an industrious endeavour, they may become Masters and Mistresses
of Families themselves. And let this be spoke to the deserved praise
of _Mary-Land_, That the four years I served there were not to me so
slavish, as a two years Servitude of a Handicraft Apprenticeship was
here in _London_; _Volenti enim nil difficile_: Not that I write this
to seduce or delude any, or to draw them from their native soyle, but
out of a love to my Countrymen, whom in the general I wish well to,
and that the lowest of them may live in such a capacity of Estate, as
that the bare interest of {55} their Livelihoods might not altogether
depend upon persons of the greatest extendments.

Now those whose abilities here in _England_ are capable of maintaining
themselves in any reasonable and handsom manner, they had best so to
remain, lest the roughness of the Ocean, together with the staring
visages of the wilde Animals, which they may see after their arrival
into the Country, may alter the natural dispositions of their bodies,
that the stay’d and solid part that kept its motion by Doctor _Trigs_
purgationary operation, may run beyond the byas of the wheel in a
violent and laxative confusion.

Now contrarywise, they who are low, and make bare shifts to buoy
themselves up above the shabby center of beggarly and incident
casualties, I heartily could wish the removal of some of them into
_Mary-Land_, which would make much better for them that stay’d behind,
as well as it would advantage those that went.

They whose abilities cannot extend to purchase their own transportation
into _Mary-Land_ (and surely he that cannot command so small a sum for
so great a matter, his life must needs be mighty low and dejected), I
say they may for the debarment of a four years sordid liberty, go over
into this Province and there live plentiously well. And what’s a four
years Servitude to advantage a man all the remainder of his dayes,
making his predecessors happy in his {56} sufficient abilities, which
he attained to partly by the restrainment of so small a time?

Now those that commit themselves into the care of the Merchant to carry
them over, they need not trouble themselves with any inquisitive search
touching their Voyage; for there is such an honest care and provision
made for them all the time they remain aboard the Ship, and are sailing
over, that they want for nothing that is necessary and convenient.

The Merchant commonly before they go aboard the Ship, or set themselves
in any forwardness for their Voyage, has Conditions of Agreements
drawn between him and those that by a voluntary consent become his
Servants, to serve him, his Heirs or Assigns, according as they in
their primitive acquaintance have made their bargain (see note No.
34), some two, some three, some four years; and whatever the Master or
Servant tyes himself up to here in _England_ by Condition, the Laws of
the Province will force a performance of when they come there: Yet here
is this Priviledge in it when they arrive, If they dwell not with the
Merchant they made their first agreement withall, they may choose whom
they will serve their prefixed time with; and after their curiosity
has pitcht on one whom they think fit for their turn, and that they
may live well withall, the Merchant makes an Assignment of the
Indenture over to him whom they of their free will have chosen to be
their Master, in the same nature as we here in _England_ (and no {57}
otherwise) turn over Covenant Servants or Apprentices from one Master
to another. Then let those whose chaps are always breathing forth those
filthy dregs of abusive exclamations, which are Lymbeckt from their
sottish and preposterous brains, against this Country of _Mary-Land_,
saying, That those which are transported over thither, are sold in open
Market for Slaves, and draw in Carts like Horses; which is so damnable
an untruth, that if they should search to the very Center of Hell, and
enquire for a Lye of the most antient and damned stamp, I confidently
believe they could not find one to parallel this: For know, That
the Servants here in _Mary-Land_ of all Colonies, distant or remote
Plantations, have the least cause to complain, either for strictness
of Servitude, want of Provisions, or need of Apparel: Five dayes and a
half in the Summer weeks is the alotted time that they work in; and for
two months, when the Sun predominates in the highest pitch of his heat,
they claim an antient and customary Priviledge, to repose themselves
three hours in the day within the house, and this is undeniably granted
to them that work in the Fields.

In the Winter time, which lasteth three months (viz.), _December_,
_January_, and _February_, they do little or no work or imployment,
save cutting of wood to make good fires to sit by, unless their
Ingenuity will prompt them to hunt the Deer, or Bear, or recreate
themselves in Fowling, to slaughter the Swans, Geese, and Turkeys
(which this Country affords in a most {58} plentiful manner): For
every Servant has a Gun, Powder and Shot allowed him, to sport him
withall on all Holidayes and leasurable times, if he be capable of
using it, or be willing to learn.

Now those Servants which come over into this Province, being
Artificers, they never (during their Servitude) work in the Fields, or
do any other imployment save that which their Handicraft and Mechanick
endeavours are capable of putting them upon, and are esteem’d as well
by their Masters, as those that imploy them, above measure. He that’s
a Tradesman here in _Mary-Land_ (though a Servant), lives as well as
most common Handicrafts do in _London_, though they may want something
of that Liberty which Freemen have, to go and come at their pleasure;
yet if it were rightly understood and considered, what most of the
Liberties of the several poor Tradesmen are taken up about, and what a
care and trouble attends that thing they call Liberty, which according
to the common translation is but Idleness, and (if weighed in the
Ballance of a just Reason) will be found to be much heavier and cloggy
then the four years restrainment of a _Mary-Land_ Servitude. He that
lives in the nature of a Servant in this Province, must serve but four
years by the Custom of the Country; and when the expiration of his
time speaks him a Freeman, there’s a Law in the Province, that enjoyns
his Master whom he hath served to give him Fifty Acres of Land, Corn
to serve him a whole year, three Suits of Apparel, {59} with things
necessary to them, and Tools to work withall; so that they are no
sooner free, but they are ready to set up for themselves, and when once
entred, they live passingly well. (See note No. 35).

The Women that go over into this Province as Servants, have the best
luck here as in any place of the world besides; for they are no sooner
on shoar, but they are courted into a Copulative Matrimony, which some
of them (for aught I know) had they not come to such a Market with
their Virginity, might have kept it by them untill it had been mouldy,
unless they had let it out by a yearly rent to some of the Inhabitants
of _Lewknors-Lane_ (see note No. 36), or made a Deed of Gift of it
to Mother _Coney_, having only a poor stipend out of it, untill the
Gallows or Hospital called them away. Men have not altogether so good
luck as Women in this kind, or natural preferment, without they be good
Rhetoricians, and well vers’d in the Art of perswasion, then (probably)
they may ryvet themselves in the time of their Servitude into the
private and reserved favour of their Mistress, if Age speak their
Master deficient.

In short, touching the Servants of this Province, they live well in the
time of their Service, and by their restrainment in that time, they are
made capable of living much better when they come to be free; which
in several other parts of the world I have observed, That after some
servants have brought their indented and limited time to a just and
legal period {60} by Servitude, they have been much more incapable of
supporting themselves from sinking into the Gulf of a slavish, poor,
fettered, and intangled life, then all the fastness of their prefixed
time did involve them in before.

Now the main and principal Reason of those incident casualties, that
wait continually upon the residences of most poor Artificers, is (I
gather) from the multiciplicity or innumerableness of those several
Companies of Tradesmen, that dwell so closely and stiflingly together
in one and the same place, that like the chafing Gum in Watered-Tabby,
they eat into the folds of one anothers Estates. And this might easily
be remedied, would but some of them remove and disperse distantly where
want and necessity calls for them; their dwellings (I am confident)
would be much larger, and their conditions much better, as well in
reference to their Estates, as to the satisfactoriness of their minds,
having a continual imployment, and from that imployment a continual
benefit, without either begging, seducing, or flattering for it,
encroaching that one month from one of the same profession, that
they are heaved out themselves the next. For I have observed on the
other side of _Mary-Land_, that the whole course of most Mechanical
endeavours, is to catch, snatch, and undervalue one another, to get
a little work, or a Customer; which when they have attained by their
lowbuilt and sneaking circumventings, it stands upon so flashy,
mutable, and transitory {61} a foundation, that the best of his hopes
is commonly extinguisht before the poor undervalued Tradesman is warm
in the enjoyment of his Customer.

Then did not a cloud of low and base Cowardize eclipse the Spirits
of these men, these things might easily be diverted; but they had as
live take a Bear by the tooth, as think of leaving their own Country,
though they live among their own National people, and are governed by
the same Laws they have here, yet all this wont do with them; and all
the Reason they can render to the contrary is, There’s a great Sea
betwixt them and _Mary-Land_, and in that Sea there are Fishes, and
not only Fishes but great Fishes, and then should a Ship meet with
such an inconsiderable encounter as a Whale, one blow with his tayle,
and then _Lord have Mercy upon us_: Yet meet with these men in their
common Exchange, which is one story high in the bottom of a Celler,
disputing over a Black-pot, it would be monstrously dreadful here to
insert the particulars, one swearing that he was the first that scaled
the Walls of _Dundee_, when the Bullets flew about their ears as thick
as Hailstones usually fall from the Sky; which if it were but rightly
examined, the most dangerous Engagement that ever he was in, was but
at one of the flashy battels at _Finsbury_, (see note No. 37), where
commonly there’s more Custard greedily devoured, than men prejudiced by
the rigour of the War. Others of this Company relating their several
dreadful exploits, {62} and when they are just entring into the
particulars, let but one step in and interrupt their discourse, by
telling them of a Sea Voyage, and the violency of storms that attends
it, and that there are no back-doors to run out at, which they call,
_a handsom Retreat and Charge again_; the apprehensive danger of this
is so powerful and penetrating on them, that a damp sweat immediately
involves their Microcosm, so that _Margery_ the old Matron of the
Celler, is fain to run for a half-peny-worth of _Angelica_ to rub their
nostrils; and though the Port-hole of their bodies has been stopt from
a convenient Evacuation some several months, theyl’e need no other
Suppository to open the Orifice of their Esculent faculties then this
Relation, as their Drawers or Breeches can more at large demonstrate to
the inquisitive search of the curious.

Now I know that some will be apt to judge, that I have written this
last part out of derision to some of my poor Mechanick Country-men:
Truly I must needs tell those to their face that think so of me, that
they prejudice me extremely, by censuring me as guilty of any such
crime: What I have written is only to display the sordidness of their
dispositions, who rather than they will remove to another Country to
live plentiously well, and give their Neighbors more Elbow-room and
space to breath in, they will croud and throng upon one another, with
the pressure of a beggarly and unnecessary weight. {63}

That which I have to say more in this business, is a hearty and
desirous wish, that the several poor Tradesmen here in _London_ that
I know, and have borne an occular testimony of their want, might live
so free from care as I did when I dwelt in the bonds of a four years
Servitude in _Mary-Land_.

    _Be just (Domestick Monarchs) unto them_
    _That dwell as Household Subjects to each Realm;_
    _Let not your Power make you be too severe,_
    _Where there’s small faults reign in your sharp Career:_
    _So that the Worlds base yelping Crew_
    _May’nt bark what I have wrote is writ untrue,_
    _So use your Servants, if there come no more,_
    _They may serve Eight, instead of serving Four._



_Upon Trafique, and what Merchandizing Commodities this Province
affords, also how Tobacco is planted and made fit for Commerce._

Trafique, Commerce, and Trade, are those great wheeles that by their
circular and continued motion, turn into most Kingdoms of the Earth
the plenty of abundant Riches that they are commonly fed withall: For
Trafique in his right description, is the very soul of a Kingdom; and
should but Fate ordain a removal of it for some years, from the richest
and most populous Monarchy that dwells in the most fertile clyme of
the whole Universe, he would soon find by a woful experiment, the miss
and loss of so reviving a supporter. And I am certainly confident,
that _England_ would as soon feel her feebleness by withdrawment of so
great an upholder; as well in reference to the internal and healthful
preservative of her Inhabitants, for want of those Medicinal Drugs that
are landed upon her Coast every year, as the external profits, Glory
and beneficial Graces that accrue by her.

_Paracelsus_ might knock down his Forge, if Trafique and Commerce
should once cease, and grynde the hilt of his Sword into Powder, and
take some of the Infusion to make him so valorous, that he might cut
his {65} own Throat in the honor of _Mercury_: _Galen_ might then
burn his Herbal, and like _Joseph of Arimathea_, build him a Tomb in
his Garden, and so rest from his labours: Our Physical Collegians of
_London_ would have no cause then to thunder Fire-balls at _Nich.
Culpeppers_ Dispensatory (see note No. 38). All Herbs, Roots, and
Medicines would bear their original christening, that the ignorant
might understand them: _Album grecum_ would not be _Album grecum_ (see
note No. 39) then, but a Dogs turd would be a Dogs turd in plain terms,
in spight of their teeth.

If Trade should once cease, the Custom-house would soon miss her
hundreds and thousands Hogs-heads of Tobacco (see note No. 40), that
use to be throng in her every year, as well as the Grocers would in
their Ware-houses and Boxes, the Gentry and Commonalty in their Pipes,
the Physician in his Drugs and Medicinal Compositions; The (leering)
Waiters for want of imployment, might (like so many _Diogenes_)
intomb themselves in their empty Casks, and rouling themselves off
the Key into the _Thames_, there wander up and down from tide to tide
in contemplation of _Aristotles_ unresolved curiosity, until the
rottenness of their circular habitation give them a _Quietus est_,
and fairly surrender them up into the custody of those who both for
profession, disposition and nature, lay as near claim to them, as if
they both tumbled in one belly, and for name they jump alike, being
according to the original translation both _Sharkes_. {66}

Silks and Cambricks, and Lawns to make sleeves, would be as soon miss’d
at Court, as Gold and Silver would be in the Mint and Pockets: The
Low-Country Soldier would be at a cold stand for Outlandish Furrs to
make him Muffs, to keep his ten similitudes warm in the Winter, as well
as the Furrier for want of Skins to uphold his Trade.

Should Commerce once cease, there is no Country in the habitable
world but would undoubtedly miss that flourishing, splendid and rich
gallantry of Equipage, that Trafique maintained and drest her up in,
before she received that fatal Eclipse: _England_, _France_, _Germany_
and _Spain_, together with all the Kingdoms——

But stop (good Muse) lest I should, like the Parson of _Pancras_ (see
note No. 41), run so far from my Text in half an hour, that a two hours
trot back again would hardly fetch it up: I had best while I am alive
in my Doctrine, to think again of _Mary-Land_, lest the business of
other Countries take up so much room in my brain, that I forget and
bury her in oblivion.

The three main Commodities this Country affords for Trafique, are
Tobacco, Furrs, and Flesh. Furrs and Skins, as Beavers, Otters,
Musk-Rats, Rackoons, Wild-Cats, and Elke or Bufieloe (see note No. 42),
with divers others, which were first made vendible by the _Indians_ of
the Country, and sold to the Inhabitant, and by them to the Merchant,
and so {67} transported into _England_ and other places where it
becomes most commodious.

Tobacco is the only solid Staple Commodity of this Province: The use of
it was first found out by the _Indians_ many Ages agoe, and transferr’d
into Christendom by that great Discoverer of _America Columbus_. It’s
generally made by all the Inhabitants of this Province, and between the
months of _March_ and _April_ they sow the seed (which is much smaller
then Mustard-seed) in small beds and patches digg’d up and made so by
art, and about _May_ the Plants commonly appear green in those beds:
In _June_ they are transplanted from their beds, and set in little
hillocks in distant rowes, dug up for the same purpose; some twice or
thrice they are weeded, and succoured from their illegitimate Leaves
that would be peeping out from the body of the Stalk. They top the
several Plants as they find occasion in their predominating rankness:
About the middle of _September_ they cut the Tobacco down, and carry
it into houses, (made for that purpose) to bring it to its purity: And
after it has attained, by a convenient attendance upon time, to its
perfection, it is then tyed up in bundles, and packt into Hogs-heads,
and then laid by for the Trade.

Between _November_ and _January_ there arrives in this Province
Shipping to the number of twenty sail and upwards (see note No. 43),
all Merchant-men loaden with Commodities to Trafique and dispose of,
{68} trucking with the Planter for Silks, Hollands, Serges, and
Broad-clothes, with other necessary Goods, priz’d at such and such
rates as shall be judg’d on is fair and legal, for Tobacco at so much
the pound, and advantage on both sides considered; the Planter for his
work, and the Merchant for adventuring himself and his Commodity into
so far a Country: Thus is the Trade on both sides drove on with a fair
and honest _Decorum_.

The Inhabitants of this Province are seldom or never put to the
affrightment of being robb’d of their money, nor to dirty their Fingers
by telling of vast sums: They have more bags to carry Corn, then Coyn;
and though they want, but why should I call that a want which is only a
necessary miss? the very effects of the dirt of this Province affords
as great a profit to the general Inhabitant, as the Gold of _Peru_ doth
to the straight-breecht Commonalty of the _Spaniard_.

Our Shops and Exchanges of _Mary-Land_, are the Merchants Store-houses,
where with few words and protestations Goods are bought and delivered;
not like those Shop-keepers Boys in _London_, that continually cry,
_What do ye lack Sir? What d’ye buy?_ yelping with so wide a mouth, as
if some Apothecary had hired their mouths to stand open to catch Gnats
and Vagabond Flyes in.

Tobacco is the currant Coyn of _Mary-Land_, and will sooner purchase
Commodities from the Merchant, {69} then money. I must confess the
_New-England_ men that trade into this Province, had rather have fat
Pork for their Goods, than Tobacco or Furrs (see note No. 44), which I
conceive is, because their bodies being fast bound up with the cords
of restringent Zeal, they are fain to make use of the lineaments of
this _Non-Canaanite_ creature physically to loosen them; for a bit of a
pound upon a two-peny Rye loaf, according to the original Receipt, will
bring the costiv’st red-ear’d Zealot in some three hours time to a fine
stool, if methodically observed.

_Medera_-Wines, Sugars, Salt, Wickar-Chairs, and Tin Candlesticks, is
the most of the Commodities they bring in: They arrive in _Mary-Land_
about _September_, being most of them Ketches and Barkes, and such
small Vessels, and those dispersing themselves into several small
Creeks of this Province, to sell and dispose of their Commodities,
where they know the Market is most fit for their small Adventures.

_Barbadoes_ (see note No. 45), together with the several adjacent
Islands, has much Provision yearly from this Province: And though
these Sun-burnt _Phaetons_ think to outvye _Mary-Land_ in their Silks
and Puffs, daily speaking against her whom their necessities makes
them beholding to, and like so many _Don Diegos_ that becackt _Pauls_,
cock their Felts and look big upon’t; yet if a man could go down into
their infernals, and see how it fares with them there, I believe he
would hardly find any other Spirit to {70} buoy them up, then the
ill-visaged Ghost of want, that continually wanders from gut to gut to
feed upon the undigested rynes of Potatoes.

    _Trafique is Earth’s great Atlas, that supports_
    _The pay of Armies, and the height of Courts,_
    _And makes Mechanicks live, that else would die_
    _Meer starving Martyrs to their penury:_
    _None but the Merchant of this thing can boast,_
    _He, like the Bee, comes loaden from each Coast,_
    _And to all Kingdoms, as within a Hive,_
    _Stows up those Riches that doth make them thrive:_
    _Be thrifty_, Mary-Land, _keep what thou hast in store,_
    _And each years Trafique to thy self get more._


A Relation of the Customs, Manners, Absurdities, and Religion of the
SUSQUEHANOCK (see note No. 46) INDIANS in and near MARY-LAND.

As the diversities of Languages (since Babels confusion) has made the
distinction between people and people, in this Christendompart of the
world; so are they distinguished Nation from Nation, by the diversities
and confusion of their Speech and Languages (see note No. 47) here
in _America_: And as every Nation differs in their Laws, Manners and
Customs, in _Europe_, _Asia_ and _Africa_, so do they the very same
here; That it would be a most intricate and laborious trouble, to
run (with a description) through the several Nations of _Indians_
here in _America_, considering the innumerableness and diversities
of them that dwell on this vast and unmeasured Continent: But rather
then I’le be altogether silent, I shall do like the Painter in the
Comedy, who being to limne out the Pourtraiture of the Furies, as they
severally appeared, set himself behind a Pillar, and between fright and
amazement, drew them by guess. Those _Indians_ that I have convers’d
withall here in this Province of _Mary-Land_, and have had any occular
experimental view of either of their Customs, Manners, Religions, and
Absurdities, are called by the {72} name of _Susquehanocks_, being a
people lookt upon by the Christian Inhabitants, as the most Noble and
Heroick Nation of _Indians_ that dwell upon the confines of _America_;
also are so allowed and lookt upon by the rest of the _Indians_, by
a submissive and tributary acknowledgement; being a people cast into
the mould of a most large and Warlike deportment, the men being for
the most part seven foot high in latitude, and in magnitude and bulk
suitable to so high a pitch; their voyce large and hollow, as ascending
out of a Cave, their gate and behavior strait, stately and majestick,
treading on the Earth with as much pride, contempt, and disdain to so
sordid a Center, as can be imagined from a creature derived from the
same mould and Earth.

Their bodies are cloth’d with no other Armour to defend them from the
nipping frosts of a benumbing Winter, or the penetrating and scorching
influence of the Sun in a hot Summer, then what Nature gave them when
they parted with the dark receptacle of their mothers womb. They go
Men, Women and Children, all naked, only where shame leads them by a
natural instinct to be reservedly modest, there they become cover’d.
The formality of _Jezabels_ artificial Glory is much courted and
followed by these _Indians_, only in matter of colours (I conceive)
they differ.

The _Indians_ paint upon their faces one stroke of red, another of
green, another of white, and another of black, so that when they have
accomplished the {73} Equipage of their Countenance in this trim, they
are the only Hieroglyphicks and Representatives of the Furies. Their
skins are naturally white, but altered from their originals by the
several dyings of Roots and Barks, that they prepare and make useful
to metamorphize their hydes into a dark Cinamon brown. The hair of
their head is black, long and harsh, but where Nature hath appointed
the situation of it any where else, they divert it (by an antient
custom) from its growth, by pulling it up hair by hair by the root in
its primitive appearance. Several of them wear divers impressions on
their breasts and armes, as the picture of the Devil, Bears, Tigers,
and Panthers, which are imprinted on their several lineaments with much
difficulty and pain, with an irrevocable determination of its abiding
there: And this they count a badge of Heroick Valour, and the only
Ornament due to their _Heroes_. (See note No. 48).

These _Susquehanock Indians_ are for the most part great Warriours, and
seldom sleep one Summer in the quiet armes of a peaceable Rest, but
keep (by their present Power, as well as by their former Conquest) the
several Nations of _Indians_ round about them, in a forceable obedience
and subjection.

Their Government is wrapt up in so various and intricate a Laborynth,
that the speculativ’st Artist in the whole World, with his artificial
and natural Opticks, cannot see into the rule or sway of these
_Indians_, to distinguish what name of Government to {74} call them
by; though _Purchas_ (see note No. 49) in his _Peregrination_ between
_London_ and _Essex_, (which he calls the whole World) will undertake
(forsooth) to make a Monarchy of them, but if he had said Anarchy, his
word would have pass’d with a better belief. All that ever I could
observe in them as to this matter is, that he that is most cruelly
Valorous, is accounted the most Noble: Here is very seldom any creeping
from a Country Farm, into a Courtly Gallantry, by a sum of money; nor
feeing the Heralds to put Daggers and Pistols into their Armes, to make
the ignorant believe that they are lineally descended from the house of
the Wars and Conquests; he that fights best carries it here.

When they determine to go upon some Design that will and doth require a
Consideration, some six of them get into a corner, and sit in Juncto;
and if thought fit, their business is made popular, and immediately
put into action; if not, they make a full stop to it, and are silently

The Warlike Equipage they put themselves in when they prepare for
_Belona’s_ March, is with their faces, armes, and breasts confusedly
painted, their hair greased with Bears oyl, and stuck thick with
Swans Feathers, with a wreath or Diadem of black and white Beads upon
their heads, a small Hatchet, instead of a Cymetre, stuck in their
girts behind them, and either with Guns, or Bows and Arrows. In this
posture and dress they march out from their Fort, or {75} dwelling,
to the number of Forty in a Troop, singing (or rather howling out) the
Decades or Warlike exploits of their Ancestors, ranging the wide Woods
untill their fury has met with an Enemy worthy of their Revenge. What
Prisoners fall into their hands by the destiny of War, they treat them
very civilly while they remain with them abroad, but when they once
return homewards, they then begin to dress them in the habit for death,
putting on their heads and armes wreaths of Beads, greazing their hair
with fat, some going before, and the rest behind, at equal distance
from their Prisoners, bellowing in a strange and confused manner, which
is a true presage and forerunner of destruction to their then conquered
Enemy. (See note No. 50).

In this manner of march they continue till they have brought them to
their Berken City (see note No. 51), where they deliver them up to
those that in cruelty will execute them, without either the legal
Judgement of a Council of War, or the benefit of their Clergy at the
Common Law. The common and usual deaths they put their Prisoners to,
is to bind them to stakes, making a fire some distance from them; then
one or other of them, whose Genius delights in the art of Paganish
dissection, with a sharp knife or flint cuts the Cutis or outermost
skin of the brow so deep, untill their nails, or rather Talons, can
fasten themselves firm and secure in, then (with a most rigid jerk)
disrobeth the head of skin and hair at one pull, leaving {76} the
skull almost as bare as those Monumental Skelitons at Chyrurgions-Hall;
but for fear they should get cold by leaving so warm and customary
a Cap off, they immediately apply to the skull a Cataplasm of hot
Embers to keep their Pericanium warm. While they are thus acting this
cruelty on their heads, several others are preparing pieces of Iron,
and barrels of old Guns, which they make red hot, to sear each part and
lineament of their bodies, which they perform and act in a most cruel
and barbarous manner: And while they are thus in the midst of their
torments and execrable usage, some tearing their skin and hair of their
head off by violence, others searing their bodies with hot irons, some
are cutting their flesh off, and eating it before their eyes raw while
they are alive; yet all this and much more never makes them lower the
Top-gallant sail of their Heroick courage, to beg with a submissive
Repentance any indulgent favour from their persecuting Enemies; but
with an undaunted contempt to their cruelty, eye it with so slight and
mean a respect, as if it were below them to value what they did, they
courageously (while breath doth libertize them) sing the summary of
their Warlike Atchievements.

Now after this cruelty has brought their tormented lives to a period,
they immediately fall to butchering of them into parts, distributing
the several pieces amongst the Sons of War, to intomb the ruines
of their deceased Conquest in no other Sepulchre then {77} their
unsanctified maws; which they with more appetite and desire do eat
and digest, then if the best of foods should court their stomachs to
participate of the most restorative Banquet. Yet though they now and
then feed upon the Carkesses of their Enemies, this is not a common
dyet, but only a particular dish for the better sort (see note No. 52);
for there is not a Beast that runs in the Woods of _America_, but if
they can by any means come at him, without any scruple of Conscience
they’le fall too (Without saying Grace) with a devouring greediness.

As for their Religion, together with their Rites and Ceremonies, they
are so absurd and ridiculous, that its almost a sin to name them. They
own no other Deity than the Devil, (solid or profound) but with a kind
of a wilde imaginary conjecture, they suppose from their groundless
conceits, that the World had a Maker, but where he is that made it,
or whether he be living to this day, they know not. The Devil, as I
said before, is all the God they own or worship; and that more out of
a slavish fear then any real Reverence to his Infernal or Diabolical
greatness, he forcing them to their Obedience by his rough and rigid
dealing with them, often appearing visibly among them to their terrour,
bastinadoing them (with cruel menaces) even unto death, and burning
their Fields of Corn and houses, that the relation thereof makes them
tremble themselves when they tell it. {78}

Once in four years they Sacrifice a Childe to him (see note No. 53),
in an acknowledgement of their firm obedience to all his Devillish
powers, and Hellish commands. The Priests to whom they apply themselves
in matters of importance and greatest distress, are like those that
attended upon the Oracle at _Delphos_, who by their Magic-spells could
command a _pro_ or _con_ from the Devil when they pleas’d. These
_Indians_ oft-times raise great Tempests when they have any weighty
matter or design in hand, and by blustering storms inquire of their
Infernal God (the Devil) _How matters shall go with them either in
publick or private._ (See note No. 54).

When any among them depart this life, they give him no other
intombment, then to set him upright upon his breech in a hole dug in
the Earth some five foot long, and three foot deep, covered over with
the Bark of Trees Arch-wise, with his face Du-West, only leaving a
hole half a foot square open. They dress him in the same Equipage and
Gallantry that he used to be trim’d in when he was alive, and so bury
him (if a Soldier) with his Bows, Arrows, and Target, together with all
the rest of his implements and weapons of War, with a Kettle of Broth,
and Corn standing before him, lest he should meet with bad quarters
in his way. (See note No. 55). His Kinred and Relations follow him to
the Grave, sheath’d in Bear skins for close mourning, with the tayl
droyling on the ground, in imitation of our _English_ Solemners, {79}
that think there’s nothing like a tayl a Degree in length, to follow
the dead Corpse to the Grave with. Here if that snuffling Prolocutor,
that waits upon the dead Monuments of the Tombs at _Westminster_, with
his white Rod were there, he might walk from Tomb to Tomb with his,
_Here lies the Duke of_ Ferrara _and his Dutchess_, and never find any
decaying vacation, unless it were in the moldering Consumption of his
own Lungs. They bury all within the wall or Pallisado’d impalement of
their City, or _Connadago_ (see note No. 56) as they call it. Their
houses are low and long, built with the Bark of Trees Arch-wise,
standing thick and confusedly together. They are situated a hundred and
odd miles distant from the Christian Plantations of _Mary-Land_, at the
head of a River that runs into the Bay of _Chæsapike_, called by their
own name _The Susquehanock River_, where they remain and inhabit most
part of the Summer time, and seldom remove far from it, unless it be to
subdue any Forreign Rebellion.

About _November_ the best Hunters draw off to several remote places of
the Woods, where they know the Deer, Bear, and Elke useth; there they
build them several Cottages, which they call their Winter-quarter,
where they remain for the space of three months, untill they have
killed up a sufficiency of Provisions to supply their Families with in
the Summer.

The Women are the Butchers, Cooks, and Tillers of the ground, the
Men think it below the honour of {80} a Masculine, to stoop to any
thing but that which their Gun, or Bow and Arrows can command. The Men
kill the several Beasts which they meet withall in the Woods, and the
Women are the Pack horses to fetch it in upon their backs, fleying
and dressing the hydes, (as well as the flesh for provision) to make
them fit for Trading, and which are brought down to the _English_ at
several seasons in the year, to truck and dispose of them for course
Blankets, Guns, Powder and lead, Beads, small Looking-glasses, Knives,
and Razors. (See note No. 57).

I never observed all the while I was amongst these naked _Indians_,
that ever the Women wore the Breeches, or dared either in look or
action predominate over the Men. They are very constant to their Wives;
and let this be spoken to their Heathenish praise, that did they not
alter their bodies by their dyings, paintings, and cutting themselves,
marring those Excellencies that Nature bestowed upon them in their
original conceptions and birth, there would be as amiable beauties
amongst them, as any _Alexandria_ could afford, when _Mark Anthony_
and _Cleopatra_ dwelt there together. Their Marriages are short and
authentique; for after ’tis resolv’d upon by both parties, the Woman
sends her intended Husband a Kettle of boyl’d Venison, or Bear; and he
returns in lieu thereof Beaver or Otters Skins, and so their Nuptial
Rites are concluded without other Ceremony. (See note No. 58). {81}

Before I bring my Heathenish Story to a period, I have one thing worthy
your observation: For as our Grammar Rules have it, _Non decet quenquam
me ire currentem aut mandantem_: It doth not become any man to piss
running or eating. These Pagan men naturally observe the same Rule;
for they are so far from running, that like a Hare, they squat to the
ground as low as they can, while the Women stand bolt upright with
their armes a Kimbo, performing the same action, in so confident and
obscene a posture (see note No. 59), as if they had taken their Degrees
of Entrance at _Venice_, and commenced Bawds of Art at _Legorne_.


A Collection of some Letters that were written by the same Author, most
of them in the time of his Servitude.

_To my much Honored Friend_ Mr. T. B.


I have lived with sorrow to see the Anointed of the Lord tore from his
Throne by the hands of Paricides, and in contempt haled, in the view of
God, Angels and Men, upon a public Theatre, and there murthered. I have
seen the sacred Temple of the Almighty, in scorn by Schismatics made
the Receptacle of Theeves and Robbers; and those Religious Prayers,
that in devotion Evening and Morning were offered up as a Sacrifice to
our God, rent by Sacrilegious hands, and made no other use of, then
sold to Brothel-houses to light Tobacco with.

Who then can stay, or will, to see things of so great weight steer’d
by such barbarous Hounds as these: First, were there an _Egypt_ to
go down to, I would involve my Liberty to them, upon condition ne’er
more to see my Country. What? live in silence under the sway of such
base actions, is to give consent; and though the lowness of my present
Estate and Condition, with the hazard I put my future dayes upon, might
plead a just excuse for me to stay at home; but Heavens forbid: I’le
rather serve in {84} Chains, and draw the Plough with Animals, till
death shall stop and say, _It is enough_. Sir, if you stay behind, I
wish you well: I am bound for _Mary-Land_, this day I have made some
entrance into my intended voyage, and when I have done more, you shall
know of it. I have here inclosed what you of me desired, but truly
trouble, discontent and business, have so amazed my senses, that what
to write, or where to write, I conceive my self almost as uncapable
as he that never did write. What you’le find will be _Ex tempore_,
without the use of premeditation; and though there may want something
of a flourishing stile to dress them forth, yet I’m certain there wants
nothing of truth, will, and desire.

    _Heavens bright Lamp, shine forth some of thy Light,_
    _But just so long to paint this dismal Night;_
    _Then draw thy beams, and hide thy glorious face,_
    _From the dark sable actions of this place;_
    _Leaving these lustful Sodomites groping still,_
    _To satisfie each dark unsatiate will,_
    _Untill at length the crimes that they commit,_
    _May sink them down to Hells Infernal pit._
    _Base and degenerate Earth, how dost thou lye,_
    _That all that pass hiss, at thy Treachery?_
    _Thou which couldst boast once of thy King and Crown,_
    _By base Mechanicks now art tumbled down,_
     Brewers _and_ Coblers, _that have scarce an Eye,_
    _Walk hand in hand an thy Supremacy;_
    _And all those Courts where Majesty did Throne,_
    _Are now the Seats for Oliver and Ioan:_ {85}
    _Persons of Honour, which did before inherit_
    _Their glorious Titles from deserved merit,_
    _Are all grown silent, and with wonder gaze,_
    _To view such Slaves drest in their Courtly rayes;_
    _To see a_ Drayman _that knows nought but Yeast,_
    _Set in a Throne like_ Babylons _red Beast,_
    _While heaps of Parasites do idolize_
    _This red-nos’d_ Bell, _with fawning Sacrifice._
    _What can we say? our King they’ve Murthered,_
    _And those well born, are basely buried:_
    _Nobles are slain, and Royalists in each street_
    _Are scorn’d, and kick’d by most Men that they meet:_
    _Religion’s banisht, and Heresie survives,_
    _And none but Conventicks in this Age thrives._
    _Oh could those_ Romans _from their Ashes rise,_
    _That liv’d in_ Nero’s _time: Oh how their cries_
    _Would our perfidious Island shake, nay rend,_
    _With clamorous screaks unto the Heaven send:_
    _Oh how they’d blush to see our Crimson crimes,_
    _And know the Subjects Authors of these times:_
    _When as the Peasant he shall take his King,_
    _And without cause shall fall a murthering him;_
    _And when that’s done, with Pride assume the Chair,_
    _And_ Nimrod-_like, himself to heaven rear;_
    _Command the People, make the Land Obey_
    _His baser will, and swear to what he’l say._
    _Sure, sure our God has not these evils sent_
    _To please himself, but for mans punishment:_
    _And when he shall from our dark sable Skies_
    _Withdraw these Clouds, and let our Sun arise,_
    _Our dayes will surely then in Glory shine,_
    _Both in our Temporal, and our State divine:_ {86}
    _May this come quickly, though I may never see_
    _This glorious day, yet I would sympathie,_
    _And feel a joy run through each vain of blood,_
    _Though Vassalled on t’other side the Floud._
    _Heavens protect his Sacred Majesty,_
    _From secret Plots, & treacherous Villany._
    _And that those Slaves that now predominate,_
    _Hang’d and destroy’d may be their best of Fate;_
    _And though Great_ Charles _be distant from his own,_
    _Heaven I hope will seat him on his Throne._


 Yours what I may,
 G. A.

 From the Chimney Corner upon a
 low cricket, where I writ this in
 the noise of some six Women,
 _Aug._ 19. _Anno_

_To my Honored Father at his House._


Before I dare bid Adieu to the old World, or shake hands with my native
Soyl for ever, I have a Conscience inwards tells me, that I must offer
up the remains of that Obedience of mine, that lyes close centered
within the cave of my Soul, at the Alter, of your paternal Love: And
though this Sacrifice of mine may shew something low and thread-bare,
(at this time) yet know, That in the Zenith of all {87} actions,
Obedience is that great wheel that moves the lesser in their circular

I am now entring for some time to dwell under the Government of
_Neptune_, a Monarchy that I was never manured to live under, nor to
converse with in his dreadful Aspect, neither do I know how I shall
bear with his rough demands; but that God has carried me through those
many gusts a shoar, which I have met withall in the several voyages of
my life, I hope will Pilot me safely to my desired Port, through the
worst of Stormes I shall meet withall at Sea.

We have strange, and yet good news aboard, that he whose vast mind
could not be contented with spacious Territories to stretch his
insatiate desires on, is (by an Almighty power) banished from his
usuped Throne to dwell among the dead. I no sooner heard of it, but my
melancholly Muse forced me upon this ensuing Distich.

    _Poor vaunting Earth, gloss’d with uncertain Pride,_
    _That liv’d in Pomp, yet worse than others dy’d:_
    _Who shall blow forth a Trumpet to thy praise?_
    _Or call thy sable Actions shining Rayes?_
    _Such Lights as those blaze forth the vertued dead,_
    _And make them live, though they are buried._
    _Thou’st gone, and to thy memory let be said,_
    _There lies that Oliver which of old betray’d_
    _His King and Master, and after did assume,_
    _With swelling Pride, to govern in his room._
    _Here I’le rest satisfied, Scriptures expound to me,_
    _Tophet was made for such Supremacy._


The death of this great Rebel (I hope) will prove an _Omen_ to
presage destruction on the rest. The Worlds in a heap of troubles
and confusion, and while they are in the midst of their changes and
amazes, the best way to give them the bag, is to go out of the World
and leave them. I am now bound for _Mary-Land_, and I am told that’s a
New World, but if it prove no better than this, I shall not get much by
my change; but before I’le revoke my Resolution, I am resolv’d to put
it to adventure, for I think it can hardly be worse then this is: Thus
committing you into the hands of that God that made you, I rest

 _Your Obedient Son_,
 G. A.

 From aboard a Ship at _Gravesend_,
 _Sept._ 7th, _Anno_

_To my Brother._

I leave you very near in the same condition as I am in my self, only
here lies the difference, you were bound at Joyners Hall in _London_
Apprentice-wise, and I conditionally at Navigators Hall, that now
rides at an Anchor at _Gravesend_; I hope you will allow me to live
in the largest Mayordom, by reason I am the eldest: None but the main
Continent of _America_ will serve me for a Corporation to inhabit
{89} in now, though I am affraid for all that, that the reins of my
Liberty will be something shorter then yours will be in _London_: But
as to that, what Destiny has ordered I am resolved with an adventerous
Resolution to subscribe to, and with a contented imbracement enjoy
it. I would fain have seen you once more in this Old World, before I
go into the New, I know you have a chain about your Leg, as well as I
have a clog about my Neck: If you can’t come, send a line or two, if
not, wish me well at least: I have one thing to charge home upon you,
and I hope you will take my counsel, That you have alwayes an obedient
Respect and Reverence to your aged Parents, that while they live they
may have comfort of you, and when that God shall sound a retreat to
their lives, that there they may with their gray hairs in joy go down
to their Graves.

Thus concluding, wishing you a comfortable Servitude, a prosperous
Life, and the assurance of a happy departure in the immutable love of
him that made you,


 Your Brother,
 G. A.

 From _Gravesend_, Sept. 7. _Anno_


_To my much Honored Friend_ Mr. T. B. _at his House_.

I am got ashoar with much ado, and it is very well it is as it is, for
if I had stayed a little longer, I had certainly been a Creature of
the Water, for I had hardly flesh enough to carry me to Land, not that
I wanted for any thing that the Ship could afford me in reason: But
oh the great bowls of Pease-porridge that appeared in sight every day
about the hour of twelve, ingulfed the senses of my Appetite so, with
the restringent quality of the Salt Beef, upon the internal Inhabitants
of my belly, that a _Galenist_ for some days after my arrival, with his
Bag-pipes of Physical operations, could hardly make my Puddings dance
in any methodical order.

But to set by these things that happened unto me at Sea, I am now upon
Land, and there I’le keep my self if I can, and for four years I am
pretty sure of my restraint; and had I known my yoak would have been
so easie, (as I conceive it will) I would have been here long before
now, rather then to have dwelt under the pressure of a Rebellious and
Trayterous Government so long as I did. I dwell now by providence in
the Province of _Mary-Land_, (under the quiet Government of the Lord
_Baltemore_) which Country a bounds in a most glorious prosperity and
plenty of all things. And though the Infancy of her situation might
plead an excuse to those several imperfections, (if she were guilty
of any of them) which by {91} scandalous and imaginary conjectures
are falsly laid to her charge, and which she values with so little
notice or perceivance of discontent, that she hardly alters her visage
with a frown, to let them know she is angry with such a Rascality of
people, that loves nothing better then their own sottish and abusive
acclamations of baseness: To be short, the Country (so far forth as I
have seen into it) is incomparable.

Here is a sort of naked Inhabitants, or wilde people, that have for
many ages I believe lived here in the Woods of _Mary-Land_, as well as
in other parts of the Continent, before e’er it was by the Christian
Discoverers found out; being a people strange to behold, as well in
their looks, which by confused paintings makes them seem dreadful, as
in their sterne and heroick gate and deportments, the Men are mighty
tall and big limbed, the Women not altogether so large; they are most
of them very well featured, did not their wilde and ridiculous dresses
alter their original excellencies: The men are great Warriours and
Hunters, the Women ingenious and laborious Housewives.

As to matter of their Worship, they own no other Deity then the
Devil, and him more out of a slavish fear, then any real devotion,
or willing acknowledgement to his Hellish power. They live in little
small Bark-Cottages, in the remote parts of the Woods, killing and
slaying the several Animals that they meet withall to make provision
of, dressing their {92} several Hydes and Skins to Trafique withall,
when a conveniency of Trade presents. I would go on further, but like
Doctor _Case_, when he had not a word more to speak for himself, _I am
afraid my beloved I have kept you too long_. Now he that made you save
you.     _Amen._

 _Yours to command_,
 G. A.

 From _Mary-Land_, _Febr._ 6. _Anno_

And not to forget _Tom Forge_ I beseech you, tell him that my Love’s
the same towards him still, and as firm as it was about the overgrown
Tryal, when Judgements upon judgements, had not I stept in, would have
pursued him untill the day of Judgement, _&c._

_To my Father at his House._


After my Obedience (at so great and vast a distance) has humbly saluted
you and my good Mother, with the cordialest of my prayers, wishes,
and desires to wait upon you, with the very best of their effectual
devotion, wishing from the very Center of my Soul your flourishing and
well-being here upon Earth, and your glorious and everlasting happiness
in the World to Come. {93}

These lines (my dear Parents) come from that Son which by an irregular
Fate was removed from his Native home, and after a five months
dangerous passage, was landed on the remote Continent of _America_,
in the Province of _Mary-Land_, where now by providence I reside. To
give you the particulars of the several accidents that happened in our
voyage by Sea, it would swell a Journal of some sheets, and therefore
too large and tedious for a Letter: I think it therefore necessary to
bind up the relation in Octavo, and give it you in short.

We had a blowing and dangerous passage of it, and for some dayes after
I arrived, I was an absolute _Copernicus_, it being one main point
of my moral Creed, to believe the World had a pair of long legs, and
walked with the burthen of the Creation upon her back. For to tell
you the very truth of it, for some dayes upon Land, after so long
and tossing a passage, I was so giddy that I could hardly tread an
even step; so that all things both above and below (that was in view)
appeared to me like the _Kentish Britains_ to _William the Conqueror_,
in a moving posture.

Those few number of weeks since my arrival, has given me but little
experience to write any thing large of the Country; only thus much
I can say, and that not from any imaginary conjectures, but from an
occular observation, That this Country of _Mary-Land_ abounds in a
flourishing variety of delightful Woods, {94} pleasant groves, lovely
Springs, together with spacious Navigable Rivers and Creeks, it being
a most helthful and pleasant situation, so far as my knowledge has yet
had any view in it.

Herds of Deer are as numerous in this Province of _Mary-Land_, as
Cuckolds can be in _London_, only their horns are not so well drest and
tipt with silver as theirs are.

Here if the Devil had such a Vagary in his head as he had once among
the _Gadareans_, he might drown a thousand head of Hogs and they’d
ne’re be miss’d, for the very Woods of this Province swarms with them.

The Christian Inhabitant of this Province, as to the general, lives
wonderful well and contented: The Government of this Province is by
the loyalness of the people, and loving demeanor of the Proprietor and
Governor of the same, kept in a continued peace and unity.

The Servant of this Province, which are stigmatiz’d for Slaves by the
clappermouth jaws of the vulgar in _England_, live more like Freemen
then the most Mechanick Apprentices in _London_, wanting for nothing
that is convenient and necessary, and according to their several
capacities, are extraordinary well used and respected. So leaving
things here as I found them, and lest I should commit Sacriledge upon
your more serious meditations, with the Tautologies of a long-winded
Letter, I’le subscribe with a {95} heavenly Ejaculation to the God of
Mercy to preserve you now and for evermore, _Amen_.

 _Your Obedient Son_,
 G. A.

 From _Mary-Land_, _Jan._ 17. _Anno_

_To my much Honored Friend_ Mr. M. F.


You writ to me when I was at _Gravesend_, (but I had no conveniency to
send you an answer till now) enjoyning me, if possible, to give you a
just Information by my diligent observance, what thing were best and
most profitable to send into this Country for a commodious Trafique.

_Sir_, The enclosed will demonstrate unto you both particularly and at
large, to the full satisfaction of your desire, it being an Invoyce
drawn as exact to the business you imployed me upon, as my weak
capacity could extend to.

_Sir_, If you send any Adventure to this Province, let me beg to give
you this advice in it; That the Factor whom you imploy be a man of a
Brain, otherwise the Planter will go near to make a Skimming-dish of
his Skull: I know your Genius can interpret my meaning. The people of
this place (whether the saltness of the Ocean gave them any alteration
when they went over first, or their continual dwelling under {96} the
remote Clyme where they now inhabit, I know not) are a more acute
people in general, in matters of Trade and Commerce, then in any other
place of the World (see note No. 60), and by their crafty and sure
bargaining, do often over-reach the raw and unexperienced Merchant. To
be short, he that undertakes Merchants imployment for _Mary-Land_, must
have more of Knave in him then Fool; he must not be a windling piece
of Formality, that will lose his Imployers Goods for Conscience sake;
nor a flashy piece of Prodigality, that will give his Merchants fine
Hollands, Laces, and Silks, to purchase the benevolence of a Female:
But he must be a man of solid confidence, carrying alwayes in his looks
the Effigies of an Execution upon Command, if he supposes a baffle or
denyal of payment, where a debt for his Imployer is legally due. (See
note No. 61).

_Sir_, I had like almost to forgot to tell you in what part of the
World I am: I dwell by providence Servant to Mr. _Thomas Stocket_
(see note No. 62), in the County of _Baltemore_, within the Province
of _Mary-Land_, under the Government of the Lord _Baltemore_, being a
Country abounding with the variety and diversity of all that is or may
be rare. But lest I should Tantalize you with a relation of that which
is very unlikely of your enjoying, by reason of that strong Antipathy
you have ever had ’gainst Travel, as to your own particular: I’le
only tell you, that _Mary-Land_ is seated within the large extending
armes {97} of _America_, between the Degrees of 36 and 38, being in
Longitude from _England_ eleven hundred and odd Leagues.


 G. A.

 From _Mary-Land_, _Jan._ 17. _Anno_

_To my Honored Friend_ Mr. T. B. _at his House_.


Yours I received, wherein I find my self much obliged to you for your
good opinion of me, I return you millions of thanks.

_Sir_, you wish me well, and I pray God as well that those wishes may
light upon me, and then I question not but all will do well. Those
Pictures you sent sewed up in a Pastboard, with a Letter tacked on the
outside, you make no mention at all what should be done with them:
If they are Saints, unless I knew their names, I could make no use
of them. Pray in your next let me know what they are, for my fingers
itch to be doing with them one way or another. Our Government here
hath had a small fit of a Rebellious Quotidian, (see note No. 63), but
five Grains of the powder of Subvertment has qualified it. Pray be
larger in your next how things stand in _England_: I understand His
Majesty is return’d with Honour, and seated in the hereditary Throne
of his Father; God {98} bless him from Traytors, and the Church from
Sacrilegious Schisms, and you as a loyal Subject to the one, and a true
Member to the other; while you so continue, the God of order, peace and
tranquility, bless and preserve you, _Amen_.


 _Your real Friend_,
 G. A.

 From _Mary-Land_, Febr. 20. _Anno_

_To my Honored Father at his House._


VVith a twofold unmeasurable joy I received your Letter: First, in
the consideration of Gods great Mercy to you in particular, (though
weak and aged) yet to give you dayes among the living. Next, that his
now most Excellent Majesty _Charles_ the Second, is by the omnipotent
Providence of God, seated in the Throne of his Father. I hope that God
has placed him there, will give him a heart to praise and magnifie his
name for ever, and a hand of just Revenge, to punish the murthering
and rebellious Outrages of those Sons of shame and Apostacy, that
Usurped the Throne of his Sacred Honour. Near about the time I received
your Letter, (or a little before) here sprang up in this Province of
_Mary-Land_ a kind of pigmie Rebellion: A company of {99} weak-witted
men, which thought to have traced the steps of _Oliver_ in Rebellion
(see note No. 63). They began to be mighty stiff and hidebound in their
proceedings, clothing themselves with the flashy pretences of future
and imaginary honour, and (had they not been suddenly quell’d) they
might have done so much mischief (for aught I know) that nothing but
utter ruine could have ransomed their headlong follies.

His Majesty appearing in _England_, he quickly (by the splendor of his
Rayes) thawed the stiffness of their frozen and slippery intentions.
All things (blessed be God for it) are at peace and unity here now: And
as _Luther_ being asked once, What he thought of some small Opinions
that started up in his time? answered, _That he thought them to be good
honest people, exempting their error_: So I judge of these men, That
their thoughts were not so bad at first, as their actions would have
led them into in process of time.

I have here enclosed sent you something written in haste upon the
Kings coming to the enjoyment of his Throne, with a reflection upon
the former sad and bad times; I have done them as well as I could,
considering all things: If they are not so well as they should be, all
I can do is to wish them better for your sakes. My Obedience to you and
my Mother alwayes devoted.

 _Your Son_
 G. A.

 From _Mary-Land_, Febr. 9. _Anno_


_To my Cosen_ Mris. Ellinor Evins.

    E’ _re I forget the Zenith of your Love,_
    L  _et me be banisht from the Thrones above;_
    L  _ight let me never see, when I grow rude,_
    I  _ntomb your Love in base Ingratitude:_
    N  _or may I prosper, but the state_
    O  _f gaping_ Tantalus _be my fate;_
    R  _ather then I should thus preposterous grow,_
    E  _arth would condemn me to her vaults below._
    V  _ertuous and Noble, could my Genius raise_
    I  _mmortal Anthems to your Vestal praise,_
    N  _one should be more laborious than I,_
    S  _aint-like to Canonize you to the Sky._

The Antimonial Cup (dear Cosen) you sent me, I had; and as soon as
I received it, I went to work with the Infirmities and Diseases of
my body. At the first draught, it made such havock among the several
humors that had stolen into my body, that like a Conjurer in a room
among a company of little Devils, they no sooner hear him begin to
speak high words, but away they pack, and happy is he that can get
out first, some up the Chimney, and the rest down stairs, till they
are all disperst. So those malignant humors of my body, feeling the
operative power, and medicinal virtue of this Cup, were so amazed at
their sudden surprizal, (being alwayes before battered only by the weak
assaults of some few Empyricks) they stood not long to dispute, but
with joynt consent {101} made their retreat, some running through the
sink of the Skullery, the rest climbing up my ribs, took my mouth for a
Garret-window, and so leapt out.

_Cosen_, For this great kindness of yours, in sending me this medicinal
vertue, I return you my thanks: It came in a very good time, when I
was dangerously sick, and by the assistance of God it hath perfectly
recovered me.

I have sent you here a few Furrs, they were all I could get at present,
I humbly beg your acceptance of them, as a pledge of my love and
thankfulness unto you; I subscribe,

 _Your loving Cosen_,
 G. A.

 From _Mary Land_, _Dec._ 9. _Anno_

_To My Brother_ P. A.


I have made a shift to unloose my self from my Collar now as well as
you, but I see at present either small pleasure or profit in it: What
the futurality of my dayes will bring forth, I know not; For while I
was linckt with the Chain of a restraining Servitude, I had all things
cared for, and now I have all things to care for my self, which makes
me almost to wish my self in for the other four years.

Liberty without money, is like a man opprest with the Gout, every step
he puts forward puts him to {102} pain; when on the other side, he
that has Coyn with his Liberty, is like the swift Post-Messenger of the
Gods, that wears wings at his heels, his motion being swift or slow, as
he pleaseth.

I received this year two Caps, the one white, of an honest plain
countenance, the other purple, which I conceive to be some antient
Monumental Relique; which of them you sent I know not, and it was a
wonder how I should, for there was no mention in the Letter, more then,
_that my Brother had sent me a Cap_: They were delivered me in the
company of some Gentlemen that ingaged me to write a few lines upon the
purple one, and because they were my Friends I could not deny them; and
here I present them to you as they were written.

    _Haile from the dead, or from Eternity,_
    _Thou Velvit Relique of Antiquity;_
    _Thou which appear’st here in thy purple hew,_
    _Tell’s how the dead within their Tombs do doe;_
    _How those Ghosts fare within each Marble Cell,_
    _Where amongst them for Ages thou didst dwell._
    _What Brain didst cover there? tell us that we_
    _Upon our knees vayle Hats to honour thee:_
    _And if no honour’s due, tell us whose pate_
    _Thou basely coveredst, and we’l joyntly hate:_
    _Let’s know his name, that we may shew neglect;_
    _If otherwise, we’l kiss thee with respect._
    _Say, didst thou cover Noll’s old brazen head,_
    _Which on the top of Westminster high Lead_ {103}
    _Stands on a Pole, erected to the sky,_
    _As a grand Trophy to his memory._
    _From his perfidious skull didst thou fall down,_
    _In a dis-dain to honour such a crown_
    _With three-pile Velvet? tell me, hadst thou thy fall_
    _From the high top of that Cathedral?_
    _None of the_ Heroes _of the_ Roman _stem,_
    _Wore ever such a fashion’d Diadem,_
    _Didst thou speak_ Turkish _in thy unknown dress,_
    _Thou’dst cover_ Great Mogull, _and no man less;_
    _But in thy make methinks thou’rt too too scant,_
    _To be so great a Monarch’s Turberant._
    _The_ Jews _by_ Moses _swear, they never knew_
    _E’re such a Cap drest up in_ Hebrew:
    _Nor the strict Order of the_ Romish _See,_
    _Wears any Cap that looks so base as thee;_
    _His Holiness hates thy Lowness, and instead,_
    _Wears Peters spired Steeple on his head:_
    _The Cardinals descent is much more flat,_
    _For want of name, baptized is_ A Hat;
    _Through each strict Order has my fancy ran,_
    _Both_ Ambrose, Austin, _and the_ Franciscan,
    _Where I beheld rich Images of the dead,_
    _Yet scarce had one a Cap upon his head:_
     Episcopacy _wears Caps, but not like thee,_
    _Though several shap’d, with much diversity:_
    _’Twere best I think I presently should gang_
    _To_ Edenburghs _strict_ Presbyterian;
    _But Caps they’ve none, their ears being made so large,_
    _Serves them to turn it like a_ Garnesey _Barge;_
    _Those keep their skulls warm against North-west gusts,_
    _When they in Pulpit do poor_ Calvin _curse._ {104}
    _Thou art not_ Fortunatus, _for I daily see,_
    _That which I wish is farthest off from me:_
    _Thy low-built state none ever did advance,_
    _To christen thee the_ Cap of Maintenance;
    _Then till I know from whence thou didst derive,_
    _Thou shalt be call’d, the_ Cap of Fugitive.

You writ to me this year to send you some Smoak; at that instant it
made me wonder that a man of a rational Soul, having both his eyes
(blessed be God) should make so unreasonable a demand, when he that
has but one eye, nay he which has never a one, and is fain to make use
of an Animal conductive for his optick guidance, cannot endure the
prejudice that Smoak brings with it: But since you are resolv’d upon
it, I’le dispute it no farther.

I have sent you that which will make Smoak, (namely Tobacco) though the
Funk it self is so slippery that I could not send it, yet I have sent
you the Substance from whence the Smoak derives: What use you imploy it
to I know not, nor will I be too importunate to know; yet let me tell
you this, That if you burn it in a room to affright the Devil from the
house, you need not fear but it will work the same effect, as _Tobyes_
galls did upon the leacherous Fiend.   No more at present.   _Vale._

 _Your Brother_,
 G. A.

 From _Mary-Land_, _Dec._ 11. _Anno_


_To my Honored Friend_ Mr. T. B.


This is the entrance upon my fifth year, and I fear ’twill prove
the worst: I have been very much troubled with a throng of unruly
Distempers, that have (contrary to my expectation) crouded into the
Main-guard of my body, when the drowsie Sentinels of my brain were a
sleep. Where they got in I know not, but to my grief and terror I find
them predominant: Yet as Doctor _Dunne_, sometimes Dean of St. _Pauls,
said, That the bodies diseases do but mellow a man for Heaven, and so
ferments him in this World, as he shall need no long concoction in
the Grave, but hasten to the Resurrection_. And if this were weighed
seriously in the Ballance of Religious Reason, the World we dwell in
would not seem so inticing and bewitching as it doth.

We are only sent by God of an Errand into this World, and the time
that’s allotted us for to stay, is only for an Answer. When God my
great Master shall in good earnest call me home, which these warnings
tell me I have not long to stay, I hope then I shall be able to give
him a good account of my Message.

_Sir_, My weakness gives a stop to my writing, my hand being so
shakingly feeble, that I can hardly hold my pen any further then to
tell you, I am yours {106} while I live, which I believe will be but
some few minutes.

If this Letter come to you before I’me dead, pray for me, but if I am
gone, pray howsoever, for they can do me no harm if they come after me.


 _Your real Friend_,
 G. A.

 From _Mary-Land_, Dec. 13. _Anno_

_To my Parents._

From the Grave or Receptacle of Death am I raised, and by an omnipotent
power made capable of offering once more my Obedience (that lies close
cabbined in the inwardmost apartment of my Soul) at the feet of your
immutable Loves.

My good Parents, God hath done marvellous things for me, far beyond
my deserts, which at best were preposterously sinful, and unsuitable
to the sacred will of an Almighty: _But he is merciful, and his mercy
endures for ever._ When sinful man has by his Evils and Iniquities
pull’d some penetrating Judgment upon his head, and finding himself
immediately not able to stand under so great a burthen as Gods smallest
stroke of Justice, lowers the Top-gallant sayle of his Pride, and
with an humble submissiveness prostrates himself before the Throne
of his sacred Mercy, and {107} like those three Lepars that sate at
the Gate of _Samaria_, resolved, _If we go into the City we shall
perish, and if we stay here we shall perish also: Therefore we will
throw our selves into the hands of the_ Assyrians _and if we perish,
we perish_: This was just my condition as to eternal state; my soul
was at a stand in this black storm of affliction: I view’d the World,
and all that’s pleasure in her, and found her altogether flashy,
aiery, and full of notional pretensions, and not one firm place where
a distressed Soul could hang his trust on. Next I viewed my self, and
there I found, instead of good Works, lively Faith, and Charity, a
most horrid neast of condemned Evils, bearing a supreme Prerogative
over my internal faculties. You’l say here was little hope of rest in
this extreme Eclipse, being in a desperate amaze to see my estate so
deplorable: My better Angel urged me to deliver up my aggrievances to
the Bench of Gods Mercy, the sure support of all distressed Souls: His
Heavenly warning, and inward whispers of the good Spirit I was resolv’d
to entertain, and not quench, and throw my self into the armes of a
loving God, _If I perish, I perish_. ’Tis beyond wonder to think of the
love of God extended to sinful man, that in the deepest distresses or
agonies of Affliction, when all other things prove rather hinderances
then advantages, even at that time God is ready and steps forth to the
supportment of his drooping Spirit. Truly, about a fortnight before I
wrote this Letter, two of our ablest Physicians {108} rendered me up
into the hands of God, the universal Doctor of the whole World, and
subscribed with a silent acknowledgement, That all their Arts, screw’d
up to the very Zenith of Scholastique perfection, were not capable of
keeping me from the Grave at that time: But God, the great preserver
of Soul and Body, said contrary to the expectation of humane reason,
_Arise, take up thy bed and walk_.

I am now (through the help of my Maker) creeping up to my former
strength and vigour, and every day I live, I hope I shall, through the
assistance of divine Grace, climbe nearer and nearer to my eternal home.

I have received this year three Letters from you, one by Capt. _Conway_
Commander of the _Wheat-Sheaf_, the others by a _Bristol_ Ship. Having
no more at present to trouble you with, but expecting your promise, I
remain as ever,

 _Your dutiful Son_,
 G. A.

 _Mary-Land_, _April_ 9. _Anno_

I desire my hearty love may be remembered to my Brother, and the rest
of my Kinred.




_Note_ 1, _page_ 15.

After having resolved to reprint Alsop’s early account of Maryland,
as an addition to my _Bibliotheca Americana_, I immediately fell in
with a difficulty which I had not counted on. After much inquiry and
investigation, I could find no copy to print from among all my earnest
book collecting acquaintances. At length some one informed me that
Mr. Bancroft the historian had a copy in his library. I immediately
took the liberty of calling on him and making known my wants, he
generously offered to let me have the use of it for the purpose stated,
I carried the book home, had it carefully copied, but unfortunately
during the process I discovered the text was imperfect as well as
deficient in both portrait and map. Like Sisyphus I had to begin
anew, and do nearly all my labor over; I sent to London to learn if
the functionaries in the British Museum would permit a tracing of the
portrait and map to be made from their copy, the answer returned was,
that they would or could not permit this, but I might perfect my text
if I so choosed by copying from theirs. Here I was once more at sea
without compass, rudder, or chart: I made known my condition to an
eminent and judicious collector of old American literature in the city
of New York, he very frankly informed me that he could aid me in my
difficulty by letting me have the use of a copy, which would relieve
me from my present dilemma. I was greatly rejoiced at this discovery
as well as by the generosity of the owner. The following day the
book was put into my possession, and so by the aid of it was enabled
to complete the text. Here another difficulty burst into view, this
copy had no portrait. That being the only defect in perfecting a copy
of Alsop’s book, I now resolved to proceed and publish it without a
portrait, but perhaps fortunately, making known this resolve to some
of the knowing ones in book gathering, they remonstrated against this
course, adding that it would ruin the book in the estimation of all
who would buy such a rarity. I was inclined to listen favorably to
this protest, and therefore had to commence a new effort to obtain a
portrait. I then laid about me again to try and procure a copy that
had one: I knew that not more than three or four collectors in the
country who were likely to have such an heir-loom. To one living at a
considerable distance from New York I took the liberty of addressing
a letter on the subject, wherein I made known my difficulties. To my
great gratification this courteous and confiding gentleman not only
immediately made answer, but sent a perfect copy of this rare and much
wanted book for my use. I immediately had the {110} portrait and map
reproduced by the photo-lithographic process. During the time the book
was in my possession, which was about ten days, so fearful was I that
any harm should befall it that I took the precaution to wrap up the
precious little volume in tissue paper and carry it about with me all
the time in my side pocket, well knowing that if it was either injured
or lost I could not replace it. I understand that a perfect copy of the
original in the London market would bring fifty pounds sterling. I had
the satisfaction to learn it reached the generous owner in safety.

Had I known the difficulties I had to encounter of procuring a copy of
the original of Alsop’s singular performance, I most certainly would
never have undertaken to reproduce it in America. Mr. Jared Sparks told
me that he had a like difficulty to encounter when he undertook to
write the life of Ledyard the traveler. Said he: “a copy of his journal
I could find nowhere to purchase, at length I was compelled to borrow
a copy on very humiliating conditions; the owner perhaps valued it too
highly.” I may add that I had nearly as much difficulty in securing an
editor, as I had in procuring a perfect copy. However on this point I
at last was very fortunate.


 115 Nassau street, March 23d, 1869.

_Note_ 2, _page_ 19.

Cecilius, Lord Baltimore, eldest son of George Calvert, 1st Lord
Baltimore, and Anne Wynne of Hertingfordbury, England, was born in
1606. He succeeded to the title April 15, 1632, and married Anne,
daughter of Lord Arundel, whose name was given to a county in Maryland.
His rule over Maryland, disturbed in Cromwell’s time, but restored
under Charles II, has always been extolled. He died Nov. 30, 1675,
covered with age and reputation.—_O’Callaghan’s N. Y. Col. Doc._, II.
p. 74.

_Note_ 3, _page_ 19.

Avalon, the territory in Newfoundland, of which the first Lord
Baltimore obtained a grant in 1623, derived its name from the spot in
England where, as tradition said, Christianity was first preached by
Joseph of Arimathea.

_Note_ 4, _page_ 21.

Owen Feltham, as our author in his errata correctly gives the name, was
an author who enjoyed a great reputation in his day. His _Resolves_
appeared first about 1620, and in 1696 had reached the eleventh
edition. They were once reprinted in the 18th century, and in full
or in part four times in the {111} 19th, and an edition appeared
in America about 1830. Hallam in spite of this popularity calls him
“labored, artificial and shallow.”

_Note_ 5, _page_ 24.

Burning on the hand was not so much a punishment as a mark on those
who, convicted of felony, pleaded the benefit of clergy, which they
were allowed to do once only.

_Note_ 6, _page_ 25.

Literally: “Good wine needs no sign.”

_Note_ 7, _page_ 26.

Billingsgate is the great fish market of London, and the scurrilous
tongues of the fish women have made the word synonymous with vulgar

_Note_ 8, _page_ 28.

Alsop though cautiously avoiding Maryland politics, omits no fling at
the Puritans. Pride was a parliament colonel famous for _Pride’s Purge_.

_Notes_ 9, 10, _pages_ 31, 33.

William Bogherst, and H. W., Master of Arts, have eluded all our
efforts to immortalize them.

_Note_ 11, _page_ 35.

Chesapeake is said to be K’tchisipik, Great Water, in Algonquin.

_Note_ 12, _page_ 38.

Less bombast and some details as to the botany of Maryland would have
been preferable.

_Note_ 13, _page_ 39.

The American deer (_Cariacus Virginianus_) is here evidently meant.

_Note_ 14, _page_ 39.

Whetston’s (Whetstone) park: “A dilapidated street in Lincoln’s Inn
Fields, at the back of Holborn. It contains scarcely anything but
old, half-tumble down houses; not a living plant of any kind adorns
its nakedness, so it is presumable that as a park it never had an
existence, or one so remote that even tradition has lost sight of the

_Note_ 15, _page_ 39.

The animals here mentioned are the black wolf (_canis occidentalis_),
the black bear, the panther (_felis concolor_).

_Note_ 16, _page_ 40.

These animals are well known, the elk (_alces Americanus_), cat o’ the
mountain or catamount (_felis concolor_), raccoon (_procyon lotor_),
fox (_vulpes fulvus_), beaver (_castor fiber_), otter (_lutra_),
opossum (_didelphys Virginiana_), hare, squirrel, musk-rat (_fiber
zibethicus_). The monack is apparently the Maryland marmot or woodchuck
(_arctomys monax_).

_Note_ 17, _page_ 40.

The domestic animals came chiefly from Virginia. As early as May 27,
1634, they got 100 swine from Accomac, with 30 cows, and they expected
goats and hens (_Relation of Maryland_, 1634). Horses and sheep had
to be imported from England, Virginia being unable to give any. Yet
in 1679 Dankers and Sluyters, the Labadists, say: “Sheep they have
none.”—_Collections Long Island Hist. Soc._, I, p. 218.

_Note_ 18, _page_ 41.

Alluding to the herds of swine kept by the Gadarenes, into one of which
the Saviour allowed the devil named Legion to enter.

_Note_ 19, _page_ 42.

The abundance of these birds is mentioned in the _Relations of
Maryland_, 1634, p. 22, and 1635, p. 23. The Labadists with whose
travels the Hon. {113} H. C. Murphy has enriched our literature,
found the geese in 1679–80 so plentiful and noisy as to prevent their
sleeping, and the ducks filling the sky like a cloud.—_Long Island
Hist. Coll._, I, pp. 195, 204.

_Note_ 20, _page_ 43.

Alsop makes no allusion to the cultivation of maize, yet the Labadists
less than twenty years after describe it at length as the principal
grain crop of Maryland.—_Ib._, p. 216.

_Note_ 21, _page_ 45.

Considering the facts of history, this picture is sadly overdrawn,
Maryland having had its full share of civil war.

_Note_ 22, _page_ 46.

The fifth monarchy men were a set of religionists who arose during the
Puritan rule in England. They believed in a fifth universal monarchy of
which Christ was to be the head, under whom they, his saints, were to
possess the earth. In 1660 they caused an outbreak in London, in which
many were killed and others tried and executed. Their leader was one
Venner. The Adamites, a gnostic sect, who pretended that regenerated
man should go naked like Adam and Eve in their state of innocence,
were revived during the Puritan rule in England; and in our time in
December, 1867, we have seen the same theory held and practiced in
Newark, N. J.

_Note_ 23, _page_ 46.

In the provisional act, passed in the first assembly, March 19, 1638,
and entitled “An Act ordaining certain laws for the government of this
province,” the twelfth section required that “every person planting
tobacco shall plant and tend two acres of corn.” A special act was
introduced the same session and read twice, but not passed. A new
law was passed, however, Oct. 23, 1640, renewed Aug. 1, 1642, April
21, 1649, Oct. 20, 1654, April 12, 1662, and made perpetual in 1676.
These acts imposed a fine of fifty pounds of tobacco for every half
acre the offender fell short, besides fifty pounds of the same current
leaf as constables’ fees. It was to this persistent enforcement of the
cultivation of cereals that Maryland so soon became the granary of New
England. {114}

_Note_ 24, _page_ 47.

The Assembly, or House of Burgesses, at first consisted of all freemen,
but they gradually gave place to delegates. The influence of the
proprietary, however, decided the selection. In 1650 fourteen burgesses
met as delegates or representatives of the several hundreds, there
being but two counties organized, St. Marys and the Isle of Kent. Ann
Arundel, called at times Providence county, was erected April 29,
1650. Patuxent was erected under Cromwell in 1654.—_Bacon’s Laws of
Maryland_, 1765.

_Note_ 25, _page_ 47.

Things had changed when the _Sot Weed Factor_ appeared, as the author
of that satirical poem dilates on the litigious character of the people.

_Note_ 26, _page_ 47.

The allusion here I have been unable to discover.

_Note_ 27, _page_ 48.

The colony seems to have justified some of this eulogy by its good
order, which is the more remarkable, considering the height of party

_Note_ 28, _page_ 48.

Halberdeers; the halberd was smaller than the partisan, with a sharp
pointed blade, with a point on one side like a pole-axe.

_Note_ 29, _page_ 49.

Newgate, Ludgate and Bridewell are the well known London prisons.

_Note_ 30, _page_ 50.

Our author evidently failed from this cause. {115}

_Note_ 31, _page_ 50.

A fling at the various Puritan schools, then active at home and abroad.

_Note_ 32, _page_ 50.

The first Quakers in Maryland were Elizabeth Harris, Josiah Cole, and
Thomas Thurston, who visited it in 1657, but as early as July 23, 1659,
the governor and council issued an order to seize any Quakers and whip
them from constable to constable out of the province. Yet in spite of
this they had settled meetings as early as 1661, and Peter Sharpe, the
Quaker physician, appears as a landholder in 1665, the very year of
Alsop’s publication.—_Norris, Early Friends or Quakers in Maryland_
(Maryland Hist. Soc., March, 1862).

_Note_ 33, _page_ 50.

The Baptists centering in Rhode Island, extended across Long Island
to New Jersey, and thence to New York city; but at this time had not
reached the south.

_Note_ 34, _page_ 56.

A copy of the usual articles is given in the introduction. Alsop here
refutes current charges against the Marylanders for their treatment
of servants. Hammond, in his _Leah and Rachel_, p. 12, says: “The
labour servants are put to is not so hard, nor of such continuance as
husbandmen nor handecraftmen are kept at in England. . . . . The women
are not (as is reported) put into the ground to worke, but occupie such
domestic imployments and housewifery as in England.”

_Note_ 35, _page_ 59.

Laws as to the treatment of servants were passed in the Provisional act
of 1638, and at many subsequent assemblies.

_Notes_ 36, 37, _pages_ 59, 61.

Lewknors lane or Charles street was in Drury lane, in the parish of St.
Giles.—_Seymour’s History of London_, II, p. 767. Finsbury is still a
well known quarter, in St. Luke’s parish, Middlesex. {116}

_Note_ 38, _page_ 65.

Nicholas Culpepper, “student in physic and astrology,” whose _English
Physician_, published in 1652, ran through many editions, and is still
a book published and sold.

_Note_ 39, _page_ 65.

Dogs dung, used in dressing morocco, is euphemized into _album græcum_,
and is also called _pure_; those who gather it being still styled in
England pure-finders.—_Mayhew, London Labor and London Poor_, II, p.

_Note_ 40, _page_ 65.

He has not mentioned tobacco as a crop, but describes it fully a few
pages after. In Maryland as in Virginia it was the currency. Thus
in 1638 an act authorized the erection of a water-mill to supersede
hand-mills for grinding grain, and the cost was limited to 20,000 lbs.
of tobacco.—_McSherry’s History of Maryland_, p. 56. The Labadists in
their _Travels_ (p. 216) describe the cultivation at length. Tobacco at
this time paid two shillings English a cask export duty in Maryland,
and two-pence a pound duty on its arrival in England, besides weighing
and other fees.

_Note_ 41, _page_ 66.

The Parson of Pancras is unknown to me: but the class he represents is
certainly large.

_Note_ 42, _page_ 66.

The buffalo was not mentioned in the former list, and cannot be
considered as synonymous with elk.

_Note_ 43, _page_ 67.

For satisfactory and correct information of the present commerce and
condition of Maryland, the reader is referred to the _Census of the
United States_ in 4 vols., 4to, published at Washington, 1865. {117}

_Note_ 44, _page_ 69.

This is a curious observation as to New England trade. A century
later Hutchinson represents Massachusetts as receiving Maryland
flour from the Pennsylvania mills, and paying in money and bills of
exchange.—_Hist. of Massachusetts_, p. II, 397.

_Note_ 45, _page_ 69.

The trade with Barbadoes, now insignificant, was in our colonial times
of great importance to all the colonies. Barbadoes is densely peopled
and thoroughly cultivated; its imports and exports are each about five
millions of dollars annually.

_Note_ 46, _page_ 71.

The Susquehannas. This _Relation_ is one of the most valuable
portions of Alsop’s tract, as no other Maryland document gives as
much concerning this tribe, which nevertheless figures extensively in
Maryland annals. Dutch and Swedish writers speak of a tribe called
Minquas (Minquosy, Machœretini in _De Laet_, p. 76); the French in
Canada (_Champlain_, the _Jesuit Relations, Gendron, Particularitez
du Pays des Hurons_, p. 7, etc.), make frequent allusion to the
Gandastogués (more briefly Andastés), a tribe friendly to their
allies the Hurons, and sturdy enemies of the Iroquois; later still
Pennsylvania writers speak of the Conestogas, the tribe to which Logan
belonged, and the tribe which perished at the hands of the Paxton boys.
Although Gallatin in his map, followed by Bancroft, placed the Andastés
near Lake Erie, my researches led me to correct this, and identify the
Susquehannas, Minqua, Andastés or Gandastogués and Conestogas as being
all the same tribe, the first name being apparently an appellation
given them by the Virginia tribes; the second that given them by
the Algonquins on the Delaware; while Gandastogué as the French, or
Conestoga as the English wrote it, was their own tribal name, meaning
cabin-pole men, _Natio Perticarum_, from Andasta, a cabin-pole (map in
Creuxius, _Historia Canadensis_). I forwarded a paper on the subject
to Mr. Schoolcraft, for insertion in the government work issuing under
his supervision. It was inserted in the last volume without my name,
and ostensibly as Mr. Schoolcraft’s. I then gave it with my name in the
_Historical Magazine_, vol. II, p. 294. The result arrived at there has
been accepted by Bancroft, in his large paper edition, by Parkman, in
his _Jesuits in the Wilderness_, by Dr. O’Callaghan, S. F. Streeter,
Esq., of the Maryland Historical Society, and students generally. {118}

From the Virginian, Dutch, Swedish and French authorities, we can thus
give their history briefly.

The territory now called Canada, and most of the northern portion
of the United States, from Lake Superior and the Mississippi to the
mouth of the St. Lawrence and Chesapeake bay were, when discovered
by Europeans, occupied by two families of tribes, the Algonquin and
the Huron Iroquois. The former which included all the New England
tribes, the Micmacs, Mohegans, Delawares, Illinois, Chippewas, Ottawas,
Pottawatamies, Sacs, Foxes, Miamis, and many of the Maryland and
Virginian tribes surrounded the more powerful and civilized tribes
who have been called Huron Iroquois, from the names of the two most
powerful nations of the group, the Hurons or Wyandots of Upper Canada,
and the Iroquois or Five Nations of New York. Besides these the
group included the Neuters on the Niagara, the Dinondadies in Upper
Canada, the Eries south of the lake of that name, the Andastogués or
Susquehannas on that river, the Nottaways and some other Virginian
tribes, and finally the Tuscaroras in North Carolina and perhaps the
Cherokees, whose language presents many striking points of similarity.

Both these groups of tribes claimed a western origin, and seem, in
their progress east, to have driven out of Ohio the Quappas, called by
the Algonquins, Alkansas or Allegewi, who retreated down the Ohio and
Mississippi to the district which has preserved the name given them by
the Algonquins.

After planting themselves on the Atlantic border, the various tribes
seem to have soon divided and become embroiled in war. The Iroquois,
at first inferior to the Algonquins were driven out of the valley
of the St. Lawrence into the lake region of New York, where by
greater cultivation, valor and union they soon became superior to the
Algonquins of Canada and New York, as the Susquehannas who settled
on the Susquehanna did over the tribes in New Jersey, Maryland and
Virginia. (_Du Ponceau’s Campanius_, p. 158.) Prior to 1600 the
Susquehannas and the Mohawks, the most eastern Iroquois tribe, came
into collision, and the Susquehannas nearly exterminated the Mohawks in
a war which lasted ten years. (_Relation de la Nouv. France_, 1659–60,
p. 28.)

In 1608 Captain Smith, in exploring the Chesapeake and its tributaries,
met a party of sixty of these Sasquesahanocks as he calls them (I, p.
120–1), and he states that they were still at war with the Massawomekes
or Mohawks. (_De Laet Novus Orbis_, p. 79.)

DeVries, in his _Voyages_ (Murphy’s translation, p. 41–3), found
them in 1633 at war with the Armewamen and Sankiekans, Algonquin
tribes on the Delaware, maintaining their supremacy by butchery. They
were friendly to the Dutch. When the Swedes in 1638 settled on the
Delaware, they renewed the friendly intercourse begun by the Dutch.
They purchased lands of the ruling tribe and thus secured their
friendship. (_Hazard’s Annals_, p. 48). They carried the terror of
their arms southward also, and {119} in 1634 to 1644 they waged war
on the Yaomacoes, the Piscataways and Patuxents (_Bozman’s Maryland_,
II. p. 161), and were so troublesome that in 1642 Governor Calvert, by
proclamation, declared them public enemies.

When the Hurons in Upper Canada in 1647 began to sink under the
fearful blows dealt by the Five Nations, the Susquehannas sent an
embassy to offer them aid against the common enemy. (_Gendron,
Quelques Particularitez du Pays des Hurons_, p. 7). Nor was the offer
one of little value, for the Susquehannas could put in the field
1,300 warriors (_Relation de la Nouvelle France_, 1647–8, p. 58)
trained to the use of fire arms and European modes of war by three
Swedish soldiers whom they had obtained to instruct them. (_Proud’s
Pennsylvania_, I, p. 111; _Bozman’s Maryland_, II, p. 273.) Before
interposing in the war, they began by negotiation, and sent an embassy
to Onondaga to urge the cantons to peace. (_Relation_, 1648, p. 58).
The Iroquois refused, and the Hurons, sunk in apathy, took no active
steps to secure the aid of the friendly Susquehannas.

That tribe, however, maintained its friendly intercourse with its
European neighbors, and in 1652 Sawahegeh, Auroghteregh, Scarhuhadigh,
Rutchogah and Nathheldianeh, in presence of a Swedish deputy, ceded to
Maryland all the territory from the Patuxent river to Palmer’s island,
and from the Choptauk to the northeast branch north of Elk river.
(_Bozman’s Maryland_, II, p. 683).

Four years later the Iroquois, grown insolent by their success in
almost annihilating their kindred tribes north and south of Lake Erie,
the Wyandots, Dinondadies, Neuters and Eries, provoked a war with the
Susquehannas, plundering their hunters on Lake Ontario. (_Relation de
la Nouvelle France_, 1657, pp. 11, 18).

It was at this important period in their history that Alsop knew and
described them to us.

In 1661 the small-pox, that scourge of the native tribes, broke out
in their town, sweeping off many and enfeebling the nation terribly.
War had now begun in earnest with the Five Nations; and though the
Susquehannas had some of their people killed near their town (_Hazard’s
Annals_, 341–7), they in turn pressed the Cayugas so hard that some of
them retreated across Lake Ontario to Canada (_Relation de la Nouvelle
France_, 1661, p. 39, 1668, p. 20). They also kept the Senecas in such
alarm that they no longer ventured to carry their peltries to New York,
except in caravans escorted by six hundred men, who even took a most
circuitous route. (_Relation_, 1661, p. 40). A law of Maryland passed
May 1, 1661, authorized the governor to aid the Susquehannas.

Smarting under constant defeat, the Five Nations solicited French
aid (_Relation de la Nouvelle France_, 1662–3, p. 11, 1663–4, p. 33;
_Charlevoix_, II, p. 134), but in April, 1663, the Western cantons
raised an army of eight hundred men to invest and storm the fort of the
Susquehannas. They embarked on Lake Ontario, according to the French
account, and then went overland to the Susquehanna. On reaching the
fort, however, they found {120} it well defended on the river side,
and on the land side with two bastions in European style with cannon
mounted and connected by a double curtain of large trees. After some
trifling skirmishes the Iroquois had recourse to stratagem. They sent
in a party of twenty-five men to treat of peace and ask provisions to
enable them to return. The Susquehannas admitted them, but immediately
burned them all alive before the eyes of their countrymen. (_Relation
de la Nouvelle France_, 1663, p. 10). The Pennsylvania writers,
(_Hazard’s Annals of Pennsylvania_, p. 346) make the Iroquois force one
thousand six hundred, and that of the Susquehannas only one hundred.
They add that when the Iroquois retreated, the Susquehannas pursued
them, killing ten and taking as many.

After this the war was carried on in small parties, and Susquehanna
prisoners were from time to time burned at Oneida, Onondaga, Seneca and
Cayuga (_Relations de la Nouvelle France_, 1668 to 1673), and their
prisoners doubtless at Canoge on the Susquehanna. In the fall of 1669
the Susquehannas, after defeating the Cayugas, offered peace, but the
Cayugas put their ambassador and his nephew to death, after retaining
him five or six months; the Oneidas having taken nine Susquehannas
and sent some to Cayuga, with forty wampum belts to maintain the war.
(_Relation de la Nouvelle France_, 1670, p. 68.)

At this time the great war chief of the Susquehannas was one styled
Hochitagete or Barefoot (_Relation de la Nouvelle France_, 1670, p.
47); and raving women and crafty medicine men deluded the Iroquois
with promises of his capture and execution at the stake (_Relation_,
1670, p. 47), and a famous medicine man of Oneida appeared after death
to order his body to be taken up and interred on the trail leading to
the Susquehannas as the only means of saving that canton from ruin.
(_Relation_, 1672, p. 20.)

Towards the summer of 1672 a body of forty Cayugas descended the
Susquehanna in canoes, and twenty Senecas went by land to attack
the Susquehannas in their fields; but a band of sixty Andasté or
Susquehanna boys, the oldest not over sixteen, attacked the Senecas,
and routed them, killing one brave and taking another. Flushed with
victory they pushed on to attack the Cayugas, and defeated them also,
killing eight and wounding with arrow, knife and hatchet, fifteen or
sixteen more, losing, however, fifteen or sixteen of their gallant
band. (_Relation_, 1672, p. 24.)

At this time the Susquehannas or Andastés were so reduced by war and
pestilence that they could muster only three hundred warriors. In 1675,
however, the Susquehannas were completely overthrown (_Etat Present_,
1675, manuscript; _Relation_, 1676, p. 2; _Relations Inédites_, II, p.
44; _Colden’s Five Nations_, I, p. 126), but unfortunately we have no
details whatever as to the forces which effected it, or the time or
manner of their utter defeat.

A party of about one hundred retreated into Maryland, and occupied
some abandoned Indian forts. Accused of the murder of some settlers,
apparently slain by the Senecas, they sent five of their chiefs to
the Maryland and Virginia troops, under Washington and Brent, who
went out in {121} pursuit. Although coming as deputies, and showing
the Baltimore medal and certificate of friendship, these chiefs were
cruelly put to death. The enraged Susquehannas then began a terrible
border war, which was kept till their utter destruction (S. F.
Streeter’s Destruction of the Susquehannas, _Historical Magazine_,
I, p. 65). The rest of the tribe, after making overtures to Lord
Baltimore, submitted to the Five Nations, and were allowed to retain
their ancient grounds. When Pennsylvania was settled, they became known
as Conestogas, and were always friendly to the colonists of Penn, as
they had been to the Dutch and Swedes. In 1701 Canoodagtoh, their king,
made a treaty with Penn, and in the document they are styled Minquas,
Conestogos or Susquehannas. They appear as a tribe in a treaty in 1742,
but were dwindling away. In 1763 the feeble remnant of the tribe became
involved in the general suspicion entertained by the colonists against
the red men, arising out of massacres on the borders. To escape danger
the poor creatures took refuge in Lancaster jail, and here they were
all butchered by the Paxton boys, who burst into the place. Parkman in
his _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, p. 414, details the sad story.

The last interest of this unfortunate tribe centres in Logan, the
friend of the white man, whose speech is so familiar to all, that we
must regret that it has not sustained the historical scrutiny of Brantz
Mayer (_Tahgahjute; or, Logan and Capt. Michael Cresap_, Maryland Hist.
Soc., May, 1851; and 8vo, Albany, 1867). Logan was a Conestoga, in
other words a Susquehanna.

_Note_ 47, _page_ 71.

The language of the Susquehannas, as Smith remarks, differed from that
of the Virginian tribes generally. As already stated, it was one of the
dialects of the Huron-Iroquois, and its relation to other members of
the family may be seen by the following table of the numerals:

  or Minqua.    Hochelaga.   Huron.      Mohawk.   Onondaga.

 1.  Onskat,    Segada,      Eskate,     Easka,    Unskat.
 2.  Tiggene,   Tigneny,     Téni,       Tekeni,   Tegni.
 3.  Axe,       Asche,       Hachin,     Aghsea,   Achen.
 4.  Raiene,    Honnacon,    Dac,        Kieri,    Gayeri.
 5.  Wisck,     Ouiscon,     Ouyche,     Wisk,     Wisk.
 6.  Jaiack,    Indahir,     Houhahea,   Yayak,    Haiak.
 7.  Tzadack,   Ayaga,       Sotaret,    Jatak,    Tchiatak.
 8.  Tickerom,  Addegue,     Attaret,    Satego,   Tegeron.
 9.  Waderom,   Madellon,    Nechon,     Tiyohto,  Waderom.
 10. Assan,     Assem,                   Oyeri.


_Note_ 48, _page_ 73.

Smith thus describes them: “Sixty of those Sasquesahanocks came to vs
with skins, Bowes, Arrows, Targets, Beads, swords and Tobacco pipes for
presents. Such great and well proportioned men are seldome seene, for
they seemed like Giants to the English; yea and to the neighbours, yet
seemed of an honest and simple disposition, with much adoe restrained
from adoring vs as Gods. Those are the strangest people of all those
Countries, both in language and attire; for their language it may well
beseeme their proportions, sounding from them as a voyce in a vault.
Their attire is the skinnes of Beares, and Woolues, some have Cassacks
made of Beares heads and skinnes, that a mans head goes through the
skinnes neck, and the eares of the Beare fastened to his shoulders,
the nose and teeth hanging downe his breast, another Beares face split
behind him, and at the end of the Nose hung a Pawe, the halfe sleeues
comming to the elbowes were the neckes of Beares and the armes through
the mouth with the pawes hanging at their noses. One had the head of a
Wolfe hanging in a chaine for a Iewell, his tobacco pipe three-quarters
of a yard long, prettily carued with a Bird, a Deere or some such
devise at the great end, sufficient to beat out ones braines; with
Bowes, Arrowes and Clubs, suitable to their greatnesse. They are scarce
known to Powhatan. They can make near 600 able men, and are palisadoed
in their Townes to defend them from the Massawomekes, their mortal
enemies. Five of their chief Werowances came aboord vs and crossed the
Bay in their Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is signified in
the Mappe. The calfe of whose leg was three-quarters of a yard about,
and all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that proportion, that
he seemed the goodliest man we ever beheld. His hayre, the one side
was long, the other shore close with a ridge over his crowue like a
cocks combe. His arrowes were five-quarters long, headed with the
splinters of a White christall-like stone, in form of a heart, an inch
broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long. These he wore in a Woolues
skinne at his backe for his quiver, his bow in one hand and his club in
the other, as described.”—_Smith’s Voyages_ (Am. ed.), I, p. 119–20.
Tattooing referred to by our author, was an ancient Egyptian custom,
and is still retained by the women. See _Lane’s Modern Egyptians_, etc.
It was forbidden to the Jews in _Leviticus_, 19: 28.

_Note_ 49, _page_ 74.

“_Purchas, his Pilgrimage_, or Relations of the World, and the
Religions observed in all Ages and Places discovered, from the Creation
unto this present,” 1 vol., folio, 1613. In spite of Alsop, Purchas is
still highly esteemed. {123}

_Note_ 50, _page_ 75.

As to their treatment of prisoners, see _Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages_,
II, p. 260.

_Note_ 51, _page_ 75.

Smith thus locates their town: “The Sasquesahannocks inhabit vpon the
cheefe spring of these foure branches of the Bayes head, one day’s
journey higher than our barge could passe for rocks,” vol. I, p. 182.
Campanius thus describes their town, which he represents as twelve
miles from New Sweden: “They live on a high mountain, very steep
and difficult to climb; there they have a fort or square building,
surrounded with palisades. There they have guns and small iron cannon,
with which they shoot and defend themselves, and take with them when
they go to war.”—_Campanius’s Nye Sverige_, p. 181; Du Ponceau’s
translation, p. 158. A view of a Sasquesahannock town is given in
_Montanus, De Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld_ (1671), p. 136, based
evidently on Smith. De Lisle’s Map, dated June, 1718, lays down Canoge,
Fort des Indiens Andastés ou Susquehanocs at about 40° N.; but I find
the name nowhere else.

_Note_ 52, _page_ 77.

Scalping was practiced by the Scythians. (_Herodotus_, book IV, and in
the second book of _Macchabees_, VII, 4, 7). Antiochus is said to have
caused two of the seven Macchabee brothers to be scalped. “The skin
of the head with the hairs being drawn off.” The torture of prisoners
as here described originated with the Iroquois, and spread to nearly
all the North American tribes. It was this that led the Algonquins to
give the Iroquois tribes the names Magoué, Nadoué or Nottaway, which
signified cruel. _Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages_, II, p. 287.

_Note_ 53, _page_ 78.

The remarks here as to religion are vague. The Iroquois and Hurons
recognized Aireskoi or Agreskoe, as the great deity, styling him also
Teharonhiawagon. As to the Hurons, see _Sagard, Histoire du Canada_, p.
485. The sacrifice of a child, as noted by Alsop, was unknown in the
other tribes of this race, and is not mentioned by Campanius in regard
to this one. {124}

_Note_ 54, _page_ 78.

The priests were the medicine men in all probability; no author
mentioning any class that can be regarded properly as priests.

_Note_ 55, _page_ 78.

The burial rites here described resemble those of the Iroquois
(_Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages_, II, pp. 389, 407) and of the Hurons,
as described by Sagard (_Histoire du Canada_, p. 702) in the manner of
placing the dead body in a sitting posture; but there it was wrapped
in furs, encased in bark and set upon a scaffold till the feast of the

_Note_ 56, _page_ 79.

Sagard, in his _Huron Dictionary_, gives village, _andata_; he is in
the fort or village, _andatagon_; which is equivalent to _Connadago_,
_nd_ and _nn_ being frequently used for each other.

_Note_ 57, _page_ 80.

For the condition of the women in a kindred tribe, compare _Sagard,
Histoire du Canada_, p. 272; _Grand Voyage_, p. 130; _Perrot, Moeurs et
Coustumes des Sauvages_, p. 30.

_Note_ 58, _page_ 80.

Among the Iroquois the husband elect went to the wife’s cabin and sat
down on the mat opposite the fire. If she accepted him she presented
him a bowl of hominy and sat down beside him, turning modestly away. He
then ate some and soon after retired.—_Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages_,
I, p. 566.

_Note_ 59, _page_ 81.

Sagard, in his _Histoire du Canada_, p. 185, makes a similar remark as
to the Hurons, a kindred tribe, men and women acting as here stated,
and he says that in this they resembled the ancient Egyptians. Compare
_Hennepin, Moeurs des Sauvages_, p. 54; _Description d’un Pays plus
grand que l’Europe, Voyages au Nord_, V, p. 341. {125}

_Note_ 60, _page_ 96.

This characteristic of the active trading propensities of the early
settlers will apply to the present race of Americans in a fourfold

_Note_ 61, _page_ 96.

One who brought goods to Maryland without following such advice as
Alsop gives, describes in Hudibrastic verse his doleful story in the
_Sot Weed Factor_, recently reprinted.

_Note_ 62, _page_ 96.

For an account of this gentleman, see ante, p. 13.

_Note_ 63, _page_ 97.

The rebellion in Maryland, twice alluded to by our author in his
letters, was a very trifling matter. On the restoration of Charles II,
Lord Baltimore sent over his brother Philip Calvert as governor, with
authority to proceed against Governor Fendall, who, false alike to all
parties, was now scheming to overthrow the proprietary government. The
new governor was instructed on no account to permit Fendall to escape
with his life; but Philip Calvert was more clement than Lord Baltimore,
and though Fendall made a fruitless effort to excite the people to
opposition, he was, on his voluntary submission, punished by a merely
short imprisonment. This clemency he repaid by a subsequent attempt to
excite a rebellion.—_McMahon’s History of Maryland_, pp. 213–14, citing
Council Proceedings from 1656 to 1668, liber H. H., 74 to 82.



Original spelling and grammar have been generally retained, with
some exceptions noted below. Original small caps (and also one
phrase in bold type) are now uppercase. Italics look _like this_.
Enlarged curly brackets, used to combine information from two or
more lines of text have been discarded. The transcriber produced
the cover image and hereby assigns it to the public domain.
The primary source of page images was archive.org—search for
“characterofprovi00alsorich”. Secondary sources, also at archive.org,
were “characterofprovince00also” and “gowansbibliothec00gowaiala”

There were two series of page numbers printed on each page of the
main text. One series, printed with gaps from 10 to 125, was printed
at the top of each page in an ornamented header. This series has been
retained, and is shown in curly brackets like this: {52}. Page one of
this series, inferred by counting back from ten, is the title page of
_Gowans’ Bibliotheca Americana 5_, New York, William Gowans, 1869. The
other series, printed with gaps from 417 to 533, in smaller type at the
bottom of each page, has been discarded. The book actually transcribed
herein was a reissue of _Gowans’ Bibliotheca Americana 5_, titled
_Fund-Publication, No. 15. A Character of the Province of Maryland_,
The Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore, 1880.

Page 106. Changed “capaple” to “capable”.

Page 117. Changed “p. II, 397” to “II, p. 397”.

Page 119. Changed “p. 7),” to “p. 7).”. Changed “1647–8. p. 58)” to
“1647–8, p. 58)”. Also “p. 273. Before” to “p. 273.) Before”.

Page 121. “Waderom,” to “Waderom.”, in the last column of the table.

Page 122. Added left double quotation mark to ‘_Purchas, his
Pilgrimage_, or Relations’, to match the one after ‘this present,’.

Page 124. Changed “p, 566” to “p. 566”.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "A Character of the Province of Maryland - Described in four distinct parts; also a small Treatise - on the Wild and Naked Indians (or Susquehanokes) of - Maryland, their customs, manners, absurdities, and religion; - together with a collection of historical letters." ***

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