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Title: A plain and literal translation of the Arabian nights entertainments, now entituled The Book of the Thousand Nights and a Night Volume 10 (of 17)
Author: Burton, Richard F.
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.
Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

*** Start of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "A plain and literal translation of the Arabian nights entertainments, now entituled The Book of the Thousand Nights and a Night Volume 10 (of 17)" ***



[Illustration: ‏‏لا لابرار كلّ شي تبر‎‎]

                   “TO THE PURE ALL THINGS ARE PURE.”
                           (Puris omnia pura)

                                                        —_Arab Proverb._

          “Niuna corrotta mente intese mai sanamente parole.”


              “Erubuit, posuitque meum Lucretia librum
                  Sed coram Bruto. Brute! recede, leget.”


            “Mieulx est de ris que de larmes escripre,
                Pour ce que rire est le propre des hommes.”


“The pleasure we derive from perusing the Thousand-and-One Stories makes
us regret that we possess only a comparatively small part of these truly
enchanting fictions.”

                                      —CRICHTON’S “_History of Arabia_.”





                           _THE BOOK OF THE_
                      Thousand Nights and a Night


                               VOLUME X.

                           RICHARD F. BURTON




                            Shammar Edition

Limited to one thousand numbered sets, of which this is

                              Number _547_

                          PRINTED IN U. S. A.





  During the last dozen years, since we first met at Cairo, you have
  done much for Egyptian folk-lore and you can do much more. This
  volume is inscribed to you with a double purpose; first it is
  intended as a public expression of gratitude for your friendly
  assistance; and, secondly, as a memento that the samples which you
  have given us imply a promise of further gift. With this lively
  sense of favours to come I subscribe myself

                                  Ever your friend and fellow worker,

                                                    RICHARD F. BURTON.

  LONDON, _July 12, 1886_.

                     CONTENTS OF THE TENTH VOLUME.


 MA’ARUF THE COBBLER AND HIS WIFE FATIMAH                              1

              (_Lane, The Story of Ma’aruf, III._ 671–732.)

 CONCLUSION                                                           54

 TERMINAL ESSAY                                                       63

 INDEX OF THE TENTH VOLUME                                           303


     I. INDEX TO THE TALES AND PROPER NAMES                          309



         A. English                                                  393

         B. Arabic                                                   421


         A. The Unfinished Calcutta Edition (1814–1818)              448

         B. The Breslau Text                                         450

         C. The Macnaghten Text and the Bulak Edition                457

         D. The same with Mr. Lane’s and my Version                  464


       NIGHTS AND THEIR IMITATIONS, BY W. F. KIRBY                   465


There dwelt once upon a time in the God-guarded city of Cairo a cobbler
who lived by patching old shoes.[1] His name was Ma’aruf[2] and he had a
wife called Fatimah, whom the folk had nicknamed “The Dung;”[3] for that
she was a whorish, worthless wretch, scanty of shame and mickle of
mischief. She ruled her spouse and used to abuse him and curse him a
thousand times a day; and he feared her malice and dreaded her
misdoings; for that he was a sensible man and careful of his repute, but
poor-conditioned. When he earned much, he spent it on her, and when he
gained little, she revenged herself on his body that night, leaving him
no peace and making his night black as her book;[4] for she was even as
of one like her saith the poet:—

 How manifold nights have I passed with my wife ✿ In the saddest plight
    with all misery rife:
 Would Heaven when first I went in to her ✿ With a cup of cold poison I’d
    ta’en her life.

Amongst other afflictions which befel him from her one day she said to
him, “O Ma’aruf, I wish thee to bring me this night a vermicelli-cake
dressed with bees’ honey.”[5] He replied, “So Allah Almighty aid me to
its price, I will bring it thee. By Allah, I have no dirhams to-day, but
our Lord will make things easy.”[6] Rejoined she,——And Shahrazad
perceived the dawn of day and ceased to say her permitted say.

         Now when it was the Nine Hundred and Ninetieth Night,

She resumed, It hath reached me, O auspicious King, that Ma’aruf the
Cobbler said to his spouse, “If Allah aid me to its price, I will bring
it to thee this night. By Allah, I have no dirhams to-day, but our Lord
will make things easy to me!” She rejoined, “I wot naught of these
words; whether He aid thee or aid thee not, look thou come not to me
save with the vermicelli and bees’ honey; and if thou come without it I
will make thy night black as thy fortune whenas thou marriedst me and
fellest into my hand.” Quoth he, “Allah is bountiful!” and going out
with grief scattering itself from his body, prayed the dawn-prayer and
opened his shop, saying, “I beseech thee, O Lord, to vouchsafe me the
price of the Kunafah and ward off from me the mischief of yonder wicked
woman this night!” After which he sat in the shop till noon, but no work
came to him and his fear of his wife redoubled. Then he arose and
locking his shop, went out perplexed as to how he should do in the
matter of the vermicelli-cake, seeing he had not even the wherewithal to
buy bread. Presently he came up to the shop of the Kunafah-seller and
stood before it distraught, whilst his eyes brimmed with tears. The
pastry-cook glanced at him and said, “O Master Ma’aruf, why dost thou
weep? Tell me what hath befallen thee.” So he acquainted him with his
case, saying, “My wife is a shrew, a virago who would have me bring her
a Kunafah; but I have sat in my shop till past mid-day and have not
gained even the price of bread; wherefore I am in fear of her.” The cook
laughed and said, “No harm shall come to thee. How many pounds wilt thou
have?” “Five pounds,” answered Ma’aruf. So the man weighed him out five
pounds of vermicelli-cake and said to him, “I have clarified butter, but
no bees’ honey. Here is drip-honey,[7] however, which is better than
bees’ honey; and what harm will there be, if it be with drip-honey?”
Ma’aruf was ashamed to object, because the pastry-cook was to have
patience with him for the price, and said, “Give it me with drip-honey.”
So he fried a vermicelli-cake for him with butter and drenched it with
drip-honey, till it was fit to present to Kings. Then he asked him,
“Dost thou want bread[8] and cheese?”; and Ma’aruf answered, “Yes.” So
he gave him four half dirhams worth of bread and one of cheese, and the
vermicelli was ten nusfs. Then said he, “Know, O Ma’aruf, that thou
owest me fifteen nusfs; so go to thy wife and make merry and take this
nusf for the Hammam;[9] and thou shalt have credit for a day or two or
three till Allah provide thee with thy daily bread. And straiten not thy
wife, for I will have patience with thee till such time as thou shalt
have dirhams to spare.” So Ma’aruf took the vermicelli-cake and bread
and cheese and went away, with a heart at ease, blessing the pastry-cook
and saying, “Extolled be Thy perfection, O my Lord! How bountiful art
Thou!” When he came home, his wife enquired of him, “Hast thou brought
the vermicelli-cake?”; and, replying “Yes,” he set it before her. She
looked at it and seeing that it was dressed with cane-honey,[10] said to
him, “Did I not bid thee bring it with bees’ honey? Wilt thou contrary
my wish and have it dressed with cane-honey?” He excused himself to her,
saying, “I bought it not save on credit;” but said she, “This talk is
idle; I will not eat Kunafah save with bees’ honey.” And she was wroth
with it and threw it in his face, saying, “Begone, thou pimp, and bring
me other than this!” Then she dealt him a buffet on the cheek and
knocked out one of his teeth. The blood ran down upon his breast and for
stress of anger he smote her on the head a single blow and a slight;
whereupon she clutched his beard and fell to shouting out and saying,
“Help, O Moslems!” So the neighbours came in and freed his beard from
her grip; then they reproved and reproached her, saying, “We are all
content to eat Kunafah with cane-honey. Why, then, wilt thou oppress
this poor man thus? Verily, this is disgraceful in thee!” And they went
on to soothe her till they made peace between her and him. But, when the
folk were gone, she sware that she would not eat of the vermicelli, and
Ma’aruf, burning with hunger, said in himself, “She sweareth that she
will not eat; so I will e’en eat.” Then he ate, and when she saw him
eating, she said, “Inshallah, may the eating of it be poison to destroy
the far one’s body.”[11] Quoth he, “It shall not be at thy bidding,” and
went on eating, laughing and saying, “Thou swarest that thou wouldst not
eat of this; but Allah is bountiful, and to-morrow night, an the Lord
decree, I will bring thee Kunafah dressed with bees’ honey, and thou
shalt eat it alone.” And he applied himself to appeasing her, whilst she
called down curses upon him; and she ceased not to rail at him and
revile him with gross abuse till the morning, when she bared her forearm
to beat him. Quoth he, “Give me time and I will bring thee other
vermicelli-cake.” Then he went out to the mosque and prayed, after which
he betook himself to his shop and opening it, sat down; but hardly had
he done this when up came two runners from the Kazi’s court and said to
him, “Up with thee, speak with the Kazi, for thy wife hath complained of
thee to him and her favour is thus and thus.” He recognised her by their
description; and saying, “May Allah Almighty torment her!” walked with
them till he came to the Kazi’s presence, where he found Fatimah
standing with her arm bound up and her face-veil besmeared with blood;
and she was weeping and wiping away her tears. Quoth the Kazi, “Ho man,
hast thou no fear of Allah the Most High? Why hast thou beaten this good
woman and broken her forearm and knocked out her tooth and entreated her
thus?” And quoth Ma’aruf, “If I beat her or put out her tooth, sentence
me to what thou wilt; but in truth the case was thus and thus and the
neighbours made peace between me and her.” And he told him the story
from first to last. Now this Kazi was a benevolent man; so he brought
out to him a quarter dinar, saying, “O man, take this and get her
Kunafah with bees’ honey and do ye make peace, thou and she.” Quoth
Ma’aruf, “Give it to her.” So she took it and the Kazi made peace
between them, saying, “O wife, obey thy husband; and thou, O man, deal
kindly with her.[12]” Then they left the court, reconciled at the Kazi’s
hands, and the woman went one way, whilst her husband returned by
another way to his shop and sat there, when, behold, the runners came up
to him and said, “Give us our fee.” Quoth he, “The Kazi took not of me
aught; on the contrary, he gave me a quarter dinar.” But quoth they,
“’Tis no concern of ours whether the Kazi took of thee or gave to thee,
and if thou give us not our fee, we will exact it in despite of thee.”
And they fell to dragging him about the market; so he sold his tools and
gave them half a dinar, whereupon they let him go and went away, whilst
he put his hand to his cheek and sat sorrowful, for that he had no tools
wherewith to work. Presently, up came two ill-favoured fellows and said
to him, “Come, O man, and speak with the Kazi; for thy wife hath
complained of thee to him.” Said he, “He made peace between us just
now.” But said they, “We come from another Kazi, and thy wife hath
complained of thee to our Kazi.” So he arose and went with them to their
Kazi, calling on Allah for aid against her; and when he saw her, he said
to her, “Did we not make peace, good woman?” Whereupon she cried, “There
abideth no peace between me and thee.” Accordingly he came forward and
told the Kazi his story, adding, “And indeed the Kazi Such-an-one made
peace between us this very hour.” Whereupon the Kazi said to her, “O
strumpet, since ye two have made peace with each other, why comest thou
to me complaining?” Quoth she, “He beat me after that;” but quoth the
Kazi, “Make peace each with other, and beat her not again, and she will
cross thee no more.” So they made peace and the Kazi said to Ma’aruf,
“Give the runners their fee.” So he gave them their fee and going back
to his shop, opened it and sat down, as he were a drunken man for excess
of the chagrin which befel him. Presently, while he was still sitting,
behold, a man came up to him and said, “O Ma’aruf, rise and hide
thyself, for thy wife hath complained of thee to the High Court[13] and
Abú Tabak[14] is after thee.” So he shut his shop and fled towards the
Gate of Victory.[15] He had five Nusfs of silver left of the price of
the lasts and gear; and therewith he bought four worth of bread and one
of cheese, as he fled from her. Now it was the winter season and the
hour of mid-afternoon prayer; so, when he came out among the
rubbish-mounds the rain descended upon him, like water from the mouths
of water-skins, and his clothes were drenched. He therefore entered the
‘Ádiliyah,[16] where he saw a ruined place and therein a deserted cell
without a door; and in it he took refuge and found shelter from the
rain. The tears streamed from his eyelids, and he fell to complaining of
what had betided him and saying, “Whither shall I flee from this whore?
I beseech Thee, O Lord, to vouchsafe me one who shall conduct me to a
far country, where she shall not know the way to me!” Now while he sat
weeping, behold, the wall clave and there came forth to him therefrom
one of tall stature, whose aspect caused his body-pile to bristle and
his flesh to creep, and said to him, “O man, what aileth thee that thou
disturbest me this night? These two hundred years have I dwelt here and
have never seen any enter this place and do as thou dost. Tell me what
thou wishest and I will accomplish thy need, as ruth for thee hath got
hold upon my heart”. Quoth Ma’aruf, “Who and what art thou?”; and quoth
he, “I am the Haunter[17] of this place.” So Ma’aruf told him all that
had befallen him with his wife and he said, “Wilt thou have me convey
thee to a country, where thy wife shall know no way to thee?” “Yes,”
said Ma’aruf; and the other, “Then mount my back.” So he mounted on his
back and he flew with him from after supper-tide till daybreak, when he
set him down on the top of a high mountain——And Shahrazad perceived the
dawn of day and ceased saying her permitted say.

        Now when it was the Nine Hundred and Ninety-first Night,

She said, It hath reached me, O auspicious King, that the Marid having
taken up Ma’aruf the Cobbler, flew off with him and set him down upon a
high mountain and said to him, “O mortal, descend this mountain and thou
wilt see the gate of a city. Enter it, for therein thy wife cannot come
at thee.” He then left him and went his way, whilst Ma’aruf abode in
amazement and perplexity till the sun rose, when he said to himself, “I
will up with me and go down into the city: indeed there is no profit in
my abiding upon this highland.” So he descended to the mountain-foot and
saw a city girt by towering walls, full of lofty palaces and
gold-adorned buildings which was a delight to beholders. He entered in
at the gate and found it a place such as lightened the grieving heart;
but, as he walked through the streets the townsfolk stared at him as a
curiosity and gathered about him, marvelling at his dress, for it was
unlike theirs. Presently, one of them said to him, “O man, art thou a
stranger?” “Yes.” “What countryman art thou?” “I am from the city of
Cairo the Auspicious.” “And when didst thou leave Cairo?” “I left it
yesterday, at the hour of afternoon-prayer.” Whereupon the man laughed
at him and cried out, saying, “Come look, O folk, at this man and hear
what he saith!” Quoth they, “What doeth he say?” and quoth the townsman,
“He pretendeth that he cometh from Cairo and left it yesterday at the
hour of afternoon-prayer!” At this they all laughed and gathering round
Ma’aruf, said to him, “O man, art thou mad to talk thus? How canst thou
pretend that thou leftest Cairo at mid-afternoon yesterday and foundedst
thyself this morning here, when the truth is that between our city and
Cairo lieth a full year’s journey?” Quoth he, “None is mad but you. As
for me, I speak sooth, for here is bread which I brought with me from
Cairo, and see, ’tis yet new.” Then he showed them the bread and they
stared at it, for it was unlike their country bread. So the crowd
increased about him and they said to one another, “This is Cairo bread:
look at it;” and he became a gazing-stock in the city and some believed
him; whilst others gave him the lie and made mock of him. Whilst this
was going on, behold, up came a merchant riding on a she-mule and
followed by two black slaves, and brake a way through the people,
saying, “O folk, are ye not ashamed to mob this stranger and make mock
of him and scoff at him?” And he went on to rate them, till he drave
them away from Ma’aruf, and none could make him any answer. Then he said
to the stranger, “Come, O my brother, no harm shall betide thee from
these folk. Verily they have no shame.”[18] So he took him and carrying
him to a spacious and richly-adorned house, seated him in a speak-room
fit for a King, whilst he gave an order to his slaves, who opened a
chest and brought out to him a dress such as might be worn by a merchant
worth a thousand.[19] He clad him therewith and Ma’aruf, being a seemly
man, became as he were consul of the merchants. Then his host called for
food and they set before them a tray of all manner exquisite viands. The
twain ate and drank and the merchant said to Ma’aruf, “O my brother,
what is thy name?” “My name is Ma’aruf and I am a cobbler by trade and
patch old shoes.” “What countryman art thou?” “I am from Cairo.” “What
quarter?” “Dost thou know Cairo?” “I am of its children.[20]” “I come
from the Red Street.[21]” “And whom dost thou know in the Red Street?”
“I know such an one and such an one,” answered Ma’aruf and named several
people to him. Quoth the other, “Knowest thou Shaykh Ahmad the
druggist?[22]” “He was my next neighbour, wall to wall.” “Is he well?”
“Yes.” “How many sons hath he?” “Three, Mustafà, Mohammed and Ali.” “And
what hath Allah done with them?” “As for Mustafà, he is well and he is a
learned man, a professor[23]: Mohammed is a druggist and opened him a
shop beside that of his father, after he had married, and his wife hath
borne him a son named Hasan.” “Allah gladden thee with good news!” said
the merchant; and Ma’aruf continued, “As for Ali, he was my friend, when
we were boys, and we always played together, I and he. We used to go in
the guise of the children of the Nazarenes and enter the church and
steal the books of the Christians and sell them and buy food with the
price. It chanced once that the Nazarenes caught us with a book;
whereupon they complained of us to our folk and said to Ali’s father:—An
thou hinder not thy son from troubling us, we will complain of thee to
the King. So he appeased them and gave Ali a thrashing; wherefore he ran
away none knew whither and he hath now been absent twenty years and no
man hath brought news of him.” Quoth the host, “I am that very Ali, son
of Shaykh Ahmad the druggist, and thou art my playmate Ma’aruf.”[24] So
they saluted each other and after the salam Ali said, “Tell me why, O
Ma’aruf, thou camest from Cairo to this city.” Then he told him all that
had befallen him of ill-doing with his wife Fatimah the Dung and said,
“So, when her annoy waxed on me, I fled from her towards the Gate of
Victory and went forth the city. Presently, the rain fell heavy on me;
so I entered a ruined cell in the Adiliyah and sat there, weeping;
whereupon there came forth to me the Haunter of the place, which was an
Ifrit of the Jinn, and questioned me. I acquainted him with my case and
he took me on his back and flew with me all night between heaven and
earth, till he set me down on yonder mountain and gave me to know of
this city. So I came down from the mountain and entered the city, when
the people crowded about me and questioned me. I told them that I had
left Cairo yesterday, but they believed me not, and presently thou
camest up and driving the folk away from me, carriedst me to this house.
Such, then, is the cause of my quitting Cairo; and thou, what object
brought thee hither?” Quoth Ali, “The giddiness[25] of folly turned my
head when I was seven years old, from which time I wandered from land to
land and city to city, till I came to this city, the name whereof is
Ikhtiyán al-Khatan.[26] I found its people an hospitable folk and a
kindly, compassionate for the poor man and selling to him on credit and
believing all he said. So quoth I to them:—I am a merchant and have
preceded my packs and I need a place wherein to bestow my baggage. And
they believed me and assigned me a lodging. Then quoth I to them:—Is
there any of you will lend me a thousand dinars, till my loads arrive,
when I will repay it to him; for I am in want of certain things before
my goods come? They gave me what I asked and I went to the merchants’
bazar, where, seeing goods, I bought them and sold them next day at a
profit of fifty gold pieces and bought others.[27] And I consorted with
the folk and entreated them liberally, so that they loved me, and I
continued to sell and buy, till I grew rich. Know, O my brother, that
the proverb saith, The world is show and trickery: and the land where
none wotteth thee, there do whatso liketh thee. Thou too, an thou say to
all who ask thee, I’m a cobbler by trade and poor withal, and I fled
from my wife and left Cairo yesterday, they will not believe thee and
thou wilt be a laughing-stock among them as long as thou abidest in the
city; whilst, an thou tell them, An Ifrit brought me hither, they will
take fright at thee and none will come near thee; for they will say,
This man is possessed of an Ifrit and harm will betide whoso approacheth
him. And such public report will be dishonouring both to thee and to me,
because they ken I come from Cairo.” Ma’aruf asked:—“How then shall I
do?”; and Ali answered, “I will tell thee how thou shalt do, Inshallah!
To-morrow I will give thee a thousand dinars and a she-mule to ride and
a black slave, who shall walk before thee and guide thee to the gate of
the merchants’ bazar; and do thou go into them. I will be there sitting
amongst them, and when I see thee, I will rise to thee and salute thee
with the salam and kiss thy hand and make a great man of thee. Whenever
I ask thee of any kind of stuff, saying, Hast thou brought with thee
aught of such a kind? do thou answer, “Plenty.[28]” And if they question
me of thee, I will praise thee and magnify thee in their eyes and say to
them, Get him a store-house and a shop. I also will give thee out for a
man of great wealth and generosity; and if a beggar come to thee, bestow
upon him what thou mayst; so will they put faith in what I say and
believe in thy greatness and generosity and love thee. Then will I
invite thee to my house and invite all the merchants on thy account and
bring together thee and them, so that all may know thee and thou know
them,”——And Shahrazad perceived the dawn of day and ceased to say her
permitted say.


       Now when it was the Nine Hundred and Ninety-second Night,

She continued, It hath reached me, O auspicious King, that the merchant
Ali said to Ma’aruf, “I will invite thee to my house and invite all the
merchants on thy account and bring together thee and them, so that all
may know thee and thou know them, whereby thou shalt sell and buy and
take and give with them; nor will it be long ere thou become a man of
money.” Accordingly, on the morrow he gave him a thousand dinars and a
suit of clothes and a black slave and mounting him on a she-mule, said
to him, “Allah give thee quittance of responsibility for all this,[29]
inasmuch as thou art my friend and it behoveth me to deal generously
with thee. Have no care; but put away from thee the thought of thy
wife’s misways and name her not to any.” “Allah requite thee with good!”
replied Ma’aruf and rode on, preceded by his blackamoor till the slave
brought him to the gate of the merchants’ bazar, where they were all
seated, and amongst them Ali, who when he saw him, rose and threw
himself upon him, crying, “A blessed day, O Merchant Ma’aruf, O man of
good works and kindness[30]!” And he kissed his hand before the
merchants and said to them, “Our brothers, ye are honoured by
knowing[31] the merchant Ma’aruf.” So they saluted him, and Ali signed
to them to make much of him, wherefore he was magnified in their eyes.
Then Ali helped him to dismount from his she-mule and saluted him with
the salam; after which he took the merchants apart, one after other, and
vaunted Ma’aruf to them. They asked, “Is this man a merchant?;” and he
answered, “Yes; and indeed he is the chiefest of merchants, there liveth
not a wealthier than he; for his wealth and the riches of his father and
forefathers are famous among the merchants of Cairo. He hath partners in
Hind and Sind and Al-Yaman and is high in repute for generosity. So know
ye his rank and exalt ye his degree and do him service, and wot also
that his coming to your city is not for the sake of traffic, and none
other save to divert himself with the sight of folk’s countries: indeed,
he hath no need of strangerhood for the sake of gain and profit, having
wealth that fires cannot consume, and I am one of his servants.” And he
ceased not to extol him, till they set him above their heads and began
to tell one another of his qualities. Then they gathered round him and
offered him junkets[32] and sherbets, and even the Consul of the
Merchants came to him and saluted him; whilst Ali proceeded to ask him,
in the presence of the traders, “O my lord, haply thou hast brought with
thee somewhat of such and such a stuff?”; and Ma’aruf answered,
“Plenty.” Now Ali had that day shown him various kinds of costly clothes
and had taught him the names of the different stuffs, dear and cheap.
Then said one of the merchants, “O my lord, hast thou brought with thee
yellow broad cloth?”: and Ma’aruf said, “Plenty”! Quoth another, “And
gazelles’ blood red[33]?”; and quoth the Cobbler, “Plenty”; and as often
as he asked him of aught, he made him the same answer. So the other
said, “O Merchant Ali had thy countryman a mind to transport a thousand
loads of costly stuffs, he could do so”; and Ali said, “He would take
them from a single one of his store-houses, and miss naught thereof.”
Now whilst they were sitting, behold, up came a beggar and went the
round of the merchants. One gave him a half dirham and another a
copper,[34] but most of them gave him nothing, till he came to Ma’aruf
who pulled out a handful of gold and gave it to him, whereupon he
blessed him and went his ways. The merchants marvelled at this and said,
“Verily, this is a King’s bestowal for he gave the beggar gold without
count, and were he not a man of vast wealth and money without end, he
had not given a beggar a handful of gold.” After a while, there came to
him a poor woman and he gave her a handful of gold; whereupon she went
away, blessing him, and told the other beggars, who came to him, one
after other, and he gave them each a handful of gold, till he disbursed
the thousand dinars. Then he struck hand upon hand and said, “Allah is
our sufficient aid and excellent is the Agent!” Quoth the Consul, “What
aileth thee, O Merchant Ma’aruf?”; and quoth he, “It seemeth that the
most part of the people of this city are poor and needy; had I known
their misery I would have brought with me a large sum of money in my
saddle-bags and given largesse thereof to the poor. I fear me I may be
long abroad[35] and ’tis not in my nature to baulk a beggar; and I have
no gold left: so, if a pauper come to me, what shall I say to him?”
Quoth the Consul, “Say, Allah will send thee thy daily bread[36]!”; but
Ma’aruf replied, “That is not my practice and I am care-ridden because
of this. Would I had other thousand dinars, wherewith to give alms till
my baggage come!” “Have no care for that,” quoth the Consul and sending
one of his dependents for a thousand dinars, handed them to Ma’aruf, who
went on giving them to every beggar who passed till the call to
noon-prayer. Then they entered the Cathedral-mosque and prayed the
noon-prayers, and what was left him of the thousand gold pieces he
scattered on the heads of the worshippers. This drew the people’s
attention to him and they blessed him, whilst the merchants marvelled at
the abundance of his generosity and openhandedness. Then he turned to
another trader and borrowing of him other thousand ducats, gave these
also away, whilst Merchant Ali looked on at what he did, but could not
speak. He ceased not to do thus till the call to mid-afternoon prayer,
when he entered the mosque and prayed and distributed the rest of the
money. On this wise, by the time they locked the doors of the bazar,[37]
he had borrowed five thousand sequins and given them away, saying to
every one of whom he took aught, “Wait till my baggage come when, if
thou desire gold I will give thee gold, and if thou desire stuffs, thou
shalt have stuffs; for I have no end of them.” At eventide Merchant Ali
invited Ma’aruf and the rest of the traders to an entertainment and
seated him in the upper end, the place of honour, where he talked of
nothing but cloths and jewels, and whenever they made mention to him of
aught, he said, “I have plenty of it.” Next day, he again repaired to
the market-street where he showed a friendly bias towards the merchants
and borrowed of them more money, which he distributed to the poor: nor
did he leave doing thus twenty days, till he had borrowed threescore
thousand dinars, and still there came no baggage, no, nor a burning
plague.[38] At last folk began to clamour for their money and say, “The
merchant Ma’aruf’s baggage cometh not. How long will he take people’s
monies and give them to the poor?” And quoth one of them, “My rede is
that we speak to Merchant Ali.” So they went to him and said, “O
Merchant Ali, Merchant Ma’aruf’s baggage cometh not.” Said he, “Have
patience, it cannot fail to come soon.” Then he took Ma’aruf aside and
said to him, “O Ma’aruf, what fashion is this? Did I bid thee brown[39]
the bread or burn it? The merchants clamour for their coin and tell me
that thou owest them sixty thousand dinars, which thou hast borrowed and
given away to the poor. How wilt thou satisfy the folk, seeing that thou
neither sellest nor buyest?” Said Ma’aruf, “What matters it[40]; and
what are threescore thousand dinars? When my baggage shall come, I will
pay them in stuffs or in gold and silver, as they will.” Quoth Merchant
Ali, “Allah is Most Great! Hast thou then any baggage?” and he said,
“Plenty.” Cried the other, “Allah and the Hallows[41] requite thee thine
impudence! Did I teach thee this saying, that thou shouldst repeat it to
me? But I will acquaint the folk with thee.” Ma’aruf rejoined, “Begone
and prate no more! Am I a poor man? I have endless wealth in my baggage
and as soon as it cometh, they shall have their money’s worth, two for
one. I have no need of them.” At this Merchant Ali waxed wroth and said,
“Unmannerly wight that thou art, I will teach thee to lie to me and be
not ashamed!” Said Ma’aruf, “E’en work the worst thy hand can do! They
must wait till my baggage come, when they shall have their due and
more.” So Ali left him and went away, saying in himself, “I praised him
whilome and if I blame him now, I make myself out a liar and become of
those of whom it is said:—Whoso praiseth and then blameth lieth
twice.”[42] And he knew not what to do. Presently, the traders came to
him and said, “O Merchant Ali, hast thou spoken to him?” Said he, “O
folk, I am ashamed and, though he owe me a thousand dinars, I cannot
speak to him. When ye lent him your money ye consulted me not; so ye
have no claim on me. Dun him yourselves, and if he pay you not, complain
of him to the King of the city, saying:—He is an impostor who hath
imposed upon us. And he will deliver you from the plague of him.”
Accordingly, they repaired to the King and told him what had passed,
saying, “O King of the age, we are perplexed anent this merchant, whose
generosity is excessive; for he doeth thus and thus, and all he
borroweth, he giveth away to the poor by handsful. Were he a man of
naught, his sense would not suffer him to lavish gold on this wise; and
were he a man of wealth, his good faith had been made manifest to us by
the coming of his baggage; but we see none of his luggage, although he
avoucheth that he hath a baggage-train and hath preceded it. Now some
time hath past, but there appeareth no sign of his baggage-train, and he
oweth us sixty thousand gold pieces, all of which he hath given away in
alms.” And they went on to praise him and extol his generosity. Now this
King was a very covetous man, a more covetous than Ash’ab[43]; and when
he heard tell of Ma’aruf’s generosity and openhandedness, greed of gain
got the better of him and he said to his Wazir, “Were not this merchant
a man of immense wealth, he had not shown all this munificence. His
baggage-train will assuredly come, whereupon these merchants will flock
to him and he will scatter amongst them riches galore. Now I have more
right to this money than they; wherefore I have a mind to make friends
with him and profess affection for him, so that, when his baggage cometh
whatso the merchants would have had I shall get of him; and I will give
him my daughter to wife and join his wealth to my wealth.” Replied the
Wazir, “O King of the age, methinks he is naught but an impostor, and
’tis the impostor who ruineth the house of the covetous;”——And Shahrazad
perceived the dawn of day and ceased saying her permitted say.


        Now when it was the Nine Hundred and Ninety-third Night,

She pursued, It hath reached me, O auspicious King, that when the Wazir
said to the King, “Methinks he is naught but an impostor, and ’tis the
impostor who ruineth the house of the covetous;” the King said, “O
Wazir, I will prove him and soon know if he be an impostor or a true man
and whether he be a rearling of Fortune or not.” The Wazir asked, “And
how wilt thou prove him?”; and the King answered, “I will send for him
to the presence and entreat him with honour and give him a jewel which I
have. An he know it and wot its price, he is a man of worth and wealth;
but an he know it not, he is an impostor and an upstart and I will do
him die by the foulest fashion of deaths.” So he sent for Ma’aruf, who
came and saluted him. The King returned his salam and seating him beside
himself, said to him, “Art thou the merchant Ma’aruf?” and said he,
“Yes.” Quoth the King, “The merchants declare that thou owest them sixty
thousand ducats. Is this true?” “Yes,” quoth he. Asked the King, “Then
why dost thou not give them their money?”; and he answered, “Let them
wait till my baggage come and I will repay them twofold. An they wish
for gold, they shall have gold; and should they wish for silver, they
shall have silver; or an they prefer for merchandise, I will give them
merchandise; and to whom I owe a thousand I will give two thousand in
requital of that wherewith he hath veiled my face before the poor; for I
have plenty.” Then said the King, “O merchant, take this and look what
is its kind and value.” And he gave him a jewel the bigness of a
hazel-nut, which he had bought for a thousand sequins and not having its
fellow, prized it highly. Ma’aruf took it and pressing it between his
thumb and forefinger brake it, for it was brittle and would not brook
the squeeze. Quoth the King, “Why hast thou broken the jewel?”; and
Ma’aruf laughed and said, “O King of the age, this is no jewel. This is
but a bittock of mineral worth a thousand dinars; why dost thou style it
a jewel? A jewel I call such as is worth threescore and ten thousand
gold pieces and this is called but a piece of stone. A jewel that is not
of the bigness of a walnut hath no worth in my eyes and I take no
account thereof. How cometh it, then, that thou, who art King, stylest
this thing a jewel, when ’tis but a bit of mineral worth a thousand
dinars? But ye are excusable, for that ye are poor folk and have not in
your possession things of price.” The King asked, “O merchant, hast thou
jewels such as those whereof thou speakest?”; and he answered, “Plenty.”
Whereupon avarice overcame the King and he said, “Wilt thou give me real
jewels?” Said Ma’aruf, “When my baggage-train shall come, I will give
thee no end of jewels; and all that thou canst desire I have in plenty
and will give thee, without price.” At this the King rejoiced and said
to the traders, “Wend your ways and have patience with him, till his
baggage arrive, when do ye come to me and receive your monies from me.”
So they fared forth and the King turned to his Wazir and said to him,
“Pay court to Merchant Ma’aruf and take and give with him in talk and
bespeak him of my daughter, Princess Dunyá, that he may wed her and so
we gain these riches he hath.” Said the Wazir, “O King of the age, this
man’s fashion misliketh me and methinks he is an impostor and a liar: so
leave this whereof thou speakest lest thou lose thy daughter for
naught.” Now this Minister had sued the King aforetime to give him his
daughter to wife and he was willing to do so, but when she heard of it
she consented not to marry him. Accordingly, the King said to him, “O
traitor, thou desirest no good for me, because in past time thou
soughtest my daughter in wedlock, but she would none of thee; so now
thou wouldst cut off the way of her marriage and wouldst have the
Princess lie fallow, that thou mayst take her; but hear from me one
word. Thou hast no concern in this matter. How can he be an impostor and
a liar, seeing that he knew the price of the jewel, even that for which
I bought it, and brake it because it pleased him not? He hath jewels in
plenty, and when he goeth in to my daughter and seeth her to be
beautiful, she will captivate his reason and he will love her and give
her jewels and things of price: but, as for thee, thou wouldst forbid my
daughter and myself these good things.” So the Minister was silent, for
fear of the King’s anger, and said to himself, “Set the curs on the
cattle[44]!” Then with show of friendly bias he betook himself to
Ma’aruf and said to him, “His highness the King loveth thee and hath a
daughter, a winsome lady and a lovesome, to whom he is minded to marry
thee. What sayst thou?” Said he, “No harm in that; but let him wait till
my baggage come, for marriage-settlements on Kings’ daughters are large
and their rank demandeth that they be not endowed save with a dowry
befitting their degree. At this present I have no money with me till the
coming of my baggage, for I have wealth in plenty and needs must I make
her marriage-portion five thousand purses. Then I shall need a thousand
purses to distribute amongst the poor and needy on my wedding-night, and
other thousand to give to those who walk in the bridal procession and
yet other thousand wherewith to provide provaunt for the troops and
others[45]; and I shall want an hundred jewels to give to the Princess
on the wedding-morning[46] and other hundred gems to distribute among
the slave-girls and eunuchs, for I must give each of them a jewel in
honour of the bride; and I need wherewithal to clothe a thousand naked
paupers, and alms too needs must be given. All this cannot be done till
my baggage come; but I have plenty and, once it is here, I shall make no
account of all this outlay.” The Wazir returned to the King and told him
what Ma’aruf said, whereupon quoth he, “Since this is his wish, how
canst thou style him impostor and liar?” Replied the Minister, “And I
cease not to say this.” But the King chid him angrily and threatened
him, saying, “By the life of my head, an thou cease not this talk, I
will slay thee! Go back to him and fetch him to me and I will manage
matters with him myself.” So the Wazir returned to Ma’aruf and said to
him, “Come and speak with the King.” “I hear and I obey,” said Ma’aruf
and went in to the King, who said to him, “Thou shalt not put me off
with these excuses, for my treasury is full; so take the keys and spend
all thou needest and give what thou wilt and clothe the poor and do thy
desire and have no care for the girl and the handmaids. When the baggage
shall come, do what thou wilt with thy wife, by way of generosity, and
we will have patience with thee anent the marriage-portion till then,
for there is no manner of difference betwixt me and thee; none at all.”
Then he sent for the Shaykh Al-Islam[47] and bade him write out the
marriage-contract between his daughter and Merchant Ma’aruf, and he did
so; after which the King gave the signal for beginning the wedding
festivities and bade decorate the city. The kettle drums beat and the
tables were spread with meats of all kinds and there came performers who
paraded their tricks. Merchant Ma’aruf sat upon a throne in a parlour
and the players and gymnasts and effeminates[48] and dancing-men of
wondrous movements and posture-makers of marvellous cunning came before
him, whilst he called out to the treasurer and said to him, “Bring gold
and silver.” So he brought gold and silver and Ma’aruf went round among
the spectators and largessed each performer by the handful; and he gave
alms to the poor and needy and clothes to the naked and it was a
clamorous festival and a right merry. The treasurer could not bring
money fast enough from the treasury, and the Wazir’s heart was like to
burst for rage; but he dared not say a word, whilst Merchant Ali
marvelled at this waste of wealth and said to Merchant Ma’aruf, “Allah
and the Hallows visit this upon thy head-sides[49]! Doth it not suffice
thee to squander the traders’ money, but thou must squander that of the
King to boot?” Replied Ma’aruf, “’Tis none of thy concern: whenas my
baggage shall come, I will requite the King manifold.” And he went on
lavishing money and saying in himself, “A burning plague! What will
happen will happen and there is no flying from that which is
fore-ordained.” The festivities ceased not for the space of forty days,
and on the one-and-fortieth day, they made the bride’s cortège and all
the Emirs and troops walked before her. When they brought her in before
Ma’aruf, he began scattering gold on the people’s heads, and they made
her a mighty fine procession, whilst Ma’aruf expended in her honour vast
sums of money. Then they brought him in to Princess Dunya and he sat
down on the high divan; after which they let fall the curtains and shut
the doors and withdrew, leaving him alone with his bride; whereupon he
smote hand upon hand and sat awhile sorrowful and saying, “There is no
Majesty and there is no Might save in Allah, the Glorious, the Great!”
Quoth the Princess, “O my lord, Allah preserve thee! What aileth thee
that thou art troubled?” Quoth he, “And how should I be other than
troubled, seeing that thy father hath embarrassed me and done with me a
deed which is like the burning of green corn?” She asked, “And what hath
my father done with thee? Tell me!”; and he answered, “He hath brought
me in to thee before the coming of my baggage, and I want at very least
an hundred jewels to distribute among thy handmaids, to each a jewel, so
she might rejoice therein and say, My lord gave me a jewel on the night
of his going in to my lady. This good deed would I have done in honour
of thy station and for the increase of thy dignity; and I have no need
to stint myself in lavishing jewels, for I have of them great plenty.”
Rejoined she, “Be not concerned for that. As for me, trouble not thyself
about me, for I will have patience with thee till thy baggage shall
come, and as for my women have no care for them. Rise, doff thy clothes
and take thy pleasure; and when the baggage cometh we shall get the
jewels and the rest.” So he arose and putting off his clothes sat down
on the bed and sought love-liesse and they fell to toying with each
other. He laid his hand on her knee and she sat down in his lap and
thrust her lip like a tit-bit of meat into his mouth, and that hour was
such as maketh a man to forget his father and his mother. So he clasped
her in his arms and strained her fast to his breast and sucked her lip,
till the honey-dew ran out into his mouth; and he laid his hand under
her left-armpit, whereupon his vitals and her vitals yearned for
coition. Then he clapped her between the breasts and his hand slipped
down between her thighs and she girded him with her legs, whereupon he
made of the two parts proof amain and crying out, “O sire of the
chin-veils twain[50]!” applied the priming and kindled the match and set
it to the touch-hole and gave fire and breached the citadel in its four
corners; so there befel the mystery[51] concerning which there is no
enquiry; and she cried the cry that needs must be cried.[52]——And
Shahrazad perceived the dawn of day and ceased to say her permitted say.

       Now when it was the Nine Hundred and Ninety-fourth Night,

She resumed, It hath reached me, O auspicious King, that while the
Princess Dunya cried the cry which must be cried, Merchant Ma’aruf
abated her maidenhead and that night was one not to be counted among
lives for that which it comprised of the enjoyment of the fair, clipping
and dallying _langue fourrée_ and futtering till the dawn of day, when
he arose and entered the Hammam whence, after donning a suit for sovrans
suitable he betook himself to the King’s Divan. All who were there rose
to him and received him with honour and worship, giving him joy and
invoking blessings upon him; and he sat down by the King’s side and
asked, “Where is the treasurer?” They answered, “Here he is, before
thee,” and he said to him, “Bring robes of honour for all the Wazirs and
Emirs and dignitaries and clothe them therewith.” The treasurer brought
him all he sought and he sat giving to all who came to him and lavishing
largesse upon every man according to his station. On this wise he abode
twenty days, whilst no baggage appeared for him nor aught else, till the
treasurer was straitened by him to the uttermost and going in to the
King, as he sat alone with the Wazir in Ma’aruf’s absence, kissed ground
between his hands and said, “O King of the age, I must tell thee
somewhat, lest haply thou blame me for not acquainting thee therewith.
Know that the treasury is being exhausted; there is none but a little
money left in it and in ten days more we shall shut it upon emptiness.”
Quoth the King, “O Wazir, verily my son-in-law’s baggage-train tarrieth
long and there appeareth no news thereof.” The Minister laughed and
said, “Allah be gracious to thee, O King of the age! Thou art none other
but heedless with respect to this impostor, this liar. As thy head
liveth, there is no baggage for him, no, nor a burning plague to rid us
of him! Nay, he hath but imposed on thee without surcease, so that he
hath wasted thy treasures and married thy daughter for naught. How long
therefore wilt thou be heedless of this liar?” Then quoth the King, “O
Wazir, how shall we do to learn the truth of his case?”; and quoth the
Wazir, “O King of the age, none may come at a man’s secret but his wife;
so send for thy daughter and let her come behind the curtain, that I may
question her of the truth of his estate, to the intent that she may make
question of him and acquaint us with his case.” Cried the King, “There
is no harm in that; and as my head liveth, if it be proved that he is a
liar and an impostor, I will verily do him die by the foulest of
deaths!” Then he carried the Wazir into the sitting-chamber and sent for
his daughter, who came behind the curtain, her husband being absent, and
said, “What wouldst thou, O my father?” Said he “Speak with the Wazir.”
So she asked, “Ho thou, the Wazir, what is thy will?”; and he answered,
“O my lady, thou must know that thy husband hath squandered thy father’s
substance and married thee without a dower; and he ceaseth not to
promise us and break his promises, nor cometh there any tidings of his
baggage; in short we would have thee inform us concerning him.” Quoth
she, “Indeed his words be many, and he still cometh and promiseth me
jewels and treasures and costly stuffs; but I see nothing.” Quoth the
Wazir, “O my lady, canst thou this night take and give with him in talk
and whisper to him:—Say me sooth and fear from me naught, for thou art
become my husband and I will not transgress against thee. So tell me the
truth of the matter and I will devise thee a device whereby thou shalt
be set at rest. And do thou play near and far[53] with him in words and
profess love to him and win him to confess and after tell us the facts
of his case.” And she answered, “O my papa, I know how I will make proof
of him.” Then she went away and after supper her husband came in to her,
according to his wont, whereupon Princess Dunya rose to him and took him
under the armpit and wheedled him with winsomest wheedling (and
all-sufficient[54] are woman’s wiles whenas she would aught of men); and
she ceased not to caress him and beguile him with speech sweeter than
the honey till she stole his reason; and when she saw that he altogether
inclined to her, she said to him, “O my beloved, O coolth of my eyes and
fruit of my vitals, Allah never desolate me by less of thee nor Time
sunder us twain me and thee! Indeed, the love of thee hath homed in my
heart and the fire of passion hath consumed my liver, nor will I ever
forsake thee or transgress against thee. But I would have thee tell me
the truth, for that the sleights of falsehood profit not, nor do they
secure credit at all seasons. How long wilt thou impose upon my father
and lie to him? I fear lest thine affair be discovered to him, ere we
can devise some device and he lay violent hands upon thee? So acquaint
me with the facts of the case for naught shall befal thee save that
which shall begladden thee; and, when thou shalt have spoken sooth, fear
not harm shall betide thee. How often wilt thou declare that thou art a
merchant and a man of money and hast a luggage-train? This long while
past thou sayest, My baggage! my baggage! but there appeareth no sign of
thy baggage, and visible in thy face is anxiety on this account. So an
there be no worth in thy words, tell me and I will contrive thee a
contrivance whereby thou shalt come off safe, Inshallah!” He replied, “I
will tell thee the truth, and then do thou whatso thou wilt.” Rejoined
she, “Speak and look thou speak soothly; for sooth is the ark of safety,
and beware of lying, for it dishonoureth the liar and God-gifted is he
who said:—

 ’Ware that truth thou speak, albe sooth when said ✿ Shall cause thee in
    threatenèd fire to fall:
 And seek Allah’s approof, for most foolish he ✿ Who shall anger his Lord
    to make friends with thrall.

He said, “Know, then, O my lady, that I am no merchant and have no
baggage, no, nor a burning plague; nay, I was but a cobbler in my own
country and had a wife called Fatimah the Dung, with whom there befel me
this and that.” And he told her his story from beginning to end; whereat
she laughed and said, “Verily, thou art clever in the practice of lying
and imposture!” Whereto he answered, “O my lady, may Allah Almighty
preserve thee to veil sins and countervail chagrins!” Rejoined she,
“Know, that thou imposedst upon my sire and deceivedst him by dint of
thy deluding vaunts, so that of his greed for gain he married me to
thee. Then thou squanderedst his wealth and the Wazir beareth thee a
grudge for this. How many a time hath he spoken against thee to my
father, saying, Indeed, he is an impostor, a liar! But my sire hearkened
not to his say, for that he had sought me in wedlock and I consented not
that he be baron and I femme. However, the time grew longsome upon my
sire and he became straitened and said to me, Make him confess. So I
have made thee confess and that which was covered is discovered. Now my
father purposeth thee a mischief because of this; but thou art become my
husband and I will never transgress against thee. An I told my father
what I have learnt from thee, he would be certified of thy falsehood and
imposture and that thou imposest upon Kings’ daughters and squanderest
royal wealth: so would thine offence find with him no pardon and he
would slay thee sans a doubt: wherefore it would be bruited among the
folk that I married a man who was a liar, an impostor, and this would
smirch mine honour. Furthermore an he kill thee, most like he will
require me to wed another, and to such thing I will never consent; no,
not though I die![55] So rise now and don a Mameluke’s dress and take
these fifty thousand dinars of my monies, and mount a swift steed and
get thee to a land whither the rule of my father doth not reach. Then
make thee a merchant and send me a letter by a courier who shall bring
it privily to me, that I may know in what land thou art, so I may send
thee all my hand can attain. Thus shall thy wealth wax great and if my
father die, I will send for thee, and thou shalt return in respect and
honour; and if we die, thou or I and go to the mercy of God the Most
Great, the Resurrection shall unite us. This, then, is the rede that is
right: and while we both abide alive and well, I will not cease to send
thee letters and monies. Arise ere the day wax bright and thou be in
perplexed plight and perdition upon thy head alight!” Quoth he, “O my
lady, I beseech thee of thy favour to bid me farewell with thine
embracement;” and quoth she, “No harm in that.”[56] So he embraced her
and knew her carnally; after which he made the Ghusl-ablution; then,
donning the dress of a white slave, he bade the syces saddle him a
thoroughbred steed. Accordingly, they saddled him a courser and he
mounted and farewelling his wife, rode forth the city at the last of the
night, whilst all who saw him deemed him one of the Mamelukes of the
Sultan going abroad on some business. Next morning, the King and his
Wazir repaired to the sitting-chamber and sent for Princess Dunya who
came behind the curtain; and her father said to her, “O my daughter,
what sayst thou?” Said she, “I say, Allah blacken thy Wazir’s face,
because he would have blackened my face in my husband’s eyes!” Asked the
King, “How so?”; and she answered, “He came in to me yesterday; but,
before I could name the matter to him, behold, in walked Faraj the Chief
Eunuch, letter in hand, and said:—Ten white slaves stand under the
palace window and have given me this letter, saying:—Kiss for us the
hands of our lord, Merchant Ma’aruf, and give him this letter, for we
are of his Mamelukes with the baggage, and it hath reached us that he
hath wedded the King’s daughter, so we are come to acquaint him with
that which befel us by the way. Accordingly I took the letter and read
as follows:—From the five hundred Mamelukes to his highness our lord
Merchant Ma’aruf. But further. We give thee to know that, after thou
quittedst us, the Arabs[57] came out upon us and attacked us. They were
two thousand horse and we five hundred mounted slaves and there befel a
mighty sore fight between us and them. They hindered us from the road
thirty days doing battle with them and this is the cause of our tarrying
from thee.——And Shahrazad perceived the dawn of day and ceased saying
her permitted say.

        Now when it was the Nine Hundred and Ninety-fifth Night,

She said, It hath reached me, O auspicious King, that Princess Dunya
said to her sire, “My husband received a letter from his dependents
ending with:—The Arabs hindered us from the road thirty days which is
the cause of our being behind time. They also took from us of the
luggage two hundred loads of cloth and slew of us fifty Mamelukes. When
the news reached my husband, he cried, Allah disappoint them! What ailed
them to wage war with the Arabs for the sake of two hundred loads of
merchandise? What are two hundred loads? It behoved them not to tarry on
that account, for verily the value of the two hundred loads is only some
seven thousand dinars. But needs must I go to them and hasten them. As
for that which the Arabs have taken, ’twill not be missed from the
baggage, nor doth it weigh with me a whit, for I reckon it as if I had
given it to them by way of an alms. Then he went down from me, laughing
and taking no concern for the wastage of his wealth nor the slaughter of
his slaves. As soon as he was gone, I looked out from the lattice and
saw the ten Mamelukes who had brought him the letter, as they were
moons, each clad in a suit of clothes worth two thousand dinars, there
is not with my father a chattel to match one of them. He went forth with
them to bring up his baggage and hallowed be Allah who hindered me from
saying to him aught of that thou badest me, for he would have made mock
of me and thee, and haply he would have eyed me with the eye of
disparagement and hated me. But the fault is all with thy Wazir,[58] who
speaketh against my husband words that besit him not.” Replied the King,
“O my daughter, thy husband’s wealth is indeed endless and he recketh
not of it; for, from the day he entered our city, he hath done naught
but give alms to the poor. Inshallah, he will speedily return with the
baggage, and good in plenty shall betide us from him.” And he went on to
appease her and menace the Wazir, being duped by her device. So fared it
with the King; but as regards Merchant Ma’aruf he rode on into waste
lands, perplexed and knowing not to what quarter he should betake him;
and for the anguish of parting he lamented and in the pangs of passion
and love-longing he recited these couplets:—

 Time falsed our Union and divided who were one in tway; ✿ And the sore
    tyranny of Time doth melt my heart away:
 Mine eyes ne’er cease to drop the tear for parting with my dear; ✿ When
    shall Disunion come to end and dawn the Union-day?
 O favour like the full moon’s face of sheen, indeed I’m he ✿ Whom thou
    didst leave with vitals torn when faring on thy way.
 Would I had never seen thy sight, or met thee for an hour; ✿ Since after
    sweetest taste of thee to bitters I’m a prey.

 Ma’aruf will never cease to be enthralled by Dunyá’s[59] charms ✿ And
    long live she albe he die whom love and longing slay,
 O brilliance, like resplendent sun of noontide, deign them heal ✿ His
    heart for kindness[60] and the fire of longing love allay!
 Would Heaven I wot an e’er the days shall deign conjoin our lots, ✿ Join
    us in pleasant talk o’ nights, in Union glad and gay:
 Shall my love’s palace hold two hearts that savour joy, and I ✿ Strain
    to my breast the branch I saw upon the sand-hill[61] sway?
 O favour of full moon in sheen, never may sun o’ thee ✿ Surcease to rise
    from Eastern rim with all-enlightening ray!
 I’m well content with passion-pine and all its bane and bate ✿ For luck
    in love is evermore the butt of jealous Fate.

And when he ended his verses, he wept with sore weeping, for indeed the
ways were walled up before his face and death seemed to him better than
dreeing life, and he walked on like a drunken man for stress of
distraction, and stayed not till noontide, when he came to a little town
and saw a plougher hard by, ploughing with a yoke of bulls. Now hunger
was sore upon him; and he went up to the ploughman and said to him,
“Peace be with thee!”; and he returned his salam and said to him,
“Welcome, O my lord! Art thou one of the Sultan’s Mamelukes?” Quoth
Ma’aruf, “Yes;” and the other said, “Alight with me for a guest-meal.”
Whereupon Ma’aruf knew him to be of the liberal and said to him, “O my
brother, I see with thee naught with which thou mayst feed me: how is
it, then, that thou invitest me?” Answered the husbandman, “O my lord,
weal is well nigh.[62] Dismount thee here: the town is near hand and I
will go and fetch thee dinner and fodder for thy stallion.” Rejoined
Ma’aruf, “Since the town is near at hand, I can go thither as quickly as
thou canst and buy me what I have a mind to in the bazar and eat.” The
peasant replied, “O my lord, the place is but a little village[63] and
there is no bazar there, neither selling nor buying. So I conjure thee
by Allah, alight here with me and hearten my heart, and I will run
thither and return to thee in haste.” Accordingly he dismounted and the
Fellah left him and went off to the village, to fetch dinner for him
whilst Ma’aruf sat awaiting him. Presently he said in himself, “I have
taken this poor man away from his work; but I will arise and plough in
his stead, till he come back, to make up for having hindered him from
his work.[64]” Then he took the plough and starting the bulls, ploughed
a little, till the share struck against something and the beasts
stopped. He goaded them on, but they could not move the plough; so he
looked at the share and finding it caught in a ring of gold, cleared
away the soil and saw that it was set centre-most a slab of alabaster,
the size of the nether millstone. He strave at the stone till he pulled
it from its place, when there appeared beneath it a souterrain with a
stair. Presently he descended the flight of steps and came to a place
like a Hammam, with four daïses, the first full of gold, from floor to
roof, the second full of emeralds and pearls and coral also from ground
to ceiling; the third of jacinths and rubies and turquoises and the
fourth of diamonds and all manner other preciousest stones. At the upper
end of the place stood a coffer of clearest crystal, full of union-gems
each the size of a walnut, and upon the coffer lay a casket of gold, the
bigness of a lemon. When he saw this, he marvelled and rejoiced with joy
exceeding and said to himself, “I wonder what is in this casket?” So he
opened it and found therein a seal-ring of gold, whereon were graven
names and talismans, as they were the tracks of creeping ants. He rubbed
the ring and behold, a voice said, “Adsum! Here am I, at thy service, O
my lord! Ask and it shall be given unto thee. Wilt thou raise a city or
ruin a capital or kill a king or dig a river-channel or aught of the
kind? Whatso thou seekest, it shall come to pass, by leave of the King
of All-might, Creator of day and night.” Ma’aruf asked, “O creature of
my lord, who and what art thou?”; and the other answered, “I am the
slave of this seal-ring standing in the service of him who possesseth
it. Whatsoever he seeketh, that I accomplish for him, and I have no
excuse in neglecting that he biddeth me do; because I am Sultan over
two-and-seventy tribes of the Jinn, each two-and-seventy thousand in
number every one of which thousand ruleth over a thousand Marids, each
Marid over a thousand Ifrits, each Ifrit over a thousand Satans and each
Satan over a thousand Jinn: and they are all under command of me and may
not gainsay me. As for me, I am spelled to this seal-ring and may not
thwart whoso holdeth it. Lo! thou hast gotten hold of it and I am become
thy slave; so ask what thou wilt, for I hearken to thy word and obey thy
bidding; and if thou have need of me at any time, by land or by sea rub
the signet-ring and thou wilt find me with thee. But beware of rubbing
it twice in succession, or thou wilt consume me with the fire of the
names graven thereon; and thus wouldst thou lose me and after regret me.
Now I have acquainted thee with my case and—the Peace!”——And Shahrazad
perceived the dawn of day and ceased to say her permitted say.


        Now when it was the Nine Hundred and Ninety-sixth Night,

She continued, It hath reached me, O auspicious King, that when the
Slave of the Signet-ring acquainted Ma’aruf with his case, the Merchant
asked him, “What is thy name?” and the Jinni answered, “My name is Abú
al-Sa’ádát.[65]” Quoth Ma’aruf, “O Abu al-Sa’adat what is this place and
who enchanted thee in this casket?”; and quoth he, “O my lord, this is a
treasure called the Hoard of Shaddád son of Ad, him who the base of
‘Many-columned Iram laid, the like of which in the lands was never
made.[66]’ I was his slave in his lifetime and this is his Seal-ring,
which he laid up in his treasure; but it hath fallen to thy lot.”
Ma’aruf enquired, “Canst thou transport that which is in this hoard to
the surface of the earth?”; and the Jinni replied, “Yes! Nothing were
easier.” Said Ma’aruf, “Bring it forth and leave naught.” So the Jinni
signed with his hand to the ground, which clave asunder, and he sank and
was absent a little while. Presently, there came forth young boys full
of grace, and fair of face bearing golden baskets filled with gold which
they emptied out and going away, returned with more; nor did they cease
to transport the gold and jewels, till ere an hour had sped they said,
“Naught is left in the hoard.” Thereupon out came Abu al-Sa’adat and
said to Ma’aruf, “O my lord, thou seest that we have brought forth all
that was in the hoard.” Ma’aruf asked, “Who be these beautiful boys?”
and the Jinni answered, “They are my sons. This matter merited not that
I should muster for it the Marids, wherefore my sons have done thy
desire and are honoured by such service. So ask what thou wilt beside
this.” Quoth Ma’aruf, “Canst thou bring me he-mules and chests and fill
the chests with the treasure and load them on the mules?” Quoth Abu
al-Sa’adat, “Nothing easier,” and cried a great cry; whereupon his sons
presented themselves before him, to the number of eight hundred, and he
said to them, “Let some of you take the semblance of he-mules and others
of muleteers and handsome Mamelukes, the like of the least of whom is
not found with any of the Kings; and others of you be transmewed to
muleteers, and the rest to menials.” So seven hundred of them changed
themselves into bât-mules and other hundred took the shape of slaves.
Then Abu al-Sa’adat called upon his Marids, who presented themselves
between his hands and he commanded some of them to assume the aspect of
horses saddled with saddles of gold crusted with jewels. And when
Ma’aruf saw them do as he bade he cried, “Where be the chests?” They
brought them before him and he said, “Pack the gold and the stones, each
sort by itself.” So they packed them and loaded three hundred he-mules
with them. Then asked Ma’aruf, “O Abu al-Sa’adat, canst thou bring me
some loads of costly stuffs?”; and the Jinni answered, “Wilt thou have
Egyptian stuffs or Syrian or Persian or Indian or Greek?” Ma’aruf said,
“Bring me an hundred loads of each kind, on five hundred mules;” and Abu
al-Sa’adat, “O my lord accord me delay that I may dispose my Marids for
this and send a company of them to each country to fetch an hundred
loads of its stuffs and then take the form of he-mules and return,
carrying the stuffs.” Ma’aruf enquired, “What time dost thou want?”; and
Abu al-Sa’adat replied, “The time of the blackness of the night, and day
shall not dawn ere thou have all thou desirest.” Said Ma’aruf, “I grant
thee this time,” and bade them pitch him a pavilion. So they pitched it
and he sat down therein and they brought him a table of food. Then said
Abu al-Sa’adat to him, “O my lord, tarry thou in this tent and these my
sons shall guard thee: so fear thou nothing; for I go to muster my
Marids and despatch them to do thy desire.” So saying, he departed,
leaving Ma’aruf seated in the pavilion, with the table before him and
the Jinni’s sons attending upon him, in the guise of slaves and servants
and suite. And while he sat in this state behold, up came the
husbandman, with a great porringer of lentils[67] and a nose-bag full of
barley and seeing the pavilion pitched and the Mamelukes standing, hands
upon breasts, thought that the Sultan was come and had halted on that
stead. So he stood open-mouthed and said in himself, “Would I had killed
a couple of chickens and fried them red with clarified cow-butter for
the Sultan!” And he would have turned back to kill the chickens as a
regale for the Sultan; but Ma’aruf saw him and cried out to him and said
to the Mamelukes, “Bring him hither.” So they brought him and his
porringer of lentils before Ma’aruf, who said to him, “What is this?”
Said the peasant, “This is thy dinner and thy horse’s fodder! Excuse me,
for I thought not that the Sultan would come hither; and, had I known
that, I would have killed a couple of chickens and entertained him in
goodly guise.” Quoth Ma’aruf, “The Sultan is not come. I am his
son-in-law and I was vexed with him. However he hath sent his officers
to make his peace with me, and now I am minded to return to city. But
thou hast made me this guest-meal without knowing me, and I accept it
from thee, lentils though it be, and will not eat save of thy cheer.”
Accordingly he bade him set the porringer amiddlemost the table and ate
of it his sufficiency, whilst the Fellah filled his belly with those
rich meats. Then Ma’aruf washed his hands and gave the Mamelukes leave
to eat; so they fell upon the remains of the meal and ate; and, when the
porringer was empty, he filled it with gold and gave it to the peasant,
saying, “Carry this to thy dwelling and come to me in the city, and I
will entreat thee with honour.” Thereupon the peasant took the porringer
full of gold and returned to the village, driving the bulls before him
and deeming himself akin to the King. Meanwhile, they brought Ma’aruf
girls of the Brides of the Treasure,[68] who smote on instruments of
music and danced before him, and he passed that night in joyance and
delight, a night not to be reckoned among lives. Hardly had dawned the
day when there arose a great cloud of dust which presently lifting,
discovered seven hundred mules laden with stuffs and attended by
muleteers and baggage-tenders and cresset-bearers. With them came Abu
al-Sa’adat, riding on a she-mule, in the guise of a caravan-leader, and
before him was a travelling-litter, with four corner-terminals[69] of
glittering red gold, set with gems. When Abu al-Sa’adat came up to the
tent, he dismounted and kissing the earth, said to Ma’aruf, “O my lord,
thy desire hath been done to the uttermost and in the litter is a
treasure-suit which hath not its match among Kings’ raiment: so don it
and mount the litter and bid us do what thou wilt.” Quoth Ma’aruf, “O
Abu al-Sa’adat, I wish thee to go to the city of Ikhtiyan al-Khutan and
present thyself to my father-in-law the King; and go thou not in to him
but in the guise of a mortal courier;” and quoth he, “To hear is to
obey.” So Ma’aruf wrote a letter to the Sultan and sealed it and Abu
al-Sa’adat took it and set out with it; and when he arrived, he found
the King saying, “O Wazir, indeed my heart is concerned for my
son-in-law and I fear lest the Arabs slay him. Would Heaven I wot
whither he was bound, that I might have followed him with the troops!
Would he had told me his destination!” Said the Wazir, “Allah be
merciful to thee for this thy heedlessness! As thy head liveth, the
wight saw that we were awake to him and feared dishonour and fled, for
he is nothing but an impostor, a liar.” And behold, at this moment in
came the courier and kissing ground before the King, wished him
permanent glory and prosperity and length of life. Asked the King, “Who
art thou and what is thy business?” “I am a courier,” answered the
Jinni, “and thy son-in-law who is come with the baggage sendeth me to
thee with a letter, and here it is!” So he took the letter and read
therein these words, “After salutations galore to our uncle[70] the
glorious King! Know that I am at hand with the baggage-train: so come
thou forth to meet me with the troops.” Cried the King, “Allah blacken
thy brow, O Wazir! How often wilt thou defame my son-in-law’s name and
call him liar and impostor? Behold, he is come with the baggage-train
and thou art naught but a traitor.” The Minister hung his head
groundwards in shame and confusion and replied, “O King of the age, I
said not this save because of the long delay of the baggage and because
I feared the loss of the wealth he hath wasted.” The King exclaimed, “O
traitor, what are my riches! Now that his baggage is come he will give
me great plenty in their stead.” Then he bade decorate the city and
going in to his daughter, said to her, “Good news for thee! Thy husband
will be here anon with his baggage; for he hath sent me a letter to that
effect and here am I now going forth to meet him.” The Princess Dunya
marvelled at this and said in herself, “This is a wondrous thing! Was he
laughing at me and making mock of me, or had he a mind to try me, when
he told me that he was a pauper? But Alhamdolillah, Glory to God, for
that I failed not of my duty to him!” On this wise fared it in the
Palace; but as regards Merchant Ali, the Cairene, when he saw the
decoration of the city and asked the cause thereof, they said to him,
“The baggage-train of Merchant Ma’aruf, the King’s son-in-law, is come.”
Said he, “Allah is Almighty! What a calamity is this man![71] He came to
me, fleeing from his wife, and he was a poor man. Whence then should he
get a baggage-train? But haply this is a device which the King’s
daughter hath contrived for him, fearing his disgrace, and Kings are not
unable to do anything. May Allah the Most High veil his fame and not
bring him to public shame!”——And Shahrazad perceived the dawn of day and
ceased saying her permitted say.

       Now when it was the Nine Hundred and Ninety-seventh Night,

She pursued, It hath reached me, O auspicious King, that when Merchant
Ali asked the cause of the decorations, they told him the truth of the
case; so he blessed Merchant Ma’aruf and cried, “May Allah Almighty veil
his fame and not bring him to public shame!” And all the merchants
rejoiced and were glad for that they would get their monies. Then the
King assembled his troops and rode forth, whilst Abu al-Sa’adat returned
to Ma’aruf and acquainted him with the delivering of the letter. Quoth
Ma’aruf, “Bind on the loads;” and when they had done so, he donned the
treasure-suit and mounting the litter became a thousand times greater
and more majestic than the King. Then he set forward; but, when he had
gone half-way, behold, the King met him with the troops, and seeing him
riding in the Takhtrawan and clad in the dress aforesaid, threw himself
upon him and saluted him, and giving him joy of his safety, greeted him
with the greeting of peace. Then all the Lords of the land saluted him
and it was made manifest that he had spoken the truth and that in him
there was no lie. Presently he entered the city in such state procession
as would have caused the gall-bladder of the lion to burst[72] for envy
and the traders pressed up to him and kissed his hands, whilst Merchant
Ali said to him, “Thou hast played off this trick and it hath prospered
to thy hand, O Shaykh of Impostors! But thou deservest it and may Allah
the Most High increase thee of His bounty!”; whereupon Ma’aruf laughed.
Then he entered the palace and sitting down on the throne said, “Carry
the loads of gold into the treasury of my uncle the King and bring me
the bales of cloth.” So they brought them to him and opened them before
him, bale after bale, till they had unpacked the seven hundred loads,
whereof he chose out the best and said, “Bear these to Princess Dunya
that she may distribute them among her slave-girls; and carry her also
this coffer of jewels, that she may divide them among her handmaids and
eunuchs.” Then he proceeded to make over to the merchants in whose debt
he was stuffs by way of payment for their arrears, giving him whose due
was a thousand, stuffs worth two thousand or more; after which he fell
to distributing to the poor and needy, whilst the King looked on with
greedy eyes and could not hinder him; nor did he cease largesse till he
had made an end of the seven hundred loads, when he turned to the troops
and proceeded to apportion amongst them emeralds and rubies and pearls
and coral and other jewels by handsful, without count, till the King
said to him, “Enough of this giving, O my son! There is but little left
of the baggage.” But he said, “I have plenty.” Then indeed, his good
faith was become manifest and none could give him the lie; and he had
come to reck not of giving, for that the Slave of the Seal-ring brought
him whatsoever he sought. Presently, the treasurer came in to the King
and said, “O King of the age, the treasury is full indeed and will not
hold the rest of the loads. Where shall we lay that which is left of the
gold and jewels?” And he assigned to him another place. As for the
Princess Dunya when she saw this, her joy redoubled and she marvelled
and said in herself, “Would I wot how came he by all this wealth!” In
like manner the traders rejoiced in that which he had given them and
blessed him; whilst Merchant Ali marvelled and said to himself, “I
wonder how he hath lied and swindled, that he hath gotten him all these
treasures[73]? Had they come from the King’s daughter, he had not wasted
them on this wise! But how excellent is his saying who said:—

 When the Kings’ King giveth, in reverence pause ✿ And venture not to
    enquire the cause:
 Allah gives His gifts unto whom He will, ✿ So respect and abide by His
    Holy Laws!

So far concerning him; but as regards the King, he also marvelled with
passing marvel at that which he saw of Ma’aruf’s generosity and
openhandedness in the largesse of wealth. Then the Merchant went in to
his wife, who met him, smiling and laughing-lipped and kissed his hand,
saying, “Didst thou mock me or hadst thou a mind to prove me with thy
saying:—I am a poor man and a fugitive from my wife? Praised be Allah
for that I failed not of my duty to thee! For thou art my beloved and
there is none dearer to me than thou, whether thou be rich or poor. But
I would have thee tell me what didst thou design by these words.” Said
Ma’aruf, “I wished to prove thee and see whether thy love were sincere
or for the sake of wealth and the greed of worldly good. But now ’tis
become manifest to me that thine affection is sincere and as thou art a
true woman, so welcome to thee! I know thy worth.” Then he went apart
into a place by himself and rubbed the seal-ring, whereupon Abu
al-Sa’adat presented himself and said to him, “Adsum, at thy service!
Ask what thou wilt.” Quoth Ma’aruf, “I want a treasure-suit and
treasure-trinkets for my wife, including a necklace of forty unique
jewels.” Quoth the Jinni, “To hear is to obey,” and brought him what he
sought, whereupon Ma’aruf dismissed him and carrying the dress and
ornaments in to his wife, laid them before her and said, “Take these and
put them on and welcome!” When she saw this, her wits fled for joy, and
she found among the ornaments a pair of anklets of gold set with jewels
of the handiwork of the magicians, and bracelets and earrings and a
belt[74] such as no money could buy. So she donned the dress and
ornaments and said to Ma’aruf, “O my lord, I will treasure these up for
holidays and festivals.” But he answered, “Wear them always, for I have
others in plenty.” And when she put them on and her women beheld her,
they rejoiced and bussed his hands. Then he left them and going apart by
himself, rubbed the seal-ring whereupon its slave appeared and he said
to him, “Bring me an hundred suits of apparel, with their ornaments of
gold.” “Hearing and obeying,” answered Abu al Sa’adat and brought him
the hundred suits, each with its ornaments wrapped up within it. Ma’aruf
took them and called aloud to the slave-girls, who came to him and he
gave them each a suit: so they donned them and became like the
black-eyed girls of Paradise, whilst the Princess Dunya shone amongst
them as the moon among the stars. One of the handmaids told the King of
this and he came in to his daughter and saw her and her women dazzling
all who beheld them; whereat he wondered with passing wonderment. Then
he went out and calling his Wazir, said to him, “O Wazir, such and such
things have happened; what sayst thou now of this affair?” Said he, “O
King of the age, this be no merchant’s fashion; for a merchant keepeth a
piece of linen by him for years and selleth it not but at a profit. How
should a merchant have generosity such as this generosity, and whence
should he get the like of these monies and jewels, of which but a slight
matter is found with the Kings? So how should loads thereof be found
with merchants? Needs must there be a cause for this; but, an thou wilt
hearken to me, I will make the truth of the case manifest to thee.”
Answered the King, “O Wazir, I will do thy bidding.” Rejoined the
Minister, “Do thou foregather with thy son-in-law and make a show of
affect to him and talk with him and say:—O my son-in-law, I have a mind
to go, I and thou and the Wazir but no more, to a flower-garden that we
may take our pleasure there. When we come to the garden, we will set on
the table wine, and I will ply him therewith and compel him to drink;
for, when he shall have drunken, he will lose his reason and his
judgment will forsake him. Then we will question him of the truth of his
case and he will discover to us his secrets, for wine is a traitor and
Allah-gifted is he who said:—

 When we drank the wine, and it crept its way ✿ To the place of Secrets,
    I cried, “O stay!”
 In my fear lest its influence stint my wits ✿ And my friends spy matters
    that hidden lay.

When he hath told us the truth we shall ken his case and may deal with
him as we will; because I fear for thee the consequences of this his
present fashion: haply he will covet the kingship and win over the
troops by generosity and lavishing money and so depose thee and take the
kingdom from thee.” “True,” answered the King.——And Shahrazad perceived
the dawn of day and ceased to say her permitted say.

       Now when it was the Nine Hundred and Ninety-eighth Night,

She resumed, It hath reached me, O auspicious King, that when the Wazir
devised this device the King said to him, “Thou hast spoken sooth!”; and
they passed the night on this agreement. And when morning morrowed the
King went forth and sat in the guest-chamber, when lo, and behold! the
grooms and serving-men came in to him in dismay. Quoth he, “What hath
befallen you?”; and quoth they, “O King of the age, the Syces curried
the horses and foddered them and the he-mules which brought the baggage;
but, when we arose in the morning, we found that thy son-in-law’s
Mamelukes had stolen the horses and mules. We searched the stables, but
found neither horse nor mule; so we entered the lodging of the Mamelukes
and found none there, nor know we how they fled.” The King marvelled at
this, unknowing that the horses and Mamelukes were all Ifrits, the
subjects of the Slave of the Spell, and asked the grooms, “O accursed
how could a thousand beasts and five hundred slaves and servants flee
without your knowledge?” Answered they, “We know not how it happened,”
and he cried, “Go, and when your lord cometh forth of the Harim, tell
him the case.” So they went out from before the King and sat down
bewildered, till Ma’aruf came out and, seeing them chagrined enquired of
them, “What may be the matter?” They told him all that had happened and
he said, “What is their worth that ye should be concerned for them? Wend
your ways.” And he sat laughing and was neither angry nor grieved
concerning the case; whereupon the King looked in the Wazir’s face and
said to him, “What manner of man is this, with whom wealth is of no
worth? Needs must there be a reason for this?” Then they talked with him
awhile and the King said to him, “O my son-in-law, I have a mind to go,
I, thou and the Wazir, to a garden, where we may divert ourselves.” “No
harm in that,” said Ma’aruf. So they went forth to a flower-garden,
wherein every sort of fruit was of kinds twain and its waters were
flowing and its trees towering and its birds carolling. There they
entered a pavilion, whose sight did away sorrow from the soul, and sat
talking, whilst the Minister entertained them with rare tales and quoted
merry quips and mirth-provoking sayings and Ma’aruf attentively
listened, till the time of dinner came, when they set on a tray of meats
and a flagon of wine. When they had eaten and washed hands, the Wazir
filled the cup and gave it to the King, who drank it off; then he filled
a second and handed it to Ma’aruf, saying, “Take the cup of the drink to
which Reason boweth neck in reverence.” Quoth Ma’aruf, “What is this, O
Wazir?”; and quoth he, “This is the grizzled[75] virgin and the old maid
long kept at home,[76] the giver of joy to hearts, whereof saith the

 The feet of sturdy Miscreants[77] went trampling heavy tread, ✿ And she
    hath ta’en a vengeance dire on every Arab’s head.
 A Káfir youth like fullest moon in darkness hands her round ✿ Whose eyne
    are strongest cause of sin by him inspiritèd.

And Allah-gifted is he who said:-

 ’Tis as if wine and he who bears the bowl, ✿ Rising to show her charms
    for man to see,[78]
 Were dancing undurn-Sun whose face the moon ✿ Of night adorned with
    stars of Gemini.

 So subtle is her essence it would seem ✿ Through every limb like course
    of soul runs she.

And how excellent is the saying of the poet:—

 Slept in mine arms full Moon of brightest blee ✿ Nor did that sun
    eclipse in goblet see:
 I nighted spying fire whereto bow down ✿ Magians, which bowed from
    ewer’s lip to me.

And that of another:—

 It runs through every joint of them as runs ✿ The surge of health
    returning to the sick.

And yet another:—

 I marvel at its pressers, how they died ✿ And left us _aqua vitæ_—lymph
    of life!

And yet goodlier is the saying of Abu Nowas:—

 Cease then to blame me, for thy blame doth anger bring ✿ And with the
    draught that madded me come med’cining:
 A yellow girl[79] whose court cures every carking care; ✿ Did a stone
    touch it would with joy and glee upspring:
 She riseth in her ewer during darkest night ✿ The house with brightest,
    sheeniest light illumining:
 And going round of youths to whom the world inclines[80] ✿ Ne’er, save
    in whatso way they please, their hearts shall wring.
 From hand of coynted[81] lass begarbed like yarded lad,[82] ✿ Wencher
    and Tribe of Lot alike enamouring,
 She comes: and say to him who dares claim lore of love ✿ Something hast
    learnt but still there’s many another thing.

But best of all is the saying of Ibn al-Mu’tazz[83]:—

 On the shaded woody island[84] His showers Allah deign ✿ Shed on Convent
    hight Abdún[85] drop and drip of railing rain:
 Oft the breezes of the morning have awakened me therein ✿ When the Dawn
    shows her blaze,[86] ere the bird of flight was fain;
 And the voices of the monks that with chants awoke the walls ✿
    Black-frocked shavelings ever wont the cup amorn to drain.[87]
 ’Mid the throng how many fair with languour-kohl’d eyes[88] ✿ And lids
    enfolding lovely orbs where black on white was lain,
 In secret came to see me by shirt of night disguised ✿ In terror and in
    caution a-hurrying amain!
 Then I rose and spread my cheek like a carpet on his path ✿ In homage,
    and with skirts wiped his trail from off the plain.
 But threatening disgrace rose the Crescent in the sky ✿ Like the paring
    of a nail yet the light would never wane:
 Then happened whatso happened: I disdain to kiss and tell ✿ So deem of
    us thy best and with queries never mell.

And gifted of God is he who saith:—

  In the morn I am richest of men ✿ And in joy at good news I start up
  For I look on the liquid gold[89] ✿ And I measure it out by the cup.

And how goodly is the saying of the poet:—

 By Allah, this is th’ only alchemy ✿ All said of other science false we
 Carat of wine on hundredweight of woe ✿ Transmuteth gloomiest grief to
    joy and glee.

And that of another:—

 The glasses are heavy when empty brought ✿ Till we charge them all with
    unmixèd wine.
 Then so light are they that to fly they’re fain ✿ As bodies lightened by
    soul divine.

And yet another:—

 Wine-cup and ruby-wine high worship claim; ✿ Dishonour ’twere to see
    their honour waste:
 Bury me, when I’m dead, by side of vine ✿ Whose veins shall moisten
    bones in clay misplaced;
 Nor bury me in wold and wild, for I ✿ Dread only after death no wine to

And he ceased not to egg him on to the drink, naming to him such of the
virtues of wine as he thought well and reciting to him what occurred to
him of poetry and pleasantries on the subject, till Ma’aruf addressed
himself to sucking the cup-lips and cared no longer for aught else. The
Wazir ceased not to fill for him and he to drink and enjoy himself and
make merry, till his wits wandered and he could not distinguish right
from wrong. When the Minister saw that drunkenness had attained in him
to utterest and the bounds transgressed, he said to him, “By Allah, O
Merchant Ma’aruf, I admire whence thou gottest these jewels whose like
the Kings of the Chosroës possess not! In all our lives never saw we a
merchant that had heaped up riches like unto thine or more generous than
thou, for thy doings are the doings of Kings and not merchants’ doings.
Wherefore, Allah upon thee, do thou acquaint me with this, that I may
know thy rank and condition.” And he went on to test him with questions
and cajole him, till Ma’aruf, being reft of reason, said to him, “I’m
neither merchant nor King,” and told him his whole story from first to
last. Then said the Wazir, “I conjure thee by Allah, O my lord Ma’aruf,
show us the ring, that we may see its make.” So, in his drunkenness, he
pulled off the ring and said, “Take it and look upon it.” The Minister
took it and turning it over, said, “If I rub it, will its slave appear?”
Replied Ma’aruf, “Yes. Rub it and he will appear to thee, and do thou
divert thyself with the sight of him.” Thereupon the Wazir rubbed the
ring and behold forthright appeared the Jinni and said, “Adsum, at thy
service, O my lord! Ask and it shall be given to thee. Wilt thou ruin a
city or raise a capital or kill a king? Whatso thou seekest, I will do
for thee, sans fail.” The Wazir pointed to Ma’aruf and said, “Take up
yonder wretch and cast him down in the most desolate of desert lands,
where he shall find nothing to eat nor drink, so he may die of hunger
and perish miserably, and none know of him.” Accordingly, the Jinni
snatched him up and flew with him betwixt heaven and earth, which when
Ma’aruf saw, he made sure of destruction and wept and said, “O Abu
al-Sa’adat, whither goest thou with me?” Replied the Jinni, “I go to
cast thee down in the Desert Quarter,[91] O ill-bred wight of gross
wits. Shall one have the like of this talisman and give it to the folk
to gaze at? Verily, thou deservest that which hath befallen thee; and
but that I fear Allah, I would let thee fall from a[91] eight of a
thousand fathoms, nor shouldst thou reach the earth, till the winds had
torn thee to shreds.” Ma’aruf was silent[92] and did not again bespeak
him till he reached the Desert Quarter and casting him down there, went
away and left him in that horrible place.——And Shahrazad perceived the
dawn of day and ceased saying her permitted say.

        Now when it was the Nine Hundred and Ninety-ninth Night,

She said, It hath reached me, O auspicious King, that the Slave of the
Seal-ring took up Ma’aruf and cast him down in the Desert Quarter where
he left him and went his ways. So much concerning him; but returning to
the Wazir who was now in possession of the talisman, he said to the
King, “How deemest thou now? Did I not tell thee that this fellow was a
liar, an impostor, but thou wouldst not credit me?” Replied the King,
“Thou wast in the right, O my Wazir, Allah grant thee weal! But give me
the ring, that I may solace myself with the sight.” The Minister looked
at him angrily and spat in his face, saying, “O lack-wits, how shall I
give it to thee and abide thy servant, after I am become thy master? But
I will spare thee no more on life.” Then he rubbed the seal-ring and
said to the Slave, “Take up this ill-mannered churl and cast him down by
his son-in-law the swindler-man.” So the Jinni took him up and flew off
with him, whereupon quoth the King to him, “O creature of my Lord, what
is my crime?” Abu al-Sa’adat replied, “That wot I not, but my master
hath commanded me and I cannot cross whoso hath compassed the enchanted
ring.” Then he flew on with him, till he came to the Desert Quarter and,
casting him down where he had cast Ma’aruf left him and returned. The
King hearing Ma’aruf weeping, went up to him and acquainted him with his
case; and they sat weeping over that which had befallen them and found
neither meat nor drink. Meanwhile the Minister, after driving
father-in-law and son-in-law from the country, went forth from the
garden and summoning all the troops held a Divan, and told them what he
had done with the King and Ma’aruf and acquainted them with the affair
of the talisman, adding, “Unless ye make me Sultan over you, I will bid
the Slave of the Seal-ring take you up one and all and cast you down in
the Desert Quarter where you shall die of hunger and thirst.” They
replied, “Do us no damage, for we accept thee as Sultan over us and will
not anywise gainsay thy bidding.” So they agreed, in their own despite,
to his being Sultan over them, and he bestowed on them robes of honour,
seeking all he had a mind to of Abu al-Sa’adat, who brought it to him
forthwith. Then he sat down on the throne and the troops did homage to
him; and he sent to Princess Dunya, the King’s daughter, saying, “Make
thee ready, for I mean to come in unto thee this night, because I long
for thee with love.” When she heard this, she wept, for the case of her
husband and father was grievous to her, and sent to him saying, “Have
patience with me till my period of widowhood[93] be ended: then draw up
thy contract of marriage with me and go in to me according to law.” But
he sent back to say to her, “I know neither period of widowhood nor to
delay have I a mood; and I need not a contract nor know I lawful from
unlawful; but needs must I go in unto thee this night.” She answered him
saying, “So be it, then, and welcome to thee!”; but this was a trick on
her part. When the answer reached the Wazir, he rejoiced and his breast
was broadened, for that he was passionately in love with her. He bade
set food before all the folk, saying, “Eat; this is my bride-feast; for
I purpose to go in to the Princess Dunya this night.” Quoth the Shaykh
al-Islam, “It is not lawful for thee to go in unto her till her days of
widowhood be ended and thou have drawn up thy contract of marriage with
her.” But he answered, “I know neither days of widowhood nor other
period; so multiply not words on me.” The Shaykh Al-Islam was
silent,[94] fearing his mischief, and said to the troops, “Verily, this
man is a Kafir, a Miscreant, and hath neither creed nor religious
conduct.” As soon as it was evenfall, he went in to her and found her
robed in her richest raiment and decked with her goodliest adornments.
When she saw him, she came to meet him, laughing and said, “A blessed
night! But hadst thou slain my father and my husband, it had been more
to my mind.” And he said, “There is no help but I slay them.” Then she
made him sit down and began to jest with him and make show of love
caressing him and smiling in his face so that his reason fled; but she
cajoled him with her coaxing and cunning only that she might get
possession of the ring and change his joy into calamity on the mother of
his forehead:[95] nor did she deal thus with him but after the rede of
him who said[96]:—

      I attained by my wits ✿ What no sword had obtained,
      And return wi’ the spoils ✿ Whose sweet pluckings I gained.

When he saw her caress him and smile upon him, desire surged up in him
and he besought her of carnal knowledge; but, when he approached her,
she drew away from him and burst into tears, saying, “O my lord, seest
thou not the man looking at us? I conjure thee by Allah, screen me from
his eyes! How canst thou know me what while he looketh on us?” When he
heard this, he was angry and asked, “Where is the man?”; and answered
she, “There he is, in the bezel of the ring! putting out his head and
staring at us.” He thought that the Jinni was looking at them and said
laughing, “Fear not; this is the Slave of the Seal-ring, and he is
subject to me.” Quoth she, “I am afraid of Ifrits; pull it off and throw
it afar from me.” So he plucked it off and laying it on the cushion,
drew near to her, but she dealt him a kick, her foot striking him full
in the stomach[97], and he fell over on his back senseless; whereupon
she cried out to her attendants, who came to her in haste, and said to
them, “Seize him!” So forty slave-girls laid hold on him, whilst she
hurriedly snatched up the ring from the cushion and rubbed it; whereupon
Abu al-Sa’adat presented himself, saying, “Adsum, at thy service O my
mistress.” Cried she, “Take up yonder Infidel and clap him in jail and
shackle him heavily.” So he took him and throwing him into the Prison of
Wrath[98] returned and reported, “I have laid him in limbo.” Quoth she,
“Whither wentest thou with my father and my husband?”; and quoth he, “I
cast them down in the Desert Quarter.” Then cried she, “I command thee
to fetch them to me forthwith.” He replied, “I hear and I obey,” and
taking flight at once, stayed not till he reached the Desert Quarter,
where he lighted down upon them and found them sitting weeping and
complaining each to other. Quoth he, “Fear not, for relief is come to
you”; and he told them what the Wazir had done, adding, “Indeed I
imprisoned him with my own hands in obedience to her, and she hath
bidden me bear you back.” And they rejoiced in his news. Then he took
them both up and flew home with them; nor was it more than an hour
before he brought them in to Princess Dunya, who rose and saluted sire
and spouse. Then she made them sit down and brought them food and
sweetmeats, and they passed the rest of the night with her. On the next
day she clad them in rich clothing and said to the King, “O my papa, sit
thou upon thy throne and be King as before and make my husband thy Wazir
of the Right and tell thy troops that which hath happened. Then send for
the Minister out of prison and do him die, and after burn him, for that
he is a Miscreant, and would have gone in unto me in the way of
lewdness, without the rites of wedlock and he hath testified against
himself that he is an Infidel and believeth in no religion. And do
tenderly by thy son-in-law, whom thou makest thy Wazir of the Right.” He
replied, “Hearing and obeying, O my daughter. But do thou give me the
ring or give it to thy husband.” Quoth she, “It behoveth not that either
thou or he have the ring. I will keep the ring myself, and belike I
shall be more careful of it than you. Whatso ye wish seek it of me and I
will demand it for you of the Slave of the Seal-ring. So fear no harm so
long as I live and after my death, do what ye twain will with the ring.”
Quoth the King, “This is the right rede, O my daughter,” and taking his
son-in-law went forth to the Divan. Now the troops had passed the night
in sore chagrin for Princess Dunya and that which the Wazir had done
with her, in going in to her after the way of lewdness, without
marriage-rites, and for his ill-usage of the King and Ma’aruf, and they
feared lest the law of Al-Islam be dishonoured, because it was manifest
to them that he was a Kafir. So they assembled in the Divan and fell to
reproaching the Shaykh al-Islam, saying, “Why didst thou not forbid him
from going in to the Princess in the way of lewdness?” Said he, “O folk,
the man is a Miscreant and hath gotten possession of the ring and I and
you may not prevail against him. But Almighty Allah will requite him his
deed, and be ye silent, lest he slay you.” And as the host was thus
engaged in talk, behold the King and Ma’aruf entered the Divan.——And
Shahrazad perceived the dawn of day and ceased to say her permitted say.


                 Now when it was the Thousandth Night,

She continued, It hath reached me, O auspicious King, that when the
troops sorely chagrined sat in the Divan talking over the ill-deeds done
by the Wazir to their Sovran, his son-in-law and his daughter, behold,
the King and Ma’aruf entered. Then the King bade decorate the city and
sent to fetch the Wazir from the place of duresse. So they brought him,
and as he passed by the troops, they cursed him and abused him and
menaced him, till he came to the King, who commanded to do him dead by
the vilest of deaths. Accordingly, they slew him and after burned his
body, and he went to Hell after the foulest of plights; and right well
quoth one of him:—

 The Compassionate show no ruth to the tomb where his bones shall lie ✿
    And Munkar and eke Nakír[99] ne’er cease to abide thereby!

The King made Ma’aruf his Wazir of the Right and the times were pleasant
to them and their joys were untroubled. They abode thus five years till,
in the sixth year, the King died and Princess Dunya made Ma’aruf Sultan
in her father’s stead, but she gave him not the seal-ring. During this
time she had conceived by him and borne him a boy of passing loveliness,
excelling in beauty and perfection, who ceased not to be reared in the
laps of nurses till he reached the age of five, when his mother fell
sick of a deadly sickness and calling her husband to her, said to him,
“I am ill.” Quoth he, “Allah preserve thee, O dearling of my heart!” But
quoth she, “Haply I shall die and thou needest not that I commend to thy
care thy son: wherefore I charge thee but be careful of the ring, for
thine own sake and for the sake of this thy boy.” And he answered, “No
harm shall befal him whom Allah preserveth!” Then she pulled off the
ring and gave it to him, and on the morrow she was admitted to the mercy
of Allah the Most High,[100] whilst Ma’aruf abode in possession of the
kingship and applied himself to the business of governing. Now it
chanced that one day, as he shook the handkerchief[101] and the troops
withdrew to their places that he betook himself to the sitting-chamber,
where he sat till the day departed and the night advanced with murks
bedight. Then came in to him his cup-companions of the notables
according to their custom, and sat with him by way of solace and
diversion, till midnight, when they craved permission to withdraw. He
gave them leave and they retired to their houses; after which there came
in to him a slave-girl affected to the service of his bed, who spread
him the mattress and doffing his apparel, clad him in his sleeping-gown.
Then he lay down and she kneaded his feet, till sleep overpowered him;
whereupon she withdrew to her own chamber and slept. But suddenly he
felt something beside him in the bed and awaking started up in alarm and
cried, “I seek refuge with Allah from Satan the stoned!” Then he opened
his eyes and seeing by his side a woman foul of favour, said to her,
“Who art thou?” Said she, “Fear not, I am thy wife Fatimah al-Urrah.”
Whereupon he looked in her face and knew her by her loathly form and the
length of her dog-teeth: so he asked her, “Whence camest thou in to me
and who brought thee to this country?” “In what country art thou at this
present?” “In the city of Ikhtiyan al-Khutan. But thou, when didst thou
leave Cairo?” “But now.” “How can that be?” “Know,” said she, “that,
when I fell out with thee and Satan prompted me to do thee a damage, I
complained of thee to the magistrates, who sought for thee and the Kazis
enquired of thee, but found thee not. When two days were past,
repentance gat hold upon me and I knew that the fault was with me; but
penitence availed me not, and I abode for some days weeping for thy
loss, till what was in my hand failed and I was obliged to beg my bread.
So I fell to begging of all, from the courted rich to the contemned
poor, and since thou leftest me, I have eaten of the bitterness of
beggary and have been in the sorriest of conditions. Every night I sat
beweeping our separation and that which I suffered, since thy departure,
of humiliation and ignominy, of abjection and misery.” And she went on
to tell him what had befallen her, whilst he stared at her in amazement,
till she said, “Yesterday, I went about begging all day but none gave me
aught; and as often as I accosted any one and craved of him a crust of
bread, he reviled me and gave me naught. When night came, I went to bed
supperless, and hunger burned me and sore on me was that which I
suffered: and I sat weeping when, behold, one appeared to me and said, O
woman why weepest thou? Said I, erst I had a husband who used to provide
for me and fulfil my wishes; but he is lost to me and I know not whither
he went and have been in sore straits since he left me. Asked he, What
is thy husband’s name? and I answered, His name is Ma’aruf. Quoth he, I
ken him. Know that thy husband is now Sultan in a certain city, and if
thou wilt, I will carry thee to him. Cried I, I am under thy protection:
of thy bounty bring me to him! So he took me up and flew with me between
heaven and earth, till he brought me to this pavilion and said to
me:—Enter yonder chamber, and thou shalt see thy husband asleep on the
couch. Accordingly I entered and found thee in this state of lordship.
Indeed I had not thought thou wouldst forsake me, who am thy mate, and
praised be Allah who hath united thee with me!” Quoth Ma’aruf, “Did I
forsake thee or thou me? Thou complainedst of me from Kazi to Kazi and
endedst by denouncing me to the High Court and bringing down on me Abú
Tabak from the Citadel: so I fled in mine own despite.” And he went on
to tell her all that had befallen him and how he was become Sultan and
had married the King’s daughter and how his beloved Dunya had died,
leaving him a son who was then seven years old. She rejoined, “That
which happened was fore-ordained of Allah; but I repent me and I place
myself under thy protection beseeching thee not to abandon me, but
suffer me eat bread, with thee by way of an alms.” And she ceased not to
humble herself to him and to supplicate him till his heart relented
towards her and he said, “Repent from mischief and abide with me, and
naught shall betide thee save what shall pleasure thee: but, an thou
work any wickedness, I will slay thee nor fear any one. And fancy not
that thou canst complain of me to the High Court and that Abu Tabak will
come down on me from the Citadel; for I am become Sultan and the folk
dread me: but I fear none save Allah Almighty, because I have a
talismanic ring which when I rub, the Slave of the Signet appeareth to
me. His name is Abu al-Sa’adat, and whatsoever I demand of him he
bringeth to me. So, an thou desire to return to thine own country, I
will give thee what shall suffice thee all thy life long and will send
thee thither speedily; but, an thou desire to abide with me, I will
clear for thee a palace and furnish it with the choicest of silks and
appoint thee twenty slave-girls to serve thee and provide thee with
dainty dishes and sumptuous suits, and thou shalt be a Queen and live in
all delight till thou die or I die. What sayest thou of this?” “I wish
to abide with thee,” she answered and kissed his hand and vowed
repentance from frowardness. Accordingly he set apart a palace for her
sole use and gave her slave-girls and eunuchs, and she became a Queen.
The young Prince used to visit her as he visited his sire; but she hated
him for that he was not her son; and when the boy saw that she looked on
him with the eye of aversion and anger, he shunned her and took a
dislike to her. As for Ma’aruf, he occupied himself with the love of
fair handmaidens and bethought him not of his wife Fatimah the Dung, for
that she was grown a grizzled old fright, foul-favoured to the sight, a
bald-headed blight, loathlier than the snake speckled black and white;
the more that she had beyond measure evil entreated him aforetime; and
as saith the adage, “Ill-usage the root of desire disparts and sows hate
in the soil of hearts;” and God-gifted is he who saith:—

 Beware of losing hearts of men by thine injurious deed; ✿ For when
    Aversion takes his place none may dear Love restore:
 Hearts, when affection flies from them, are likest unto glass ✿ Which
    broken, cannot whole be made,—’tis breached for evermore.

And indeed Ma’aruf had not given her shelter by reason of any
praiseworthy quality in her, but he dealt with her thus generously only
of desire for the approval of Allah Almighty.—Here Dunyazad interrupted
her sister Shahrazad, saying, “How winsome are these words of thine
which win hold of the heart more forcibly than enchanters’ eyne; and how
beautiful are these wondrous books thou hast cited and the marvellous
and singular tales thou hast recited!” Quoth Shahrazad, “And where is
all this compared with what I shall relate to thee on the coming night,
an I live and the King deign spare my days?” So when morning morrowed
and the day brake in its sheen and shone, the King arose from his couch
with breast broadened and in high expectation for the rest of the tale
and saying, “By Allah, I will not slay her till I hear the last of her
story;” repaired to his Durbár while the Wazir, as was his wont,
presented himself at the Palace, shroud under arm. Shahriyar tarried
abroad all that day, bidding and forbidding between man and man; after
which he returned to his Harim and, according to his custom went in to
his wife Shahrazad.[102]

             Now when it was the Thousand and First Night,

Dunyazad said to her sister, “Do thou finish for us the History of
Ma’aruf!” She replied, “With love and goodly gree, an my lord deign
permit me recount it.” Quoth the King, “I permit thee; for that I am
fain of hearing it.” So she said:—It hath reached me, O auspicious King,
that Ma’aruf would have naught to do with his wife by way of conjugal
duty. Now when she saw that he held aloof from her bed and occupied
himself with other women, she hated him and jealousy gat the mastery of
her and Iblis prompted her to take the seal-ring from him and slay him
and make herself Queen in his stead. So she went forth one night from
her pavilion, intending for that in which was her husband King Ma’aruf;
and it chanced by decree of the Decreer and His written destiny, that
Ma’aruf lay that night with one of his concubines; a damsel endowed with
beauty and loveliness, symmetry and a stature all grace. And it was his
wont, of the excellence of his piety, that, when he was minded to have
to lie with a woman, he would doff the enchanted seal-ring from his
finger, in reverence to the Holy Names graven thereon, and lay it on the
pillow, nor would he don it again till he had purified himself by the
Ghusl-ablution. Moreover, when he had lain with a woman, he was used to
order her go forth from him before daybreak, of his fear for the
seal-ring; and when he went to the Hammam he locked the door of the
pavilion till his return, when he put on the ring, and after this, all
were free to enter according to custom. His wife Fatimah the Dung knew
of all this and went not forth from her place till she had certified
herself of the case. So she sallied out, when the night was dark,
purposing to go in to him, whilst he was drowned in sleep, and steal the
ring, unseen of him. Now it chanced at this time that the King’s son had
gone out, without light, to the Chapel of Ease for an occasion, and sat
down over the marble slab[103] of the jakes in the dark, leaving the
door open. Presently, he saw Fatimah come forth of her pavilion and make
stealthily for that of his father and said in himself, “What aileth this
witch to leave her lodging in the dead of the night and make for my
father’s pavilion? Needs must there be some reason for this:” so he went
out after her and followed in her steps unseen of her. Now he had a
short sword of watered steel, which he held so dear that he went not to
his father’s Divan, except he were girt therewith; and his father used
to laugh at him and exclaim, “Mahallah![104] This is a mighty fine sword
of thine, O my son! But thou hast not gone down with it to battle nor
cut off a head therewith.” Whereupon the boy would reply, “I will not
fail to cut off with it some head which deserveth[105] cutting.” And
Ma’aruf would laugh at his words. Now when treading in her track, he
drew the sword from its sheath and he followed her till she came to his
father’s pavilion and entered, whilst he stood and watched her from the
door. He saw her searching about and heard her say to herself, “Where
hath he laid the seal-ring?”; whereby he knew that she was looking for
the ring and he waited till she found it and said, “Here it is.” Then
she picked it up and turned to go out; but he hid behind the door. As
she came forth, she looked at the ring and turned it about in her grasp.
But when she was about to rub it, he raised his hand with the sword and
smote her on the neck; and she cried a single cry and fell down dead.
With this Ma’aruf awoke and seeing his wife strown on the ground, with
her blood flowing, and his son standing with the drawn sword in his
hand, said to him, “What is this, O my son?” He replied, “O my father,
how often hast thou said to me, Thou hast a mighty fine sword; but thou
hast not gone down with it to battle nor cut off a head. And I have
answered thee, saying, I will not fail to cut off with it a head which
deserveth cutting. And now, behold, I have therewith cut off for thee a
head well worth the cutting!” And he told him what had passed. Ma’aruf
sought for the Seal-ring, but found it not; so he searched the dead
woman’s body till he saw her hand closed upon it; whereupon he took it
from her grasp and said to the boy, “Thou art indeed my very son,
without doubt or dispute; Allah ease thee in this world and the next,
even as thou hast eased me of this vile woman! Her attempt led only to
her own destruction, and Allah-gifted is he who said:—

 When forwards Allah’s aid a man’s intent, ✿ His wish in every case shall
    find consent:
 But an that aid of Allah be refused, ✿ His first attempt shall do him

Then King Ma’aruf called aloud to some of his attendants, who came in
haste, and he told them what his wife Fatimah the Dung had done and bade
them to take her and lay her in a place till the morning. They did his
bidding, and next day he gave her in charge to a number of eunuchs, who
washed her and shrouded her and made her a tomb[106] and buried her.
Thus her coming from Cairo was but to her grave, and Allah-gifted is he
who said[107]:—

 We trod the steps appointed for us: and he whose steps are appointed
    must tread them.
 He whose death is decreed to take place in our land shall not die in any
    land but that.

And how excellent is the saying of the poet:—

 I wot not, whenas to a land I fare, ✿ Good luck pursuing, what my lot
    shall be.
 Whether the fortune I perforce pursue ✿ Or the misfortune which pursueth

After this, King Ma’aruf sent for the husbandman, whose guest he had
been, when he was a fugitive, and made him his Wazir of the Right and
his Chief Counsellor.[108] Then, learning that he had a daughter of
passing beauty and loveliness, of qualities nature-ennobled at birth and
exalted of worth, he took her to wife; and in due time he married his
son. So they abode awhile in all solace of life and its delight and
their days were serene and their joys untroubled, till there came to
them the Destroyer of delights and the Sunderer of societies, the
Depopulator of populous places and the Orphaner of sons and daughters.
And glory be to the Living who dieth not and in whose hand are the Keys
of the Seen and the Unseen!”


Footnote 1:

  Arab. “Zarábín” (pl. of zarbún), lit. slaves’ shoes or sandals (see
  vol. iii. p. 336) the chaussure worn by Mamelukes. Here the word is
  used in its modern sense of stout shoes or walking boots.

Footnote 2:

  The popular word means goodness, etc., _e.g._ “A’mil al-Ma’arúf” =
  have the kindness; do me the favour.

Footnote 3:

  Dozy translates “’Urrah” = Une Mégère: Lane terms it a “vulgar word
  signifying a wicked, mischievous shrew.” But it is the fem. form of
  ’Urr = dung; not a bad name for a daughter of Billingsgate; and
  reminds us of the term “Dung-beardlings” applied by the amiable
  Hallgerda to her enemy’s sons. (The Story of Burnt Njal, ii. 47.)

Footnote 4:

  _i.e._ black like the book of her actions which would be shown to her
  on Doomsday. (See Night dccclxxi.) The ungodly hold it in the left
  hand, the right being bound behind their backs and they appear in ten
  foul forms, apes, swine, etc., for which see Sale sect. iv.

Footnote 5:

  The “Kunáfah” (vermicelli-cake) is a favourite dish of wheaten flour,
  worked somewhat finer than our vermicelli, fried with samn (butter
  melted and clarified) and sweetened with honey or sugar. See Lane M.
  E. chapt. v. Bees’ honey is opposed to various syrups which are used
  as sweeteners. See vol. v. 300.

Footnote 6:

  _i.e._ Will send us aid. The Shrew’s rejoinder is highly impious in
  Moslem opinion.

Footnote 7:

  Arab. Asal Katr; “a fine kind of black honey, treacle” says Lane; but
  it is afterwards called cane-honey (’Asal Kasab). I have never heard
  it applied to “the syrup which exudes from ripe dates, when hung up.”

Footnote 8:

  Arab. “’Aysh,” lit. = that on which man lives: “Khubz” being the more
  popular term. “Hubz and Joobn” is well known at Malta.

Footnote 9:

  Insinuating that he had better make peace with his wife by knowing her
  carnally. It suggests the story of the Irishman who brought over to
  the holy Catholic Church three several Protestant wives, but failed
  with the fourth on account of the decline of his “Convarter.”

Footnote 10:

  Arab. “Asal Kasab,” _i.e._ Sugar, possibly made from sorgho-stalks
  _Holcus sorghum_ of which I made syrup in Central Africa.

Footnote 11:

  For this unpleasant euphemy see vol. iv. 215.

Footnote 12:

  This is a true picture of the leniency with which women were treated
  in the Kazi’s court at Cairo; and the effect was simply deplorable. I
  have noted that matters have grown even worse since the English
  occupation, for history repeats herself; and the same was the case in
  Afghanistan and in Sind. We govern too much in these matters, which
  should be directed not changed, and too little in other things,
  especially in exacting respect for the conquerors from the conquered.

Footnote 13:

  Arab. “Báb al-’Áli” = the high gate or Sublime Porte; here used of the
  Chief Kazi’s court: the phrase is a descendant of the Coptic “Per-ao”
  whence “Pharaoh.”

Footnote 14:

  “Abú Tabak,” in Cairene slang, is an officer who arrests by order of
  the Kazi and means “Father of whipping” (= tabaka, a low word for
  beating, thrashing, whopping) because he does his duty with all
  possible violence _in terrorem_.

Footnote 15:

  Bab al-Nasr the Eastern or Desert Gate: see vol. vi. 234.

Footnote 16:

  This is a mosque outside the great gate built by Al-Malik al-’Ádil
  Tuman Bey in A.H. 906 (= 1501). The date is _not_ worthy of much
  remark for these names are often inserted by the scribe—for which see
  Terminal Essay.

Footnote 17:

  Arab. “’Ámir” lit. = one who inhabiteth, a peopler; here used in
  technical sense. As has been seen, ruins and impure places such as
  privies and Hammám-baths are the favourite homes of the Jinn. The
  fire-drake in the text was summoned by the Cobbler’s exclamation and
  even Marids at times do a kindly action.

Footnote 18:

  The style is modern Cairene jargon.

Footnote 19:

  Purses or gold pieces see vol. ix. 313.

Footnote 20:

  _i.e._ I am a Cairene.

Footnote 21:

  Arab. “Darb al-Ahmar,” a street still existing near to and outside the
  noble Bab Zuwaylah, for which see vol. i. 269.

Footnote 22:

  Arab. “’Attár,” perfume-seller and druggist; the word is connected
  with our “Ottar” (’Atr).

Footnote 23:

  Arab. “Mudarris” lit. = one who gives lessons or lectures (dars) and
  pop. applied to a professor in a collegiate mosque like Al-Azhar of

Footnote 24:

  This thoroughly dramatic scene is told with a charming naïveté. No
  wonder that The Nights has been made the basis of a national theatre
  amongst the Turks.

Footnote 25:

  Arab. “Taysh” lit. = vertigo, swimming of head.

Footnote 26:

  Here Trébutien (iii. 265) reads “la ville de Khaïtan (so the Mac.
  Edit. iv. 708) capital du royaume de Sohatan.” Ikhtiyán Lane suggests
  to be fictitious: Khatan is a district of Tartary east of Káshgar, so
  called by Sádik al-Isfaháni p. 24.

Footnote 27:

  This is a true picture of the tact and _savoir faire_ of the Cairenes.
  It was a study to see how, under the late Khedive they managed to take
  precedence of Europeans who found themselves in the background before
  they knew it. For instance, every Bey, whose degree is that of a
  Colonel was made an “Excellency” and ranked accordingly at Court
  whilst his father, some poor Fellah, was ploughing the ground. Tanfík
  Pasha began his ill-omened rule by always placing natives close to him
  in the place of honour, addressing them first and otherwise snubbing
  Europeans who, when English, were often too obtuse to notice the petty
  insults lavished upon them.

Footnote 28:

  Arab. “Kathír” (pron. Katir) = much: here used in its slang sense, “no

Footnote 29:

  _i.e._ “May the Lord soon make thee able to repay me; but meanwhile I
  give it to thee for thy own free use.”

Footnote 30:

  Punning upon his name. Much might be written upon the significance of
  names as ominous of good and evil; but the subject is far too
  extensive for a footnote.

Footnote 31:

  Lane translates “Ánisa-kum” by “he hath delighted you by his arrival”;
  Mr. Payne “I commend him to you.”

Footnote 32:

  Arab. “Fatúrát,” = light food for the early breakfast of which the
  “Fatírah” cake was a favourite item. See vol. i. 300.

Footnote 33:

  A dark red dye (Lane).

Footnote 34:

  Arab. “Jadíd,” see vol. viii. 121.

Footnote 35:

  Both the texts read thus, but the reading has little sense. Ma’aruf
  probably would say, “I fear that my loads will be long coming.”

Footnote 36:

  One of the many formulas of polite refusal.

Footnote 37:

  Each bazar, in a large city like Damascus, has its tall and heavy
  wooden doors which are locked every evening and opened in the morning
  by the Ghafir or guard. The “silver key,” however, always lets one in.

Footnote 38:

  Arab. “Wa lá Kabbata hámiyah,” a Cairene vulgarism meaning, “There
  came nothing to profit him nor to rid the people of him.”

Footnote 39:

  Arab. “Kammir,” _i.e._ brown it before the fire, toast it.

Footnote 40:

  It is insinuated that he had lied till he himself believed the lie to
  be truth—not an uncommon process, I may remark.

Footnote 41:

  Arab. “Rijál” = the Men, equivalent to the Walis, Saints or Santons;
  with perhaps an allusion to the Rijál al-Ghayb, the Invisible Controls
  concerning whom I have quoted Herklots in vol. ii. 211.

Footnote 42:

  A saying attributed to Al-Hariri (Lane). It is good enough to be his:
  the Persians say, “Cut not down the tree thou plantedst,” and the idea
  is universal throughout the East.

Footnote 43:

  A quotation from Al-Hariri (Ass. of the Badawin). Ash’ab (ob. A.H.
  54), a Medinite servant of Caliph Osman, was proverbial for greed and
  sanguine, Micawber-like expectation of “windfalls.” The Scholiast
  Al-Sharíshi (of Xeres) describes him in Theophrastic style. He never
  saw a man put hand to pocket without expecting a present, or a funeral
  go by without hoping for a legacy, or a bridal procession without
  preparing his own house, hoping they might bring the bride to him by
  mistake. * * * When asked if he knew aught greedier than himself he
  said “Yes; a sheep I once kept upon my terrace-roof seeing a rainbow
  mistook it for a rope of hay and jumping to seize it broke its neck!”
  Hence “Ash’ab’s sheep” became a by-word (Preston tells the tale in
  full, p. 288).

Footnote 44:

  _i.e._ “Show a miser money and hold him back, if you can.”

Footnote 45:

  He wants £40,000 to begin with.

Footnote 46:

  _i.e._ Arab. “Sabíhat al-’urs” the morning after the wedding. See vol.
  i. 269.

Footnote 47:

  Another sign of modern composition as in Kamar al-Zaman II.

Footnote 48:

  Arab. “Al-Jink” (from Turk.) are boys and youths mostly Jews,
  Armenians, Greeks and Turks, who dress in woman’s dress with long hair
  braided. Lane (M. E. chapts. xix. and xxv.) gives same account of the
  customs of the “Gink” (as the Egyptians call them) but cannot enter
  into details concerning these catamites. Respectable Moslems often
  employ them to dance at festivals in preference to the Ghawázi-women,
  a freak of Mohammedan decorum. When they grow old they often preserve
  their costume, and a glance at them makes a European’s blood run cold.

Footnote 49:

  Lane translates this, “May Allah and the Rijal retaliate upon thy

Footnote 50:

  Arab. “Yá aba ’l-lithámayn,” addressed to his member. Lathm the root
  means kissing or breaking; so he would say, “O thou who canst take her
  maidenhead whilst my tongue does away with the virginity of her
  mouth.” “He breached the citadel” (which is usually square) “in its
  four corners” signifying that he utterly broke it down.

Footnote 51:

  A mystery to the Author of Proverbs (xxx. 18–19),

           There be three things which are too wondrous for me,
           The way of an eagle in the air;
           The way of a snake upon a rock;
           And the way of a man with a maid.

Footnote 52:

  Several women have described the pain to me as much resembling the
  drawing of a tooth.

Footnote 53:

  As we should say, “play fast and loose.”

Footnote 54:

  Arab. “Náhí-ka” lit. = thy prohibition but idiomatically used = let it
  suffice thee!

Footnote 55:

  A character-sketch like that of Princess Dunya makes ample amends for
  a book full of abuse of women. And yet the superficial say that none
  of the characters have much personal individuality.

Footnote 56:

  This is indeed one of the touches of nature which makes all the world

Footnote 57:

  As we are in Tartary “Arabs” here means plundering nomades, like the
  Persian “Iliyát” and other shepherd races.

Footnote 58:

  The very cruelty of love which hates nothing so much as a rejected
  lover. The Princess, be it noted, is not supposed to be merely
  romancing, but speaking with the second sight, the clairvoyance, of
  perfect affection. Men seem to know very little upon this subject,
  though every one has at times been more or less startled by the
  abnormal introvision and divination of things hidden which are the
  property and prerogative of perfect love.

Footnote 59:

  The name of the Princess meaning “The World,” not unusual amongst
  Moslem women.

Footnote 60:

  Another pun upon his name “Ma’aruf.”

Footnote 61:

  Arab. “Naká,” the mound of pure sand which delights the eye of the
  Badawi leaving a town. See vol. i. 217, for the lines and explanation
  in Night cmlxiv. vol. ix. p. 250.

Footnote 62:

  Euphemistic: “I will soon fetch thee food.” To say this bluntly might
  have brought misfortune.

Footnote 63:

  Arab. “Kafr” = a village in Egypt and Syria _e.g._ Capernaum (Kafr

Footnote 64:

  He has all the bonhomie of the Cairene and will do a kindness whenever
  he can.

Footnote 65:

  _i.e._ the Father of Prosperities: pron. Aboosa’ádát; as in the Tale
  of Hasan of Bassorah.

Footnote 66:

  Koran lxxxix. “The Daybreak” which also mentions Thamud and Pharaoh.

Footnote 67:

  In Egypt the cheapest and poorest of food, never seen at a hotel table

Footnote 68:

  The beautiful girls who guard ensorcelled hoards: See vol. vi. 109.

Footnote 69:

  Arab. “Asákir,” the ornaments of litters, which are either plain balls
  of metal or tapering cones based on crescents or on balls and
  crescents. See in Lane (M. E. chapt. xxiv.) the sketch of the Mahmal.

Footnote 70:

  Arab. “Amm” = father’s brother, courteously used for “father-in-law,”
  which suggests having slept with his daughter, and which is indecent
  in writing. Thus by a pleasant fiction the husband represents himself
  as having married his first cousin.

Footnote 71:

  _i.e._ a calamity to the enemy: see vol. ii. 87 and passim.

Footnote 72:

  Both texts read “Asad” (lion) and Lane accepts it: there is no reason
  to change it for “Hásid” (Envier), the Lion being the Sultan of the
  Beasts and the most majestic.

Footnote 73:

  The Cairene knew his fellow Cairene and was not to be taken in by him.

Footnote 74:

  Arab “Hizám”: Lane reads “Khizám” = a nose-ring for which see appendix
  to Lane’s M. E. The untrained European eye dislikes these decorations
  and there is certainly no beauty in the hoops which Hindu women insert
  through the nostrils, camel-fashion, as if to receive the cord-acting
  bridle; But a drop-pearl hanging to the septum is at least as pretty
  as the heavy pendants by which some European women lengthen their

Footnote 75:

  Arab. “Shamtá,” one of the many names of wine, the “speckled” alluding
  to the bubbles which dance upon the freshly filled cup.

Footnote 76:

  _i.e._ in the cask. These “merry quips” strongly suggest the dismal
  toasts of our not remote ancestors.

Footnote 77:

  Arab. “A’láj” plur. of “’Ilj” and rendered by Lane “the stout foreign
  infidels.” The next line alludes to the cupbearer who was generally a
  slave and a non-Moslem.

Footnote 78:

  As if it were a bride. See vol. vii. 198. The stars of Jauzá (Gemini)
  are the cupbearer’s eyes.

Footnote 79:

  _i.e._ light-coloured wine.

Footnote 80:

  The usual homage to youth and beauty.

Footnote 81:

  Alluding to the cup.

Footnote 82:

  Here Abu Nowas whose name always ushers in some abomination alluded to
  the “Ghulámiyah” or girl dressed like boy to act cupbearer.
  Civilisation has everywhere the same devices and the Bordels of London
  and Paris do not ignore the “she-boy,” who often opens the door.

Footnote 83:

  Abdallah ibn al-Mu’tazz, son of Al-Mu’tazz bi ’llah, the 13th
  Abbaside, and great-great-grandson of Harun al-Rashid. He was one of
  the most renowned poets of the third century (A.H.) and died A.D. 908,
  strangled by the partisans of his nephew Al-Muktadir bi ’llah, 18th

Footnote 84:

  Jazírat ibn Omar, an island and town on the Tigris north of Mosul.
  “Some versions of the poem, from which these verses are quoted,
  substitute El-Mutireh, a village near Samara (a town on the Tigris, 60
  miles north of Baghdad), for El-Jezireh, _i.e._ Jeziret ibn Omar.”

Footnote 85:

  The Convent of Abdun on the east bank of the Tigris opposite the
  Jezirah was so called from a statesman who caused it to be built. For
  a variant of these lines see Ibn Khallikan, vol. ii. 42; here we miss
  “the shady groves of Al-Matírah.”

Footnote 86:

  Arab. “Ghurrah” the white blaze on a horse’s brow. In Ibn Khallikan
  the bird is the lark.

Footnote 87:

  Arab. “Táy’i” = thirsty used with Jáy’i = hungry.

Footnote 88:

  Lit. “Kohl’d with Ghunj” for which we have no better word than
  “coquetry.” But see vol. v. 80. It corresponds with the Latin crissare
  for women and cevere for men.

Footnote 89:

  _i.e._ gold-coloured wine, as the Vino d’Oro.

Footnote 90:

  Compare the charming song of Abu Miján translated from the German of
  Dr. Weil in Bohn’s Edit. of Ockley (p. 149),

          When the Death-angel cometh mine eyes to close,
            Dig my grave ’mid the vines on the hill’s fair side;
          For though deep in earth may my bones repose,
            The juice of the grape shall their food provide.
          Ah, bury me not in a barren land,
            Or Death will appear to me dread and drear!
          While fearless I’ll wait what he hath in hand
            An the scent of the vineyard my spirit cheer.

  The glorious old drinker!

Footnote 91:

  Arab. “Rub’a al-Kharáb” in Ibn al-Wardi Central Africa south of the
  Nile-sources, one of the richest regions in the world. Here it prob.
  alludes to the Rub’a al-Khálí or Great Arabian Desert: for which see
  Night dclxxvi. In rhetoric it is opposed to the “Rub’a Maskún,” or
  populated fourth of the world, the rest being held to be ocean.

Footnote 92:

  This is the noble resignation of the Moslem. What a dialogue there
  would have been in a European book between man and devil!

Footnote 93:

  Arab. “Al-’iddah,” the period of four months and ten days which must
  elapse before she could legally marry again. But this was a palpable
  wile: she was not sure of her husband’s death and he had not divorced
  her; so that although a “grass widow,” a “Strohwitwe” as the Germans
  say, she could not wed again either with or without interval.

Footnote 94:

  Here the silence is of cowardice and the passage is a fling at the
  “time-serving” of the Olema, a favourite theme, like “banging the
  bishops” amongst certain Westerns.

Footnote 95:

  Arab. “Umm al-raas,” the poll, crown of the head, here the place where
  a calamity coming down from heaven would first alight.

Footnote 96:

  From Al-Hariri (Lane): the lines are excellent.

Footnote 97:

  When the charming Princess is so ready at the _voie de faits_, the
  reader will understand how common is such energetic action among women
  of lower degree. The “fair sex” in Egypt has a horrible way of
  murdering men, especially husbands, by tying them down and tearing out
  the testicles. See Lane M. E. chapt. xiii.

Footnote 98:

  Arab. “Sijn al-Ghazab,” the dungeons appropriated to the worst of
  criminals where they suffer penalties far worse than hanging or

Footnote 99:

  According to some modern Moslems Munkar and Nakir visit the graves of
  Infidels (non-Moslems) and Bashshir and Mubashshir (“Givers of glad
  tidings”) those of Mohammedans. Petis de la Croix (Les Mille et un
  Jours vol. iii. 258) speaks of the “Zoubanya,” black angels who
  torture the damned under their chief Dabilah.

Footnote 100:

  Very simple and pathetic is this short sketch of the noble-minded
  Princess’s death.

Footnote 101:

  In sign of dismissal (vol. iv. 62) I have noted that “throwing the
  kerchief” is not an Eastern practice: the idea probably arose from the
  Oriental practice of sending presents in richly embroidered napkins
  and kerchiefs.

Footnote 102:

  Curious to say both Lane and Payne omit this passage which appears in
  both texts (Mac. and Bul.). The object is evidently to prepare the
  reader for the ending by reverting to the beginning of the tale; and
  its prolixity has its effect as in the old Romances of Chivalry from
  Amadis of Ghaul to the Seven Champions of Christendom. If it provoke
  impatience, it also heightens expectation; “it is like the long
  elm-avenues of our forefathers; we wish ourselves at the end; but we
  know that at the end there is something great.”

Footnote 103:

  Arab. “alà malákay bayti ’l-ráhah;” on the two slabs at whose union
  are the round hole and longitudinal slit. See vol. i. 221.

Footnote 104:

  Here the exclamation wards off the Evil Eye from the Sword and the
  wearer: Mr. Payne notes, “The old English exclamation ‘Cock’s ’ill!’
  (_i.e._ God’s will, thus corrupted for the purpose of evading the
  statute of 3 Jac. i. against profane swearing) exactly corresponds to
  the Arabic”—with a difference, I add.

Footnote 105:

  Arab. “Mustahakk” = deserving (Lane) or worth (Payne) the cutting.

Footnote 106:

  Arab. “Mashhad” the same as “Sháhid” = the upright stones at the head
  and foot of the grave. Lane mistranslates, “Made for her a funeral

Footnote 107:

  These lines have occurred before. I quote Lane.

Footnote 108:

  There is nothing strange in such sudden elevations amongst Moslems and
  even in Europe we still see them occasionally. The family in the East,
  however humble, is a model and miniature of the state, and learning is
  not always necessary to wisdom.


Now, during this time, Shahrazad had borne the King three boy children:
so, when she had made an end of the story of Ma’aruf, she rose to her
feet and kissing ground before him, said, “O King of the time and unique
one[109] of the age and the tide, I am thine handmaid and these thousand
nights and a night have I entertained thee with stories of folk gone
before and admonitory instances of the men of yore. May I then make bold
to crave a boon of Thy Highness?” He replied, “Ask, O Shahrazad, and it
shall be granted to thee.[110]” Whereupon she cried out to the nurses
and the eunuchs, saying, “Bring me my children.” So they brought them to
her in haste, and they were three boy children, one walking, one
crawling and one sucking. She took them and setting them before the
King, again kissed the ground and said, “O King of the age, these are
thy children and I crave that thou release me from the doom of death, as
a dole to these infants; for, an thou kill me, they will become
motherless and will find none among women to rear them as they should be
reared.” When the King heard this, he wept and straining the boys to his
bosom, said, “By Allah, O Shahrazad, I pardoned thee before the coming
of these children, for that I found thee chaste, pure, ingenuous and
pious! Allah bless thee and thy father and thy mother and thy root and
thy branch! I take the Almighty to witness against me that I exempt thee
from aught that can harm thee.” So she kissed his hands and feet and
rejoiced with exceeding joy, saying, “The Lord make thy life long and
increase thee in dignity and majesty[111]!”; presently adding, “Thou
marvelledst at that which befel thee on the part of women; yet there
betided the Kings of the Chosroës before thee greater mishaps and more
grievous than that which hath befallen thee, and indeed I have set forth
unto thee that which happened to Caliphs and Kings and others with their
women, but the relation is longsome and hearkening groweth tedious, and
in this is all-sufficient warning for the man of wits and admonishment
for the wise.” Then she ceased to speak, and when King Shahriyar heard
her speech and profited by that which she said, he summoned up his
reasoning powers and cleansed his heart and caused his understanding
revert and turned to Allah Almighty and said to himself, “Since there
befel the Kings of the Chosroës more than that which hath befallen me,
never, whilst I live, shall I cease to blame myself for the past. As for
this Shahrazad, her like is not found in the lands; so praise be to Him
who appointed her a means for delivering His creatures from oppression
and slaughter!” Then he arose from his séance and kissed her head,
whereat she rejoiced, she and her sister Dunyazad, with exceeding joy.
When the morning morrowed, the King went forth and sitting down on the
throne of the Kingship, summoned the Lords of his land; whereupon the
Chamberlains and Nabobs and Captains of the host went in to him and
kissed ground before him. He distinguished the Wazir, Shahrazad’s sire,
with special favour and bestowed on him a costly and splendid robe of
honour and entreated him with the utmost kindness, and said to him,
“Allah protect thee for that thou gavest me to wife thy noble daughter,
who hath been the means of my repentance from slaying the daughters of
folk. Indeed I have found her pure and pious, chaste and ingenuous, and
Allah hath vouchsafed me by her three boy children; wherefore praised be
He for his passing favour.” Then he bestowed robes of honour upon his
Wazirs, and Emirs and Chief Officers and he set forth to them briefly
that which had betided him with Shahrazad and how he had turned from his
former ways and repented him of what he had done and purposed to take
the Wazir’s daughter, Shahrazad, to wife and let draw up the
marriage-contract with her. When those who were present heard this, they
kissed the ground before him and blessed him and his betrothed[112]
Shahrazad, and the Wazir thanked her. Then Shahriyar made an end of his
sitting in all weal, whereupon the folk dispersed to their
dwelling-places and the news was bruited abroad that the King purposed
to marry the Wazir’s daughter, Shahrazad. Then he proceeded to make
ready the wedding gear, and presently he sent after his brother, King
Shah Zaman, who came, and King Shahriyar went forth to meet him with the
troops. Furthermore, they decorated the city after the goodliest fashion
and diffused scents from censers and burnt aloes-wood and other perfumes
in all the markets and thoroughfares and rubbed themselves with
saffron,[113] what while the drums beat and the flutes and pipes sounded
and mimes and mountebanks played and plied their arts and the King
lavished on them gifts and largesse; and in very deed it was a notable
day. When they came to the palace, King Shahriyar commanded to spread
the tables with beasts roasted whole and sweetmeats and all manner of
viands and bade the crier cry to the folk that they should come up to
the Divan and eat and drink and that this should be a means of
reconciliation between him and them. So, high and low, great and small
came up unto him and they abode on that wise, eating and drinking, seven
days with their nights. Then the King shut himself up with his brother
and related to him that which had betided him with the Wazir’s daughter,
Shahrazad, during the past three years and told him what he had heard
from her of proverbs and parables, chronicles and pleasantries, quips
and jests, stories and anecdotes, dialogues and histories and elegies
and other verses; whereat King Shah Zaman marvelled with the uttermost
marvel and said, “Fain would I take her younger sister to wife, so we
may be two brothers-german to two sisters-german, and they on like wise
be sisters to us; for that the calamity which befel me was the cause of
our discovering that which befel thee and all this time of three years
past I have taken no delight in woman, save that I lie each night with a
damsel of my kingdom, and every morning I do her to death; but now I
desire to marry thy wife’s sister Dunyazad.” When King Shahriyar heard
his brother’s words, he rejoiced with joy exceeding and arising
forthright, went in to his wife Shahrazad and acquainted her with that
which his brother purposed, namely that he sought her sister Dunyazad in
wedlock; whereupon she answered, “O King of the age, we seek of him one
condition, to wit, that he take up his abode with us, for that I cannot
brook to be parted from my sister an hour, because we were brought up
together and may not endure separation each from other.[114] If he
accept this pact, she is his handmaid.” King Shahriyar returned to his
brother and acquainted him with that which Shahrazad had said; and he
replied, “Indeed, this is what was in my mind, for that I desire
nevermore to be parted from thee one hour. As for the kingdom, Allah the
Most High shall send to it whomso He chooseth, for that I have no longer
a desire for the kingship.” When King Shahriyar heard his brother’s
words, he rejoiced exceedingly and said, “Verily, this is what I wished,
O my brother. So Alhamdolillah—Praised be Allah—who hath brought about
union between us.” Then he sent after the Kazis and Olema, Captains and
Notables, and they married the two brothers to the two sisters. The
contracts were written out and the two Kings bestowed robes of honour of
silk and satin on those who were present, whilst the city was decorated
and the rejoicings were renewed. The King commanded each Emir and Wazir
and Chamberlain and Nabob to decorate his palace and the folk of the
city were gladdened by the presage of happiness and contentment. King
Shahriyar also bade slaughter sheep and set up kitchens and made
bride-feasts and fed all comers, high and low; and he gave alms to the
poor and needy and extended his bounty to great and small. Then the
eunuchs went forth, that they might perfume the Hammam for the brides;
so they scented it with rose-water and willow-flower-water and pods of
musk and fumigated it with Kákilí[115] eagle-wood and ambergris. Then
Shahrazad entered, she and her sister Dunyazad, and they cleansed their
heads and clipped their hair. When they came forth of the Hammam-bath,
they donned raiment and ornaments; such as men were wont prepare for the
Kings of the Chosroës; and among Shahrazad’s apparel was a dress purfled
with red gold and wrought with counterfeit presentments of birds and
beasts. And the two sisters encircled their necks with necklaces of
jewels of price, in the like whereof Iskander[116] rejoiced not, for
therein were great jewels such as amazed the wit and dazzled the eye;
and the imagination was bewildered at their charms, for indeed each of
them was brighter than the sun and the moon. Before them they lighted
brilliant flambeaux of wax in candelabra of gold, but their faces
outshone the flambeaux, for that they had eyes sharper than unsheathed
swords and the lashes of their eyelids bewitched all hearts. Their
cheeks were rosy red and their necks and shapes gracefully swayed and
their eyes wantoned like the gazelle’s; and the slave-girls came to meet
them with instruments of music. Then the two Kings entered the
Hammam-bath, and when they came forth, they sat down on a couch set with
pearls and gems, whereupon the two sisters came up to them and stood
between their hands, as they were moons, bending and leaning from side
to side in their beauty and loveliness. Presently they brought forward
Shahrazad and displayed her, for the first dress, in a red suit;
whereupon King Shahriyar rose to look upon her and the wits of all
present, men and women, were bewitched for that she was even as saith of
her one of her describers[117]:—

 A sun on wand in knoll of sand she showed, ✿ Clad in her cramoisy-hued
 Of her lips’ honey-dew she gave me drink ✿ And with her rosy cheeks
    quencht fire she set.

Then they attired Dunyazad in a dress of blue brocade and she became as
she were the full moon when it shineth forth. So they displayed her in
this, for the first dress, before King Shah Zaman, who rejoiced in her
and well-nigh swooned away for love-longing and amorous desire; yea, he
was distraught with passion for her, whenas he saw her, because she was
as saith of her one of her describers in these couplets[118]:-

 She comes apparelled in an azure vest ✿ Ultramarine as skies are deckt
    and dight:
 I view’d th’ unparallel’d sight, which showed my eyes ✿ A Summer-moon
    upon a Winter-night.

Then they returned to Shahrazad and displayed her in the second dress, a
suit of surpassing goodliness, and veiled her face with her hair like a
chin-veil.[119] Moreover, they let down her side-locks and she was even
as saith of her one of her describers in these couplets:—

 O hail to him whose locks his cheeks o’ershade, ✿ Who slew my life by
    cruel hard despight:
 Said I, “Hast veiled the Morn in Night?” He said, ✿ “Nay I but veil Moon
    in hue of Night.”

Then they displayed Dunyazad in a second and a third and a fourth dress
and she paced forward like the rising sun, and swayed to and fro in the
insolence of beauty; and she was even as saith the poet of her in these

 The sun of beauty she to all appears ✿ And, lovely coy she mocks all
 And when he fronts her favour and her smile ✿ A-morn, the sun of day in
    clouds must dress.

Then they displayed Shahrazad in the third dress and the fourth and the
fifth and she became as she were a Bán-branch snell or a thirsting
gazelle, lovely of face and perfect in attributes of grace, even as
saith of her one in these couplets[121]:—

 She comes like fullest moon on happy night, ✿ Taper of waist with shape
    of magic might:
 She hath an eye whose glances quell mankind, ✿ And ruby on her cheeks
    reflects his light:
 Enveils her hips the blackness of her hair; ✿ Beware of curls that bite
    with viper-bite!
 Her sides are silken-soft, that while the heart ✿ Mere rock behind that
    surface ’scapes our sight:
 From the fringed curtains of her eyne she shoots ✿ Shafts that at
    furthest range on mark alight.

Then they returned to Dunyazad and displayed her in the fifth dress and
in the sixth, which was green, when she surpassed with her loveliness
the fair of the four quarters of the world and outvied, with the
brightness of her countenance, the full moon at rising tide; for she was
even as saith of her the poet in these couplets[122]:—

 A damsel ’twas the tirer’s art had decked with snare and sleight, ✿ And
    robed with rays as though the sun from her had borrowed light:
 She came before us wondrous clad in chemisette of green, ✿ As veilèd by
    his leafy screen Pomegranate hides from sight:
 And when he said, “How callest thou the fashion of thy dress?” ✿ She
    answered us in pleasant way with double meaning dight,
 “We call this garment _crève-cœur_; and rightly is it hight, ✿ For many
    a heart wi’ this we brake and harried many a sprite.”

Then they displayed Shahrazad in the sixth and seventh dresses and clad
her in youth’s clothing, whereupon she came forward swaying from side to
side and coquettishly moving and indeed she ravished wits and hearts and
ensorcelled all eyes with her glances. She shook her sides and swayed
her haunches, then put her hair on sword-hilt and went up to King
Shahriyar, who embraced her as hospitable host embraceth guest, and
threatened her in her ear with the taking of the sword; and she was even
as saith of her the poet in these words:—

 Were not the Murk[123] of gender male, ✿ Than feminines surpassing fair,
 Tirewomen they had grudged the bride, ✿ Who made her beard and whiskers

Thus also they did with her sister Dunyazad, and when they had made an
end of the display the King bestowed robes of honour on all who were
present and sent the brides to their own apartments. Then Shahrazad went
in to King Shahriyar and Dunyazad to King Shah Zaman and each of them
solaced himself with the company of his beloved consort and the hearts
of the folk were comforted. When morning morrowed, the Wazir came in to
the two Kings and kissed ground before them; wherefore they thanked him
and were large of bounty to him. Presently they went forth and sat down
upon couches of Kingship, whilst all the Wazirs and Emirs and Grandees
and Lords of the land presented themselves and kissed ground. King
Shahriyar ordered them dresses of honour and largesse and they prayed
for the permanence and prosperity of the King and his brother. Then the
two Sovrans appointed their sire-in-law the Wazir to be Viceroy in
Samarcand and assigned him five of the Chief Emirs to accompany him,
charging them attend him and do him service. The Minister kissed the
ground and prayed that they might be vouchsafed length of life: then he
went in to his daughters, whilst the Eunuchs and Ushers walked before
him, and saluted them and farewelled them. They kissed his hands and
gave him joy of the Kingship and bestowed on him immense treasures;
after which he took leave of them and setting out, fared days and
nights, till he came near Samarcand, where the townspeople met him at a
distance of three marches and rejoiced in him with exceeding joy. So he
entered the city and they decorated the houses and it was a notable day.
He sat down on the throne of his kingship and the Wazirs did him homage
and the Grandees and Emirs of Samarcand and all prayed that he might be
vouchsafed justice and victory and length of continuance. So he bestowed
on them robes of honour and entreated them with distinction and they
made him Sultan over them. As soon as his father-in-law had departed for
Samarcand, King Shahriyah summoned the Grandees of his realm and made
them a stupendous banquet of all manner of delicious meats and exquisite
sweetmeats. He also bestowed on them robes of honour and guerdoned them
and divided the kingdoms between himself and his brother in their
presence, whereat the folk rejoiced. Then the two Kings abode, each
ruling a day in turn, and they were ever in harmony each with other
while on similar wise their wives continued in the love of Allah
Almighty and in thanksgiving to Him; and the peoples and the provinces
were at peace and the preachers prayed for them from the pulpits, and
their report was bruited abroad and the travellers bore tidings of them
to all lands. In due time King Shahriyah summoned chroniclers and
copyists and bade them write all that had betided him with his wife,
first and last; so they wrote this and named it “=The Stories of the
Thousand Nights and A Night=.” The book came to thirty volumes and these
the King laid up in his treasury. And the two brothers abode with their
wives in all pleasance and solace of life and its delights, for that
indeed Allah the Most High had changed their annoy into joy; and on this
wise they continued till there took them the Destroyer of delights and
the Severer of societies, the Desolator of dwelling-places and Garnerer
of grave-yards, and they were translated to the ruth of Almighty Allah;
their houses fell waste and their palaces lay in ruins[124] and the
Kings inherited their riches. Then there reigned after them a wise
ruler, who was just, keen-witted and accomplished and loved tales and
legends, especially those which chronicle the doings of Sovrans and
Sultans, and he found in the treasury these marvellous stories and
wondrous histories, contained in the thirty volumes aforesaid. So he
read in them a first book and a second and a third and so on to the last
of them, and each book astounded and delighted him more than that which
preceded it, till he came to the end of them. Then he admired whatso he
had read therein of description and discourse and rare traits and
anecdotes and moral instances and reminiscences and bade the folk copy
them and dispread them over all lands and climes; wherefore their report
was bruited abroad and the people named them “=The marvels and wonders
of the Thousand Nights and A Night=.” This is all that hath come down to
us of the origin of this book, and Allah is All-knowing.[125] So Glory
be to Him whom the shifts of Time waste not away, nor doth aught of
chance or change affect His sway: whom one case diverteth not from other
case and Who is sole in the attributes of perfect grace. And prayer and
peace be upon the Lord’s Pontiff and Chosen One among His creatures, our
lord MOHAMMED the Prince of mankind through whom we supplicate Him for a
goodly and a godly



Footnote 109:

  Arab. “Fárid” which may also mean “union-pearl.”

Footnote 110:

  Trébutien (iii. 497) cannot deny himself the pleasure of a French
  touch making the King reply, “C’est assez; qu’on lui coupe la tête,
  car ces dernières histoires surtout m’ont causé un ennui mortel.” This
  reading is found in some of the MSS.

Footnote 111:

  After this I borrow from the Bresl. Edit. inserting passages from the
  Mac. Edit.

Footnote 112:

  _i.e._ whom he intended to marry with regal ceremony.

Footnote 113:

  The use of coloured powders in sign of holiday-making is not obselete
  in India. See Herklots for the use of “Huldee” (Haldí) or
  turmeric-powder, pp. 64–65.

Footnote 114:

  Many Moslem families insist upon this before giving their girls in
  marriage, and the practice is still popular amongst many Mediterranean

Footnote 115:

  _i.e._ Sumatran.

Footnote 116:

  _i.e._ Alexander, according to the Arabs; see vol. v. 252.

Footnote 117:

  These lines are in vol i. 217.

Footnote 118:

  I repeat the lines from vol. i. 218.

Footnote 119:

  All these coquetries require as much inventiveness as a cotillon; the
  text alludes to fastening the bride’s tresses across her mouth giving
  her the semblance of beard and mustachios.

Footnote 120:

  Repeated from vol. i. 218.

Footnote 121:

  Repeated from vol. i. 218.

Footnote 122:

  See vol. i. 219.

Footnote 123:

  Arab. Sawád = the blackness of the hair.

Footnote 124:

  Because Easterns build, but never repair.

Footnote 125:

  _i.e._ God only knows if it be true or not.

[Illustration: ‏وٱلسلام‎]

                            Terminal Essay.


The reader who has reached this terminal stage will hardly require my
assurance that he has seen the mediæval Arab at his best and, perhaps,
at his worst. In glancing over the myriad pictures of this panorama,
those who can discern the soul of goodness in things evil will note the
true nobility of the Moslem’s mind in the Moyen Age, and the cleanliness
of his life from cradle to grave. As a child he is devoted to his
parents, fond of his comrades and respectful to his “pastors and
masters,” even schoolmasters. As a lad he prepares for manhood with a
will and this training occupies him throughout youth-tide: he is a
gentleman in manners without awkwardness, vulgar astonishment or
mauvaise-honte. As a man he is high-spirited and energetic, always ready
to fight for his Sultan, his country and, especially, his Faith:
courteous and affable, rarely failing in temperance of mind and
self-respect, self-control and self-command: hospitable to the stranger,
attached to his fellow-citizens, submissive to superiors and kindly to
inferiors—if such classes exist: Eastern despotisms have arrived nearer
the idea of equality and fraternity than any republic yet invented. As a
friend he proves a model to the Damons and Pythiases: as a lover an
exemplar to Don Quijote without the noble old Caballero’s touch of
eccentricity. As a knight he is the mirror of chivalry, doing battle for
the weak and debelling the strong, while ever “defending the honour of
women.” As a husband his patriarchal position causes him to be loved and
fondly loved by more than one wife: as a father affection for his
children rules his life: he is domestic in the highest degree and he
finds few pleasures beyond the bosom of his family. Lastly, his death is
simple, path ethic and edifying as the life which led to it.

Considered in a higher phase, the mediæval Moslem mind displays, like
the ancient Egyptian, a most exalted moral idea, the deepest reverence
for all things connected with his religion and a sublime conception of
the Unity and Omnipotence of the Deity. Noteworthy too is a proud
resignation to the decrees of Fate and Fortune (Kazá wa Kadar), of
Destiny and Predestination—a feature which ennobles the low aspect of
Al-Islam even in these her days of comparative degeneration and local
decay. Hence his moderation in prosperity, his fortitude in adversity,
his dignity, his perfect self-dominance and, lastly, his lofty quietism
which sounds the true heroic ring. This again is softened and tempered
by a simple faith in the supremacy of Love over Fear, an unbounded
humanity and charity for the poor and helpless: an unconditional
forgiveness of the direst injuries (“which is the note of the noble”); a
generosity and liberality which at times seem impossible and an
enthusiasm for universal benevolence and beneficence which, exalting
kindly deeds done to man above every form of holiness, constitute the
root and base of Oriental, nay, of all, courtesy. And the whole is
crowned by pure trust and natural confidence in the progress and
perfectability of human nature, which he exalts instead of degrading;
this he holds to be the foundation-stone of society and indeed the very
purpose of its existence. His Pessimism resembles far more the optimism
which the so-called Books of Moses borrowed from the Ancient Copt than
the mournful and melancholy creed of the true Pessimist, as Solomon the
Hebrew, the Indian Buddhist and the esoteric European imitators of
Buddhism. He cannot but sigh when contemplating the sin and sorrow, the
pathos and bathos of the world; and feel the pity of it, with its shifts
and changes ending in nothingness, its scanty happiness and its copious
misery. But his melancholy is expressed in—

                “A voice divinely sweet, a voice no less
                Divinely sad.”

Nor does he mourn as they mourn who have no hope: he has an absolute
conviction in future compensation; and, meanwhile, his lively poetic
impulse, the poetry of ideas, not of formal verse, and his radiant
innate idealism breathe a soul into the merest matter of squalid
work-a-day life and awaken the sweetest harmonies of Nature epitomised
in Humanity.

Such was the Moslem at a time when “the dark clouds of ignorance and
superstition hung so thick on the intellectual horizon of Europe as to
exclude every ray of learning that darted from the East and when all
that was polite or elegant in literature was classed among the _Studia

Nor is the shady side of the picture less notable. Our Arab at his worst
is a mere barbarian who has not forgotten the savage. He is a model
mixture of childishness and astuteness, of simplicity and cunning,
concealing levity of mind under solemnity of aspect. His stolid
instinctive conservatism grovels before the tyrant rule of routine,
despite that turbulent and licentious independence which ever suggests
revolt against the ruler: his mental torpidity, founded upon physical
indolence, renders immediate action and all manner of exertion
distasteful: his conscious weakness shows itself in overweening
arrogance and intolerance. His crass and self-satisfied ignorance makes
him glorify the most ignoble superstitions, while acts of revolting
savagery are the natural results of a malignant fanaticism and a furious
hatred of every creed beyond the pale of Al-Islam.

It must be confessed that these contrasts make a curious and interesting
tout ensemble.

                                  § I
                       THE ORIGIN OF THE NIGHTS.

                           A.—THE BIRTHPLACE.

Here occur the questions, Where and When was written and to Whom do we
owe a prose-poem which, like the dramatic epos of Herodotus, has no

I proceed to lay before the reader a procès-verbal of the sundry
pleadings already in court as concisely as is compatible with
intelligibility, furnishing him with references to original authorities
and warning him that a fully-detailed account would fill a volume. Even
my own reasons for decidedly taking one side and rejecting the other
must be stated briefly. And before entering upon this subject I would
distribute the prose-matter of our Recueil of Folk-lore under three

  1. The Apologue or Beast-fable proper, a theme which may be of any
  age, as it is found in the hieroglyphs and in the cuneiforms.

  2. The Fairy-tale, as for brevity we may term the stories based upon
  supernatural agency: this was a favourite with olden Persia; and
  Mohammed, most austere and puritanical of the “Prophets,” strongly
  objected to it because preferred by the more sensible of his
  converts to the dry legends of the Talmud and the Koran, quite as
  fabulous without the halo and glamour of fancy.

  3. The Histories and historical anecdotes, analects, and acroamata,
  in which the names, when not used anachronistically by the editor or
  copier, give unerring data for the earliest date à quo and which, by
  the mode of treatment, suggest the latest.

Each of these constituents will require further notice when the
subject-matter of the book is discussed. The metrical portion of The
Nights may also be divided into three categories, viz.:—

  1. The oldest and classical poetry of the Arabs, _e.g._ the various
  quotations from the “Suspended Poems.”

  2. The mediæval, beginning with the laureates of Al-Rashid’s court,
  such as Al-Asma’í and Abú Nowás; and ending with Al-Harírí A.H.
  446–516 = 1030–1100.

  3. The modern quotations and the _pièces de circonstance_ by the
  editors or copyists of the Compilation.[127]

Upon the metrical portion also further notices must be offered at the
end of this Essay.

In considering the unde derivatur of The Nights we must carefully
separate subject-matter from language-manner. The neglect of such
essential difference has caused the remark, “It is not a little curious
that the origin of a work which has been known to Europe and has been
studied by many during nearly two centuries, should still be so
mysterious, and that students have failed in all attempts to detect the
secret.” Hence also the chief authorities at once branched off into two
directions. One held the work to be practically Persian: the other as
persistently declared it to be purely Arab.

Professor Galland, in his Epistle Dedicatory to the Marquise d’O,
daughter of his patron M. de Guillerague, showed his literary acumen and
unfailing sagacity by deriving The Nights from India viâ _Persia_; and
held that they had been reduced to their present shape by an _Auteur
Arabe inconnu_. This reference to India, also learnedly advocated by M:
Langlès, was inevitable in those days: it had not then been proved that
India owed all her literature to far older civilisations and even that
her alphabet the Nágari, erroneously called Devanágari, was derived
through Phœnicia and Himyar-land from Ancient Egypt. So Europe was
contented to compare The Nights with the Fables of Pilpay for upwards of
a century. At last the Pehlevi or old Iranian origin of the work found
an able and strenuous advocate in Baron von Hammer-Purgstall[128] who
worthily continued what Galland had begun: although a most inexact
writer, he was extensively read in Oriental history and poetry. His
contention was that the book is an Arabisation of the Persian Hazár
Afsánah or Thousand Tales and he proved his point.

Von Hammer began by summoning into Court the “Herodotus of the Arabs,
(Ali Abú al-Hasan) Al-Mas’údi who, in A.H. 333 (= 944) about one
generation before the founding of Cairo, published at Bassorah the first
edition of his far-famed Murúj al-Dahab wa Ma’ádin al-Jauhar, Meads of
Gold and Mines of Gems. The Styrian Orientalist[129] quotes with sundry
misprints[130] an ampler version of a passage in Chapter lxviii., which
is abbreviated in the French translation of M. C. Barbier de

“And, indeed, many men well acquainted with their (Arab) histories[132]
opine that the stories above mentioned and other trifles were strung
together by men who commended themselves to the Kings by relating them,
and who found favour with their contemporaries by committing them to
memory and by reciting them. Of such fashion[133] is the fashion of the
books which have come down to us translated from the Persian
(Fárasiyah), the Indian (Hindíyah),[134] and the Græco-Roman
(Rúmíyah)[135]: we have noted the judgment which should be passed upon
compositions of this nature. _Such is the book entituled Hazár Afsánah
or The Thousand Tales, which word in Arabic signifies Khuráfah
(Facetiæ): it is known to the public under the name of The Book of a
Thousand Nights and a Night, (Kitab Alf Laylah wa Laylah)._[136] This is
an history of a King and his Wazir, the minister’s daughter and a
slave-girl (járiyah) who are named Shírzád (lion-born) and Dínár-zád
(ducat-born).[137] Such also is the Tale of Farzah,[138] (alii Firza),
and Simás, containing details concerning the Kings and Wazirs of Hind:
the Book of Al-Sindibád[139] and others of a similar stamp.”

Von Hammer adds, “quoting chapt. cxvi, of Al-Mas’údi that Al-Mansúr
(second Abbaside A.H. 136–158 = 754–775, and grandfather of Al-Rashíd)
caused many translations of Greek and Latin, Syriac and Persian
(Pehlevi) works to be made into Arabic, specifying the Kalílah wa
Damnah,”[140] the Fables of Bidpái (Pilpay), the Logic of Aristotle, the
Geography of Ptolemy and the Elements of Euclid. Hence he concludes
“L’original des Mille et une Nuits * * * selon toute vraisemblance, a
été traduit au temps du Khalife Mansur, c’est-à-dire trente ans avant le
règne du Khalife Haroun al-Raschid, qui, par la suite, devait lui-même
jouer un si grand rôle dans ces histoires.” He also notes that, about a
century after Al-Mas’udi had mentioned the Hazár Afsánah, it was
versified and probably remodelled by one “Rásti,” the Takhallus or nom
de plume of a bard at the Court of Mahmúd, the Ghaznevite Sultan who,
after a reign of thirty-three years, ob. A.D. 1030.[141]

Von Hammer some twelve years afterwards (Journ. Asiat. August, 1839)
brought forward, in his “Note sur l’origine Persane des Mille et une
Nuits,” a second and an even more important witness: this was the famous
Kitab al-Fihrist,[142] or Index List of (Arabic) works, written (in A.H.
387 = 987) by Mohammed bin Is’hák al-Nadím (cup-companion or equerry),
“popularly known as Ebou Yacoub el-Werrek.”[143] The following is an
extract (p. 304) from the Eighth Discourse which consists of three arts
(funún).[144] “The first section on the history of the confabulatores
nocturni (tellers of night tales) and the relaters of fanciful
adventures, together with the names of books treating upon such
subjects. Mohammed ibn Is’hák saith:—The first who indited themes of
imagination and made books of them, consigning these works to the
libraries, and who ordered some of them as though related by the tongues
of brute beasts, were the palæo-Persians (and the Kings of the First
Dynasty). The Ashkanian Kings of the Third Dynasty appended others to
them and they were augmented and amplified in the days of the
Sassanides” (the fourth and last royal house). “The Arabs also
translated them into Arabic, and the loquent and eloquent polished and
embellished them and wrote others resembling them. The first work of
such kind was entituled ‘The Book of Hazár Afsán,’ signifying Alf
Khuráfah, the argument whereof was as follows. A King of their Kings was
wont, when he wedded a woman and had lain one night with her, to slay
her on the next morning. Presently he espoused a damsel of the daughters
of the Kings, Shahrázád[145] hight, one endowed with intellect and
erudition and, whenas she lay with him, she fell to telling him tales of
fancy; moreover she used to connect the story at the end of the night
with that which might induce the King to preserve her alive and to ask
her of its ending on the next night until a thousand nights had passed
over her. Meanwhile he cohabited with her till she was blest by boon of
child of him, when she acquainted him with the device she had wrought
upon him; wherefore he admired her intelligence and inclined to her and
preserved her life. That King had also a Kahramánah (nurse and duenna,
not _entremetteuse_), hight Dínárzád (Dunyázád?), who aided the wife in
this (artifice). It is also said that this book was composed for (or,
by) Humái daughter of Bahman[146] and in it were included other matters.
Mohammed bin Is’hak adds:—And the truth is, Inshallah,[147] that the
first who solaced himself with hearing night-tales was Al-Iskandar (he
of Macedon) and he had a number of men who used to relate to him
imaginary stories and provoke him to laughter: he, however, designed not
therein merely to please himself, but that he might thereby become the
more cautious and alert. After him the Kings in like fashion made use of
the book entitled ‘Hazár Afsán.’ It containeth a thousand nights, but
less than two hundred night-stories, for a single history often occupied
several nights. I have seen it complete sundry times; and it is, in
truth, a corrupted book of cold tales.”[148]

A writer in _The Athenæum_,[149] objecting to Lane’s modern date for The
Nights, adduces evidence to prove the greater antiquity of the work.
(Abu al-Hasan) Ibn Sa’id (bin Musa al-Gharnáti = of Granada) born in
A.H. 615 = 1218 and ob. Tunis A.H. 685 = 1286, left his native city and
arrived at Cairo in A.H. 639 = 1241. This Spanish poet and historian
wrote Al-Muhallá bi al-Ash’ár (The Adorned with Verses), a Topography of
Egypt and Africa, which is apparently now lost. In this he quotes from
Al-Kurtubi, the Cordovan;[150] and he in his turn is quoted by the Arab
historian of Spain, Abú al-Abbás Ahmad bin Mohammed al-Makkári, in the
“Windwafts of Perfume from the Branches of Andalusia the Blooming”[151]
(A.D. 1628–29). Mr. Payne (x. 301) thus translates from Dr. Dozy’s
published text.

“Ibn Said (may God have mercy upon him!) sets forth in his book, El
Muhella bi-s-Shaar, quoting from El Curtubi the story of the building of
the Houdej in the Garden of Cairo, the which was of the magnificent
pleasaunces of the Fatimite Khalifs, the rare of ordinance and
surpassing, to wit that the Khalif El Aamir bi-ahkam-illah[152] let
build it for a Bedouin woman, the love of whom had gotten the mastery of
him, in the neighbourhood of the ‘Chosen Garden’[153] and used to resort
often thereto and was slain as he went thither; and it ceased not to be
a pleasuring-place for the Khalifs after him. The folk abound in stories
of the Bedouin girl and Ibn Meyyah[154] of the sons of her uncle
(cousin?) and what hangs thereby of the mention of El-Aamir, so that the
tales told of them on this account became like unto the story of El
Bettál[155] and the _Thousand Nights and a Night_ and what resembleth

The same passage from Ibn Sa’id, corresponding in three MSS., occurs in
the famous Khitat[156] attributed to Al-Makrizi (ob. A.D. 1444) and was
thus translated from a MS. in the British Museum by Mr. John Payne (ix.

“The Khalif El-Aamir bi-ahkam-illah set apart, in the neighbourhood of
the Chosen Garden, a place for his beloved the Bedouin maid
(Aaliyah)[157] which he named El Houdej. Quoth Ibn Said, in the book
El-Muhella bi-l-ashar, from the History of El Curtubi, concerning the
traditions of the folk of the story of the Bedouin maid and Ibn Menah
(Meyyah) of the sons of her uncle and what hangs thereby of the mention
of the Khalif El Aamír bi-ahkam-illah, so that their traditions (or
tales) upon the garden became like unto El Bettál[158] and the _Thousand
Nights_ and what resembleth them.”

This evidently means either that The Nights existed in the days of
Al-’Ámir (xiith cent.) or that the author compared them with a work
popular in his own age. Mr. Payne attaches much importance to the
discrepancy of titles, which appears to me a minor detail. The change of
names is easily explained. Amongst the Arabs, as amongst the wild Irish,
there is divinity (the proverb says luck) in odd numbers and
consequently the others are inauspicious. Hence as Sir Wm. Ouseley says
(Travels ii. 21), the number Thousand and One is a favourite in the East
(Olivier, Voyages vi. 385, Paris 1807), and quotes the Cistern of the
“Thousand and One Columns” at Constantinople. Kæmpfer (Amœn, Exot. p.
38) notes of the Takiyahs or Dervishes’ convents and the Mazárs or
Santons’ tombs near Koníah (Iconium), “Multa seges sepulchralium quæ
virorum ex omni ævo doctissimorum exuvias condunt, mille et unum
recenset auctor Libri qui inscribitur Hassaaer we jek mesaar (Hazár ve
yek Mezár), _i.e._, mille et unum mausolea.” A book, The Hazar o yek Rúz
(= 1001 Days), was composed in the mid-xviith century by the famous
Dervaysh Mukhlis, Chief Sofi of Isfahan: it was translated into French
by Petis de la Croix, with a preface by Cazotte, and was Englished by
Ambrose Phillips. Lastly, in India and throughout Asia where Indian
influence extends, the number of cyphers not followed by a significant
number is indefinite: for instance, to determine hundreds the Hindus
affix the required figure to the end and for 100 write 101; for 1000,
1001. But the grand fact of the Hazár Afsánah is its being the archetype
of The Nights, unquestionably proving that the Arab work borrows from
the Persian bodily its cadre or frame-work, the principal
characteristic; its exordium and its dénoûement, whilst the two heroines
still bear the old Persic names.

Baron Silvestre de Sacy[159]—clarum et venerabile nomen—is the chief
authority for the Arab provenance of The Nights. Apparently founding his
observations upon Galland,[160] he is of opinion that the work, as now
known, was originally composed in Syria[161] and written in the vulgar
dialect; that it was never completed by the author, whether he was
prevented by death or by other cause; and that imitators endeavoured to
finish the work by inserting romances which were already known but which
formed no part of the original recueil, such as the Travels of Sindbad
the Seaman, the Book of the Seven Wazirs and others. He accepts the
Persian scheme and cadre of the work, but no more. He contends that no
considerable body of præ-Mohammedan or non-Arabic fiction appears in the
actual texts[162]; and that all the tales, even those dealing with
events localised in Persia, India, China and other infidel lands and
dated from ante-islamitic ages, mostly with the naïvest anachronism,
confine themselves to depicting the people, manners and customs of
Baghdad and Mosul, Damascus and Cairo, during the Abbaside epoch; and he
makes a point of the whole being impregnated with the strongest and most
zealous spirit of Mohammedanism. He points out that the language is the
popular or vulgar dialect, differing widely from the classical and
literary; that it contains many words in common modern use and that
generally it suggests the decadence of Arabian literature. Of one tale
he remarks:—The History of the loves of Camaralzaman and Budour,
Princess of China, is no more Indian or Persian than the others. The
prince’s father has Moslems for subjects, his mother is named Fatimah
and when imprisoned he solaces himself with reading the Koran. The Genii
who interpose in these adventures are, again, those who had dealings
with Solomon. In fine, all that we here find of the City of the Magians,
as well as of the fire-worshippers, suffices to show that one should not
expect to discover in it anything save the production of a Moslem

All this, with due deference to so high an authority, is very
superficial. Granted, which nobody denies, that the archetypal Hazár
Afsánah was translated from Persic into Arabic nearly a thousand years
ago, it had ample time and verge enough to assume another and a foreign
dress, the corpus however remaining untouched. Under the hands of a host
of editors, scribes and copyists, who have no scruples anent changing
words, names and dates, abridging descriptions and attaching their own
decorations, the florid and rhetorical Persian would readily be
converted into the straight-forward, business-like, matter of fact
Arabic. And what easier than to islamise the old Zoroasterism, to
transform Ahrimán into Iblís the Shaytán, Ján bin Ján into Father Adam,
and the Divs and Peris of Kayomars and the olden Guebre Kings into the
Jinns and Jinniyahs of Sulayman? Volumes are spoken by the fact that the
Arab adapter did not venture to change the Persic names of the two
heroines and of the royal brothers or to transfer the mise-en-scène any
whither from Khorasan or outer Persia. Where the story has not been too
much worked by the literato’s pen, for instance the “Ten Wazirs” (in the
Bresl. Edit. vi. 191–343) which is the Guebre Bakhtiyár-námah, the names
and incidents are old Iranian and with few exceptions distinctly
Persian. And at times we can detect the process of transition, _e.g._
when the Mázin of Khorásán[163] of the Wortley Montagu MS. becomes the
Hasan of Bassorah of the Turner Macan MS. (Mac. Edit.).

Evidently the learned Baron had not studied such works as the
Totá-kaháni or Parrot-chat which, notably translated by Nakhshabi from
the Sanskrit Suka-Saptati,[164] has now become as orthodoxically Moslem
as The Nights. The old Hindu Rajah becomes Ahmad Sultan of Balkh, the
Prince is Maymún and his wife Khujisteh. Another instance of such
radical change is the later Syriac version of Kalílah wa Dimnah,[165]
old “Pilpay” converted to Christianity. We find precisely the same
process in European folk-lore; for instance the Gesta Romanorum in
which, after five hundred years, the life, manners and customs of the
Romans lapse into the knightly and chivalrous, the Christian and
ecclesiastical developments of mediæval Europe. Here, therefore, I hold
that the Austrian Arabist has proved his point whilst the Frenchman has

Mr. Lane, during his three years’ labour of translation, first accepted
Von Hammer’s view and then came round to that of De Sacy; differing,
however, in minor details, especially in the native country of The
Nights. Syria had been chosen because then the most familiar to
Europeans: the “Wife of Bath” had made three pilgrimages to Jerusalem;
but few cared to visit the barbarous and dangerous Nile-Valley. Mr.
Lane, however, was an enthusiast for Egypt or rather for Cairo, the only
part of it he knew; and, when he pronounces The Nights to be of purely
“Arab,” that is, of Nilotic origin, his opinion is entitled to no more
deference than his deriving the sub-African and negroid Fellah from
Arabia, the land per excellentiam of pure and noble blood. Other authors
have wandered still further afield. Some finding Mosul idioms in the
Recueil, propose “Middlegates” for its birth-place and Mr. W. G. P.
Palgrave boldly says “The original of this entertaining work appears to
have been composed in Baghdad about the eleventh century; another less
popular but very spirited version is probably of Tunisian authorship and
somewhat later.”[166]

                              B.—THE DATE.

The next point to consider is the date of The Nights in its present
form; and here opinions range between the tenth and the sixteenth
centuries. Professor Galland began by placing it arbitrarily in the
middle of the thirteenth. De Sacy, who abstained from detailing reasons
and who, forgetting the number of editors and scribes through whose
hands it must have passed, argued only from the nature of the language
and the peculiarities of style, proposed le milieu du neuvième siècle de
l’hégire (= A.D. 1445–6) as its latest date. Mr. Hole, who knew The
Nights only through Galland’s version, had already advocated in his
“Remarks” the close of the fifteenth century; and M. Caussin (de
Perceval), upon the authority of a supposed note in Galland’s MS.[167]
(vol. iii. fol. 20, verso), declares the compiler to have been living in
A.D. 1548 and 1565. Mr. Lane says “Not begun earlier than the last
fourth of the fifteenth century nor ended before the first fourth of the
sixteenth,” _i.e._ soon after Egypt was conquered by Selim, Sultan of
the Osmanli Turks in A.D. 1517. Lastly the learned Dr. Weil says in his
far too scanty Vorwort (p. ix. 2nd Edit.):—“Das wahrscheinlichste dürfte
also sein, das im 15. Jahrhundert ein Egyptier nach altern Vorbilde
Erzählungen für 1001 Nächte theils erdichtete, theils nach mündlichen
Sagen, oder frühern schriftlichen Aufzeichnungen, bearbeitete, dass er
aber entweder sein Werk nicht vollendete, oder dass ein Theil desselben
verloren ging, so dass das Fehlende von Andern bis ins 16. Jahrhundert
hinein durch neue Erzählungen ergänzt wurde.”

But, as justly observed by Mr. Payne, the first step when enquiring into
the original date of The Nights is to determine the nucleus of the
Repertory by a comparison of the four printed texts and the dozen MSS.
which have been collated by scholars.[168] This process makes it evident
that the tales common to all are the following thirteen:—

  1. The Introduction (with a single incidental story “The Bull and the

  2. The Trader and the Jinni (with three incidentals).

  3. The Fisherman and the Jinni (with four).

  4. The Porter and the three Ladies of Baghdad.

  5. The Tale of the Three Apples.

  6. The Tale of Núr al-Dín Ali and his son Badr al-Dín Hasan.

  7. The Hunchback’s Tale (with eleven).

  8. Nur al-Dín and Anís al-Jalís.

  9. Tale of Ghánim bin ’Ayyúb (with two).

 10. Alí bin Bakkár and Shams al-Nahár (with two).

 11. Tale of Kamar al-Zamán.

 12. The Ebony Horse; and

 13. Julnár the Sea-born.

These forty-two tales, occupying one hundred and twenty Nights, form
less than a fifth part of the whole collection which in the Mac.
Edit.[169] contains a total of two hundred and sixty-four. Hence Dr.
Patrick Russell,[170] the Natural Historian of Aleppo,[171] whose
valuable monograph amply deserves study even in this our day, believed
that the original Nights did not outnumber two hundred, to which
subsequent writers added till the total of a thousand and one was made
up. Dr. Jonathan Scott,[172] who quotes Russell, “held it highly
probable that the tales of the original Arabian Nights did not run
through more than two hundred and eighty Nights, if so many.” So this
suggestion I may subjoin, “habent sua fata libelli.” Galland, who
preserves in his Mille et une Nuits only about one fourth of The Nights,
ends them in No. cclxiv[173] with the seventh voyage of Sindbad: after
that he intentionally omits the dialogue between the sisters and the
reckoning of time, to proceed uninterruptedly with the tales. And so his
imitator, Petis de la Croix,[174] in his Mille et un Jours, reduces the
thousand to two hundred and thirty-two.

The internal chronological evidence offered by the Collection is useful
only in enabling us to determine that the tales were not written _after_
a certain epoch: the actual dates and, consequently, all deductions from
them, are vitiated by the habits of the scribes. For instance we find
the Tale of the Fisherman and the Jinni (vol. i. 41) placed in A.H. 169
= A.D. 785,[175] which is hardly possible. The immortal Barber in the
“Tailor’s Tale” (vol. i. 304) places his adventure with the unfortunate
lover on Safar 10, A.H. 653 (= March 25th, 1255) and 7,320 years of the
era of Alexander.[176] This is supported in his Tale of Himself (vol. i.
pp. 317–348), where he dates his banishment from Baghdad during the
reign of the penultimate Abbaside, Al-Mustansir bi ’llah[177] (A.H.
623–640 = 1225–1242), and his return to Baghdad after the accession of
another Caliph who can be no other but Al-Muntasim bi ’llah (A.H.
640–656 = A.D. 1242–1258). Again at the end of the tale (vol. i. 350) he
is described as “an ancient man, past his ninetieth year” and “a very
old man” in the days of Al-Mustansir (vol. i. 318); so that the
Hunchback’s adventure can hardly be placed earlier than A.D. 1265 or
seven years after the storming of Baghdad by Huláku Khan, successor of
Janghíz Khan, a terrible catastrophe which resounded throughout the
civilised world. Yet there is no allusion to this crucial epoch and the
total silence suffices to invalidate the date.[178] Could we assume it
as true, by adding to A.D. 1265 half a century for the composition of
the Hunchback’s story and its incidentals, we should place the earliest
date in A.D. 1315.

As little can we learn from inferences which have been drawn from the
body of the book: at most they point to its several editions or
redactions. In the Tale of the “Ensorcelled Prince” (vol. i. 77) Mr.
Lane (i. 135) conjectured that the four colours of the fishes were
suggested by the sumptuary laws of the Mameluke Soldan, Mohammed ibn
Kala’un, “subsequently to the commencement of the eighth century of the
Flight, or fourteenth of our era.” But he forgets that the same
distinction of dress was enforced by the Caliph Omar after the capture
of Jerusalem in A.D. 636; that it was revived by Harun al-Rashid, a
contemporary of Carolus Magnus and that it was noticed as a long
standing grievance by the so-called Mandeville in A.D. 1322. In the Tale
of the Porter and the Ladies of Baghdad the “Sultáni oranges” (vol. i.
83) have been connected with Sultáníyah city in Persian Irák, which was
founded about the middle of the thirteenth century: but “Sultáni” may
simply mean “royal,” a superior growth. The same story makes mention
(vol. i. 94) of Kalandars or religious mendicants, a term popularly
corrupted, even in writing, to Karandal.[179] Here again “Kalandar” may
be due only to the scribes as the Bresl. Edit, reads Sa’alúk = asker,
beggar. The Khan al-Masrúr in the Nazarene Broker’s story (i. 265) was a
ruin during the early ninth century A.H. = A.D. 1420; but the Báb
Zuwaylah (i. 269) dates from A.D. 1087. In the same tale occurs the Darb
al-Munkari (or Munakkari) which is probably the Darb al-Munkadi of
Al-Makrizi’s careful topography, the Khitat (ii. 40). Here we learn that
in his time (about A.D. 1430) the name had become obsolete, and the
highway was known as Darb al-Amír Baktamír al-Ustaddar from one of two
high officials who both died in the fourteenth century (circ. A.D.
1350). And lastly we have the Khan al-Jáwali built about A.D. 1320. In
Badr al-Din Hasan (vol. i. 237) “Sáhib” is given as a Wazirial title and
it dates only from the end of the fourteenth century.[180] In Sindbad
the Seaman, there is an allusion (vol. vi. 67) to the great Hindu
Kingdom, Vijayanagar of the Narasimha,[181] the great power of the
Deccan; but this may be due to editors or scribes as the despotism was
founded only in the fourteenth century (A.D. 1320). The Ebony Horse
(vol. v. 1) apparently dates before Chaucer; and “The Sleeper and The
Waker” (Bresl. Edit. iv. 134–189) may precede Shakespeare’s “Taming of
the Shrew”: no stress, however, can be laid upon such resemblances, the
nouvelles being world-wide. But when we come to the last stories,
especially to Kamar al-Zaman II. and the tale of Ma’arúf, we are
apparently in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The first contains
(Night cmlxxvii.) the word Láwandiyah = Levantine, the mention of a
watch = Sá’ah in the next Night[182]; and, further on (cmlxxvi.), the
“Shaykh Al-Islam,” an officer invented by Mohammed II. after the capture
of Stambul in A.D. 1453. In Ma’arúf the ’Ádiliyah is named; the mosque
founded outside the Bab al-Nasr by Al-Malik al-’Ádil, Túmán Bey in A.H.
906 = A.D. 1501. But, I repeat, all these names may be mere

On the other hand, a study of the vie intime in Al-Islam and of the
manners and customs of the people proves that the body of the work, as
it now stands, must have been written before A.D. 1400. The Arabs use
wines, ciders and barley-beer, not distilled spirits; they have no
coffee or tobacco and, while familiar with small-pox (judrí), they
ignore syphilis. The battles in The Nights are fought with bows and
javelins, swords, spears (for infantry) and lances (for cavalry); and,
whenever fire-arms are mentioned, we must suspect the scribe. Such is
the case with the Madfa’ or cannon by means of which Badr al-Din Hasan
breaches the bulwarks of the Lady of Beauty’s virginity (i. 223). This
consideration would determine the work to have been written before the
fourteenth century. We ignore the invention-date and the inventor of
gunpowder, as of all old discoveries which have affected mankind at
large: all we know is that the popular ideas betray great ignorance and
we are led to suspect that an explosive compound, having been discovered
in the earliest ages of human society, was utilised by steps so gradual
that history has neglected to trace the series. According to
Demmin[183], bullets for stuffing with some incendiary composition, in
fact bombs, were discovered by Dr. Keller in the Palafites or Crannogs
of Switzerland; and the Hindu’s Agni-Astar (“fire-weapon”), Agni-bán
(“fire-arrow”) and Shatagni (“hundred-killer”), like the Roman
Phalarica, and the Greek fire of Byzantium, suggest explosives. Indeed,
Dr. Oppert[184] accepts the statement of Flavius Philostratus that when
Appolonius of Tyana, that grand semi-mythical figure, was travelling in
India, he learned the reason why Alexander of Macedon desisted from
attacking the Oxydracæ who live between the Ganges and the Hyphasis
(Satadru or Sutledge):—“These holy men, beloved by the gods, overthrow
their enemies with tempests and thunderbolts shot from their walls.”
Passing over the Arab sieges of Constantinople (A.D. 668) and Meccah
(A.D. 690) and the disputed passage in Firishtah touching the Tufang or
musket during the reign of Mahmúd the Ghaznevite[185] (ob. A.D. 1030),
we come to the days of Alphonso the Valiant, whose long and short guns,
used at the Siege of Madrid in A.D. 1084, are preserved in the Armeria
Real. Viardot has noted that the African Arabs first employed cannon in
A.D. 1200, and that the Maghribis defended Algeciras near Gibraltar with
great guns in A.D. 1247, and utilised them to besiege Seville in A.D.
1342. This last feat of arms introduced the cannon into barbarous
Northern Europe, and it must have been known to civilised Asia for many
a decade before that date.

The mention of wine in The Nights, especially the Nabíz or fermented
infusion of raisins well known to the præ-Mohammedan Badawis,
perpetually recurs. As a rule, except only in the case of holy
personages and mostly of the Caliph Al-Rashid, the “service of wine”
appears immediately after the hands are washed; and women, as well as
men, drink, like true Orientals, for the honest purpose of getting
drunk—la recherche de l’idéal, as the process has been called. Yet
distillation became well known in the fourteenth century. Amongst the
Greeks and Romans it was confined to manufacturing aromatic waters, and
Nicander the poet (B.C. 140) used for a still the term ἄμβιξ, like the
Irish “pot” and its produce “poteen.” The simple art of converting salt
water into fresh, by boiling the former and passing the steam through a
cooled pipe into a recipient, would not have escaped the students of the
Philosopher’s “stone;” and thus we find throughout Europe the Arabic
modifications of Greek terms Alchemy, Alembic (Al-ἄμβιξ), Chemistry and
Elixir; while “Alcohol” (Al-Kohl), originally meaning “extreme tenuity
or impalpable state of pulverulent substances,” clearly shows the origin
of the article. Avicenna, who died in A.H. 428 = 1036, nearly two
hundred years before we read of distillation in Europe, compared the
human body with an alembic, the belly being the cucurbit and the head
the capital:—he forgot one important difference but n’importe. Spirits
of wine were first noticed in the xiiith century, when the Arabs had
overrun the Western Mediterranean, by Arnaldus de Villa Nova, who dubs
the new invention a universal panacea; and his pupil, Raymond Lully
(nat. Majorca A.D. 1236), declared this essence of wine to be a boon
from the Deity. Now The Nights, even in the latest adjuncts, never
allude to the “white coffee” of the “respectable” Moslem, the Ráki
(raisin-brandy) or Ma-hayát (_aqua vitæ_) of the modern Mohametan: the
drinkers confine themselves to wine like our contemporary Dalmatians,
one of the healthiest and the most vigorous of seafaring races in

Syphilis also, which at the end of the xvth century began to infect
Europe, is ignored by The Nights. I do not say it actually began:
diseases do not begin except with the dawn of humanity; and their
history, as far as we know, is simple enough. They are at first sporadic
and comparatively non-lethal: at certain epochs which we can determine,
and for reasons which as yet we cannot, they break out into epidemics
raging with frightful violence: they then subside into the endemic state
and lastly they return to the milder sporadic form. For instance,
“English cholera” was known of old: in 1831 (Oct. 26) the Asiatic type
took its place and now, after sundry violent epidemics, the disease is
becoming endemic on the Northern seaboard of the Mediterranean, notably
in Spain and Italy. So small-pox (Al-judrí, vol. i. 254) passed over
from Central Africa to Arabia in the year of Mohammed’s birth (A.D. 570)
and thence overspread the civilised world, as an epidemic, an endemic
and a sporadic successively. The “Greater Pox” has appeared in human
bones of prehistoric graves and Moses seems to mention gonorrhœa (Levit.
xv. 12). Passing over allusions in Juvenal and Martial,[186] we find
Eusebius relating that Galerius died (A.D. 302) of ulcers on the
genitals and other parts of his body; and, about a century afterwards,
Bishop Palladius records that one Hero, after conversation with a
prostitute, fell a victim to an abscess on the penis (phagedænic
shanker?). In 1347 the famous Joanna of Naples founded (æt. 23), in her
town of Avignon, a bordel whose inmates were to be medically inspected—a
measure to which England (proh pudor!) still objects. In her Statuts du
Lieu-publique d’Avignon, No. iv. she expressly mentions the _Mal vengut
de paillardise_. Such houses, says Ricord who studied the subject since
1832, were common in France after A.D. 1200; and sporadic venereals were
known there. But in A.D. 1493–94 an epidemic broke out with alarming
intensity at Barcelona, as we learn from the “Tractado llamado fructo de
todos los Sanctos contra el mal serpentino, venido de la Isla espanola,”
of Rodrigo Ruiz Días, the specialist. In Santo Domingo the disease was
common under the names Hipas, Guaynaras and Taynastizas: hence the
opinion in Europe that it arose from the mixture of European and
“Indian” blood.[187] Some attributed it to the Gypsies who migrated to
Western Europe in the xvth century:[188] others to the Moriscos expelled
from Spain. But the pest got its popular name after the violent outbreak
at Naples in A.D. 1493–4, when Charles VIII. of Anjou with a large army
of mercenaries, Frenchmen, Spaniards, and Germans, attacked Ferdinand
II. Thence it became known as the Mal de Naples and Morbus Gallicus—una
gallica being still the popular term in neo-Latin lands—and the “French
disease” in England. As early as July 1496 Marin Sanuto (Journal i. 171)
describes with details the “Mal Franzoso.” The scientific “syphilis”
dates from Fracastori’s poem (A.D. 1521) in which Syphilus the Shepherd
is struck like Job, for abusing the sun. After crippling a Pope (Sixtus
IV.[189]) and killing a King (Francis I.) the Grosse Vérole began to
abate its violence, under the effects of mercury it is said; and became
endemic, a stage still shown at Scherlievo near Fiume, where legend says
it was implanted by the Napoleonic soldiery. The Aleppo and other
“buttons” also belong apparently to the same grade. Elsewhere it settled
as a sporadic and now it appears to be dying out while gonorrhœa is on
the increase.[190]

The Nights, I have said, belongs to the days before coffee (A.D. 1550)
and tobacco (A.D. 1650) had overspread the East. The former, which
derives its name from the Káfá or Káffá province, lying south of
Abyssinia proper and peopled by the Sidáma Gallas, was introduced to
Mokha of Al-Yaman in A.D. 1429–30 by the Shaykh al-Sházili who lies
buried there, and found a congenial name in the Arabic Kahwah = old
wine.[191] In The Nights (Mac. Edit.) it is mentioned twelve times[192];
but never in the earlier tales: except in the case of Kamar al-Zaman II.
it evidently does not belong to the epoch and we may fairly suspect the
scribe. In the xvith century coffee began to take the place of wine in
the nearer East; and it gradually ousted the classical drink from daily
life and from folk-tales.

It is the same with tobacco, which is mentioned only once by The Nights
(cmxxxi.), in conjunction with meat, vegetables and fruit and where it
is called “Tábah.” Lane (iii. 615) holds it to be the work of a copyist;
but in the same tale of Abu Kir and Abu Sir, sherbet and coffee appear
to have become en vogue, in fact to have gained the ground they now
hold. The result of Lord Macartney’s Mission to China was a suggestion
that smoking might have originated spontaneously in the Old World.[193]
This is undoubtedly true. The Bushmen and other wild tribes of Southern
Africa threw their Dakhá (_cannabis indica_) on the fire and sat round
it inhaling the intoxicating fumes. Smoking without tobacco was easy
enough. The North American Indians of the Great Red Pipe Stone Quarry
and those who lived above the line where nicotiana grew, used the
kinni-kinik or bark of the red willow and some seven other
succedanea.[194] But tobacco proper, which soon superseded all materials
except hemp and opium, was first adopted by the Spaniards of Santo
Domingo in A.D. 1496 and reached England in 1565. Hence the word, which,
amongst the so-called Red Men, denoted the pipe, the container, not the
contained, spread over the Old World as a generic term with additions,
like “Tutun,”[195] for especial varieties. The change in English manners
brought about by the cigar after dinner has already been noticed; and
much of the modified sobriety of the present day may be attributed to
the influence of the Holy Herb en cigarette. Such, we know from history
was its effect amongst Moslems; and the normal wine-parties of The
Nights suggest that the pipe was unknown even when the latest tales were


We know absolutely nothing of the author or authors who produced our
marvellous Recueil. Galland justly observes (Epist. Dedic.), “probably
this great work is not by a single hand; for how can we suppose that one
man alone could own a fancy fertile enough to invent so many ingenious
fictions?” Mr. Lane, and Mr. Lane alone, opined that the work was
written in Egypt by one person or at most by two, one ending what the
other had begun, and that he or they had re-written the tales and
completed the collection by new matter composed or arranged for the
purpose. It is hard to see how the distinguished Arabist came to such a
conclusion: at most it can be true only of the editors and scribes of
MSS. evidently copied from each other, such as the Mac. and the Bul.
texts. As the Reviewer (Forbes Falconer?) in the “Asiatic Journal” (vol.
xxx., 1839) says, “Every step we have taken in the collation of these
agreeable fictions has confirmed us in the belief that the work called
the _Arabian Nights_ is rather a vehicle for stories, partly fixed and
partly arbitrary, than a collection fairly deserving, from its constant
identity with itself, the name of a distinct work, and the reputation of
having wholly emanated from the same inventive mind. To say nothing of
the improbability of supposing that one individual, with every license
to build upon the foundation of popular stories, a work which had once
received a definite form from a single writer, would have been
multiplied by the copyist with some regard at least to his arrangement
of words as well as matter. But the various copies we have seen bear
about as much mutual resemblance as if they had passed through the
famous process recommended for disguising a plagiarism: ‘Translate your
English author into French and again into English.’”

Moreover, the style of the several Tales, which will be considered in a
future page (§ iii.), so far from being homogeneous, is heterogeneous in
the extreme. Different nationalities show themselves; West Africa, Egypt
and Syria are all represented and, while some authors are intimately
familiar with Baghdad, Damascus and Cairo, others are equally ignorant.
All copies, written and printed, absolutely differ in the last tales and
a measure of the divergence can be obtained by comparing the Bresl.
Edit. with the Mac. text: indeed it is my conviction that the MSS.
preserved in Europe would add sundry volumes full of tales to those
hitherto translated; and here the Wortley Montagu copy can be taken as a
test. We may, I believe, safely compare the history of The Nights with
the so-called Homeric poems, the Iliad and the Odyssey, a collection of
immortal ballads and old Epic formulæ and verses traditionally handed
down from rhapsode to rhapsode, incorporated in a slowly-increasing body
of poetry and finally welded together about the age of Pericles.

To conclude. From the data above given I hold myself justified in
drawing the following deductions:—

  1. The framework of the book is purely Persian perfunctorily
  Arabised; the archetype being the Hazár Afsánah.[196]

  2. The oldest tales, such as Sindibad (the Seven Wazirs) and King
  Jili’ád, may date from the reign of Al-Mansur, eighth century A.D.

  3. The thirteen tales mentioned above (p. 81) as the nucleus of the
  Repertory, together with “Dalilah the Crafty,”[197] may be placed in
  our tenth century.

  4. The latest tales, notably Kamar al-Zaman the Second and Ma’aruf
  the Cobbler, are as late as the sixteenth century.

  5. The work assumed its present form in the thirteenth century.

  6. The author is unknown for the best reason; there never was one:
  for information touching the editors and copyists we must await the
  fortunate discovery of some MSS.

                                 § II.
                         THE NIGHTS IN EUROPE.

The history of The Nights in Europe is one of slow and gradual
development. The process was begun (1704–17) by Galland, a Frenchman,
continued (1823) by Von Hammer, an Austro-German, and finished by Mr.
John Payne (1882–84) an Englishman. But we must not forget that it is
wholly and solely to the genius of the Gaul that Europe owes The
“Arabian Nights’ Entertainments” over which Western childhood and youth
have spent so many spelling hours. Antoine Galland was the first to
discover the marvellous fund of material for the story-teller buried in
the Oriental mine; and he had in a high degree that art of telling a
tale which is far more captivating than culture or scholarship. Hence
his delightful version (or perversion) became one of the world’s
classics and at once made Sheherazade and Dinarzarde, Haroun Alraschid,
the Calendars and a host of other personages as familiar to the home
reader as Prospero, Robinson Crusoe, Lemuel Gulliver and Dr. Primrose.
Without the name and fame won for the work by the brilliant paraphrase
of the learned and single-minded Frenchman, Lane’s curious hash and
latinized English, at once turgid and emasculated, would have found few
readers. Mr. Payne’s admirable version appeals to the Orientalist and
the “stylist,” not to the many-headed; and mine to the anthropologist
and student of Eastern manners and customs. Galland did it and alone he
did it: his fine literary _flaire_, his pleasing style, his polished
taste and perfect tact at once made his work take high rank in the
republic of letters nor will the immortal fragment ever be superseded in
the infallible judgment of childhood. As the Encyclopædia Britannica has
been pleased to ignore this excellent man and admirable Orientalist,
numismatologist and littérateur, the reader may not be unwilling to see
a short sketch of his biography.[198]

Antoine Galland was born in A.D. 1646 of peasant parents “poor and
honest” at Rollot, a little bourg in Picardy some two leagues from
Montdidier. He was a seventh child and his mother, left a widow in early
life and compelled to earn her livelihood, saw scant chance of educating
him when the kindly assistance of a Canon of the Cathedral and President
of the Collége de Noyon relieved her difficulties. In this establishment
Galland studied Greek and Hebrew for ten years, after which the “strait
thing at home” apprenticed him to a trade. But he was made for letters;
he hated manual labour and he presently removed en cachette to Paris,
where he knew only an ancient kinswoman. She introduced him to a
priestly relative of the Canon of Noyon, who in turn recommended him to
the “Sous-principal” of the Collége Du Plessis. Here he made such
notable progress in Oriental studies, that M. Petitpied, a Doctor of the
Sorbonne, struck by his abilities, enabled him to study at the Collége
Royal and eventually to catalogue the Eastern MSS. in the great
ecclesiastical Society. Thence he passed to the Collége Mazarin, where a
Professor, M. Godouin, was making an experiment which might be revived
to advantage in our present schools. He collected a class of boys, aged
about four, and proposed to teach them Latin speedily and easily by
making them converse in the classical language as well as read and write
it.[199] Galland, his assistant, had not time to register success or
failure before he was appointed attaché-secretary to M. de Nointel named
in 1660 Ambassadeur de France for Constantinople. His special province
was to study the dogmas and doctrines and to obtain official
attestations concerning the articles of the Orthodox (or Greek)
Christianity which had then been a subject of lively discussion amongst
certain Catholics, especially Arnauld (Antoine) and Claude the Minister,
and which even in our day occasionally crops up amongst
“Protestants.”[200] Galland, by frequenting the cafés and listening to
the tale-teller, soon mastered Romaic and grappled with the religious
question, under the tuition of a deposed Patriarch and of sundry Matráns
or Metropolitans, whom the persecutions of the Pashas had driven for
refuge to the Palais de France. M. de Nointel, after settling certain
knotty points in the Capitulations, visited the harbour-towns of the
Levant and the “Holy Places,” including Jerusalem, where Galland copied
epigraphs, sketched monuments and collected antiques, such as the
marbles in the Baudelot Gallery of which Père Dom Bernard de Montfaucon
presently published specimens in his “Palæographia Græca,” etc.
(Parisiis, 1708).

In Syria Galland was unable to buy a copy of The Nights: as he expressly
states in his Epistle Dedicatory, _il a fallu le faire venir de Syrie_.
But he prepared himself for translating it by studying the manners and
customs, the religion and superstitions of the people; and in 1675,
leaving his chief, who was ordered back to Stambul, he returned to
France. In Paris his numismatic fame recommended him to MM. Vaillant,
Carcary and Giraud who strongly urged a second visit to the Levant, for
the purpose of collecting, and he set out without delay. In 1691 he made
a third journey, travelling at the expense of the Compagnie des
Indes-Orientales, with the main object of making purchases for the
Library and Museum of Colbert the magnificent. The commission ended
eighteen months afterwards with the changes of the Company, when Colbert
and the Marquis de Louvois caused him to be created “Antiquary to the
King,” Louis le Grand, and charged him with collecting coins and medals
for the royal cabinet. As he was about to leave Smyrna, he had a narrow
escape from the earthquake and subsequent fire which destroyed some
fifteen thousand of the inhabitants: he was buried in the ruins; but,
his kitchen being cold as becomes a philosopher’s, he was dug out

Galland again returned to Paris where his familiarity with Arabic and
Hebrew, Persian and Turkish recommended him to MM. Thevenot and Bignon:
this first President of the Grand Council acknowledged his services by a
pension. He also became a favourite with D’Herbelot whose Bibliothèque
Orientale, left unfinished at his death, he had the honour of completing
and prefacing.[202] President Bignon died within the twelvemonth, which
made Galland attach himself in 1697 to M. Foucault, Councillor of State
and Intendant (governor) of Caen in Lower Normandy, then famous for its
academy: in his new patron’s fine library and numismatic collection he
found materials for a long succession of works, including a translation
of the Koran.[203] They recommended him strongly to the literary world
and in 1701 he was made a member of the Académie des Inscriptions et
Belles Lettres.

At Caen Galland issued in 1704,[204] the first part of his Mille et une
Nuits, Contes Arabes traduits en François which at once became famous as
“The Arabian Nights’ Entertainments.” Mutilated, fragmentary and
paraphrastic though the tales were, the glamour of imagination, the
marvel of the miracles and the gorgeousness and magnificence of the
scenery at once secured an exceptional success: it was a revelation in
romance, and the public recognised that it stood in presence of a
monumental literary work. France was a-fire with delight at a something
so new, so unconventional, so entirely without purpose, religious, moral
or philosophical: the Oriental wanderer in his stately robes was a
startling surprise to the easy-going and utterly corrupt Europe of the
_ancien régime_ with its indecently tight garments and perfectly loose
morals. “Ils produisirent,” said Charles Nodier, a genius in his way,
“dès le moment de leur publication, cet effet qui assure aux productions
de l’esprit une vogue populaire, quoiqu’ils appartinssent à une
littérature peu connue en France; et que ce genre de composition admît
ou plutôt exigeât des détails de moeurs, de caractère, de costume et de
localités absolument étrangers à toutes les idées établies dans nos
contes et nos romans. On fut étonné du charme qui résultait de leur
lecture. C’est que la vérité des sentimens, la nouveauté des tableaux,
une imagination féconde en prodiges, un coloris plein de chaleur,
l’attrait d’une sensibilité sans prétention, et le sel d’un comique sans
caricature, c’est que l’esprit et le naturel enfin plaisent partout, et
plaisent à tout le monde.”[205]

The Contes Arabes at once made Galland’s name and a popular tale is told
of them and him known to all reviewers who, however, mostly mangle it.
In the Biographie Universelle of Michaud[206] we find:—Dans les deux
premiers volumes de ces contes l’exorde était toujours, “Ma chère sœur,
si vous ne dormez pas, faites-nous un de ces contes que vous savez.”
Quelques jeunes gens, ennuyés de cette plate uniformité, allèrent une
nuit qu’il faisait très-grand froid, frapper à la porte de l’auteur, qui
courut en chemise à sa fenêtre. Après l’avoir fait morfondre quelque
temps par diverses questions insignifiantes, ils terminèrent en lui
disant, “Ah, Monsieur Galland, si vous ne dormez pas, faites-nous un de
ces beaux contes que vous savez si bien.” Galland profita de la leçon,
et supprima dans les volumes suivants le préambule qui lui avait attiré
la plaisanterie. This legend has the merit of explaining why the
Professor so soon gave up the Arab framework which he had deliberately

The Nights was at once translated from the French[207] though when,
where and by whom no authority seems to know. In Lowndes’
“Bibliographer’s Manual” the English Editio Princeps is thus noticed,
“Arabian Nights’ Entertainments translated from the French, London,
1724, 12mo, 6 vols.” and a footnote states that this translation, very
inaccurate and vulgar in its diction, was often reprinted. In 1712
Addison introduced into the Spectator (No. 535, Nov. 13) the Story of
Alnaschar (= Al-Nashshár, the Sawyer) and says that his remarks on Hope
“may serve as a moral to an Arabian tale which I find translated into
French by Monsieur Galland.” His version appears, from the tone and
style, to have been made by himself, and yet in that year a second
English edition had appeared. The nearest approach to the Edit. Princeps
in the British Museum[208] is a set of six volumes bound in three and
corresponding with Galland’s first half dozen. Tomes i. and ii. are from
the fourth edition of 1713, Nos. iii. and iv. are from the second of
1712 and v. and vi. are from the third of 1715. It is conjectured that
the two first volumes were reprinted several times apart from their
subsequents, as was the fashion of the day; but all is mystery. We (my
friends and I) have turned over scores of books in the British Museum,
the University Library and the Advocates’ Libraries of Edinburgh and
Glasgow: I have been permitted to put the question in “Notes and
Queries” and in the “Antiquary”; but all our researches hitherto have
been in vain.

The popularity of The Nights in England must have rivalled their vogue
in France, judging from the fact that in 1713, or nine years after
Galland’s Edit. Prin. appeared they had already reached a fourth issue.
Even the ignoble national jealousy which prompted Sir William Jones
grossly to abuse that valiant scholar, Auquetil du Perron, could not mar
their popularity. But as there are men who cannot read Pickwick, so they
were not wanting who spoke of “Dreams of the distempered fancy of the
East.”[209] “When the work was first published in England,” says Henry
Webber,[210] “it seems to have made a considerable impression upon the
public.” Pope in 1720 sent two volumes (French? or English?) to Bishop
Atterbury, without making any remark on the work; but, from his very
silence, it may be presumed that he was not displeased with the perusal.
The bishop, who does not appear to have joined a relish for the flights
of imagination to his other estimable qualities, expressed his dislike
of these tales pretty strongly and stated it to be his opinion, formed
on the frequent descriptions of female dress, that they were the work of
some Frenchman (Petis de la Croix, a mistake afterwards corrected by
Warburton). The _Arabian Nights_, however, quickly made their way to
public favour. “We have been informed of a singular instance of the
effect they produced soon after their first appearance. Sir James
Stewart, Lord Advocate for Scotland, having one Saturday evening found
his daughters employed in reading these volumes, seized them with a
rebuke for spending the evening before the ‘Sawbbath’ in such worldly
amusement; but the grave advocate himself became a prey to the
fascination of the tales, being found on the morning of the Sabbath
itself employed in their perusal, from which he had not risen the whole
night.” As late as 1780 Dr. Beattie professed himself uncertain whether
they were translated or fabricated by M. Galland; and, while Dr. Pusey
wrote of them “Noctes Mille et Una dictæ, quæ in omnium firmè populorum
cultiorum linguas conversæ, in deliciis omnium habentur, manibusque
omnium terentur,”[211] the amiable Carlyle, in the gospel according to
Saint Froude, characteristically termed them “downright lies” and
forbade the house to such “unwholesome literature.” What a sketch of
character in two words!

The only fault found in France with the Contes Arabes was that their
style is _peu correcte_; in fact they want classicism. Yet all Gallic
imitators, Trébutien included, have carefully copied their leader and
Charles Nodier remarks:—“Il me semble que l’on n’a pas rendu assez de
justice au style de Galland. Abondant sans être prolixe, naturel et
familier sans être lâche ni trivial, il ne manque jamais de cette
élégance qui résulte de la facilité, et qui présente je ne sais quel
mélange de la naïveté de Perrault et de la bonhomie de La Fontaine.”

Our Professor, with a name now thoroughly established, returned in 1706
to Paris, where he was an assiduous and efficient member of the Société
Numismatique and corresponded largely with foreign Orientalists. Three
years afterwards he was made Professor of Arabic at the Collége de
France, succeeding Pierre Dippy; and, during the next half decade, he
devoted himself to publishing his valuable studies. Then the end came.
In his last illness, an attack of asthma complicated with pectoral
mischief, he sent to Noyon for his nephew Julien Galland[212] to assist
him in ordering his MSS. and in making his will after the simplest
military fashion: he bequeathed his writings to the Bibliothèque du Roi,
his Numismatic Dictionary to the Academy and his Alcoran to the Abbé
Bignon. He died, aged sixty-nine on February 17, 1715, leaving his
second Part of The Nights unpublished.[213]

Professor Galland was a French littérateur of the good old school which
is rapidly becoming extinct. Homme vrai dans les moindres choses (as his
Éloge stated); simple in life and manners and single-hearted in his
devotion to letters, he was almost childish in worldly matters, while
notable for penetration and acumen in his studies. He would have been as
happy, one of his biographers remarks, in teaching children the elements
of education as he was in acquiring his immense erudition. Briefly,
truth and honesty, exactitude and indefatigable industry characterised
his most honourable career.

Galland informs us (Epist. Ded.) that his MS. consisted of four volumes,
only three of which are extant,[214] bringing the work down to Night
cclxxxii., or about the beginning of “Camaralzaman.” The missing
portion, if it contained like the other volumes 140 pages, would end
that tale together with the Stories of Ghánim and the Enchanted (Ebony)
Horse; and such is the disposition in the Bresl. Edit. which mostly
favours in its ordinance the text used by the first translator. But this
would hardly have filled more than two-thirds of his volumes; for the
other third he interpolated, or is supposed to have interpolated, the
ten[215] following tales.

  1. Histoire du prince Zeyn Al-asnam et du Roi des Génies.[216]

  2. Histoire de Codadad et de ses frères.

  3. Histoire de la Lampe merveilleuse (Aladdin).

  4. Histoire de l’aveugle Baba Abdalla.

  5. Histoire de Sidi Nouman.

  6. Histoire de Cogia Hassan Alhabbal.

  7. Histoire d’Ali Baba, et de Quarante Voleurs exterminés par une

  8. Histoire d’Ali Cogia, marchand de Bagdad.

  9. Histoire du prince Ahmed et de la fée Peri-Banou.

 10. Histoire de deux Sœurs jalouses de leur Cadette.[217]

Concerning these interpolations which contain two of the best and most
widely known stories in the work, Aladdin and the Forty Thieves,
conjectures have been manifold but they mostly run upon three lines. De
Sacy held that they were found by Galland in the public libraries of
Paris. Mr. Chenery, whose acquaintance with Arabic grammar was ample,
suggested that the Professor had borrowed them from the recitations of
the Rawis, rhapsodists or professional story-tellers in the bazars of
Smyrna and other ports of the Levant. The late Mr. Henry Charles Coote
(in the “Folk-Lore Record,” vol. iii. Part ii. p. 178 et seq.), “On the
source of some of M. Galland’s Tales,” quotes from popular Italian,
Sicilian and Romaic stories incidents identical with those in Prince
Ahmad, Aladdin, Ali Baba and the Envious Sisters, suggesting that the
Frenchman had heard these _paramythia_ in Levantine coffee-houses and
had inserted them into his unequalled _corpus fabularum_. Mr. Payne (ix.
268) conjectures the probability “of their having been composed at a
comparatively recent period by an inhabitant of Baghdad, in imitation of
the legends of Haroun er Rashid and other well-known tales of the
original work;” and adds, “It is possible that an exhaustive examination
of the various MS. copies of the Thousand and One Nights known to exist
in the public libraries of Europe might yet cast some light upon the
question of the origin of the interpolated Tales.” I quite agree with
him, taking “The Sleeper and the Waker” and “Zeyn Al-asnam” as cases in
point; but I should expect, for reasons before given, to find the
stories in a Persic rather than an Arabic MS. And I feel convinced that
all will be recovered: Galland was not the man to commit a literary

As regards Aladdin, the most popular tale of the whole work, I am
convinced that it is genuine, although my unfortunate friend, the late
Professor Palmer, doubted its being an Eastern story. It is laid down
upon all the lines of Oriental fiction. The mise-en-scène is China,
“where they drink a certain warm liquor” (tea); the hero’s father is a
poor tailor; and, as in “Judar and his Brethren,” the Maghribi Magician
presently makes his appearance, introducing the Wonderful Lamp and the
Magical Ring. Even the Sorcerer’s cry, “New lamps for old lamps!”—a
prime point—is paralleled in the Tale of the Fisherman’s son,[218] where
the Jew asks in exchange only old rings and the Princess, recollecting
that her husband kept a shabby, well-worn ring in his writing-stand, and
he being asleep, took it out and sent it to the man. In either tale the
palace is transported to a distance and both end with the death of the
wicked magician and the hero and heroine living happily together ever

All Arabists have remarked the sins of omission and commission, of
abridgment, amplification and substitution, and the audacious distortion
of fact and phrase in which Galland freely indulged, whilst his
knowledge of Eastern languages proves that he knew better. But literary
license was the order of his day and at that time French, always the
most bégueule of European languages, was bound by a rigorisme of the
narrowest and the straightest of lines from which the least écart
condemned a man as a barbarian and a _tudesque_. If we consider Galland
fairly we shall find that he errs mostly for a purpose, that of
popularising his work; and his success indeed justified his means. He
has been derided (by scholars) for “Hé Monsieur!” and “Ah Madame!”; but
he could not write “O mon sieur” and “O ma dame;” although we can borrow
from biblical and Shakespearean English, “O my lord!” and “O my lady!”
“Bon Dieu! ma sœur” (which our translators english by “O heavens,” Night
xx.) is good French for Wa ’lláhi—by Allah; and “cinquante cavaliers
bien faits” (“fifty handsome gentlemen on horseback”) is a more familiar
picture than fifty knights. “L’officieuse Dinarzade” (Night lxi.), and
“Cette plaisante querelle des deux frères” (Night lxxii.) become
ridiculous only in translation—“the officious Dinarzade” and “this
pleasant quarrel;” while “ce qu’il y de remarquable” (Night lxxiii.)
would relieve the Gallic mind from the mortification of “Destiny
decreed.” “Plusieurs sortes de fruits et de bouteilles de vin” (Night
ccxxxi. etc.) europeanises flasks and flaggons; and the violent
convulsions in which the girl dies (Night cliv., her head having been
cut off by her sister) is mere Gallic squeamishness: France laughs at
“le shoking” in England but she has only to look at home especially
during the reign of Galland’s contemporary—Roi Soleil. The terrible “Old
man” (Shaykh) “of the Sea” (-board) is badly described by “l’incommode
vieillard” (“the ill-natured old fellow”): “Brave Maimune” and “Agréable
Maimune” are hardly what a Jinni would say to a Jinniyah (ccxiii.); but
they are good Gallic. The same may be noted of “Plier les voiles pour
marque qu’il se rendait” (Night ccxxxv.), a European practice; and of
the false note struck in two passages. “Je m’estimais heureuse d’avoir
fait une si belle conquête” (Night lxvii.) gives a Parisian turn; and,
“Je ne puis voir sans horreur cet abominable barbier que voilà:
quoiqu’il soit né dans un pays où tout le monde est blanc, il ne laisse
pas à ressembler à un Éthiopien; mais il a l’âme encore plus noire et
horrible que le visage” (Night clvii.), is a mere affectation of
Orientalism. Lastly, “Une vieille dame de leur connaissance” (Night
clviii.) puts French polish upon the matter of fact Arab’s “an old

The list of absolute mistakes, not including violent liberties, can
hardly be held excessive. Professor Weil and Mr. Payne (ix. 271) justly
charge Galland with making the Trader (Night i.) throw away the _shells_
(_écorces_) of the date which has only a pellicle, as Galland certainly
knew; but dates were not seen every day in France, while almonds and
walnuts were of the quatre mendiants. He preserves the écorces, which
later issues have changed to noyaux, probably in allusion to the jerking
practice called Inwá. Again in the “First Shaykh’s Story” (vol. i. 27)
the “maillet” is mentioned as the means of slaughtering cattle, because
familiar to European readers: at the end of the tale it becomes “le
couteau funeste.” In Badr al-Din a “tarte à la crême,” so well known to
the West, displaces, naturally enough, the outlandish “mess of
pomegranate-seeds.” Though the text especially tells us the hero removed
his bag-trousers (not only “son habit”) and placed them under the
pillow, a crucial fact in the history, our Professor sends him to bed
fully dressed, apparently for the purpose of informing his readers in a
footnote that Easterns “se couchent en caleçon” (Night lxxx). It was
mere ignorance to confound the arbalète or cross-bow with the stone-bow
(Night xxxviii.), but this has universally been done, even by Lane who
ought to have known better; and it was an unpardonable carelessness or
something worse to turn Nár (fire) and Dún (in lieu of) into “le faux
dieu Nardoun” (Night lxv.): as this has been untouched by De Sacy, I
cannot but conclude that he never read the text with the translation.
Nearly as bad also to make the Jewish physician remark, when the youth
gave him the left wrist (Night cl.), “voilà une grande ignorance de ne
savoir pas que l’on presente la main droite à un médecin et non pas la
gauche”—whose exclusive use all travellers in the East must know. I have
noticed the incuriousness which translates “along the Nile-shore” by “up
towards Ethiopia” (Night cli.), and the “Islands of the _Children_ of
Khaledan” (Night ccxi.) instead of the Khálidatáni or Khálidát, the
Fortunate Islands. It was by no means “des petits soufflets” (“some tips
from time to time with her fingers”) which the sprightly dame
administered to the Barber’s second brother (Night clxxi.), but sound
and heavy “cuffs” on the nape; and the sixth brother (Night clxxx.) was
not “aux lèvres fendues” (“he of the hair-lips”), for they had been cut
off by the Badawi jealous of his fair wife. Abu al-Hasan would not greet
his beloved by saluting “le tapis à ses pieds:” he would kiss her hands
and feet. Haïatalnefous (Hayat al-Nufús, Night ccxxvi.) would not “throw
cold water in the Princess’s face:” she would sprinkle it with
eau-de-rose. “Camaralzaman” I addresses his two abominable wives in
language purely European (ccxxx.), “et de la vie il ne s’approcha
d’elles,” missing one of the fine touches of the tale which shows its
hero a weak and violent man, hasty and lacking the pundonor. “La belle
Persienne,” in the Tale of Nur al-Din, was no Persian; nor would her
master address her, “Venez çà, impertinente!” (“come hither,
impertinence”). In the story of Badr, one of the Comoro Islands becomes
“L’île de la Lune.” “Dog” and “dog-son” are not “injures atroces et
indignes d’un grand roi:” the greatest Eastern kings allow themselves
far more energetic and significant language. Fitnah[219] is by no means
“Force de cœurs.” Lastly the _dénoûement_ of The Nights is widely
different in French and in Arabic; but that is probably not Galland’s
fault, as he never saw the original, and indeed he deserves high praise
for having invented so pleasant and sympathetic a close, inferior only
to the Oriental device.[220]

Galland’s fragment has a strange effect upon the Orientalist and those
who take the scholastic view, be it wide or narrow. De Sacy does not
hesitate to say that the work owes much to his fellow-countryman’s hand;
but I judge otherwise: it is necessary to dissociate the two works and
to regard Galland’s paraphrase, which contains only a quarter of The
Thousand Nights and a Night, as a wholly different book. Its attempts to
amplify beauties and to correct or conceal the defects and the
grotesqueness of the original, absolutely suppress much of the local
colour, clothing the bare body in the best of Parisian suits. It ignores
the rhymed prose and excludes the verse, rarely and very rarely
rendering a few lines in a balanced style. It generally rejects the
proverbs, epigrams and moral reflections which form the pith and marrow
of the book; and, worse still, it disdains those finer touches of
character which are often Shakespearean in their depth and delicacy, and
which, applied to a race of familiar ways and thoughts, manners and
customs, would have been the wonder and delight of Europe. It shows only
a single side of the gem that has so many facets. By deference to public
taste it was compelled to expunge the often repulsive simplicity, the
childish indecencies and the wild orgies of the original, contrasting
with the gorgeous tints, the elevated morality and the religious tone of
passages which crowd upon them. We miss the odeur du sang which taints
the parfums du harem; also the humouristic tale and the Rabelaisian
outbreak which relieve and throw out into strong relief the splendour of
Empire and the havoc of Time. Considered in this light it is a caput
mortuum, a magnificent texture seen on the wrong side; and it speaks
volumes for the genius of the man who could recommend it in such blurred
and caricatured condition to readers throughout the civilised world. But
those who look only at Galland’s picture, his effort to “transplant into
European gardens the magic flowers of Eastern fancy,” still compare his
tales with the sudden prospect of magnificent mountains seen after a
long desert-march: they arouse strange longings and indescribable
desires; their marvellous imaginativeness produces an insensible
brightening of mind and an increase of fancy-power, making one dream
that behind them lies the new and unseen, the strange and unexpected—in
fact, all the glamour of the unknown.

The Nights has been translated into every far-extending Eastern tongue,
Persian, Turkish and Hindostani. The latter entitles them Hikáyát
al-Jalílah or Noble Tales, and the translation was made by Munshi Shams
al-Din Ahmad for the use of the College of Fort George in A.H. 1252 =
1836.[221] All these versions are direct from the Arabic: my search for
a translation of Galland into any Eastern tongue has hitherto been

I was assured by the late Bertholdy Seemann that the “language of
Hoffmann and Heine” contained a literal and complete translation of The
Nights; but personal enquiries at Leipzig and elsewhere convinced me
that the work still remains to be done. The first attempt to improve
upon Galland and to show the world what the work really is was made by
Dr. Max Habicht and was printed at Breslau (1824–25), in fifteen small
square volumes.[222] Thus it appeared before the “Tunis Manuscript”[223]
of which it purports to be a translation. The German version is, if
possible, more condemnable than the Arabic original. It lacks every
charm of style; it conscientiously shirks every difficulty; it abounds
in the most extraordinary blunders and it is utterly useless as a
picture of manners or a book of reference. We can explain its lâches
only by the theory that the eminent Professor left the labour to his
collaborateurs and did not take the trouble to revise their careless

The next German translation was by Aulic Councillor J. von
Hammer-Purgstall[224] who, during his short stay at Cairo and
Constantinople, turned into French the tales neglected by Galland. After
some difference with M. Caussin (de Perceval) in 1810, the Styrian
Orientalist entrusted his MS. to Herr Cotta the publisher of Tubingen.
Thus a German version appeared, the translation of a translation, at the
hand of Professor Zinserling,[224] while the French version was
unaccountably lost en route to London. Finally the “Contes inédits,”
etc., appeared in a French translation by G. S. Trébutien (Paris,
mdcccxxviii.). Von Hammer took liberties with the text which can compare
only with those of Lane: he abridged and retrenched till the likeness in
places entirely disappeared; he shirked some difficult passages and he
misexplained others. In fact the work did no honour to the amiable and
laborious historian of the Turks.

The only good German translation of The Nights is due to Dr. Gustav Weil
who, born on April 24, 1808, is still (1886) professing at
Heidelburg.[225] His originals (he tells us) were the Breslau Edition,
the Bulak text of Abd al-Rahman al-Safati and a MS. in the library of
Saxe Gotha. The venerable savant, who has rendered such service to
Arabism, informs me that Aug. Lewald’s “Vorhalle” (pp. i.-xv.)[226] was
written without his knowledge. Dr. Weil neglects the division of days
which enables him to introduce any number of tales: for instance,
Galland’s eleven occupy a large part of vol. iii. The Vorwort wants
development; the notes, confined to a few words, are inadequate and
verse is everywhere rendered by prose, the Saj’a or assonance being
wholly ignored. On the other hand the scholar shows himself by a correct
translation, contrasting strongly with those which preceded him, and by
a strictly literal version, save where the treatment required to be
modified in a book intended for the public. Under such circumstances it
cannot well be other than longsome and monotonous reading.

Although Spain and Italy have produced many and remarkable Orientalists,
I cannot find that they have taken the trouble to translate The Nights
for themselves: cheap and gaudy versions of Galland seem to have
satisfied the public.[227] Notes on the Romaic, Icelandic, Russian (?)
and other versions, will be found in a future page.

Professor Galland has never been forgotten in France where, amongst a
host of editions, four have claims to distinction;[228] and his success
did not fail to create a host of imitators and to attract what De Sacy
justly terms “une prodigieuse importation de marchandise de
contrebande.” As early as 1823 Von Hammer numbered seven in France
(Trébutien, Préface xviii.) and during later years they have grown
prodigiously. Mr. William F. Kirby, who has made a special study of the
subject, has favoured me with detailed bibliographical notes on
Galland’s imitators which are printed in Appendix No. II.

                                 § III.

                             A.—THE MATTER.

Returning to my threefold distribution of this Prose Poem (§ I) into
Fable, Fairy Tale and historical Anecdote,[229] let me proceed to
consider these sections more carefully.

The Apologue or Beast-fable, which apparently antedates all other
subjects in The Nights, has been called “One of the earliest creations
of the awakening consciousness of mankind.” I should regard it, despite
a monumental antiquity, as the offspring of a comparatively civilised
age, when a jealous despotism or a powerful oligarchy threw difficulties
and dangers in the way of speaking “plain truths.” A hint can be given
and a friend or foe can be lauded or abused as Belins the sheep or
Isengrim the wolf, when the Author is debarred the higher enjoyment of
praising them or dispraising them by name. And, as the purposes of
fables are twofold—

               Duplex libelli dos est: quod risum movet,
               Et quod prudenti vitam consilio monet—

The speaking of brute beasts would give a piquancy and a pleasantry to
moral design as well as to social and political satire.

The literary origin of the fable is not Buddhistic: we must especially
shun that “Indo-Germanic” school which goes to India for its origins,
when Pythagoras, Solon, Herodotus, Plato, Aristotle and possibly Homer
sat for instruction at the feet of the Hir-seshtha, the learned
grammarians of the pharaohnic court. Nor was it Æsopic, evidently Æsop
inherited the hoarded wealth of ages. As Professor Lepsius taught us,
“In the olden times within the memory of man, we know only of _one_
advanced culture; of only _one_ mode of writing, and of only _one_
literary development, viz. those of Egypt.” The invention of an
alphabet, as opposed to a syllabary, unknown to Babylonia, to Assyria
and to that extreme bourne of their civilising influences, China, would
for ever fix their literature—poetry, history and criticism,[230] the
apologue and the anecdote. To mention no others The Lion and the Mouse
appears in a Leyden papyrus dating from B.C. 1200–1166 the days of
Rameses III. (Rhampsinitus) or Hak On, not as a rude and early attempt,
but in a finished form, postulating an ancient origin and illustrious
ancestry. The dialogue also is brought to perfection in the discourse
between the Jackal Koufi and the Ethiopian Cat (Revue Égyptologique
ivme. année Part i.). Africa therefore was the home of the Beast-fable
not, as Professor Mahaffy thinks, because it was the chosen land of
animal worship, where

             Oppida tota canem venerantur nemo Dianam;[231]

but simply because the Nile-land originated every form of literature
between Fabliau and Epos.

From Kemi the Black-land it was but a step to Phœnicia, Judæa,[232]
Phrygia and Asia Minor, whence a ferry led over to Greece. Here the
Apologue found its populariser in Αἴσωπος, Æsop, whose name, involved in
myth, possibly connects with Αἰθίοψ:—“Æsopus et Aithiops idem sonant”
says the sages. This would show that the Hellenes preserved a legend of
the land whence the Beast-fable arose, and we may accept the fabulist’s
æra as contemporary with Crœsus and Solon (B.C. 570), about a century
after Psammeticus (Psamethik 1st) threw Egypt open to the restless
Greek.[233] From Africa too the Fable would in early ages migrate
eastwards and make for itself a new home in the second great focus of
civilisation formed by the Tigris-Euphrates Valley. The late Mr. George
Smith found amongst the cuneiforms fragmentary Beast-fables, such as
dialogues between the Ox and the Horse, the Eagle and the Sun. In after
centuries, when the conquests of Macedonian Alexander completed what
Sesostris and Semiramis had begun, and mingled the manifold families of
mankind by joining the eastern to the western world, the Orient became
formally hellenised. Under the Seleucidæ and during the life of the
independent Bactrian kingdom (B.C. 255–125), Grecian art and science,
literature and even language overran the old Iranic reign and extended
eastwards throughout northern India. Porus sent two embassies to
Augustus in B.C. 19 and in one of them the herald Zarmanochagas
(Shramanáchárya) of Bargosa, the modern Baroch in Guzerat, bore an
epistle upon vellum written in Greek (Strabo xv. 1 § 78). “Videtis
gentes populosque mutasse sedes” says Seneca (De Cons. ad Helv. c. vi.).
“Quid sibi volunt in mediis barbarorum regionibus Græcæ artes? Quid
inter Indos Persasque Macedonicus sermo? Atheniensis in Asia turba est.”
Upper India, in the Macedonian days would have been mainly Buddhistic,
possessing a rude alphabet borrowed from Egypt through Arabia and
Phœnicia, but still in a low and barbarous condition: her buildings were
wooden and she lacked, as far as we know, stone-architecture—the main
test of social development. But the Bactrian Kingdom gave an impulse to
her civilisation and the result was classical opposed to vedic Sanskrit.
From Persia Greek letters, extending southwards to Arabia, would find
indigenous imitators and there Æsop would be represented by the sundry
sages who share the name Lokman.[234] One of these was of servile
condition, tailor, carpenter or shepherd; and a “Habashi” (Æthiopian)
meaning a negro slave with blubber lips and splay feet, so far showing a
superficial likeness to the Æsop of history.

The Æsopic fable, carried by the Hellenes to India, might have fallen in
with some rude and fantastic barbarian of Buddhistic “persuasion” and
indigenous origin: so Reynard the Fox has its analogue amongst the
Kafirs and the Vái tribe of Mandengan negroes in Liberia[235] amongst
whom one Doalu invented or rather borrowed a syllabarium. The modern
Gypsies are said also to have beast-fables which have never been traced
to a foreign source (Leland). But I cannot accept the refinement of
difference which Professor Benfey, followed by Mr. Keith-Falconer,
discovers between the Æsopic and the Hindu apologue:—“In the former
animals are allowed to act as animals: the latter makes them act as men
in the form of animals.” The essence of the beast-fable is a
reminiscence of Homo primigenius with erected ears and hairy hide, and
its expression is to make the brother brute behave, think and talk like
him with the superadded experience of ages. To early man the “lower
animals,” which are born, live and die like himself, showing all the
same affects and disaffects, loves and hates, passions, prepossessions
and prejudices, must have seemed quite human enough and on an equal
level to become his substitutes. The savage, when he began to reflect,
would regard the carnivore and the serpent with awe, wonder and dread;
and would soon suspect the same mysterious potency in the brute as in
himself: so the Malays still look upon the Uran-utan, or Wood-man, as
the possessor of superhuman wisdom. The hunter and the herdsman, who had
few other companions, would presently explain the peculiar relations of
animals to themselves by material metamorphosis, the bodily
transformation of man to brute giving increased powers of working him
weal and woe. A more advanced stage would find the step easy to
metempsychosis, the beast containing the Ego (_alias_ soul) of the
human: such instinctive belief explains much in Hindu literature, but it
was not wanted at first by the Apologue.

This blending of blood, this racial baptism would produce a fine robust
progeny; and, after our second century, Ægypto-Græco-Indian stories
overran the civilized globe between Rome and China. Tales have wings and
fly farther than the jade hatchets of proto-historic days. And the
result was a book which has had more readers than any other except the
Bible. Its original is unknown.[236] The volume, which in Pehlevi became
the Jávidán Khirad (“Wisdom of Ages”) or the Testament of Hoshang, that
ancient guebre King, and in Sanskrit the Panchatantra (“Five Chapters”),
is a recueil of apologues and anecdotes related by the learned Brahman,
Vishnu Sharmá, for the benefit of his pupils the sons of an Indian
Rajah. The Hindu original has been adapted and translated into a number
of languages; Arabic, Hebrew and Syriac, Greek and Latin, Persian and
Turkish, under a host of names.[237] Voltaire[238] wisely remarks of
this venerable production:—Quand on fait réflexion que presque toute la
terre a été enfatuée de pareils contes, et qu’ils ont fait l’éducation
du genre humain, on trouve les fables de Pilpay, de Lokman,[239]
d’Ésope, bien raisonables. But methinks the sage of Ferney might have
said far more. These fables speak with the large utterance of early man;
they have also their own especial beauty—the charms of well-preserved
and time-honoured old age. There is in their wisdom a perfume of the
past, homely and ancient-fashioned like a whiff of _pot pourri_,
wondrous soothing withal to olfactories agitated by the patchoulis and
jockey clubs of modern pretenders and petit-maîtres, with their grey
young heads and pert intelligence, the motto of whose ignorance is
“Connu!” Were a dose of its antique, mature experience adhibited to the
Western before he visits the East, those few who could digest it might
escape the normal lot of being twisted round the fingers of every rogue
they meet from Dragoman to Rajah. And a quotation from them tells at
once: it shows the quoter to be a man of education, not a “Jangalí,” a
sylvan or savage, as the Anglo-Indian official is habitually termed by
his more civilised “fellow-subject.”

The main difference between the classical apologue and the fable in The
Nights is that while Æsop and Gabrias write laconic tales with a single
event and a simple moral, the Arabian fables are often “long-continued
novelle involving a variety of events, each characterised by some social
or political aspect, forming a narrative highly interesting in itself,
often exhibiting the most exquisite moral, and yet preserving, with rare
ingenuity, the peculiar characteristics of the actors.”[240] And the
distinction between the ancient and the mediæval apologue, including the
modern which, since “Reineke Fuchs,” is mainly German, appears equally
pronounced. The latter is humorous enough and rich in the wit which
results from superficial incongruity; but it ignores the deep underlying
bond which connects man with beast. Again, the main secret of its
success is the strain of pungent satire, especially in the Renardine
Cycle, which the people could apply to all unpopular “lordes and
prelates, gostly and worldly.”

Our Recueil contains two distinct sets of apologues.[241] The first
(vol. iii.) consists of eleven, alternating with five anecdotes (Nights
cxlvi.-cliii.), following the lengthy and knightly romance of King Omar
bin al Nu’man and followed by the melancholy love tale of Ali bin
Bakkár. The second series in vol. ix., consisting of eight fables, not
including ten anecdotes (Nights cmi.-cmxxiv.), is injected into the
romance of King Jali’ad and Shimas mentioned by Al-Mas’udi as
independent of The Nights. In both places the Beast-fables are
introduced with some art and add variety to the subject-matter,
obviating monotony—the deadly sin of such works—and giving repose to the
hearer or reader after a climax of excitement such as the murder of the
Wazirs. And even these are not allowed to pall upon the mental palate,
being mingled with anecdotes and short tales, such as the Hermits (iii.
125), with biographical or literary episodes, acroamata, table-talk and
analects where humorous Rabelaisian anecdote finds a place; in fact the
fabliau or novella. This style of composition may be as ancient as the
apologues. We know that it dates as far back as Rameses III., from the
history of the Two Brothers in the Orbigny papyrus,[242] the prototype
of Yusuf and Zulaykha, the Koranic Joseph and Potiphar’s wife. It is
told with a charming naïveté and such sharp touches of local colour as,
“Come, let us make merry an hour and lie together! _Let down thy hair!_”

Some of the apologues in The Nights are pointless enough, rien moins
qu’amusants; but in the best specimens, such as the Wolf and the
Fox[243] (the wicked man and the wily man), both characters are
carefully kept distinct and neither action nor dialogue ever flags.
Again The Flea and the Mouse (iii. 151), of a type familiar to students
of the Pilpay cycle, must strike the home-reader as peculiarly quaint.

Next in date to the Apologue comes the Fairy Tale proper, where the
natural universe is supplemented by one of purely imaginative existence.
“As the active world is inferior to the rational soul,” says Bacon with
his normal sound sense, “so Fiction gives to Mankind what History denies
and in some measure satisfies the Mind with Shadows when it cannot enjoy
the Substance. And as real History gives us not the success of things
according to the deserts of vice and virtue, Fiction corrects it and
presents us with the fates and fortunes of persons rewarded and punished
according to merit.” But I would say still more. History paints or
attempts to paint life as it is, a mighty maze with or without a plan:
Fiction shows or would show us life as it should be, wisely ordered and
laid down on fixed lines. Thus Fiction is not the mere handmaid of
History: she has a household of her own and she claims to be the triumph
of Art which, as Goëthe remarked, is “Art because it is not Nature.”
Fancy, _la folle du logis_, is “that kind and gentle portress who holds
the gate of Hope wide open, in opposition to Reason, the surly and
scrupulous guard.”[244] As Palmerin of England says and says well, “For
that the report of noble deeds doth urge the courageous mind to equal
those who bear most commendation of their approved valiancy; this is the
fair fruit of Imagination and of ancient histories.” And, last but not
least, the faculty of Fancy takes count of the cravings of man’s nature
for the marvellous, the impossible, and of his higher aspirations for
the Ideal, the Perfect: she realises the wild dreams and visions of his
generous youth and portrays for him a portion of that “other and better
world,” with whose expectation he would console his age.

The imaginative varnish of The Nights serves admirably as a foil to the
absolute realism of the picture in general. We enjoy being carried away
from trivial and common-place characters, scenes and incidents; from the
matter of fact surroundings of a work-a-day world, a life of eating and
drinking, sleeping and waking, fighting and loving, into a society and a
mise-en-scène which we suspect can exist and which we know does not.
Every man at some turn or term of his life has longed for supernatural
powers and a glimpse of Wonderland. Here he is in the midst of it. Here
he sees mighty spirits summoned to work the human mite’s will, however
whimsical, who can transport him in an eye-twinkling whithersoever he
wishes; who can ruin cities and build palaces of gold and silver, gems
and jacinths; who can serve up delicate viands and delicious drinks in
priceless chargers and impossible cups and bring the choicest fruits
from farthest Orient: here he finds magas and magicians who can make
kings of his friends, slay armies of his foes and bring any number of
beloveds to his arms. And from this outraging probability and
outstripping possibility arises not a little of that strange fascination
exercised for nearly two centuries upon the life and literature of
Europe by The Nights, even in their mutilated and garbled form. The
reader surrenders himself to the spell, feeling almost inclined to
enquire “And why may it not be true?”[245] His brain is dazed and
dazzled by the splendours which flash before it, by the sudden
procession of Jinns and Jinniyahs, demons and fairies, some hideous,
others preternaturally beautiful; by good wizards and evil sorcerers,
whose powers are unlimited for weal and for woe; by mermen and mermaids,
flying horses, talking animals, and reasoning elephants; by magic rings
and their slaves and by talismanic couches which rival the carpet of
Solomon. Hence, as one remarks, these Fairy Tales have pleased and still
continue to please almost all ages, all ranks and all different

Dr. Hawkesworth[246] observes that these Fairy Tales find favour
“because even their machinery, wild and wonderful as it is, has its
laws; and the magicians and enchanters perform nothing but what was
naturally to be expected from such beings, after we had once granted
them existence.” Mr. Heron “rather supposes the very contrary is the
truth of the fact. It is surely the strangeness, the unknown nature, the
anomalous character of the supernatural agents here employed, that makes
them to operate so powerfully on our hopes, fears, curiosities,
sympathies, and, in short, on all the feelings of our hearts. We see men
and women, who possess qualities to recommend them to our favour,
subjected to the influence of beings, whose good or ill will, power or
weakness, attention or neglect, are regulated by motives and
circumstances which we cannot comprehend: and hence, we naturally
tremble for their fate, with the same anxious concern, as we should for
a friend wandering, in a dark night, amidst torrents and precipices; or
preparing to land on a strange island, while he knew not whether he
should be received, on the shore, by cannibals waiting to tear him
piecemeal, and devour him, or by gentle beings, disposed to cherish him
with fond hospitality.” Both writers have expressed themselves well, but
meseems each has secured, as often happens, a fragment of the truth and
holds it to be the whole Truth. Granted that such spiritual creatures as
Jinns walk the earth, we are pleased to find them so very human, as wise
and as foolish in word and deed as ourselves: similarly we admire in a
landscape natural forms like those of Staffa or the Palisades which
favour the works of architecture. Again, supposing such
preternaturalisms to be around and amongst us, the wilder and more
capricious they prove, the more our attention is excited and our
forecasts are baffled to be set right in the end. But this is not all.
The grand source of pleasure in Fairy Tales is the natural desire to
learn more of the Wonderland which is known to many as a word and
nothing more, like Central Africa before the last half century: thus the
interest is that of the “Personal Narrative” of a grand exploration to
one who delights in travels. The pleasure must be greatest where faith
is strongest; for instance amongst imaginative races like the Kelts and
especially Orientals, who imbibe supernaturalism with their mother’s
milk. “I am persuaded,” writes Mr. Bayle St. John,[247] “that the great
scheme of preternatural energy, so fully developed in The Thousand and
One Nights, is believed in by the majority of the inhabitants of all the
religious professions both in Syria and Egypt.” He might have added “by
every reasoning being from prince to peasant, from Mullah to Badawi,
between Marocco and Outer Ind.”

The Fairy Tale in The Nights is wholly and purely Persian. The gifted
Iranian race, physically the noblest and the most beautiful of all known
to me, has exercised upon the world-history an amount of influence which
has not yet been fully recognised. It repeated for Babylonian art and
literature what Greece had done for Egyptian, whose dominant idea was
that of working for eternity a κτῆμα εἰς ἀεί. Hellas and Iran
instinctively chose as their characteristic the idea of Beauty,
rejecting all that was exaggerated and grotesque; and they made the
sphere of Art and Fancy as real as the world of Nature and Fact. The
innovation was hailed by the Hebrews. The so-called Books of Moses
deliberately and ostentatiously ignored the future state of rewards and
punishments, the other world which ruled the life of the Egyptian in
this world: the lawgiver, whoever he may have been, Osarsiph or Moshe,
apparently held the tenet unworthy of a race whose career he was
directing to conquest and isolation in dominion. But the Jews, removed
to Mesopotamia, the second cradle of the creeds, presently caught the
infection of their Asiatic media; superadded Babylonian legend to
Egyptian myth; stultified The Law by supplementing it with the
“absurdities of foreign fable” and ended, as the Talmud proves, with
becoming the most wildly superstitious and “otherworldly” of mankind.

The same change befel Al-Islam. The whole of its supernaturalism is
borrowed bodily from Persia, which had “imparadised Earth by making it
the abode of angels.” Mohammed, a great and commanding genius, blighted
and narrowed by surroundings and circumstance to something little higher
than a Covenanter or a Puritan, declared to his followers,

           “I am sent to ’stablish the manners and customs;”

and his deficiency of imagination made him dislike everything but
“women, perfumes, and prayers,” with an especial aversion to music and
poetry, plastic art and fiction. Yet his system, unlike that of Moses,
demanded thaumaturgy and metaphysical entities, and these he perforce
borrowed from the Jews who had borrowed them from the Babylonians: his
soul and spirit, his angels and devils, his cosmogony, his heavens and
hells, even the Bridge over the Great Depth are all either Talmudic or
Iranian. But there he stopped and would have stopped others. His enemies
among the Koraysh were in the habit of reciting certain Persian fabliaux
and of extolling them as superior to the silly and equally fictitious
stories of the “Glorious Koran.” The leader of these scoffers was one
Nazr ibn Háris who, taken prisoner after the Battle of Bedr, was
incontinently decapitated, by apostolic command, for what appears to be
a natural and sensible preference. It was the same furious fanaticism
and one-idea’d intolerance which made Caliph Omar destroy all he could
find of the Alexandrian Library and prescribe burning for the Holy Books
of the Persian Guebres. And the taint still lingers in Al-Islam: it will
be said of a pious man, “He always studies the Koran, the Traditions and
other books of Law and Religion; and he never reads poems nor listens to
music or to stories.”

Mohammed left a dispensation or rather a reformation so arid, jejune and
material that it promised little more than the “Law of Moses,” before
this was vivified and racially baptised by Mesopotamian and Persic
influences. But human nature was stronger than the Prophet and, thus
outraged, took speedy and absolute revenge. Before the first century had
elapsed, orthodox Al-Islam was startled by the rise of Tasawwuf or
Sufyism[248] a revival of classic Platonism and Christian Gnosticism,
with a mingling of modern Hylozoism; which, quickened by the glowing
imagination of the East, speedily formed itself into a creed the most
poetical and impractical, the most spiritual and the most transcendental
ever invented; satisfying all man’s hunger for “belief” which, if placed
upon a solid basis of fact and proof, would forthright cease to be

I will take from The Nights, as a specimen of the true Persian romance,
“The Queen of the Serpents” (vol. v. 298), the subject of Lane’s
Carlylean denunciation. The first gorgeous picture is the Session of the
Snakes which, like their Indian congeners the Nága kings and queens,
have human heads and reptile bodies, an Egyptian myth that engendered
the “old serpent” of Genesis. The Sultánah welcomes Hásib Karím al-Dín,
the hapless lad who had been left in a cavern to die by the greedy
woodcutters; and, in order to tell him her tale, introduces the
“Adventures of Bulúkiyá”: the latter is an Israelite converted by editor
and scribe to Mohammedanism; but we can detect under his assumed faith
the older creed. Solomon is not buried by authentic history “beyond the
Seven (mystic) Seas,” but at Jerusalem or Tiberias; and his seal-ring
suggests the Jám-i-Jam, the crystal cup of the great King Jamshíd. The
descent of the Archangel Gabriel, so familiar to Al-Islam, is the
manifestation of Bahman, the First Intelligence, the mightiest of the
Angels who enabled Zarathustra-Zoroaster to walk like Bulukiya over the
Dálatí or Caspian Sea.[249] Amongst the sights shown to Bulukiya, as he
traverses the Seven Oceans, is a battle royal between the believing and
the unbelieving Jinns, true Magian dualism, the eternal duello of the
Two Roots or antagonistic Principles, Good and Evil, Hormuzd and
Ahriman, which Milton has debased into a common-place modern combat
fought also with cannon. Sakhr the Jinni is Eshem chief of the Divs, and
Kaf, the encircling mountain, is a later edition of Persian Alborz. So
in the Mantak al-Tayr (Colloquy of the Flyers) the Birds, emblems of
souls, seeking the presence of the gigantic feathered biped Simurgh,
their god, traverse seven Seas (according to others seven Wadys) of
Search, of Love, of Knowledge, of Competence, of Unity, of Stupefaction,
and of Altruism (_i.e._ annihilation of self), the several stages of
contemplative life. At last, standing upon the mysterious island of the
Simurgh and “casting a clandestine glance at him they saw thirty
birds[250] in him; and when they turned their eyes to themselves the
thirty birds seemed one Simurgh: they saw in themselves the entire
Simurgh; they saw in the Simurgh the thirty birds entirely.” Therefore
they arrived at the solution of the problem “_We_ and _Thou_;” that is,
the identity of God and Man; they were for ever annihilated in the
Simurgh and the shade vanished in the sun (Ibid. iii. 250). The wild
ideas concerning Khalít and Malít (vol. v. 319) are again Guebre. “From
the seed of Kayomars (the androgyne, like pre-Adamite man) sprang a tree
shaped like two human beings and thence proceeded Meshia and Meshianah,
first man and woman, progenitors of mankind;” who, though created for
“Shídistán, Lightland,” were seduced by Ahriman. This “two-man-tree” is
evidently the duality of Physis and Anti-physis, Nature and her
counterpart, the battle between Mihr, Izad or Mithra with his Surush and
Feristeh (Seraphs and Angels) against the Divs who are the children of
Time led by the arch-demon Eshem. Thus when Hormuzd created the planets,
the dog, and all useful animals and plants, Ahriman produced the comets,
the wolf, noxious beasts and poisonous growths. The Hindus represent the
same metaphysical idea by Bramhá the Creator and Visvakarma, the
Anti-creator,[251] miscalled by Europeans Vulcan: the former fashions a
horse and a bull and the latter caricatures them with an ass and a
buffalo,—evolution turned topsy turvy. After seeing nine angels and
obtaining an explanation of the Seven Stages of Earth which is supported
by the Gav-i-Zamín, the energy, symbolised by a bull, implanted by the
Creator in the mundane sphere, Bulukiya meets the four Archangels, to
wit Gabriel who is the Persian Rawánbakhsh or Life-giver; Michael or
Beshter, Raphael or Israfil alias Ardibihisht, and Azazel or Azrail who
is Dumá or Mordad, the Death-giver; and the four are about to attack the
Dragon, that is, the demons hostile to mankind who were driven behind
Alborz-Kaf by Tahmuras the ancient Persian king. Bulukiya then recites
an episode within an episode, the “Story of Jánsháh,” itself a Persian
name and accompanied by two others (vol. v. 329), the _mise-en-scène_
being Kabul and the King of Khorasan appearing in the proem. Janshah,
the young Prince, no sooner comes to man’s estate than he loses himself
out hunting and falls in with cannibals whose bodies divide
longitudinally, each moiety going its own way: these are the Shikk
(split ones) which the Arabs borrowed from the Persian Ním-chihrah or
Half-faces. They escape to the Ape-island whose denizens are human in
intelligence and speak articulately, as the universal East believes they
can: these Simiads are at chronic war with the Ants, alluding to some
obscure myth which gave rise to the gold-diggers of Herodotus and other
classics, “emmets in size somewhat less than dogs but bigger than
foxes.”[252] The episode then falls into the banalities of Oriental
folk-lore. Janshah, passing the Sabbation river and reaching the Jews’
city, is persuaded to be sewn up in a skin and is carried in the normal
way to the top of the Mountain of Gems where he makes acquaintance with
Shaykh Nasr, Lord of the Birds: he enters the usual forbidden room;
falls in love with the pattern Swan-maiden; wins her by the popular
process; loses her and recovers her through the Monk Yaghmús, whose
name, like that of King Teghmús, is a burlesque of the Greek; and,
finally, when she is killed by a shark, determines to mourn her loss
till the end of his days. Having heard this story Bulukiya quits him;
and, resolving to regain his natal land, falls in with Khizr; and the
Green Prophet, who was Wazir to Kay Kobad (vith century B.C.) and was
connected with Macedonian Alexander (!) enables him to win his wish. The
rest of the tale calls for no comment.

Thirdly and lastly we have the histories, historical stories and the
“Ana” of great men in which Easterns as well as Westerns delight: the
gravest writers do not disdain to relieve the dullness of chronicles and
annals by means of such discussions, humorous or pathetic, moral or
grossly indecent. The dates must greatly vary: some of the anecdotes
relating to the early Caliphs appear almost contemporary; others, like
Ali of Cairo and Abu al-Shamat, may be as late as the Ottoman Conquest
of Egypt (sixteenth century). All are distinctly Sunnite and show fierce
animus against the Shi’ah heretics, suggesting that they were written
after the destruction of the Fatimite dynasty (twelfth century) by Salah
al-Din (Saladin the Kurd) one of the latest historical personages and
the last king named in The Nights.[253] These anecdotes are so often
connected with what a learned Frenchman terms the “regne féerique de
Haroun er-Réschid,”[254] that the Great Caliph becomes the hero of this
portion of The Nights. Aaron the Orthodox was the central figure of the
most splendid empire the world had seen, the Viceregent of Allah
combining the powers of Cæsar and Pope, and wielding them right worthily
according to the general voice of historians. To quote a few: Ali bin
Talib al-Khorásáni described him, in A.D. 934, a century and-a-half
after his death when flattery would be tongue-tied, as, “one devoted to
war and pilgrimage, whose bounty embraced the folk at large.” Sa’adi
(ob. A.D. 1291) tells a tale highly favourable to him in the “Gulistan”
(lib. i. 36). Fakhr al-Din[255] (xivth century) lauds his merits,
eloquence, science and generosity; and Al-Siyuti (nat. A.D. 1445)
asserts “He was one of the most distinguished of Caliphs and the most
illustrious of the Princes of the Earth” (p. 290). The Shaykh
al-Nafzáwi[256] (sixteenth century) in his Rauz al-’Átir fí Nazáh
al-Khátir = Scented Garden-site for Heart-delight, calls Harun (chapt.
vii.) the “Master of munificence and bounty, the best of the generous.”
And even the latest writers have not ceased to praise him. Says Alí Azíz
Efendi the Cretan, in the Story of Jewád[257] (p. 81), “Harun was the
most bounteous, illustrious and upright of the Abbaside Caliphs.”

The fifth Abbaside was fair and handsome, of noble and majestic
presence, a sportsman and an athlete who delighted in polo and archery.
He showed sound sense and true wisdom in his speech to the
grammarian-poet Al-Asma’í, who had undertaken to teach him:—“Ne
m’enseignez jamais en public, et ne vous empressez pas trop de me donner
des avis en particulier. Attendez ordinairement que je vous interroge,
et contentez-vous de me donner une response précise à ce que je vous
demanderai, sans y rien ajouter de superflu. Gardez vous surtout de
vouloir me préoccuper pour vous attirer ma créance, et pour vous donner
de l’autorité. Ne vous étendez jamais trop en long sur les histoires et
les traditions que vous me raconterez, si je ne vous en donne la
permission. Lorsque vous verrai que je m’eloignerai de l’équité dans mes
jugements, ramenez-moi avec douceur, sans user de paroles fâcheuses ni
de réprimandes. Enseignez-moi principalement les choses qui sont les
plus nécessaires pour les discours que je dois faire en public, dans les
mosquées et ailleurs; et ne parlez point en termes obscurs, ou
mystérieux, ni avec des paroles trop recherchées.”[258]

He became well read in science and letters, especially history and
tradition, for “his understanding was as the understanding of the
learned;” and, like all educated Arabs of his day, “he was a connoisseur
of poetry which at times he improvised with success.”[259] He made the
pilgrimage every alternate year and sometimes on foot, while “his
military expeditions almost equalled his pilgrimages.” Day after day
during his Caliphate he prayed a hundred “bows,” never neglecting them,
save for some especial reason, till his death; and he used to give from
his privy purse alms to the extent of a hundred dirhams per diem. He
delighted in panegyry and liberally rewarded its experts, one of whom,
Abd al-Sammák the Preacher, fairly said of him, “Thy humility in thy
greatness is nobler than thy greatness.” “No Caliph,” says Al-Niftawayh,
“had been so profusely liberal to poets, lawyers and divines, although
as the years advanced he wept over his extravagance amongst other sins.”
There was vigorous manliness in his answer to the Grecian Emperor who
had sent him an insulting missive:—“In the name of Allah! From the
Commander of the Faithful Harun al-Rashid, to Nicephorus the Roman dog.
I have read thy writ, O son of a miscreant mother! Thou shalt not hear,
thou shalt see my reply.” Nor did he cease to make the Byzantine feel
the weight of his arm till he “nakh’d”[260] his camel in the imperial
Court-yard; and this was only one instance of his indomitable energy and
hatred of the Infidel. Yet, if the West is to be believed, he forgot his
fanaticism in his diplomatic dealings and courteous intercourse with
Carolus Magnus.[261] Finally, his civilised and well regulated rule
contrasted as strongly with the barbarity and turbulence of occidental
Christendom, as the splendid Court and the luxurious life of Baghdad and
its carpets and hangings devanced the quasi-savagery of London and Paris
whose palatial halls were spread with rushes.

The great Caliph ruled twenty-three years and a few months (A.H. 170–193
= A.D. 786–808); and, as his youth was chequered and his reign was
glorious, so was his end obscure.[262] After a vision foreshadowing his
death,[263] which happened, as becomes a good Moslem, during a military
expedition to Khorasan, he ordered his grave to be dug and himself to be
carried to it in a covered litter: when sighting the fosse he exclaimed,
“O son of man thou art come to this!” Then he commanded himself to be
set down and a perlection of the Koran to be made over him in the litter
on the edge of the grave. He was buried (æt. forty-five) at Sanábád, a
village near Tús.

Aaron the Orthodox appears in The Nights as a headstrong and violent
autocrat, a right royal figure according to the Moslem ideas of his day.
But his career shows that he was not more tyrannical or more sanguinary
than the normal despot of the East, or the contemporary Kings of the
West: in most points, indeed, he was far superior to the historic
misrulers who have afflicted the world from Spain to furthest China. But
a single great crime, a tragedy whose details are almost incredibly
horrible, marks his reign with the stain of infamy, with a blot of blood
never to be washed away. This tale, “full of the waters of the eye,” as
Firdausi sings, is the massacre of the Barmecides; a story which has
often been told and which cannot here be passed over in silence. The
ancient and noble Iranian house, belonging to the “Ebná” or Arabised
Persians, had long served the Ommiades till, early in our eighth
century, Khálid bin Bermek,[264] the chief, entered the service of the
first Abbaside and became Wazir and Intendant of Finance to Al-Saffah.
The most remarkable and distinguished of the family, he was in office
when Al-Mansur transferred the capital from Damascus, the head-quarters
of the hated Ommiades, to Baghdad, built ad hoc. After securing the
highest character in history by his personal gifts and public services,
he was succeeded by his son and heir Yáhyá (John), a statesman famed
from early youth for prudence and profound intelligence, liberality and
nobility of soul.[265] He was charged by the Caliph Al-Mahdi with the
education of his son Harun, hence the latter was accustomed to call him
father; and, until the assassination of the fantastic tyrant Al-Hádi,
who proposed to make his own child Caliph, he had no little difficulty
in preserving the youth from death in prison. The Orthodox, once seated
firmly on the throne, appointed Yahya his Grand Wazir. This great
administrator had four sons, Al-Fazl, Ja’afar, Mohammed, and Musa,[266]
in whose time the house of Bermek rose to that height from which decline
and fall are, in the East, well nigh certain and immediate. Al-Fazl was
a foster-brother of Harun, an exchange of suckling infants having taken
place between the two mothers for the usual object, a tightening of the
ties of intimacy: he was a man of exceptional mind, but he lacked the
charm of temper and manner which characterised Ja’afar. The poets and
rhetoricians have been profuse in their praises of the cadet who appears
in The Nights as an adviser of calm sound sense, an intercessor and a
peace-maker, and even more remarkable than the rest of his family for an
almost incredible magnanimity and generosity—une générosité effrayante.
Mohammed was famed for exalted views and nobility of sentiment and Musa
for bravery and energy: of both it was justly said, “They did good and
harmed not.”[267]

For ten years (not including an interval of seven) from the time of
Al-Rashid’s accession (A.D. 786) to the date of their fall, (A.D. 803),
Yahya and his sons, Al-Fazl and Ja’afar, were virtually rulers of the
great heterogeneous empire, which extended from Mauritania to Tartary,
and they did notable service in arresting its disruption. Their downfall
came sudden and terrible like “a thunderbolt from the blue.” As the
Caliph and Ja’afar were halting in Al-’Umr (the convent) near Anbár-town
on the Euphrates, after a convivial evening spent in different
pavilions, Harun during the dead of the night called up his page Yásir
al-Rikhlah[268] and bade him bring Ja’afar’s head. The messenger found
Ja’afar still carousing with the blind poet Abú Zakkár and the Christian
physician Gabriel ibn Bakhtiashú, and was persuaded to return to the
Caliph and report his death; the Wazir adding, “An he express regret I
shall owe thee my life; and, if not, whatso Allah will be done.” Ja’afar
followed to listen and heard only the Caliph exclaim, “O sucker of thy
mother’s clitoris, if thou answer me another word, I will send thee
before him!” whereupon he at once bandaged his own eyes and received the
fatal blow. Al-Asma’í, who was summoned to the presence shortly after,
recounts that when the head was brought to Harun he gazed at it, and
summoning two witnesses commanded them to decapitate Yasir, crying, “I
cannot bear to look upon the slayer of Ja’afar!” His vengeance did not
cease with the death: he ordered the head to be gibbetted at one end and
the trunk at the other abutment of the Tigris bridge where the corpses
of the vilest malefactors used to be exposed; and, some months
afterwards, he insulted the remains by having them burned—the last and
worst indignity which can be offered to a Moslem. There are indeed pity
and terror in the difference between two such items in the
Treasury-accounts as these: “Four hundred thousand dinars (£200,000) to
a robe of honour for the Wazir Ja’afar bin Yahya;” and, “Ten kírát, (5
shill.) to naphtha and reeds for burning the body of Ja’afar the

Meanwhile Yahya and Al-Fazl, seized by the Caliph Harun’s command at
Baghdad, were significantly cast into the prison “Habs al-Zanádikah”—of
the Guebres—and their immense wealth which, some opine, hastened their
downfall, was confiscated. According to the historian, Al-Tabari, who,
however, is not supported by all the annalists, the whole Barmecide
family, men, women, and children, numbering over a thousand, were
slaughtered with only three exceptions; Yahya, his brother Mohammed, and
his son Al-Fazl. The Caliph’s foster-father, who lived to the age of
seventy-four, was allowed to die in jail (A.H. 805) after two years’
imprisonment at Rukkah. Al-Fazl, after having been tortured with two
hundred blows in order to make him produce concealed property, survived
his father three years and died in Nov. A.H. 808, some four months
before his terrible foster-brother. A pathetic tale is told of the son
warming water for the old man’s use by pressing the copper ewer to his

The motives of this terrible massacre are variously recounted, but no
sufficient explanation has yet been, or possibly ever will be, given.
The popular idea is embodied in The Nights.[269] Harun, wishing Ja’afar
to be his companion even in the Harem, had wedded him, pro formâ, to his
eldest sister Abbásah, “the loveliest woman of her day,” and brilliant
in mind as in body; but he had expressly said, “I will marry thee to
her, that it may be lawful for thee to look upon her but thou shalt not
touch her.” Ja’afar bound himself by a solemn oath; but his mother
Attábah was mad enough to deceive him in his cups and the result was a
boy (Ibn Khallikan) or, according to others, twins. The issue was sent
under the charge of a confidential eunuch and a slave-girl to Meccah for
concealment; but the secret was divulged to Zubaydah who had her own
reasons for hating husband and wife and cherished an especial grievance
against Yahya.[270] Thence it soon found its way to head-quarters.
Harun’s treatment of Abbásah supports the general conviction: according
to the most credible accounts she and her child were buried alive in a
pit under the floor of her apartment.

But, possibly, Ja’afar’s perjury was only “the last straw.” Already
Al-Fazl bin Rabí’a, the deadliest enemy of the Barmecides, had been
entrusted (A.D. 786) with the Wazirate which he kept seven years.
Ja’afar had also acted generously but imprudently in abetting the escape
of Yahya bin Abdillah, Sayyid and Alide, for whom the Caliph had
commanded confinement in a close dark dungeon: when charged with
disobedience the Wazir had made full confession and Harun had (they say)
exclaimed, “Thou hast done well!” but was heard to mutter, “Allah slay
me an I slay thee not.”[271] The great house seems at times to have
abused its powers by being too peremptory with Harun and Zubaydah,
especially in money matters;[272] and its very greatness would have
created for it many and powerful enemies and detractors who plied the
Caliph with anonymous verse and prose. Nor was it forgotten that, before
the spread of Al-Islam, they had presided over the Naubehár or Pyræthrum
of Balkh; and Harun is said to have remarked anent Yahya, “The zeal for
magianism, rooted in his heart, induces him to save all the monuments
connected with his faith.”[273] Hence the charge that they were
“Zanádakah,” a term properly applied to those who study the Zend
scripture, but popularly meaning Mundanists, Positivists, Reprobates,
Atheists; and it may be noted that, immediately after Al-Rashid’s death,
violent religious troubles broke out in Baghdad. Ibn Khallikan[274]
quotes Sa’íd ibn Sálim, a well-known grammarian and traditionist who
philosophically remarked, “Of a truth the Barmecides did nothing to
deserve Al-Rashid’s severity, but the day (of their power and
prosperity) had been long and whatso endureth long waxeth longsome.”
Fakhr al-Din says (p. 27), “On attribue encore leur ruine aux manières
fières et orgueilleuses de Djafar (Ja’afar) et de Fadhl (Al-Fazl),
manières que les rois ne sauroient supporter.” According to Ibn Badrún,
the poet, when the Caliph’s sister ’Olayyah[275] asked him, “O my lord,
I have not seen thee enjoy one happy day since putting Ja’afar to death:
wherefore didst thou slay him?” he answered, “My dear life, an I thought
that my shirt knew the reason I would rend it in pieces!” I therefore
hold with Al-Mas’udi, “As regards the intimate cause (of the
catastrophe) it is unknown and Allah is Omniscient.”

Aaron the Orthodox appears sincerely to have repented his enormous
crime. From that date he never enjoyed refreshing sleep: he would have
given his whole realm to recall Ja’afar to life; and, if any spoke
slightingly of the Barmecides in his presence, he would exclaim, “God
damn your fathers! Cease to blame them or fill the void they have left.”
And he had ample reason to mourn the loss. After the extermination of
the wise and enlightened family, the affairs of the Caliphate never
prospered: Fazl bin Rabí’a, though a man of intelligence and devoted to
letters, proved a poor substitute for Yahya and Ja’afar; and the Caliph
is reported to have applied to him the couplet:—

 No sire to your sire,[276] I bid you spare ✿ Your calumnies or their
    place replace.

His unwise elevation of his two rival sons filled him with fear of
poison, and, lastly, the violence and recklessness of the popular
mourning for the Barmecides,[277] whose echo has not yet died away, must
have added poignancy to his tardy penitence. The crime still “sticks
fiery off” from the rest of Harun’s career: it stands out in ghastly
prominence as one of the most terrible tragedies recorded by history,
and its horrible details make men write passionately on the subject to
this our day.[278]

As of Harun so of Zubaydah it may be said that she was far superior in
most things to contemporary royalties, and she was not worse at her
worst than the normal despot-queen of the Morning-land. We must not take
seriously the tales of her jealousy in The Nights, which mostly end in
her selling off or burying alive her rivals; but, even were all true,
she acted after the recognised fashion of her exalted sisterhood. The
secret history of Cairo, during the last generation, tells of many a
viceregal dame who committed all the crimes, without any of the virtues
which characterised Harun’s cousin-spouse. And the difference between
the manners of the Caliphate and the “respectability” of the nineteenth
century may be measured by the Tale called, “Al-Maamun and
Zubaydah.”[279] The lady, having won a game of forfeits from her
husband, and being vexed with him for imposing unseemly conditions when
he had been the winner, condemned him to lie with the foulest and
filthiest kitchen-wench in the palace; and thus was begotten the Caliph
who succeeded and destroyed her son.

Zubaydah was the grand-daughter of the second Abbaside Al-Mansur, by his
son Ja’afar whom The Nights persistently term Al-Kasim: her name was
Amat al-Azíz or Handmaid of the Almighty; her cognomen was Umm Ja’afar
as her husband’s was Abú Ja’afar; and her popular name “Creamkin”
derives from Zubdah,[280] cream or fresh butter, on account of her
plumpness and freshness. She was as majestic and munificent as her
husband; and the hum of prayer was never hushed in her palace.
Al-Mas’udi[281] makes a historian say to the dangerous Caliph Al-Káhir,
“The nobleness and generosity of this Princess, in serious matters as in
her diversions, place her in the highest rank”; and he proceeds to give
ample proof. Al-Siyuti relates how she once filled a poet’s mouth with
jewels which he sold for twenty thousand dinars. Ibn Khallikan (i. 523)
affirms of her, “Her charity was ample, her conduct virtuous, and the
history of her pilgrimage to Meccah and of what she undertook to execute
on the way is so well-known that it were useless to repeat it.” I have
noted (Pilgrimage iii. 2) how the Darb al-Sharki or Eastern road from
Meccah to Al-Medinah was due to the piety of Zubaydah who dug wells from
Baghdad to the Prophet’s burial place and built not only cisterns and
caravanserais, but even a wall to direct pilgrims over the shifting
sands. She also supplied Meccah, which suffered severely from want of
water, with the chief requisite for public hygiene by connecting it,
through levelled hills and hewn rocks, with the Ayn al-Mushásh in the
Arafat subrange; and the fine aqueduct, some ten miles long, was erected
at a cost of 1,700,000 to 2,000,000 of gold pieces.[282] We cannot
wonder that her name is still famous among the Badawin and the “Sons of
the Holy Cities.” She died at Baghdad, after a protracted widowhood, in
A.H. 216 and her tomb, which still exists, was long visited by the
friends and dependents who mourned the loss of a devout and most liberal

The reader will bear with me while I run through the tales and add a few
remarks to the notices given in the notes: the glance must necessarily
be brief, however extensive be the theme. The admirable introduction
follows, in all the texts and MSS. known to me, the same main lines but
differs greatly in minor details as will be seen by comparing Mr.
Payne’s translation with Lane’s and mine. In the Tale of the Sage Dúbán
appears the speaking head which is found in the Kámil, in Mirkhond and
in the Kitáb al-Uyún: M. C. Barbier de Meynard (v. 503) traces it back
to an abbreviated text of Al-Mas’udi. I would especially recommend to
students The Porter and the Three Ladies of Baghdad (i. 82), whose
mighty orgie ends so innocently in general marriage. Lane (iii. 746)
blames it “because it represents Arab _ladies_ as acting like Arab
_courtesans_”; but he must have known that during his day the indecent
frolic was quite possible in some of the highest circles of his beloved
Cairo. To judge by the style and changes of person, some of the most
“archaic” expressions suggest the hand of the Ráwi or professional
tale-teller; yet as they are in all the texts they cannot be omitted in
a loyal translation. The following story of The Three Apples perfectly
justifies my notes concerning which certain carpers complain. What
Englishman would be jealous enough to kill his cousin-wife because a
blackamoor in the streets boasted of her favours? But after reading what
is annotated in vol. i. 6, and purposely placed there to give the
key-note of the book, he will understand the reasonable nature of the
suspicion; and I may add that the same cause has commended these “skunks
of the human race” to debauched women in England.

The next tale, sometimes called “The Two Wazírs” is notable for its
regular and genuine drama-intrigue which, however, appears still more
elaborate and perfected in other pieces. The richness of this Oriental
plot-invention contrasts strongly with all European literatures except
the Spaniard’s, whose taste for the theatre determined his direction,
and the Italian, which in Boccaccio’s day had borrowed freely through
Sicily from the East. And the remarkable deficiency lasted till the
romantic movement dawned in France, when Victor Hugo and Alexander Dumas
showed their marvellous powers of faultless fancy, boundless imagination
and scenic luxuriance, “raising French Poetry from the dead and _not_
mortally wounding French prose.”[283] The Two Wazirs is followed by the
gem of the volume, The Adventure of the Hunchback-jester (i. 225), also
containing an admirable surprise and a fine development of character,
while its “wild but natural simplicity” and its humour are so abounding
that it has echoed through the world to the farthest West. It gave to
Addison the Story of Alnaschar[284] and to Europe the term “Barmecide
Feast,” from the “Tale of Shacabac” (vol. i. 343). The adventures of the
corpse were known in Europe long before Galland, as shown by three
fabliaux in Barbazan. I have noticed that the Barber’s Tale of himself
(i. 317) is historical and I may add that it is told in detail by
Al-Mas’udi (chapt. cxiv).

Follows the tale of Núr al-Dín Alí, and what Galland miscalls “The Fair
Persian,” a brightly written historiette with not a few touches of true
humour. Noteworthy are the Slaver’s address (vol. ii. 15), the fine
description of the Baghdad garden (vol. ii. 21–24), the drinking-party
(vol. ii. 25), the Caliph’s frolic (vol. ii. 31–37) and the happy end of
the hero’s misfortunes (vol. ii. 44). Its brightness is tempered by the
gloomy tone of the tale which succeeds, and which has variants in the
Bágh o Bahár, a Hindustani version of the Persian “Tale of the Four
Darwayshes;” and in the Turkish Kirk Vezir or “Book of the Forty
Vezirs.” Its dismal péripéties are relieved only by the witty indecency
of Eunuch Bukhayt and the admirable humour of Eunuch Káfur, whose
“half-lie” is known throughout the East. Here also the lover’s agonies
are piled upon him for the purpose of unpiling at last: the Oriental
tale-teller knows by experience that, as a rule, doleful endings “don’t

The next is the long romance of chivalry, “King Omar bin al-Nu’man”
etc., which occupies an eighth of the whole repertory and the best part
of two volumes. Mr. Lane omits it because “obscene and tedious,” showing
the license with which he translated; and he was set right by a learned
reviewer,[285] who truly declared that “the omission of half-a-dozen
passages out of four hundred pages would fit it for printing in any
language[286] and the charge of tediousness could hardly have been
applied more unhappily.” The tale is interesting as a picture of
mediæval Arab chivalry and has many other notable points; for instance,
the lines (iii. 86) beginning “Allah holds the kingship!” are a lesson
to the manichæanism of Christian Europe. It relates the doings of three
royal generations and has all the characteristics of Eastern art: it is
a phantasmagoria of Holy Places, palaces and Harems; convents, castles
and caverns, here restful with gentle landscapes (ii. 240) and there
bristling with furious battle-pictures (ii. 117, 221–8, 249) and tales
of princely prowess and knightly derring-do. The characters stand out
well. King Nu’man is an old lecher who deserves his death; the ancient
Dame Zát al-Dawáhí merits her title Lady of Calamities (to her foes);
Princess Abrízah appears as a charming Amazon, doomed to a miserable and
pathetic end; Zau al-Makán is a wise and pious royalty; Nuzhat al-Zamán,
though a longsome talker, is a model sister; the Wazir Dandán, a sage
and sagacious counsellor, contrasts with the Chamberlain, an ambitious
miscreant; Kánmakán is the typical Arab knight, gentle and brave:—

             Now managing the mouthes of stubborne steedes
             Now practising the proof of warlike deedes;

And the kind-hearted, simple-minded Stoker serves as a foil to the
villains, the kidnapping Badawi and Ghazbán the detestable negro. The
fortunes of the family are interrupted by two episodes, both equally
remarkable. Taj al-Mulúk[287] is the model lover whom no difficulties or
dangers can daunt. In Azíz and Azízah (ii. 291) we have the beau idéal
of a loving woman: the writer’s object was to represent a “softy” who
had the luck to win the love of a beautiful and clever cousin and the
mad folly to break her heart. The poetical justice which he receives at
the hands of women of quite another stamp leaves nothing to be desired.
Finally the plot of “King Omar” is well worked out; and the gathering of
all the actors upon the stage before the curtain drops may be improbable
but it is highly artistic.

The long Crusading Romance is relieved by a sequence of sixteen
fabliaux, partly historiettes of men and beasts and partly apologues
proper—a subject already noticed. We have then (iii. 162) the saddening
and dreary love-tale of Ali bin Bakkár, a Persian youth and the Caliph’s
concubine Shams al-Nahár. Here the end is made doleful enough by the
deaths of the “two martyrs,” who are killed off, like Romeo and
Juliet,[288] a lesson that the course of true Love is sometimes troubled
and that men as well as women _can_ die of the so-called “tender
passion.” It is followed (iii. 212) by the long tale of Kamar al-Zamán,
or Moon of the Age, the first of that name, the “Camaralzaman” whom
Galland introduced into the best European society. Like “The Ebony
Horse” it seems to have been derived from a common source with “Peter of
Provence” and “Cleomades and Claremond”; and we can hardly wonder at its
wide diffusion: the tale is brimful of life, change, movement,
containing as much character and incident as would fill a modern
three-volumer and the Supernatural pleasantly jostles the Natural;
Dahnash the Jinn and Maymúnah daughter of Al-Dimiryát,[289] a renowned
King of the Jann, being as human in their jealousy about the virtue of
their lovers as any children of Adam, and so their metamorphosis to
fleas has all the effect of a surprise. The _troupe_ is again drawn with
a broad firm touch. Prince Charming, the hero, is weak and wilful,
shifty and immoral, hasty and violent: his two spouses are rivals in
abominations as his sons, Amjad and As’ad, are examples of a fraternal
affection rarely found in half-brothers by sister-wives. There is at
least one fine melodramatic situation (iii. 228); and marvellous feats
of indecency, a practical joke which would occur only to the canopic
mind (iii. 300–305), emphasise the recovery of her husband by that
remarkable “blackguard,” the Lady Budúr. The interpolated tale of
Ni’amah and Naomi (iv. 1), a simple and pleasing narrative of youthful
amours, contrasts well with the boiling passions of the incestuous and
murderous Queens and serves as a pause before the grand _dénoûement_
when the parted meet, the lost are found, the unwedded are wedded and
all ends merrily as a xixth century novel.

The long tale of Alá al-Din, our old friend “Aladdin,” is wholly out of
place in its present position (iv. 29): it is a counterpart of Ali Núr
al-Dín and Miriam the Girdle-girl (vol. ix. 1); and the mention of the
Shahbandar or Harbour-master (iv. 29), the Kunsúl or Consul (p. 84), the
Kaptán (Capitano), the use of cannon at sea and the choice of Genoa-city
(p. 85) prove that it belongs to the xvth or xvith century and should
accompany Kamar al-Zamán II. and Ma’aruf at the end of The Nights.
Despite the lutist Zubaydah being carried off by the Jinn, the Magic
Couch, a modification of Solomon’s carpet, and the murder of the King
who refused to islamize, it is evidently a European tale and I believe
with Dr. Bacher that it is founded upon the legend of “Charlemagne’s”
daughter Emma and his secretary Eginhardt, as has been noted in the
counterpart (vol. ix. 1).

This quasi-historical fiction is followed by a succession of fabliaux,
novelle and historiettes which fill the rest of vol. iv. and the whole
of vol. v. till we reach the terminal story, The Queen of the Serpents
(vol. v. pp. 304–329). It appears to me that most of them are historical
and could easily be traced. Not a few are in Al-Mas’udi; for instance
the grim Tale of Hatim of Tayy (vol. iv. 94) is given bodily in “Meads
of Gold” (iii. 327); and the two adventures of Ibrahim al-Mahdi with the
barber-surgeon (vol. iv. 103) and the Merchant’s sister (vol. iv. 176)
are in his pages (vol. vii. pp. 68 and 18). The City of Lubtayt (vol.
iv. 99) embodies the legend of Don Rodrigo, last of the Goths, and may
have reached the ears of Washington Irving; Many-columned Iram (vol. iv.
113) is held by all Moslems to be factual and sundry writers have
recorded the tricks played by Al-Maamun with the Pyramids of Jízah which
still show his handiwork.[290] The germ of Isaac of Mosul (vol. iv. 119)
is found in Al-Mas’udi who (vii. 65) names “Burán” the poetess (Ibn
Khall. i. 268); and Harun al-Rashid and the Slave-girl (vol. iv. 153) is
told by a host of writers. Ali the Persian is a rollicking tale of fun
from some Iranian jest-book: Abu Mohammed hight Lazybones belongs to the
cycle of “Sindbad the Seaman,” with a touch of Whittington and his Cat;
and Zumurrud (“Smaragdine”) in Ali Shar (vol. iv. 187) shows at her sale
the impudence of Miriam the Girdle-girl and in bed the fescennine device
of the Lady Budur. The “Ruined Man who became Rich,” etc. (vol. iv. 289)
is historical and Al-Mas’udi (vii. 281) relates the coquetry of Mahbúbah
the concubine (vol. iv. 291): the historian also quotes four couplets,
two identical with Nos. 1 and 2 in The Nights (vol. iv. 292) and

 Then see the slave who lords it o’er her lord ✿ In lover privacy and
    public site:
 Behold these eyes that one like Ja’afar saw: ✿ Allah on Ja’afar reign
    boons infinite!

Uns al-Wujúd (vol. v. 32) is a love-tale which has been translated into
a host of Eastern languages; and The Lovers of the Banu Ozrah belong to
Al-Mas’udí’s “Martyrs of Love” (vii. 355), with the ozrite “Ozrite love”
of Ibn Khallikan (iv. 537). “Harun and the Three Poets” (vol. v. 77) has
given to Cairo a proverb which Burckhardt (No. 561) renders “The day
obliterates the word or promise of the Night,” for

                The promise of night is effaced by day.

It suggests Congreve’s Doris:—

                 For who o’er night obtain’d her grace,
                     She can next day disown, etc.

“Harun and the three Slave-girls” (vol. v. 81) smacks of Gargantua (lib.
i. c. II): “It belongs to me, said one: ’Tis mine, said another”; and so
forth. The Simpleton and the Sharper (vol. v. 83) like the Foolish
Dominie (vol. v. 118) is an old Joe Miller in Hindu as well as Moslem
folk-lore. “Kisra Anushirwán” (vol. v. 87) is “The King, the Owl and the
Villages of Al-Mas’údi” (iii. 171), who also notices the Persian
monarch’s four seals of office (ii. 204); and “Masrur the Eunuch and Ibn
Al-Káribi” (vol. v. 109) is from the same source as Ibn al-Magházili the
Reciter and a Eunuch belonging to the Caliph Al-Mu’tazad (vol. viii.
161). In the Tale of Tawaddud (vol. v. 139) we have the fullest
development of the disputations and displays of learning then so common
in Europe, teste the “Admirable Crichton”; and these were affected not
only by Eastern tale-tellers but even by sober historians. To us it is
much like “padding” when Nuzhat al-Zamán (vol. ii. 156 etc.) fags her
hapless hearers with a discourse covering sixteen mortal pages; when the
Wazir Dandan (vol. ii. 195 etc.) reports at length the cold speeches of
the five high-bosomed maids and the Lady of Calamities and when Wird
Khan, in presence of his papa (Nights cmxiv-xvi.) discharges his
patristic exercitations and heterogeneous knowledge. Yet Al-Mas’udi also
relates, at dreary extension (vol. vi. 369) the disputation of the
twelve sages in presence of Barmecide Yahya upon the origin, the
essence, the accidents and the omnes res of Love; and in another place
(vii. 181) shows Honayn, author of the Book of Natural Questions,
undergoing a long examination before the Caliph Al-Wásik (Vathek) and
describing, amongst other things, the human teeth. See also the dialogue
or catechism of Al-Hajjáj and Ibn Al-Kirríya in Ibn Khallikan (vol. i.

These disjecta membra of tales and annals are pleasantly relieved by the
seven voyages of Sindbad the Seaman (vol. vi. 1–83). The “Arabian
Odyssey” may, like its Greek brother, descend from a noble family, the
“Shipwrecked Mariner,” a Coptic travel-tale of the twelfth dynasty (B.C.
3500) preserved on a papyrus at St. Petersburg. In its actual condition
“Sindbad” is a fanciful compilation, like De Foe’s “Captain Singleton,”
borrowed from travellers’ tales of an immense variety and extracts from
Al-Idrísi, Al-Kazwíni and Ibn al-Wardi. Here we find the Polyphemus, the
Pygmies and the cranes of Homer and Herodotus; the escape of
Aristomenes; the Plinian monsters well known in Persia; the magnetic
mountain of Saint Brennan (Brandanus); the aeronautics of “Duke Ernest
of Bavaria”[291] and sundry cuttings from Moslem writers dating between
our ninth and fourteenth centuries.[292] The “Shaykh of the Seaboard”
appears in the Persian romance of Kámarupa translated by Francklin, all
the particulars absolutely corresponding. The “Odyssey” is valuable
because it shows how far Eastward the mediæval Arab had extended:
already in The Ignorance he had reached China and had formed a centre of
trade at Canton. But the higher merit of the cento is to produce one of
the most charming books of travel ever written, like Robinson Crusoe the
delight of children and the admiration of all ages.

The hearty life and realism of Sindbad are made to stand out in strong
relief by the deep melancholy which pervades “The City of Brass” (vol.
vi. 83), a dreadful book for a dreary day. It is curious to compare the
doleful verses (pp. 103, 105) with those spoken to Caliph Al-Mutawakkil
by Abu al-Hasan Ali (Al-Mas’udi, vii. 246). We then enter upon the
venerable Sindibad-nameh, the Malice of Women (vol. vi. 122), of which,
according to the Kitab al-Fihrist, (vol. i. 305) there were two
editions, a Sinzibád al-Kabír and a Sinzibád al-Saghír, the latter being
probably an epitome of the former. This bundle of legends, I have shown,
was incorporated with The Nights as an editor’s addition; and as an
independent work it has made the round of the world. Space forbids any
detailed notice of this choice collection of anecdotes for which a
volume would be required. I may, however, note that the “Wife’s device”
(vol. vi. 152) has its analogues in the Kathá (chapt. xiii.) in the
Gesta Romanorum (No. xxviii.) and in Boccaccio (Day iii. 6 and Day vi.
8), modified by La Fontaine to Richard Minutolo (Contes lib. i. tale 2):
it is quoted almost in the words of The Nights by the Shaykh al-Nafzáwi
(p. 207). That most witty and indecent tale The Three Wishes (vol. vi.
180) has forced its way disguised as a babe into our nurseries. Another
form of it is found in the Arab proverb “More luckless than Basús”
(Kamus), a fair Israelite who persuaded her husband, also a Jew, to wish
that she might become the loveliest of women. Jehovah granted it,
spitefully as Jupiter; the consequence was that her contumacious
treatment of her mate made him pray that the beauty might be turned into
a bitch; and the third wish restored her to her original state.

The Story of Júdar (vol. vi. 207) is Egyptian, to judge from its local
knowledge (pp. 217 and 254) together with its ignorance of Marocco (p.
223). It shows a contrast, in which Arabs delight, of an almost
angelical goodness and forgiveness with a well-nigh diabolical
malignity, and we find the same extremes in Abú Sír the noble-minded
Barber and the hideously inhuman Abú Kír. The excursion to Mauritania is
artfully managed and gives a novelty to the _mise-en-scène_. Gharíb and
Ajíb (vi. 207, vii. 91) belongs to the cycle of Antar and King Omar bin
Nu’man: its exaggerations make it a fine type of Oriental Chauvinism,
pitting the superhuman virtues, valour, nobility and success of all that
is Moslem, against the scum of the earth which is non-Moslem. Like the
exploits of Friar John of the Chopping-knives (Rabelais i. c. 27) it
suggests ridicule cast on impossible battles and tales of giants,
paynims and paladins. The long romance is followed by thirteen
historiettes all apparently historical: compare “Hind, daughter of
Al-Nu’man” (vol. viii. 7–145) and “Isaac of Mosul and the Devil” (vol.
vii. 136–139) with Al-Mas’udi v. 365 and vi. 340. They end in two long
detective-tales like those which M. Gaboriau has popularised, the
Rogueries of Dalilah and the Adventures of Mercury Ali, based upon the
principle, “One thief wots another.” The former, who has appeared before
(vol. ii. 329), seems to have been a noted character: Al-Mas’udi says
(viii. 175) “in a word this Shaykh (Al-’Ukáb) outrivalled in his
rogueries and the ingenuities of his wiles _Dállah_ (Dalilah?) the
_Crafty_ and other tricksters and coney-catchers, ancient and modern.”

The Tale of Ardashir (vol. vii. 209–264) lacks originality: we are now
entering upon a series of pictures which are replicas of those
preceding. This is not the case with that charming Undine, Julnár the
Sea-born (vol. vii. 264–308) which, like Abdullah of the Land and
Abdullah of the Sea (vol. ix. Night cmxl.), describes the vie intime of
mermen and merwomen. Somewhat resembling Swift’s inimitable creations,
the Houyhnhnms for instance, they prove, amongst other things, that
those who dwell in a denser element can justly blame and severely
criticise the contradictory and unreasonable prejudices and
predilections of mankind. Sayf al-Mulúk (vol. viii. Night dcclviii.),
the romantic tale of two lovers, shows by its introduction that it was
originally an independent work and it is known to have existed in Persia
during the eleventh century: this novella has found its way into every
Moslem language of the East even into Sindi, which calls the hero
“Sayfal.” Here we again meet the Old Man of the Sea or rather the Shaykh
of the Seaboard and make acquaintance with a Jinn whose soul is outside
his body: thus he resembles Hermotimos of Klazamunæ in Apollonius, whose
spirit left his mortal frame à discretion. The author, philanthropically
remarking (vol. viii. 4) “Knowest thou not that a single mortal is
better, in Allah’s sight, than a thousand Jinn?” brings the wooing to a
happy end which leaves a pleasant savour upon the mental palate.

Hasan of Bassorah (vol. viii. 7–145) is a Master Shoetie on a large
scale like Sindbad, but his voyages and travels extend into the
supernatural and fantastic rather than the natural world. Though long
the tale is by no means wearisome and the characters are drawn with a
fine firm hand. The hero with his hen-like persistency of purpose, his
weeping, fainting and versifying is interesting enough and proves that
“Love can find out the way.” The charming adopted sister, the model of
what the feminine friend should be; the silly little wife who never
knows that she is happy till she loses happiness; the violent and
hardhearted queen with all the cruelty of a good woman, and the manners
and customs of Amazon-land are outlined with a life-like vivacity.
Khalífah the next tale (vol. viii. 145–184) is valuable as a study of
Eastern life, showing how the fisherman emerges from the squalor of his
surroundings and becomes one of the Caliph’s favourite cup-companions.
Ali Nur al-Din (vol. viii. 264) and King Jali’ad (vol. ix., Night
dcccxciv.) have been noticed elsewhere and there is little to say of the
concluding stories which bear the evident impress of a more modern date.

Dr. Johnson thus sums up his notice of The Tempest. “Whatever might have
been the intention of their author, these tales are made instrumental to
the production of many characters, diversified with boundless invention,
and preserved with profound skill in nature, extensive knowledge of
opinions, and accurate observation of life. Here are exhibited princes,
courtiers and sailors, all speaking in their real characters. There is
the agency of airy spirits and of earthy goblin, the operations of
magic, the tumults of a storm, the adventures of a desert island, the
native effusion of untaught affection, the punishment of guilt, and the
final happiness of those for whom our passions and reason are equally

We can fairly say this much and far more for our Tales. Viewed as a tout
ensemble in full and complete form, they are a drama of Eastern life,
and a Dance of Death made sublime by faith and the highest emotions, by
the certainty of expiation and the fulness of atoning equity, where
virtue is victorious, vice is vanquished and the ways of Allah are
justified to man. They are a panorama which remains ken-speckle upon the
mental retina. They form a phantasmagoria in which archangels and
angels, devils and goblins, men of air, of fire, of water, naturally
mingle with men of earth; where flying horses and talking fishes are
utterly realistic: where King and Prince meet fisherman and pauper,
lamia and cannibal; where citizen jostles Badawi, eunuch meets knight;
the Kazi hob-nobs with the thief; the pure and pious sit down to the
same tray with the bawd and the pimp; where the professional
religionist, the learned Koranist and the strictest moralist consort
with the wicked magician, the scoffer and the debauchee-poet like Abu
Nowas; where the courtier jests with the boor and where the sweep is
bedded with the noble lady. And the characters are “finished and
quickened by a few touches swift and sure as the glance of sunbeams.”
The work is a kaleidoscope where everything falls into picture; gorgeous
palaces and pavilions; grisly underground caves and deadly wolds;
gardens fairer than those of the Hesperid; seas dashing with clashing
billows upon enchanted mountains; valleys of the Shadow of Death;
air-voyages and promenades in the abysses of ocean; the duello, the
battle and the siege; the wooing of maidens and the marriage-rite. All
the splendour and squalor, the beauty and baseness, the glamour and
grotesqueness, the magic and the mournfulness, the bravery and the
baseness of Oriental life are here: its pictures of the three great Arab
passions, love, war and fancy, entitle it to be called “Blood, Musk and
Hashish.”[293] And still more, the genius of the story-teller quickens
the dry bones of history, and by adding Fiction to Fact revives the dead
past: the Caliphs and the Caliphate return to Baghdad and Cairo, whilst
Asmodeus kindly removes the terrace-roof of every tenement and allows
our curious glances to take in the whole interior. This is perhaps the
best proof of their power. Finally, the picture-gallery opens with a
series of weird and striking adventures and shows as a tail-piece, an
idyllic scene of love and wedlock in halls before reeking with lust and

I have noticed in my Foreword that the two main characteristics of The
Nights are Pathos and Humour, alternating with highly artistic contrast,
and carefully calculated to provoke tears and smiles in the coffee-house
audience which paid for them. The sentimental portion mostly breathes a
tender passion and a simple sadness: such are the Badawi’s dying
farewell (vol. i. 75); the lady’s broken heart on account of her lover’s
hand being cut off (vol. i. 277); the Wazir’s death, the mourner’s song
and the “tongue of the case” (vol. ii. 10); the murder of Princess
Abrízah with the babe sucking its dead mother’s breast (vol. ii. 128);
and, generally, the last moments of good Moslems (_e.g._ vol. v. 167),
which are described with inimitable terseness and naïveté. The sad and
the gay mingle in the character of the good Hammamstoker who becomes Roi
Crotte; and the melancholy deepens in the Tale of the Mad Lover (vol. v.
138); the Blacksmith who could handle fire without hurt (vol. v. 271);
the Devotee Prince (vol. v. 111) and the whole Tale of Azízah (vol. ii.
298), whose angelic love is set off by the sensuality and selfishness of
her more fortunate rivals. A new note of absolutely tragic dignity seems
to be struck in the Sweep and the Noble Lady (vol. iv. 125), showing the
piquancy of sentiment which can be evolved from the common and the
unclean. The pretty conceit of the Lute (vol. v. 244) is afterwards
carried out in the Song (vol. viii. 281), which is a masterpiece of
originality[294] and (in the Arabic) of exquisite tenderness and poetic
melancholy, the wail over the past and the vain longing for reunion. And
the very depths of melancholy, of majestic pathos and of true sublimity
are reached in Many-columned Iram (vol. iv. 113) and the City of Brass
(vol. vi. 83): the metrical part of the latter shows a luxury of woe; it
is one long wail of despair which echoes long and loud in the hearer’s

In my Foreword I have compared the humorous vein of the comic tales with
our northern “wut,” chiefly for the dryness and slyness which pervade
it. But it differs in degree as much as the pathos varies. The staple
article is Cairene “chaff,” a peculiar banter possibly inherited from
their pagan forefathers: instances of this are found in the Cock and Dog
(vol. i. 22), the Eunuch’s address to the Cook (vol. i. 244), the
Wazir’s exclamation, “Too little pepper!” (vol. i. 246), the
self-communing of Judar (vol. vi. 219), the Hashish-eater in Ali Shár
(vol. iv. 213), the scene between the brother-Wazirs (vol. i. 197), the
treatment of the Gobbo (vol. i. 221, 228), the Water of Zemzem (vol. i.
284), and the Eunuchs Bukhayt and Kafur[295] (vol. ii. 49, 51). At times
it becomes a masterpiece of fun, of rollicking Rabelaisian humour
underlaid by the caustic mother-wit of Sancho Panza, as in the orgie of
the Ladies of Baghdad (vol. i. 92, 93); the Holy Ointment applied to the
beard of Luka the Knight—“unxerunt regem Salomonem” (vol. ii. 222); and
Ja’afar and the Old Badawi (vol. v. 98), with its reminiscence of
“chaffy” King Amasis. This reaches its acme in the description of ugly
old age (vol. v. 3); in The Three Wishes, the wickedest of satires on
the alter sexus (vi. 180); in Ali the Persian (vol. iv. 139); in the
Lady and her Five Suitors (vol. vi. 172), which corresponds and
contrasts with the dully told Story of Upakosa and her Four Lovers of
the Kathá (p. 17); and in The Man of Al-Yaman (vol. iv. 245) where we
find the true Falstaffian touch. But there is sterling wit, sweet and
bright, expressed without any artifice of words, in the immortal
Barber’s tales of his brothers, especially the second, the fifth and the
sixth (vol. i. 324, 325 and 343). Finally, wherever the honest and
independent old debauchee Abu Nowas makes his appearance the fun becomes
fescennine and milesian.

                      B.—THE MANNER OF THE NIGHTS.

And now, after considering the matter, I will glance at the language and
style of The Nights. The first point to remark is the peculiarly happy
framework of the Recueil, which I cannot but suspect set an example to
the Decamerone and its host of successors.[296] The admirable
Introduction, a perfect _mise-en-scène_, gives the amplest raison d’être
of the work, which thus has all the unity required for a great romantic
recueil. We perceive this when reading the contemporary Hindu work the
Kathá Sarit Ságara,[297] which is at once so like and so unlike The
Nights: here the preamble is insufficient; the whole is clumsy for want
of a thread upon which the many independent tales and fables should be
strung[298]; and the consequent disorder and confusion tell upon the
reader, who cannot remember the sequence without taking notes.

As was said in my Foreword “without the Nights no Arabian Nights!” and
now, so far from holding the pauses “an intolerable interruption to the
narrative,” I attach additional importance to these pleasant and restful
breaks introduced into long and intricate stories. Indeed beginning
again I should adopt the plan of the Cal. Edit. opening and ending every
division with a dialogue between the sisters. Upon this point, however,
opinions will differ and the critic will remind me that the consensus of
the MSS. would be wanting: The Bresl. Edit. in many places merely
interjects the number of the night without interrupting the tale; the
MS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale used by Galland contains only cclxxxii
and the Frenchman ceases to use the division after the ccxxxvith Night
and in some editions after the cxcviith.[299] A fragmentary MS.,
according to Scott whose friend J. Anderson found it in Bengal, breaks
away after Night xxix; and in the Wortley Montagu, the Sultan relents at
an early opportunity, the stories, as in Galland, continuing only as an
amusement. I have been careful to preserve the balanced sentences with
which the tales open; the tautology and the prose-rhyme serving to
attract attention, _e.g._, “In days of yore and in times long gone
before there was a King,” etc.; in England where we strive not to waste
words this becomes “Once upon a time.” The closings also are artfully
calculated, by striking a minor chord after the rush and hurry of the
incidents, to suggest repose: “And they led the most pleasurable of
lives and the most delectable, till there came to them the Destroyer of
delights and the Severer of societies and they became as though they had
never been”. Place this by the side of Boccaccio’s favourite
formulæ:—Egli conquistò poi la Scozia, e funne re coronato (ii, 3); Et
onorevolmente visse infino àlla fine (ii, 4),; Molte volte goderono del
loro amore: Iddio faccia noi goder del nostro (iii, 6): E cosi nella sua
grossezza si rimase e ancor vi si sta (vi, 8). We have further docked
this tail into: “And they lived happily ever after.”

I cannot take up the Nights, in their present condition, without feeling
that the work has been written down from the Ráwi or Nakkál,[300] the
conteur or professional story-teller, also called Kassás and Maddáh,
corresponding with the Hindu Bhat or Bard. To these men my learned
friend Baron A. von Kremer would attribute the Mu’allakát vulgarly
called the Suspended Poems, as being “indited from the relation of the
Ráwi.” Hence in our text the frequent interruption of the formula Kál’
al-Ráwi = quotes the reciter; _dice Turpino_. Moreover, The Nights read
in many places like a hand-book or guide for the professional, who would
learn them by heart; here and there introducing his “gag” and “patter.”
To this “business” possibly we may attribute much of the ribaldry which
starts up in unexpected places: it was meant simply to provoke a laugh.
How old the custom is and how unchangeable is Eastern life is shown, a
correspondent suggests, by the Book of Esther which might form part of
The Alf Laylah. “On that night (we read in Chap. vi. 1) could not the
King sleep, and he commanded to bring the book of records of the
chronicles; and they were read before the King.” The Ráwi would declaim
the recitative somewhat in conversational style; he would intone the
Saj’a or prose-rhyme and he would chant to the twanging of the Rabáb, a
one-stringed viol, the poetical parts. Dr. Scott[301] borrows from the
historian of Aleppo a life-like picture of the Story-teller. “He recites
walking to and fro in the middle of the coffee-room, stopping only now
and then, when the expression requires some emphatical attitude. He is
commonly heard with great attention; and not unfrequently in the midst
of some interesting adventure, when the expectation of his audience is
raised to the highest pitch, he breaks off abruptly and makes his
escape, leaving both his hero or heroine and his audience in the utmost
embarrassment. Those who happen to be near the door endeavour to detain
him, insisting upon the story being finished before he departs; but he
always makes his retreat good[302]; and the auditors suspending their
curiosity are induced to return at the same time next day to hear the
sequel. He has no sooner made his exit than the company in separate
parties fall to disputing about the characters of the drama or the event
of an unfinished adventure. The controversy by degrees becomes serious
and opposite opinions are maintained with no less warmth than if the
fall of the city depended upon the decision.”

At Tangier, where a murder in a “coffee-house” had closed these hovels,
pending a sufficient payment to the Pasha; and where, during the hard
winter of 1885–86, the poorer classes were compelled to puff their Kayf
(Bhang, _cannabis indica_) and sip their black coffee in the muddy
streets under a rainy sky, I found the Ráwi active on Sundays and
Thursdays, the market-days. The favourite place was the “Soko de barra,”
or large bazar, outside the town whose condition is that of Suez and
Bayrut half a century ago. It is a foul slope; now slippery with viscous
mud, then powdery with fetid dust, dotted with graves and decaying
tombs, unclean booths, gargottes and tattered tents, and frequented by
women, mere bundles of unclean rags, and by men wearing the haik or
burnús, a Franciscan frock, tending their squatting camels and
chaffering over cattle for Gibraltar beef-eaters. Here the market-people
form ring about the reciter, a stalwart man affecting little raiment
besides a broad waist-belt into which his lower chiffons are tucked, and
noticeable only for his shock hair, wild eyes, broad grin and generally
disreputable aspect. He usually handles a short stick; and, when drummer
and piper are absent, he carries a tiny tom-tom shaped like an
hour-glass, upon which he taps the periods. This Scealuidhe, as the
Irish call him, opens the drama with extempore prayer, proving that he
and the audience are good Moslems: he speaks slowly and with emphasis,
varying the diction with breaks of animation, abundant action and the
most comical grimace: he advances, retires and wheels about,
illustrating every point with pantomime; and his features, voice and
gestures are so expressive that even Europeans who cannot understand a
word of Arabic divine the meaning of his tale. The audience stands
breathless and motionless surprising strangers[303] by the ingenuousness
and freshness of feeling hidden under their hard and savage exterior.
The performance usually ends with the embryo actor going round for alms
and flourishing in air every silver bit, the usual honorarium being a
few “f’lús,” that marvellous money of Barbary, big coppers worth
one-twelfth of a penny. All the tales I heard were purely local, but
Fakhri Bey, a young Osmanli domiciled for some time in Fez and Mequinez,
assured me that The Nights are still recited there.

Many travellers, including Dr. Russell, have complained that they failed
to find a complete MS. copy of The Nights. Evidently they never heard of
the popular superstition which declares that no one can read through
them without dying—it is only fair that my patrons should know this.
Yacoub Artín Pasha declares that the superstition dates from the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and he explains it in two ways.
Firstly, it is a facetious exaggeration, meaning that no one has leisure
or patience to wade through the long repertory. Secondly, the work is
condemned as futile. When Egypt produced savants and legists like Ibn
al-Hajar, Al-’Ayni, and Al-Kastalláni, to mention no others, the taste
of the country inclined to dry factual studies and positive science;
nor, indeed, has this taste wholly died out: there are not a few who,
like Khayri Pasha, contend that the mathematic is more useful even for
legal studies than history and geography, and at Cairo the chief of the
Educational Department has always been an engineer, _i.e._, a
mathematician. The Olema declared war against all “futilities,” in which
they included not only stories but also what is politely entitled
Authentic History. From this to the fatal effect of such lecture is only
a step. Society, however, cannot rest without light literature; so the
novel-reading class was thrown back upon writings which had all the
indelicacy and few of the merits of The Nights.

Turkey is the only Moslem country which has dared to produce a regular
drama[304] and to arouse the energies of such brilliant writers as Muníf
Pasha, statesman and scholar; Ekrem Bey, literato and professor; Kemál
Bey held by some to be the greatest writer in modern Osmanli-land and
Abd al-Hakk Hamíd Bey, first Secretary of the London Embassy. The
theatre began in its ruder form by taking subjects bodily from The
Nights; then it annexed its plays as we do—the Novel having ousted the
Drama—from the French; and lastly it took courage to be original. Many
years ago I saw Harun al-Rashid and the Three Kalandars, with deer-skins
and all their properties de rigueur, in the courtyard of Government
House, Damascus, declaiming to the extreme astonishment and delight of
the audience. It requires only to glance at The Nights for seeing how
much histrionic matter they contain.

In considering the style of The Nights we must bear in mind that the
work has never been edited according to our ideas of the process.
Consequently there is no just reason for translating the whole verbatim
et literatim, as has been done by Torrens, Lane and Payne in his “Tales
from the Arabic.”[305] This conscientious treatment is required for
versions of an author like Camoens whose works were carefully corrected
and arranged by a competent littérateur, but it is not merited by The
Nights as they now are. The Macnaghten, the Bulak and the Bayrut texts,
though printed from MSS. identical in order, often differ in minor
matters. Many friends have asked me to undertake the work: but, even if
lightened by the aid of Shaykhs, Munshis and copyists, the labour would
be severe, tedious and thankless: better leave the holes open than patch
them with fancy work or with heterogeneous matter. The learned, indeed,
as Lane tells us (i. 74; iii. 740), being thoroughly dissatisfied with
the plain and popular, the ordinary and “vulgar” note of the language,
have attempted to refine and improve it and have more than once
threatened to remodel it, that is, to make it odious. This would be to
dress up Robert Burns in plumes borrowed from Dryden and Pope.

The first defect of the texts is in the distribution and arrangement of
the matter, as I have noticed in the case of Sindbad the Seaman (vol.
vi. 77). Moreover, many of the earlier Nights are overlong and not a few
of the others are overshort: this, however, has the prime recommendation
of variety. Even the vagaries of editor and scribe will not account for
all the incoherences, disorder and inconsequence, and for the vain
iterations which suggest that the author has forgotten what he said. In
places there are dead allusions to persons and tales which are left
dark, _e.g._ vol. i. pp. 43, 57, 61, etc. The digressions are abrupt and
useless, leading nowhere, while sundry pages are wearisome for excess of
prolixity or hardly intelligible for extreme conciseness. The perpetual
recurrence of mean colloquialisms and of words and idioms peculiar to
Egypt and Syria[306] also takes from the pleasure of the perusal. Yet we
cannot deny that it has its use: this unadorned language of familiar
conversation in its day, adapted for the understanding of the people, is
best fitted for the Rawi’s craft in the camp and caravan, the Harem, the
bazar and the coffee-house. Moreover, as has been well said, The Nights
is the only written half-way house between the literary and colloquial
Arabic which is accessible to all, and thus it becomes necessary to the
students who would qualify themselves for service in Moslem lands from
Mauritania to Mesopotamia. It freely uses Turkish words like “Khátún”
and Persian terms as “Sháhbandar,” thus requiring for translation not
only a somewhat archaic touch, but also a vocabulary borrowed from
various sources: otherwise the effect would not be reproduced. In
places, however, the style rises to the highly ornate approaching the
pompous; _e.g._ the Wazirial addresses in the tale of King Jali’ad. The
battle-scenes, mostly admirable (vol. v. 365), are told with the
conciseness of a despatch and the vividness of an artist; the two
combining to form perfect “word-pictures.” Of the Badí’a or euphuistic
style, “parleying euphuism,” and of Al-Saj’a, the prose rhyme, I shall
speak in a future page.

The characteristics of the whole are naïveté and simplicity, clearness
and a singular concision. The gorgeousness is in the imagery not in the
language; the words are weak while the sense, as in the classical
Scandínavian books, is strong; and here the Arabic differs diametrically
from the florid exuberance and turgid amplifications of the Persian
story-teller, which sound so hollow and unreal by the side of a chaster
model. It abounds in formulæ such as repetitions of religious phrases
which are unchangeable. There are certain stock comparisons, as Lokman’s
wisdom, Joseph’s beauty, Jacob’s grief, Job’s patience, David’s music,
and Maryam the Virgin’s chastity. The eyebrow is a Nún; the eye a Sád,
the mouth a Mím. A hero is more prudent than the crow, a better guide
than the Katá grouse, more generous than the cock, warier than the
crane, braver than the lion, more aggressive than the panther,
finer-sighted than the horse, craftier than the fox, greedier than the
gazelle, more vigilant than the dog, and thriftier than the ant. The
cup-boy is a sun rising from the dark underworld symbolised by his
collar; his cheek-mole is a crumb of ambergris, his nose is a scymitar
grided at the curve; his lower lip is a jujube; his teeth are the
Pleiades, or hailstones; his browlocks are scorpions; his young hair on
the upper lip is an emerald; his side beard is a swarm of ants or a Lám
(l-letter) enclosing the roses or anemones of his cheek. The cup-girl is
a moon who rivals the sheen of the sun; her forehead is a pearl set off
by the jet of her “idiot-fringe;” her eyelashes scorn the sharp sword;
and her glances are arrows shot from the bow of the eyebrows. A mistress
necessarily belongs, though living in the next street, to the Wady Liwá
and to a hostile clan of Badawin whose blades are ever thirsting for the
lover’s blood and whose malignant tongues aim only at the “defilement of
separation.” Youth is upright as an Alif, or slender and bending as a
branch of the Bán-tree which we should call a willow-wand,[307] while
Age, crabbed and crooked, bends groundwards vainly seeking in the dust
his lost juvenility. As Baron de Slane says of these stock comparisons
(Ibn Khall. i. xxxvi.), “The figurative language of Moslem poets is
often difficult to be understood. The _narcissus_ is the eye; the
_feeble_ stem of that plant bends _languidly_ under its flower, and thus
recalls to mind the languor of the eyes. _Pearls_ signify both _tears_
and _teeth_; the latter are sometimes called _hailstones_, from their
whiteness and moisture; the _lips_ are _cornelians_ or _rubies_; the
_gums_, a _pomegranate flower_; the dark _foliage_ of the _myrtle_ is
synonymous with the _black hair_ of the beloved, or with the first down
on the cheeks of puberty. The _down_ itself is called the _izâr_, or
head-stall of the bridle, and the curve of the izar is compared to the
letters lâm (‏ل‎) and nûn (‏ن‎).[308] Ringlets trace on the cheek or
neck the letter Wâw (‏و‎); they are called _Scorpions_ (as the Greek
σκορπίος), either from their dark colour or their agitated movements;
the _eye_ is a _sword_; the _eyelids scabbards_; the _whiteness_ of the
complexion, _camphor_; and a _mole_ or _beauty-spot_, _musk_, which term
denotes also _dark hair_. A _mole_ is sometimes compared also to an
_ant_ creeping on the cheek towards the _honey_ of the mouth; a
_handsome face_ is both a _full moon_ and _day_; _black hair_ is
_night_; the _waist_ is a _willow-branch_ or a _lance_; the _water of
the face_ is _self-respect_: a poet _sells the water of his face_[309]
when he bestows mercenary praises on a rich patron.”

This does not sound promising: yet, as has been said of Arab music, the
persistent repetition of the same notes in the minor key is by no means
monotonous and ends with haunting the ear, occupying the thought and
touching the soul. Like the distant frog-concert and chirp of the
cicada, the creak of the water-wheel and the stroke of hammers upon the
anvil from afar, the murmur of the fountain, the sough of the wind and
the plash of the wavelet, they occupy the sensorium with a soothing
effect, forming a barbaric music full of sweetness and peaceful

                                 § IV.
                           SOCIAL CONDITION.

I here propose to treat of the Social Condition which The Nights
discloses, of Al-Islam at the earlier period of its development,
concerning the position of women and about the pornology of the great


A splendid and glorious life was that of Baghdad in the days of the
mighty Caliph,[310] when the Capital had towered to the zenith of
grandeur and was already trembling and tottering to the fall. The centre
of human civilization, which was then confined to Greece and Arabia, and
the metropolis of an Empire exceeding in extent the widest limits of
Rome, it was essentially a city of pleasure, a Paris of the ixth
century. The “Palace of Peace” (Dár al-Salám), worthy successor of
Babylon and Nineveh, which had outrivalled Damascus, the “Smile of the
Prophet,” and Kufah, the successor of Hira and the magnificent creation
of Caliph Omar, possessed unrivalled advantages of site and climate. The
Tigris-Euphrates Valley, where the fabled Garden of Eden has been
placed, in early ages succeeded the Nile-Valley as a great centre of
human development; and the prerogative of a central and commanding
position still promises it, even in the present state of decay and
desolation under the unspeakable Turk, a magnificent future,[311] when
railways and canals shall connect it with Europe. The city of palaces
and government offices, hotels and pavilions, mosques and colleges,
kiosks and squares, bazars and markets, pleasure grounds and orchards,
adorned with all the graceful charms which Saracenic architecture had
borrowed from the Byzantines, lay couched upon the banks of the
Dijlah-Hiddekel under a sky of marvellous purity and in a climate which
makes mere life a “Kayf”—the luxury of tranquil enjoyment. It was
surrounded by far-extending suburbs, like Rusáfah on the Eastern side
and villages like Baturanjah, dear to the votaries of pleasure; and with
the roar of a gigantic capital mingled the hum of prayer, the trilling
of birds, the thrilling of harp and lute, the shrilling of pipes, the
witching strains of the professional Almah, and the minstrel’s lay.

The population of Baghdad must have been enormous when the smallest
number of her sons who fell victims to Huláku Khan in 1258 was estimated
at eight hundred thousand, while other authorities more than double the
terrible “butcher’s bill.” Her policy and polity were unique. A
well-regulated routine of tribute and taxation, personally inspected by
the Caliph; a network of waterways, canaux d’arrosage; a noble system of
highways, provided with viaducts, bridges and caravanserais, and a
postal service of mounted couriers enabled it to collect as in a
reservoir the wealth of the outer world. The facilities for education
were upon the most extended scale; large sums, from private as well as
public sources, were allotted to Mosques, each of which, by the
admirable rule of Al-Islam, was expected to contain a school: these
establishments were richly endowed and stocked with professors collected
from every land between Khorasan and Marocco[312]; and immense
libraries[313] attracted the learned of all nations. It was a golden age
for poets and panegyrists, koranists and literati, preachers and
rhetoricians, physicians and scientists who, besides receiving high
salaries and fabulous presents, were treated with all the honours of
Chinese Mandarins; and, like these, the humblest Moslem—fisherman or
artizan—could aspire through knowledge or savoir faire to the highest
offices of the Empire. The effect was a grafting of Egyptian, and old
Mesopotamian, of Persian and Græco-Latin fruits, by long Time
deteriorated, upon the strong young stock of Arab genius; and the
result, as usual after such imping, was a shoot of exceptional
luxuriance and vitality. The educational establishments devoted
themselves to the three main objects recognized by the Moslem world,
Theology, Civil Law and Belles Lettres; and a multitude of trained
Councillors enabled the ruling powers to establish and enlarge that
complicated machinery of government, at once concentrated and
decentralized, a despotism often fatal to the wealthy great but never
neglecting the interests of the humbler lieges, which forms the beau
idéal of Oriental administration. Under the Chancellors of the empire
the Kazis administered law and order, justice and equity; and from their
decisions the poorest subject, Moslem or miscreant, could claim with the
general approval of the lieges, access and appeal to the Caliph who, as
Imám or Antistes of the Faith was High President of a Court of

Under wise administration Agriculture and Commerce, the twin pillars of
national prosperity, necessarily flourished. A scientific canalisation,
with irrigation-works inherited from the ancients, made the Mesopotamian
Valley a rival of Kemi the Black Land, and rendered cultivation a
certainty of profit, not a mere speculation as it must ever be to those
who perforce rely upon the fickle rains of Heaven. The remains of
extensive mines prove that this source of public wealth was not
neglected; navigation laws encouraged transit and traffic; and
ordinances for the fisheries aimed at developing a branch of industry
which is still backward even during the xixth century. Most substantial
encouragement was given to trade and commerce, to manufactures and
handicrafts, by the flood of gold which poured in from all parts of
earth; by the presence of a splendid and luxurious court, and by the
call for new arts and industries which such a civilization would
necessitate. The crafts were distributed into guilds and syndicates
under their respective chiefs, whom the government did not “govern too
much”: these Shahbandars, Mukaddams and Nakíbs regulated the several
trades, rewarded the industrious, punished the fraudulent and were
personally answerable, as we still see at Cairo, for the conduct of
their constituents. Public order, the sine quâ non of stability and
progress, was preserved first, by the satisfaction of the lieges who,
despite their characteristic turbulence, had few if any grievances; and,
secondly, by a well-directed and efficient police, an engine of
state-craft which in the West seems most difficult to perfect. In the
East, however, the Wali or Chief Commissioner can reckon more or less
upon the unsalaried assistance of society: the cities are divided into
quarters shut off one from other by night, and every Moslem is expected,
by his law and religion, to keep watch upon his neighbours, to report
their delinquencies and, if necessary, himself to carry out the penal
code. But in difficult cases the guardians of the peace were assisted by
a body of private detectives, women as well as men: these were called
Tawwábún = the Penitents, because like our Bow-street runners, they had
given up an even less respectable calling. Their adventures still
delight the vulgar, as did the Newgate Calendar of past generations; and
to this class we owe the Tales of Calamity Ahmad, Dalilah the Wily One,
Saladin with the three Chiefs of Police (vol. iv. 271), and Al-Malik
al-Záhir with the Sixteen Constables (Bresl. Edit. xi. pp. 321–99). Here
and in many other places we also see the origin of that “picaresque”
literature which arose in Spain and overran Europe; and which begat Le
Moyen de Parvenir.[314]

I need say no more on this heading, the civilisation of Baghdad
contrasting with the barbarism of Europe then Germanic, The Nights
itself being the best expositor. On the other hand the action of the
state-religion upon the state, the condition of Al-Islam during the
reign of Al-Rashid, its declension from the primitive creed and its
relation to Christianity and Christendom, require a somewhat extended
notice. In offering the following observations it is only fair to
declare my standpoints.

  1. All forms of “faith,” that is, belief in things unseen, not
  subject to the senses and therefore unknown and (in our present
  stage of development) unknowable, are temporary and transitory; no
  religion hitherto promulgated amongst men shows any prospect of
  being final or otherwise than finite.

  2. Religious ideas, which are necessarily limited, may all be traced
  home to the old seat of science and art, creeds and polity in the
  Nile-valley and to this day they retain the clearest signs of their

  3. All so-called “revealed” religions consist mainly of three
  portions, a cosmogony more or less mythical, a history more or less
  falsified and a moral code more or less pure.

Al-Islam, it has been said, is essentially a fighting faith and never
shows to full advantage save in the field. The exceeding luxury of a
wealthy capital, the debauchery and variety of vices which would spring
up therein, naturally as weeds in a rich fallow, and the cosmopolitan
views which suggest themselves in a meeting-place of nations, were sore
trials to the primitive simplicity of the “Religion of Resignation”—the
saving faith. Harun and his cousin-wife, as has been shown, were
orthodox and even fanatical; but the Barmecides were strongly suspected
of heretical leanings; and while the many-headed showed itself, as
usual, violent, and ready to do battle about an Azan-call, the learned,
who sooner or later leaven the masses, were profoundly dissatisfied with
the dryness and barrenness of Mohammed’s creed, so acceptable to the
vulgar, and were devising a series of schisms and innovations.

In the Tale of Tawaddud (vol. v. 189) the reader has seen a fairly
extended catechism of the Creed (Dín), the ceremonial observances
(Mazhab) and the apostolic practices (Sunnat) of the Shafi’í school
which, with minor modifications, applies to the other three orthodox.
Europe has by this time clean forgotten some tricks of her former
bigotry, such as “Mawmet” (an idol!) and “Mahommerie” (mummery[315]), a
place of Moslem worship: educated men no longer speak with Ockley of the
“great impostor Mahomet,” nor believe with the learned and violent Dr.
Prideaux that he was foolish and wicked enough to dispossess “certain
poor orphans, the sons of an inferior artificer” (the Banú Najjár!). A
host of books has attempted, though hardly with success, to enlighten
popular ignorance upon a crucial point; namely, that the Founder of
Al-Islam, like the Founder of Christianity, never pretended to establish
a new religion. His claims, indeed, were limited to purging the “School
of Nazareth” of the dross of ages and of the manifold abuses with which
long use had infected its early constitution: hence to the unprejudiced
observer his reformation seems to have brought it nearer the primitive
and original doctrine than any subsequent attempts, especially the
Judaizing tendencies of the so-called “Protestant” churches. The Meccan
Apostle preached that the Hanafíyyah or orthodox belief, which he
subsequently named Al-Islam, was first taught by Allah, in all its
purity and perfection, to Adam and consigned to certain inspired volumes
now lost; and that this primal Holy Writ received additions in the days
of his descendants Shís (Seth) and Idris (Enoch?), the founder of the
Sabian (not “Sabæan”) faith. Here, therefore, Al-Islam at once avoided
the deplorable assumption of the Hebrews and the Christians,—an error
which has been so injurious to their science and their progress,—of
placing their “first man” in circa B.C. 4000 or somewhat subsequent to
the building of the Pyramids: the Pre-Adamite[316] races and dynasties
of the Moslems remove a great stumbling-block and square with the
anthropological views of the present day. In process of time, when the
Adamite religion demanded a restoration and a supplement, its pristine
virtue was revived, restored and further developed by the books
communicated to Abraham, whose dispensation thus takes the place of the
Hebrew Noah and his Noachidæ. In due time the Torah, or Pentateuch,
superseded and abrogated the Abrahamic dispensation; the “Zabúr” of
David (a book not confined to the Psalms) reformed the Torah; the Injíl
or Evangel reformed the Zabur and was itself purified, quickened and
perfected by the Koran which means κατ’ἐξοχήν the Reading or the
Recital. Hence Locke, with many others, held Moslems to be unorthodox,
that is anti-Trinitarian Christians who believe in the immaculate
Conception, in the Ascension and in the divine mission of Jesus; and
when Priestley affirmed that “Jesus was sent from God,” all Moslems do
the same. Thus they are, in the main point of doctrine connected with
the Deity, simply Arians as opposed to Athanasians. History proves that
the former was the earlier faith which, though formally condemned in
A.D. 325 by Constantine’s Council of Nice,[317] overspread the Orient
beginning with Eastern Europe, where Ulphilas converted the Goths; which
extended into Africa with the Vandals, claimed a victim or martyr as
late as in the sixteenth century[318] and has by no means died out in
this our day.

The Talmud had been completed a full century before Mohammed’s time and
the Evangel had been translated into Arabic; moreover travel and
converse with his Jewish and Christian friends and companions must have
convinced the Meccan apostle that Christianity was calling as loudly for
reform as Judaism had done.[319] An exaggerated Trinitarianism or rather
Tritheism, a “Fourth Person” and Saint-worship had virtually dethroned
the Deity; whilst Mariolatry had made the faith a religio muliebris, and
superstition had drawn from its horrid fecundity an incredible number of
heresies and monstrous absurdities. Even ecclesiastic writers draw the
gloomiest pictures of the Christian Church in the fourth and seventh
centuries, and one declares that the “Kingdom of Heaven had become a
Hell.” Egypt, distracted by the blood-thirsty religious wars of Copt and
Greek, had been covered with hermitages by a gens æterna of
semi-maniacal superstition. Syria, ever “feracious of heresies,” had
allowed many of her finest tracts to be monopolised by monkeries and
nunneries.[320] After many a tentative measure Mohammed seems to have
built his edifice upon two bases, the unity of the Godhead and the
priesthood of the paterfamilias. He abolished for ever the “sacerdos
alter Christus” whose existence, as some one acutely said, is the best
proof of Christianity, and whom all know to be its weakest point. The
Moslem family, however humble, was to be the model in miniature of the
State, and every father in Al-Islam was made priest and pontiff in his
own house, able unaided to marry himself, to circumcise (to baptise as
it were) his children, to instruct them in the law and canonically to
bury himself (vol. viii. 22). Ritual, properly so called, there was
none; congregational prayers were merely those of the individual en
masse and the only admitted approach to a sacerdotal order were the
Olema or scholars learned in the legistic and the Mullah or
schoolmaster. By thus abolishing the priesthood Mohammed reconciled
ancient with modern wisdom. “Scito dominum,” said Cato, “pro totâ
familiâ rem divinam facere”: “No priest at a birth, no priest at a
marriage, no priest at a death,” is the aspiration of the present
Rationalistic School.

The Meccan apostle wisely retained the compulsory sacrament of
circumcision and the ceremonial ablutions of the Mosaic law; and the
five daily prayers not only diverted man’s thoughts from the world but
tended to keep his body pure. These two institutions had been practised
throughout life by the Founder of Christianity; but the followers who
had never even seen him, abolished them for purposes evidently political
and propagandist. By ignoring the truth that cleanliness is next to
godliness they paved the way for such saints as Simon Stylites and Sabba
who, like the lowest Hindu orders of ascetics, made filth a concominant
and an evidence of piety: even now English Catholic girls are at times
forbidden by Italian priests a frequent use of the bath as a signpost to
the sin of “luxury.” Mohammed would have accepted the morals contained
in the Sermon on the Mount much more readily than did the Jews from whom
its matter was borrowed.[321] He did something to abolish the use of
wine, which in the East means only its abuse; and he denounced games of
chance, well knowing that the excitable races of sub-tropical climates
cannot play with patience, fairness or moderation. He set aside certain
sums for charity to be paid by every Believer and he was the first to
establish a poor-rate (Zakát): thus he avoided the shame and scandal of
mendicancy which, beginning in the Catholic countries of Southern
Europe, extends to Syria and as far East as Christianity is found. By
these and other measures of the same import he made the ideal Moslem’s
life physically clean, moderate and temperate.

But Mohammed the “master mind of the age,” had, we must own, a “genuine
prophetic power, a sinking of self in the Divine, not distinguishable in
kind from the inspiration of the Hebrew prophets,” especially in that
puritanical and pharisaic narrowness which, with characteristic
simplicity, can see no good outside its own petty pale. He had insight
as well as outsight, and the two taught him that personal and external
reformation were mean matters compared with elevating the inner man. In
the “purer Faith,” which he was commissioned to abrogate and to quicken,
he found two vital defects equally fatal to its energy and to its
longevity. These were (and are) its egoism and its degradation of
humanity. Thus it cannot be a “pleroma”: it needs a Higher Law.[322] As
Judaism promised the good Jew all manner of temporal blessings, issue,
riches, wealth, honour, power, length of days, so Christianity offered
the good Christian, as a bribe to lead a godly life, personal salvation
and a future state of happiness, in fact, the Kingdom of Heaven, with an
alternative threat of Hell. It never rose to the height of the Hindu
Brahmans and Lao-Tse (the “Ancient Teacher”); of Zeno the Stoic and his
disciples the noble Pharisees[323] who believed and preached that Virtue
is its own reward. It never dared to say, “Do good for Good’s
sake[324];” even now it does not declare with Cicero, “The sum of all is
that what is right, should be sought for its own sake, because it is
right, and not because it is enacted.” It does not even now venture to
say with Philo Judæus, “The good man seeks the day for the sake of the
day, and the light for the light’s sake; and he labours to acquire what
is good for the sake of the good itself, and not of anything else.” So
far for the egotism, naïve and unconscious, of Christianity, whose
burden is, “Do good to escape Hell and gain Heaven.”

A no less defect in the “School of Galilee” is its low view of human
nature. Adopting as sober and authentic history an Osirian-Hebrew myth
which Philo and a host of Rabbis explain away, each after his own
fashion, Christianity dwells, lovingly as it were, upon the “Fall” of
man[325] and seems to revel in the contemptible condition to which
“original sin” condemned him; thus grovelling before God ad majorem Dei
gloriam. To such a point was and is this carried that the Synod of Dort
declared, Infantes infidelium morientes in infantiâ reprobatos esse
statuimus; nay, many of the orthodox still hold a Christian babe dying
unbaptised to be unfit for a higher existence, and some have even
created a “limbo” expressly to domicile the innocents “of whom is the
kingdom of Heaven.” Here, if any where, the cloven foot shows itself and
teaches us that the only solid stratum underlying priestcraft is one
composed of £ s. d.

 And I never can now believe it, my Lord! (Bishop) we come to this earth
 Ready damned, with the seeds of evil sown quite so thick at our birth,

sings Edwin Arnold.[326] We ask, can infatuation or hypocrisy—for it
must be the one or the other—go farther? But the Adamical myth is
opposed to all our modern studies. The deeper we dig into the Earth’s
“crust,” the lower are the specimens of human remains which occur; and
hitherto not a single “find” has come to revive the faded glories of

              Adam the goodliest man of men since born (!)
              His sons, the fairest of her daughters Eve.

Thus Christianity, admitting, like Judaism, its own saints and santons,
utterly ignores the progress of humanity, perhaps the only belief in
which the wise man can take unmingled satisfaction. Both have proposed
an originally perfect being with hyacinthine locks, from whose type all
the subsequent humans are degradations physical and moral. We on the
other hand hold, from the evidence of our senses, that early man was a
savage very little superior to the brute; that during man’s millions of
years upon earth there has been a gradual advance towards perfection, at
times irregular and even retrograde, but in the main progressive; and
that a comparison of man in the xixth century with the caveman[327]
affords us the means of measuring past progress and of calculating the
future of humanity.

Mahommed was far from rising to the moral heights of the ancient sages:
he did nothing to abate the egotism of Christianity; he even exaggerated
the pleasures of its Heaven and the horrors of its Hell. On the other
hand he did much to exalt human nature. He passed over the “Fall” with a
light hand; he made man superior to the angels: he encouraged his
fellow-creatures to be great and good by dwelling upon their nobler not
their meaner side; he acknowledged, even in this world, the
perfectability of mankind, including womankind, and in proposing the
loftiest ideal he acted unconsciously upon the grand dictum of
chivalry—Honneur oblige.[328] His prophets were mostly faultless men;
and, if the “Pure of Allah” sinned, he “sinned against himself.” Lastly,
he made Allah predetermine the career and fortunes, not only of empires,
but of every created being; thus inculcating sympathy and tolerance of
others, which is true humanity, and a proud resignation to evil as to
good fortune. This is the doctrine which teaches the vulgar Moslem a
dignity observed even by the “blind traveller,” and which enables him to
display a moderation, a fortitude, and a self-command rare enough
amongst the followers of the “purer creed.”

Christian historians explain variously the portentous rise of Al-Islam
and its marvellous spread over vast regions, not only of pagans and
idolators but of Christians. Prideaux disingenuously suggests that it
“seems to have been purposely raised up by God, to be a scourge to the
Christian church for not living in accordance with their most holy
religion.” The popular excuse is by the free use of the sword; this,
however, is mere ignorance: in Mohammed’s day and early Al-Islam only
actual fighters were slain[329]: the rest were allowed to pay the
Jizyah, or capitation-tax, and to become tributaries, enjoying almost
all the privileges of Moslems. But even had forcible conversion been
most systematically practised, it would have afforded an insufficient
explanation of the phenomenal rise of an empire which covered more
ground in eighty years than Rome had gained in eight hundred. During so
short a time the grand revival of Monotheism had consolidated into a
mighty nation, despite their eternal blood-feuds, the scattered Arab
tribes; a six-years’ campaign had conquered Syria, and a lustre or two
utterly overthrew Persia, humbled the Græco-Roman, subdued Egypt and
extended the Faith along northern Africa as far as the Atlantic. Within
three generations the Copts of Nile-land had formally cast out
Christianity, and the same was the case with Syria, the cradle of the
Nazarene, and Mesopotamia, one of his strongholds, although both were
backed by all the remaining power of the Byzantine empire. Northwestern
Africa, which had rejected the idolatro-philosophic system of pagan and
imperial Rome, and had accepted, after lukewarm fashion, the Arian
Christianity imported by the Vandals, and the “Nicene mystery of the
Trinity,” hailed with enthusiasm the doctrines of the Koran and has
never ceased to be most zealous in its Islam. And while Mohammedanism
speedily reduced the limits of Christendom by one-third, while
throughout the Arabian, Saracenic and Turkish invasions whole Christian
peoples embraced the monotheistic faith, there are hardly any instances
of defection from the new creed and, with the exception of Spain and
Sicily, it has never been suppressed in any land where once it took
root. Even now, when Mohammedanism no longer wields the sword, it is
spreading over wide regions in China, in the Indian Archipelago, and
especially in Western and Central Africa, propagated only by
self-educated individuals, trading travellers, while Christianity makes
no progress and cannot exist on the Dark Continent without strong
support from Government. Nor can we explain this honourable reception by
the “licentiousness” ignorantly attributed to Al-Islam, one of the most
severely moral of institutions; or by the allurements of polygamy and
concubinage, slavery,[330] and a “wholly sensual Paradise” devoted to
eating, drinking[331] and the pleasures of the sixth sense. The true and
simple explanation is that this grand Reformation of Christianity was
urgently wanted when it appeared, that it suited the people better than
the creed which it superseded and that it has not ceased to be
sufficient for their requirements, social, sexual and vital. As the
practical Orientalist, Dr. Leitner, well observes from his own
experience, “The Mohammedan religion can adapt itself better than any
other and has adapted itself to circumstances and to the needs of the
various races which profess it, in accordance with the spirit of the
age.”[332] Hence, I add, its wide diffusion and its impregnable
position. “The dead hand, stiff and motionless” is a forcible simile for
the present condition of Al-Islam; but it results from limited and
imperfect observation and it fails in the sine quâ non of similes and
metaphors, a foundation of fact.

I cannot quit this subject without a passing reference to an admirably
written passage in Mr. Palgrave’s travels[333] which is essentially
unfair to Al-Islam. The author has had ample opportunities of comparing
creeds: of Jewish blood and born a Protestant, he became a Catholic and
a Jesuit (Père Michel Cohen)[334] in a Syrian convent; he crossed Arabia
as a good Moslem and he finally returned to his premier amour,
Anglicanism. But his picturesque depreciation of Mohammedanism, which
has found due appreciation in more than one popular volume,[335] is a
notable specimen of special pleading, of the ad captandum in its modern
and least honest form. The writer begins by assuming the arid and barren
Wahhabi-ism, which he had personally studied, as a fair expression of
the Saving Faith. What should we say to a Moslem traveller who would
make the Calvinism of the sourest Covenanter, model, genuine and ancient
Christianity? What would sensible Moslems say to these propositions of
Professor Maccovius and the Synod of Dort:—Good works are an obstacle to
salvation. God does by no means will the salvation of all men: he does
will sin and he destines men to sin, as sin? What would they think of
the Inadmissible Grace, the Perseverance of the Elect, the
Supralapsarian and the Sublapsarian and, finally, of a Deity the author
of man’s existence, temptation and fall, who deliberately pre-ordains
sin and ruin? “Father Cohen” carries out into the regions of the extreme
his strictures on the one grand vitalising idea of Al-Islam, “There is
no god but God”;[336] and his deduction concerning the Pantheism of
Force sounds unreal and unsound, compared with the sensible remarks upon
the same subject by Dr. Badger[337] who sees the abstruseness of the
doctrine and does not care to include it in hard and fast lines or to
subject it to mere logical analysis. Upon the subject of
“predestination” Mr. Palgrave quotes, not from the Koran, but from the
Ahádís or Traditional Sayings of the Apostle; but what importance
attaches to a legend in the Mischnah, or Oral Law, of the Hebrews
utterly ignored by the Written Law? He joins the many in complaining
that even the mention of “the love of God” is absent from Mohammed’s
theology, burking the fact that it never occurs in the Jewish scriptures
and that the genius of Arabic, like Hebrew, does not admit the
expression: worse still, he keeps from his reader such Koranic passages
as, to quote no other, “Allah loveth you and will forgive your sins”
(iii. 29). He pities Allah for having “no son, companion or counsellor”
and, of course, he must equally commiserate Jehovah. Finally his views
of the lifelessness of Al-Islam are directly opposed to the opinions of
Dr. Leitner and the experience of all who have lived in Moslem lands.
Such are the ingenious but not ingenuous distortions of fact, the fine
instances of the pathetic fallacy, and the noteworthy illustrations of
the falsehood of extremes, which have engendered “Mohammedanism a
Relapse: the worst form of Monotheism,”[338] and which have been eagerly
seized upon and further deformed by the authors of popular books, that
is, volumes written by those who know little for those who know less.

In Al-Rashid’s day a mighty change had passed over the primitive
simplicity of Al-Islam, the change to which faiths and creeds, like
races and empires and all things sublunary, are subject. The proximity
of Persia and the close intercourse with the Græco-Romans had polished
and greatly modified the physiognomy of the rugged old belief: all
manner of metaphysical subtleties had cropped up, with the usual
disintegrating effect, and some of these threatened even the unity of
the Godhead. Musaylimah and Karmat had left traces of their handiwork:
the Mutazilites (separatists or secessors) actively propagated their
doctrine of a created and temporal Koran. The Khárijí or Ibázi, who
rejects and reviles Abú Turáb (Caliph Ali), contended passionately with
the Shí’ah who reviles and rejects the other three “Successors;” and
these sectarians, favoured by the learned, and by the Abbasides in their
jealous hatred of the Ommiades, went to the extreme length of the
Ali-Iláhi—the God-makers of Ali—whilst the Dahrí and the Zindík, the
Mundanist and the Agnostic, proposed to sweep away the whole edifice.
The neo-Platonism and Gnosticism which had not essentially affected
Christendom,[339] found in Al-Islam a rich fallow and gained strength
and luxuriance by the solid materialism and conservatism of its basis.
Such were a few of the distracting and resolving influences which Time
had brought to bear upon the True Believer and which, after some half a
dozen generations, had separated the several schisms by a wider breach
than that which yawns between Orthodox, Romanist and Lutheran. Nor was
this scandal in Al-Islam abated until the Tartar sword applied to it the
sharpest remedy.


The next point I propose to consider is the position of womanhood in The
Nights, so curiously at variance with the stock ideas concerning the
Moslem home and domestic policy still prevalent, not only in England,
but throughout Europe. Many readers of these volumes have remarked to me
with much astonishment that they find the female characters more
remarkable for decision, action and manliness than the male; and are
wonderstruck by their masterful attitude and by the supreme influence
they exercise upon public and private life.

I have glanced at the subject of the sex in Al-Islam to such an extent
throughout my notes that little remains here to be added. Women, all the
world over, are what men make them; and the main charm of Amazonian
fiction is to see how they live and move and have their being without
any masculine guidance. But it is the old ever-new fable

              “Who drew the Lion vanquished? ’Twas a man!”

The books of the Ancients, written in that stage of civilisation, when
the sexes are at civil war, make women even more than in real life the
creatures of their masters: hence from the dawn of literature to the
present day the sex has been the subject of disappointed abuse and
eulogy almost as unmerited. Ecclesiastes, perhaps the strangest specimen
of an “inspired volume” the world has yet produced, boldly declares “One
(upright) man among a thousand I have found; but a woman among all have
I not found” (vol. vii. 28), thus confirming the pessimism of

            Femina nulla bona est, et si bona contigit ulla
            Nescio quo fato res mala facta bona est.

In the Psalms again (xxx. 15) we have the old sneer at the three
insatiables, Hell, Earth and the Parts feminine (_os vulvæ_); and
Rabbinical learning has embroidered these and other texts, producing a
truly hideous caricature. A Hadis attributed to Mohammed runs, “They
(women) lack wits and faith. When Eve was created Satan rejoiced
saying:—Thou art half of my host, the trustee of my secret and my shaft
wherewith I shoot and miss not!” Another tells us, “I stood at the gate
of Heaven, and lo! most of its inmates were poor, and I stood at the
gate of Hell, and lo! most of its inmates were women.”[340] “Take care
of the glass-phials!” cried the Prophet to a camel-guide singing with a
sweet voice. Yet the Meccan apostle made, as has been seen, his own
household produce two perfections. The blatant popular voice follows
with such “dictes” as, “Women are made of nectar and poison”; “Women
have long hair and short wits” and so forth. Nor are the Hindus behind
hand. Woman has fickleness implanted in her by Nature like the flashings
of lightning (Kathá s.s. i. 147); she is valueless as a straw to the
heroic mind (169); she is hard as adamant in sin and soft as flour in
fear (170) and, like the fly, she quits camphor to settle on compost
(ii. 17). “What dependence is there in the crowing of a hen?” (women’s
opinions) says the Hindi proverb; also “A virgin with grey hairs!”
(_i.e._ a monster) and, “Wherever wendeth a fairy face a devil wendeth
with her.” The same superficial view of holding woman to be lesser (and
very inferior) man is taken generally by the classics; and Euripides
distinguished himself by misogyny, although he drew the beautiful
character of Alcestis. Simonides, more merciful than Ecclesiastes, after
naming his swine-women, dog-women, cat-women, etc., ends the decade with
the admirable bee-woman thus making ten per cent. honest. In mediæval or
Germanic Europe the doctrine of the Virgin mother gave the sex a status
unknown to the ancients except in Egypt, where Isis was the help-mate
and completion of Osiris, in modern parlance “The Woman clothed with the
Sun.” The kindly and courtly Palmerin of England, in whose pages
“gentlemen may find their choice of sweet inventions and gentlewomen be
satisfied with courtly expectations,” suddenly blurts out, “But in truth
women are never satisfied by reason, being governed by accident or
appetite” (chapt. xlix).

The Nights, as might be expected from the emotional East, exaggerate
these views. Women are mostly “Sectaries of the god Wünsch”; beings of
impulse, blown about by every gust of passion; stable only in
instability; constant only in inconstancy. The false ascetic, the
perfidious and murderous crone and the old hag-procuress who pimps like
Umm Kulsum[341], for mere pleasure, in the luxury of sin, are drawn with
an experienced and loving hand. Yet not the less do we meet with
examples of the dutiful daughter, the model lover matronly in her
affection, the devoted wife, the perfect mother, the saintly devotee,
the learned preacher, Univira the chaste widow and the self-sacrificing
heroic woman. If we find (vol. iii. 216) the sex described as:—

               An offal cast by kites where’er they list,

and the studied insults of vol. iii. 318, we also come upon an admirable
sketch of conjugal happiness (vol. vii. ? 43); and, to mention no other,
Shahryar’s attestation to Shahrazad’s excellence in the last charming
pages of The Nights.[342] It is the same with the Kathá whose praise and
dispraise are equally enthusiastic; _e.g._, “Women of good family are
guarded by their own virtue, the sole efficient chamberlain; but the
Lord himself can hardly guard the unchaste. Who can stem a furious
stream and a frantic woman?” (i. 328). “Excessive love in woman is your
only hero for daring” (i. 339). “Thus fair ones, naturally feeble, bring
about a series of evil actions which engender discernment and aversion
to the world; but here and there you will find a virtuous woman who
adorneth a glorious house as the streak of the moon arrayeth the breadth
of the Heavens” (i. 346). “So you see, King, honourable matrons are
devoted to their husbands and ’tis not the case that women are always
bad” (ii. 624). And there is true wisdom in that even balance of
feminine qualities advocated by our Hindu-Hindi class-book the
Toti-námeh or Parrot volume. The perfect woman has seven requisites. She
must not always be merry (1) nor sad (2); she must not always be talking
(3) nor silently musing (4); she must not always be adorning herself (5)
nor neglecting her person (6); and, (7) at all times she must be
moderate and self-possessed.

The legal status of womankind in Al-Islam is exceptionally high, a fact
of which Europe has often been assured, although the truth has not even
yet penetrated into the popular brain. Nearly a century ago one Mirza
Abú Tálib Khán, an Amildár or revenue collector, after living two years
in London, wrote an “apology” for, or rather a vindication of, his
countrywomen which is still worth reading and quoting.[343] Nations are
but superficial judges of one another: where customs differ they often
remark only the salient distinctive points which, when examined, prove
to be of minor importance. Europeans seeing and hearing that women in
the East are “cloistered” as the Grecian matron was wont ἔνδον μένειν
and οἰκουρεῖν; that wives may not walk out with their husbands and
cannot accompany them to “balls and parties”; moreover, that they are
always liable, like the ancient Hebrew, to the mortification of the
“sister-wife,” have most ignorantly determined that they are mere
serviles and that their lives are not worth living. Indeed, a learned
lady, Miss Martineau, once visiting a Harem went into ectasies of pity
and sorrow because the poor things knew nothing of—say trigonometry and
the use of the globes. Sonnini thought otherwise, and my experience,
like that of all old dwellers in the East, is directly opposed to this

I have noted (Night cmlxii.) that Mohammed, in the fifth year of his
reign,[344] after his ill-advised and scandalous marriage[345] with his
foster-daughter Zaynab, established the Hijáb or veiling of women. It
was probably an exaggeration of local usage: a modified separation of
the sexes, which extended and still extends even to the Badawi, must
long have been customary in Arabian cities, and its object was to
deliver the sexes from temptation, as the Koran says (xxxii. 32), “purer
will this (practice) be for your hearts and their hearts.”[346] The
women, who delight in restrictions which tend to their honour, accepted
it willingly and still affect it; they do not desire a liberty or rather
a licence which they have learned to regard as inconsistent with their
time-honoured notions of feminine decorum and delicacy, and they would
think very meanly of a husband who permitted them to be exposed, like
hetairæ, to the public gaze.[347] As Zubayr Pasha, exiled to Gibraltar
for another’s treason, said to my friend, Colonel Buckle, after visiting
quarters evidently laid out by a jealous husband, “We Arabs think that
when a man has a precious jewel, ’tis wiser to lock it up in a box than
to leave it about for anyone to take.” The Eastern adopts the
instinctive, the Western prefers the rational method. The former
jealously guards his treasure, surrounds it with all precautions, fends
off from it all risks and if the treasure go astray, kills it. The
latter, after placing it _en evidence_ upon an eminence in ball dress
with back and bosom bared to the gaze of society, a bundle of charms
exposed to every possible seduction, allows it to take its own way, and
if it be misled, he kills or tries to kill the misleader. It is a fiery
trial; and the few who safely pass through it may claim a higher
standpoint in the moral world than those who have never been sorely
tried. But the crucial question is whether Christian Europe has done
wisely in offering such temptations.

The second and main objection to Moslem custom is the marriage-system
which begins with a girl being wedded to a man whom she knows only by
hearsay. This was the habit of our forbears not many generations ago,
and it still prevails amongst noble houses in Southern Europe, where a
lengthened study of it leaves me doubtful whether the “love-marriage,”
as it is called, or wedlock with an utter stranger, evidently the two
extremes, is likely to prove the happier. The “sister-wife” is or would
be a sore trial to monogamic races like those of Northern Europe, where
Caia, all but the equal of Caius in most points mental and physical and
superior in some, not unfrequently proves herself the “man of the
family,” the “only man in the boat.” But in the East, where the sex is
far more delicate, where a girl is brought up in polygamy, where
religious reasons separate her from her husband, during pregnancy and
lactation, for three successive years; and where often enough like the
Mormon damsel she would hesitate to “nigger it with a one-wife-man,” the
case assumes a very different aspect and the load, if burden it be,
falls comparatively light. Lastly, the “patriarchal household” is mostly
confined to the grandee and the richard, whilst Holy Law and public
opinion, neither of which can openly be disregarded, assign command of
the household to the _equal_ or first wife and jealously guard the
rights and privileges of the others.

Mirza Abu Talib “the Persian Prince”[348] offers six reasons why “the
liberty of the Asiatic women appears less than that of the Europeans,”
ending with,

                    I’ll fondly place on either eye
                    The man that can to this reply.

He then lays down eight points in which the Moslem wife has greatly the
advantage over her Christian sisterhood; and we may take his first as a
specimen. Custom, not contrary to law, invests the Mohammedan mother
with despotic government of the homestead, slaves, servants and
children, especially the latter: she alone directs their early
education, their choice of faith, their marriage and their establishment
in life; and in case of divorce she takes the daughters, the sons going
to the sire. She has also liberty to leave her home, not only for one or
two nights, but for a week or a fortnight, without consulting her
husband; and whilst she visits a strange household, the master and all
males above fifteen are forbidden the Harem. But the main point in
favour of the Moslem wife is her being a “legal sharer”: inheritance is
secured to her by Koranic law; she must be dowered by the bridegroom to
legalise marriage and all she gains is secured to her; whereas in
England a “Married Woman’s Property Act” was completed only in 1882
after many centuries of the grossest abuses.

Lastly, Moslems and Easterns in general study and intelligently study
the art and mystery of satisfying the physical woman. In my Foreword I
have noticed among barbarians the system of “making men”[349] that is,
of teaching lads first arrived at puberty the nice conduct of the
instrumentum paratum plantandis civibus; a branch of the knowledge-tree
which our modern education grossly neglects, thereby entailing untold
miseries upon individuals, families and generations. The mock virtue,
the most immodest modesty of England and of the United States in the
xix^{th} century, pronounces the subject foul and fulsome: “Society”
sickens at all details; and hence it is said abroad that the English
have the finest women in Europe and least know how to use them.
Throughout the East such studies are aided by a long series of volumes,
many of them written by learned physiologists, by men of social standing
and by religious dignitaries high in office. The Egyptians especially
delight in aphrodisiac literature treating, as the Turks say, de la
partie au-dessous de la taille; and from fifteen hundred to two thousand
copies of a new work, usually lithographed in cheap form, readily sell
off. The pudibund Lane makes allusion to and quotes (A. N. i. 216) one
of the most outspoken, a 4to of 464 pages, called the Halbat al-Kumayt
or “Race-Course of the Bay Horse,” a poetical and horsey term for
grape-wine. Attributed by D’Herbelot to the Kazi Shams al-Din Mohammed,
it is wholly upon the subject of wassail and women till the last few
pages, when his reverence exclaims:—“This much, O reader, I have
recounted, the better thou mayst know what to avoid;” and so forth,
ending with condemning all he had praised.[350] Even the divine and
historian Jalál al-Dín al-Siyuti is credited with having written, though
the authorship is much disputed, a work entitled, “Kitáb al-Ízáh fi ’ilm
al-Nikáh” = The Book of Exposition in the Science of Coition: my copy, a
lithograph of 33 pages, undated, but evidently Cairene, begins with
exclaiming “Alhamdolillah—Laud to the Lord who adorned the virginal
bosom with breasts and who made the thighs of women anvils for the
spear-handles of men!” To the same amiable theologian are also ascribed
the “Kitáb Nawázir al-Ayk fi al-Nayk” = Green Splendours of the Copse in
Copulation, an abstract of the Kitáb al-Wisháh fí fawáid al-Nikáh = Book
of the Zone on Coitionboon. Of the abundance of pornographic literature
we may judge from a list of the following seven works given in the
second page of the “Kitáb Rujú’a al-Shaykh ila Sabáh fi ’l-Kuwwat
al-Báh”[351] = Book of Age-rejuvenescence in the power of Concupiscence:
it is the work of Ahmad bin Sulayman, surnamed Ibn Kamál Pasha.

  1. Kitáb al-Báh by Al-Nahli.

  2. Kitáb al-’Ars wa al-’Aráis (Book of the Bridal and the Brides) by

  3. Kitáb al-Kiyán (Maiden’s Book) by Ibn Hájib al-Nu’mán.

  4. Kitáb al-Ízáh fí asrár al-Nikáh (Book of the Exposition on the
  Mysteries of married Fruition).

  5. Kitáb Jámi’ al-Lizzah (The Compendium of Pleasure) by Ibn

  6. Kitáb Barján (Yarján?) wa Janáhib (??)[352]

  7. Kitáb al-Munákahah wa al-Mufátahah fí Asnáf al-Jimá’ wa Álátih
  (Book of Carnal Copulation and the Initiation into the modes of
  Coition and its Instrumentation), by Aziz al-Din al-Masíhí.[353]

To these I may add the Lizzat al-Nisá (Pleasures of Women), a text-book
in Arabic, Persian and Hindostani: it is a translation and a very poor
attempt, omitting much from, and adding naught to, the famous Sanskrit
work Ananga-Ranga (Stage of the Bodiless One _i.e._ Cupido) or Hindu Art
of Love (Ars Amoris Indica).[354] I have copies of it in Sanskrit and
Maráthi, Guzrati and Hindostani: the latter is an unpaged 8vo of p. 66,
including eight pages of most grotesque illustrations showing the
various Ásan (the Figuræ Veneris or positions of copulation), which seem
to be the triumphs of contortionists. These pamphlets lithographed in
Bombay are broad cast over the land.[355]

It must not be supposed that such literature is purely and simply
aphrodisiacal. The learned Sprenger, a physician as well as an Arabist,
says (Al-Mas’údi p. 384) of a tractate by the celebrated Rhazes in the
Leyden Library “The number of curious observations, the correct and
practical ideas and the novelty of the notions of Eastern nations on
these subjects, which are contained in this book, render it one of the
most important productions of the medical literature of the Arabs.” I
can conscientiously recommend to the Anthropologist a study of the
“Kutub al-Báh.”


Here it will be advisable to supplement what was said in my Foreword (p.
xv.) concerning the _turpiloquium_ of The Nights. Readers who have
perused the ten volumes will probably agree with me that the naïve
indecencies of the text are rather _gaudisserie_ than prurience; and,
when delivered with mirth and humour, they are rather the “excrements of
wit” than designed for debauching the mind. Crude and indelicate with
infantile plainness; even gross and, at times, “nasty” in their terrible
frankness, they cannot be accused of corrupting suggestiveness or subtle
insinuation of vicious sentiment. Theirs is a coarseness of language,
not of idea; they are indecent, not depraved; and the pure and perfect
naturalness of their nudity seems almost to purify it, showing that the
matter is rather of manners than of morals. Such throughout the East is
the language of every man, woman and child, from prince to peasant, from
matron to prostitute: all are as the naïve French traveller said of the
Japanese; “si grossiers qu’ils ne sçavent nommer les choses que par leur
nom.” This primitive stage of language sufficed to draw from Lane and
Burckhardt strictures upon the “most immodest freedom of conversation in
Egypt,” where, as all the world over, there are three several stages for
names of things and acts sensual. First we have the _mot cru_, the
popular term, soon followed by the technical and scientific, and,
lastly, the literary or figurative nomenclature, which is often much
more immoral because more attractive, suggestive and seductive than the
“raw word.” And let me observe that the highest civilization is now
returning to the language of nature. In La Glu of M. J. Richepin, a
triumph of the realistic school, we find such “archaic” expressions as
la petée, putain, foutue à la six-quatre-dix; une facétieuse pétarade;
tu t’es foutue de, etc. Eh vilain bougre! and so forth.[356] To those
critics who complain of these raw vulgarisms and puerile indecencies in
The Nights I can reply only by quoting the words said to have been said
by Dr. Johnson to the lady who complained of the naughty words in his
dictionary—“You must have been looking for them, Madam!”

But I repeat (p. xvi.) there is another element in The Nights and that
is one of absolute obscenity utterly repugnant to English readers, even
the least prudish. It is chiefly connected with what our neighbours call
_Le vice contre nature_—as if anything can be contrary to nature which
includes all things.[357] Upon this subject I must offer details, as it
does not enter into my plan to ignore any theme which is interesting to
the Orientalist and the Anthropologist. And they, methinks, do abundant
harm who, for shame or disgust, would suppress the very mention of such
matters: in order to combat a great and growing evil deadly to the
birth-rate—the main-stay of national prosperity—the first requisite is
careful study. As Albert Bollstoedt, Bishop of Ratisbon, rightly
says:—Quia malum non evitatum nisi cognitum, ideo necesse est cognoscere
immundiciem coitus et multa alia quæ docentur in isto libro. Equally
true are Professor Mantegazza’s words:[358] Cacher les plaies du cœur
humain au nom de la pudeur, ce n’est au contraire qu’hypocrisie ou peur.
The late Mr. Grote had reason to lament that when describing such
institutions as the far-famed ἱερὸς λόχος of Thebes, the Sacred Band
annihilated at Chaeroneia, he was compelled to a reticence which
permitted him to touch only the surface of the subject. This was
inevitable under the present rule of Cant[359] in a book intended for
the public: but the same does not apply to my version of The Nights, and
now I proceed to discuss the matter sérieusement, honnêtement,
historiquement; to show it in decent nudity not in suggestive fig-leaf
or feuille de vigne.


The “execrabilis familia pathicorum” first came before me by a chance of
earlier life. In 1845, when Sir Charles Napier had conquered and annexed
Sind, despite a fraction (mostly venal) which sought favour with the now
defunct “Court of Directors to the Honourable East India Company,” the
veteran began to consider his conquest with a curious eye. It was
reported to him that Karáchi, a townlet of some two thousand souls and
distant not more than a mile from camp, supported no less than three
lupanars or bordels, in which not women but boys and eunuchs, the former
demanding nearly a double price,[360] lay for hire. Being then the only
British officer who could speak Sindi, I was asked indirectly to make
enquiries and to report upon the subject; and I undertook the task on
express condition that my report should not be forwarded to the Bombay
Government, from whom supporters of the Conqueror’s policy could expect
scant favour, mercy or justice. Accompanied by a Munshi, Mirza Mohammed
Hosayn of Shiraz, and habited as a merchant, Mirza Abdullah the
Bushiri[361] passed many an evening in the townlet, visited all the
porneia and obtained the fullest details which were duly despatched to
Government House. But the “Devil’s Brother” presently quitted Sind
leaving in his office my unfortunate official: this found its way with
sundry other reports[362] to Bombay and produced the expected result. A
friend in the Secretariat informed me that my summary dismissal from the
service had been formally proposed by one of Sir Charles Napier’s
successors, whose decease compels me parcere sepulto. But this excess of
outraged modesty was not allowed.

Subsequent enquiries in many and distant countries enabled me to arrive
at the following conclusions:—

  1. There exists what I shall call a “Sotadic Zone,” bounded
  westwards by the northern shores of the Mediterranean (N. Lat. 43°)
  and by the southern (N. Lat. 30°). Thus the depth would be 780 to
  800 miles including meridional France, the Iberian Peninsula, Italy
  and Greece, with the coast-regions of Africa from Marocco to Egypt.

  2. Running eastward the Sotadic Zone narrows, embracing Asia Minor,
  Mesopotamia and Chaldæa, Afghanistan, Sind, the Punjab and Kashmir.

  3. In Indo-China the belt begins to broaden, enfolding China, Japan
  and Turkistan.

  4. It then embraces the South Sea Islands and the New World where,
  at the time of its discovery, Sotadic love was, with some
  exceptions, an established racial institution.

  5. Within the Sotadic Zone the Vice is popular and endemic, held at
  the worst to be a mere peccadillo, whilst the races to the North and
  South of the limits here defined practise it only sporadically amid
  the opprobrium of their fellows who, as a rule, are physically
  incapable of performing the operation and look upon it with the
  liveliest disgust.

Before entering into topographical details concerning Pederasty, which I
hold to be geographical and climatic, not racial, I must offer a few
considerations of its cause and origin. We must not forget that the love
of boys has its noble sentimental side. The Platonists and pupils of the
Academy, followed by the Sufis or Moslem Gnostics, held such affection,
pure as ardent, to be the beau idéal which united in man’s soul the
creature with the Creator. Professing to regard youths as the most
cleanly and beautiful objects in this phenomenal world, they declared
that by loving and extolling the chef-d’œuvre, corporeal and
intellectual, of the Demiurgus, disinterestedly and without any
admixture of carnal sensuality, they are paying the most fervent
adoration to the Causa causans. They add that such affection, passing as
it does the love of women, is far less selfish than fondness for and
admiration of the other sex which, however innocent, always suggest
sexuality[363]; and Easterns add that the devotion of the moth to the
taper is purer and more fervent than the Bulbul’s love for the Rose.
Amongst the Greeks of the best ages the system of boy-favourites was
advocated on considerations of morals and politics. The lover undertook
the education of the beloved through precept and example, while the two
were conjoined by a tie stricter than the fraternal. Hieronymus the
Peripatetic strongly advocated it because the vigorous disposition of
youths and the confidence engendered by their association often led to
the overthrow of tyrannies. Socrates declared that “a most valiant army
might be composed of boys and their lovers; for that of all men they
would be most ashamed to desert one another.” And even Virgil, despite
the foul flavour of Formosum pastor Corydon, could write:—

                         Nisus amore pio pueri.

The only physical cause for the practice which suggests itself to me and
that must be owned to be purely conjectural, is that within the Sotadic
Zone there is a blending of the masculine and feminine temperaments, a
crasis which elsewhere occurs only sporadically. Hence the male
_féminisme_ whereby the man becomes patiens as well as agens, and the
woman a tribade, a votary of mascula Sappho,[364] Queen of Frictrices or
Rubbers.[365] Prof. Mantegazza claims to have discovered the cause of
this pathological love, this perversion of the erotic sense, one of the
marvellous list of amorous vagaries which deserve, not prosecution but
the pitiful care of the physician and the study of the psychologist.
According to him the nerves of the rectum and the genitalia, in all
cases closely connected, are abnormally so in the pathic who obtains, by
intromission, the venereal orgasm which is usually sought through the
sexual organs. So amongst women there are tribads who can procure no
pleasure except by foreign objects introduced a posteriori. Hence his
threefold distribution of sodomy; (1) Peripheric or anatomical, caused
by an unusual distribution of the nerves and their hyperæsthesia; (2)
Luxurious, when love a tergo is preferred on account of the narrowness
of the passage; and (3) the Psychical. But this is evidently
superficial: the question is what causes this neuropathy, this abnormal
distribution and condition of the nerves.[366]

As Prince Bismarck finds a moral difference between the male and female
races of history, so I suspect a mixed physical temperament effected by
the manifold subtle influences massed together in the word climate.
Something of the kind is necessary to explain the fact of this
pathological love extending over the greater portion of the habitable
world, without any apparent connection of race or media, from the
polished Greek to the cannibal Tupi of the Brazil. Walt Whitman speaks
of the ashen grey faces of onanists: the faded colours, the puffy
features and the unwholesome complexion of the professed pederast with
his peculiar cachetic expression, indescribable but once seen never
forgotten, stamp the breed, and Dr. G. Adolph is justified in declaring
“Alle Gewohnneits-paederasten erkennen sich einander schnell, oft met
einen Blick.” This has nothing in common with the féminisme which
betrays itself in the pathic by womanly gait, regard and gesture: it is
a something sui generis; and the same may be said of the colour and look
of the young priest who honestly refrains from women and their
substitutes. Dr. Tardieu, in his well-known work, “Étude Médico-légale
sur les Attentats aux Mœurs,” and Dr. Adolph note a peculiar
infundibuliform disposition of the “After” and a smoothness and want of
folds even before any abuse has taken place, together with special forms
of the male organs in confirmed pederasts. But these observations have
been rejected by Caspar, Hoffman, Brouardel and Dr. J. H. Henry Coutagne
(Notes sur la Sodomie, Lyon, 1880), and it is a medical question whose
discussion would here be out of place.

The origin of pederasty is lost in the night of ages; but its historique
has been carefully traced by many writers, especially Virey,[367]
Rosenbaum[368] and M. H. E. Meier.[369] The ancient Greeks who, like the
modern Germans, invented nothing but were great improvers of what other
races invented, attributed the formal apostolate of Sotadism to Orpheus,
whose stigmata were worn by the Thracian women;

                         —Omnemque refugerat Orpheus
     Fœmineam venerem;—
     Ille etiam Thracum populis fuit auctor, amorem
     In teneres transferre mares: citraque juventam
     Ætatis breve ver, et primos carpere flores.

                                               Ovid, Met. x. 79–85.

Euripides proposed Laïus father of Oedipus as the inaugurator, whereas
Timæus declared that the fashion of making favourites of boys was
introduced into Greece from Crete, for Malthusian reasons said Aristotle
(Pol. ii. 10) attributing it to Minos. Herodotus, however, knew far
better, having discovered (ii. c. 80) that the Orphic and Bacchic rites
were originally Egyptian. But the Father of History was a traveller and
an annalist rather than an archæologist and he tripped in the following
passage (i. c. 135), “As soon as they (the Persians) hear of any luxury,
they instantly make it their own, and hence, among other matters, they
have learned from the Hellenes a passion for boys” (“unnatural lust”
says modest Rawlinson). Plutarch (De Malig. Herod. xiii.)[370] asserts
with much more probability that the Persians used eunuch boys according
to the _Mos Græciæ_, long before they had seen the Grecian main.

In the Holy Books of the Hellenes, Homer and Hesiod, dealing with the
heroic ages, there is no trace of pederasty, although, in a long
subsequent generation, Lucian suspected Achilles and Patroclus as he did
Orestes and Pylades, Theseus and Pirithous. Homer’s praises of beauty
are reserved for the feminines, especially his favourite Helen. But the
Dorians of Crete seem to have commended the abuse to Athens and Sparta
and subsequently imported it into Tarentum, Agrigentum and other
colonies. Ephorus in Strabo (x. 4 § 21) gives a curious account of the
violent abduction of beloved boys (παρασταθέντες) by the lover
(ἐραστής); of the obligations of the ravisher (φιλήτωρ) to the favourite
(κλεινός)[371] and of the “marriage-ceremonies” which lasted two months.
See also Plato Laws i. c. 8. Servius (Ad Æneid. x. 325) informs us “De
Cretensibus accepimus, quod in amore puerorum intemperantes fuerunt,
quod postea in Laconas et in totam Græciam translatum est.” The Cretans
and afterwards their apt pupils the Chalcidians held it disreputable for
a beautiful boy to lack a lover. Hence Zeus the national Doric god of
Crete loved Ganymede[372]; Apollo, another Dorian deity, loved Hyacinth,
and Hercules, a Doric hero who grew to be a sun-god, loved Hylas and a
host of others: thus Crete sanctified the practice by the examples of
the gods and demigods. But when legislation came, the subject had
qualified itself for legal limitation and as such was undertaken by
Lycurgus and Solon, according to Xenophon (Lac. ii. 13), who draws a
broad distinction between the honest love of boys and dishonest
(αἴχιστος) lust. They both approved of pure pederastía, like that of
Harmodius and Aristogiton; but forbade it with serviles because
degrading to a free man. Hence the love of boys was spoken of like that
of women (Plato: Phædrus; Repub. VI. c. 19 and Xenophon, Synop. iv. 10)
_e.g._, “There was once a boy, or rather a youth, of exceeding beauty
and he had very many lovers”—this is the language of Hafiz and Sa’adi.
Æschylus, Sophocles and Euripides were allowed to introduce it upon the
stage, for “many men were as fond of having boys for their favourites as
women for their mistresses; and this was a frequent fashion in many
well-regulated cities of Greece.” Poets like Alcæus, Anacreon, Agathon
and Pindar affected it and Theognis sang of a “beautiful boy in the
flower of his youth.” The statesmen Aristides and Themistocles
quarrelled over Stesileus of Teos; and Pisistratus loved Charmus who
first built an altar to Puerile Eros, while Charmus loved Hippias son of
Pisistratus. Demosthenes the Orator took into keeping a youth called
Cnosion greatly to the indignation of his wife. Xenophon loved Clinias
and Autolycus; Aristotle, Hermeas, Theodectes[373] and others;
Empedocles, Pausanias; Epicurus, Pytocles; Aristippus, Eutichydes and
Zeno with his Stoics had a philosophic disregard for women, affecting
only pederastía. A man in Athenæus (iv. c. 40) left in his will that
certain youths he had loved should fight like gladiators at his funeral;
and Charicles in Lucian abuses Callicratidas for his love of “sterile
pleasures.” Lastly there was the notable affair of Alcibiades and
Socrates, the “sanctus pæderasta”[374] being violemment soupçonné when
under the mantle:—non semper sine plagâ ab eo surrexit. Athenæus (v. c.
13) declares that Plato represents Socrates as absolutely intoxicated
with his passion for Alcibiades.[375] The ancients seem to have held the
connection impure, or Juvenal would not have written—

               Inter Socraticos notissima fossa cinædos,

followed by Firmicus (vii. 14) who speaks of “Socratici pædicones.” It
is the modern fashion to doubt the pederasty of the master of Hellenic
Sophrosyne, the “Christian before Christianity;” but such a world-wide
term as Socratic love can hardly be explained by the lucus-a-non-lucendo
theory. We are overapt to apply our nineteenth century prejudices and
prepossessions to the morality of the ancient Greeks who would have
specimen’d such squeamishness in Attic salt.

The Spartans, according to Agnon the Academic (confirmed by Plato,
Plutarch and Cicero), treated boys and girls in the same way before
marriage: hence Juvenal (xi. 173) uses “Lacedæmonius” for a pathic and
other writers apply it to a tribade. After the Peloponnesian War, which
ended in B.C. 404, the use became merged in the abuse. Yet some purity
must have survived, even amongst the Bœotians who produced the famous
Narcissus,[376] described by Ovid (Met. iii. 339):—

            Multi illum juvenes, multæ cupiere puellæ;
            Nulli illum juvenes, nullæ tetigere puellæ:[377]

for Epaminondas, whose name is mentioned with three beloveds,
established the Holy Regiment composed of mutual lovers, testifying the
majesty of Eros and preferring to a discreditable life a glorious death.
Philip’s reflections on the fatal field of Chaeroneia form their fittest
epitaph. At last the Athenians, according to Æschines, officially
punished Sodomy with death; but the threat did not abolish bordels of
boys, like those of Karáchi; the Porneia and Pornoboskeia, where slaves
and pueri venales “stood,” as the term was, near the Pnyx, the city
walls and a certain tower, also about Lycabettus (Æsch. contra Tim.);
and paid a fixed tax to the state. The pleasures of society in civilised
Greece seem to have been sought chiefly in the heresies of
love—Hetairesis[378] and Sotadism.

It is calculated that the French of the sixteenth century had four
hundred names for the parts genital and three hundred for their use in
coition. The Greek vocabulary is not less copious and some of its
pederastic terms, of which Meier gives nearly a hundred, and its
nomenclature of pathologic love are curious and picturesque enough to
merit quotation.

To live the life of Abron (the Argive) _i.e._ that of a πάσχων, pathic
or passive lover.

The Agathonian song.

Aischrourgía = dishonest love, also called Akolasía, Akrasía,
Arrenokoitía, etc.

Alcinoan youths, or “non-conformists,”

              In cute curandâ plus æquo operata Juventus.

Alegomenos, the “unspeakable,” as the pederast was termed by the Council
of Ancyra: also the Agrios, Apolaustus and Akolastos.

Androgyne, of whom Ansonius wrote (Epig. lxviii. 15):—

                  Ecce ego sum factus femina de puero.

Badas and badízein = clunes torquens: also Bátalos = a catamite.

Catapygos, Katapygosyne = puerarius and catadactylium from Dactylion,
the ring, used in the sense of Nerissa’s, but applied to the corollarium

Cinædus (Kínaidos), the active lover (ποιῶν) derived either from his
kinetics or quasi κύων αἴδως = dog-modest. Also Spatalocinædus (lasciviâ
fluens) = a fair Ganymede.

Chalcidissare (Khalkidizein), from Chalcis in Eubœa, a city famed for
love à posteriori; mostly applied to le léchement des testicules by

Clazomenæ = the buttocks, also a sotadic disease, so called from the
Ionian city devoted to Aversa Venus; also used of a pathic,

                     —et tergo femina pube vir est.

Embasicoetas, prop. a link-boy at marriages, also a “night-cap” drunk
before bed and lastly an effeminate; one who perambulavit omnium cubilia
(Catullus). See Encolpius’ pun upon the Embasicete in Satyricon, cap.

Epipedesis, the carnal assault.

Geiton lit. “neighbour” the beloved of Encolpius, which has produced the
Fr. Giton = Bardache, Ital. bardascia from the Arab. Baradaj, a captive,
a slave; the augm. form is Polygeiton.

Hippias (tyranny of) when the patient (woman or boy) mounts the agent.
Aristoph. Vesp. 502. So also Kelitizein = peccare superne or equum
agitare supernum of Horace.

Mokhthería, depravity with boys.

Paidika, whence pædicare (act) and pædicari (pass): so in the Latin

                PEnelopes primam DIdonis prima sequatur,
                Et primam CAni, syllaba prima REmi.

Pathikos, Pathicus, a passive, like Malakos (malacus, mollis, facilis),
Malchio, Trimalchio (Petronius), Malta, Maltha and in Hor. (Sat. ii. 25)

                  Malthinus tunicis demissis ambulat.

Praxis = the malpractice.

Pygisma = buttockry, because most actives end within the nates, being
too much excited for further intromission.

Phœnicissare (φοινικίζειν) = cunnilingere in tempore menstruum, quia hoc
vitium in Phœnicia generata solebat (Thes. Erot. Ling. Latinæ); also
irrumer en miel.

Phicidissare, denotat actum per canes commissum quando lambunt cunnos
vel testiculos (Suetonius): also applied to pollution of childhood.

Samorium flores (Erasmus, Prov. xxiii.) alluding to the androgynic
prostitutions of Samos.

Siphniassare (σιφνιάζειν, from Siphnos, hod. Sifanto Island) = digito
podicem fodere ad pruriginem restinguendam, says Erasmus (see Mirabeau’s
Erotika Biblion, Anoscopie).

Thrypsis = the rubbing.

Pederastía had in Greece, I have shown, its noble and ideal side: Rome,
however, borrowed her malpractices, like her religion and polity, from
those ultra-material Etruscans and debauched with a brazen face. Even
under the Republic Plautus (Casin. ii. 21) makes one of his characters
exclaim, in the utmost sang-froid, “Ultro te, amator, apage te a dorso
meo!” With increased luxury the evil grew and Livy notices (xxxix. 13),
at the Bacchanalia, plura virorum inter sese quam fœminarum stupra.
There were individual protests; for instance, S. Q. Fabius Maximus
Servilianus (Consul U.C. 612) punished his son for dubia castitas; and a
private soldier, C. Plotius, killed his military Tribune, Q. Luscius,
for unchaste proposals. The Lex Scantinia (Scatinia?), popularly derived
from Scantinius the Tribune and of doubtful date (B.C. 226?), attempted
to abate the scandal by fine and the Lex Julia by death; but they were
trifling obstacles to the flood of infamy which surged in with the
Empire. No class seems then to have disdained these “sterile pleasures:”
l’on n’attachoit point alors à cette espèce d’amour une note d’infamie,
comme en païs de chrétienté, says Bayle under “Anacreon.” The great
Cæsar, the Cinædus calvus of Catullus, was the husband of all the wives
and the wife of all the husbands in Rome (Suetonius, cap. lii.); and his
soldiers sang in his praise Gallias Cæsar subegit, Nicomedes Cæsarem
(Suet. cies. xlix.); whence his sobriquet “Fornix Birthynicus.” Of
Augustus the people chaunted

               Videsne ut Cinædus orbem digito temperet?

Tiberius, with his pisciculi and greges exoletorum, invented the
Symplegma or nexus of Sellarii, agentes et patientes, in which the
spinthriæ (lit. women’s bracelets) were connected in a chain by the bond
of flesh[379] (Seneca Quæst. Nat.). Of this refinement, which in the
earlier part of the nineteenth century was renewed by sundry Englishmen
at Naples, Ausonius wrote (Epig. cxix. 1),

              Tres uno in lecto: stuprum duo perpetiuntur;

And Martial had said (xii. 43)

                  Quo symplegmate quinque copulentur;
                  Qua plures teneantur a catena; etc.

Ausonius recounts of Caligula he so lost patience that he forcibly
entered the priest M. Lepidus, before the sacrifice was completed. The
beautiful Nero was formally married to Pythagoras (or Doryphoros) and
afterwards took to wife Sporus who was first subjected to castration of
a peculiar fashion; he was then named Sabina after the deceased spouse
and claimed queenly honours. The “Othonis et Trajani pathici” were
famed; the great Hadrian openly loved Antinoüs and the wild debaucheries
of Heliogabalus seem only to have amused, instead of disgusting, the

Uranopolis allowed public lupanaria where adults and meritorii pueri,
who began their career as early as seven years, stood for hire: the
inmates of these cauponæ wore sleeved tunics and dalmatics like women.
As in modern Egypt pathic boys, we learn from Catullus, haunted the
public baths. Debauchees had signals like freemasons whereby they
recognised one another. The Greek Skematízein was made by closing the
hand to represent the scrotum and raising the middle finger as if to
feel whether a hen had eggs, tâter si les poulettes ont l’œuf: hence the
Athenians called it Catapygon or sodomite and the Romans digitus
impudicus or infamis, the “medical finger[380]” of Rabelais and the
Chiromantists. Another sign was to scratch the head with the
minimus—digitulo caput scabere (Juv. ix. 133).[381] The prostitution of
boys was first forbidden by Domitian; but Saint Paul, a Greek, had
formally expressed his abomination of Le Vice (Rom. i. 26; i. Cor. vi.
8); and we may agree with Grotius (de Verit. li. c. 13) that early
Christianity did much to suppress it. At last the Emperor Theodosius
punished it with fire as a profanation, because sacrosanctum esse
debetur hospitium virilis animæ.

In the pagan days of imperial Rome her literature makes no difference
between boy and girl. Horace naïvely says (Sat. ii. 118):—

                   Ancilla aut verna est præsto puer;

and with Hamlet, but in a dishonest sense:—

                               —Man delights me not
                     Nor woman neither.

Similarly the Spaniard Martial, who is a mine of such pederastic
allusions (xi. 46):—

                  Sive puer arrisit, sive puella tibi.

That marvellous Satyricon which unites the wit of Molière[382] with the
debaucheries of Piron, whilst the writer has been described, like
Rabelais, as purissimus in impuritate, is a kind of Triumph of
Pederasty. Geiton the hero, a handsome curly-pated hobbledehoy of
seventeen, with his câlinerie and wheedling tongue, is courted like one
of the sequor sexus: his lovers are inordinately jealous of him and his
desertion leaves deep scars upon the heart. But no dialogue between man
and wife in extremis could be more pathetic than that in the scene where
shipwreck is imminent. Elsewhere every one seems to attempt his
neighbour: a man alte succinctus assails Ascyltos; Lycus, the Tarentine
skipper, would force Encolpius and so forth: yet we have the neat and
finished touch (cap. vii.):—“The lamentation was very fine (the dying
man having manumitted his slaves) albeit his wife wept not as though she
loved him. _How were it had he not behaved to her so well?_”

Erotic Latin glossaries[383] give some ninety words connected with
Pederasty and some, which “speak with Roman simplicity,” are peculiarly
expressive. “Aversa Venus” alludes to women being treated as boys: hence
Martial, translated by Piron, addresses Mistress Martial (x. 44):—

                 Teque puta, cunnos, uxor, habere duos.

The capillatus or comatus is also called calamistratus, the darling
curled with crisping-irons; and he is an Effeminatus _i.e._ qui
muliebria patitur; or a Delicatus, slave or eunuch for the use of the
Draucus, Puerarius (boy-lover) or Dominus (Mart. xi. 71). The Divisor is
so called from his practice Hillas dividere or cædere, something like
Martial’s cacare mentulam or Juvenal’s Hesternæ occurrere cænæ. Facere
vicibus (Juv. vii. 238), incestare se invicem or mutuum facere (Plaut.
Trin. ii. 437), is described as “a puerile vice,” in which the two take
turns to be active and passive: they are also called Gemelli and Fratres
= compares in pædicatione. Illicita libido is = præpostera seu postica
Venus, and is expressed by the picturesque phrase indicare (seu
incurvare) aliquem. Depilatus, divellere pilos, glaber, lævis and nates
pervellere are allusions to the Sotadic toilette. The fine distinction
between demittere and dejicere caput are worthy of a glossary, while
Pathica puella, puera, putus, pullipremo, pusio, pygiaca sacra,
quadrupes, scarabæus and smerdalius explain themselves.

From Rome the practice extended far and wide to her colonies especially
the Provincia now called Provence. Athenæus (xii. 26) charges the people
of Massilia with “acting like women out of luxury”; and he cites the
saying “May you sail to Massilia!” as if it were another Corinth. Indeed
the whole Keltic race is charged with Le Vice by Aristotle (Pol. ii.
66), Strabo, (iv. 199) and Diodorus Siculus (v. 32). Roman civilisation
carried pederasty also to Northern Africa, where it took firm root,
while the negro and negroid races to the South ignore the erotic
perversion, except where imported by foreigners into such kingdoms as
Bornu and Haussa. In old Mauritania, now Marocco,[384] the Moors proper
are notable sodomites; Moslems, even of saintly houses, are permitted
openly to keep catamites, nor do their disciples think worse of their
sanctity for such license: in one case the English wife failed to banish
from the home “that horrid boy.”

Yet pederasty is forbidden by the Koran. In chapter iv. 20 we read; “And
if two (men) among you commit the crime, then punish them both,” the
penalty being some hurt or damage by public reproach, insult or
scourging. There are four distinct references to Lot and the Sodomites
in chapters vii. 78; xi. 77–84; xxvi. 160–174 and xxix. 28–35. In the
first the prophet commissioned to the people says, “Proceed ye to a
fulsome act wherein no creature hath foregone ye? Verily ye come to men
in lieu of women lustfully.” We have then an account of the rain which
made an end of the wicked and this judgment on the Cities of the Plain
is repeated with more detail in the second reference. Here the angels,
generally supposed to be three, Gabriel, Michael and Raphael, appeared
to Lot as beautiful youths, a sore temptation to the sinners and the
godly man’s arm was straitened concerning his visitors because he felt
unable to protect them from the erotic vagaries of his fellow townsmen.
He therefore shut his doors and from behind them argued the matter:
presently the riotous assembly attempted to climb the wall when Gabriel,
seeing the distress of his host, smote them on the face with one of his
wings and blinded them so that all moved off crying for aid and saying
that Lot had magicians in his house. Hereupon the “cities” which, if
they ever existed, must have been Fellah villages, were uplifted:
Gabriel thrust his wing under them and raised them so high that the
inhabitants of the lower heaven (the lunar sphere) could hear the dogs
barking and the cocks crowing. Then came the rain of stones: these were
clay pellets baked in hell-fire, streaked white and red, or having some
mark to distinguish them from the ordinary and each bearing the name of
its destination like the missiles which destroyed the host of Abrahat
al-Ashram.[385] Lastly the “Cities” were turned upside down and cast
upon earth. These circumstantial unfacts are repeated at full length in
the other two chapters; but rather as an instance of Allah’s power than
as a warning against pederasty, which Mohammed seems to have regarded
with philosophic indifference. The general opinion of his followers is
that it should be punished like fornication unless the offenders made a
public act of penitence. But here, as in adultery, the law is somewhat
too clement and will not convict unless four credible witnesses swear to
have seen rem in re. I have noticed (vol. i. 211) the vicious opinion
that the Ghilmán or Wuldán, the beautiful boys of Paradise, the
counterparts of the Houris, will be lawful catamites to the True
Believers in a future state of happiness: the idea is nowhere
countenanced in Al-Islam; and, although I have often heard debauchees
refer to it, the learned look upon the assertion as scandalous.

As in Marocco so the Vice prevails throughout the old regencies of
Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli and all the cities of the South Mediterranean
seaboard, whilst it is unknown to the Nubians, the Berbers and the
wilder tribes dwelling inland. Proceeding Eastward we reach Egypt, that
classical region of all abominations which, marvellous to relate,
flourished in closest contact with men leading the purest of lives,
models of moderation and morality, of religion and virtue. Amongst the
ancient Copts Le Vice was part and portion of the Ritual and was
represented by two male partridges alternately copulating (Interp. in
Priapi Carm. xvii). The evil would have gained strength by the invasion
of Cambyses (B.C. 524), whose armies, after the victory over
Psammenitus, settled in the Nile-Valley, and held it, despite sundry
revolts, for some hundred and ninety years. During these six generations
the Iranians left their mark upon Lower Egypt and especially, as the
late Rogers Bey proved, upon the Fayyum the most ancient Delta of the
Nile.[386] Nor would the evil be diminished by the Hellenes who, under
Alexander the Great, “liberator and saviour of Egypt” (B.C. 332),
extinguished the native dynasties: the love of the Macedonian for Bagoas
the Eunuch being a matter of history. From that time and under the rule
of the Ptolemies the morality gradually decayed; the Canopic orgies
extended into private life and the debauchery of the men was equalled
only by the depravity of the women. Neither Christianity nor Al-Islam
could effect a change for the better; and social morality seems to have
been at its worst during the past century when Sonnini travelled (A.D.
1717). The French officer, who is thoroughly trustworthy, draws the
darkest picture of the widely-spread criminality, especially of the
bestiality and the sodomy (chapt. xv.) which formed the “delight of the
Egyptians.” During the Napoleonic conquest Jaubert in his letter to
General Bruix (p. 19) says, “Les Arabes et les Mamelouks ont traité
quelques-uns de nos prisonniers comme Socrate traitait, dit-on,
Alcibiade. Il fallait périr ou y passer.” Old Anglo-Egyptians still
chuckle over the tale of Sa’id Pasha and M. de Ruyssenaer, the
high-dried and highly respectable Consul-General for the Netherlands,
who was solemnly advised to make the experiment, active and passive,
before offering his opinion upon the subject. In the present age
extensive intercourse with Europeans has produced not a reformation but
a certain reticence amongst the upper classes: they are as vicious as
ever, but they do not care for displaying their vices to the eyes of
mocking strangers.

Syria and Palestine, another ancient focus of abominations, borrowed
from Egypt and exaggerated the worship of Androgynic and hermaphroditic
deities. Plutarch (De Iside) notes that the old Nilotes held the moon to
be of “male-female sex,” the men sacrificing to Luna and the women to
Lunus.[387] Isis also was a hermaphrodite, the idea being that Æther or
Air (the lower heavens) was the menstruum of generative nature; and
Damascius explained the tenet by the all-fruitful and prolific powers of
the atmosphere. Hence the fragment attributed to Orpheus, the song of
Jupiter (Air)—

                    All things from Jove descend
              Jove was a male, Jove was a deathless bride;
              For men call Air, of two-fold sex, the Jove.

Julius Firmicus relates that “The Assyrians and part of the Africans”
(along the Mediterranean seaboard?) “hold Air to be the chief element
and adore its fanciful figure (imaginata figura), consecrated under the
name of Juno or the Virgin Venus. * * * Their companies of priests
cannot duly serve her unless they effeminate their faces, smooth their
skins and disgrace their masculine sex by feminine ornaments. You may
see men in their very temples amid general groans enduring miserable
dalliance and becoming passives like women (viros muliebria pati) and
they expose, with boasting and ostentation, the pollution of the impure
and immodest body.” Here we find the religious significance of eunuchry.
It was practised as a religious rite by the Tympanotribas or
Gallus,[388] the castrated votary of Rhea or Bona Mater, in Phrygia
called Cybele, self-mutilated but _not_ in memory of Atys; and by a host
of other creeds: even Christianity, as sundry texts show,[389] could not
altogether cast out the old possession. Here too we have an explanation
of Sotadic love in its second stage, when it became, like cannibalism, a
matter of superstition. Assuming a nature-implanted tendency, we see
that like human sacrifice it was held to be the most acceptable offering
to the God-goddess in the Orgia or sacred ceremonies, a something set
apart for peculiar worship. Hence in Rome as in Egypt the temples of
Isis (Inachidos limina, Isiacæ sacraria Lunæ) were centres of sodomy and
the religious practice was adopted by the grand priestly castes from
Mesopotamia to Mexico and Peru.

We find the earliest written notices of the Vice in the mythical
destruction of the Pentapolis (Gen. xix.), Sodom, Gomorrah (= ’Ámirah,
the cultivated country), Adama, Zeboïm and Zoar or Bela. The legend has
been amply embroidered by the Rabbis who make the Sodomites do
everything _à l’envers_: _e.g._ if a man were wounded he was fined for
bloodshed and was compelled to fee the offender; and if one cut off the
ear of a neighbour’s ass he was condemned to keep the animal till the
ear grew again. The Jewish doctors declare the people to have been a
race of sharpers with rogues for magistrates, and thus they justify the
judgment which they read literally. But the traveller cannot accept it.
I have carefully examined the lands at the North and at the South of
that most beautiful lake, the so-called Dead Sea, whose tranquil
loveliness, backed by the grand plateau of Moab, is an object of
admiration to all save patients suffering from the strange disease “Holy
Land on the Brain.”[390] But I found no traces of craters in the
neighbourhood, no signs of vulcanism, no remains of “meteoric stones”:
the asphalt which named the water is a mineralised vegetable washed out
of the limestones, and the sulphur and salt are brought down by the
Jordan into a lake without issue. I must therefore look upon the history
as a myth which may have served a double purpose. The first would be to
deter the Jew from the Malthusian practices of his pagan predecessors,
upon whom obloquy was thus cast, so far resembling the scandalous and
absurd legend which explained the names of the children of Lot by Pheiné
and Thamma as “Moab” (Mu-ab) the water or semen of the father, and
“Ammon” as mother’s son, that is, bastard. The fable would also account
for the abnormal fissure containing the lower Jordan and the Dead Sea,
which the late Sir R. I. Murchison used wrong-headedly to call a
“Volcano of Depression”: this geological feature, that cuts off the
river-basin from its natural outlet the Gulf of Eloth (Akabah), must
date from myriads of years before there were “Cities of the Plains.” But
the main object of the ancient lawgiver, Osarsiph, Moses or the Moseidæ,
was doubtless to discountenance a perversion prejudicial to the increase
of population. And he speaks with no uncertain voice, Whoso lieth with a
beast shall surely be put to death (Exod. xxii. 19): If a man lie with
mankind as he lieth with a woman, both of them have committed an
abomination: they shall surely be put to death; their blood shall be
upon them (Levit. xx. 13; where v.v. 15–16 threaten with death man and
woman who lie with beasts). Again, There shall be no whore of the
daughters of Israel nor a sodomite of the sons of Israel (Deut. xxii.

The old commentators on the Sodom-myth are most unsatisfactory _e.g._
Parkhurst, _s.v._ Kadesh. “From hence we may observe the peculiar
propriety of this punishment of Sodom and of the neighbouring cities. By
their sodomitical impurities they meant to acknowledge the Heavens as
the cause of fruitfulness independently upon, and in opposition to
Jehovah[391]; therefore Jehovah, by raining upon them not genial showers
but brimstone from heaven, not only destroyed the inhabitants, but also
changed all that country, which was before as the garden of God, into
brimstone and salt that is not sown nor beareth, neither any grass
groweth therein.” It must be owned that to this Pentapolis was dealt
very hard measure for religiously and diligently practising a popular
rite which a host of cities even in the present day, as Naples and
Shiraz, to mention no others, affect for simple luxury and affect with
impunity. The myth may probably reduce itself to very small proportions,
a few Fellah villages destroyed by a storm, like that which drove
Brennus from Delphi.

The Hebrews entering Syria found it religionised by Assyria and
Babylonia, whence Accadian Ishtar had passed west and had become
Ashtoreth, Ashtaroth or Ashirah,[392] the Anaitis of Armenia, the
Phœnician Astarte and the Greek Aphrodite, the great Moon-goddess,[393]
who is queen of Heaven and Love. In another phase she was Venus Mylitta
= the Procreatrix, in Chaldaic Mauludatá and in Arabic Moawallidah, she
who bringeth forth. She was worshipped by men habited as women and vice
versâ; for which reason in the Torah (Deut. xx. 5) the sexes are
forbidden to change dress. The male prostitutes were called Kadesh the
holy, the women being Kadeshah, and doubtless gave themselves up to
great excesses. Eusebius (De bit. Const. iii. c. 55) describes a school
of impurity at Aphac, where women and “men who were not men” practised
all manner of abominations in honour of the Demon (Venus). Here the
Phrygian symbolism of Kybele and Attis (Atys) had become the Syrian
Ba’al Tammuz and Astarte, and the Grecian Dionæa and Adonis, the
anthropomorphic forms of the two greater lights. The site, Apheca, now
Wady al-Afik on the route from Bayrut to the Cedars, is a glen of wild
and wondrous beauty, fitting frame-work for the loves of goddess and
demigod: and the ruins of the temple destroyed by Constantine contrast
with Nature’s work, the glorious fountain, splendidior vitro, which
feeds the River Ibrahim and still at times Adonis runs purple to the

The Phœnicians spread this androgynic worship over Greece. We find the
consecrated servants and votaries of Corinthian Aphrodite called
Hierodouli (Strabo viii. 6), who aided the ten thousand courtesans in
gracing the Venus-temple: from this excessive luxury arose the proverb
popularised by Horace. One of the head-quarters of the cult was Cyprus
where, as Servius relates (Ad Æn. ii. 632), stood the simulacre of a
bearded Aphrodite with feminine body and costume, sceptered and mitred
like a man. The sexes when worshipping it exchanged habits and here the
virginity was offered in sacrifice: Herodotus (i. c. 199) describes this
defloration at Babylon but sees only the shameful part of the custom
which was a mere consecration of a tribal rite. Everywhere girls before
marriage belong either to the father or to the clan and thus the maiden
paid the debt due to the public before becoming private property as a
wife. The same usage prevailed in ancient Armenia and in parts of
Ethiopia; and Herodotus tells us that a practice very much like the
Babylonian “is found also in certain parts of the Island of Cyprus:” it
is noticed by Justin (xviii. c. 5) and probably it explains the “Succoth
Benoth” or Damsels’ booths which the Babylonians transplanted to the
cities of Samaria.[395] The Jews seem very successfully to have copied
the abominations of their pagan neighbours, even in the matter of the
“dog.”[396] In the reign of wicked Rehoboam (B.C. 975) “There were also
sodomites in the land and they did according to all the abominations of
the nations which the Lord cast out before the children of Israel” (1
Kings xiv. 20). The scandal was abated by zealous King Asa (B.C. 958)
whose grandmother[397] was high-priestess of Priapus (princeps in sacris
Priapi): he “took away the sodomites out of the land” (1 Kings xv. 12).
Yet the prophets were loud in their complaints, especially the so-called
Isaiah (B.C. 760), “except the Lord of Hosts had left to us a very small
remnant, we should have been as Sodom” (i. 9); and strong measures were
required from good King Josiah (B.C. 641) who amongst other things,
“brake down the houses of the sodomites that were by the house of the
Lord, where the women wove hangings for the grove” (2 Kings xxiii. 7).
The bordels of boys (pueris alienis adhæseverunt) appear to have been
near the Temple.

Syria has not forgotten her old “praxis.” At Damascus I found some
noteworthy cases amongst the religious of the great Amawi Mosque. As for
the Druses we have Burckhardt’s authority (Travels in Syria, etc., p.
202) “unnatural propensities are very common amongst them.”

The Sotadic Zone covers the whole of Asia Minor and Mesopotamia now
occupied by the “unspeakable Turk,” a race of born pederasts; and in the
former region we first notice a peculiarity of the feminine figure, the
mammæ inclinatæ, jacentes et pannosæ, which prevails over all this part
of the belt. Whilst the women to the North and South have, with local
exceptions, the mammæ stantes of the European virgin,[398] those of
Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan and Kashmir lose all the fine curves of the
bosom, sometimes even before the first child; and after it the
hemispheres take the form of bags. This cannot result from climate only;
the women of Marathá-land, inhabiting a damper and hotter region than
Kashmir, are noted for fine firm breasts even after parturition. Le Vice
of course prevails more in the cities and towns of Asiatic Turkey than
in the villages; yet even these are infected; while the nomad Turcomans
contrast badly in this point with the Gypsies, those Badawin of India.
The Kurd population is of Iranian origin, which means that the evil is
deeply rooted: I have noted in The Nights that the great and glorious
Saladin was a habitual pederast. The Armenians, as their national
character is, will prostitute themselves for gain but prefer women to
boys: Georgia supplied Turkey with catamites whilst Circassia sent
concubines. In Mesopotamia the barbarous invader has almost obliterated
the ancient civilisation which is ante-dated only by the Nilotic: the
mysteries of old Babylon nowhere survive save in certain obscure tribes
like the Mandæans, the Devil-worshippers and the Alí-iláhi. Entering
Persia we find the reverse of Armenia; and, despite Herodotus, I believe
that Iran borrowed her pathologic love from the peoples of the
Tigris-Euphrates Valley and not from the then insignificant Greeks. But
whatever may be its origin, the corruption is now bred in the bone. It
begins in boyhood and many Persians account for it by paternal severity.
Youths arrived at puberty find none of the facilities with which Europe
supplies fornication. Onanism[399] is to a certain extent discouraged by
circumcision, and meddling with the father’s slave-girls and concubines
would be risking cruel punishment if not death. Hence they use each
other by turns, a “puerile practice” known as Alish-Takish, the Lat.
facere vicibus or mutuum facere. Temperament, media, and atavism
recommend the custom to the general; and after marrying and begetting
heirs, Paterfamilias returns to the Ganymede. Hence all the odes of
Hafiz are addressed to youths, as proved by such Arabic exclamations as
’Afáka ’llah = Allah assain thee (masculine)[400]: the object is often
fanciful but it would be held coarse and immodest to address an
imaginary girl.[401] An illustration of the penchant is told at Shiraz
concerning a certain Mujtahid, the head of the Shi’ah creed,
corresponding with a prince-archbishop in Europe. A friend once said to
him, “There is a question I would fain address to your Eminence but I
lack the daring to do so.” “Ask and fear not,” replied the Divine. “It
is this, O Mujtahid! Figure thee in a garden of roses and hyacinths with
the evening breeze waving the cypress-heads, a fair youth of twenty
sitting by thy side and the assurance of perfect privacy. What, prithee,
would be the result?” The holy man bowed the chin of doubt upon the
collar of meditation; and, too honest to lie, presently whispered,
“Allah defend me from such temptation of Satan!” Yet even in Persia men
have not been wanting who have done their utmost to uproot the Vice: in
the same Shiraz they speak of a father who, finding his son in flagrant
delict, put him to death like Brutus or Lynch of Galway. Such isolated
cases, however, can effect nothing. Chardin tells us that houses of male
prostitution were common in Persia whilst those of women were unknown:
the same is the case in the present day and the boys are prepared with
extreme care by diet, baths, depilation, unguents and a host of artists
in cosmetics.[402] Le Vice is looked upon at most as a peccadillo and
its mention crops up in every jest-book. When the Isfahan man mocked
Shaykh Sa’adi by comparing the bald pates of Shirazian elders to the
bottom of a lotá, a brass cup with a wide-necked opening used in the
Hammam, the witty poet turned its aperture upwards and thereto likened
the well-abused podex of an Isfahani youth. Another favourite piece of
Shirazian “chaff” is to declare that when an Isfahan father would set up
his son in business he provides him with a pound of rice, meaning that
he can sell the result as compost for the kitchen-garden, and with the
price buy another meal: hence the saying Khakh-i-pái káhú = the soil at
the lettuce-root. The Isfahanis retort with the name of a station or
halting-place between the two cities where, under pretence of making
travellers stow away their riding-gear, many a Shirázi had been raped:
hence “Zín o takaltú tú bi-bar” = carry within saddle and saddle-cloth!
A favourite Persian punishment for strangers caught in the Harem or
Gynæceum is to strip and throw them and expose them to the embraces of
the grooms and negro-slaves. I once asked a Shirazi how penetration was
possible if the patient resisted with all the force of the sphincter
muscle: he smiled and said, “Ah, we Persians know a trick to get over
that; we apply a sharpened tent-peg to the crupper-bone (os coccygis)
and knock till he opens.” A well-known missionary to the East during the
last generation was subjected to this gross insult by one of the Persian
Prince-governors, whom he had infuriated by his conversion-mania: in his
memoirs he alludes to it by mentioning his “dishonoured person;” but
English readers cannot comprehend the full significance of the
confession. About the same time Shaykh Nasr, Governor of Bushire, a man
famed for facetious blackguardism, used to invite European youngsters
serving in the Bombay Marine and ply them with liquor till they were
insensible. Next morning the middies mostly complained that the
champagne had caused a curious irritation and soreness in la
parte-poste. The same Eastern “Scrogin” would ask his guests if they had
ever seen a man-cannon (Ádami-top); and, on their replying in the
negative, a grey-beard slave was dragged in blaspheming and struggling
with all his strength. He was presently placed on all fours and firmly
held by the extremities; his bag-trousers were let down and a dozen
peppercorns were inserted ano suo: the target was a sheet of paper held
at a reasonable distance; the match was applied by a pinch of cayenne in
the nostrils; the sneeze started the grapeshot and the number of hits on
the butt decided the bets. We can hardly wonder at the loose conduct of
Persian women perpetually mortified by marital pederasty. During the
unhappy campaign of 1856–57 in which, with the exception of a few
brilliant skirmishes, we gained no glory, Sir James Outram and the
Bombay army showing how badly they could work, there was a formal
outburst of the Harems; and even women of princely birth could not be
kept out of the officers’ quarters.

The cities of Afghanistan and Sind are thoroughly saturated with Persian
vice, and the people sing

 Kadr-i-kus Aughán dánad, kadr-i-kunrá Kábuli:
 The worth of coynte the Afghan knows: Cabul prefers the other

The Afghans are commercial travellers on a large scale and each caravan
is accompanied by a number of boys and lads almost in woman’s attire
with kohl’d eyes and rouged cheeks, long tresses and henna’d fingers and
toes, riding luxuriously in Kajáwas or camel-panniers: they are called
Kúch-i safari, or travelling wives, and the husbands trudge patiently by
their sides. In Afghanistan also a frantic debauchery broke out amongst
the women when they found incubi who were not pederasts; and the scandal
was not the most insignificant cause of the general rising at Cabul
(Nov. 1841), and the slaughter of Macnaghten, Burnes and other British

Resuming our way Eastward we find the Sikhs and the Moslems of the
Panjab much addicted to Le Vice, although the Himalayan tribes to the
north and those lying south, the Rájputs and Marathás, ignore it. The
same may be said of the Kashmirians who add another Kappa to the tria
Kakista, Kappadocians, Kretans, and Kilicians: the proverb says,

       Agar kaht-i-mardum uftad, az ín sih jins kam gírí;
       Eki Afghán, dovvum Sindí,[404] siyyum badjins-i-Kashmírí:

       Though of men there be famine yet shun these three—
       Afghan, Sindi and rascally Kashmírí.

M. Louis Daville describes the infamies of Lahore and Lakhnau where he
found men dressed as women, with flowing locks under crowns of flowers,
imitating the feminine walk and gestures, voice and fashion of speech,
and ogling their admirers with all the coquetry of bayadères. Victor
Jacquemont’s Journal de Voyage describes the pederasty of Ranjít Singh,
the “Lion of the Panjáb,” and his pathic Guláb Singh whom the English
inflicted upon Cashmir as ruler by way of paying for his treason. Yet
the Hindus, I repeat, hold pederasty in abhorrence and are as much
scandalised by being called Gánd-márá (anus-beater) or Gándú (anuser) as
Englishmen would be. During the years 1843–44 my regiment, almost all
Hindu Sepoys of the Bombay Presidency, was stationed at a purgatory
called Bandar Ghárrá,[405] a sandy flat with a scatter of
verdigris-green milk-bush some forty miles north of Karáchi the
head-quarters. The dirty heap of mud-and-mat hovels, which represented
the adjacent native village, could not supply a single woman; yet only
one case of pederasty came to light and that after a tragical fashion
some years afterwards. A young Brahman had connection with a soldier
comrade of low caste and this had continued till, in an unhappy hour,
the Pariah patient ventured to become the agent. The latter, in Arab.
Al-Fá’il = the “doer,” is not an object of contempt like Al-Mafúl = the
“done”; and the high-caste sepoy, stung by remorse and revenge, loaded
his musket and deliberately shot his paramour. He was hanged by court
martial at Hyderabad and, when his last wishes were asked he begged in
vain to be suspended by the feet; the idea being that his soul, polluted
by exiting “below the waist,” would be doomed to endless transmigrations
through the lowest forms of life.

Beyond India, I have stated, the Sotadic Zone begins to broaden out
embracing all China, Turkistan and Japan. The Chinese, as far as we know
them in the great cities, are omnivorous and omnifutuentes: they are the
chosen people of debauchery and their systematic bestiality with ducks,
goats, and other animals is equalled only by their pederasty. Kæmpfer
and Orlof Torée (Voyage en Chine) notice the public houses for boys and
youths in China and Japan. Mirabeau (L’Anandryne) describes the
tribadism of their women in hammocks. When Pekin was plundered the
Harems contained a number of balls a little larger than the old
musket-bullet, made of thin silver with a loose pellet of brass inside
somewhat like a grelot[406]: these articles were placed by the women
between the labia and an up-and-down movement on the bed gave a pleasant
titillation when nothing better was to be procured. They have every
artifice of luxury, aphrodisiacs, erotic perfumes and singular
applications. Such are the pills which, dissolved in water and applied
to the glans penis, cause it to throb and swell: so according to Amerigo
Vespucci American women could artificially increase the size of their
husbands’ parts.[407] The Chinese bracelet of caoutchouc studded with
points now takes the place of the Herisson, or Annulus hirsutus,[408]
which was bound between the glans and prepuce. Of the penis succedaneus,
that imitation of the Arbor vitæ or Soter Kosmou, which the Latins
called phallus and fascinum,[409] the French godemiché and the Italians
passatempo and diletto (whence our “dildo”), every kind abounds, varying
from a stuffed “French letter” to a cone of ribbed horn which looks like
an instrument of torture. For the use of men they have the
“merkin,”[410] a heart-shaped article of thin skin stuffed with cotton
and slit with an artificial vagina: two tapes at the top and one below
lash it to the back of a chair. The erotic literature of the Chinese and
Japanese is highly developed and their illustrations are often facetious
as well as obscene. All are familiar with that of the strong man who by
a blow with his enormous phallus shivers a copper pot; and the ludicrous
contrast of the huge-membered wights who land in the Isle of Women and
presently escape from it, wrinkled and shrivelled, true Domine
Dolittles. Of Turkistan we know little, but what we know confirms my
statement. Mr. Schuyler in his Turkistan (i. 132) offers an illustration
of a “Batchah” (Pers. bachcheh = catamite), “or singing-boy surrounded
by his admirers.” Of the Tartars Master Purchas laconically says (v.
419), “They are addicted to Sodomie or Buggerie.” The learned casuist
Dr. Thomas Sanchez the Spaniard had (says Mirabeau in Kadhésch) to
decide a difficult question concerning the sinfulness of a peculiar
erotic perversion. The Jesuits brought home from Manilla a tailed man
whose moveable prolongation of the os coccygis measured from 7 to 10
inches: he had placed himself between two women, enjoying one naturally
while the other used his tail as a penis succedaneus. The verdict was
incomplete sodomy and simple fornication. For the islands north of
Japan, the “Sodomitical Sea,” and the “nayle of tynne” thrust through
the prepuce to prevent sodomy, see Lib. ii. chap. 4 of Master Thomas
Caudish’s Circumnavigation, and vol. vi. of Pinkerton’s Geography
translated by Walckenaer.

Passing over to America we find that the Sotadic Zone contains the whole
hemisphere from Behring’s Straits to Magellan’s. This prevalence of
“mollities” astonishes the anthropologist, who is apt to consider
pederasty the growth of luxury and the especial product of great and
civilised cities, unnecessary and therefore unknown to simple savagery
where the births of both sexes are about equal and female infanticide is
not practised. In many parts of the New World this perversion was
accompanied by another depravity of taste—confirmed cannibalism.[411]
The forests and campos abounded in game from the deer to the
pheasant-like penelope, and the seas and rivers produced an unfailing
supply of excellent fish and shell-fish[412]; yet the Brazilian Tupis
preferred the meat of man to every other food.

A glance at Mr. Bancroft[413] proves the abnormal development of sodomy
amongst the savages and barbarians of the New World. Even his
half-frozen Hyperboreans “possess all the passions which are supposed to
develop most freely under a milder temperature” (i. 58). “The
voluptuousness and polygamy of the North American Indians, under a
temperature of almost perpetual winter is far greater than that of the
most sensual tropical nations” (Martin’s Brit. Colonies iii. 524). I can
quote only a few of the most remarkable instances. Of the Koniagas of
Kadiak Island and the Thinkleets we read (i. 81–82), “The most repugnant
of all their practices is that of male concubinage. A Kadiak mother will
select her handsomest and most promising boy, and dress and rear him as
a girl, teaching him only domestic duties, keeping him at women’s work,
associating him with women and girls, in order to render his effeminacy
complete. Arriving at the age of ten or fifteen years, he is married to
some wealthy man who regards such a companion as a great acquisition.
These male concubines are called Achnutschik or Schopans” (the
authorities quoted being Holmberg, Langsdorff, Billing, Choris,
Lisiansky and Marchand). The same is the case in Nutka Sound and the
Aleutian Islands, where “male concubinage obtains throughout, but not to
the same extent as amongst the Koniagas.” The objects of “unnatural”
affection have their beards carefully plucked out as soon as the
face-hair begins to grow, and their chins are tattooed like those of the
women. In California the first missionaries found the same practice, the
youths being called Joya (Bancroft, i. 415 and authorities Palon,
Crespi, Boscana, Mofras, Torquemada, Duflot and Fages). The Comanches
unite incest with sodomy (i. 515). “In New Mexico according to Arlegui,
Ribas, and other authors, male concubinage prevails to a great extent,
these loathsome semblances of humanity, whom to call beastly were a
slander upon beasts, dress themselves in the clothes and perform the
functions of women, the use of weapons being denied them” (i. 585).
Pederasty was systematically practised by the peoples of Cueba, Careta,
and other parts of Central America. The Caciques and some of the headmen
kept harems of youths who, as soon as destined for the unclean office,
were dressed as women. They went by the name of Camayoas, and were hated
and detested by the goodwives (i. 773–74). Of the Nahua nations Father
Pierre de Gand (alias de Musa) writes, “Un certain nombre de prêtres
n’avaient point de femmes, _sed eorum loco pueros quibus abutebantur_.
Ce péché était si commun dans ce pays que, jeunes ou vieux, tous étaient
infectés; ils y étaient si adonnés que mêmes les enfants de six ans s’y
livraient” (Ternaux-Campans, Voyages, Série i. Tom. x. p. 197). Among
the Mayas of Yucatan Las Casas declares that the great prevalence of
“unnatural” lust made parents anxious to see their progeny wedded as
soon as possible (Kingsborough’s Mex. Ant. viii. 135). In Vera Paz a
god, called by some Chin and by others Cavial and Maran, taught it by
committing the act with another god. Some fathers gave their sons a boy
to use as a woman, and if any other approached this pathic he was
treated as an adulterer. In Yucatan images were found by Bernal Diaz
proving the sodomitical propensities of the people (Bancroft v. 198). De
Pauw (Recherches Philosophiques sur les Américains, London, 1771) has
much to say about the subject in Mexico generally: in the northern
provinces men married youths who, dressed like women, were forbidden to
carry arms. According to Gomara there were at Tamalipas houses of male
prostitution; and from Diaz and others we gather that the _pecado
nefando_ was the rule. Both in Mexico and in Peru it might have caused,
if it did not justify, the cruelties of the Conquistadores. Pederasty
was also general throughout Nicaragua, and the early explorers found it
amongst the indigenes of Panama.

We have authentic details concerning Le Vice in Peru and its adjacent
lands, beginning with Cieza de Leon, who must be read in the original or
in the translated extracts of Purchas (vol. v. 942, etc.), not in the
cruelly castrated form preferred by the Council of the Hakluyt Society.
Speaking of the New Granada Indians he tells us that “at Old Port (Porto
Viejo) and Puna, the Deuill so farre prevayled in their beastly
Deuotions that there were Boyes consecrated to serue in the Temple; and
at the times of their Sacrifices and Solemne Feasts, the Lords and
principal men abused them to that detestable filthinesse;” _i.e._
performed their peculiar worship. Generally in the hill-countries the
Devil, under the show of holiness, had introduced the practice; for
every temple or chief house of adoration kept one or two men or more
which were attired like women, even from the time of their childhood,
and spake like them, imitating them in everything; with these, under
pretext of holiness and religion, their principal men on principal days
had commerce. Speaking of the arrival of the Giants[414] at Point Santa
Elena, Cieza says (chap. lii.), they were detested by the natives,
because in using their women they killed them, and their men also in
another way. All the natives declare that God brought upon them a
punishment proportioned to the enormity of their offence. When they were
engaged together in their accursed intercourse, a fearful and terrible
fire came down from Heaven with a great noise, out of the midst of which
there issued a shining Angel with a glittering sword, wherewith at one
blow they were all killed and the fire consumed them.[415] There
remained a few bones and skulls which God allowed to bide unconsumed by
the fire, as a memorial of this punishment. In the Hakluyt Society’s
bowdlerisation we read of the Tumbez Islanders being “very vicious, many
of them committing the abominable offence” (p. 24); also, “If by the
advice of the Devil any Indian commit the abominable crime, it is
thought little of and they call him a woman.” In chapters lii. and
lviii. we find exceptions. The Indians of Huancabamba, “although so near
the peoples of Puerto Viejo and Guayaquil, do not commit the abominable
sin;” and the Serranos, or island mountaineers, as sorcerers and
magicians inferior to the coast peoples, were not so much addicted to

The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas show that the evil was of a
comparatively modern growth. In the early period of Peruvian history the
people considered the crime “unspeakable:” if a Cuzco Indian, not of
Yncarial blood, angrily addressed the term pederast to another, he was
held infamous for many days. One of the generals having reported to the
Ynca Ccapacc Yupanqui that there were some sodomites, not in all the
valleys, but one here and one there, “nor was it a habit of all the
inhabitants but only of certain persons who practised it privately,” the
ruler ordered that the criminals should be publicly burnt alive and
their houses, crops and trees destroyed: moreover, to show his
abomination, he commanded that the whole village should so be treated if
one man fell into this habit (Lib. iii. cap. 13). Elsewhere we learn,
“There were sodomites in some provinces, though not openly nor
universally, but some particular men and in secret. In some parts they
had them in their temples, because the Devil persuaded them that the
Gods took great delight in such people, and thus the Devil acted as a
traitor to remove the veil of shame that the Gentiles felt for this
crime and to accustom them to commit it in public and in common.”

During the times of the Conquistadores male concubinage had become the
rule throughout Peru. At Cuzco, we are told by Nuno de Guzman in 1530,
“The last which was taken, and which fought most couragiously, was a man
in the habite of a woman, which confessed that from a childe he had
gotten his liuing by that filthinesse, for which I caused him to be
burned.” V. F. Lopez[416] draws a frightful picture of pathologic love
in Peru. Under the reigns which followed that of Inti-Kapak (Ccapacc)
Amauri, the country was attacked by invaders of a giant race coming from
the sea: they practised pederasty after a fashion so shameless that the
conquered tribes were compelled to fly (p. 271). Under the pre-Yncarial
Amauta, or priestly dynasty, Peru had lapsed into savagery and the kings
of Cuzco preserved only the name. “Toutes ces hontes et toutes ces
misères provenaient de deux vices infâmes, la bestialité et la sodomie.
Les femmes surtout étaient offensées de voir la nature frustrée de tous
ses droits. Elles pleuraient ensemble en leurs réunions sur le misérable
état dans lequel elles étaient tombées, sur le mépris avec lequel elles
étaient traitées. * * * * Le monde était renversé, les hommes s’aimaient
et étaient jaloux les uns des autres. * * * Elles cherchaient, mais en
vain, les moyens de remédier au mal; elles employaient des herbes et des
recettes diaboliques qui leur ramenaient bien quelques individus, mais
ne pouvaient arrêter les progrès incessants du vice. Cet état de choses
constitua un véritable moyen âge, qui dura jusqu’à l’établissement du
gouvernement des Incas” (p. 277).

When Sinchi Roko (the xcvth of Montesinos and the xcist of Garcilazo)
became Ynca, he found morals at the lowest ebb. “Ni la prudence de
l’Inca, ni les lois sévères qu’il avait promulguées n’avaient pu
extirper entièrement le péché contre nature. Il reprit avec une nouvelle
violence, et les femmes en furent si jalouses qu’un grand nombre d’elles
tuèrent leurs maris. Les devins et les sorciers passaient leurs journées
à fabriquer, avec certaines herbes, des compositions magiques qui
rendaient fous ceux qui en mangeaient, et les femmes en faisaient
prendre, soit dans les aliments, soit dans la chicha, à ceux dont elles
étaient jalouses” (p. 291).

I have remarked that the Tupi races of the Brazil were infamous for
cannibalism and sodomy; nor could the latter be only racial as proved by
the fact that colonists of pure Lusitanian blood followed in the path of
the savages. Sr. Antonio Augusto da Costa Aguiar[417] is outspoken upon
this point. “A crime which in England leads to the gallows, and which is
the very measure of abject depravity, passes with impunity amongst us by
the participating in it of almost all or of many (_de quasi todos, ou de
muitos_). Ah! if the wrath of Heaven were to fall by way of punishing
such crimes (_delictos_), more than one city of this Empire, more than a
dozen, would pass into the category of the Sodoms and Gomorrahs” (p.
30). Till late years pederasty in the Brazil was looked upon as a
peccadillo; the European immigrants following the practice of the wild
men who were naked but not, as Columbus said, “clothed in innocence.”
One of Her Majesty’s Consuls used to tell a tale of the hilarity
provoked in a “fashionable” assembly by the open declaration of a young
gentleman that his mulatto-“patient” had suddenly turned upon him,
insisting upon becoming agent. Now, however, under the influences of
improved education and respect for the public opinion of Europe,
pathologic love amongst the Luso-Brazilians has been reduced to the
normal limits.

Outside the Sotadic Zone, I have said, Le Vice is sporadic, not endemic:
yet the physical and moral effect of great cities where puberty, they
say, is induced earlier than in country sites, has been the same in most
lands, causing modesty to decay and pederasty to flourish. The Badawi
Arab is wholly pure of Le Vice; yet San’á the capital of Al-Yaman and
other centres of population have long been and still are thoroughly
infected. History tells us of Zú Shanátir, tyrant of “Arabia Felix,” in
A.D. 478, who used to entice young men into his palace and cause them
after use to be cast out of the windows: this unkindly ruler was at last
poinarded by the youth Zerash, known from his long ringlets as “Zú
Nowás.” The negro race is mostly untainted by sodomy and tribadism. Yet
Joan dos Sanctos[418] found in Cacongo of West Africa certain “Chibudi,
which are men attyred like women and behaue themselves womanly, ashamed
to be called men; are also married to men, and esteem that vnnaturale
damnation an honor.” Madagascar also delighted in dancing and singing
boys dressed as girls. In the Empire of Dahomey I noted a corps of
prostitutes kept for the use of the Amazon-soldieresses.

North of the Sotadic Zone we find local but notable instances. Master
Christopher Burrough[419] describes on the western side of the Volga “a
very fine stone castle, called by the name Oueak, and adioyning to the
same a Towne called by the _Russes_, _Sodom_, * * * which was swallowed
into the earth by the iustice of God, for the wickednesse of the
people.” Again: although as a rule Christianity has steadily opposed
pathologic love both in writing and preaching, there have been
remarkable exceptions. Perhaps the most curious idea was that of certain
medical writers in the middle ages: “Usus et amplexus pueri, bene
temperatus, salutaris medicina” (Tardieu). Bayle notices (under “Vayer”)
the infamous book of Giovanni della Casa, Archbishop of Benevento, “De
laudibus Sodomiæ,”[420] vulgarly known as “Capitolo del Forno.” The same
writer refers (under “Sixte iv”) to the report that the Dominican Order,
which systematically decried Le Vice, had presented a request to the
Cardinal di Santa Lucia that sodomy might be lawful during three months
per annum, June to August; and that the Cardinal had underwritten the
petition “Be it done as they demand.” Hence the Fæda Venus of Battista
Mantovano. Bayle rejects the history for a curious reason, venery being
colder in summer than in winter, and quotes the proverb “Aux mois qui
n’ont pas d’ R, peu embrasser et bien boire.” But in the case of a
celibate priesthood such scandals are inevitable: witness the famous
Jesuit epitaph Ci-gît un Jésuite, etc.

In our modern capitals, London, Berlin and Paris for instance, the Vice
seems subject to periodical outbreaks. For many years, also, England
sent her pederasts to Italy, and especially to Naples whence originated
the term “Il vizio Inglese.” It would be invidious to detail the
scandals which of late years have startled the public in London and
Dublin: for these the curious will consult the police reports. Berlin,
despite her strong flavour of Phariseeism, Puritanism and Chauvinism in
religion, manners and morals, is not a whit better than her neighbours.
Dr. Gaspar,[421] a well-known authority on the subject, adduces many
interesting cases especially an old Count Cajus and his six accomplices.
Amongst his many correspondents one suggested to him that not only Plato
and Julius Cæsar but also Winckelmann and Platen (?) belonged to the
Society; and he had found it flourishing in Palermo, the Louvre, the
Scottish Highlands and St. Petersburg, to name only a few places.
Frederick the Great is said to have addressed these words to his nephew,
“Je puis vous assurer, par mon expérience personnelle, que ce plaisir
est peu agréable à cultiver.” This suggests the popular anecdote of
Voltaire and the Englishman who agreed upon an “experience” and found it
far from satisfactory. A few days afterwards the latter informed the
Sage of Ferney that he had tried it again and provoked the exclamation,
“Once a philospher: twice a sodomite!” The last revival of the kind in
Germany is a society at Frankfort and its neighbourhood, self-styled Les
Cravates Noires in opposition, I suppose, to Les Cravates Blanches of A.

Paris is by no means more depraved than Berlin and London; but, whilst
the latter hushes up the scandal, Frenchmen do not: hence we see a more
copious account of it submitted to the public. For France of the xviith
century consult the “Histoire de la Prostitution chez tous les Peuples
du Monde,” and “La France devenue Italienne,” a treatise which generally
follows “L’Histoire Amoureuse des Gaules” by Bussy, Comte de
Rabutin.[422] The head-quarters of male prostitution were then in the
Champ Flory, _i.e._, Champ de Flore, the privileged rendezvous of low
courtesans. In the xviiith century, “quand le Français à tête folle,” as
Voltaire sings, invented the term “Péché philosophique,” there was a
temporary recrudescence; and, after the death of Pidauzet de Mairobert
(March, 1779), his “Apologie de la Secte Anandryne” was published in
L’Espion Anglais. In those days the Allée des Veuves in the Champs
Elysees had a “fief reservé des Ebugors”[423]—“veuve” in the language of
Sodom being the maîtresse en titre, the favourite youth.

At the decisive moment of monarchical decomposition Mirabeau[424]
declares that pederasty was reglementée and adds, Le goût des
pédérastes, quoique moins en vogue que du temps de Henri III. (the
French Heliogabalus), sous le règne desquel les hommes se provoquaient
mutuellement[425] sous les portiques du Louvre, fait des progrès
considérables. On sait que cette ville (Paris) est un chef-d’œuvre de
police; en conséquence, il y a des lieux publics autorisés à cet effet.
Les jeunes gens qui se destinent à la profession, sont soigneusement
enclassés; car les systèmes réglementaires s’étendent jusques-là. On les
examine; ceux qui peuvent être agents et patients, qui sont beaux,
vermeils, bien faits, potelés, sont réservés pour les grands seigneurs,
ou se font payer très-cher par les évêques et les financiers. Ceux qui
sont privés de leurs testicules, ou en termes de l’art (car notre langue
est plus chaste que nos mœurs), qui n’ont pas le _poids du tisserand_,
mais qui donnent et reçoivent, forment la seconde classe; ils sont
encore chers, parceque les femmes en usent tandis qu’ils servent aux
hommes. Ceux qui ne sont plus susceptibles d’érection tant ils sont
usés, quoiqu’ils aient tous ces organes nécessaires au plaisir,
s’inscrivent comme _patiens purs_, et composent la troisième classe:
mais celle qui préside à ces plaisirs, vérifie leur impuissance. Pour
cet effet, on les place tout nus sur un matelas ouvert par la moitié
inférieure; deux filles les caressent de leur mieux, pendant qu’une
troisième frappe doucement avec des orties naissantes le siège des
désirs vénériens. Après un quart d’heure de cet essai, on leur introduit
dans l’anus un poivre long rouge qui cause une irritation considérable;
on pose sur les échauboulures produites par les orties, de la moutarde
fine de Caudebec, et l’on passe le _gland_ au camphre. Ceux qui
résistent à ces épreuves et ne donnent aucun signe d’érection, servent
comme patiens à un tiers de paie seulement.[426]

The Restoration and the Empire made the police more vigilant in matters
of politics than of morals. The favourite club, which had its mot de
passe, was in the Rue Doyenne, old quarter St. Thomas des Louvre; and
the house was a hôtel of the xviith century. Two street-doors, on the
right for the male gynæceum and the left for the female, opened at 4
p.m. in winter and 8 p.m. in summer. A decoy-lad, charmingly dressed in
women’s clothes, with big haunches and small waist, promenaded outside;
and this continued till 1826 when the police put down the house.

Under Louis Philippe, the conquest of Algiers had evil results,
according to the Marquis de Boissy. He complained without ambages of
mœurs Arabes in French regiments, and declared that the result of the
African wars was an éffrayable débordement pédérastique, even as the
vérole resulted from the Italian campaigns of that age of passion, the
xvith century. From the military the fléau spread to civilian society
and the Vice took such expansion and intensity that it may be said to
have been democratised in cities and large towns; at least so we gather
from the Dossier des Agissements des Pédérastes. A general gathering of
“La Sainte Congrégation des glorieux Pédérastes” was held in the old
Petite Rue des Marais where, after the theatre, many resorted under
pretext of making water. They ranged themselves along the walls of a
vast garden and exposed their podices: bourgeois, richards and nobles
came with full purses, touched the part which most attracted them and
were duly followed by it. At the Allée des Veuves the crowd was
dangerous from 7 to 8 p.m.: no policeman or ronde de nuit dared venture
in it; cords were stretched from tree to tree and armed guards drove
away strangers amongst whom, they say, was once Victor Hugo. This
nuisance was at length suppressed by the municipal administration.

The Empire did not improve morals. Balls of sodomites were held at No. 8
Place de la Madeleine where, on Jan. 2, ’64, some one hundred and fifty
men met, all so well dressed as women that even the landlord did not
recognise them. There was also a club for sotadic debauchery called the
Cent Gardes and the Dragons de l’Impératrice.[427] They copied the
imperial toilette and kept it in the general wardrobe: hence “faire
l’Impératrice” meant to be used carnally. The site, a splendid hotel in
the Alleé des Veuves, was discovered by the Procureur-Général who
registered all the names; but, as these belonged to not a few senators
and dignitaries, the Emperor wisely quashed proceedings. The club was
broken up on July 16, ’64. During the same year La Petite Revue, edited
by M. Loredan Larchy, son of the General, printed an article, “Les
échappés de Sodome”: it discusses the letter of M. Castagnary to the
Progrès de Lyons and declares that the Vice had been adopted by
plusieurs corps de troupes. For its latest developments as regards the
_chantage_ of the _tantes_ (pathics), the reader will consult the last
issues of Dr. Tardieu’s well-known Études.[428] He declares that the
servant-class is most infected; and that the Vice is commonest between
the ages of fifteen and twenty-five.

The pederasty of The Nights may briefly be distributed into three
categories. The first is the funny form, as the unseemly practical joke
of masterful Queen Budúr (vol. iii. 300–306) and the not less hardi jest
of the slave-princess Zumurrud (vol. iv. 226). The second is in the
grimmest and most earnest phase of the perversion, for instance where
Abu Nowas[429] debauches the three youths (vol. v. 64–69); whilst in the
third form it is wisely and learnedly discussed, to be severely blamed,
by the Shaykhah or Reverend Woman (vol. v. 154).

To conclude this part of my subject, the éclaircissement des obscénités.
Many readers will regret the absence from The Nights of that modesty
which distinguishes “Amadis de Gaul;” whose author when leaving a man
and a maid together says, “And nothing shall be here related; for these
and suchlike things which are conformable neither to good conscience nor
nature, man ought in reason lightly to pass over, holding them in slight
esteem as they deserve.” Nor have we less respect for Palmerin of
England who after a risqué scene declares, “Herein is no offence offered
to the wise by wanton speeches, or encouragement to the loose by
lascivious matter.” But these are not oriental ideas and we must e’en
take the Eastern as we find him. He still holds “Naturalia non sunt
turpia,” together with “Mundis omnia munda”; and, as Bacon assures us
the mixture of a lie doth add to pleasure, so the Arab enjoys the
startling and lively contrast of extreme virtue and horrible vice placed
in juxtaposition.

Those who have read through these ten volumes will agree with me that
the proportion of offensive matter bears a very small ratio to the mass
of the work. In an age saturated with cant and hypocrisy, here and there
a venal pen will mourn over the “Pornography” of The Nights, dwell upon
the “Ethics of Dirt” and the “Garbage of the Brothel;” and will lament
the “wanton dissemination (!) of ancient and filthy fiction.” This
self-constituted Censor morum reads Aristophanes and Plato, Horace and
Virgil, perhaps even Martial and Petronius, because “veiled in the
decent obscurity of a learned language;” he allows men Latinè loqui; but
he is scandalised at stumbling-blocks much less important in plain
English. To be consistent he must begin by bowdlerising not only the
classics, with which boys’ and youths’ minds and memories are soaked and
saturated at schools and colleges, but also Boccaccio and Chaucer,
Shakespeare and Rabelais; Burton, Sterne, Swift and a long list of works
which are yearly reprinted and republished without a word of protest.
Lastly, why does not this inconsistent puritan purge the Old Testament
of its allusions to human ordure and the pudenda; to carnal copulation
and impudent whoredom, to adultery and fornication, to onanism, sodomy
and bestiality? But this he will not do, the whited sepulchre! To the
interested critic of the _Edinburgh Review_ (No. 335 of July, 1886), I
return my warmest thanks for his direct and deliberate falsehoods:—lies
are one-legged and short-lived, and venom evaporates.[430] It appears to
me that when I show to such men, so “respectable” and so impure, a
landscape of magnificent prospects whose vistas are adorned with every
charm of nature and art, they point their unclean noses at a little heap
of muck here and there lying in a field-corner.

                                  § V

                             A.—THE SAJ’A.

According to promise in my Foreword (p. xiv.), I here proceed to offer a
few observations concerning the Saj’a or rhymed prose and the Shi’r, or
measured sentence, that is, the verse of The Nights. The former has in
composition, metrical or unmetrical, three distinct forms. Saj’a
mutawázi (parallel), the most common, is when the ending words of
sentences agree in measure, assonance and final letter, in fact our full
rhyme: next is Saj’a mutarraf (the affluent), when the periods,
hemistichs or couplets end in words whose terminal letters correspond,
although differing in measure and number; and thirdly, Saj’a muwázanah
(equilibrium) is applied to the balance which affects words
corresponding in measure but differing in final letters.[431]

Al-Saj’a, the fine style or style fleuri, also termed Al-Badí’a, or
euphuism, is the basis of all Arabic euphony. The whole of the Koran is
written in it; and the same is the case with the Makámát of Al-Hariri
and the prime master-pieces of rhetorical composition: without it no
translation of the Holy Book can be satisfactory or final, and where it
is not the Assemblies become the prose of prose. Thus universally used
the assonance has necessarily been abused, and its excess has given rise
to the saying “Al-Saj’a faj’a”—prose rhyme’s a pest. English translators
have, unwisely I think, agreed in rejecting it, while Germans have not.
Mr. Preston assures us that “rhyming prose is extremely ungraceful in
English and introduces an air of flippancy”: this was certainly not the
case with Friedrich Rückert’s version of the great original, and I see
no reason why it should be so or become so in our tongue. Torrens (Pref.
p. vii.) declares that “the effect of the irregular sentence with the
iteration of a jingling rhyme is not pleasant in our language:” he
therefore systematically neglects it and gives his style the semblance
of being “scamped” with the object of saving study and trouble. Mr.
Payne (ix. 379) deems it an “excrescence born of the excessive
facilities for rhyme afforded by the language,” and of Eastern delight
in antithesis of all kinds whether of sound or of thought; and, aiming
elaborately at grace of style, he omits it wholly, even in the proverbs.

The weight of authority was against me but my plan compelled me to
disregard it. The dilemma was simply either to use the Saj’a or to
follow Mr. Payne’s method and “arrange the disjecta membra of the
original in their natural order;” that is to remodel the text. Intending
to produce a faithful copy of the Arabic, I was compelled to adopt the
former and still hold it to be the better alternative. Moreover I
question Mr. Payne’s dictum (ix. 383) that “the Seja-form is utterly
foreign to the genius of English prose and that its preservation would
be fatal to all vigour and harmony of style.” The English translator of
Palmerin of England, Anthony Munday, attempted it in places with great
success as I have before noted (vol. viii. 60); and my late friend
Edward Eastwick made artistic use of it in his Gulistan. Had I rejected
the “Cadence of the cooing-dove” because un-English, I should have
adopted the balanced periods of the Anglican marriage service[432] or
the essentially English system of alliteration, requiring some such
artful aid to distinguish from the vulgar recitative style the elevated
and classical tirades in The Nights. My attempt has found with reviewers
more favour than I expected; and a kindly critic writes of it, “These
melodious fragments, these little eddies of song set like gems in the
prose, have a charming effect on the ear. They come as dulcet surprises
and mostly recur in highly-wrought situations, or they are used to
convey a vivid sense of something exquisite in nature or art. Their
introduction seems due to whim or caprice, but really it arises from a
profound study of the situation, as if the Tale-teller felt suddenly
compelled to break into the rhythmic strain.”

                             B.—THE VERSE.

The Shi’r or metrical part of The Nights is considerable, amounting to
not less than ten thousand lines and these I could not but render in
rhyme or rather in monorhyme. This portion has been a bugbear to
translators. De Sacy noticed the difficulty of the task (p. 283). Lane
held the poetry untranslatable because abounding in the figure Tajnís,
our paronomasia or paragram, of which there are seven distinct
varieties,[433] not to speak of other rhetorical flourishes. He
therefore omitted the greater part of the verse as tedious and, through
the loss of measure and rhyme, “generally intolerable to the reader.” He
proved his position by the bald literalism of the passages which he
rendered in truly prosaic prose and succeeded in changing the facies and
presentment of the work. For the Shi’r, like the Saj’a, is not
introduced arbitrarily; and its unequal distribution throughout The
Nights may be accounted for by rule of art. Some tales, like Omar bin
al-Nu’man and Tawaddud, contain very little because the theme is
historical or realistic; whilst in stories of love and courtship, as
that of Rose-in-hood, the proportion may rise to one-fifth of the whole.
And this is true to nature. Love, as Addison said, makes even the
mechanic (the British mechanic!) poetical, and Joe Hume of material
memory once fought a duel about a fair object of dispute.

Before discussing the verse of The Nights it may be advisable to enlarge
a little upon the prosody of the Arabs. We know nothing of the origin of
their poetry, which is lost in the depths of antiquity, and the oldest
bards of whom we have any remains belong to the famous epoch of the war
Al-Basús, which would place them about A.D. 500. Moreover, when the Muse
of Arabia first shows she is not only fully developed and mature, she
has lost all her first youth, her beauté du diable, and she is assuming
the characteristics of an age beyond “middle age.” No one can study the
earliest poetry without perceiving that it results from the cultivation
of centuries and that it has already assumed that artificial type and
conventional process of treatment which presages inevitable decay. Its
noblest period is included in the century preceding the Apostolate of
Mohammed and the oldest of that epoch is the prince of Arab songsters,
Imr al-Kays, “The Wandering King.” The Christian Fathers
characteristically termed poetry Vinum Dæmonorum. The stricter Moslems
called their bards “enemies of Allah;” and when the Prophet, who hated
verse and could not even quote it correctly, was asked who was the best
poet of the Peninsula he answered that the “Man of Al-Kays,” _i.e._ the
worshipper of the Priapus-idol, would usher them all into Hell. Here he
only echoed the general verdict of his countrymen who loved poetry and,
as a rule, despised poets. The earliest complete pieces of any volume
and substance saved from the wreck of old Arabic literature and familiar
in our day are the seven Kasídahs (purpose-odes or tendence-elegies)
which are popularly known as the Gilded or the Suspended Poems; and in
all of these we find, with an elaboration of material and formal art
which can go no further, a subject-matter of trite imagery and stock
ideas which suggest a long ascending line of model ancestors and

Scholars are agreed upon the fact that many of the earliest and best
Arab poets were, as Mohammed boasted himself, unalphabetic[434] or
rather could neither read nor write. They addressed the ear and the
mind, not the eye. They “spoke verse,” learning it by rote and dictating
it to the Ráwi, and this reciter again transmitted it to the musician
whose pipe or zither accompanied the minstrel’s song. In fact the
general practice of writing began only at the end of the first century
after The Flight.

The rude and primitive measure of Arab song, upon which the most
complicated system of metres subsequently arose, was called Al-Rajaz,
literally “the trembling,” because it reminded the highly imaginative
hearer of a pregnant she-camel’s weak and tottering steps. This was the
carol of the camel-driver, the lover’s lay and the warrior’s chaunt of
the heroic ages; and its simple, unconstrained flow adapted it well for
extempore effusions. Its merits and demerits have been extensively
discussed amongst Arab grammarians and many, noticing that it was not
originally divided into hemistichs, make an essential difference between
the Shá’ir who speaks poetry and the Rájiz who speaks Rajaz. It
consisted, to describe it technically, of iambic dipodia (⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑), the
first three syllables being optionally long or short. It can generally
be read like our iambs and, being familiar, is pleasant to the English
ear. The dipodia are repeated either twice or thrice; in the former case
Rajaz is held by some authorities, as Al-Akhfash (Sa’íd ibn Másadah), to
be mere prose. Although Labíd and Antar composed in iambics, the first
Kásídah or regular poem in Rajaz was by Al-Aghlab al-Ajibi temp.
Mohammed: the Alfíyah-grammar of Ibn Málik is in Rajaz Muzdawij, the
hemistichs rhyming and the assonance being confined to the couplet.
Al-Hariri also affects Rajaz in the third and fifth Assemblies. So far
Arabic metre is true to Nature: in impassioned speech the movement of
language is iambic: we say “I _will_, I _will_,” not “I will.”

For many generations the Sons of the Desert were satisfied with Nature’s
teaching; the fine perceptions and the nicely trained ear of the bard
needing no aid from art. But in time came the inevitable prosodist under
the formidable name of Abu Abd al-Rahmán al-Khalíl, i. Ahmad, i. Amrú,
i. Tamím al-Faráhidi (of the Faráhid sept), al-Azdi (of the Azd clan),
al-Yahmadi (of the Yahmad tribe), popularly known as Al-Khalíl ibn Ahmad
al-Basri, of Bassorah, where he died æt. 68, scanning verses they say,
in A.H. 170 (= 786–87). Ibn Khallikán relates (i. 493) on the authority
of Hamzah al-Isfaháni how this “father of Arabic grammar and discoverer
of the rules of prosody” invented the science as he walked past a
coppersmith’s shop on hearing the strokes of a hammer upon a metal
basin: “two objects devoid of any quality which could serve as a proof
and an illustration of anything else than their own form and shape and
incapable of leading to any other knowledge than that of their own
nature.”[435] According to others he was passing through the Fullers’
Bazar at Basrah when his ear was struck by the Dak-dak (‏دق دق‎) and the
Dakak-dakak (‏دقق دقق‎) of the workmen. In these two onomatopoetics we
trace the expression which characterises the Arab tongue: all syllables
are composed of consonant and vowel, the latter long or short as Bā and
Bă; or of a vowelled consonant followed by a consonant as Bal, Bau (‏بو‎).

The grammarian, true to the traditions of his craft which looks for all
poetry to the Badawi,[436] adopted for metrical details the language of
the Desert. The distich, which amongst Arabs is looked upon as one line,
he named “Bayt,” nighting-place, tent or house; and the hemistich
Misrá’ah, the one leaf of a folding door. To this “scenic” simile all
the parts of the verse were more or less adapted. The metres, our feet,
were called “Arkán,” the stakes and stays of the tent; the syllables
were “Usúl” or roots divided into three kinds: the first or “Sabab” (the
tent-rope) is composed of two letters, a vowelled and a quiescent
consonant as “Lam.”[437] The “Watad” or tent-peg of three letters is of
two varieties; the Majmú’, or united, a foot in which the two first
consonants are moved by vowels and the last is jazmated or made
quiescent by apocope as “Lakad;” and the Mafrúk, or disunited, when the
two moved consonants are separated by one jazmated, as “Kabla.” And
lastly the “Fásilah” or intervening space, applied to the main pole of
the tent, consists of four letters.

The metres were called Buhúr or “seas” (plur. of Bahr), also meaning the
space within the tent-walls, the equivoque alluding to pearls and other
treasures of the deep. Al-Khalil, the systematiser, found in general use
only five Dáirah (circles, classes or groups of metre); and he
characterised the harmonious and stately measures, all built upon the
original Rajaz, as Al-Tawíl (the long)[438], Al-Kámil (the complete),
Al-Wáfir (the copious), Al-Basít (the extended) and Al-Khafíf (the
light).[439] These embrace all the Mu’allakát and the Hamásah, the great
Anthology of Abú Tammám; but the crave for variety and the extension of
foreign intercourse had multiplied wants and Al-Khalil deduced, from the
original five Dáirah, fifteen, to which Al-Akhfash (ob. A.D. 830) added
a sixteenth, Al-Khabab. The Persians extended the number to nineteen:
the first four were peculiarly Arab; the fourteenth, the fifteenth and
seventeenth peculiarly Persian and all the rest were Arab and

Arabic metre so far resembles that of Greece and Rome that the value of
syllables depends upon the “quantity” or position of their consonants,
not upon accent as in English and the Neo-Latin tongues. Al-Khalil was
doubtless familiar with the classic prosody of Europe but he rejected it
as unsuited to the genius of Arabic and like a true Eastern Gelehrte he
adopted a process devised by himself. Instead of scansion by pyrrhics
and spondees, iambs and trochees, anapaests and similar simplifications
he invented a system of weights (“wuzún”). Of these there are nine[441]
memorial words used as quantitive signs, all built upon the root “fa’l”
which has rendered such notable service to Arabic and Hebrew[442]
grammar and varying from the simple “fa’ál,” in Persian “fa’úl,” (⏓ ‑)
to the complicated “Mutafá’ilun” (⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑), anapaest + iamb. Thus the
prosodist would scan the Shahnámeh of Firdausi as

                   Fa’úlun, fa’úlun, fa’úlun, fa’úl.

                       ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ |⏒ ‑

These weights also show another peculiarity of Arabic verse. In English
we have few if any spondees: the Arabic contains about three longs to
one short; hence its gravity, stateliness and dignity. But these longs
again are peculiar, and sometimes strike the European ear as shorts,
thus adding a difficulty for those who would represent Oriental metres
by western feet, ictus and accent. German Arabists can register an
occasional success in such attempts: Englishmen none. My late friend
Professor Palmer of Cambridge tried the tour de force of dancing on one
leg instead of two and notably failed: Mr. Lyall also strove to imitate
Arabic metre and produced only prose bewitched.[443] Mr. Payne appears
to me to have wasted trouble in “observing the exterior form of the
stanza, the movement of the rhyme and (as far as possible) the identity
in number of the syllables composing the beits.” There is only one part
of his admirable version concerning which I have heard competent readers
complain; and that is the metrical, because here and there it sounds
strange to their ears.

I have already stated my conviction that there are two and only two ways
of translating Arabic poetry into English. One is to represent it by
good heroic or lyric verse as did Sir William Jones; the other is to
render it after French fashion, by measured and balanced Prose, the
little sister of Poetry. It is thus and thus only that we can preserve
the peculiar _cachet_ of the original. This old-world Oriental song is
spirit-stirring as a “blast of that dread horn,” albeit the words be
thin. It is heady as the “Golden Wine” of Libanus, to the tongue water
and brandy to the brain—the clean contrary of our nineteenth century
effusions. Technically speaking, it can be vehicled only by the verse of
the old English ballad or by the prose of the Book of Job. And Badawi
poetry is a perfect expositor of Badawi life, especially in the good and
gladsome old Pagan days ere Al-Islam, like the creed which it abolished,
overcast the minds of men with its dull grey pall of realistic
superstition. They combined to form a marvellous picture—those contrasts
of splendour and squalor amongst the sons of the sand. Under airs pure
as æther, golden and ultramarine above and melting over the horizon into
a diaphanous green which suggested a reflection of Kaf, that unseen
mountain-wall of emerald, the so-called Desert changed face twice a
year; now brown and dry as summer-dust; then green as Hope, beautified
with infinite verdure and broad sheetings of rain-water. The vernal and
autumnal shiftings of camp, disruptions of homesteads and partings of
kith and kin, friends and lovers, made the life many-sided as it was
vigorous and noble, the outcome of hardy frames, strong minds and
spirits breathing the very essence of liberty and independence. The day
began with the dawn-drink, “generous wine bought with shining ore,”
poured into the crystal goblet from the leather bottle swinging before
the cooling breeze. The rest was spent in the practice of weapons; in
the favourite arrow-game known as Al-Maysar, gambling which at least had
the merit of feeding the poor; in racing for which the Badawin had a
mania, and in the chase, the foray and the fray which formed the serious
business of his life. And how picturesque the hunting scenes; the
greyhound, like the mare, of purest blood; the falcon cast at francolin
and coney; the gazelle standing at gaze; the desert ass scudding over
the ground-waves; the wild cows or bovine antelopes browsing with their
calves and the ostrich-chickens flocking round the parent bird! The
Musámarah or night-talk round the camp-fire was enlivened by the
lute-girl and the gleeman, whom the austere Prophet described as “roving
distraught in every vale” and whose motto in Horatian vein was, “To-day
we shall drink, to-morrow be sober; wine this day, that day work.”
Regularly once a year, during the three peaceful months when war and
even blood revenge were held sacrilegious, the tribes met at Ukádh
(Ocaz) and other fairsteads, where they held high festival and the bards
strave in song and prided themselves upon doing honour to women and to
the successful warriors of their tribe. Brief, the object of Arab life
was to _be_—to be free, to be brave, to be wise; while the endeavours of
other peoples was and is to _have_—to have wealth, to have knowledge, to
have a name; and while moderns make their “epitome of life” to be, to do
and to _suffer_. Lastly the Arab’s end was honourable as his life was
stirring: few Badawin had the crowning misfortune of dying “the

The poetical forms in The Nights are as follows:—The Misrá’ah or
hemistich is half the “Bayt” which, for want of a better word I have
rendered couplet: this, however, though formally separated in MSS. is
looked upon as one line, one verse; hence a word can be divided, the
former part pertaining to the first and the latter to the second moiety
of the distich. As the Arabs ignore blank verse, when we come upon a
rhymeless couplet we know that it is an extract from a longer
composition in monorhyme. The Kit’ah is a fragment, either an occasional
piece or more frequently a portion of a Ghazal (ode) or Kasídah (elegy),
other than the Matlá, the initial Bayt with rhyming distichs. The Ghazal
and Kasídah differ mainly in length: the former is popularly limited to
eighteen couplets: the latter begins at fifteen and is of indefinite
number. Both are built upon monorhyme, which appears twice in the first
couplet and ends all the others, _e.g._, aa + ba + ca, etc.; nor may the
same assonance be repeated, unless at least seven couplets intervene. In
the best poets, as in the old classic verse of France, the sense must be
completed in one couplet and not run on to a second; and, as the parts
cohere very loosely, separate quotation can generally be made without
injuring their proper effect. A favourite form is the Rubá’í or
quatrain, made familiar to English ears by Mr. Fitzgerald’s masterly
adaptation of Omar-i-Khayyám: the movement is generally aa + ba; but it
also appears as ab + cb, in which case it is a Kit’ah or fragment. The
Murabbá, tetrastichs or four-fold song, occurs once only in The Nights
(vol. i. 98); it is a succession of double Bayts or of four-lined
stanzas rhyming aa + bc + dc + ec: in strict form the first three
hemistichs rhyme with one another only, independently of the rest of the
poem, and the fourth with that of every other stanza, _e.g._, aa + ab +
cb + db. The Mukhammas, cinquains or pentastichs (Night cmlxiv.),
represents a stanza of two distichs and a hemistich in monorhyme, the
fifth line being the “bob” or burden: each succeeding stanza affects a
new rhyme, except in the fifth line, _e.g._, aaaab + ccccb + ddddb and
so forth. The Muwwál is a simple popular song in four to six lines;
specimens of it are given in the Egyptian grammar of my friend the late
Dr. Wilhelm Spitta.[444] The Muwashshah, or ornamented verse, has two
main divisions: one applies to our acrostics in which the initials form
a word or words; the other is a kind of Musaddas, or sex-tines, which
occurs once only in The Nights (cmlxxxvii.) It consists of three
couplets or six-line strophes: all the hemistichs of the first are in
monorhyme; in the second and following stanzas the three first
hemistichs take a new rhyme, but the fourth resumes the assonance of the
first set and is followed by the third couplet of No. 1, serving as bob
or refrain, _e.g._, aaaaaa + bbbaaa + cccaaa and so forth. It is the
most complicated of all the measures and is held to be of Morisco or
Hispano-Moorish origin.

Mr. Lane (Lex.) lays down, on the lines of Ibn Khallikan (i. 476, etc.)
and other representative literati, as our sole authorities for pure
Arabic, the precedence in following order. First of all ranks the Jáhili
(Ignoramus) of The Ignorance, the Ἀραβίας ἄρειον ἔθνος: these pagans
left hemistichs, couplets, pieces and elegies which once composed a
large corpus and which is now mostly forgotten. Hammád al-Ráwiyah, the
Reciter, a man of Persian descent (ob. A.H. 160 = 777) who first
collected the Mu’allakát, once recited by rote in a séance before Caliph
Al-Walid two thousand poems of præ-Mohammedan bards.[445] After the
Jáhili stands the Mukhadram or Muhadrim, the “Spurious,” because half
Pagan half Moslem, who flourished either immediately before or soon
after the preaching of Mohammed. The Islámi or full-blooded Moslem at
the end of the first century A.H. (= 720) began the process of
corruption in language; and, lastly, he was followed by the Muwallad of
the second century who fused Arabic with non-Arabic and in whom purity
of diction disappeared.

I have noticed (1 § A.) that the versical portion of The Nights may be
distributed into three categories. First are the olden poems which are
held classical by all modern Arabs; then comes the mediæval poetry, the
effusions of that brilliant throng which adorned the splendid Court of
Harun al-Rashid and which ended with Al-Haríri (ob. A.H. 516); and,
lastly, are the various _pièces de circonstance_ suggested to editors or
scribes by the occasion. It is not my object to enter upon the
historical part of the subject: a mere sketch would have neither value
nor interest whilst a finished picture would lead too far: I must be
contented to notice a few of the most famous names.

Of the præ-islamites we have Ádi bin Zayd al-Ibadi the “celebrated poet”
of Ibn Kkallikán (i. 188); Nábighat (the full-grown) al-Zubyáni who
flourished at the Court of Al-Nu’man in A.D. 580–602, and whose poem is
compared with the “Suspendeds,”[446] and Al-Mutalammis the
“pertinacious” satirist, friend and intimate with Tarafah of the “Prize
Poem.” About Mohammed’s day we find Imr al-Kays “with whom poetry
began,” to end with Zú al-Rummah; Amrú bin Mádi Karab al-Zubaydi, Labíd;
Ka’b ibn Zuhayr, the father one of the Mu’allakah-poets, and the son
author of the Burdah or Mantle-poem (see vol. iv. 115), and Abbás bin
Mirdás who lampooned the Prophet and had “his tongue cut out” _i.e._
received a double share of booty from Ali. In the days of Caliph Omar we
have Alkamah bin Olátha followed by Jamíl bin Ma’mar of the Banu Ozrah
(ob. A.H. 82), who loved Azzá. Then came Al-Kuthayyir (the dwarf,
_ironicè_), the lover of Buthaynah, “who was so lean that birds might be
cut to bits with her bones:” the latter was also a poetess (Ibn Khall.
i. 87), like Hind bint al-Nu’man who made herself so disagreeable to
Al-Hajjáj (ob. A.H. 95). Jarír al-Khatafah, the noblest of the Islami
poets in the first century, is noticed at full length by Ibn Khallikan
(i. 294) together with his rival in poetry and debauchery, Abú Firás
Hammám or Homaym bin Ghalib al-Farazdak, the Tamími, the Ommiade poet
“without whose verse half Arabic would be lost[447]:” he exchanged
satires with Jarír and died forty days before him (A.H. 110). Another
contemporary, forming the poetical triumvirate of the period, was the
debauched Christian poet Al-Akhtal al-Taghlibi. They were followed by
Al-Ahwas al-Ansári whose witty lampoons banished him to Dahlak Island in
the Red Sea (ob. A.H. 179 = 795); by Bashshár ibn Burd and by Yúnus ibn
Habib (ob. A.H. 182).

The well-known names of the Harun-cycle are Al-Asma’i, rhetorician and
poet, whose epic with Antar for hero is not forgotten (ob. A.H. 216);
Isaac of Mosul (Ishak bin Ibrahim of Persian origin); Al-’Utbi “the
Poet” (ob. A.H. 228); Abu al-Abbás al-Rakáshi; Abu al-Atahiyah, the
lover of Otbah; Muslim bin al-Walíd al-Ansari; Abú Tammám of Tay,
compiler of the Hamásah (ob. A.H. 230), “a Muwallad of the first class”
(says Ibn Khallikan i. 392); the famous or infamous Abu Nowás; Abu
Mus’ab (Ahmad ibn Ali) who died in A.H. 242; the satirist Dibil
al-Khuzáí (ob. A.H. 246) and a host of others quos nunc perscribere
longum est. They were followed by Al-Bohtori “the Poet” (ob. A.H. 286);
the royal author Abdullah ibn al-Mu’tazz (ob. A.H. 315); Ibn Abbád the
Sahib (ob. A.H. 334); Mansúr al-Halláj the martyred Sufi; the Sahib ibn
Abbad; Abu Faras al-Hamdáni (ob. A.H. 357); Al-Námi (ob. A.H. 399) who
had many encounters with that model Chauvinist Al-Mutanabbi, nicknamed
Al-Mutanabbih (the “wide-awake”), killed A.H. 354; Al-Manázi of
Manazjird (ob. A.H. 427); Al-Tughrai author of the Lámiyat al-’Ajam (ob.
A.H. 375); Al-Haríri the model rhetorician (ob. A.H. 516); Al-Hájiri
al-Irbili, of Arbela (ob. A.H. 632); Bahá al-Din al-Sinjari, (ob. A.H.
622); Al-Kátib or the Scribe (ob. A.H. 656); Abdun al-Andalúsi the
Spaniard (our xiith century) and about the same time Al-Náwaji, author
of the Halbat al-Kumayt or “Race-course of the Bay-horse”—poetical slang
for wine.[448]

Of the third category, the pièces d’occasion, little need be said: I may
refer readers to my notes on the doggrels in vol. ii. 34, 35, 56, 179,
182, 186 and 261; in vol. v. 55 and in vol. viii. 50.

Having a mortal aversion to the details of Arabic prosody I have
persuaded my friend Dr. Steingass, to undertake in the following pages
the subject as far as concerns the poetry of The Nights. He has been
kind enough to collaborate with me from the beginning, and to his minute
lexicographical knowledge I am deeply indebted for discovering not a few
blemishes which would have been “nuts to the critic.” The learned
Arabist’s notes will be highly interesting to students: mine (§ V.) are
intended to give a superficial and popular idea of the Arab’s

“The principle of Arabic Prosody” (called ’Arúz, pattern standard, or
’Ilm al-’Arúz, science of the ’Arúz), in so far resembles that of
classical poetry, as it chiefly rests on metrical weight, not on accent,
or in other words a verse is measured by short and long quantities,
while the accent only regulates its rhythm. In Greek and Latin, however,
the quantity of the syllables depends on their vowels, which may be
either naturally short or long, or become long by position, _i.e._ if
followed by two or more consonants. We all remember from our school-days
what a fine string of rules had to be committed to and kept in memory,
before we were able to scan a Latin or Greek verse, without breaking its
neck by tripping over false quantities. In Arabic, on the other hand,
the answer to the question, what is metrically long or short, is
exceedingly simple, and flows with stringent cogency from the nature of
the Arabic Alphabet. This, strictly speaking, knows only consonants
(Harf, pl. Hurúf). The vowels which are required, in order to articulate
the consonants, were at first not represented in writing at all. They
had to be supplied by the reader, and are not improperly called
“motions” (Harakát), because they move or lead on as it were, one letter
to another. They are three in number, a (Fathah), i (Kasrah), u
(Zammah), originally sounded as the corresponding English vowels in bat,
bit and butt respectively, but in certain cases modifying their
pronunciation under the influence of a neighbouring consonant. When the
necessity made itself felt to represent them in writing, especially for
the sake of fixing the correct reading of the Koran, they were rendered
by additional signs, placed above or beneath the consonant, after which
they are pronounced, in a similar way as it is done in some systems of
English shorthand. A consonant followed by a short vowel is called a
“moved letter” (Muharrakah); a consonant without such vowel is called
“resting” or “quiescent” (Sákinah), and can stand only at the end of a
syllable or word.

And now we are able to formulate the _one_ simple rule, which determines
the prosodical quantity in Arabic: any moved letter, as ta, li, mu, is
counted short; any moved letter followed by a quiescent one, as taf,
lun, mus, _i.e._ any closed syllable beginning and terminating with a
consonant and having a short vowel between, forms a long quantity. This
is certainly a relief in comparison with the numerous rules of classical
Prosody, proved by not a few exceptions, which for instance in Dr.
Smith’s elementary Latin Grammar fill eight closely printed pages.

Before I proceed to show how from the prosodical unities, the moved and
the quiescent letter, first the metrical elements, then the feet and
lastly the metres are built up, it will be necessary to obviate a few
misunderstandings, to which our mode of transliterating Arabic into the
Roman character might give rise.

The line:

     “Love in my heart they lit and went their ways,” (vol. i. 232)

runs in Arabic:

         “Akámú al-wajda fí kalbí wa sárú.” (Mac. Ed. i. 179).

Here, according to our ideas, the word akámú would begin with a short
vowel a, and contain two long vowels á and ú; according to Arabic views
neither is the case. The word begins with “Alif,” and its second
syllable ká closes in Alif after Fathah (a), in the same way, as the
third syllable mú closes in the letter Wáw (w) after Zammah (u).

The question, therefore, arises, what is “Alif.” It is the first of the
twenty-eight Arabic letters, and has through the medium of the Greek
Alpha nominally entered into our alphabet, where it now plays rather a
misleading part. Curiously enough, however, Greek itself has preserved
for us the key to the real nature of the letter. In Ἀλφα the initial a
is preceded by the so-called spiritus lenis (᾿), a sign which must be
placed in front or at the top of any vowel beginning a Greek word, and
which represents that slight aspiration or soft breathing almost
involuntarily uttered, when we try to pronounce a vowel by itself. We
need not go far to find how deeply rooted this tendency is and to what
exaggerations it will sometimes lead. Witness the gentleman, who after
mentioning that he had been visiting his “favourite haunts” on the
scenes of his early life, was sympathetically asked, how the dear old
ladies were. This spiritus lenis is the silent h of the French “homme”
and the English “honour,” corresponding exactly to the Arabic Hamzah,
whose mere prop the Alif is, when it stands at the beginning of a word:
a native Arabic Dictionary does not begin with Báb al-Alif (Gate or
Chapter of the Alif), but with Báb al-Hamzah. What the Greeks call Alpha
and have transmitted to us as a name for the vowel a, is in fact nothing
else but the Arabic Hamzah-Alif (‏أ‎), moved by Fathah, _i.e._ bearing
the sign ‏َ‎ for a at the top (‏أَ‎), just as it might have the sign
Zammah (‏ُ‎) superscribed to express u (‏أُ‎), or the sign Kasrah (‏ِ‎)
subjoined to represent i (‏إِ‎). In each case the Hamzah-Alif, although
scarcely audible to our ear, is the real letter and might fitly be
rendered in transliteration by the above-mentioned silent h, wherever we
make an Arabic word begin with a vowel not preceded by any other sign.
This latter restriction refers to the sign ’, which in Sir Richard
Burton’s translation of The Nights, as frequently in books published in
this country, is used to represent the Arabic letter ‏ع‎ in whose very
name ’Ayn it occurs. The ’Ayn is “described as produced by a smart
compression of the upper part of the windpipe and forcible emission of
breath,” imparting a guttural tinge to a following or preceding
vowel-sound; but it is by no means a mere guttural vowel, as Professor
Palmer styles it. For Europeans, who do not belong to the Israelitic
dispensation, as well as for Turks and Persians, its exact pronunciation
is most difficult, if not impossible to acquire.

In reading Arabic from transliteration for the purpose of scanning
poetry, we have therefore in the first instance to keep in mind that no
Arabic word or syllable can begin with a vowel. Where our mode of
rendering Arabic in the Roman character would make this appear to be the
case, either Hamzah (silent h), or ’Ayn (represented by the sign ’) is
the real initial, and the only element to be taken in account as a
_letter_. It follows as a self-evident corollary that wherever a single
consonant stands between two vowels, it never closes the previous
syllable, but always opens the next one. Our word “Akámú,” for instance,
can only be divided into the syllables: A (properly Ha)-ká-mú, never
into Ak-á-mú or Ak-ám-ú.

It has been stated above that the syllable ká is closed by the letter
Alif after Fathah, in the same way as the syllable mú is closed by the
letter Wáw, and I may add now, as the word fí is closed by the letter Yá
(y). To make this perfectly clear, I must repeat that the Arabic
Alphabet, as it was originally written, deals only with consonants. The
signs for the short vowel-sounds were added later for a special purpose,
and are generally not represented even in printed books, _e.g._ in the
various editions of The Nights, where only quotations from the Koran or
poetical passages are provided with the vowel-points. But among those
consonants there are three, called weak letters (Hurúf al-’illah), which
have a particular organic affinity to these vowel-sounds: the guttural
Hamzah, which is akin to a, the palatal Yá, which is related to _i_, and
the labial Wáw, which is homogeneous with u. Where any of the weak
letters follows a vowel of its own class, either at the end of a word or
being itself followed by another consonant, it draws out or lengthens
the preceding vowel and is in this sense called a letter of prolongation
(Harf al-Madd). Thus, bearing in mind that the Hamzah is in reality a
silent h, the syllable ká might be written kah, similarly to the German
word “sah,” where the h is not pronounced either, but imparts a
lengthened sound to the a. In like manner mú and fí are written in
Arabic muw and fiy respectively, and form long quantities not because
they contain a vowel long by nature, but because their initial
“Muharrakah” is followed by a “Sákinah,” exactly as in the previously
mentioned syllables taf, lun, mus.[449] In the Roman transliteration,
Akámú forms a word of five letters, two of which are consonants, and
three vowels; in Arabic it represents the combination H(a)k(a)hm(u)w,
consisting also of five letters but all consonants, the intervening
vowels being expressed in writing either merely by superadded external
signs, or more frequently not at all. Metrically it represents one short
and two long quantities (⏑ ‑ ‑), forming in Latin a trisyllabic foot,
called Bacchíus, and in Arabic a quinqueliteral “Rukn” (pillar) or “Juz”
(part, portion), the technical designation for which we shall introduce

There is one important remark more to be made with regard to the Hamzah:
at the beginning of a word it is either conjunctive, Hamzat al-Wasl, or
disjunctive, Hamzat al Kat’. The difference is best illustrated by
reference to the French so-called aspirated h, as compared with the
above mentioned silent h. If the latter, as initial of a noun, is
preceded by the article, the article loses its vowel, and, ignoring the
silent h altogether, is read with the following noun almost as one word:
le homme becomes l’homme (pronounced lomme) as le ami becomes l’ami.
This resembles very closely the Arabic Hamzah Wasl. If, on the other
hand, a French word begins with an aspirated h, as for instance héros,
the article does not drop its vowel before the noun, nor is the h
sounded as in the English word “hero,” but the effect of the aspirate is
simply to keep the two vowel sounds apart, so as to pronounce le éros
with a slight hiatus between, and this is exactly what happens in the
case of the Arabic Hamzah Kat’.

With regard to the Wasl, however, Arabic goes a step further than
French. In the French example, quoted above, we have seen it is the
silent h and the _preceding_ vowel, which are eliminated; in Arabic both
the Hamzah and its own Harakah, _i.e._ the short vowel _following_ it,
are supplanted by their antecedent. Another example will make this
clear. The most common instance of the Hamzah Wasl is the article al
(for h(a)l = the Hebrew hal), where it is moved by Fathah. But it has
this sound only at the beginning of a sentence or speech, as in
“Al-hamdu” at the head of the Fatihah, or in “Alláhu” at the beginning
of the third Surah. If the two words stand in grammatical connection, as
in the sentence “Praise be to God,” we cannot say “Al-Hamdu li-Alláhi,”
but the junction (Wasl) between the dative particle li and the noun
which it governs must take place. According to the French principle,
this junction would be effected at the cost of the preceding element and
li Alláhi would become l’Alláhí; in Arabic, on the contrary, the
kasrated l of the particle takes the place of the following fathated
Hamzah and we read li ’lláhi instead. Proceeding in the Fatihah we meet
with the verse “Iyyáka na’budu wa iyyáka nasta’ínu,” Thee do we worship
and of Thee do we ask aid. Here the Hamzah of iyyáka (properly hiyyáka
with silent h) is disjunctive, and therefore its pronunciation remains
the same at the beginning and in the middle of the sentence, or to put
it differently, instead of coalescing with the preceding wa into
wa’yyáka, the two words are kept separate, by the Hamzah reading wa
iyyáka, just as it was the case with the French Le héros.

If the conjunctive Hamzah is preceded by a quiescent letter, this takes
generally Kasrah: “Tálat al-Laylah,” the night was longsome, would
become Tálati ’l-Laylah. If, however, the quiescent letter is one of
prolongation, it mostly drops out altogether, and the Harakah of the
next preceding letter becomes the connecting vowel between the two
words, which in our parlance would mean, that the end-vowel of the first
word is shortened before the elided initial of the second. Thus “fí
al-bayti,” in the house, which in Arabic is written f(i)y h(a)lb(a)yt(i)
and which we transliterate fí ’l-bayti, is in poetry read fil-bayti,
where we must remember, that the syllable fil, in spite of its short
vowel, represents a long quantity, because it consists of a moved letter
followed by a quiescent one. Fíl would be overlong and could, according
to Arabic prosody, stand only in certain cases at the end of a verse,
_i.e._ in pause, where a natural tendency prevails to prolong a sound.

The attentive reader will now be able to fix the prosodical value of the
line quoted above with unerring security. For metrical purposes it
syllabifies into: A-ká-mul-vaj-da fí kal-bí wa sá-rú, containing three
short and eight long quantities. The initial unaccented a is short, for
the same reason why the syllables da and wa are so, that is, because it
corresponds to an Arabic letter, the Hamzah or silent h, moved by
Fathah. The syllables ká, fí, bí, sá, rú, are long for the same reason,
why the syllables mul, waj, kal are so, that is, because the accent in
the transliteration corresponds to a quiescent Arabic letter, following
a moved one. The same simple criterion applies to the whole list, in
which I give in alphabetical order the first lines and the metre of all
the poetical pieces contained in the Mac. edition, and which will be
found at the end of this volume.

The prosodical unities, then, in Arabic are the moved and the quiescent
letter, and we are now going to show how they combine into metrical
elements, feet, and metres.

i. The metrical elements (Usúl) are:

1. The Sabab,[450] which consists of _two_ letters and is either khafíf
(light) or sakíl (heavy). A moved letter followed by a quiescent, _i.e._
a closed syllable, like the aforementioned taf, lun, mus, to which we
may now add fá = fah, ’í = ’iy, ’ú = ’uw, form a Sabab khafíf,
corresponding to the classical long quantity (‑). Two moved letters in
succession, like muta, ’ala, constitute a Sabab sakíl, for which the
classical name would be Pyrrhic (⏑ ⏑). As in Latin and Greek, they are
equal in weight and can frequently interchange, that is to say, the
Sabab khafíf can be evolved into a sakíl by moving its second Harf, or
the latter contracted into the former, by making its second letter

2. The Watad, consisting of _three_ letters, one of which is quiescent.
If the quiescent follows the two moved ones, the Watad is called majmú’
(collected or joined), as fa’ú (= fa’uw), mafá (= mafah), ’ilun, and it
corresponds to the classical Iambus (⏑ ‑). If, on the contrary, the
quiescent intervenes or separates between the two moved letters, as in
fá’i (= fah’i), látu (= lahtu), taf’i, the Watad is called mafrúk
(separated), and has its classical equivalent in the Trochee (‑ ⏑).

3. The Fásilah,[451] containing _four_ letters, _i.e._ three moved ones
followed by a quiescent, and which, in fact, is only a shorter name for
a Sabab sakíl followed by a Sabab khafíf, as muta + fá, or ’ala + tun,
both of the measure of the classical Anapaest (⏑ ‑ ⏑).

ii. These three elements, the Sabab, Watad and Fásilah, combine further
into feet Arkán, pl. of Rukn, or Ajzá, pl. of Juz, two words explained
supra p. 275. The technical terms by which the feet are named, are
derivatives of the root fa’l, to do, which as the student will remember,
serves in Arabic Grammar to form the Auzán or weights, in accordance
with which words are derived from roots. It consists of the three
letters Fá (f), ’Ayn (’), Lám (l), and, like any other Arabic root,
cannot strictly speaking be pronounced, for the introduction of any
vowel-sound would make it cease to be a root and change it into an
individual word. The above fa’l, for instance, where the initial Fá is
moved by Fathah (a), is the Infinitive or verbal noun, “to do,” “doing.”
If the ’Ayn also is moved by Fathah, we obtain fa’al, meaning in
colloquial Arabic “he did” (the classical or literary form would be
fa’ala). Pronouncing the first letter with Zammah (u), the second with
Kasrah (i), _i.e._, fu’il, we say “it was done” (classically fu’ila).
Many more forms are derived by prefixing, inserting or subjoining
certain additional letters called Hurúf al-Ziyádah (letters of increase)
to the original radicals: fá’il, for instance, with an Alif of
prolongation in the first syllable, means “doer;” maf’úl (= maf’uwl),
where the quiescent Fá is preceded by a fathated Mím (m), and the
zammated ’Ayn followed by a lengthening Waw, means “done”; Mufá’alah,
where in addition to a prefixed and inserted letter, the feminine
termination ah is subjoined after the Lám means “to do a thing
reciprocally.” Since these and similar changes are with unvarying
regularity applicable to all roots, the grammarians use the derivatives
of Fa’l as model-forms for the corresponding derivations of any other
root, whose letters are in this case called its Fá, ’Ayn and Lám. From a
root, _e.g._, which has Káf (k) for its first letter or Fá, Tá (t) for
its second letter or ’Ayn, and Bá (b) for its third letter or Lám

 fa’l would be katb = to write, writing;
 fa’al would be katab = he wrote;
 fu’il would be kutib = it was written;
 fá’il would be kátib = writer, scribe;
 maf’úl would be maktúb = written, letter;
 mufá’alah would be mukátabah = to write reciprocally, correspondence.

The advantage of this system is evident. It enables the student, who has
once grasped the original meaning of a root, to form scores of words
himself, and in his readings, to understand hundreds, nay thousands, of
words, without recourse to the Dictionary, as soon as he has learned to
distinguish their radical letters from the letters of increase, and
recognises in them a familiar root. We cannot wonder, therefore, that
the inventor of Arabic Prosody, readily availed himself of the same plan
for his own ends. The Taf’íl, as it is here called, that is the
representation of the metrical feet by current derivatives of fa’l, has
in this case, of course, nothing to do with the etymological meaning of
those typical forms. But it proves none the less useful in another
direction: in simply naming a particular foot it shows at the same time
its prosodical measure and character, as will now be explained in

We have seen supra p. 275 that the word Akámú consists of a short
syllable followed by two long ones (⏑ ‑ ‑), and consequently forms a
foot, which the classics would call Bacchíus. In Latin there is no
connection between this name and the metrical value of the foot: we must
learn both by heart. But if we are told that its Taf’íl in Arabic is
Fa’úlun, we understand at once that it is composed of the Watad majmú’
fa’ú (⏑ ‑) and the Sabab khafíf lun (‑), and as the Watad contains
three, the Sabab two letters, it forms a quinqueliteral foot or Juz

In combining into feet, the Watad has the precedence over the Sabab and
the Fásilah, and again the Watad majmú’ over the Watad mafrúk. Hence the
Prosodists distinguish between Ajzá aslíyah or primary feet (from Asl,
root), in which this precedence is observed, and Ájzá far’íyah or
secondary feet (from Far’ = branch), in which it is reversed. The former
are four in number:—

1. Fa’ú.lun, consisting, as we have just seen of a Watad majmú’ followed
by a Sabab khafíf, = the Latin Bacchíus (⏑ ‑ ‑).

2. Mafá.’í.lun, _i.e._ Watad majmú’ followed by two Sabab khafíf = the
Latin Epitritus primus (⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑).

3. Mufá.’alatun, _i.e._ Watad majmú’ followed by Fásilah = the Latin
Iambus followed by Anapaest (⏑ ‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑).

4. Fá’i.lá.tun, _i.e._ Watad mafrúk followed by two Sabab khafíf = the
Latin Epitritus secundus (‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑).

The number of the secondary feet increases to six, for as No. 2 and 4
contain two Sabab, they “branch out” into two derived feet each,
according to both Sabab or only one changing place with regard to the
Watad. They are:

5. Fá.’ilun, _i.e._ Sabab khafíf followed by Watad majmú’, = the Latin
Creticus (‑ ⏑ ‑). The primary Fa’ú.lun becomes by transposition
Lun.fa’ú. To bring this into conformity with a current derivative of
fa’l, the initial Sabab must be made to contain the first letter of the
root, and the Watad the two remaining ones in their proper order. Fá is
therefore substituted for lun, and ’ilun for fa’ú, forming together the
above Fá.’ilun. By similar substitutions, which it would be tedious to
specify in each separate case, Mafá.’í.lun becomes:

6. Mus.taf.’ilun, for ’Í.lun.mafá, _i.e._ two Sabab khafíf, followed by
Watad majmú’ = the Latin Epitritus tertius (‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑), or:

7. Fá.’ilá.tun, for Lun.mafá.’í, _i.e._ Watad majmú’ between two Sabab
khafíf = the Latin Epitritus secundus (‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑).

8. Mutafá.’ilun (for ’Alatun.mufá, the reversed Mufá.’alatun) _i.e._
Fásilah followed by Watad majmú’ = the Latin Anapaest succeeded by
Iambus (⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑). The last two secondary feet are transpositions of
No. 4, Fá’.i lá.tun, namely:

9. Maf.’ú.látu, for Lá.tun.fá’i, _i.e._ two Sabab khafíf, followed by
Watad mafrúk = the Latin Epitritus quartus (‑ ‑ ‑ ⏑).

10. Mus.taf’i.lun, for Tun.fá’i.lá, _i.e._ Watad mafrúk between two
Sabab khafíf = the Latin Epitritus tertius (‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑).[452]

The “branch”-foot Fá.’ilun (No. 5), like its “root” Fa’úlun (No. 1), is
quinqueliteral. All other feet, primary or secondary, consist
necessarily of seven letters, as they contain a triliteral Watad (see
supra i. 2) with either two biliteral Sabab khafíf (i. 1,) or a
quadriliteral Fásilah (i. 3). They are, therefore, called Sabá’í = seven

iii. The same principle of the Watad taking precedence over Sabab and
Fásilah, rules the arrangement of the Arabic metres, which are divided
into five circles (Dawáir, pl. of Dáirah) so called for reasons
presently to be explained. The first is named:

A. Dáirat al-Mukhtalif, circle of “the varied” metre, because it is
composed of feet of various length, the five-lettered Fa’úlun (supra ii.
1) and the seven-lettered Mafá’ílun (ii. 2) with their secondaries
Fá’ilun, Mustaf.’ilun and Fá.’ilátun (ii. 5–7), and it comprises three
Buhúr or metres (pl. of Bahr, sea), the Tawíl, Madíd and Basít.

1. Al-Tawíl, consisting of twice

                Fa’ú.lun Mafá.’ílun Fa’ú.lun Mafá.’ílun,

the classical scheme for which would be

                  ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ |

If we transfer the Watad Fa’ú from the beginning of the line to the end,
it would read:

Lun.mafá’í Lun.fa’ú Lun.mafá’í Lun.fa’ú which, after the substitutions
indicated above (ii. 7 and 5) becomes:

2. Al-Madíd, consisting of twice

                Fá.’ilátun Fá.’ilun Fá.’ilátun Fá.’ilun,

which may be represented by the classical scheme

                  ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ |

If again, returning to the Tawíl, we make the break after the Watad of
the second foot we obtain the line:

’Ílun.fa’ú Lun.mafá ’Ílun.fa’u Lun.mafá, and as metrically ’Ílun.fa’ú
(two Sabab followed by Watad) and Lun.mafá (one Sabab followed by Watad)
are = ’Ílun.mafá and Lun.fa’ú respectively, their Taf’il is effected by
the same substitutions as in ii. 5 and 6, and they become:

3. Basít, consisting of twice

              Mustaf.’ilun Fá.’ilun Mustaf.’ilun Fá.’ilun,

in conformity with the classical scheme:

                  ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ |

Thus one metre evolves from another by a kind of rotation, which
suggested to the Prosodists an ingenious device of representing them by
circles (hence the name Dáirah), round the circumference of which on the
outside the complete Taf’íl of the original metre is written, while each
moved letter is faced by a small loop, each quiescent by a small
vertical stroke[453] inside the circle. Then, in the case of this
present Dáirat al-Mukhtalif for instance, the loop corresponding to the
initial f of the first Fa’úlun is marked as the beginning of the Tawíl,
that corresponding to its l (of the Sabab lun) as the beginning of the
Madid, and that corresponding to the ’Ayn of the next Mafá’ílun as the
beginning of the Basít. The same process applies to all the following
circles, but our limited space compels us simply to enumerate them,
together with their Buhúr, without further reference to the mode of
their evolution.


B. Dairat al-Mútalif, circle of “the agreeing” metre, so called because
all its feet agree in length, consisting of seven letters each. It

1. Al-Wáfir, composed of twice

             Mufá.’alatun Mufá.’alatun Mufá’alatun (ii. 3).

                 = ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑ |

where the Iambus in each foot precedes the Anapaest, and its reversal:

2. Al-Kámil, consisting of twice

             Mutafá.’ilun Mutafá.’ilun Mutafá.’ilun (ii. 8)

           = ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ |

where the Anapaest takes the first place in every foot.

C. Dáirat al-Mujtalab, circle of “the brought on” metre, so called
because its seven-lettered feet are brought on from the first circle.

1. Al-Hazaj, consisting of twice

                Mafá.’ílun Mafá.’ílun Mafá.’ílun (ii. 2)

               = ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ |

2. Al-Rajaz, consisting of twice

                Mustaf.’ilun Mustaf.’ilun Mustaf.’ilun,

and, in this full form, almost identical with the Iambic Trimeter of the
Greek Drama:

                     ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ |

3. Al-Ramal, consisting of twice

                   Fá.’ilátun Fá.’ilátun Fá.’ilátun,

the trochaic counterpart of the preceding metre

                    = ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ |

D. Dáirat al-Mushtabih, circle of “the intricate” metre, so called from
its intricate nature, primary mingling with secondary feet, and one foot
of the same verse containing a Watad majmú’, another a Watad mafrúk,
_i.e._ the iambic rhythm alternating with the trochaic and _vice versa_.
Its Buhúr are:

1. Al-Sarí’, twice

           Mustaf.’ilun Mustaf.’ilun Maf’ú.látu (ii. 6 and 9)

                     = ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ‑ ⏑

2. Al-Munsarih, twice

           Mustaf.’ilun Mafú.látu Mustaf.’ilun (ii. 6. 9. 6)

                    = ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ‑ ⏑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ |

3. Al-Khafíf, twice

           Fá.’ílátun Mustaf’i.lun Fá.’ílátun (ii. 7. 10. 7)

                    = ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ |

4. Al-Muzári’, twice

             Mafá.’ílun Fá’i.látun Mafá.’ílun (ii. 2. 4. 2)

                    = ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ |

5. Al-Muktazib, twice

            Maf’ú.látu Mustaf.’ilun Maf’ú.látu (ii. 9. 6. 9)

                    = ‑ ‑ ‑ ⏑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ‑ ⏑ |

6. Al-Mujtass, twice

          Mustaf’i.lun Fá.’ilátun Mustaf’i.lun (ii. 10. 7. 10)

                    = ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ |

E. Dáirat al-Muttafik, circle of “the concordant” metre, so called for
the same reason why circle B is called “the agreeing,” _i.e._ because
the feet all harmonise in length, being here, however quinqueliteral,
not seven-lettered as in the Mútalif. Al-Khalíl, the inventor of the
’Ilm al-’Arúz, assigns to it only one metre:

1. Al-Mutakárib, twice

                Fa’úlun Fa’úlun Fa’úlun Fa’úlun (ii. 1)

                   = ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ |

Later Prosodists added:

2. Al-Mutadárak, twice

                Fá’ilun Fá’ilun Fá’ilun Fá’ilun (ii. 5)

                   = ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ |

The feet and metres as given above, are however to a certain extent
merely theoretical; in practice the former admit of numerous licenses
and the latter of variations brought about by modification or partial
suppression of the feet final in a verse. An Arabic poem (Kasídah, or if
numbering less than ten couplets, Kat’ah) consists of Bayts or couplets,
bound together by a continuous rhyme, which connects the first two lines
and is repeated at the end of every second line throughout the poem. The
_last_ foot of every odd line is called ’Arúz (fem. in contradistinction
of Arúz in the sense of Prosody which is masc.) pl. A’áiriz, that of
every even line is called Zarb, pl. Azrub, and the remaining feet may be
termed Hashw (stuffing), although in stricter parlance a further
distinction is made between the _first_ foot of every odd and even line
as well.

Now with regard to the Hashw on the one hand, and the ’Aruz and Zarb on
the other, the changes which the normal feet undergo, are of two kinds:
Zuháf (deviation) and ’Illah (defect). Zuháf applies, as a rule,
occasionally and optionally to the second letter of a Sabab in those
feet which compose the Hashw or body-part of a verse, making a long
syllable short by suppressing its quiescent final, or contracting two
short quantities in a long one, by rendering quiescent a moved letter
which stands second in a Sabab sakíl. In Mustaf’ilun (ii. 6. = ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑),
for instance, the s of the first syllable, or the f of the second, or
both may be dropped and it will become accordingly Mutaf’ilun, by
substitution Mafá’ilun, (⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑) or Musta’ilun, by substitution,
Mufta’ilun (‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑), or Muta’ilun, by substitution Fa’ilatun (⏑ ⏑ ⏑
‑).[454] This means that wherever the foot Mustaf.’ilun occurs in the
Hashw of a poem, we can represent it by the scheme ⏓ ⏓ ⏑ ‑ _i.e._ the
Epitritus tertius can, by poetical license change into Diiambus,
Choriambus or Paeon quartus. In Mufá’alatun (ii. 3. = ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑) and
Mutafá’ilun (ii. 8. = ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑), again, the Sabab ’ala and muta may
become khafíf by suppression of their final Harakah and thus turn into
Mufá’altun, by substitution Mafá’ílun (ii. 2. = ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑), and
Mutfá’ilun, by substitution Mustaf’ilun (ii. 6. = ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ as above). In
other words the two feet correspond to the schemes ⏑ _ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ _ and ⏑ ‑ ⏑
_ ⏑ _, where a Spondee can take the place of the Anapaest after or
before the Iambus respectively.

’Illah, the second way of modifying the primitive or normal feet,
applies to both Sabab and Watad, but only in the ’Aruz and Zarb of a
couplet, being at the same time constant and obligatory. Besides the
changes already mentioned, it consists in adding one or two letters to a
Sabab or Watad, or curtailing them more or less, even to cutting them
off altogether. We cannot here exhaust this matter any more than those
touched upon until now, but must be satisfied with an example or two, to
show the proceeding in general and indicate its object.

We have seen that the metre Basít consists of the two lines:

               Mustaf.’ilun Fá.’ilun Mustaf’ilun Fá’ilun
               Mustaf’ilun Fá’ilun Mustaf’ilun Fá’ilun.

This complete form, however, is not in use amongst Arab poets. If by the
Zuháf Khabn, here acting as ’Illah, the Alif in the final Fá’ilun is
suppressed, changing it into Fa’ilun (⏑ ⏑ ‑), it becomes the first
’Aruz, called makhbúnah, of the Basít, the first Zarb of which is
obtained by submitting the final Fá’ilun of the second line to the same
process. A second Zarb results, if in Fá’ilun the final n of the Watad
’ilun is _cut_ off and the preceding l made quiescent by the ’Illah Kat’
thus giving Fá’il and by substitution Fa’lun (‑ ‑). Thus the formula

               Mustaf’ilun Fá’ilun Mustaf’ilun  Fa’ilun

               Mustaf’ilun Fá’ilun Mustaf’ilun  { Fa’ilun
                                                { Fa’lun

As in the Hashw, _i.e._ the first three feet of each line, the Khabn can
likewise be applied to the medial Fá’ilun, and for Mustaf’ilun the
poetical licenses, explained above, may be introduced, this first ’Arúz
or Class of the Basít with its two Zarb or subdivisions will be
represented by the scheme

                   ⏑ ⏑     │ ⏑     │ ⏑ ⏑     │
                   ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ │ ‑ ⏑ ‑ │ ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ │ ⏑ ⏑ ‑

                   ⏑ ⏑     │ ⏑     │ ⏑ ⏑     { ⏑ ⏑ ‑
                   ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ │ ‑ ⏑ ‑ │ ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ {  ‑ ‑

that is to say in the first subdivision of this form of the Basít both
lines of each couplet end with an Anapaest and every second line of the
other subdivision terminates in a Spondee.

The Basít has four more A’áriz, three called majzúah, because each line
is shortened by a Juz or foot, one called mashtúrah (halved), because
the number of feet is reduced from four to two, and we may here notice
that the former kind of lessening the number of feet is frequent with
the hexametrical circles (B. C. D.), while the latter kind can naturally
only occur in those circles, whose couplet forms an octameter (A. E.).
Besides being majzúah, the second ’Aruz is sahíhah (perfect) consisting
of the normal foot Mustaf’ilun. It has three Azrub: 1. Mustaf’ilán (‑ ‑
⏑ ‑, with an overlong final syllable, see supra p. 277), produced by the
’Illah Tazyíl, _i.e._ addition of a quiescent letter at the end
(Mustaf’ilunn, by substitution Mustaf’ilán); 2. Mustaf’ilun, like the
’Aruz; 3. Maf’úlun (‑ ‑ ‑), produced by the ’Illah Kat’ (see the
preceding page; Mustaf’ilun, by dropping the final n and making the l
quiescent becomes Mustaf’il and by substitution Maf’úlun). Hence the
formula is:

                 Mustaf’ilun Fá’ilun Mustaf’ilun
                                         { Mustaf’ilán
                     Mustaf’ilun Fá’ilun { Mustaf’ilun
                                         { Maf’úlun,

which, with its allowable licenses, may be represented by the scheme:

                       ⏑ ⏑     │ ⏑     │
                       ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ │ ‑ ⏑ ‑ │ ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑
                                       { ⏑ ⏑
                                       { ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑
                       ⏑ ⏑     │ ⏑     { ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑
                       ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ │ ‑ ⏑ ‑ { ⏑
                                       { ‑ ‑ ‑

The above will suffice to illustrate the general method of the
Prosodists, and we must refer the reader for the remaining classes and
subdivisions of the Basít as well as the other metres to more special
treatises on the subject, to which this Essay is intended merely as an
introduction, with a view to facilitate the first steps of the student
in an important, but I fear somewhat neglected field of Arabic learning.

If we now turn to the poetical pieces contained in The Nights, we find
that out of the fifteen metres, known to al-Khalíl, or the sixteen of
later Prosodists, instances of thirteen occur in the Mac. N. edition,
but in vastly different proportions. The total number amounts to 1,385
pieces (some, however, repeated several times), out of which 1,128
belong to the first two circles, leaving only 257 for the remaining
three. The same disproportionality obtains with regard to the metres of
each circle. The Mukhtalif is represented by 331 instances of Tawíl and
330 of Basít against 3 of Madíd; the Mutalif by 321 instances of Kámil
against 143 of Wáfir; the Mujtalab by 32 instances of Ramal and 30 of
Rajaz against 1 of Hazaj; the Mushtabih by 72 instances of Khafíf and 52
of Sarí’ against 18 of Munsarih and 15 of Mujtass; and lastly the
Muttafik by 37 instances of Mutakárib. Neither the Mutadárak (E. 2), nor
the Muzári’ and Muktazib (D. 4. 5) are met with.

Finally it remains for me to quote a couplet of each metre, showing how
to scan them, and what relation they bear to the theoretical formulas
exhibited on p. 282 to p. 286.

It is characteristic for the preponderance of the Tawíl over all the
other metres, that the first four lines, with which my alphabetical list
begins, are written in it. One of these belongs to a poem which has for
its author Bahá al-Dín Zuhayr (born A.D. 1186 at Mekkah or in its
vicinity, ob. 1249 at Cairo), and is to be found in full in Professor
Palmer’s edition of his works, p. 164. Sir Richard Burton translates the
first Bayt (vol. i. 290):

 An I quit Cairo and her pleasances ✿ Where can I hope to find so
    gladsome ways?

Professor Palmer renders it:

               Must I leave Egypt where such joys abound?
                   What place can ever charm me so again

In Arabic it scans:

               ⏑ ‑ ⏑  |  ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑  |  ‑ ⏑ ‑  |  ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑
               A-arhalu ’an Misrin wa tíbi na’ímihi[455]
               ⏑ ‑ ⏑  |  ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑  |  ‑ ⏑ ‑  |  ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑
               Fa-ayyu makánin ba’dahá li-ya sháiku.

In referring to iii. A. I. p. 282, it will be seen that in the Hashw
Fa’úlun (⏑ ‑ ‑) has become Fa’úlu (⏑ ‑ ⏑) by a Zuháf called Kabz
(suppression of the fifth letter of a foot if it is quiescent), and that
in the ’Arúz and Zarb Mafá’ílun (⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑) has changed into Mafá’ilun (⏑
‑ ⏑ ‑) by the same Zuháf acting as ’Illah. The latter alteration shows
the couplet to be of the second Zarb of the first ’Arúz of the Tawíl. If
the second line did terminate in Mafá’ílun, as in the original scheme,
it would be the first Zarb of the same ’Arúz; if it did end in Fa’úlun
(⏑ ‑ ‑) or Mafá’íl (⏑ ‑ ‑) it would represent the third or fourth
subdivision of this first class respectively. The Tawíl has one other
’Arúz, Fa’úlun, with a twofold Zarb, either Fa’úlun also, or Mafá’ilun.

The first instance of the Basít occurring in The Nights are the lines
translated vol. i. p. 25:

 Containeth Time a twain of days, this of blessing, that of bane ✿ And
    holdeth Life a twain of halves, this of pleasure, that of pain.

In Arabic (Mac. N. i. 11):

             ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ⏑ ‑ |
             Al-Dahru yaumáni zá amnun wa zá hazaru
             ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ⏑ ‑ |
             Wa ’l-’Ayshu shatráni zá safwun wa zá kadaru.

Turning back to p. 283, where the A’áríz and Azrub of the Basít are
shown, the student will have no difficulty to recognise the Bayt as one
belonging to the first Zarb of the first ’Arúz.

As an example of the Madíd we quote the original of the lines (vol. v.

 I had a heart, and with it lived my life ✿ ’Twas seared with fire and
    burnt with loving-lowe.

They read in Arabic:—

                     ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ⏑ ‑ |
                     Kána lí kalbun a’íshu bihi
                     ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ |
                     Fa’ktawà bi’l-nári wa’htarak.

If we compare this with the formula (iii. A. 2 p. 283), we find that
either line of the couplet is shortened by a foot; it is, therefore,
majzú. The first ’Arúz of this abbreviated metre is Fá’ilátun (‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑),
and is called sahíhah (perfect) because it consists of the normal third
foot. In the second ’Arúz Fá’ilátun loses its end syllable tun by the
’Illah Hafz (suppression of a final Sabab khafíf), and becomes Fá’ilá (‑
⏑ ‑), for which Fá’ilun is substituted. Shortening the first syllable of
Fá’ilun, _i.e._ eliminating the Alif by Khabn, we obtain the third ’Arúz
Fa’ilun (⏑ ⏑ ‑) as that of the present lines, which has two Azrub:
Fa’ilun, like the ’Arúz, and Fa’lun (‑ ‑), here, again by Khabn, further
reduced to Fa’al (⏑ ‑).

Ishak of Mosul, who improvises the piece, calls it “so difficult and so
rare, that it went nigh to deaden the quick and to quicken the dead;”
indeed, the native poets consider the metre Madíd as the most difficult
of all, and it is scarcely ever attempted by later writers. This
accounts for its rare occurrence in The Nights, where only two more
instances are to be found, Mac. N. ii. 244 and iii. 404.

The second and third circle will best be spoken of together, as the
Wáfir and Kámil have a natural affinity to the Hazaj and Rajaz. Let us
revert to the line:—

                    ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ |
                    Akámú ’l-wajda fí kalbí wa sárú.

Translated, as it were, into the language of the Prosodists it will be:—

                   Mafá’ílun[456] ’Mafá’ílun Fa’úlun,

and this, standing by itself, might prima facie be taken for a line of
the Hazaj (iii. C. 1), with the third Mafá’ílun shortened by Hafz (see
above) into Mafá’í for which Fa’úlun would be substituted. We have seen
(p. 287) that and how the foot Mufá’alatun can change into Mafá’ílun,
and if in any poem which otherwise would belong to the metre Hazaj, the
former measure appears even in one foot only along with the latter, it
is considered to be the original measure, and the poem counts no longer
as Hazaj but as Wáfir. In the piece now under consideration, it is the
second Bayt where the characteristic foot of the Wáfir first appears:—

                 ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ |
                 Naat ’anní’l-rubú’u wa sákiníhá

                 ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ |
                 Wa kad ba’uda ’l-mazáru fa-lá mazáru.

Anglicè (vol. iii. 296):—

 Far lies the camp and those who camp therein; ✿ Far is her tent-shrine
    where I ne’er shall tent.

It must, however, be remarked that the Hazaj is not in use as a
hexameter, but only with an ’Arúz majzúah or shortened by one foot.
Hence it is only in the second ’Arúz of the Wáfir, which is likewise
majzúah, that the ambiguity as to the real nature of the metre can
arise[457]; and the isolated couplet:—

                    ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ |
                    Yarídu ’l-mar-u an yu’tà munáhu

                    ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ |
                    Wa yabà ’lláhu illá má yurídu

 Man wills his wish to him accorded be, ✿ But Allah naught accords save
    what he wills (vol. iv. 157),

being hexametrical, forms undoubtedly part of a poem in Wáfir although
it does not contain the foot Mufá’alatun at all. Thus the solitary
instance of Hazaj in The Nights is Abú Nuwás’ abomination, beginning

             ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ |
             Fa-lá tas’au ilà ghayrí

             ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑ |
             Fa-’indí ma’dinu ’l-khayri (Mac. N. ii. 377).

 Steer ye your steps to none but me ✿ Who have a mine of luxury (vol. v.

If in the second ’Arúz of the Wáfir Maf’áílun (⏑ ‑ ‑ ‑) is further
shortened to Mafá’ilun (⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑), the metre resembles the second ’Arúz
of Rajaz, where, as we have seen, the latter foot can, by license, take
the place of the normal Mustaf’ilun (‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑).

The Kámil bears a similar relation to the Rajaz, as the Wáfir bears to
the Hazaj. By way of illustration we quote from Mac. N. ii. 8 the first
two Bayts of a little poem taken from the 23rd Assembly of Al-Hariri:—

                ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ |
                Yá khátiba ’l-dunyá ’l-daniyyati innahá

                ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ‑ |
                Sharaku ’l-radà wa karáratu ’l-akdári

                ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ |
                Dárun matà má azhakat fí yaumihá

                ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ‑ |
                Abkat ghadan bu’dan lahá min dári.

In Sir Richard Burton’s translation (vol. iii. 319):—

 O thou who woo’st a World unworthy, learn ✿ ’Tis house of evils, ’tis
    Perdition’s net:
 A house where whoso laughs this day shall weep ✿ The next; then perish
    house of fume and fret.

The ’Arúz of the first couplet is Mutafá’ilun, assigning the piece to
the first or perfect (sahíhah) class of the Kámil. In the Hashw of the
opening line and in that of the whole second Bayt this normal
Mutafá’ilun has, by license, become Mustaf’ilun, and the same change has
taken place in the ’Arúz of the second couplet; for it is a peculiarity
which this metre shares with a few others, to allow certain alterations
of the kind Zuháf in the ’Arúz and Zarb as well as in the Hashw. This
class has three subdivisions: the Zarb of the first is Mutafá’ilun, like
the ’Arúz; the Zarb of the second is Fa’alátun (⏑ ⏑ ‑ ‑), a substitution
for Mutafá’il which latter is obtained from Mutafá’ilun by suppressing
the final _n_ and rendering the _l_ quiescent; the Zarb of the third is
Fa’lun (‑ ‑) for Mútfá, derived from Mutafá’ilun by cutting off the
Watad ’ilun and dropping the medial _a_ of the remaining Mutafá.

If we make the ’Ayn of the second Zarb Fa’alátun also quiescent by the
permitted Zuháf Izmár, it changes into Fa’látun, by substitution
Maf’úlun (‑ ‑ ‑) which terminates the rhyming lines of the foregoing
quotation. Consequently the two couplets taken together, belong to the
second Zarb of the first ’Arúz of the Kámil, and the metre of the poem
with its licenses may be represented by the scheme:

                    ‑        │ ‑        │ ‑        │
                   ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ │⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ │⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ │

                    ‑        │ ‑        │ ‑        │
                   ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ │⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ │⏑ ⏑ ‑ ‑   │

Taken isolated, on the other hand, the second Bayt might be of the metre
Rajaz, whose first ’Arúz Mustaf’ilun has two Azrub: one equal to the
Arúz, the other Maf’úlun as above, but here substituted for Mustaf’il
after applying the ’Illah Kat’ (see p. 288) to Mustaf’ilun. If this were
the metre of the poem throughout, the scheme with the licenses peculiar
to the Rajaz would be:

                   ⏑ ⏑       │⏑ ⏑       │⏑ ⏑       │
                   ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑   │‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑   │‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑   │

                   ⏑ ⏑       │⏑ ⏑       │⏑         │
                   ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑   │‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑   │‑ ‑ ‑     │

The pith of Al-Hariri’s Assembly is that the knight errant, not to say
the arrant wight of the Romance, Abú Sayd of Sarúj, accuses before the
Wáli of Baghdad his pretended pupil, in reality his son, to have
appropriated a poem of his by lopping off two feet of every Bayt. If
this is done in the quoted lines, they read:

                      ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ |
                      Yá khátiba ’l-dunyá ’l-daniy

                      ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ |
                      Yati innahá sharaku ’l-radà

                      ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ |
                      Dárun matà má azhakat

                      ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ |
                      Fí yaumihá abkat ghadá,

with a different rhyme and of a different variation of metre. The
amputated piece belongs to the fourth Zarb of the third ’Aruz of Kámil,
and its second couplet tallies with the second subdivision of the second
class of Rajaz.

The Rajaz, a iambic metre pure and simple, is the most popular, because
the easiest, in which even the Prophet was caught napping sometimes, at
the dangerous risk of following the perilous leadership of Imru ’l-Kays.
It is the metre of improvisation, of ditties, and of numerous didactic
poems. In the latter case, when the composition is called Urjúzah, the
two lines of every Bayt rhyme, and each Bayt has a rhyme of its own.
This is the form in which for instance, Ibn Málik’s Alfíyah is written,
as well as the remarkable grammatical work of the modern native scholar,
Nasíf al-Yazijí, of which a notice will be found in Chenery’s
Introduction to his Translation of Al-Hariri.

While the Hazaj and Rajaz connect the third circle with the first and
second, the Ramal forms the link between the third and fourth Dáirah.
Its measure Fá’ilátun (‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑) and the reversal of it, Maf’úlátu (‑ ‑ ‑
⏑), affect the trochaic rhythm, as opposed to the iambic of the two
first-named metres. The iambic movement has a ring of gladness about it,
the trochaic a wail of sadness: the former resembles a nimble
pedestrian, striding apace with an elastic step and a cheerful heart;
the latter is like a man toiling along on the desert path, where his
foot is ever and anon sliding back in the burning sand (Raml, whence
probably the name of the metre). Both combined in regular alternation,
impart an agitated character to the verse, admirably fit to express the
conflicting emotions of a passion-stirred mind.

Examples of these more or less plaintive and pathetic metres are
numerous in the Tale of Uns al-Wujúd and the Wazir’s Daughter, which,
being throughout a story of love, as has been noted, vol. v. 33, abounds
in verse, and, in particular, contains ten out of the thirty-two
instances of Ramal occurring in The Nights. We quote:

Ramal, first Zarb of the first ’Arúz (Mac. N. ii. 361):

 ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ |
 Inna li ’l-bulbuli sautan fí ’l-sahar

 ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ |
 Ashghala ’l-’áshika ’an husni ’l-watar

 The Bulbul’s note, whenas dawn is nigh ✿ Tells the lover from strains of
    strings to fly (vol. v. 48).

Sarí’, second Zarb of the first ’Arúz (Mac. N. ii. 359):

 ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ |
 Wa fákhitin kad kála fí nauhihi

 ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ |
 Yá Dáiman shukran ’alà balwatí

 I heard a ringdove chanting soft and plaintively, ✿ “I thank Thee, O
    Eternal, for this misery” (vol. v. 47).

Khafíf, full or perfect form (sahíh), both in Zarb and ’Arúz (Mac. N.
ii. 356):

 ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ |
 Yá li-man ashtakí ’l-gharáma ’llazí bí

 ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ |
 Wa shujúní wa furkatí ’an habíbí

 O to whom now of my desire complaining sore shall I ✿ Bewail my parting
    from my fere compellèd thus to fly (vol. v. 44).

Mujtass, the only ’Arúz (majzúah sahíhah, _i.e._ shortened by one foot
and perfect) with equal Zarb (Mac. N. ii. 367):

     ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ⏑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ |
     Ruddú ’alayya habíbí

     ‑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ ‑ |
     Lá hajatan lí bi-málin

     To me restore my dear ✿ I want not wealth untold (vol. v. 55).

As an instance of the Munsarih, I give the second occurring in The
Nights, because it affords me an opportunity to show the student how
useful a knowledge of the laws of Prosody frequently proves for
ascertaining the correct reading of a text. Mac. N. i. 33 we find the

                   ‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑ |
                   Arba’atun má ’jtama’at kattu izá.

This would be Rajaz with the license Mufta’ilun for Mustaf’ilun. But the
following lines of the fragment evince, that the metre is Munsarih;
hence, a clerical error must lurk somewhere in the second foot. In fact,
on page 833 of the same volume, we find the piece repeated, and here the
first couplet reads

 ‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ | ‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑ |
 Arba’atun má ’jtama’na kattu siwà

 ⏑ ‑ ⏑ ‑ | ‑ ⏑ ‑ ⏑ | ‑ ⏑ ⏑ ‑ |
 Alà azá mujhatí wa safki damí

 Four things which ne’er conjoin unless it be ✿ To storm my vitals and to
    shed my blood (vol. iii. 237).

The Mutakárib, the last of the metres employed in The Nights, has gained
a truly historical importance by the part which it plays in Persian
literature. In the form of trimetrical double-lines, with a several
rhyme for each couplet, it has become the “Nibelungen-” stanza of the
Persian epos: Firdausí’s immortal “Book of Kings” and Nizámi’s
Iskander-námah are written in it, not to mention a host of Masnawis in
which Sufic mysticism combats Mohammedan orthodoxy. On account of its
warlike and heroical character, therefore, I choose for an example the
knightly Jamrakán’s challenge to the single fight in which he conquers
his scarcely less valiant adversary Kaurajan, Mac. N. iii. 296:

                   ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ⏑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑
                   Aná ’l-Jamrakánu kawiyyn ’l-janáni

                   ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ⏑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑
                   Jamí’u ’l-fawárisi takhshà kitálí.

Here the third syllable of the second foot in each line is shortened by
license, and the final Kasrah of the first line, standing in pause, is
long, the metre being the full form of the Mutakárib as exhibited p.
286, iii. E. i. If we suppress the Kasrah of al-Janáni, which is also
allowable in pause, and make the second line to rhyme with the first,
saying, for instance:

                   ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ⏑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑
                   Aná ’l-Jamrakánu kawiyyu ’l-janán

                   ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑ ‑ | ⏑ ‑
                   La-yakshà kitálí shijá’u ’l-zamán,

we obtain the powerful and melodious metre in which the Sháhnámah sings
of Rustam’s lofty deeds, of the tender love of Rúdabah and the tragic
downfall of Siyawush.

Shall I confess that in writing the foregoing pages it has been my
ambition to become a conqueror, in a modest way, myself: to conquer, I
mean, the prejudice frequently entertained, and shared even by my
accomplished countryman, Rückert, that Arabic Prosody is a clumsy and
repulsive doctrine. I have tried to show that it springs naturally from
the character of the language, and, intimately connected, as it is, with
the grammatical system of the Arabs, it appears to me quite worthy of
the acumen of a people, to whom, amongst other things, we owe the
invention of Algebra, the stepping-stone of our whole modern system of
Mathematics. I cannot refrain, therefore, from concluding with a little
anecdote anent al-Khalíl, which Ibn Khallikán tells in the following
words. His son went one day into the room where his father was, and on
finding him scanning a piece of poetry by the rules of prosody, he ran
out and told the people that his father had lost his wits. They went in
immediately and related to al-Khalíl what they had heard, on which he
addressed his son in these terms:

“Had you known what I was saying, you would have excused me, and had you
known what you said, I should have blamed you. But you did not
understand me, so you blamed me, and I knew that you were ignorant, so I
pardoned you.”


Here end, to my sorrow, the labours of a quarter-century and here I must
perforce say with the “poets’ Poet,”

             “Behold! I see the haven nigh at hand,
             To which I mean my wearie course to bend;
             Vere the main shete, and bear up with the land
             The which afore is fairly to be ken’d.”

Nothing of importance now indeed remains for me but briefly to estimate
the character of my work and to take cordial leave of my readers,
thanking them for the interest they have accorded to these volumes and
for enabling me thus successfully to complete the decade.

Without pudor malus or over-diffidence I would claim to have fulfilled
the promise contained in my Foreword. The anthropological notes and
notelets, which not only illustrate and read between the lines of the
text, but assist the student of Moslem life and of Arabo-Egyptian
manners, customs and language in a multitude of matters shunned by
books, form a repertory of Eastern knowledge in its esoteric phase,
sexual as well as social.

To assert that such lore is unnecessary is to state, as every traveller
knows, an “absurdum.” Few phenomena are more startling than the vision
of a venerable infant, who has lived half his long life in the midst of
the wildest anthropological vagaries and monstrosities, and yet who
absolutely ignores all that India or Burmah enacts under his very eyes.
This is crass ignorance, not the naive innocence of Saint Francis who,
seeing a man and a maid in a dark corner, raised his hands to Heaven and
thanked the Lord that there was still in the world so much of Christian

Against such lack of knowledge my notes are a protest; and I may claim
success despite the difficulty of the task. A traveller familiar with
Syria and Palestine, Herr Landberg, writes, “La plume refuserait son
service, la langue serait insuffisante, si celui qui connaît la vie de
tous les jours des Orientaux, surtout des classes élevées, voulait la
devoiler. L’Europe est bien loin d’en avoir la moindre idée.”

In this matter I have done my best, at a time too when the hapless
English traveller is expected to write like a young lady for young
ladies, and never to notice what underlies the most superficial stratum.
And I also maintain that the free treatment of topics usually taboo’d
and held to be “alekta”—unknown and unfitted for publicity—will be a
national benefit to an “Empire of Opinion,” whose very basis and
buttresses are a thorough knowledge by the rulers of the ruled. Men have
been crowned with gold in the Capitol for lesser services rendered to
the Respublica.

That the work contains errors, shortcomings and many a lapsus, I am the
first and foremost to declare. Yet in justice to myself I must also
notice that the maculæ are few and far between; even the most unfriendly
and interested critics have failed to point out an abnormal number of
slips. And before pronouncing the “Vos plaudite!” or, as Easterns more
politely say, “I implore that my poor name may be raised aloft on the
tongue of praise, let me invoke the fair field and courteous favour
which the Persian poet expected from his readers.

                      ‏بپوش گر بخطای رسی و طعنه مزن
                      که هيج بشر خالی از خطا نبود‎

           (Veil it, an fault thou find, nor jibe nor jeer:—
           None may be found of faults and failings clear!)

                                                      RICHARD F. BURTON.

 ATHENÆUM CLUB, _September 30, ’86_.


Footnote 126:

  Ouseley’s Orient. Collect. I, vii.

Footnote 127:

  This threefold distribution occurred to me many years ago and when far
  beyond reach of literary authorities: I was, therefore, much pleased
  to find the subjoined threefold classification with minor details made
  by Baron von Hammer-Purgstall (Preface to Contes Inédits etc. of G. S.
  Trébutien, Paris, mdcccxxviii.). (1) The older stories which serve as
  a base to the collection, such as the Ten Wazirs (“Malice of Women”)
  and Voyages of Sindbad (?) which may date from the days of Mahommed.
  These are distributed into two sub-classes; (_a_) the marvellous and
  purely imaginative (_e.g._ Jamasp and the Serpent Queen) and (_b_) the
  realistic mixed with instructive fables and moral instances. (2) The
  stories and anecdotes peculiarly Arab, relating to the Caliphs and
  especially to Al-Rashíd; and (3) The tales of Egyptian provenance,
  which mostly date from the times of the puissant “Aaron the Orthodox.”
  Mr. John Payne (Villon Translation, vol. ix. pp. 367–73) distributes
  the stories roughly under five chief heads as follows: (1) Histories
  or long Romances, as King Omar bin Al-Nu’man. (2) Anecdotes or short
  stories dealing with historical personages and with incidents and
  adventures belonging to the every-day life of the period to which they
  refer: _e.g._ those concerning Al-Rashíd and Hátim of Tayy. (3)
  Romances and romantic fictions comprising three different kinds of
  tales; (_a_) purely romantic and supernatural; (_b_) fictions and
  nouvelles with or without a basis and background of historical fact
  and (_c_) Contes fantastiques. (4) Fables and Apologues; and (5) Tales
  proper, as that of Tawaddud.

Footnote 128:

  Journal Asiatique (Paris, Dondey-Dupré, 1826) “Sur l’origine des Mille
  et une Nuits.”

Footnote 129:

  Baron von Hammer-Purgstall’s château is near Styrian Graz; and, when I
  last saw his library, it had been left as it was at his death.

Footnote 130:

  At least, in Trébutien’s Preface, pp. xxx.-xxxi., reprinted from the
  Journ. Asiat. August, 1839: for corrections see De Sacy’s “Mémoire.”
  p. 39.

Footnote 131:

  Vol. iv. pp. 89–90, Paris mdccclxv. Trébutien quotes, chapt. lii. (for
  lxviii.), one of Von Hammer’s manifold inaccuracies.

Footnote 132:

  Alluding to Iram the Many-columned, etc.

Footnote 133:

  In Trébutien “Síhá,” for which the Editor of the Journ. Asiat. and De
  Sacy rightly read “Sabíl-há.”

Footnote 134:

  For this some MSS. have “Fahlawíyah” = Pehlevi.

Footnote 135:

  _i.e._ Lower Roman, Grecian, of Asia Minor, etc., the word is still
  applied throughout Marocco, Algiers and Northern Africa to Europeans
  in general.

Footnote 136:

  De Sacy (Dissertation prefixed to the Bourdin Edition) notices the
  “thousand and one,” and in his Mémoire “a thousand:” Von Hammer’s MS.
  reads a thousand, and the French translation a thousand and one.
  Evidently no stress can be laid upon the numerals.

Footnote 137:

  These names are noticed in my vol. i. 14, and vol. ii. 3. According to
  De Sacy some MSS. read “History of the Wazir and his Daughters.”

Footnote 138:

  Lane (iii. 735) has Wizreh or Wardeh which guide us to Wird Khan, the
  hero of the tale. Von Hammer’s MS. prefers Djilkand (Jilkand), whence
  probably the Isegil or Isegild of Langlès (1814), and the Tséqyl of De
  Sacy (1833). The mention of “Simás” (Lane’s Shemmas) identifies it
  with “King Jali’ád of Hind,” etc. (Night dcccxcix.) Writing in A.D.
  961 Hamzah Isfaháni couples with the libri Sindbad and Schimas, the
  libri Baruc and Barsinas, four nouvelles out of nearly seventy. See
  also Al-Makri’zi’s Khitat or Topography (ii. 485) for a notice of the
  Thousand or Thousand and one Nights.

Footnote 139:

  Alluding to the “Seven Wazirs” alias “The Malice of Women” (Night
  dlxxviii.), which Von Hammer and many others have carelessly
  confounded with Sindbad the Seaman. We find that two tales once
  separate have now been incorporated with The Nights, and this suggests
  the manner of its composition by accretion.

Footnote 140:

  Arabised by a most “elegant” stylist, Abdullah ibn al-Mukaffá (the
  shrivelled), a Persian Guebre named Roz-bih (Day good), who islamised
  and was barbarously put to death in A.H. 158 (= 775) by command of the
  Caliph al-Mansur (Al-Siyuti p. 277). “He also translated from Pehlevi
  the book entitled _Sekiserán_, containing the annals of Isfandiyar,
  the death of Rustam, and other episodes of old Persic history,” says
  Al-Mas’udi chapt. xxi. See also Ibn Khallikan (1, 43) who dates the
  murder in A.H. 142 (= 759–60).

Footnote 141:

  “Notice sur Le Schah-namah de Firdoussi,” a posthumous publication of
  M. de Wallenbourg, Vienna, 1810, by M. A. de Bianchi. In sect. iii. I
  shall quote another passage of Al-Mas’udi (viii. 175) in which I find
  a distinct allusion to the “Gaboriau-detective tales” of The Nights.

Footnote 142:

  Here Von Hammer shows his customary inexactitude. As we learn from Ibn
  Khallikan (Fr. Tr. I. 630), the author’s name was Abu al-Faraj
  Mohammed ibn Is’hak, pop. known as Ibn Ali Ya’kúb al-Warrák, the
  bibliographe, librarian, copyist. It was published (vol. i. Leipzig,
  1871) under the editorship of G. Fluegel, J. Roediger, and A. Müller.

Footnote 143:

  See also the Journ. Asiat., August, 1839, and Lane iii. 736–37.

Footnote 144:

  Called “Afsánah” by Al-Mas’udi, both words having the same sense =
  tale, story, parable, “facetiæ.” Moslem fanaticism renders it by the
  Arab. “Khuráfah” = silly fables, and in Hindostan it = a jest:—“Bát-kí
  bát; khurafát-ki khurafát (a word for a word, a joke for a joke.)

Footnote 145:

  Al-Mas’údi (chapt. xxi.) makes this a name of the Mother of Queen
  Humáí or Humáyah, for whom see below.

Footnote 146:

  The preface of a copy of the Shah-nameh (by Firdausi, ob. A.D. 1021),
  collated in A.H. 829 by command of Bayisunghur Bahadur Khán (Atkinson
  p. x.), informs us that the Hazar Afsanah was composed for or by Queen
  Humái whose name is Arabised to Humáyah. This Persian Marguerite de
  Navarre was daughter and wife to (Ardashir) Bahman, sixth Kayanian and
  surnamed Diraz-dast (Artaxerxes Longimanus), Abu Sásán from his son,
  the Eponymus of the Sassanides who followed the Kayanians when these
  were extinguished by Alexander of Macedon. Humai succeeded her husband
  as seventh Queen, reigned thirty-two years and left the crown to her
  son Dárá or Dáráb 1st = Darius Codomanus. She is better known to
  Europe (through Herodotus) as Parysatis = Peri-zádeh or the

Footnote 147:

  _i.e._ If Allah allow me to say sooth.

Footnote 148:

  _i.e._ of silly anecdotes: here speaks the good Moslem!

Footnote 149:

  No. 622 Sept. 29, ’39; a review of Torrens which appeared shortly
  after Lane’s vol. i. The author quotes from a MS. in the British
  Museum, No. 7334 fol. 136.

Footnote 150:

  There are many Spaniards of this name: Mr. Payne (ix. 302) proposes
  Abu Ja’afar ibn Abd al-Hakk al-Khazraji, author of a History of the
  Caliphs about the middle of the twelfth century.

Footnote 151:

  The well-known Rauzah or Garden-island, of old Al-Saná’ah (Al-Mas’udi
  chapt. xxxi.), which is more than once noticed in The Nights. The name
  of the pavilion Al-Haudaj = a camel-litter, was probably intended to
  flatter the Badawi girl.

Footnote 152:

  He was the Seventh Fatimite Caliph of Egypt: regn. A.H. 495–524 (=

Footnote 153:

  Suggesting a private pleasaunce in Al-Rauzah which has ever been and
  is still a succession of gardens.

Footnote 154:

  The writer in _The Athenæum_ calls him Ibn Miyyah, and adds that the
  Badawiyah wrote to her cousin certain verses complaining of her
  thraldom, which the youth answered, abusing the Caliph. Al-’Ámir found
  the correspondence and ordered Ibn Miyah’s tongue to be cut out, but
  he saved himself by a timely flight.

Footnote 155:

  In Night dccclxxxv. we have the passage “He was a wily thief: none
  could avail against his craft as he were Abu Mohammed Al-Battál”: the
  word etymologically means The Bad; but see infra.

Footnote 156:

  Amongst other losses which Orientalists have sustained by the death of
  Rogers Bey, I may mention his proposed translation of Al-Makrízí’s
  great topographical work.

Footnote 157:

  The name appears only in a later passage.

Footnote 158:

  Mr. Payne notes (viii. 137) “apparently some famous brigand of the
  time” (of Charlemagne). But the title may signify The Brave, and the
  tale may be much older.

Footnote 159:

  In his “Mémoire sur l’origine du Recueil des Contes intitulé Les Mille
  et une Nuits” (Mém. d’Hist. et de Littér. Orientale, extrait des tomes
  ix. et x. des Mémoires de l’Inst. Royal Acad. des Inscriptions et
  Belles Lettres, Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1833). He read the Memoir
  before the Royal Academy on July 31, 1829. Also in his Dissertation
  “Sur les Mille et une Nuits” (pp. i.-viii.) prefixed to the Bourdin
  Edit. When the first Arabist in Europe landed at Alexandria he could
  not exchange a word with the people: the same is told of Golius the
  lexicographer at Tunis.

Footnote 160:

  Lane, Nights ii. 218.

Footnote 161:

  This origin had been advocated a decade of years before by Shaykh
  Ahmad al-Shirawání; Editor of the Calc. text (1814–18): his Persian
  preface opines that the author was an Arabic-speaking Syrian who
  designedly wrote in a modern and conversational style, none of the
  purest withal, in order to instruct non-Arabists. Here we find the
  genus “Professor” pure and simple.

Footnote 162:

  Such an assertion makes us enquire, Did De Sacy ever read through The
  Nights in Arabic?

Footnote 163:

  Dr. Jonathan Scott’s “translation” vi. 283.

Footnote 164:

  For a note on this world-wide Tale see vol. i. 52.

Footnote 165:

  In the annotated translation by Mr. I. G. N. Keith-Falconer, Cambridge
  University Press. I regret to see the wretched production called the
  “Fables of Pilpay” in the “Chandos Classics” (London, F. Warne). The
  words are so mutilated that few will recognise them, _e.g._ Carchenas
  for Kár-shínás, Chaschmanah for Chashmey-e-Máh (Fountain of the Moon),

Footnote 166:

  Article Arabia in Encyclop. Brit., 9th Edit., p. 263, col. 2. I do not
  quite understand Mr. Palgrave, but presume that his “other version” is
  the Bresl. Edit., the MS. of which was brought from Tunis; see its
  Vorwort (vol. i. p. 3).

Footnote 167:

  There are three distinct notes according to De Sacy (Mém., p. 50). The
  first (in MS. 1508) says “This blessed book was read by the weak
  slave, etc. Wahabah son of Rizkallah the Kátib (secretary, scribe) of
  Tarábulus al-Shám (Syrian Tripoli,) who prayeth long life for its
  owner (li máliki-h). This tenth day of the month First Rabí’a A.H. 955
  (= 1548).” A similar note by the same Wahabah occurs at the end of
  vol. ii. (MS. 1507) dated A.H. 973 (= 1565) and a third (MS. 1506) is
  undated. Evidently M. Caussin has given undue weight to such evidence.
  For further information see “Tales of the East” to which is prefixed
  an Introductory Dissertation (vol. i. pp. 24–26, note) by Henry
  Webber, Esq., Edinburgh, 1812, in 3 vols.

Footnote 168:

  “Notice sur les douze manuscrits connus des Milles et une Nuits, qui
  existent en Europe.” Von Hammer in Trébutien, Notice, vol. i.

Footnote 169:

  Printed from the MS. of Major Turner Macan, Editor of the Shahnamah:
  he bought it from the heirs of Mr. Salt, the historic Consul-General
  of England in Egypt and after Macan’s death it became the property of
  the now extinct Allens, then of Leadenhall Street (Torrens, Preface,
  i.). I have vainly enquired about what became of it.

Footnote 170:

  The short paper by “P. R.” in the Gentleman’s Magazine (Feb. 19th,
  1799, vol. lxix. p. 61) tells us that MSS. of The Nights were scarce
  at Aleppo and that he found only two vols. (280 Nights) which he had
  great difficulty in obtaining leave to copy. He also noticed (in 1771)
  a MS., said to be complete, in the Vatican and another in the “King’s
  Library” (Bibliothèque Nationale), Paris.

Footnote 171:

  Aleppo has been happy in finding such monographers as Russell and
  Maundrell while poor Damascus fell into the hands of Mr. Missionary
  Porter, and suffered accordingly.

Footnote 172:

  Vol. vi. Appendix, p. 452.

Footnote 173:

  The numbers, however, vary with the Editions of Galland: some end the
  formula with Night cxcvii; others with the ccxxxvi.: I adopt that of
  the De Sacy Edition.

Footnote 174:

  Contes Persans; suivis des Contes Turcs. Paris; Béchet Ainé, 1826.

Footnote 175:

  In the old translation we have “eighteen hundred years since the
  prophet Solomon died,” (B.C. 975) = A.D. 825.

Footnote 176:

  Meaning the era of the Seleucides. Dr. Jonathan Scott shows (vol. ii.
  324) that A.H. 653 and A.D. 1255 would correspond with 1557 of that
  epoch; so that the scribe has here made a little mistake of 5,763
  years. Ex uno disce.

Footnote 177:

  The _Saturday Review_ (Jan. 2nd ’86) writes, “Captain Burton has
  fallen into a mistake by not distinguishing between the names of the
  by no means identical Caliphs Al-Muntasir and Al-Mustansir.” Quite
  true: it was an ugly confusion of the melancholy madman and parricide
  with one of the best and wisest of the Caliphs. I can explain (not
  extenuate) my mistake only by a misprint in Al-Siyúti (p. 554).

Footnote 178:

  In the Galland MS. and the Bresl. Edit. (ii. 253), we find the Barber
  saying that the Caliph (Al-Mustansir) was _at that time_ (yaumaizin)
  in Baghdad; and this has been held to imply that the Caliphate had
  fallen. But such conjecture is evidently based upon insufficient

Footnote 179:

  De Sacy makes the “Kalandar” order originate in A.D. 1150; but the
  Shaykh Sharíf bú Ali Kalandar died in A.D. 1323–24. In Sind the first
  Kalandar, Osmán-i-Marwándí surnamed Lál Sháhbáz, the Red Goshawk, from
  one of his miracles, died and was buried at Sehwán in A.D. 1274: see
  my “History of Sindh” chapt. viii. for details. The dates therefore
  run wild.

Footnote 180:

  In this same tale H. H. Wilson observes that the title of Sultan of
  Egypt was not assumed before the middle of the xiith century.

Footnote 181:

  Popularly called Vidyanagar of the Narsingha.

Footnote 182:

  Time-measurers are of very ancient date. The Greeks had clepsydræ and
  the Romans gnomons, portable and ring-shaped, besides large standing
  town-dials as at Aquileja and San Sabba near Trieste. The “Saracens”
  were the perfecters of the clepsydra: Bosseret (p. 16) and the
  Chronicon Turense (Beckmann ii. 340 _et seq._) describe the
  water-clock sent by Al-Rashid to Karl the Great as a kind of
  “cuckoo-clock.” Twelve doors in the dial opened successively and
  little balls dropping on brazen bells told the hour: at noon a dozen
  mounted knights paraded the face and closed the portals. Trithonius
  mentions an horologium presented in A.D. 1232 by Al-Malik al-Kámil the
  Ayyubite Soldan to the Emperor Frederick II: like the Strasbourg and
  Padua clocks it struck the hours, told the day, month and year, showed
  the phases of the moon, and registered the position of the sun and the
  planets. Towards the end of the fifteenth century Gaspar Visconti
  mentions in a sonnet the watch proper (certi orologii piccioli e
  portativi); and the “animated eggs” of Nurembourg became famous. The
  earliest English watch (Sir Ashton Lever’s) dates from 1541: and in
  1544 the portable chronometer became common in France.

Footnote 183:

  An illustrated History of Arms and Armour etc. (p. 59); London: Bell
  and Sons, 1877. The best edition is the Guide des Amateurs d’Armes;
  Paris: Renouard, 1879.

Footnote 184:

  Chapt. iv. Dr. Gustav Oppert “On the Weapons etc. of the Ancient
  Hindus;” London: Trübner and Co., 1880.

Footnote 185:

  I have given other details on this subject in pp. 631–637 of “Camoens,
  his Life and his Lusiads.”

Footnote 186:

  The morbi venerei amongst the Romans are obscure because “whilst the
  satirists deride them the physicians are silent.” Celsus, however,
  names (De obscenarum partium vitiis, lib. xviii.) inflammatio coleorum
  (swelled testicle), tubercula circa glandem (warts on the glans
  penis), cancri carbunculi (chancre or shanker) and a few others. The
  rubigo is noticed as a lues venerea by Servius in Virg. Georg.

Footnote 187:

  According to David Forbes, the Peruvians believed that syphilis arose
  from connection of man and alpaca; and an old law forbade bachelors to
  keep these animals in the house. Francks explains by the introduction
  of syphilis wooden figures found in the Chinchas guano; these
  represented men with a cord round the neck or a serpent devouring the

Footnote 188:

  They appeared before the gates of Paris in the summer of 1427, not
  “about July, 1422”: in Eastern Europe, however, they date from a much
  earlier epoch. Sir J. Gilbert’s famous picture has one grand fault,
  the men walk and the women ride: in real life the reverse would be the

Footnote 189:

  Rabelais ii. c. 30.

Footnote 190:

  I may be allowed to note that syphilis does not confine itself to man:
  a charger infected with it was pointed out to me at Baroda by my late
  friend, Dr. Arnott (18th Regiment, Bombay N.I.) and Tangier showed me
  some noticeable cases of this hippic syphilis, which has been studied
  in Hungary. Eastern peoples have a practice of “passing on” venereal
  and other diseases, and transmission is supposed to cure the patient;
  for instance a virgin heals (and catches) gonorrhœa. Syphilis varies
  greatly with climate. In Persia it is said to be propagated without
  contact: in Abyssinia it is often fatal and in Egypt it is readily
  cured by sand baths and sulphur-unguents. Lastly in lands like
  Unyamwezi, where mercurials are wholly unknown, I never saw caries of
  the nasal or facial bones.

Footnote 191:

  For another account of the transplanter and the casuistical questions
  to which coffee gave rise, see my “First Footsteps in East Africa” (p.

Footnote 192:

  The first mention of coffee proper (not of Kahwah or old wine in vol.
  ii. 260) is in Night cdxxvi. vol. v. 169, where the coffee-maker is
  called Kahwahjiyyah, a mongrel term showing the modern date of the
  passage in Ali the Cairene. As the work advances notices become
  thicker, _e.g._ in Night dccclxvi. where Ali Nur al-Din and the Frank
  King’s daughter seems to be a modernisation of the story “Ala al-Din
  Abu al-Shámát” (vol. iv. 29); and in Abu Kir and Abu Sir (Nights
  cmxxx. and cmxxxvi.) where coffee is drunk with sherbet after present
  fashion. The use culminates in Kamar al-Zaman II. where it is
  mentioned six times (Nights cmlxvi. cmlxx. cmlxxi. twice; cmlxxiv. and
  cmlxxvii.), as being drunk after the dawn-breakfast and following the
  meal as a matter of course. The last notices are in Abdullah bin
  Fazil, Nights cmlxxviii. and cmlxxix.

Footnote 193:

  It has been suggested that Japanese tobacco is an indigenous growth
  and sundry modern travellers in China contend that the potato and the
  maize, both white and yellow, have there been cultivated from time

Footnote 194:

  For these see my “City of the Saints,” p. 136.

Footnote 195:

  Lit. meaning smoke: hence the Arabic “Dukhán,” with the same

Footnote 196:

  Unhappily the book is known only by name: for years I have vainly
  troubled friends and correspondents to hunt for a copy. Yet I am
  sanguine enough to think that some day we shall succeed; Mr. Sidney
  Churchill, of Teheran, is ever on the look-out.

Footnote 197:

  In § 3 I shall suggest that this tale also is mentioned by Al-Mas’udi.

Footnote 198:

  I have extracted it from many books, especially from Hoeffer’s
  Biographie Générale, Paris, Firmin Didot, mdccclvii.; Biographie
  Universelle, Paris, Didot, 1816, etc. etc. All are taken from the work
  of M. de Boze, his “Bozzy.”

Footnote 199:

  As learning a language is an affair of pure memory, almost without
  other exercise of the mental faculties, it should be assisted by the
  ear and the tongue as well as the eyes. I would invariably make pupils
  talk, during lessons, Latin and Greek, no matter how badly at first;
  but unfortunately I should have to begin with teaching the pedants
  who, as a class, are far more unwilling and unready to learn than are
  those they teach.

Footnote 200:

  The late Dean Stanley was notably trapped by the wily Greek who had
  only political purposes in view. In religions as a rule the minimum of
  difference breeds the maximum of disputation, dislike and disgust.

Footnote 201:

  See in Trébutien (Avertissement iii.) how Baron von Hammer escaped
  drowning by the blessing of The Nights.

Footnote 202:

  He signs his name to the Discours pour servir de Préface.

Footnote 203:

  I need not trouble the reader with their titles, which fill up nearly
  a column and a half in M. Hoeffer. His collection of maxims from
  Arabic, Persian and Turkish authors appeared in English in 1695.

Footnote 204:

  Galland’s version was published in 1704–1717 in 12 vols. 12mo.
  (Hoeffer’s Biographie; Graesse’s Trésor de Livres rares and Encyclop.
  Britannica, ixth Edit.)

Footnote 205:

  See also Leigh Hunt “The Book of the Thousand Nights and one Night,”
  etc., etc. London and Westminster Review Art. iii., No. lxiv.
  mentioned in Lane, iii, 746.

Footnote 206:

  Edition of 1856, vol. xv.

Footnote 207:

  To France England also owes her first translation of the Koran, a poor
  and mean version by Andrew Ross of that made from the Arabic (No. iv.)
  by André du Reyer, Consul de France for Egypt. It kept the field till
  ousted in 1734 by the learned lawyer George Sale whose conscientious
  work, including Preliminary Discourse and Notes (4to London), brought
  him the ill-fame of having “turned Turk.”

Footnote 208:

  Catalogue of Printed Books, 1884, p. 159, col. i. I am ashamed to
  state this default in the British Museum, concerning which Englishmen
  are apt to boast and which so carefully mulcts modern authors in
  unpaid copies. But it is only a slight specimen of the sad state of
  art and literature in England, neglected equally by Conservatives,
  Liberals and Radicals. What has been done for the endowment of
  research? What is our equivalent for the Prix de Rome? Since the death
  of Dr. Birch who can fairly deal with a Demotic papyrus? Contrast the
  Société Anthropologique and its palace and professors in Paris with
  our “Institute” _au second_ in a corner of Hanover Square and its
  skulls in the cellar!

Footnote 209:

  Art. vii. pp. 139–168, “On the Arabian Nights and translators, Weil,
  Torrens and Lane (vol. i.) with the Essai of A. Loisseleur
  Deslongchamps.” The Foreign Quarterly Review, vol. xxiv., Oct.
  1839–Jan. 1840. London, Black and Armstrong, 1840.

Footnote 210:

  Introduction to his Collection “Tales of the East,” 3 vols. Edinburgh,
  1812. He was the first to point out the resemblance between the
  introductory adventures of Shahryar and Shah Zaman and those of
  Astolfo and Giacondo in the Orlando Furioso (Canto xxviii.). M. E.
  Lévêque in Les Mythes et les Légendes de l’Inde et la Perse (Paris,
  1880), gives French versions of the Arabian and Italian narratives,
  side by side in p. 543 ff. (Clouston).

Footnote 211:

  Notitiæ Codicis MI. Noctium. Dr. Pusey studied Arabic to familiarise
  himself with Hebrew, and was very different from his predecessor at
  Oxford in my day, who, when applied to for instruction in Arabic,
  refused to lecture except to a class.

Footnote 212:

  This nephew was the author of “Recueil des Rits et Cérémonies des
  Pilgrimages de La Mecque,” etc. etc. Paris and Amsterdam, 1754, in

Footnote 213:

  The concluding part did not appear, I have said, till 1717: his
  “Contes et Fables Indiennes de Bidpaï et de Lokman,” were first
  printed in 1724, 2 vols. in 12mo. Hence, I presume, Lowndes’ mistake.

Footnote 214:

  M. Caussin (de Perceval), Professeur of Arabic at the Imperial
  Library, who edited Galland in 1806, tells us that he found there only
  two MSS., both imperfect. The first (Galland’s) is in three small
  vols. 4to. each of about pp. 140. The stories are more detailed and
  the style, more correct than that of other MS., is hardly intelligible
  to many Arabs, whence he presumes that it contains the original (an
  early?) text which has been altered and vitiated. The date is supposed
  to be circa A.D. 1600. The second Parisian copy is a single folio of
  some 800 pages, and is divided into 29 sections and cmv. Nights, the
  last two sections being reversed. The MS. is very imperfect, the 12th,
  15th, 16th, 18th, 20th, 21st–23rd, 25th and 27th parts are wanting;
  the sections which follow the 17th contain sundry stories repeated,
  there are anecdotes from Bidpai, the Ten Wazirs and other popular
  works, and lacunæ everywhere abound.

Footnote 215:

  Mr. Payne (ix. 264) makes eleven, including the Histoire du Dormeur
  éveillé = The Sleeper and the Waker, which he afterwards translated
  from the Bresl. Edit. in his “Tales from the Arabic” (vol. i. 5,

Footnote 216:

  Mr. E. J. W. Gibb informs me that he has come upon this tale in a
  Turkish storybook, the same from which he drew his “Jewád.”

Footnote 217:

  A littérateur lately assured me that Nos. ix. and x. have been found
  in the Bibliothèque Nationale (du Roi), Paris; but two friends were
  kind enough to enquire and ascertained that it was a mistake. Such
  Persianisms as Codadad (Khudadad), Baba Cogia (Khwájah) and Peri
  (fairy) suggest a Persic MS.

Footnote 218:

  Vol. vi. 212. “The Arabian Nights’ Entertainments (London: Longmans,
  1811) by Jonathan Scott, with the Collection of New Tales from the
  Wortley Montagu MS. in the Bodleian.” I regret to see that Messieurs
  Nimmo in reprinting Scott have omitted his sixth Volume.

Footnote 219:

  Dr. Scott who uses Fitnah (iv. 42) makes it worse by adding “Alcolom
  (Al-Kulúb?) signifying Ravisher of Hearts” and his names for the six
  slave-girls (vol. iv. 37) such as “Zohorob Bostan” (Zahr al-Bústán),
  which Galland rightly renders by “Fleur du Jardin,” serve only to heap
  blunder upon blunder. Indeed the Anglo-French translations are below
  criticism: it would be waste of time to notice them. The
  characteristic is a servile suit paid to the original _e.g._ rendering
  hair “accomodé en boucles” by “hair festooned in buckles” (Night
  ccxiv.), and Île d’Ébène (Jazírat al-Abnús, Night xliii.) by “the Isle
  of Ebene.” A certain surly old littérateur tells me that he prefers
  these wretched versions to Mr. Payne’s. Padrone! as the Italians say:
  I cannot envy his taste or his temper.

Footnote 220:

  De Sacy (Mémoire p. 52) notes that in some MSS., the Sultan, ennuyé by
  the last tales of Shahrázad, proposes to put her to death, when she
  produces her three children and all ends merrily without
  marriage-bells. Von Hammer prefers this version as the more dramatic,
  the Frenchman rejects it on account of the difficulties of the
  _accouchements_. Here he strains at the gnat—a common process.

Footnote 221:

  See Journ. Asiatique, iii. série, vol. viii., Paris, 1839.

Footnote 222:

  “Tausend und Eine Nacht: Arabische Erzählungen. Zum ersten mal aus
  einer Tunisischen Handschrift ergänzt und vollständig übersetzt,” Von
  Max Habicht, F. H. von der Hagen und Karl Schatte (the offenders?)

Footnote 223:

  Dr. Habicht informs us (Vorwort iii., vol. ix. 7) that he obtained his
  MS. with other valuable works from Tunis, through a personal
  acquaintance, a learned Arab, Herr M. Annagar (Mohammed Al-Najjár?)
  and was aided by Baron de Sacy, Langlès and other savants in filling
  up the lacunæ by means of sundry MSS. The editing was a prodigy of
  negligence: the corrigenda (of which brief lists are given) would fill
  a volume; and, as before noticed, the indices of the first four tomes
  were printed in the fifth, as if the necessity of a list of tales had
  just struck the dense editor. After Habicht’s death in 1839 his work
  was completed in four vols. (ix.-xii.) by the well-known Prof. H. J.
  Fleischer, who had shown some tartness in his “Dissertatio Critica de
  Glossis Habichtianis.” He carefully imitated all the shortcomings of
  his predecessor and even omitted the Verzeichniss, etc., the Varianten
  and the Glossary of Arabic words not found in Golius, which formed the
  only useful part of the first eight volumes.

Footnote 224:

  Die in Tausend und Eine Nacht noch nicht übersetzten Nächte,
  Erzählungen und Anekdoten, zum erstenmal aus dem Arabischen in das
  Französische übersetzt von J. von Hammer, und aus dem Französichen in
  das Deutsche von A. E. Zinserling, Professor, Stuttgart und Tubingen,
  1823. Drei Bde. 8^o. Trébutien’s, therefore, is the translation of a
  translation of a translation.

Footnote 225:

  Tausend und Eine Nacht Arabische Erzählungen. Zum erstenmale aus dem
  Urtexte vollständig und treu uebersetze von Dr. Gustav Weil. He began
  his work on return from Egypt in 1836 and completed his first version
  of the Arabische Meisterwerk in 1838–42 (3 vols. roy. oct.). I have
  the Zweiter Abdruck der dritten (2d reprint of 3d) in 4 vols. 8vo.,
  Stuttgart, 1872. It has more than a hundred woodcuts, but all of that
  art fashionable in Europe till Lane taught what Eastern illustrations
  should be.

Footnote 226:

  My learned friend Dr. Wilhelm Storck, to whose admirable translations
  of Camoens I have often borne witness, notes that this Vorhalle, or
  Porch to the first edition, a rhetorical introduction addressed to the
  general public, is held in Germany to be valueless and that it was
  noticed only for the Bemerkung concerning the offensive passages which
  Professor Weil had toned down in his translation. In the Vorwort of
  the succeeding editions (Stuttgart) it is wholly omitted.

Footnote 227:

  The most popular are now “Mille ed una notte. Novelle Arabe.” Napoli,
  1867, 8vo. illustrated, 4 francs; and “Mille ed una notte. Novelle
  Arabe, versione italiana nuovamente emendata e corredata di note”; 4
  vols. in 32 (dateless), Milano, 8vo., 4 francs.

Footnote 228:

  These are: (1) by M. Caussin (de Perceval), Paris, 1806, 9 vols. 8vo.
  (2) Edouard Gauttier, Paris, 1822–24: 7 vols. 12mo.; (3) M. Destain,
  Paris, 1823–25, 6 vols. 8vo., and (4) Baron de Sacy, Paris, 1838 (?),
  3 vols. large 8vo., illustrated (and vilely illustrated).

Footnote 229:

  The number of fables and anecdotes varies in the different texts, but
  may be assumed to be upwards of four hundred, about half of which were
  translated by Lane.

Footnote 230:

  I have noticed these points more fully in the beginning of chapt. iii.
  “The Book of the Sword.”

Footnote 231:

  A notable instance of Roman superficiality, incuriousness and
  ignorance. Every old Egyptian city had its idols (images of metal,
  stone or wood), in which the Deity became incarnate as in the Catholic
  host; besides its own symbolic animal used as a Kiblah or
  prayer-direction (Jerusalem or Meccah), the visible means of fixing
  and concentrating the thoughts of the vulgar, like the crystal of the
  hypnotist or the disk of the electro-biologist. And goddess Diana was
  in no way better than goddess Pasht. For the true view of idolatry see
  Koran xxxix. 4. I am deeply grateful to Mr. P. le Page Renouf (Soc. of
  Biblic. Archæology, April 6, 1886) for identifying the Manibogh,
  Michabo or Great Hare of the American indigenes with Osiris Unnefer
  (“Hare God”). These are the lines upon which investigation should run.
  And of late years there is a notable improvement of tone in treating
  of symbolism or idolatry: the Lingam and the Yoni are now described as
  “mystical representations, and perhaps the best possible impersonal
  representatives, of the abstract expressions paternity and maternity”
  (Prof. Monier Williams in “Folk-lore Record” vol. iii. part i. p.

Footnote 232:

  See Jotham’s fable of the Trees and King Bramble (Judges lxi. 8) and
  Nathan’s parable of the Poor Man and his little ewe Lamb (2 Sam. ix.

Footnote 233:

  Herodotus (ii. c. 134) notes that “Æsop the fable-writer (ὁ λογόποιος)
  was one of her (Rhodopis) fellow slaves.” Aristophanes (Vespæ, 1446)
  refers to his murder by the Delphians and his fable beginning, “Once
  upon a time there was a fight;” while the Scholiast finds an allusion
  to The Serpent and the Crab in Pax 1084; and others in Vespæ 1401, and
  Aves 651.

Footnote 234:

  There are three distinct Lokmans who are carefully confounded in Sale
  (Koran chapt. xxxi.) and in Smith’s Dict. of Biography etc. art.
  Æsopus. The first or eldest Lokman, entitled Al-Hakím (the Sage) and
  the hero of the Koranic chapter which bears his name, was son of
  Bá’úrá of the Children of Azar, sister’s son to Job or son of Job’s
  maternal aunt; he witnessed David’s miracles of mail-making and when
  the tribe of ’Ád was destroyed, he became King of the country. The
  second, also called the Sage, was a slave, an Abyssinian negro, sold
  to the Israelites during the reign of David or Solomon, synchronous
  with the Persian Kay Káús and Kay Khusrau, also Pythagoras the
  Greek(!). His physique is alluded to in the saying, “Thou resemblest
  Lokman (in black ugliness) but not in wisdom” (Ibn Khallikan i. 145).
  This negro or negroid, after a godly and edifying life, left a volume
  of “Amsál,” proverbs and exempla (not fables or apologues); and
  Easterns still say, “One should not pretend to teach Lokmán”—in
  Persian, “Hikmat ba Lokman ámokhtan.” Three of his apothegms dwell in
  the public memory: “The heart and the tongue are the best and worst
  parts of the human body.” “I learned wisdom from the blind who make
  sure of things by touching them” (as did St. Thomas); and, when he ate
  the colocynth offered by his owner, “I have received from thee so many
  a sweet that ’twould be surprising if I refused this one bitter.” He
  was buried (says the Tárikh Muntakhab) at Ramlah in Judæa, with the
  seventy Prophets stoned in one day by the Jews. The youngest Lokman
  “of the vultures” was a prince of the tribe of Ad who lived 3,500
  years, the age of seven vultures (Tabari). He could dig a well with
  his nails; hence the saying, “Stronger than Lokman” (A. P. i. 701);
  and he loved the arrow-game, hence “More gambling than Lokman” (ibid.
  ii. 938). “More voracious than Lokman” (ibid. i. 134) alludes to his
  eating one camel for breakfast and another for supper. His wife
  Barákish also appears in proverb, _e.g._ “Camel us and camel thyself”
  (ibid. i. 295) _i.e._ give us camel flesh to eat, said when her son by
  a former husband brought her a fine joint which she and her husband
  relished. Also, “Barákish hath sinned against her kin” (ibid. ii. 89).
  More of this in Chenery’s Al-Hariri p. 422; but the three Lokmans are
  there reduced to two.

Footnote 235:

  I have noticed them in vol. ii. 47–49. “To the Gold Coast for Gold.”

Footnote 236:

  I can hardly accept the dictum that the Katha Sarit Sagara, of which
  more presently, is the “earliest representation of the first

Footnote 237:

  The Pehlevi version of the days of King Anushirwan (A.D. 531–72)
  became the Humáyun-námeh (“August Book”) turned into Persian for
  Bahram Shah the Ghaznavite: the Hitopadesa (“Friendship-boon”) of
  Prakrit, avowedly compiled from the “Panchatantra,” became the Hindu
  Panchopakhyan, the Hindostani Akhlák-i-Hindi (“Moralities of Ind”) and
  in Persia and Turkey the Anvar-i-Suhayli (“Lights of Canopus”).
  Arabic, Hebrew and Syriac writers entitle their version Kalílah wa
  Damnah, or Kalilaj wa Damnaj, from the name of the two jackal-heroes,
  and Europe knows the recueil as the Fables of Pilpay or Bidpay
  (Bidyá-pati, Lord of learning?) a learned Brahman reported to have
  been Premier at the Court of the Indian King Dabishlím.

Footnote 238:

  Dict. Philosoph. S. V. Apocrypha.

Footnote 239:

  The older Arab writers, I repeat, do not ascribe fables or
  beast-apologues to Lokman; they record only “dictes” and proverbial

Footnote 240:

  Professor Taylor Lewis: Preface to Pilpay.

Footnote 241:

  In the Katha Sarit Sagara the beast-apologues are more numerous, but
  they can be reduced to two great nuclei; the first in chapter lx.
  (Lib. x.) and the second in the same book chapters lxii.-lxv. Here too
  they are mixed up with anecdotes and acroamata after the fashion of
  The Nights, suggesting great antiquity for this style of composition.

Footnote 242:

  Brugsch, History of Egypt, vol. i. 266 _et seq._ The fabliau is
  interesting in more ways than one. Anepu the elder (Potiphar)
  understands the language of cattle, an idea ever cropping up in
  Folk-lore; and Bata (Joseph), his “little brother,” who becomes a
  “panther of the South (Nubia) for rage” at the wife’s impudique
  proposal, takes the form of a bull—metamorphosis full blown. It is
  not, as some have called it, the “oldest book in the world;” that name
  was given by M. Chabas to a MS. of Proverbs, dating from B.C. 2200.
  See also the “Story of Saneha,” a novel earlier than the popular date
  of Moses, in the Contes Populaires of Egypt.

Footnote 243:

  The fox and the jackal are confounded by the Arabic dialects not by
  the Persian, whose “Rubáh” can never be mistaken for “Shaghál.”
  “Sa’lab” among the Semites is locally applied to either beast and we
  can distinguish the two only by the fox being solitary and rapacious,
  and the jackal gregarious and a carrion-eater. In all Hindu tales the
  jackal seems to be an awkward substitute for the Grecian and classical
  fox, the Giddar or Kolá (_Canis aureus_) being by no means sly and
  wily as the Lomri (_Vulpes vulgaris_). This is remarked by Weber
  (Indische Studien) and Prof. Benfey’s retort about “King Nobel” the
  lion is by no means to the point. See Katha Sarit Sagara, ii. 28.

  I may add that in Northern Africa jackal’s gall, like jackal’s grape
  (_Solanum nigrum_ = black nightshade), ass’s milk and melted
  camel-hump, is used aphrodisiacally as an unguent by both sexes. See
  p. 239, etc. of Le Jardin parfumé du Cheikh Nefzaoui, of whom more

Footnote 244:

  Rambler, No. lxvii.

Footnote 245:

  Some years ago I was asked by my old landlady if ever in the course of
  my travels I had come across Captain Gulliver.

Footnote 246:

  In “The Adventurer” quoted by Mr. Heron, “Translator’s Preface to the
  Arabian Tales of Chaves and Cazotte.”

Footnote 247:

  “Life in a Levantine Family” chapt. xi. Since the able author found
  his “family” firmly believing in The Nights, much has been changed in
  Alexandria; but the faith in Jinn and Ifrit, ghost and vampire is
  lively as ever.

Footnote 248:

  The name dates from the second century A.H. or before A.D. 815.

Footnote 249:

  Dabistan i. 231 etc.

Footnote 250:

  Because Sí = thirty and Murgh = bird. In McClenachan’s Addendum to
  Mackay’s Encyclopædia of Freemasonry we find the following definition:
  “Simorgh. A monstrous griffin, guardian of the Persian mysteries.”

Footnote 251:

  For a poor and inadequate description of the festivals commemorating
  this “Architect of the Gods” see vol. iii. 177, “View of the History
  etc. of the Hindus” by the learned Dr. Ward, who could see in them
  only the “low and sordid nature of idolatry.” But we can hardly expect
  better things from a missionary in 1822, when no one took the trouble
  to understand what “idolatry” means.

Footnote 252:

  Rawlinson (ii. 491) on Herod. iii. c. 102. Nearchus saw the skins of
  these formicæ Indicæ, by some rationalists explained as “jackals,”
  whose stature corresponds with the text, and by others as “pengolens”
  or ant-eaters (_manis pentedactyla_). The learned Sanskritist, H. H.
  Wilson, quotes the name Pippilika = ant-gold, given by the people of
  Little Thibet to the precious dust thrown up in the emmet heaps.

Footnote 253:

  A writer in the _Edinburgh Review_ (July, ’86), of whom more
  presently, suggests that The Nights assumed essentially their present
  shape during the general revival of letters, arts and requirements
  which accompanied the Kurdish and Tartar irruptions into the Nile
  Valley, a golden age which embraced the whole of the thirteenth,
  fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and ended with the Ottoman Conquest
  in A.D. 1527.

Footnote 254:

  Let us humbly hope not again to hear of the golden prime of

                 “The good (fellow?) Haroun Alrasch´id,”

  a mispronunciation which suggests only a rasher of bacon. Why will not
  poets mind their quantities, in lieu of stultifying their lines by
  childish ignorance? What can be more painful than Byron’s

        “They laid his dust in Ar´qua (for Arqua´) where he died?”

Footnote 255:

  See De Sacy’s Chrestomathie Arabe (Paris, 1826), vol. i.

Footnote 256:

  See Le Jardin Parfumé du Cheikh Nefzaoui Manuel d’Erotologie Arabe
  Traduction revue et corrigée Edition privée, imprimé à deux
  cent.-vingt exemplaires, par Isidore Liseux et ses Amis, Paris, 1866.
  The editor has forgotten to note that the celebrated Sidi Mohammed
  copied some of the tales from The Nights and borrowed others (I am
  assured by a friend) from Tunisian MSS. of the same work. The book has
  not been fairly edited: the notes abound in mistakes, the volume lacks
  an index, &c., &c. Since this was written the Jardin Parfumé has been
  twice translated into English as “The Perfumed Garden of the Cheikh
  Nefzaoui, a Manual of Arabian Erotology (sixteenth century). Revised
  and corrected translation, Cosmopoli: mdccclxxxvi.: for the Kama
  Shastra Society of London and Benares and for private circulation
  only.” A rival version will be brought out by a bookseller whose
  Committee, as he calls it, appears to be the model of literary
  pirates, robbing the author as boldly and as openly as if they picked
  his pocket before his face.

Footnote 257:

  Translated by a well-known Turkish scholar, Mr. E. J. W. Gibb,
  (Glasgow, Wilson and McCormick, 1884).

Footnote 258:

  D’Herbelot (s. v. “Asmai”): I am reproached by a dabbler in
  Orientalism for using this admirable writer who shows more knowledge
  in one page than my critic does in a whole volume.

Footnote 259:

  For specimens see Al-Siyutí, pp. 301 and 304; and the Shaykh al
  Nafzawi, pp. 134–35.

Footnote 260:

  The word “nakh” (to make a camel kneel) is explained in vol. ii. 139.

Footnote 261:

  The present of the famous horologium-clepsydra-cuckoo clock, the dog
  Becerillo and the elephant Abu Lubabah sent by Harun to Charlemagne is
  not mentioned by Eastern authorities and consequently no reference to
  it will be found in my late friend Professor Palmer’s little volume
  “Haroun Alraschid,” London, Marcus Ward, 1881. We have allusions to
  many presents, the clock and elephant, tent and linen hangings, silken
  dresses, perfumes, and candelabra of auricalch brought by the Legati
  (Abdalla, Georgius Abba et Felix) of Aaron Amiralmumminim Regis
  Persarum who entered the Port of Pisa (A.D. 801) in (vol. v. 178)
  Recueil des Histor. des Gaules et de la France, etc., par Dom Martin
  Bouquet, Paris, mdccxliv. The author also quotes the lines:—

               Persarum Princeps illi devinctus amore
                   Præcipuo fuerat, nomen habens Aaron.
               Gratia cui Caroli præ cunctis Regibus atque
                   Illis Principibus tempora cara fuit.

Footnote 262:

  Many have remarked that the actual date of the decease is unknown.

Footnote 263:

  See Al-Siyuti (p. 305) and Dr. Jonathan Scott’s “Tales, Anecdotes, and
  Letters,” (p. 296).

Footnote 264:

  I have given (vol. i. 188) the vulgar derivation of the name; and
  D’Herbelot (s.v. Barmakian) quotes some Persian lines alluding to the
  “supping up.” Al-Mas’udi’s account of the family’s early history is
  unfortunately lost. This Khálid succeeded Abu Salámah, first entitled
  Wazir under Al-Saffah (Ibn Khallikan i. 468).

Footnote 265:

  For his poetry see Ibn Khallikan iv. 103.

Footnote 266:

  Their flatterers compared them with the four elements.

Footnote 267:

  Al-Mas’udi, chapt. cxii.

Footnote 268:

  Ibn Khallikan (i. 310) says the eunuch Abú Háshim Masrúr, the Sworder
  of Vengeance, who is so pleasantly associated with Ja’afar in many
  nightly disguises; but the Eunuch survived the Caliph. Fakhr al-Din
  (p. 27) adds that Masrur was an enemy of Ja’afar; and gives further
  details concerning the execution.

Footnote 269:

  Bresl. Edit., Night dlxvii. vol. vii. pp. 258–260; translated in the
  Mr. Payne’s “Tales from the Arabic,” vol. i. 189 and headed “Al-Rashid
  and the Barmecides.” It is far less lively and dramatic than the
  account of the same event given by Al-Mas’udi, chapt. cxii., by Ibn
  Khallikan and by Fakhr al-Din.

Footnote 270:

  Al-Mas’udi, chapt. cxi.

Footnote 271:

  See Dr. Jonathan Scott’s extracts from Major Ouseley’s

Footnote 272:

  Al-Mas’udi, chapt. cxii. For the liberties Ja’afar took see Ibn
  Khallikan, i. 303.

Footnote 273:

  Ibid. chapt. xxiv. In vol. ii. 29 of The Nights, I find signs of
  Ja’afar’s suspected heresy. For Al-Rashid’s hatred of the Zindiks see
  Al-Siyuti, pp. 292, 301; and as regards the religious troubles ibid.
  p. 362 and passim.

Footnote 274:

  Biogr. Dict. i. 309.

Footnote 275:

  This accomplished princess had a practice that suggests the Dame aux

Footnote 276:

  _i.e._ Perdition to your fathers, Allah’s curse on your ancestors.

Footnote 277:

  See vol. iv. 159, “Ja’afar and the Beanseller;” where the great Wazir
  is said to have been “crucified;” and vol. iv. pp. 179, 181. Also
  Roebuck’s Persian Proverbs, i. 2, 346, “This also is through the
  munificence of the Barmecides.”

Footnote 278:

  I especially allude to my friend Mr. Payne’s admirably written account
  of it in his concluding Essay (vol. ix.). From his views of the Great
  Caliph and the Lady Zubaydah I must differ in every point except the
  destruction of the Barmecides.

Footnote 279:

  Bresl. Edit., vol. vii. 261–62.

Footnote 280:

  Mr. Grattan Geary, in a work previously noticed, informs us (i. 212)
  “The Sitt al-Zobeide, or the Lady Zobeide, was so named from the great
  Zobeide tribe of Arabs occupying the country East and West of the
  Euphrates near the Hindi’ah Canal; she was the daughter of a powerful
  Sheik of that tribe.” Can this explain the “Kásim?”

Footnote 281:

  Vol. viii. 296.

Footnote 282:

  Burckhardt, “Travels in Arabia,” vol. i. 185.

Footnote 283:

  The reverse has been remarked by more than one writer; and
  contemporary French opinion seems to be that Victor Hugo’s influence
  on French prose was, on the whole, not beneficial.

Footnote 284:

  Mr. W. S. Clouston, the “Storiologist,” who is preparing a work to be
  entitled “Popular Tales and Fictions; their Migrations and
  Transformations,” informs me the first to adapt this witty anecdote
  was Jacques de Vitry, the crusading bishop of Accon (Acre) who died at
  Rome in 1240, after setting the example of “Exempla” or instances in
  his sermons. He had probably heard it in Syria, and he changed the
  day-dreamer into a Milkmaid and her Milk-pail to suit his “flock.” It
  then appears as an “Exemplum” in the Liber de Donis or de Septem Donis
  (or De Dono Timoris from Fear the first gift) of Stephanus de Borbone,
  the Dominican, ob. Lyons, 1261: it treated of the gifts of the Holy
  Spirit (Isaiah xi. 2 and 3), Timor, Pietas, Scientia, Fortitudo,
  Consilium, Intellectus et Sapientia; and was plentifully garnished
  with narratives for the use of preachers.

Footnote 285:

  The Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register (new series, vol. xxx.
  Sept.-Dec. 1830, London, Allens, 1839); p. 69 Review of the Arabian
  Nights, the Mac. Edit. vol. i., and H. Torrens.

Footnote 286:

  As a household edition of the “Arabian Nights” is now being prepared,
  the curious reader will have an opportunity of verifying this

Footnote 287:

  It has been pointed out to me that in vol. ii. p. 285, line 18 “Zahr
  Shah” is a mistake for Sulayman Shah.

Footnote 288:

  I have lately found these lovers at Schloss Sternstein near Cilli in
  Styria, the property of my excellent colleague, Mr. Consul Faber,
  dating from A.D. 1300 when Jobst of Reichenegg and Agnes of Sternstein
  were aided and abetted by a Capuchin of Seikkloster.

Footnote 289:

  In page 226 Dr. Steingass sensibly proposes altering the last
  hemistich (lines 11–12) to

                  At one time showing the Moon and Sun.

Footnote 290:

  Omitted by Lane for some reason unaccountable as usual. A
  correspondent sends me his version of the lines which occur in The
  Nights (vol. v. 106 and 107):—

         Behold the Pyramids and hear them teach
             What they can tell of Future and of Past:
         They would declare, had they the gift of speech,
             The deeds that Time hath wrought from first to last.

                *       *       *       *       *

         My friends, and is there aught beneath the sky
             Can with th’ Egyptian Pyramids compare?
         In fear of them strong Time hath passèd by;
             And everything dreads Time in earth and air.

Footnote 291:

  A rhyming Romance by Henry of Waldeck (flor. A.D. 1160) with a Latin
  poem on the same subject by Odo and a prose version still popular in
  Germany. (Lane’s Nights iii. 81; and Weber’s “Northern Romances.”)

Footnote 292:

  _e.g._ ’Ajáib al-Hind (= Marvels of Ind) ninth century, translated by
  J. Marcel Devic, Paris, 1878; and about the same date the Two
  Mohammedan Travellers, translated by Renaudot. In the eleventh century
  we have the famous Sayyid al-Idrisi; in the thirteenth the ’Ajáib
  al-Makhlúkát of Al-Kazwíni and in the fourteenth the Kharídat al-Ajáib
  of Ibn Al-Wardi. Lane (in loco) traces most of Sindbad to the two
  latter sources.

Footnote 293:

  So Hector France proposed to name his admirably realistic volume “Sous
  le Burnous” (Paris, Charpentier, 1886).

Footnote 294:

  I mean in European literature, not in Arabic where it is a lieu
  commun. See three several forms of it in one page (505) of Ibn
  Kallikan, vol. iii.

Footnote 295:

  My attention has been called to the resemblance between the half-lie
  and Job (i. 13–19).

Footnote 296:

  Boccaccio (ob. Dec. 2, 1375), may easily have heard of The Thousand
  Nights and a Night or of its archetype the Hazár Afsánah. He was
  followed by the Piacevoli Notti of Giovan Francisco Straparola (A.D.
  1550), translated into almost all European languages but English: the
  original Italian is now rare. Then came the Heptameron ou Histoire des
  amans fortunez of Marguerite d’Angoulême, Reyne de Navarre and only
  sister of Francis I. She died in 1549 before the days were finished:
  in 1558 Pierre Boaistuan published the Histoire des amans fortunez and
  in 1559 Claude Guiget the “Heptameron.” Next is the Hexameron of A. de
  Torquemada, Rouen, 1610; and, lastly, the Pentamerone or El Cunto de
  li Cunte of Giambattista Basile (Naples, 1637), known by the meagre
  abstract of J. E. Taylor and the caricatures of George Cruikshank
  (London, 1847–50). I propose to translate this Pentamerone direct from
  the Neapolitan and have already finished half the work.

Footnote 297:

  Translated and well annotated by Prof. Tawney, who, however, affects
  asterisks and has considerably bowdlerised sundry of the tales, _e.g._
  the Monkey who picked out the Wedge (vol. ii. 28). This tale, by the
  by, is found in the Khirad Afroz (i. 128) and in the Anwar-i-Suhayli
  (chapt. i.) and gave rise to the Persian proverb, “What has a monkey
  to do with carpentering?” It is curious to compare the Hindu with the
  Arabic work whose resemblances are as remarkable as their differences,
  while even more notable is their correspondence in impressionising the
  reader. The Thaumaturgy of both is the same: the Indian is profuse in
  demonology and witchcraft; in transformation and restoration; in
  monsters as wind-men, fire-men and water-men; in air-going elephants
  and flying horses (i. 541–43); in the wishing cow, divine goats and
  laughing fishes (i. 24); and in the speciosa miracula of magic
  weapons. He delights in fearful battles (i. 400) fought with the same
  weapons as the Moslem and rewards his heroes with a “turband of
  honour” (i. 266) in lieu of a robe. There is a quaint family likeness
  arising from similar stages and states of society: the city is adorned
  for gladness; men carry money in a robe-corner and exclaim “Ha! good!”
  (for “Good, by Allah!”); lovers die with exemplary facility; the
  “soft-sided” ladies drink spirits (i. 61) and princesses get drunk (i.
  476); whilst the Eunuch, the Hetaira and the bawd (Kuttini) play the
  same preponderating parts as in The Nights. Our Brahman is strong in
  love-making; he complains of the pains of separation in this
  phenomenal universe; he revels in youth, “twin-brother to mirth,” and
  beauty which has illuminating powers; he foully reviles old age and he
  alternately praises and abuses the sex, concerning which more
  presently. He delights in truisms, the fashion of contemporary Europe
  (see Palmerin of England chapt. vii), such as “It is the fashion of
  the heart to receive pleasure from those things which ought to give
  it,” etc. etc. What is there the wise cannot understand? and so forth.
  He is liberal in trite reflections and frigid conceits (i. 19, 55, 97,
  103, 107, in fact everywhere); and his puns run through whole lines:
  this in fine Sanskrit style is inevitable. Yet some of his expressions
  are admirably terse and telling, _e.g._ Ascending the swing of Doubt:
  Bound together (lovers) by the leash of gazing: Two babes looking like
  Misery and Poverty: Old Age seized me by the chin: (A lake) first
  assay of the Creator’s skill: (A vow) difficult as standing on a
  sword-edge: My vital spirits boiled with the fire of woe: Transparent
  as a good man’s heart: There was a certain convent full of fools:
  Dazed with scripture-reading: The stones could not help laughing at
  him: The Moon kissed the laughing forehead of the East: She was like a
  wave of the Sea of Love’s insolence (ii. 127), a wave of the Sea of
  Beauty tossed up by the breeze of Youth: The King played dice, he
  loved slave-girls, he told lies, he sat up o’ nights, he waxed wroth
  without reason, he took wealth wrongously, he despised the good and
  honoured the bad (i. 562); with many choice bits of the same kind.
  Like the Arab the Indian is profuse in personification; but the
  doctrine of preexistence, of incarnation and emanation and an
  excessive spiritualism, ever aiming at the infinite, makes his imagery
  run mad. Thus we have Immoral Conduct embodied; the God of Death;
  Science; the Svarga-heaven; Evening; Untimeliness; and the
  Earth-bride, while the Ace and Deuce of dice are turned into a brace
  of Demons. There is also that grotesqueness which the French detect
  even in Shakespeare, _e.g._ She drank in his ambrosial form with
  thirsty eyes like partridges (i. 476) and it often results from the
  comparison of incompatibles, _e.g._ a row of birds likened to a garden
  of nymphs; and from forced allegories, the favourite figure of
  contemporary Europe. Again, the rhetorical Hindu style differs greatly
  from the sobriety, directness and simplicity of the Arab, whose motto
  is Brevity combined with precision, except where the latter falls into
  “fine writing.” And, finally, there is a something in the atmosphere
  of these Tales which is unfamiliar to the West and which makes them,
  as more than one has remarked to me, very hard reading.

Footnote 298:

  The Introduction (i. 1–5) leads to the Curse of Pushpadanta and
  Mályaván who live on Earth as Vararúchi and Gunádhya and this runs
  through lib. i. Lib. ii. begins with the Story of Udáyana to whom we
  must be truly grateful as our only guide: he and his son
  Naraváhanadatta fill up the rest and end with lib. xviii. Thus the
  want of the clew or plot compels a division into books, which begin
  for instance with “We worship the elephantine proboscis of Ganesha”
  (lib. x. 1), a reverend and awful object to a Hindu but to Englishmen
  mainly suggesting the “Zoo.” The “Bismillah” of The Nights is much
  more satisfactory.

Footnote 299:

  See pp. 5–6 Avertissement des Éditeurs, Le Cabinet des Fées, vol.
  xxxviii: Geneva, 1788. Galland’s Edit. of mdccxxvi ends with Night
  ccxxxiv and the English translations with ccxxxvi and cxcvii. See
  retro p. 82.

Footnote 300:

  There is a shade of difference in the words; the former is also used
  for Reciters of Traditions—a serious subject. But in the case of
  Hammád surnamed Al-Ráwiyah (the Rhapsode) attached to the Court of
  Al-Walíd, it means simply a conteur. So the Greeks had Homeristæ =
  reciters of Homer, as opposed to the Homeridæ or School of Homer.

Footnote 301:

  Vol. i. Preface p. v. He notes that Mr. Dallaway describes the same
  scene at Constantinople, where the Story-teller was used, like the
  modern “Organs of Government” in newspaper shape, for “reconciling the
  people to any recent measure of the Sultan and Vizier.” There are
  women Ráwiyahs for the Harems and some have become famous like the
  Mother of Hasan al-Basri (Ibn Khall. i, 370).

Footnote 302:

  Hence the Persian proverb, “Báki-e-dastán fardá” = the rest of the
  tale to-morrow, said to askers of silly questions.

Footnote 303:

  The scene is excellently described in “Morocco: Its People and
  Places,” by Edmondo de Amicis (London: Cassell, 1882), a most
  refreshing volume after the enforced platitudes and commonplaces of
  English travellers.

Footnote 304:

  It began, however, in Persia where the celebrated Darwaysh Mukhlis,
  Chief Sofi of Isfahan in the xviith century, translated into Persian
  tales certain Hindu plays of which a MS. entitled Alfaraga
  Badal-Schidda (Al-faraj ba’d al-shiddah = Joy after annoy) exists in
  the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. But to give an original air to his
  work, he entitled it “Hazár o yek Ruz” = Thousand and One Days, and in
  1675 he allowed his friend Petis de la Croix, who happened to be at
  Isfahan, to copy it. Le Sage (of Gil Blas) is said to have converted
  many of the tales of Mukhlis into comic operas, which were performed
  at the Théâtre Italien. I still hope to see The Nights at the Lyceum.

Footnote 305:

  This author, however, when hazarding a change of style which is, I
  think, regretable, has shown abundant art by filling up the frequent
  deficiencies of the text after the fashion of Baron McGuckin de Slane
  in Ibn Khallikan. As regards the tout ensemble of his work, a noble
  piece of English, my opinion will ever be that expressed in my
  Foreword. A carping critic has remarked that the translator, “as may
  be seen in every page, is no Arabic scholar.” If I be a judge, the
  reverse is the case: the brilliant and beautiful version thus traduced
  is almost entirely free from the blemishes and carelessness which
  disfigure Lane’s, and thus it is far more faithful to the original.
  But it is no secret that on the staff of that journal the translator
  of Villon has sundry enemies, _vrais diables enjupponés_, who take
  every opportunity of girding at him because he does not belong to the
  clique and because he does good work when theirs is mostly sham. The
  sole fault I find with Mr. Payne is that his severe grace of style
  treats an unclassical work as a classic, when the romantic and
  irregular would have been a more appropriate garb. But this is a mere
  matter of private judgment.

Footnote 306:

  Here I offer a few, but very few, instances from the Breslau text
  which is the greatest sinner in this respect. Mas. for fem., vol. i.
  p. 9, and three times in seven pages. Ahná and nahná for nahnú, (iv.
  370, 372); Aná ba-ashtarí = I will buy (iii. 109): and Aná ’Ámíl = I
  will do (v. 367). Alaykí for Alayki (i. 18), Antí for Anti (iii. 66)
  and generally long í for short ĭ. ’Ammál (from ’amala = he did) tahlam
  = certainly thou dreamest, and ’Ammálín yaakulú = they were about to
  eat (ix. 315): Aywá for Ay wa’lláhí = yes, by Allah (passim). Bitá’ =
  belonging to, _e.g._ Sára bitá’k = it is become thine (ix. 352) and
  Matá’ with the same sense (iii. 80). Dá ’l-khurj = this saddle-bag
  (ix. 336) and Dí (for hazah) = this woman (iii. 79) or this time (ii.
  162). Fayn as ráha fayn = whither is he gone? (iv. 323): Kamá badri =
  he rose early (ix. 318): Kamán = also, a word known to every European
  (ii. 43): Katt = never (ii. 172): Kawám (pronounced ’awám) = fast, at
  once (iv. 385) and Rih ásif kawí (pron. ’awí) = a wind, strong very.
  Laysh, _e.g._ bi-tasalní laysh (ix. 324) = why do you ask me? a
  favourite form for li ayya shayyin: so Máfish = má fihi shayyun (there
  is no thing) in which Herr Landberg (p. 425) makes “Sha, le présent de
  pouvoir.” Min ajalí = for my sake; and Li-ajal al-taudí’a = for the
  sake of taking leave (Mac. Edit. i. 384). Rijál nautiyah = men sailors
  when the latter word would suffice: Shuwayh (dim. of shayy) = a small
  thing, a little (iv. 309) like Moyyah (dim. of Má) a little water:
  Waddúni = they carried me (ii. 172) and lastly the abominable Wáhid
  gharíb = one (for a) stranger. These few must suffice: the tale of
  Judar and his brethren, which in style is mostly Egyptian, will supply
  a number of others. It must not, however, be supposed, as many have
  done, that vulgar and colloquial Arabic is of modern date: we find it
  in the first century of Al-Islam, as is proved by the tale of
  Al-Hajjáj and Al-Shabi (Ibn Khallikan, ii. 6). The former asked “Kam
  ataa-k?” (= how much is thy pay?) to which the latter answered,
  “Alfayn!” (= two thousand!). “Tut,” cried the Governor, “Kam atau-ka?”
  to which the poet replied as correctly and classically, “Alfáni.”

Footnote 307:

  In Russian folk-songs a young girl is often compared with this tree

                     Ivooshka, ivooshka zelonaia moia
                     (O Willow, O green Willow mine!)

Footnote 308:

  So in Hector France (“La vache enragée”) “Le sourcil en accent
  circonflexe et l’œil en point d’interrogation.”

Footnote 309:

  In Persian “Áb-i-rú” in India pronounced Ábrú.

Footnote 310:

  For further praises of his poetry and eloquence see the extracts from
  Fakhr al-Din of Rayy (an annalist of the xivth century A.D.) in De
  Sacy’s Chrestomathie Arabe, vol i.

Footnote 311:

  After this had been written I received “Babylonien, das reichste Land
  in der Vorzeit und das lohnendste Kolonisationsfeld für die
  Gegenwart,” by my learned friend Dr. Aloys Sprenger, Heidelberg, 1886.

Footnote 312:

  The first school for Arabic literature was opened by Ibn Abbas who
  lectured to multitudes in a valley near Meccah, this rude beginning
  was followed by public teaching in the great Mosque of Damascus. For
  the rise of the “Madrasah,” Academy or College, see Introduct. to Ibn
  Khallikan pp. xxvii.-xxxii.

Footnote 313:

  When Ibn Abbád the Sáhib (Wazir) was invited to visit one of the
  Samanides, he refused, one reason being that he would require 400
  camels to carry only his books.

Footnote 314:

  This “Salmagondis” by Francois Beroalde de Verville was afterwards
  worked by Tabarin, the pseudo-Bruscambille d’Aubigné and Sorel.

Footnote 315:

  I prefer this derivation to Strutt’s adopted by the popular, “_mumm_
  is said to be derived from the Danish word _mumme_, or _momme_ in
  Dutch (Germ. = larva) and signifies disguise in a mask, hence a
  mummer.” In the Promptorium Parvulorum we have “Mummynge, mussacio,
  vel mussatus”: if was a pantomime in dumb show, _e.g._ “I mumme in a
  mummynge;” “Let us go mumme (mummer) to nyghte in women’s apparayle.”
  “Mask” and “Mascarade,” for persona, larva or vizard, also derive, I
  have noticed, from an Arabic word—Maskharah.

Footnote 316:

  The Pre-Adamite doctrine has been preached but with scant success in
  Christendom. Peyrère, a French Calvinist, published (A.D. 1655) his
  “Præadamitæ, sive exercitatio supra versibus 12, 13, 14, cap. v.
  Epist. Paul. ad Romanos,” contending that Adam was called the first
  man because with him the law began. It brewed a storm of wrath and the
  author was fortunate to escape with only imprisonment.

Footnote 317:

  According to Socrates the verdict was followed by a free fight of the
  Bishop-voters over the word “consubstantiality.”

Footnote 318:

  Servetus burnt (in A.D. 1553 for publishing his Arian tractate) by
  Calvin, whom half educated Roman Catholics in England firmly believe
  to have been a pederast. This arose, I suppose, from his meddling with
  Rabelais who, in return for the good joke Rabie læsus, presented a
  better anagram, “Jan (a pimp or cuckold) Cul” (Calvinus).

Footnote 319:

  There is no more immoral work than the “Old Testament.” Its deity is
  an ancient Hebrew of the worst type, who condones, permits or commands
  every sin in the Decalogue to a Jewish patriarch, _quâ_ patriarch. He
  orders Abraham to murder his son and allows Jacob to swindle his
  brother; Moses to slaughter an Egyptian and the Jews to plunder and
  spoil a whole people, after inflicting upon them a series of plagues
  which would be the height of atrocity if the tale were true. The
  nations of Canaan are then extirpated. Ehud, for treacherously
  disembowelling King Eglon, is made judge over Israel. Jael is blessed
  above women (Joshua v. 24) for vilely murdering a sleeping guest; the
  horrid deeds of Judith and Esther are made examples to mankind; and
  David, after an adultery and a homicide which deserved ignominious
  death, is suffered to massacre a host of his enemies, cutting some in
  two with saws and axes and putting others into brick-kilns. For
  obscenity and impurity we have the tales of Onan and Tamar, Lot and
  his daughters, Amnon and his fair sister (2 Sam. xiii.), Absalom and
  his father’s concubines, the “wife of whoredoms” of Hosea and, capping
  all, the Song of Solomon. For the horrors forbidden to the Jews, who,
  therefore, must have practised them, see Levit. viii. 24; xi. 5; xvii.
  7; xviii. 7, 9, 10, 12, 15, 17, 21, 23, and xx. 3. For mere filth what
  can be fouler than 1st Kings, xviii. 27; Tobias ii. 11; Esther xiv. 2;
  Eccl. xxii. 2; Isaiah xxxvi. 12; Jeremiah iv. 5, and (Ezekiel iv.
  12–15), where the Lord changes human ordure into “Cow-chips!” Ce qui
  excuse Dieu, said Henri Beyle, c’est qu’il n’existe pas,—I add, as man
  has made him.

Footnote 320:

  It was the same in England before the “Reformation,” and in France
  where, during our days, a returned priesthood collected in a few years
  “Peter-pence” to the tune of five hundred millions of francs. And
  these men wonder at being turned out!

Footnote 321:

  Deutsch on the Talmud: Quarterly Review, 1867.

Footnote 322:

  Evidently. Its cosmogony is a myth read literally: its history is, for
  the most part, a highly immoral distortion, and its ethics are those
  of the Talmudic Hebrews. It has done good work in its time; but now it
  shows only decay and decrepitude in the place of vigour and progress.
  It is dying hard, but it is dying of the slow poison of science.

Footnote 323:

  These Hebrew Stoics would justly charge the Founder of Christianity
  with preaching a more popular and practical doctrine, but a
  degradation from their own far higher and more ideal standard.

Footnote 324:

  Dr. Theodore Christlieb (“Modern Doubt and Christian Relief,”
  Edinburgh: Clark, 1874) can even now write;—“So then the ‘full age’ to
  which humanity is at present supposed to have attained, consists in
  man’s doing good purely for goodness sake! Who sees not the hollowness
  of this bombastic talk. _That_ man has yet to be born whose practice
  will be regulated by this insipid theory (_dieser grauen Theorie_).
  What is the idea of goodness per se? * * * The abstract idea of
  goodness is not an effectual motive for well-doing” (p. 104). My only
  comment is _c’est ignoble!_ His reverence acts the part of Satan in
  Holy Writ, “Does Job serve God for naught?” Compare this selfish,
  irreligious, and immoral view with Philo Judæus (On the Allegory of
  the Sacred Laws, cap. lviii.), to measure the extent of the fall from
  Pharisaism to Christianity. And the latter is still infected with the
  “bribe-and-threat doctrine:” I once immensely scandalised a Consular
  Chaplain by quoting the noble belief of the ancients, and it was some
  days before he could recover mental equanimity. The degradation is now

Footnote 325:

  Of the doctrine of the Fall the heretic Marcion wrote: “The Deity must
  either be deficient in goodness if he willed, in prescience if he did
  not foresee, or in power if he did not prevent it.”

Footnote 326:

  In his charming book, “India Revisited.”

Footnote 327:

  This is the answer to those who contend with much truth that the
  moderns are by no means superior to the ancients of Europe: they look
  at the results of only 3000 years instead of 30,000 or 300,000.

Footnote 328:

  As a maxim the saying is attributed to the Duc de Lévis, but it is
  much older.

Footnote 329:

  There are a few, but only a few, frightful exceptions to this rule,
  especially in the case of Khálid bin Walíd, the Sword of Allah, and
  his ferocious friend, Darár ibn al-Azwar. But their cruel excesses
  were loudly blamed by the Moslems, and Caliph Omar only obeyed the
  popular voice in superseding the fierce and furious Khalid by the mild
  and merciful Abú Obaydah.

Footnote 330:

  This too when St. Paul sends the Christian slave Onesimus back to his
  unbelieving (?) master, Philemon; which in Al-Islam would have created
  a scandal.

Footnote 331:

  This too when the Founder of Christianity talks of “Eating and
  drinking at his table!” (Luke xxii. 29). My notes have often touched
  upon this inveterate prejudice, the result, like the soul-less woman
  of Al-Islam, of ad captandum, pious fraud. “No soul knoweth what joy
  of the eyes is reserved for the good in recompense for their works”
  (Koran xxxii. 17) is surely as “spiritual” as St. Paul (I Cor. ii.,
  9.) Some lies, however, are very long-lived, especially those begotten
  by self-interest.

Footnote 332:

  I have elsewhere noted its strict conservatism which, however, it
  shares with all Eastern faiths in the East. But progress, not
  quietism, is the principle which governs humanity and it is favoured
  by events of most different nature. In Egypt the rule of Mohammed Ali
  the Great and in Syria the Massacre of Damascus (1860) have greatly
  modified the constitution of Al-Islam throughout the nearer East.

Footnote 333:

  Chapt. viii. “Narrative of a Year’s Journey through Central and
  Eastern Arabia;” London, Macmillan, 1865.

Footnote 334:

  The Soc. Jesu has, I believe, a traditional conviction that converts
  of Israelitic blood bring only misfortune to the Order.

Footnote 335:

  I especially allude to an able but most superficial book, the “Ten
  Great Religions” by James F. Clarke (Boston, Osgood, 1876), which
  caricatures and exaggerates the false portraiture of Mr. Palgrave.
  The writer’s admission that, “Something is always gained by learning
  what the believers in a system have to say in its behalf,” clearly
  shows us the man we have to deal with and the “depths of his

Footnote 336:

  But how could the Arabist write such hideous grammar as “La Ilāh illa
  Allāh” for “Lá iláha (accus.) ill’ Allah?”

Footnote 337:

  p. 996 “Muhammad” in vol. iii. Dictionary of Christian Biography. See
  also the Illustration of the Mohammedan Creed, etc. from Al-Ghazáli
  introduced (pp. 72–77) into Bell and Sons’ “History of the Saracens”
  by Simon Ockley, B.D. (London, 1878). I regret that some Orientalist
  did not correct the proofs: everybody will not detect “Al-Lauh
  al-Mahfúz” (the Guarded Tablet) in “Allauh ho’hnehphoud” (p. 171); and
  this but a pinch out of a camel-load.

Footnote 338:

  The word should have been Arianism. This “heresy” of the early
  Christians was much aided by the “Discipline of the Secret,” supposed
  to be of apostolic origin, which concealed from neophytes, catechumens
  and penitents all the higher mysteries, like the Trinity, the
  Incarnation, the Metastoicheiosis (transubstantiation), the Real
  Presence, the Eucharist and the Seven Sacraments; when Arnobius could
  ask, Quid Deo cum vino est? and when Justin, fearing the charge of
  Polytheism, could expressly declare the inferior nature of the Son to
  the Father. Hence the creed was appropriately called Symbol, _i.e._
  Sign of the Secret. This “mental reservation” lasted till the Edict of
  Toleration, issued by Constantine in the fourth century, held
  Christianity secure when divulging her “mysteries”; and it allowed
  Arianism to become _the_ popular creed.

Footnote 339:

  The Gnostics played rather a fantastic rôle in Christianity with their
  Demiurge, their Æonogony, their Æons by syzygies or couples, their
  Maio and Sabscho and their beatified bride of Jesus, Sophia Achamoth;
  and some of them descended to absolute absurdities _e.g._ the
  Tascodrugitæ and the Pattalorhinchitæ who during prayers placed their
  fingers upon their noses or in their mouths, &c., reading Psalm cxli.

Footnote 340:

  “Kitáb al-’Unwán fí Makáid al-Niswán” = The Book of the Beginnings on
  the Wiles of Womankind (Lane i. 38.)

Footnote 341:

  This person was one of the Amsál or Exampla of the Arabs. For her
  first thirty years she whored; during the next three decades she
  pimped for friend and foe; and, during the last third of her life,
  when bed-ridden by age and infirmities, she had a buck-goat and a
  nanny tied up in her room and solaced herself by contemplating their
  amorous conflicts.

Footnote 342:

  And modern Moslem feeling upon the subject has apparently undergone a
  change. Ashraf Khan, the Afghan poet, sings,

   Since I, the parted one, have come the secrets of the world to ken,
   Women in hosts therein I find, but few (and very few) of men.

  And the Osmanli proverb is, “Of ten men nine are women!”

Footnote 343:

  His Persian paper “On the Vindication of the Liberties of the Asiatic
  Women” was translated and printed in the Asiatic Annual Register for
  1801 (pp. 100–107); it is quoted by Dr. Jon. Scott (Introd. vol. i. p.
  xxxiv. _et seq._) and by a host of writers. He also wrote a book of
  Travels translated by Prof. Charles Stewart in 1810 and re-issued (3
  vols. 8vo.) in 1814.

Footnote 344:

  The beginning of which I date from the Hijrah, lit. = the separation,
  popularly “The Flight.” Stating the case broadly, it has become the
  practice of modern writers to look upon Mohammed as an honest
  enthusiast at Meccah and an unscrupulous despot at Al-Medinah, a view
  which appears to me eminently unsound and unfair. In a private station
  the Meccan Prophet was famed as a good citizen, _teste_ his title
  Al-Amín = the Trusty. But when driven from his home by the pagan
  faction, he became de facto as de jure a king: nay, a royal pontiff;
  and the preacher was merged in the Conqueror of his foes and the
  Commander of the Faithful. His rule, like that of all Eastern rulers,
  was stained with blood; but, assuming as true all the crimes and
  cruelties with which Christians charge him and which Moslems confess,
  they were mere blots upon a glorious and enthusiastic life, ending in
  a most exemplary death, compared with the tissue of horrors and havock
  which the Law and the Prophets attribute to Moses, to Joshua, to
  Samuel and to the patriarchs and prophets by express commandment of

Footnote 345:

  It was not, however, incestuous: the scandal came from its ignoring
  the Arab “pundonor.”

Footnote 346:

  The “opportunism” of Mohammed has been made a matter of obloquy by
  many who have not reflected and discovered that time-serving is the
  very essence of “Revelation.” Says the Rev. W. Smith (“Pentateuch”
  chapt. xiii.), “As the journey (Exodus) proceeds, so laws originate
  from the accidents of the way,” and he applies this to successive
  decrees (Numbers xxvi. 32–36; xxvii. 8–11 and xxxvi. 1–9) holding it
  indirect internal evidence of Mosaic authorship (?) Another tone,
  however, is used in the case of Al-Islam. “And now, that he might not
  stand in awe of his wives any longer, _down comes a revelation_” says
  Ockley in his bluff and homely style, which admits such phrases as,
  “the imposter has the impudence to say.” But why, in common honesty,
  refuse to the Koran the concessions freely made to the Torah? It is a
  mere petitio principii to argue that the latter is “inspired” while
  the former is not; moreover, although we may be called upon to believe
  things _beyond_ Reason, it is hardly fair to require our belief in
  things _contrary_ to Reason.

Footnote 347:

  This is noticed in my wife’s volume on The Inner Life of Syria, chapt.
  xii. vol. i. 155.

Footnote 348:

  Mirza preceding the name means Mister and following it Prince.
  Addison’s “Vision of Mirza,” (Spectator, No. 159) is therefore “The
  Vision of Mister.”

Footnote 349:

  And women. The course of instruction lasts from a few days to a year
  and the period of puberty is fêted by magical rites and often by some
  form of mutilation. It is described by Waitz, Réclus and Schoolcraft,
  Péchuel-Loecksa, Collins, Dawson, Thomas, Brough Smyth, Reverends
  Bulmer and Taplin, Carlo Wilhelmi, Wood, A. W. Howitt, C. Z. Muhas
  (Mem. de la Soc. Anthrop. Allemande, 1882, p. 265) and by Professor
  Mantegazza (chapt. i.) for whom see infra.

Footnote 350:

  Similarly certain Australian tribes act scenes of rape and pederasty
  saying to the young, If you do this you will be killed.

Footnote 351:

  “Báh,” is the popular term for the amatory appetite: hence such works
  are called Kutub al-Báh, lit. = Books of Lust.

Footnote 352:

  I can make nothing of this title nor can those whom I have consulted:
  my only explanation is that they may be fanciful names proper.

Footnote 353:

  Amongst the Greeks we find erotic specialists (1) Aristides of the
  Libri Milesii; (2) Astyanassa the follower of Helen who wrote on
  androgenization; (3) Cyrene the artist of amatory Tabellæ or ex-votos
  offered to Priapus; (4) Elephantis the poetess who wrote on Varia
  concubitus genera; (5) Evemerus whose Sacra Historia, preserved in a
  fragment of Q. Eunius, was collected by Hieronymus Columna; (6)
  Hemitheon of the Sybaritic books; (7) Musæus the lyrist; (8) Niko the
  Samian girl; (9) Philænis, the poetess of Amatory Pleasures, in Athen.
  viii. 13, attributed to Polycrates the Sophist; (10) Protagorides,
  Amatory Conversations; (11) Sotades the Mantinæan who, says Suidas,
  wrote the poem “Cinædica”; (12) Sphodrias the Cynic, his Art of Love;
  and (13) Trepsicles, Amatory Pleasures. Amongst the Romans we have
  Aedituus, Annianus (in Ausonius), Anser, Bassus Eubius, Helvius Cinna,
  Lævius (of Io and the Erotopægnion), Memmius, Cicero (to Cerellia),
  Pliny the Younger, Sabellus (de modo coeundi); Sisenna, the pathic
  Poet and translator of Milesian Fables and Sulpitia the modest
  erotist. For these see the Dictionnaire Érotique of Blondeau pp. ix.
  and x. (Paris, Liseux, 1885).

Footnote 354:

  It has been translated from the Sanscrit and annotated by A.F.F. and
  B.F.R. Reprint: Cosmopoli: mdccclxxxv: for the Kama Shastra Society,
  London and Benares, and for private circulation only. The first print
  has been exhausted and a reprint will presently appear.

Footnote 355:

  The local press has often proposed to abate this nuisance of erotic
  publication which is most debasing to public morals already perverted
  enough. But the “Empire of Opinion” cares very little for such matters
  and, in the matter of the “native press,” generally seems to seek only
  a quiet life. In England if erotic literature were not forbidden by
  law, few would care to sell or to buy it, and only the legal pains and
  penalties keep up the phenomenally high prices.

Footnote 356:

  The Spectator (No. 119) complains of an “infamous piece of good
  breeding,” because “men of the town, and particularly those who have
  been polished in France, make use of the most coarse and uncivilised
  words in our language and utter themselves often in such a manner as a
  clown would blush to hear.”

Footnote 357:

  See the Novelle of Bandello the Bishop (Tome I; Paris, Liseux, 1879,
  small in 18), where the dying fisherman replies to his confessor “Oh!
  Oh! your reverence, to amuse myself with boys was natural to me as for
  man to eat and drink; yet you asked me if I sinned against nature!”
  Amongst the wiser ancients sinning contra naturam was not marrying and
  begetting children.

Footnote 358:

  Avis au Lecteur, “L’Amour dans l’Humanité,” par P. Mantegazza, traduit
  par Emilien Chesneau, Paris, Fetscherin et Chuit, 1886.

Footnote 359:

  See “H. B.” (Henry Beyle, French Consul at Civita Vecchia) par un des
  Quarante (Prosper Mérimée), Elutheropolis, An mdccclxiv. De
  l’Imposture du Nazaréen.

Footnote 360:

  This detail especially excited the veteran’s curiosity. The reason
  proved to be that the scrotum of the unmutilated boy could be used as
  a kind of bridle for directing the movements of the animal. I find
  nothing of the kind mentioned in the Sotadical literature of Greece
  and Rome; although the same cause might be expected everywhere to have
  the same effect. But in Mirabeau (Kadhésch) a grand seigneur moderne,
  when his valet-de-chambre de confiance proposes to provide him with
  women instead of boys, exclaims, “Des femmes! eh! c’est comme si tu me
  servais un gigot sans manche.” See also infra for “Le poids du

Footnote 361:

  See Falconry in the Valley of the Indus, London, John Van Voorst,

Footnote 362:

  Submitted to Government on Dec. 31, ’47 and March 2, ’48, they were
  printed in “Selections from the Records of the Government of India.”
  Bombay. New Series. No. xvii. Part 2, 1855. These are (1) Notes on the
  Population of Sind, etc. and (2) Brief Notes on the Modes of
  Intoxication, etc. written in collaboration with my late friend
  Assistant-Surgeon John E. Stocks, whose early death was a sore loss to
  scientific botany.

Footnote 363:

  Glycon the Courtesan in Athen. xiii. 84 declares that “boys are
  handsome only when they resemble women;” and so the Learned Lady in
  The Nights (vol. v. 160) declares “Boys are likened to girls because
  folks say, Yonder boy is like a girl.” For the superior physical
  beauty of the human male compared with the female, see The Nights,
  vol. iv. 15; and the boy’s voice before it breaks excels that of any

Footnote 364:

  “Mascula,” from the priapiscus, the over-development of clitoris (the
  veretrum muliebre, in Arabic Abu Tartúr, habens cristam) which enabled
  her to play the man. Sappho (nat. B.C. 612) has been retoillée like
  Mary Stuart, La Brinvilliers, Marie Antoinette and a host of feminine
  names which have a savour not of sanctity. Maximus of Tyre (Dissert.
  xxiv.) declares that the Eros of Sappho was Socratic and that Gyrinna
  and Atthis were as Alcibiades and Chermides to Socrates: Ovid, who
  could consult documents now lost, takes the same view in the Letter of
  Sappho to Phaon and in Tristia ii. 265.

              Lesbia quid docuit Sappho nisi amare puellas?

  Suidas supports Ovid. Longinus eulogises the ἐρωτικὴ μανία (a term
  applied only to carnal love) of the far-famed Ode to Atthis:—

          Ille mî par esse Deo videtur * * *
          (Heureux! qui près de toi pour toi seule soupire * * *
          Blest as th’ immortal gods is he, etc.)

  By its love symptoms, suggesting that possession is the sole cure for
  passion, Erasistratus discovered the love of Antiochus for Stratonice.
  Mure (Hist. of Greek Literature, 1850) speaks of the Ode to Aphrodite
  (Frag. 1) as “one in which the whole volume of Greek literature offers
  the most powerful concentration into one brilliant focus of the modes
  in which amatory concupiscence can display itself.” But Bernhardy,
  Bode, Richter, K. O. Müller and esp. Welcker have made Sappho a model
  of purity, much like some of our dull wits who have converted
  Shakespeare, that most debauched genius, into a good British

Footnote 365:

  The Arabic Sahhákah, the Tractatrix or Subigitatrix, who has been
  noticed in vol. iv. 134. Hence to Lesbianise (λεσβίζειν) and
  tribassare (τρίβεσθαι); the former applied to the love of woman for
  woman and the latter to its mécanique: this is either natural, as
  friction of the labia and insertion of the clitoris when unusually
  developed; or artificial by means of the fascinum, the artificial
  penis (the Persian “Mayájang”); the patte de chat, the banana-fruit
  and a multitude of other succedanea. As this feminine perversion is
  only glanced at in The Nights I need hardly enlarge upon the subject.

Footnote 366:

  Plato (Symp.) is probably mystical when he accounts for such passions
  by there being in the beginning three species of humanity, men, women
  and men-women or androgynes. When the latter were destroyed by Zeus
  for rebellion, the two others were individually divided into equal
  parts. Hence each division seeks its other half in the same sex; the
  primitive man prefers men and the primitive woman women. C’est beau,
  but—is it true? The idea was probably derived from Egypt which
  supplied the Hebrews with androgynic humanity; and thence it passed to
  extreme India, where Shiva as Ardhanárí was male on one side and
  female on the other side of the body, combining paternal and maternal
  qualities and functions. The first creation of humans (Gen. i. 27) was
  hermaphrodite (= Hermes and Venus) masculum et fœminam creavit
  eos—male and female created He them—on the sixth day, with the command
  to increase and multiply (ibid. v. 28) while Eve the woman was created
  subsequently. Meanwhile, say certain Talmudists, Adam carnally
  copulated with all races of animals. See L’Anandryne in Mirabeau’s
  Erotika Biblion, where Antoinette Bourgnon laments the undoubling
  which disfigured the work of God, producing monsters incapable of
  independent self-reproduction like the vegetable kingdom.

Footnote 367:

  De la Femme, Paris, 1827.

Footnote 368:

  Die Lustsuche des Alterthum’s, Halle, 1839.

Footnote 369:

  See his exhaustive article on (Grecian) “Paederastie” in the
  Allgemeine Encyclopædie of Ersch and Gruber, Leipzig, Brockhaus, 1837.
  He carefully traces it through the several states, Dorians, Æolians,
  Ionians, the Attic cities and those of Asia Minor. For these details I
  must refer my readers to M. Meier; a full account of these would fill
  a volume not the section of an essay.

Footnote 370:

  Against which see Henri Estienne, Apologie pour Hérodote, a society
  satire of xvi^{th} century, lately reprinted by Liseux.

Footnote 371:

  In Sparta the lover was called εἰσπνήλας or εἴσπνηλος and the beloved
  as in Thessaly ἀΐτας or ἀΐτης.

Footnote 372:

  The more I study religions the more I am convinced that man never
  worshipped anything but himself. Zeus, who became Jupiter, was an
  ancient king, according to the Cretans, who were entitled liars
  because they showed his burial-place. From a deified ancestor he would
  become a local god, like the Hebrew Jehovah as opposed to Chemosh of
  Moab; the name would gain amplitude by long time and distant travel
  and the old island chieftain would end in becoming the Demiurgus.
  Ganymede (who possibly gave rise to the old Lat. “Catamitus”) was
  probably some fair Phrygian boy (“son of Tros”) who in process of time
  became a symbol of the wise man seized by the eagle (perspicacity) to
  be raised amongst the Immortals; and the chaste myth simply signified
  that only the prudent are loved by the gods. But it rotted with age as
  do all things human. For the Pederastía of the Gods see Bayle under

Footnote 373:

  See Dissertation sur les idées morales des Grecs et sur les danger de
  lire Platon. Par M. Audé, Bibliophile, Rouen, Lemonnyer, 1879. This is
  the pseudonym of the late Octave Delepierre, who published with Gay,
  but not the Editio Princeps—which, if I remember rightly, contains
  much more matter.

Footnote 374:

  The phrase of J. Matthias Gesner, Comm. Reg. Soc. Gottingen i. 1–32.
  It was founded upon Erasmus’ “Sancte Socrate, ora pro nobis,” and the
  article was translated by M. Alcide Bonmaire, Paris, Liseux, 1877.

Footnote 375:

  The subject has employed many a pen, _e.g._ Alcibiade Fanciullo a
  Scola, D. P. A. (supposed to be Pietro Aretino—ad captandum?),
  Oranges, par Juann VVart, 1652: small square 8vo. of pp. 102,
  including 3 preliminary pp. and at end an unpaged leaf with 4 sonnets,
  almost Venetian, by V. M. There is a re-impression of the same date, a
  small 12mo. of longer format, pp. 124 with pp. 2 for sonnets: in 1862
  the Imprimerie Raçon printed 102 copies in 8vo. of pp. iv.–108, and in
  1863 it was condemned by the police as a liber spurcissimus atque
  execrandus de criminis sodomici laude et arte. This work produced
  “Alcibiade Enfant à l’école,” traduit pour la première fois de
  l’Italien de Ferrante Pallavicini, Amsterdam, chez l’Ancien Pierre
  Marteau, mdccclxvi. Pallavicini (nat. 1618), who wrote against Rome,
  was beheaded, æt. 26 (March 5, 1644) at Avignon in 1644 by the
  vengeance of the Barberini: he was a bel esprit déréglé, nourri
  d’études antiques and a Memb. of the Acad. Degl’ Incogniti. His
  peculiarities are shown by his “Opere Scelte,” 2 vols. 12mo,
  Villafranca, mdclxiii.; these do not include Alcibiade Fanciullo, a
  dialogue between Philotimus and Alcibiades which seems to be a mere
  skit at the Jesuits and their Péché philosophique. Then came the
  “Dissertation sur l’Alcibiade fanciullo a scola,” traduit de l’Italien
  de Giambattista Baseggio et accompagnée de notes et d’une post-face
  par un bibliophile français (M. Gustave Brunet, Librarian of
  Bordeaux), Paris. J. Gay, 1861—an octavo of pp. 78 (paged), 254
  copies. The same Baseggio printed in 1850 his Disquisizioni (23
  copies) and claims for F. Pallavicini the authorship of Alcibiades
  which the Manuel du Libraire wrongly attributes to M. Girol. Adda in
  1859. I have heard of but not seen the “Amator fornaceus, amator
  ineptus” (Palladii, 1633) supposed by some to be the origin of
  Alcibiade Fanciullo; but most critics consider it a poor and insipid

Footnote 376:

  The word is from νάρκη, numbness, torpor, narcotism: the flowers,
  being loved by the infernal gods, were offered to the Furies.
  Narcissus and Hippolytus are often assumed as types of morosa
  voluptas, masturbation and clitorisation for nymphomania: certain
  mediæval writers found in the former a type of the Saviour; and
  Mirabeau a representation of the androgynous or first Adam: to me
  Narcissus suggests the Hindu Vishnu absorbed in the contemplation of
  his own perfections.

Footnote 377:

  The verse of Ovid is parallel’d by the song of Al-Záhir al-Jazari (Ibn
  Khall. iii. 720).

             Illum impuberem amaverunt mares; puberem feminæ.
             Gloria Deo! nunquam amatoribus carebit.

Footnote 378:

  The venerable society of prostitutes contained three chief classes.
  The first and lowest were the Dicteriads, so called from Diete (Crete)
  who imitated Pasiphaë, wife of Minos, in preferring a bull to a
  husband; above them was the middle class, the Aleutridæ who were the
  Almahs or professional musicians, and the aristocracy was represented
  by the Hetairai, whose wit and learning enabled them to adorn more
  than one page of Grecian history. The grave Solon, who had studied in
  Egypt, established a vast Dicterion (Philemon in his Delphica), or
  bordel, whose proceeds swelled the revenue of the Republic.

Footnote 379:

  This and Saint Paul (Romans i. 27) suggested to Caravaggio his picture
  of St. Rosario (in the museum of the Grand Duke of Tuscany), showing a
  circle of thirty men turpiter ligati.

Footnote 380:

  Properly speaking “Medicus” is the third or ring-finger, as shown by
  the old Chiromantist verses,

              Est pollex Veneris; sed Jupiter indice gaudet,
              Saturnus medium; Sol _medicumque_ tenet.

Footnote 381:

  So Seneca uses digito scalpit caput. The modern Italian does the same
  by inserting the thumb-tip between the index and medius to suggest the

Footnote 382:

  What can be wittier than the now trite Tale of the Ephesian Matron,
  whose dry humour is worthy of The Nights? No wonder that it has made
  the grand tour of the world. It is found in the neo-Phædrus, the tales
  of Musæus and in the Septem Sapientes as the “Widow which was
  comforted.” As the “Fabliau de la Femme qui se fist putain sur la
  fosse de son Mari,” it tempted Brantôme and La Fontaine; and Abel
  Rémusat shows in his Contes Chinois that it is well known to the
  Middle Kingdom. Mr. Walter K. Kelly remarks, that the most singular
  place for such a tale is the “Rule and Exercise of Holy Dying” by
  Jeremy Taylor, who introduces it into his chapt. v.—“Of the
  Contingencies of Death and Treating our Dead.” But in those days
  divines were not mealy-mouthed.

Footnote 383:

  Glossarium eroticum linguæ Latinæ, sive theogoniæ, legum et morum
  nuptialium apud Romanos explanatio nova, auctore P. P. (Parisiis,
  Dondey-Dupré, 1826, in 8vo). P. P. is supposed to be Chevalier Pierre
  Pierrugues, an engineer who made a plan of Bordeaux and who annotated
  the Erotica Biblion. Gay writes, “On s’est servi pour cet ouvrage des
  travaux inédits de M. le Baron de Schonen, etc. Quant au Chevalier
  Pierre Pierrugues, qu’on désignait comme l’auteur de ce savant volume,
  son existence n’est pas bien avérée, et quelques bibliographes
  persistent à penser que ce nom cache la collaboration du Baron de
  Schonen et d’Éloi Johanneau. Other glossicists as Blondeau and Forberg
  have been printed by Liseux, Paris.

Footnote 384:

  This magnificent country which the petty jealousies of Europe condemn,
  like the glorious regions about Constantinople, to mere barbarism, is
  tenanted by three Moslem races. The Berbers, who call themselves
  Tamazight (plur. of Amazigh), are the Gætulian indigenes speaking an
  Africo-Semitic tongue (see Essai de Grammaire Kabyle, etc. par A.
  Hanoteau, Paris, Benjamin Duprat). The Arabs, descended from the
  conquerors in our eighth century, are mostly nomades and
  camel-breeders. Third and last are the Moors proper, the race dwelling
  in towns, a mixed breed originally Arabian but modified by six
  centuries of Spanish residence and showing by thickness of feature and
  a parchment-coloured skin, resembling the American Octaroon’s, a negro
  innervation of old date. The latter are well described in “Morocco and
  the Moors,” etc. (Sampson Low and Co., 1876), by my late friend Dr.
  Arthur Leared, whose work I should like to see reprinted.

Footnote 385:

  Thus somewhat agreeing with one of the multitudinous modern theories
  that the Pentapolis was destroyed by discharges of meteoric stones
  during a tremendous thunderstorm. Possible, but where are the stones?

Footnote 386:

  To this Iranian domination I attribute the use of many Persic words
  which are not yet obsolete in Egypt. “Bakhshísh,” for instance, is not
  intelligble in the Moslem regions west of the Nile-Valley and for a
  present the Moors say Hadíyah, regalo or favor.

Footnote 387:

  Arnobius and Tertullian, with the arrogance of their caste and its
  miserable ignorance of that symbolism which often concealed from
  vulgar eyes the most precious mysteries, used to taunt the heathen for
  praying to deities whose sex they ignored: “Consuistis in precibus
  ‘Seu tu Deus seu tu Dea,’ dicere!” These men would know everything;
  they made God the merest work of man’s brains and armed him with a
  despotism of omnipotence which rendered their creation truly dreadful.

Footnote 388:

  Gallus lit. = a cock, in pornologic parlance is a capon, a castrato.

Footnote 389:

  The texts justifying or conjoining castration are Matt. xviii. 8–9;
  Mark ix. 43–47; Luke xxiii. 29 and Col. iii. 5. St. Paul preached (1
  Corin. vii. 29) that a man should live with his wife as if he had
  none. The Abelian heretics of Africa abstained from women because Abel
  died virginal. Origen mutilated himself after interpreting too
  rigorously Matth. xix. 12, and was duly excommunicated. But his
  disciple, the Arab Valerius founded (A.D. 250) the castrated sect
  called Valerians who, persecuted and dispersed by the Emperors
  Constantine and Justinian, became the spiritual fathers of the modern
  Skopzis. These eunuchs first appeared in Russia at the end of the xith
  century, when two Greeks, John and Jephrem, were metropolitans of
  Kiew: the former was brought thither in A.D. 1089 by Princess Anna
  Wassewolodowna and is called by the chronicles Nawjè or the Corpse.
  But in the early part of the last century (1715–1733) a sect arose in
  the circle of Uglitseh and in Moscow, at first called Clisti or
  flagellants which developed into the modern Skopzi. For this extensive
  subject see De Stein (Zeitschrift für Ethn. Berlin, 1875) and
  Mantegazza, chapt. vi.

Footnote 390:

  See the marvellously absurd description of the glorious “Dead Sea” in
  the Purchas v. 84.

Footnote 391:

  Jehovah here is made to play an evil part by destroying men instead of
  teaching them better. But, “Nous faisons les Dieux à notre image et
  nous portons dans le ciel ce que nous voyons sur la terre.” The idea
  of Yahweh, or Yah is palpably Egyptian, the Ankh or ever-living One:
  the etymon, however, was learned at Babylon and is still found amongst
  the cuneiforms.

Footnote 392:

  The name still survives in the Shajarát al-Ashará, a clump of trees
  near the village Al-Ghájar (of the Gypsies?) at the foot of Hermon.

Footnote 393:

  I am not quite sure that Astarte is not primarily the planet Venus;
  but I can hardly doubt that Prof. Max Müller and Sir G. Cox are
  mistaken in bringing from India Aphrodite the Dawn and her attendants,
  the Charites identified with the Vedic Harits. Of Ishtar in Accadia,
  however, Roscher seems to have proved that she is distinctly the Moon
  sinking into Amenti (the west, the Underworld) in search of her lost
  spouse Izdubar, the Sun-god. This again is pure Egyptianism.

Footnote 394:

  In this classical land of Venus the worship of Ishtar-Ashtaroth is by
  no means obsolete. The Metáwali heretics, a people of Persian descent
  and Shiite tenets, and the peasantry of “Bilád B’sharrah,” which I
  would derive from Bayt Ashirah, still pilgrimage to the ruins and
  address their vows to the Sayyidat al-Kabírah, the Great Lady.
  Orthodox Moslems accuse them of abominable orgies and point to the
  lamps and rags which they suspend to a tree entitled Shajarat
  al-Sitt—the Lady’s tree—an Acacia Albida which, according to some
  travellers, is found only here and at Sayda (Sidon) where an avenue
  exists. The people of Kasrawán, a Christian province in the Libanus,
  inhabited by a peculiarly prurient race, also hold high festival under
  the far-famed Cedars and their women sacrifice to Venus like the
  Kadashah of the Phœnicians. This survival of old superstition is
  unknown to missionary “Handbooks,” but amply deserves the study of the

Footnote 395:

  Some commentators understand “the tabernacles sacred to the
  reproductive powers of women;” and the Rabbis declare that the emblem
  was the figure of a setting hen.

Footnote 396:

  “Dog” is applied by the older Jews to the Sodomite and the Catamite;
  and thus they understand the “price of a dog” which could not be
  brought into the Temple (Deut. xxiii. 18). I have noticed it in one of
  the derivations of cinædus and can only remark that it is a vile libel
  upon the canine tribe.

Footnote 397:

  Her name was Maachah and her title, according to some, “King’s
  mother”: she founded the sect of Communists who rejected marriage and
  made adultery and incest part of worship in their splendid temple.
  Such were the Basilians and the Carpocratians, followed in the xith
  century by Tranchelin, whose sectarians, the Turlupins, long infested

Footnote 398:

  A noted exception is Vienna remarkable for the enormous development of
  the virginal bosom which soon becomes pendulent.

Footnote 399:

  Gen. xxxviii. 2–11. Amongst the classics Mercury taught the “Art of le
  Thalaba” to his son Pan who wandered about the mountains distraught
  with love for the Nymph Echo and Pan passed it on to the pastors. See
  Thalaba in Mirabeau.

Footnote 400:

  The reader of The Nights has remarked how often the “he” in Arabic
  poetry denotes a “she”; but the Arab, when uncontaminated by travel,
  ignores pederasty, and the Arab poet is a Badawi.

Footnote 401:

  So Mohammed addressed his girl-wife Ayishah in the masculine.

Footnote 402:

  So amongst the Romans we have the Iatroliptæ, youths or girls who
  wiped the gymnast’s perspiring body with swan-down, a practice renewed
  by the professors of “Massage”; Unctores who applied perfumes and
  essences; Fricatrices and Tractatrices or shampooers; Dropacistæ,
  corn-cutters; Alipilarii who plucked the hair, etc., etc., etc.

Footnote 403:

  It is a parody on the well-known song (Roebuck i. sect. 2, No. 1602):

   The goldsmith knows the worth of gold, jewellers worth of jewelry;
   The worth of rose Bulbul can tell and Kambar’s worth his lord, Ali.

Footnote 404:

  For “Sindí” Roebuck (Oriental Proverbs Part i. p. 99) has Kunbu
  (Kumboh) a Panjábi peasant and others vary the saying ad libitum. See
  vol. vi. 156.

Footnote 405:

  See “Sind Revisited” i. 133–35.

Footnote 406:

  They must not be confounded with the _grelots lascifs_, the little
  bells of gold or silver set by the people of Pegu in the prepuce-skin,
  and described by Nicolo de Conti who however refused to undergo the

Footnote 407:

  Relation des découvertes faites par Colomb etc. p. 137: Bologna 1875:
  also Vespucci’s letter in Ramusio (i. 131) and Paro’s Recherches
  philosophiques sur les Américains.

Footnote 408:

  See Mantegazza loc. cit. who borrows from the Thèse de Paris of Dr.
  Abel Hureau de Villeneuve, “Frictiones per coitum productæ magnum
  mucosæ membranæ vaginalis turgorem, ac simul hujus cuniculi
  coarctationem tam maritis salacibus quæritatam afferunt.”

Footnote 409:

  Fascinus is the Priapus-god to whom the Vestal Virgins of Rome,
  professed tribades, sacrificed; also the neck-charm in phallus-shape.
  Fascinum is the male member.

Footnote 410:

  Captain Grose (Lexicon Balatronicum) explains merkin as “counterfeit
  hair for women’s privy parts. See Bailey’s Dict.” The Bailey of 1764,
  an “improved edition,” does not contain the word which is now
  generally applied to a cunnus succedaneus.

Footnote 411:

  I have noticed this phenomenal cannibalism in my notes to Mr. Albert
  Tootle’s excellent translation of “The Captivity of Hans Stade of
  Hesse:” London, Hakluyt Society, mdccclxxiv.

Footnote 412:

  The Ostreiras or shell mounds of the Brazil, sometimes 200 feet high,
  are described by me in Anthropologia No. i. Oct. 1873.

Footnote 413:

  The Native Races of the Pacific States of South America, by Herbert
  Howe Bancroft, London, Longmans, 1875.

Footnote 414:

  All Peruvian historians mention these giants, who were probably the
  large-limbed Caribs (Caraíbes) of the Brazil: they will be noticed in
  page 244.

Footnote 415:

  This sounds much like a pious fraud of the missionaries, a
  Europeo-American version of the Sodom legend.

Footnote 416:

  Les Races Aryennes du Pérou, Paris, Franck, 1871.

Footnote 417:

  O Brazil e os Brazileiros, Santos, 1862.

Footnote 418:

  Æthiopia Orientalis, Purchas ii. 1558.

Footnote 419:

  Purchas iii. 243.

Footnote 420:

  For a literal translation see 1^{re} Série de la Curiosité Littéraire
  et Bibliographique, Paris, Liseux, 1880.

Footnote 421:

  His best known works are (1) Praktisches Handbuch der Gerechtlichen
  Medecin, Berlin, 1860; and (2) Klinische Novellen zur gerechtlichen
  Medecin, Berlin, 1863.

Footnote 422:

  The same author printed another imitation of Petronius Arbiter, the
  “Larissa” story of Théophile Viand. His cousin, the Sévigné, highly
  approved of it. See Bayle’s objections to Rabutin’s delicacy and
  excuses for Petronius’ grossness in his “Éclaircissement sur les
  obscénités” (Appendice au Dictionnaire Antique).

Footnote 423:

  The Boulgrin of Rabelais, which Urquhart renders Ingle for Boulgre, an
  “indorser,” derived from the Bulgarus or Bulgarian, who gave to Italy
  the term bugiardo—liar. Bougre and Bougrerie date (Littré) from the
  xiiith century. I cannot however, but think that the trivial term
  gained strength in the xvith when the manners of the Bugres or
  indigenous Brazilians were studied by Huguenot refugees in La France
  Antartique and several of these savages found their way to Europe. A
  grand Fête in Rouen on the entrance of Henri II. and Dame Katherine de
  Medicis (June 16, 1564) showed, as part of the pageant, three hundred
  men (including fifty “Bugres” or Tupis) with parroquets and other
  birds and beasts of the newly explored regions. The procession is
  given in the four-folding woodcut “Figure des Brésiliens” in Jean de
  Prest’s Edition of 1551.

Footnote 424:

  Erotika Biblion chapt. Kadésch (pp. 93 et seq.) Edition de Bruxelles
  with notes by the Chevalier P. Pierrugues of Bordeaux, before noticed.

Footnote 425:

  Called Chevaliers de Paille because the sign was a straw in the mouth,
  à la Palmerston.

Footnote 426:

  I have noticed that the eunuch in Sind was as meanly paid and have
  given the reason.

Footnote 427:

  Centuria Librorum Absconditorum (by Pisanus Fraxi) 4to, p. lx. and
  593. London. Privately printed, mdccclxxix.

Footnote 428:

  A friend learned in these matters supplies me with the following list
  of famous pederasts. Those who marvel at the wide diffusion of such
  erotic perversion, and its being affected by so many celebrities, will
  bear in mind that the greatest men have been some of the worst:
  Alexander of Macedon, Julius Cæsar and Napoleon Buonaparte held
  themselves high above the moral law which obliges common-place
  humanity. All three are charged with the Vice. Of Kings we have Henri
  iii., Louis xiii. and xviii., Frederick ii. of Prussia, Peter the
  Great, William ii. of Holland and Charles ii. and iii. of Parma. We
  find also Shakespeare (i., xv., Edit. Francois. Hugo) and Molière,
  Theodorus Beza, Lully (the Composer), D’Assoucy, Count Zintzendorff,
  the Grand Condé, Marquis de Villette, Pierre Louis Farnèse, Duc de la
  Vallière, De Soleinne, Count D’Avaray, Saint Mégrin, D’Epernon,
  Admiral de la Susse, La Roche-Pouchin Rochfort. S. Louis, Henne (the
  Spiritualist), Comte Horace de Viel Castel, Lerminin, Fievée, Théodore
  Leclerc, Archi-Chancellier Cambacèrés, Marquis de Custine,
  Sainte-Beuve and Count D’Orsay. For others refer to the three Volumes
  of Pisanus Fraxi; Index Librorum Prohibitorum (London, 1877), Centuria
  Librorum Absconditorum (before alluded to) and Catena Librorum
  Tacendorum, London, 1885. The indices will supply the names.

Footnote 429:

  Of this peculiar character Ibn Khallikan remarks (ii. 43), “There were
  four poets whose works clearly contraried their character. Abu
  al-Atahíyah wrote pious poems himself being an atheist; Abú Hukayma’s
  verses proved his impotence, yet he was more salacious than a he-goat;
  Mohammed ibn Házim praised contentment, yet he was greedier than a
  dog; and Abú Nowás hymned the joys of sodomy, yet he was more
  passionate for women than a baboon.”

Footnote 430:

  A virulently and unjustly abusive critique never yet injured its
  object: in fact it is generally the greatest favour an author’s
  unfriends can bestow upon him. But to notice in a popular Review books
  which have been printed and not published is hardly in accordance with
  the established courtesies of literature. At the end of my work I
  propose to write a paper “The Reviewer Reviewed” which will, amongst
  other things, explain the motif of the writer of the critique and the
  editor of the Edinburgh.

Footnote 431:

  For detailed examples and specimens see p. 10 of Gladwin’s
  “Dissertations on Rhetoric,” etc., Calcutta, 1801.

Footnote 432:

  For instance: I, M. | take thee N. | to my wedded wife, | to have and
  to hold | from this day forward, | for better for worse, | for richer
  for poorer, | in sickness and in health, | to love and to cherish, |
  till death do us part, etc. Here it becomes mere blank verse which is,
  of course, a defect in prose style. In that delightful old French the
  Saj’a frequently appeared when attention was solicited for the titles
  of books: _e.g._ Le Romant de la Rose, ou tout lart damours est

Footnote 433:

  See Gladwin loc. cit. p. 8: it also is = alliteration (Ibn Khall. ii.,

Footnote 434:

  He called himself “Nabiyun ummí” = illiterate prophet; but only his
  most ignorant followers believe that he was unable to read and write.
  His last words, accepted by all traditionists, were “Aatíní dawáta wa
  kalam” (bring me ink-case and pen); upon which the Shi’ah or Persian
  sectaries base, not without probability, a theory that Mohammed
  intended to write down the name of Ali as his Caliph or successor when
  Omar, suspecting the intention, exclaimed, “The Prophet is delirious;
  have we not the Koran?” thus impiously preventing the precaution.
  However that may be, the legend proves that Mohammed could read and
  write even when not “under inspiration.” The vulgar idea would arise
  from a pious intent to add miracle to the miraculous style of the

Footnote 435:

  I cannot but vehemently suspect that this legend was taken from much
  older traditions. We have Jubal the semi-mythical who, “by the
  different falls of his hammer on the anvil, discovered by the ear the
  first rude music that pleased the antediluvian fathers.” Then came
  Pythagoras, of whom Macrobius (lib. ii.) relates how this
  Græco-Egyptian philosopher, passing by a smithy, observed that the
  sounds were grave or acute according to the weights of the hammers;
  and he ascertained by experiment that such was the case when different
  weights were hung by strings of the same size. The next discovery was
  that two strings of the same substance and tension, the one being
  double the length of the other, gave the diapason-interval or an
  eighth; and the same was effected from two strings of similar length
  and size, the one having four times the tension of the other.
  Belonging to the same cycle of invention-anecdotes are Galileo’s
  discovery of the pendulum by the lustre of the Pisan Duomo; and the
  kettle-lid, the falling apple and the copper hook which inspired Watt,
  Newton and Galvani.

Footnote 436:

  To what an absurd point this has been carried we may learn from Ibn
  Khallikán (i. 114). A poet addressing a single individual does not say
  “My friend!” or “My friends!” but “My two friends!” (in the dual)
  _because_ a Badawi required a pair of companions, one to tend the
  sheep and the other to pasture the camels.

Footnote 437:

  For further details concerning the Sabab, Watad and Fasilah, see at
  the end of this Essay the learned remarks of Dr. Steingass.

Footnote 438:

  _e.g._ the Mu’allakats of “Amriolkais,” Tarafah and Zuhayr compared by
  Mr. Lyall (Introduction to Translations) with the metre of Abt Vogler,

      Ye know why the forms are fair, ye hear how the tale is told.

Footnote 439:

  _e.g._ the Poem of Hareth which often echoes the hexameter.

Footnote 440:

  Gladwin p. 80.

Footnote 441:

  Gladwin (p. 77) gives only eight, omitting Fă’ūl which he or his
  author probably considers the Muzáhaf, imperfect or apocopêd form of
  Fă’ūlūn, as Măfā’īl of Măfā’īlūn. For the infinite complications of
  Arabic prosody the Khafíf (soft breathing) and Sahíh (hard breathing);
  the Sadr and Arúz (first and last feet), the Ibtidá and Zarb (last
  foot of every line); the Hashw (cushion-stuffing) or body-part of
  verse; the ’Amúd al-Kasídah or Al-Musammat (the strong) and other
  details I must refer readers to such specialists as Freytag and Sam.
  Clarke (Prosodia Arabica), and to Dr. Steingass’s notes infra.

Footnote 442:

  The Hebrew grammarians of the Middle Ages wisely copied their Arab
  cousins by turning Fa’la into Pael and so forth.

Footnote 443:

  Mr. Lyall, whose “Ancient Arabic Poetry” (Williams and Norgate, 1885)
  I reviewed in _The Academy_ of Oct. 3, ’85, did the absolute reverse
  of what is required: he preserved the metre and sacrificed the rhyme
  even when it naturally suggested itself. For instance in the last four
  lines of No. xli. what would be easier than to write,

  Ah sweet and soft wi’ thee her ways: bethink thee well! The day shall
  When some one favoured as thyself shall find her fair and fain and
  And if she swear that parting ne’er shall break her word of constancy,
  When did rose-tinted finger-tip with pacts and pledges e’er agree?

Footnote 444:

  See p. 439 Grammatik des Arabischen Vulgär Dialekts von Ægyptien, by
  Dr. Wilhelm Spitta Bey, Leipzig, 1880. In pp. 489–493 he gives
  specimens of eleven Mawáwíl varying in length from four to fifteen
  lines. The assonance mostly attempts monorhyme: in two tetrastichs it
  is aa + ba, and it does not disdain alternates, ab + ab + ab.

Footnote 445:

  Al-Siyuti, p. 235, from Ibn Khallikan. Our knowledge of oldest Arab
  verse is drawn chiefly from the Kitáb al-Aghání (Song-book) of Abu
  al-Faraj the Isfaháni who flourished A.H. 284–356 (= 897–967): it was
  printed at the Butak Press in 1868.

Footnote 446:

  See Lyall loc. cit. p. 97.

Footnote 447:

  His Diwán has been published with a French translation, par R.
  Boucher, Paris, Labitte, 1870.

Footnote 448:

  I find also minor quotations from the Imám Abu al-Hasan al-Askari (of
  Sarra man raa) ob. A.D. 868; Ibn Makúla (murdered in A.D. 862?); Ibn
  Durayd (ob. A.D. 933); Al-Zahr the Poet (ob. A.D. 963); Abu Bakr
  al-Zubaydi (ob. A.D. 989); Kábús ibn Wushmaghir (murdered in A.D.
  1012–13); Ibn Nabatah the Poet (ob. A.D. 1015); Ibn al-Sa’ati (ob.
  A.D. 1028); Ibn Zaydun al-Andalusi who died at Hums (Emessa, the Arab
  name for Seville) in A.D. 1071; Al-Mu’tasim ibn Sumadih (ob. A.D.
  1091); Al-Murtaza ibn al-Shahrozuri the Sufi (ob. A.D. 1117); Ibn Sara
  al-Shantaráni (of Santarem) who sang of Hind and died A.D. 1123; Ibn
  al-Kházin (ob. A.D. 1124); Ibn Kalakis (ob. A.D. 1172); Ibn al-Ta’wizi
  (ob. A.D. 1188); Ibn Zabádah (ob. A.D. 1198); Bahá al-Dín Zuhayr (ob.
  A.D. 1249); Muwaffak al-Din Muzaffar (ob. A.D. 1266) and sundry
  others. Notices of Al-Utayyah (vol. i. 11), of Ibn al-Sumám (vol. i.
  87) and of Ibn Sáhib al-Ishbíli, of Seville, (vol. i. 100) are
  deficient. The most notable point in Arabic verse is its savage
  satire, the language of excited “destructiveness” which characterises
  the Badawi: he is “keen for satire as a thirsty man for water;” and
  half his poetry seems to consist of foul innuendo, of lampoons, and of
  gross personal abuse.

Footnote 449:

  If the letter preceding Wáw or Yá is moved by Fathah, they produce the
  diphthongs au (aw), pronounced like ou in “bout,” and ai, pronounced
  as i in “bite.”

Footnote 450:

  For the explanation of this name and those of the following terms, see
  Terminal Essay, p. 261.

Footnote 451:

  This Fásilah is more accurately called sughrà, the smaller one; there
  is another Fásilah kubrà, the greater, consisting of four moved
  letters followed by a quiescent, or of a Sabab sakíl followed by a
  Watad majmú’. But it occurs only as a variation of a normal foot, not
  as an integral element in its composition, and consequently no mention
  of it was needed in the text.

Footnote 452:

  It is important to keep in mind that the seemingly identical feet 10
  and 6, 7 and 3, are distinguished by the relative positions of the
  constituting elements in either pair. For as it will be seen, that
  Sabab and Watad are subject to _different_ kinds of alterations, it is
  evident that the effect of such alteration upon a foot will vary, if
  Sabab and Watad occupy _different_ places with regard to each other.

Footnote 453:

  _i.e._ vertical to the circumference.

Footnote 454:

  This would be a Fásilah kubrà spoken of in the note p. 278.

Footnote 455:

  In pause that is at the end of a line, a short vowel counts either as
  long or is dropped, according to the exigencies of the metre. In the
  Hashw the u or i of the pronominal affix for the third person sing.
  masc., and the final u of the enlarged pronominal plural forms, humu
  and kumu may be either short or long, according to the same
  exigencies. The end-vowel of the pronoun of the first person aná, I,
  is generally read short, although it is written with Alif.

Footnote 456:

  On p. 275 the word akámú, as read by itself, was identified with the
  foot Fa’úlun. Here it must be read together with the following
  syllable as “akámulwaj,” which is Mafá’ílun.

Footnote 457:

  Prof. Palmer, p. 328 of his Grammar, identifies this form of the
  Wáfir, when every Mufá’alatun of the Hashw has become Mafá’ílun, with
  the second form of the Rajaz. It should be Hazaj. Professor Palmer was
  misled, it seems, by an evident misprint in one of his authorities,
  the Muhít al-Dáirah by Dr. Van Dayk, p. 52.


 Abdallah ibn al-Mu’tazz (poet-prince), 39

 Abdún (convent of), 40

 Abú al-Sa’ádát (Pr. N.) = Father of Prosperities, 29

 Abú Miján (song of), 41

 Abú Tabak = Father of whipping, 5

 ’Ádilíyah (Mosque in Cairo), 6

 Aesop (the fable-writer), 117

 ’Ajáib al-Hind = Marvels of Ind, 153

 A’láj = sturdy miscreants, 38

 Allah (will make things easy = will send us aid), 2

 —— (give thee quittance of responsibility), 11

 —— (will send thee thy daily bread), 13

 Alnashar (story of), 146

 ’Ámir = one who inhabiteth, haunter, 6

 ’Amm = uncle (polite address to a father-in-law), 32

 Ánasa-kum = ye are honoured by knowing him, 11

 Arabs (for plundering nomades), 25

 Arianism and early Christianity, 190

 Arms and Armour, 86

 Artists in cosmetics, 234

 ’Asákir = corner-terminals of a litter, 32

 Asal Kasab = cane-honey, 3

 —— Katr = drip-honey, 2

 Ash’ab (proverbial for greed), 15

 Astarte (primarily the planet Venus?), 229

 ’Attár = perfume-seller, druggist, 8

 ’Aysh = that on which man lives (for bread), 3

 Báb (Al-) al-’Ali = Sublime Porte, 5

 Báb al-Nasr = Gate of Victory, 6

 Barmakís (history of the family), 137

 Battál (Al-), story of, 74

 Bazar (locked at night), 13

 Betrothed (for “intended to be married with regal ceremony”), 55

 Boccaccio and The Nights, 160

 Book (black as her), 1

 Boulgrin, Bougre, Bougrerie (derivations of the terms), 249

 Bresl. Edit. quoted, 54. _seqq._

 —— (mean colloquialism thereof), 169

 Brides of the Treasure, 31

 Burckhardt quoted, 144

 Cairene jargon, 8

 —— (savoir faire), 10

 —— (bonhomie), 28

 —— (knows his fellow-Cairene), 35

 Calamity (_i.e._ to the enemy), 33

 Cannibalism in the New World, 240

 Caravaggio (picture of St. Rosario), 219

 Castration (texts justifying or enjoining it), 227

 Character-sketch (making amends for abuse of women), 24

 Cask (for “home” of the maiden wine), 38

 Children (one of its = a native of), 8

 Clairvoyance of perfect affection, 26

 Coffee (mention of), 90

 Coquetries (requiring as much inventiveness as a cotillon), 58

 Cruelty (of the “fair sex” in Egypt), 45

 Cry (that needs must be cried), 21

 Curs (set them on the cattle = show a miser money, etc.), 18

 Darb al-Ahmar = Red Street (in Cairo), 8

 Death (simply and pathetically sketched), 47

 Drama (in Turkey and Persia), 167

 Dramatic scene (told with charming naïveté), 9

 Dunyá (Pr. N.) = the World, 27

 Elevation (nothing strange in sudden), 53

 Ephesus (the Matron of), 220

 Ernest (Duke of Bavaria, Romance of), 153

 Erotic specialists among the Ancients, 201

 Euphemism, 4; 27

 Faríd = unique; union-pearl, 54

 Fatúrát = light food for early breakfast, 12

 Fox and jackal (confounded by the Arabic dialects), 123

 Galland, Antoine (memoir of), 96, _seqq._

 Garden (the Perfumed of the Cheikh Nefzaoui), 133

 Gazelle’s blood red (dark red dye), 12

 German Translations of The Nights, 112, _seqq._

 Ghulámíyah = girl dressed as a boy to act cup-bearer, 39

 Ghurrah = white blaze on a horse’s brow, 40

 Giants (marrying in Peru, probably the Caribs of the Brazil), 243

 Glossarium eroticum, 221

 Gnostic absurdities, 191

 Gold (liquid = Vino d’Oro), 40

 Grelots lascifs, 238

 Gypsies (their first appearance in Europe), 89

 Handkerchief of dismissal, 47

 Haríri (lines quoted from), 44

 Harím al-Rashid and Charlemagne, 135

 Hazár Afsánah, 72, _seqq._; 93

 Hippic Syphilis, 90

 Hetairesis and Sotadism (the heresies of love), 215

 Hizám = belt (not Khizám = nose-ring), 36

 ’Iddah (Al-) = period of widowhood, 43

 Ikhtíyán al-Khutan = Khaitán (?), 9

 Iram (the many-columned), 29

 Irishman (and his “convarter”), 3

 Ishtar-Ashtaroth (her worship not obsolete in Syria), 230

 Iskander = Alexander (according to the Arabs), 57

 Italian Translations of The Nights, 114

 Ja’afar the Barmecide (his suspected heresy), 141

 Jackal’s gall (used aphrodisiacally), 123

 Jadíd = new (coin), copper, 12

 Jauzá = Gemini, 38

 Jazírat ibn Omar (island and town on the Tigris), 40

 Jink (Al-) = effeminates, 19

 Kafr = village (in Egypt and Syria), 27

 Kákilí = Sumatran (eagle-wood), 57

 Kalandars (order of), 84

 Kammir (Imper) = brown (thé bread), 14

 Kathá Sarit Ságara, 160, _seqq._

 Kathír = much, “no end”, 10

 Kitáb al-Fihrist (and its author), 71

 Kohl’d with Ghunj = languor-kohl’d, 40

 Koran quoted (lxxxix), 29

 Koran (first English Translation owing to France), 100

 Kunáfah = Vermicelli-cake, 1

 Kutub al-Báh = Books of Lust, 201

 Lá Kabbata hámiyah = (no burning plague), 14

 Lane quoted, 1; 11, 12; 19; 34, 36; 50; 52; 53; 70, 115

 Languages (study of should be assisted by ear and tongue), 96

 Lentils (cheapest and poorest food in Egypt), 31

 Lesbianism, 209

 Libraries (much appreciated by the Arabs), 175

 Lion (as Sultan of the beasts jealous of a man’s power), 34

 Lokman (three of the name), 118

 Love (cruelty of), 26

 Lying (until one’s self believes the lie to be truth), 14

 Ma’arúf = kindness, favour, 1

 Macnaghten’s Edition, 81

 Malákay bayti ’l-ráhah = slabs of the jakes, 51

 “Making men” (and women), 199

 Marocco (tenanted by three Moslem races), 222

 Mashallah = the English “cock’s ’ill” with a difference, 52

 Mashhad = head-and-foot stone of a grave, 53

 Merchant (worth a thousand), 8

 Metrical portion of The Nights (threefold distribution of), 67

 Mohammed (before and after the Hijrah), 196

 Morbi venerei, 88

 Moslem resignation (noble instance of), 42

 Mudarris = professor, 8

 Mummery = “Mahommerie”, 178

 Munkar and Nakír, 47

 Mustahakk = deserving, 52

 Náhí-ka = let it suffice thee, 22

 Naká = sand-hill, 27

 Narcissus and Hippolytus (assumed as types of morosa voluptas), 215

 Olema (time-serving ones), 44

 Onanisms (discouraged by circumcision), 233

 Pain (resembling the drawing of a tooth), 21

 Palaces in ruins (for want of repair), 61

 Palgrave and Al-Islam, 189

 Parisian MS. of The Nights, 104

 Payne quoted 40; 50; 52; 74; 104; 140; 142; 167.

 Péché philosophique (The, in France), 249

 Pederasts (list of famous), 252

 Pehlevi version of the Panchatantra, 120

 Penis (and its succedanea), 239

 Plato (his theory of love), 209

 Play “near and far” = “fast and loose”, 22

 Powders (coloured in sign of holiday-making), 56

 Pre-Adamite doctrine, 179

 Poets (four whose works contraried their character), 253

 Prolixity (heightening the effect of the tale), 50

 Pun (on a name), 11, 27

 Pyramids (verses on the), 150

 Ráwí = story-teller (also used for reciter of Traditions), 163

 Resignation (noble instance of), 42

 Rijál = Hallows, 14

 Roman superficiality (notable instance of), 116

 Rub’ al-Kharáb (probably for the great Arabian Desert), 42

 Sabíhat al-’Urs = gift on the wedding-morning, 18

 Sacy, Sylvestre de (on the origin of The Nights), 76

 Sappho (the “Masculine”), 208

 Sawád = blackness of the hair, 60

 Schools (attached to Mosques), 174

 Shamtá = the grizzled (name for wine), 38

 Shaykh al-Islám (his mention sign of modern composition), 19

 Signals of Debauchees, 219

 Sijn al-Ghazab = Prison of Wrath, 45

 Símurgh (guardian of the Persian mysteries), 130

 Sisters (their abiding together after marriage frequently insisted
    upon), 56

 Socrates (“sanctus pæderasta”), 213, _seqq._

 Sotadic zone, 206, _seqq._

 Sodomy (abnormally developed amongst the savages of the New World), 240

 Story-teller (picture of the), 164

 Sufyism (rise of), 128

 Sun (likened to a bride displaying her charms to man), 38

 Syphilis (origin of), 89

 —— (hippic), 90

 Tasawwuf (rise of), 128

 Taysh = vertigo, giddiness, 9

 Time-measurers (of very ancient date), 85

 Tobacco (mention of), 91

 Touch of nature (making all the world kin), 24

 Trébutien quoted, 9; 54; 69; 80; 98

 Umm al-Raas = crown of the head, 44

 Umm Kulsum (one of the Amsál of the Arabs for debauchery), 194

 ’Urrah = dung, 1

 Visvakarma = the Anti-creator, 131

 Whoso praiseth and then blameth lieth twice, 15

 Woman, women (treated leniently in a Kazi’s court), 4

 Womankind (their status in Al-Islam), 195

 Yá Abú al-Lithámayn = “O sire of the chin-veils twain”, 20

 Yellow-girl (for light-coloured wine), 39

 Zarábín = slaves’ shoes, 1



I make no apology for the number and extent of bibliographical and other
lists given in this Appendix: they may cumber the book but they are
necessary to complete my design. This has been to supply throughout the
ten volumes the young Arabist and student of Orientalism and
Anthropology with such assistance as I can render him; and it is my
conviction that if with the aid of this version he will master the
original text of the “Thousand Nights and a Night,” he will find himself
at home amongst educated men in Egypt and Syria, Najd and Mesopotamia
and be able to converse with them like a gentleman; not, as too often
happens in Anglo-India, like a “Ghoráwálá” (groom). With this object he
will learn by heart what instinct and inclination suggest of the
proverbs and instances, the verses, the jeux d’esprit and especially the
Koranic citations scattered about the text; and my indices will enable
him to hunt up the tale or the verses which he may require for quotation
even when writing an ordinary letter to a “native” correspondent. Thus
he will be spared the wasted labour of wading through volumes in order
to pick up a line.

The following is the list of Indices:—

                              APPENDIX I.

  I. Index to the Tales in the ten Volumes.

  II. Alphabetical Table of the Notes (Anthropological, etc.) prepared
    by F. Steingass, Ph.D.

  III. Alphabetical Table of First Lines (metrical portion) in English
    and Arabic, prepared by Dr. Steingass.

  IV. Tables of Contents of the various Arabic texts.

      A. The Unfinished Calcutta Edition (1814–18).

      B. The Breslau Text (1825–43) from Mr. Payne’s Version.

      C. The Macnaghten or Turner-Macan Text (A.D. 1839–42), and the
        Bulak Edition (A.H. 1251 = A.D. 1835–36), from Mr. Payne’s

      D. The same with Mr. Lane’s and my Version.

                              APPENDIX II.

  Contributions to the Bibliography of the Thousand and One Nights,
  and their Imitations, with a Table shewing the contents of the
  principal editions and translations of the Nights. By W. F. Kirby,
  Author of “Ed-Dimiryaht, an Oriental Romance;” “The New Arabian
  Nights,” &c.

                              Appendix I.

                               _INDEX I._

   N.B.—_The Roman numerals denote the volume, the Arabic the page._

 Abdullah the Fisherman and Abdullah the Merman, ix. 165.

 —— bin Fazl and his brothers, ix. 304.

 —— bin Ma’amar with the Man of Bassorah and his slave-girl, v. 69.

 Abd al-Rahman the Moor’s story of the Rukh, v. 122.

 Abu Hasan al-Ziyadi and the Khorasan Man, iv. 285.

 Abu Hasan, how he brake Wind, v. 135.

 Abu Isa and Kurrat al-Ayn, The Loves of, v. 145.

 Abu Ja’afar the Leper, Abu al-Hasan al-Durraj and, v. 294.

 Abu Kir the Dyer and Abu Sir the Barber, ix. 134.

 Abu al-Aswad and his squinting slave-girl, v. 80.

 Abu al-Husn and his slave-girl Tawaddud, v. 189.

 Abu al-Hasan al-Durraj and Abu Ja’afar the Leper, v. 294.

 Abu al-Hasan of Khorasan, ix. 229.

 Abu Mohammed hight Lazybones, iv. 162.

 Abu Nowas, Harun al-Rashid with the damsel and, iv. 261.

 Abu Nowas and the Three Boys, v. 64.

 Abu Sir the Barber, Abu Kir the Dyer and, ix. 134.

 Abu Suwayd and the handsome old woman, v. 163.

 Abu Yusuf with Harun al-Rashid and his Wazir Ja’afar, The Imam, iv. 1.

 Abu Yusuf with Al-Rashid and Zubaydah, The Imam, iv. 153.

 Adam, The Birds and Beasts and the Son of, iii. 114.

 Adi bin Zayd and the Princess Hind, v. 124.

 Ajib, The History of Gharib and his brother, vi. 257.

 Ala al-Din Abu al-Shamat, iv. 29.

 Alexandria (The Sharper of) and the Master of Police, iv. 269.

 Ali bin Bakkar and Shams al-Nahar, iii. 162.

 Ali of Cairo, The Adventures of Mercury, vii. 172.

 Ali Nur al-Din and Miriam the Girdle-Girl, viii. 264.

 Ali the Persian and the Kurd Sharper, iv. 149.

 Ali Shar and Zumurrud, iv. 187.

 Ali bin Tahir and the girl Muunis, v. 164.

 Al-Malik al-Nasir (Saladin) and the Three Chiefs of Police, iv. 271.

 Almsgiving, The Woman whose hands were cut off for, iv. 281.

 Amin (Al-) and his uncle Ibrahim bin al-Mahdi, v. 152.

 Anushirwan, Kisra, and the village damsel, v. 87.

 Anushirwan, The Righteousness of King, v. 254.

 Angel of Death and the King of the Children of Israel, The, v. 250.

 —— with the Proud King and the Devout Man, The, v. 246.

 —— and the Rich King, The, v. 248.

 Anis al-Jalis, Nur al-Din Ali and the damsel, ii. 1.

 Ape, The King’s daughter and the, iv. 297.

 Apples, The Three, i. 186.

 Arab Girl, Harun al-Rashid and the, vii. 108.

 Arab Youth, The Caliph Hisham and the, iv. 101.

 Ardashir and Hayat al-Nufus, vii. 209.

 Asma’i (Al-) and the three girls of Bassorah, vii. 110.

 Ass, The Ox and the, i. 16.

 Ass, The Wild, The Fox and, ix. 48.

 Ayishah, Musab bin al-Zubayr and his wife, v. 79.

 Aziz and Azizah, Tale of, ii. 298.

 Azizah, Aziz and, ii. 298.

 Badawi, Ja’afar the Barmecide and the old, v. 98.

 ——, Omar bin al-Khattab and the young, v. 99.

 —— and his Wife, The, vii. 124.

 Badi’a al-Jamal, Sayf al-Muluk and, vii. 314.

 Badr Basim of Persia, Julnar the Sea-born, and her Son King, vii. 264.

 Badr al-Din Hasan, Nur al-Din Ali of Cairo and his son, i. 195.

 Baghdad, The Haunted House in, v. 166.

 ——, Khalifah the Fisherman of, viii. 145.

 ——, The Porter and the Three Ladies of, i. 82.

 ——, (The ruined man of) and his slave-girl, ix. 24.

 ——, The Sweep and the noble Lady of, iv. 125.

 Bakun’s Story of the Hashish-Eater, iii. 91.

 Banu Tayy, The Lovers of the, v. 137.

 Banu Ozrah, The Lovers of the, v. 70.

 Barber’s Tale of himself, The, i. 317.

 Barber’s First Brother, Story of the, i. 319.

 Barber’s Second Brother, Story of the, i. 324.

 Barber’s Third Brother, Story of the, i. 328.

 Barber’s Fourth Brother, Story of the, i. 331.

 Barber’s Fifth Brother, Story of the, i. 335.

 Barber’s Sixth Brother, Story of the, i. 343.

 Barber, Abu Kir the Dyer and Abu Sir the, ix. 134.

 Barber-Surgeon, Ibrahim bin al-Mahdi and the, iv. 103.

 Barmecide, Ja’afar the, and the old Badawi, v. 98.

 Bassorah (the man of) and his slave-girl, Abdullah bin Ma’amar with, v.

 ——, Al-Asma’i and the three girls of, vii. 110.

 ——, (Hasan of) and the King’s daughter of the Jinn, viii. 7.

 ——, The Lovers of, vii. 130.

 Bath, Harun al-Rashid and Zubaydah in the, v. 75.

 Bathkeeper’s Wife, The Wazir’s Son and the, vi. 150.

 Beanseller, Ja’afar the Barmecide and the, iv. 159.

 Bear, Wardan the Butcher’s adventure with the Lady and the, iv. 293.

 Beasts and the Son of Adam, The Birds and, iii. 16.

 Behram, Prince of Persia, and the Princess Al-Datma, vi. 184.

 Belvedere, The House with the, vi. 188.

 Birds and Beasts and the Carpenter, The, iii. 114.

 Birds, The Falcon and the, iii. 154.

 Birds (the Speech of), The page who feigned to know, vi. 169.

 Black Slave, The pious, v. 261.

 Blacksmith who could handle fire without hurt, The, v. 271.

 Blind Man and the Cripple, The, ix. 67.

 Boys, Abu Nowas and the Three, v. 64.

 Boy and Girl at School, The Loves of the, v. 73.

 Boy and the Thieves, The, ix. 95.

 Boy (The woman who had to lover a) and the other who had to lover a
    man, v. 165.

 Brass, The City of, vi. 83.

 Broker’s Story, The Christian, i. 262.

 Budur and Jubayr bin Umayr, The Loves of, iv. 228.

 Budur, Kamar al-Zaman and, iii. 212.

 Bukhayt, Story of the Eunuch, ii. 49.

 Bulak Police, Story of the Chief of the, iv. 273.

 Bull and the Ass (Story of), i. 16.

 Bulukiya, Adventures of, v. 304.

 Butcher’s adventure with the Lady and the Bear, Wardan the, iv. 293.

 Butter, The Fakir and his pot of, ix. 40.

 Cairo (New) Police, Story of the Chief of the, iv. 271.

 —— (Old) Police, Story of the Chief of the, iv. 274.

 ——, The Adventures of Mercury Ali of, vii. 172.

 Caliph Al-Ma’amun and the Strange Doctor, iv. 185.

 Caliph, The mock, iv. 130.

 Cashmere Singing-girl, The Goldsmith and the, vi. 156.

 Cat and the Crow, The, iii. 149.

 —— and the Mouse, The, ix. 35.

 Champion (The Moslem) and the Christian Lady, v. 277.

 Chaste Wife, The Lover’s Trick against the, vi. 135.

 Christian Broker’s Story, The, i. 262.

 City of Labtayt, The, vi. 83.

 Cloud (The saint to whom Allah gave a) to serve him, v. 274.

 Cobbler (Ma’aruf the) and his wife Fatimah, x. 1.

 Confectioner, his Wife and the Parrot, The, vi. 132.

 Crab, The Fishes and the, ix. 34.

 Craft and Malice of Women, The, vi. 122.

 Cripple, The Blind Man and the, ix. 67.

 Crow, the Fox and the, iii. 150.

 —— and the Serpent, The, ix. 46.

 Crow, The Cat and the, iii. 149.

 Crows and the Hawk, The, ix. 53.

 Dalilah the Crafty and her daughter Zaynab the Coney-catcher, The
    Rogueries of, vii. 144.

 Datma (The Princess Al-), Prince Behram of Persia and, vi. 184.

 Death (The Angel of) and the King of the Children of Israel, v. 250.

 —— —— with the Proud King and the Devout Man, v. 246.

 —— —— and the Rich King, v. 248.

 Debauchee and the Three-year-old Child, The, vi. 208.

 Desert (The old woman who dwelt in the) and the pilgrim, v. 186.

 Device (The Wife’s) to cheat her husband, vi. 152.

 Devil, Ibrahim of Mosul and the, vii. 113.

 ——, Isaac of Mosul and his mistress and the, vii. 136.

 Devout Israelite, The, iv. 283.

 —— Tray-maker and his wife, The, v. 264.

 —— Prince, The, v. 111.

 —— woman and the two wicked elders, The, v. 97.

 Dibil al-Khuzai and Muslim bin al-Walid, v. 127.

 Dish of Gold, The man who stole the Dog’s, iv. 265.

 Doctor (The strange) and the Caliph Al-Maamun, iv. 185.

 Dog’s Dish of Gold, The man who stole the, iv. 265.

 Dream, The ruined man who became rich through a, iv. 289.

 Drop of Honey, The, vi. 142.

 Duban, The Physician, i. 45.

 Dunya, Taj al-Muluk and the Princess, ii. 283.

 Durraj (Abu al-Hasan al-) and Abu Ja’afar the Leper, v. 294.

 Dust, The woman who made her husband sift, vi. 143.

 Dyer, Abu Sir the Barber and Abu Kir the, ix. 134.

 Eagle, The Sparrow and the, iii. 155.

 Ebony Horse, The, v. 1.

 Egypt (The man of Upper) and his Frank wife, ix. 19.

 Elders, The Devout woman and the two wicked, v. 97.

 Eldest Lady’s Story, The, i. 162.

 Enchanted Spring, The, vi. 145.

 —— Youth, The, i. 69.

 Envied, The Envier and the, i. 123.

 Envier and the Envied, The, i. 123.

 Eunuch Bukhayt, Tale of the, ii. 49.

 —— Kafur, Tale of the, ii. 51.

 Fakir and his jar of butter, The, ix. 40.

 Falcon and the Partridge, The, iii. 138.

 Falcon, King Sindibad and his, i. 50.

 Fatimah, Ma’aruf the Cobbler and his wife, x. 1.

 Fath bin Khakan (Al) and Al-Mutawakkil, v. 153.

 Ferryman of the Nile and the Hermit, The, v. 288.

 First Old man’s Story, i. 27.

 Fisherman, Abdullah the Merman and Abdullah the, ix. 165.

 —— of Baghdad, Khalifah the, viii. 145.

 ——, The Foolish, ix. 93.

 —— and the Jinni, The, i. 38.

 ——, Khusrau and Shirin and the, v. 91.

 Fishes and the Crab, The, ix. 43.

 Five Suitors, The Lady and her, vi. 172.

 Flea and the Mouse, The, iii. 151.

 Folk, The Fox and the, vi. 211.

 Forger, Yahya bin Khalid and the, iv. 181.

 Fox and the Crow, The, iii. 150.

 Fox and the Folk, The, vi. 211.

 Fox, The Wolf and the, iii. 132.

 Francolin and the Tortoises, The, ix. 113.

 Frank King’s Daughter, Ali Nur al-Din and the, viii. 264.

 Frank wife, The man of Upper Egypt and his, ix. 19.

 Fuller and his son, The, vi. 134.

 Generous friend, The poor man and his, iv. 288.

 Ghanim bin Ayyub the Thrall o’ Love, ii. 45.

 Gharib and his brother Ajib, The History of, vi. 257.

 Girl, Harun al-Rashid and the Arab, vii. 108.

 Girl at School, The Loves of the Boy and, v. 73.

 Girls of Bassorah, Al-Asma’i and the three, vii. 110.

 Girls, Harun al-Rashid and the three, vi. 81.

 —— ——, and the two, v. 81.

 Goldsmith and the Cashmere Singing-Girl, The, vi. 156.

 Goldsmith’s wife, The water-carrier and the, v. 89.

 Hajjaj (Al-) Hind daughter of Al-Nu’uman and, vii. 96.

 —— and the pious man, v. 269.

 Hakim (The Caliph Al-) and the Merchant, v. 86.

 Hammad the Badawi, Tale of, ii. 104.

 Hariri (Al-) Abu Zayd’s lament for his impotency. Final Note to vol.

 Harun al-Rashid and the Arab girl, vii. 108.

 —— and the Slave-Girl and the Imam Abu Yusuf, iv. 153.

 —— with the Damsel and Abu Nowas, iv. 261.

 —— and Abu Hasan the Merchant of Oman, ix. 188.

 —— and the three girls, v. 81.

 —— and the two girls, v. 81.

 —— and the three poets, v. 77.

 —— and Zubaydah in the Bath, v. 75.

 Hashish-Eater, Bakun’s tale of the, ii. 91.

 Hasan of Bassorah and the King’s daughter of the Jinn, viii. 7.

 Hasan, King Mohammed bin Sabaik and the Merchant, vii. 308.

 Hatim al-Tayyi: his generosity after death, iv. 94.

 Haunted House in Baghdad, The, v. 166.

 Hawk, The Crows and the, ix. 53.

 Hayat al-Nufus, Ardashir and, vii. 209.

 Hedgehog and the wood Pigeons, The, iii. 156.

 Hermit, The Ferryman of the Nile and the, v. 288.

 Hermits, The, iii. 125.

 Hind, Adi bin Zayd and the Princess, v. 124.

 Hind daughter of Al-Nu’uman and Al-Hajjaj, vii. 96.

 Hind (King Jali’ad of) and his Wazir Shimas, ix. 32.

 Hisham and the Arab Youth, The Caliph, iv. 101.

 Honey, The Drop of, vi. 142.

 Horse, The Ebony, v. 1.

 House with the Belvedere, The, vi. 188.

 Hunchback’s Tale, The, i. 255.

 Husband and the Parrot, The, i. 52.

 Ibn al-Karibi, Masrur and, v. 109.

 Ibrahim al-Khawwas and the Christian King’s Daughter, v. 283.

 —— bin al-Khasib and Jamilah, ix. 207.

 —— of Mosul and the Devil, vii. 113.

 —— bin al-Mahdi and Al-Amin, v. 152.

 —— bin al-Mahdi and the Barber-Surgeon, iv. 103.

 —— —— and the Merchant’s Sister, iv. 278.

 Ifrit’s mistress and the King’s Son, The, vi. 199.

 Ignorant man who set up for a Schoolmaster, The, v. 119.

 Ikrimah al-Fayyaz, Khuzaymah bin Bishr and, vii. 99.

 Imam Abu Yusuf with Al-Rashid and Zubaydah, The, iv. 153.

 Introduction. Story of King Shariyar and his brother, i. 1.

 Iram, The City of, iv. 113.

 Isaac of Mosul’s Story of Khadijah and the Caliph Maamun, iv. 119.

 Isaac of Mosul and the Merchant, v. 129.

 Isaac of Mosul and his Mistress and the Devil, vii. 113.

 Island, The King of the, v. 290.

 Iskandar Zu Al-Karnayn and a certain Tribe of poor folk, v. 252.

 Israelite, The Devout, iv. 283.

 Jackals and the Wolf, The, ix. 103.

 Ja’afar the Barmecide and the Beanseller, iv. 159.

 —— —— and the old Badawi, v. 98.

 Ja’afar bin al-Hadi, Mohammed al-Amin, and, v. 93.

 Jamilah, Ibrahim bin al-Khasib, and, ix. 207.

 Janshah, The Story of, v. 329.

 Jali’ad of Hind and his Wazir Shimas, King, ix. 32.

 Jeweller’s Wife, Kamar al-Zaman and the, ix. 246.

 Jewish Kazi and his pious Wife, The, v. 256.

 Jewish Doctor’s Tale, The, i. 288.

 Jinni, The Fisherman and the, i. 38.

 Jinni, The Trader and the, i. 24.

 Jubayr bin Umayr and Budur, The Loves of, iv. 228.

 Judar and his brethren, vi. 213.

 Julnar the Sea-born and her son King Badr Basim of Persia, vii. 264.

 Justice of Providence, The, v. 286.

 Kafur, Story of the Eunuch, ii. 51.

 Kalandar’s Tale, The first, i. 104.

 ——, The second, i. 113.

 ——, The third, i. 130.

 Kamar al-Zaman and Budur, iii. 211.

 —— and the Jeweller’s Wife, ix. 246.

 Kazi, the Jewish, and his pious wife, v. 256.

 Khadijah and the Caliph Maamun, Isaac of Mosul’s Story of, iv. 119.

 Khalif the Fisherman of Baghdad (note from Bresl. Edit.), viii. 184.

 Khalifah the Fisherman of Baghdad, viii. 145.

 Khawwas (Ibrahim al-) and the Christian King’s daughter, v. 283.

 Khorasan, Abu Hasan al-Ziyadi and the man from, iv. 285.

 ——, Abu al-Hasan of, ix. 229.

 Khusrau and Shirin and the Fisherman, v. 91.

 Khuzaymah bin Bishr and Ikrimah al-Fayyaz, vii. 99.

 King Jali’ad, Shimas his Wazir and his son Wird Khan, ix. 32.

 King of the Island, The, v. 290.

 —— and the Pilgrim Prince, The Unjust, ix. 50.

 —— and the virtuous wife, The, v. 121.

 —— and his Wazir’s wife, The, vi. 129.

 King’s Daughter and the Ape, The, iv. 297.

 —— Son and the Ifrit’s Mistress, The, vi. 199.

 —— —— and the Merchant’s Wife, The, vi. 167.

 —— —— and the Ghulah, The, vi. 139.

 Kings, The Two, ix. 65.

 Kisra Anushirwan and the Village Damsel, v. 87.

 Kurd Sharper, Ali the Persian and the, iv. 149.

 Kurrat al-Ayn and Abu Isa, v. 145.

 Kus Police and the Sharper, Chief of the, iv. 276.

 Labtayt, The City of, iv. 99.

 Lady of Baghdad, The Sweep and the noble, iv. 125.

 Lady’s Story, The Eldest, i. 162.

 Lady and her five suitors, The, vi. 172.

 —— and her two Lovers, The, vi. 138.

 Ladies of Baghdad, The Porter and the Three, i. 82.

 Laughed again, The man who never, vi. 160.

 Lazybones, Abu Mohammed hight, iv. 162.

 Leper, Abu al-Hasan al-Durraj and Abu Ja’afar the, v. 294.

 Lover, The mad, v. 138.

 Lover who feigned himself a thief (to save his mistress honour), The,
    iv. 155.

 Lover’s trick against the chaste Wife, The, vi. 135.

 Lovers of Bassorah, The, vii. 130.

 —— of the Banu Tayy, The, v. 137.

 —— of the Banu Ozrah, The, v. 70.

 ——, The Lady and her two, vi. 138.

 —— of Al-Medinah, The, vii. 139.

 ——, The Three unfortunate, v. 133.

 Loves of the Boy and Girl at School, The, v. 73.

 Loves of Abu Isa and Kurrat al-Ayn, The, v. 145.

 Maamun, Isaac of Mosul’s Story of Khadijah and the Caliph, iv. 119.

 —— (Al-) and the Pyramids of Egypt, v. 105.

 —— and the strange Scholar, The Caliph, iv. 185.

 Ma’an bin Zaidah and the Badawi, iv. 97.

 Ma’an the son of Zaidah and the Three Girls, iv. 96.

 Mad Lover, The, vii. 139.

 Madinah (Al-), The Lovers of, vii. 139.

 Magic Horse, The, v. 1.

 Mahbubah, Al-Mutawakkil and his favourite, iv. 291.

 Malik al-Nasir (Al-) and the three Masters of Police, iv. 271.

 —— and his Wazir, vii. 142.

 Man and his Wife, The, ix. 98.

 Man who never laughed during the rest of his days, The, vi. 160.

 Man (The Woman who had to lover a) and the other who had to lover a
    boy, v. 165.

 Man of Upper Egypt and his Frankish Wife, ix. 19.

 Man of Al-Yaman and his six Slave-girls, iv. 245.

 Man who stole the dog’s dish of gold, iv. 268.

 Man who saw the Night of Power (Three Wishes), vi. 180.

 Man’s dispute with the learned Woman about boys and girls, v. 154.

 Maruf the Cobbler and his wife Fatimah, x. 1.

 Mansur, Yahya bin Khalid and, iv. 179.

 Masrur and Ibn al-Karibi, v. 109.

 Masrur and Zayn al-Mawasif, viii. 205.

 Merchant of Oman, The, ix. 188.

 —— and the Robbers, The, ix. 100.

 —— and the two Sharpers, The, iii. 158.

 Merchant’s Sister, Ibrahim bin al-Mahdi and the, iv. 278.

 —— Wife, The King’s son and the, vi. 167.

 —— Wife and the Parrot, The, i. 52.

 Mercury Ali of Cairo, The Adventures of, vii. 172.

 Merman, and Abdullah the Fisherman, Abdullah the, ix. 165.

 Miller and his wife, The, v. 82.

 Miriam, Ali Nur al-Din and, viii. 264.

 Miser and Loaves of Bread, The, vi. 137.

 Mock Caliph, The, iv. 130.

 Mohammed al-Amin and Ja’afar bin al-Hadi, v. 93.

 Mohammed bin Sabaik and the Merchant Hasan, King, vii. 308.

 Money-changer, The Thief and the, iv. 275.

 Monkey, The Thief and his, iii. 159.

 Moslem Champion and the Christian Lady, The, v. 277.

 Mouse, The, and the Cat, ix. 35.

 Mouse and the Flea, The, iii. 151.

 Mouse and the Ichneumon, The, iii. 147.

 Muunis, Ali bin Tahir and the girl, v. 164.

 Musab bin al-Zubayr and Ayishah his wife, v. 79.

 Muslem bin al-Walid and Dibil al-Khuzai, v. 127.

 Mutawakkil (Al-) and Al-Fath bin Khakan, v. 153.

 —— and his favourite Mahbubah, iv. 291.

 Mutalammis (Al-) and his wife Umaymah, v. 74.

 Naomi, Ni’amah bin al-Rabi’a and his Slave-girl, iv. 1.

 Nazarene Broker’s Story, The, i. 262.

 Necklace, The Stolen, vi. 182.

 Niggard and the Loaves of Bread, The, vi. 137.

 Night of Power, The man who saw the, vi. 180.

 Nile (The Ferryman of the) and the Hermit, v. 288.

 Ni’amah bin al-Raby’a and Naomi his Slave-girl, iv. 1.

 Nur al-Din Ali and the damsel Anis al-Jalis, ii. 1.

 Nur al-Din of Cairo and his son Badr al-Din Hasan, i. 195.

 Ogress, The King’s Son and the, vi. 139.

 Old Man’s Story, The First, i. 27.

 —— —— The Second, i. 32.

 —— —— The Third, i. 36.

 Old Woman, Abu Suwayd and the handsome, v. 163.

 Omar bin al-Nu’uman and his Sons Sharrkan and Zau al-Makan, The Tale of
    King, ii. 77.

 Omar bin al-Khattab and the young Badawi, v. 99.

 Oman, The Merchant of, ix. 188.

 Otbah and Rayya, vii. 91.

 Page who feigned to know the speech of birds, The, vi. 169.

 Paradise, The Apples of, v. 141.

 Parrot, The Merchant’s wife and the, i. 52.

 Partridge, The Hawk and the, iii. 138.

 Peacock, The Sparrow and the, iii. 161.

 Persian and the Kurd Sharper, Ali the, iv. 149.

 Physician Duban, The, i. 45.

 Physician’s Story, The Jewish, i. 288.

 Pilgrim and the old woman who dwelt in the desert, The, v. 186.

 Pilgrim Prince, The Unjust King and the, ix. 50.

 Pious black slave, The, v. 261.

 Pigeons, The Hedgehog and the, iii. 156.

 Pigeons, The Two, vi. 183.

 Platter-maker and his wife, The devout, v. 264.

 Poets, Harun al-Rashid and the three, v. 77.

 Police of Bulak, Story of the Chief of the, iv. 273.

 —— of Kus and the Sharper, the Chief of the, iv. 276.

 —— of New Cairo, Story of the Chief of the, iv. 271.

 —— of Old Cairo, Story of the Chief of the, iv. 274.

 —— (The Three Masters of), Al-Malik, al-Nasir and, iv. 271.

 Poor man and his friend in need, The, iv. 288.

 Porter and the Three Ladies of Baghdad, The, i. 82.

 Portress, The Tale of the, i. 173.

 Prince Behram and the Princess Al-Datma, vi. 184.

 ——, the Ensorcelled, i. 69.

 —— and the Ghulah, The, i. 54.

 ——, The Devout, v. 111.

 —— (the Pilgrim), The Unjust King and, ix. 50.

 Prior who became a Moslem, The, v. 141.

 Providence, The justice of, v. 286.

 Purse, The Stolen, vi. 209.

 Pyramids of Egypt, Al-Maamun and the, v. 105.

 Queen of the Serpents, The, v. 298.

 Rake’s trick against the chaste Wife, The, vi. 135.

 Rayya, Otbah and, vii. 91.

 Reeve’s Tale, The, i. 278.

 Rogueries of Dalilah the Crafty and her daughter Zaynab the
    Coney-catcher, The, vii. 144.

 Rose-in-Hood, Uns al-Wujud and the Wazir’s Daughter, v. 12.

 Ruined Man of Baghdad and his Slave-girl, The, ix. 24.

 —— who became rich again through a dream, The, iv. 189.

 Rukh, Abd al-Rahman the Moor’s Story of the, v. 122.

 Sa’id bin Salim and the Barmecides, v. 94.

 Saint to whom Allah gave a cloud to serve him, The, v. 274.

 Saker and the Birds, The, iii. 154.

 Sandal-wood Merchant and the Sharpers, The, vi. 202.

 Sayf al-Muluk and Badi’a al-Jamal, vii. 314.

 School, The Loves of the Boy and the Girl at, v. 73.

 Schoolmaster who fell in love by report, The, v. 117.

 ——, The Foolish, v. 118.

 ——, The ignorant man who set up for a, v. 119.

 Serpent, The Crow and the, ix. 46.

 Serpent-charmer and his Wife, ix. 56.

 Serpents, The Queen of the, v. 298.

 Sexes, Relative excellence of the, v. 154.

 Shahryar and his brother, King (Introduction), i. 1.

 Shahryar (King) and his brother, i. 2.

 Shams al-Nahar, Ali bin Bakkar and, iii. 162.

 Sharper of Alexandria and the Chief of Police, The, iv. 269.

 Sharper, Ali the Persian and the Kurd, iv. 149.

 ——, The Chief of the Kus Police and the, iv. 276.

 ——, The Simpleton and the, v. 83.

 Sharpers, The Merchant and the Two, iii. 158.

 ——, The Sandal-wood Merchant and the, vi. 202.

 Sharrkan and Zau al-Makan, The History of King Omar bin Al-Nu’uman and
    his Sons, ii. 277.

 Shaykh’s Story (The First), i. 27.

 —— (The Second), i. 32.

 —— (The Third), i. 36.

 Shepherd and the Thief, The, ix. 106.

 Shimas, King Jali’ad of Hind and his Wazir, ix. 32.

 Shipwrecked Woman and her child, The, v. 259.

 Shirin and the Fisherman, Khusrau and, v. 91.

 Simpleton and the Sharper, The, v. 83.

 Sindibad and his Falcon, King, i. 50.

 Sindbad the Seaman and Sindbad the Porter, vi. 1.

 ——, First Voyage of, vi. 4.

 ——, Second Voyage of, vi. 14.

 ——, Third Voyage of, vi. 22.

 ——, Fourth Voyage of, vi. 34.

 ——, Fifth Voyage of, vi. 48.

 ——, Sixth Voyage of, vi. 58.

 ——, Seventh Voyage of, vi. 68.

 —— (note from Cal. Edit.), vi. 78.

 Singing-girl, The Goldsmith and the Cashmere, vi. 156.

 Six Slave-girls, The Man of Al-Yaman and his, iv. 245.

 Slave, The pious black, v. 261.

 Slave-girl, The ruined man of Baghdad and his, ix. 24.

 Slave-girls, The Man of Al-Yaman and his six, iv. 245.

 Sparrow and the Eagle, The, iii. 155.

 —— and the Peacock, The, iii. 161.

 Spider and the Wind, The, ix. 59.

 Spring, The Enchanted, vi. 145.

 Squinting slave-girl, Abu al-Aswad and his, v. 80.

 Stolen Necklace, The, vi. 182.

 —— Purse, The, vi. 209.

 Suitors, The Lady and her five, vi. 172.

 Sweep and Noble Lady of Baghdad, The, iv. 125.

 Tailor’s Tale, The, i. 300.

 Taj al-Muluk and the Princess Dunya, The Tale of, ii. 263.

 Tawaddud, Abu al-Hasan and his slave-girl, v. 189.

 Thief, The Lover who feigned himself a, iv. 155.

 —— and the Shroff, The, iv. 275.

 —— and his Monkey, The, iii. 159.

 ——, The Shepherd and the, ix. 106.

 —— turned Merchant and the other Thief, The, v. 107.

 Thieves, The Boy and the, ix. 95.

 ——, The Merchant and the, ix. 100.

 ——, The Two, v. 107.

 Three-year-old-child, The Debauchee and the, vi. 208.

 Three Apples, The, i. 186.

 Three unfortunate Lovers, v. 133.

 Three Wishes, or the Man who longed to see the Night of Power, The, vi.

 Tortoise, The Water-fowl and the, iii. 129.

 Tortoises, The Heathcock and the, ix. 113.

 Trader (the) and the Jinni, i. 24.

 Trick (The Lover’s) against the chaste wife, vi. 135.

 —— (The Wife’s) against her husband, vi. 152.

 Two Kings, The, ix. 56.

 Two Pigeons, The, vi. 183.

 Umaymah, Al-Mutalammis and his wife, v. 74.

 Unfortunate Lovers, The Three, v. 133.

 Unjust King and the Pilgrim Prince, The, ix. 50.

 Uns al-Wujud and the Wazir’s Daughter Rose-in-Hood, v. 32.

 Upper Egypt (The man of) and his Frank wife, ix. 19.

 Walid bin Sahl, Yunus the Scribe and the Caliph, vii. 104.

 Wardan, the Butcher, Adventure with the Lady and the Bear, iv. 293.

 Water-carrier and the Goldsmith’s Wife, The, v. 89.

 Water-fowl and the Tortoise, The, iii. 129.

 Wazir and the Sage Duban, The, i. 45.

 Wazir, Al-Malik al-Nasir and his, vii. 142.

 —— of Al-Yaman and his young brother, The, v. 71.

 Wazir’s Son and the Hammam-Keeper’s Wife, The, vi. 152.

 —— Wife, The King and his, vi. 129.

 Weasel, The Mouse and the, iii. 147.

 Weaver, The Foolish, iii. 159.

 Wife, The Badawi and his, vii. 124.

 —— (the Chaste) The Lover’s Trick against, vi. 135.

 ——, The King and his Wazir’s, vi. 129.

 ——, The Man and his Wilful, ix. 98.

 —— (The Merchant’s) and the Parrot, i. 52.

 —— (The Virtuous) and the King, v. 121.

 Wife’s device to cheat her husband, The, vi. 152.

 —— trick against her husband, The, v. 96.

 Wild Ass, The Jackal and the, ix. 48.

 Wilful Wife, The Man and his, ix. 98.

 Wind, The Spider and the, ix. 59.

 Wird Khan (King) and his Women and Wazirs, ix. 90.

 Wolf and the Fox, The, iii. 132.

 Wolf, The Foxes and the, ix. 103.

 Woman (The shipwrecked) and her child, v. 259.

 Woman’s trick against her husband, v. 96.

 Woman who made her husband sift dust, The, iv. 281.

 Woman whose hands were cut off for Almsgiving, The, iv. 281.

 Women, The Malice of, vi. 122.

 ——, The Two, v. 165.

 Yahya bin Khalid and the Forger, iv. 181.

 —— and Mansur, iv. 179.

 —— and the Poor Man, v. 92.

 Yaman (The Man of Al-) and his six slave-girls, iv. 245.

 —— (The Wazir of Al-) and his young brother, v. 71.

 Yunus the Scribe and the Caliph Walid bin Sahl, vii. 104.

 Zau al-Makan, The History of King Omar bin al-Nu’uman and his Sons
    Sharrkan and, ii. 77.

 Zayn al-Mawasif, Masrur and, viii. 205.

 Zaynab the Coney-Catcher, The Rogueries of Dalilah the Wily, and her
    Daughter, vii. 144.

 Zubaydah in the Bath, Harun al-Rashid and, v. 75.

 Zumurrud, Ali Shar and, iv. 187.

                              _INDEX II._

                        (_ANTHROPOLOGICAL, &c._)

                   _Prepared by_ F. STEINGASS, Ph.D.

 A’amash (Al-), traditionist, v. 81.

 A’amash (Al-) = one with watering eyes, vi. 96.

 A’aráf (Al-) = partition-wall (chapter of the Koran), v. 217.

 A’araj (Al-), traditionist, v. 81.

 Aaron’s rod, ii. 242.

 —— (becomes with Moslems Moses’ staff), v. 238.

 Abá, Abáah = cloak of hair, ii. 133; viii. 42.

 Abá al-Khayr = my good sir, etc., ix. 54.

 Abad = eternity, without end, ii. 205.

 Abbás “hero eponymus” of the Abbasides, i. 188.

 —— (= the grim-faced) iv. 138.

 Abbasides (descendants of the Prophet’s uncle), ii. 61.

 —— (black banners and dress), ii. 64, 292.

 ’Abd = servile, iii. 44.

 Abd al-Ahad = slave of the One (God), vi. 222.

 Abd al-Azíz (Caliph), ii. 166.

 Abd al-Malik (Caliph), ii. 77, 167.

 Abd al-Kádir of Gilán (founder of the Kádiri order), iv. 41.

 Abd al-Malik ibn Marwán (Caliph), iii. 319; iv. 7.

 Abd al-Rahím = slave of the Compassionate, vi. 221.

 Abd al-Salám = slave of salvation, vi. 211.

 Abd al-Samad = slave of the Eternal, vi. 221.

 Abd al-Samad al-Samúdí (for Samanhúdí?), vi. 87.

 Abdallah (a neutral name), v. 141.

 Abdallah bin Abbás, companion and traditioner, i. 304.

 Abdallah bin Abí Kilábah, iv. 113.

 Abdallah bin al-Zubayr, iii. 318.

 Abdallah bin Málik al-Khuzá’í, iv. 181.

 Abdallah bin Mas’úd (traditionist), v. 81.

 Abdallah bin Sálim (traditionist), v. 81.

 Abdallah ibn al-Mu’tazz (poet-prince), x. 39.

 Abdún (convent of) x. 40.

 Abhak = Allah bless him and keep (see Sal’am), ii. 24.

 ’Abír (a fragrant powder sprinkled on face, body and clothes), viii.

 Abjad (Hebrew-Arabic alphabet), v. 229.

 —— (logogriphs derived from it), viii. 93.

 Ablution (difference of fashion in performing it), v. 112.

 —— (obligatory after copulation), viii. 305.

 Abraham (an Imám to mankind), ii. 203.

 —— (place of) ii. 272; iv. 148.

 —— (the Friend = mediæval St. Abraham), v. 205; vi. 270.

 Abtan (Al-) = the most profound (_see_ Bátiní), vi. 221.

 Abú al-Abbás al-Mubarrad (grammarian), v. 138.

 Abú al-Abbás al-Rakáshí (poet), v. 77.

 Abú al-Ayná, v. 164.

 Abú al-Hamlát = father of assaults, burdens, pregnancies, vii. 149.

 Abú al-Hasan (not Husn), iii. 162.

 Abú al-Husn = Father of Beauty (a fancy-name), v. 189.

 Abú al-Hosayn (Father of the Fortlet) = fox, iii. 132.

 Abú al-Lays (Pr. N.) = Father of the Lion, ix. 211.

 Abú al-Muzaffir = Father of the Conqueror, iv. 166.

 Abú al-Nowás (Pr. N.) = Father of the Sidelocks, iv. 55, 264.

 Abú al-Ruwaysh = Father of the Feather-kin, viii. 77.

 Abú al-Sa’ádát = Father of Prosperities, viii. 148; x. 29.

 Abú al-Sakhá = Father of Munificence, vii. 133.

 Abú Alí, _see_ Di’ibil al-Khuzá’i.

 Abú Alí al-Husayn the Wag, vii. 130.

 Abú Ámir bin Marwán (Wazir to Saladin), vii. 142.

 Abú Bakr (Caliph) ii. 167, 197; v. 235.

 Abú Bakr Mohammed al-Anbárí (grammarian), v. 141.

 Abú Dalaf al-Ijili (a soldier famed for liberality and culture), ix.

 Abú Fáris = Father of Spoils (lion), v. 40.

 Abú Hanífah (founder of the Senior School), ii. 207.

 —— (scourged for refusing to take office), ii. 210.

 Abú Hassán al-Ziyadí, iv. 258.

 Abú Házim, ii. 205.

 Abú Horayrah (uncle of Mohammed), v. 81.

 Abú Hosayn = Father of the Fortlet (fox), vi. 211.

 Abú Ishak (Hárún’s cup-companion), ii. 302.

 Abú Karn = Father of the Horn (unicorn?), vi. 21.

 Abú Kidr = Father of the Cooking-pot, i. 304.

 Abú Kír = Father of the Pitch (Abou Kir), ix. 134.

 Abú Kurrat = Father of Coolness (Chamæleon), iii. 165.

 Abú Lahab and his wife, viii. 291.

 Abú Lúlúah (murderer of Caliph Omar), ii. 162.

 Abú Maryam (a term of contempt), viii. 306.

 Abú Miján (song of), x. 41.

 Abú Mohammed al-Battál (hero of an older tale), viii. 335.

 Abú Músà al-Ashárí, ii. 162.

 Abú Riyáh = Father of Winds (a toy), ii. 93.

 Abú Shámah = Father of the Cheek-mole, i. 269.

 Abú Shámmah = Father of a Smeller or nose, i. 269.

 Abú Shawárib = Father of Mustachios, i. 269.

 Abú Shiháb, Father of the Shooting-star = evil spirit, i. 221.

 Abú Sír (corruption of Pousiri = Busiris), ix. 134.

 Abú Sirhán = Father of (going out to pray by) Morning, iii. 146; ix.

 Abú Tabak = Father of Whipping, x. 5.

 Abú Tammám (poet), v. 157.

 Abú Yakzán = awakener (ass, cock), i. 16, 18.

 Abú Yúsuf (the Lawyer), iv. 153.

 Abú Zanád (traditionist), v. 81.

 Abú Zarr (companion of the Prophet), ii. 200; v. 102.

 Abyssinians (hardly to be called blackamoors), vi. 63.

 Account asked from outgoing Governors, vii. 102.

 Account of them will be presently given = “we leave them for the
    present,” vii. 157.

 Acids applied as counter-inebriants, viii. 32.

 Acquit me of responsibility = pardon me, ii. 76.

 —— (formula of dismissing a servant), vi. 243.

 Acquittance of all possible claims after business transactions (quoted
    on Judgment-Day), ix. 285.

 ’Ád (tribe of the prehistoric Arabs) i. 65; iii. 294; ix. 174.

 ’Ád bin Zayd (poet), v. 124.

 Adab = anything between good education and good manners, i. 132; ix.

 Adam’s loins, iv. 111.

 Adam’s Peak (Ar. Jabal al-Ramun), vi. 65.

 Ádamí = an Adamite (opposed to Jinn), ix. 169.

 Adan = our Aden, viii. 248.

 Address without vocative particle more emphatic, vii. 125.

 Addressing by the name not courteous, vii. 114.

 Adí (son of Hátim al-Táyyí), iv. 95.

 Ádil (Al-) = the Just (Caliph Omar), v. 103.

 ’Ádilíyah (Mosque in Cairo), x. 6.

 Adím = leather (Bulghár, Morocco), viii. 80.

 Adím al-Zauk = lack-tact, ix. 206.

 Adites (first and second), vi. 269.

 Adl = just (ironically), iv. 271.

 Adm (Udm) = any relish, iv. 128.

 Admiral (fishing for the King’s table), ix. 159.

 Adnán (Arab genealogy begins with), v. 100.

 —— (land of Arabia), vi. 94.

 Adolescent (Un, aime toutes les femmes), vii. 299.

 Adultery (none without an adulterer), v. 90.

 —— (to be proved by four witnesses), v. 97.

 —— (son of = base-born), ix. 331.

 —— (son of, to one’s own child), iii. 219.

 Æolipyla, ii. 101.

 Æsop the fable-writer, x. 117.

 Af’à = ὄφις (a snake), ix. 37.

 Affirmative and negative particles, vii. 195.

 Afridun (Furaydun) absurd name for a Greek king, ii. 82.

 Africa (suggested derivation of the name), vii. 60.

 Aftah (Al-) = Broad-’o-Brow, i. 17.

 Aghá = master, sir, gentleman (politely applied to a Eunuch), i. 235;
    ii. 50.

 —— (Al-) for chief police officer, vii. 156.

 Ahassa bi ’l-shurbah = “he smelt a rat,” vii. 144.

 Ahd (Al-) wa al-Mísák = oath and covenant, ix. 327.

 Ahdab = hunchback (opposed to Ak’as), i. 213.

 Áhirah = strumpet (_see_ Fájirah), viii. 109.

 Ahjár al-Kassárín = falling-stones, viii. 334.

 Ahl al-Bayt = the person of the house (euphemistic for wife), vi. 199.

 Ahlan = as one of the household, viii. 269.

 Ahmad = the praised one, Mohammed, ii. 226.

 Ahmad al-Danaf (Pr. N.) = Calamity Ahmad, iv. 75.

 —— bin Abí Dawád (High Chancellor to the Abbasides), ix. 244.

 —— bin Hanbal (founder of the fourth Moslem School), ii. 204.

 Ahnaf (Al-) bin Kays, ii. 160.

 Ahr (ihr) = fornication, in the sense of irreligion, ii. 258.

 Ahrám (Al-) = the Pyramids, v. 105.

 Ahwáz (city and province of Khuzistan), vi. 287.

 “Aidance from Allah and victory are near,” ix. 317.

 ’Áin = Smiter with the evil eye, i. 123.

 Air (I fear it for her when it bloweth), viii. 53.

 ’Ajáib al-Hind = marvels of Ind, x. 153.

 Ajal = appointed time of life, i. 74.

 —— = yes verily, vii. 195.

 ’Ajam (Al-) = region not Arab, Persia, i. 2.

 ’Ajami = foreigner, esp. Persian, i. 120.

 Ajíb (Pr. N.) = wonderful, vi. 257.

 Ajúz, for old woman, highly insulting, i. 174.

 ’Ajwah = dates pressed into a solid mass and deified, vii. 14.

 Akabah (mountain pass near Meccah), v. 295.

 Akákír = drugs, spices, vii. 147.

 Akásirah (= Kisra-Kings), i. 75; ix. 323.

 —— (= sons of the royal Chosroës), v. 10.

 Akh = brother (wide signification of the word), vi. 243.

 Akh al-Jahálah = Brother of Ignorance, iii. 162.

 Akhawán shakíkán = (two) brothers german, viii. 340.

 Ákhir al-Zamán = the latter days, v. 304.

 Akhlát (town in Armenia), vii. 88.

 Akhzar = green, grey, fresh (applied to cheek-down), ii. 292.

 Akík (Al-), two of the name, vii. 140.

 ’Akík = carnelian (“seal with seals of”), viii. 228.

 Akíl (son of Abú Tálib), viii. 172.

 ’Akká = Acre, ix. 19.

 Akkám = Cameleer, Caravan-manager, iv. 40.

 Akl al-hishmah = eating decorously, ix. 337.

 Akmám, pl. of Kumm = sleeve, petal, viii. 275.

 Akr Kayrawán = ball of silver-dross, viii. 267.

 Akún fidá-ka = I may be thy ransom, viii. 36.

 Akyál, title of the Himyarite Kings, vii. 60.

 Akrás = cakes, i. 83.

 Al (the Article with Proper Names), iii. 309.

 Alà júdi-k = to thy generosity, ix. 150.

 Alá al-Din (Aladdin) = Glory of the Faith, iv. 29, 33.

 Alà kulli hál = in any case, any how, viii. 272.

 Alà mahlak = at thy leisure, ix. 168.

 Alà raghm = in spite of, vii. 121.

 A’láj = sturdy miscreants, x. 38.

 Alak = clotted blood, iii. 26.

 Alam = way-mark etc., v. 191.

 —— (not Ilm) al-Din = flag of the faith, ii. 19.

 Aláma = alá-má = upon what? wherefore? iv. 201.

 Alas for his chance of escaping = there is none, vii. 183.

 Alast (day of), iv. 111.

 Albatross (supposed never to touch land), vi. 33.

 Alchemy (its practice has cost many a life), viii. 11.

 Alcinous (of the Arabian Odyssy), vi. 65.

 Alcove (corruption of Al-Kubbah), v. 18.

 Ál Dáud (David’s family), iv. 50.

 Aleppo (noted for debauchery), v. 64.

 Alexander (of the Koran) not to be confounded with the Macedonian, ii.

 Alexandria (praise of), viii. 289.

 Alfí = one who costs a thousand, iv. 225.

 Alhambra = (Dár) al-Hamrá, the Red, vii. 49.

 Alhamdulillah (pronounced to avert the evil eye), v. 7.

 Alí bin Abí Tálib (Caliph), v. 213; 225.

 —— (his deeds of prowess), ii. 108.

 —— (murder of), iii. 319.

 —— bin Mohammed bin Abdallah bin Táhír (Governor), v. 164.

 —— al-Mulúk = high of (among the Kings), vii. 354.

 —— al-Zaybak (Pr. N. = Mercury Ali), iv. 75; vii. 172.

 —— Shár (Pr. N.), iv. 187.

 Alif (stature like one), iii. 236; iv. 249.

 —— Há, Wáw as tests of calligraphy, vii. 112.

 Alish Takish (acting woman and man alternately), v. 65.

 All will not be save well = it will be the worse for him, ix. 293.

 Allah (will open thee) a formula of refusal, i. 32.

 —— (hath said) formula of quoting the Koran, i. 61.

 —— (names, by Edwin Arnold), ii. 28.

 —— Wa’llahi tayyib (exclamation of the Egyptian Moslem), _ib._ 34.

 —— (His name pronounced against the evil eye), iv. 34.

 —— (is all-knowing, swearing by, forbidden), _ib._ ~gutenberg 53254 .

 —— = (I don’t know), _ib._ ~gutenberg 53254 .

 —— (give thee profit), iii. 17.

 —— (unto, we are returning), _ib._ 317.

 —— (desire unto), v. 104.

 —— (corporality of?), _ib._ 104.

 —— (requite you abundantly = “thank you”), _ib._ 171.

 —— (seeking refuge with), _ib._ 200.

 —— (names of), _ib._ 214.

 —— (be praised whatso be our case), vi. 3.

 —— (the “Manifest Truth”), _ib._ 93.

 —— (is omniscient), formula used when telling an improbable tale, _ib._

 —— (the Opener), _ib._ 216.

 —— (it is He who gives by our means), _ib._ 233.

 —— (sight comprehendeth Him not), _ib._ 283.

 —— (confound the far One, hard swearing), vii. 155.

 —— (succour the Caliph against thee), _ib._ 159.

 —— (is All-knowing for our tale is no “Gospel truth”), _ib._ 209.

 —— (I take refuge with—from gainsaying thee = God forbid that I should
    oppose thee), viii. 53.

 —— (perpetuate his shadow), _ib._ 170.

 —— (we seek refuge with him from the error of the intelligent), _ib._

 —— (will make no way for the Infidels over the True Believers), ix. 16.

 —— (I seek refuge with), _ib._ 35.

 —— (He was jealous for Almighty), _ib._ 104.

 —— (I fear him in respect of = I am governed by Him in my dealings
    with), _ib._ 123.

 —— (pardon thee, showing that the speaker does not believe in another’s
    tale), _ib._ 154.

 —— (the Provider), _ib._ 166.

 —— (for the love of), _ib._ 170.

 —— (Karím = God is bountiful), _ib._ 167.

 —— (grant thee grace = pardon thee), _ib._ 283.

 —— (yasturak = will veil thee), _ib._ 309.

 —— (sole Scient of the hidden things, be extolled), _ib._ 311.

 —— (raised the heavens without columns, etc.), _ib._ 324.

 —— (will make things easy = will send us aid), x. 2.

 —— (give thee quittance of responsibility), _ib._ 11.

 —— (will send thee thy daily bread), _ib._ 13.

 Allah! Allah! = I conjure thee by God, i. 346.

 Alláh Karím = Allah is all beneficent, i. 32.

 Allaho a’alam = God is all knowing, i. 2, 50.

 Allaho akbar (as a war cry), ii. 89; v. 196; vii. 8; viii. 265.

 Allahumma = Yá Allah with emphasis, i. 39.

 Allusions (far-fetched, fanciful and obscure), iii. 58, 169, 176, 263.

 Almá = brown- (not “damask-”) lipped, v. 66.

 Almás = Gr. Adamas, ix. 325.

 Almenichiaka, vi. 124.

 Almond-apricot, vi. 277.

 Alms to reverend men to secure their prayers, ii. 71.

 Alnashar (Story of), x. 146.

 Aloes, _see_ Sabr.

 —— (well appreciated in Eastern medicine), ix. 100.

 —— (the finest used for making Nadd), ix. 150.

 Alpinism (unknown), iii. 324.

 Al-Safar Zafar = voyaging is victory, i. 250.

 Alwán (pl. of Laun, colour) = viands, dishes, viii. 23.

 Amáim (pl. of Imamah) = turbands, iv. 100.

 ’Amal = action, operation (applied to drugs etc.), ix. 274.

 ’Amala hilah for tricking, a Syro-Egyptian vulgarism, vii. 43.

 Amalekites, vii. 264, 265.

 Amám-ak = before thee, vii. 94.

 Amán = quarter, mercy, i. 342.

 ’Amáriah (Pr. N. of a town), vii. 353.

 Amazon (a favourite in folk-lore), ii. 96.

 Amazons (of Dahome), viii. 39.

 Ambar al-Khám = rude Ambergris, viii. 85.

 Ambiguousity, v. 44.

 Amend her case = bathe her, etc., vii. 266.

 Amid (Amidah) town in Mesopotamia, vi. 106.

 Amín (Al-) = the Trusted of Allah, iv. 261.

 —— —— son and successor of Hárún al-Rashíd, i. 185; v. 93, 152.

 Ámín (Amen) = So be it! ix. 131.

 Amír = military commander, i. 259.

 ’Ámir = one who inhabiteth, haunter, x. 6.

 Amír and Samúl = Jones, Brown and Robinson, iv. 106.

 Amír al-Muuminín = Prince of the Faithful, i. 112.

 Ammá ba’ad = but after (initiatory formula), ii. 37.

 ’Amm = uncle (polite address to a father-in-law), x. 32.

 Ammá laka au ’alayka = either to thee (the gain) or upon thee (the
    loss), ix. ii.

 Amor discende non ascende, iii. 240.

 Amr (Al-) = command, matter, affair, ix. 67.

 Amrad = beardless and handsome, effeminate, i. 327.

 Amrú (pronounced Amr) or Zayd = Tom, Dick or Harry, iv. 2.

 —— bin Ma’adi Karib (poet), v. 147.

 —— bin Masa’dah (Pr. N.), v. 145.

 Amsá = he passed the evening, etc., iii. 239.

 Amsár (pl. of Misr) = cities, i. 11.

 —— = settled provinces, vii. 371.

 Amshát (combs) perhaps = Kanáfah (vermicelli), i. 83.

 Amtár, pl. of Matr, _q.v._, iii. 295.

 Amúd al-Sawári = the Pillar of Masts (Diocletian’s column), viii. 323.

 Amúríyah = the classical Amorium, v. 141.

 “Ana” (from Night ccclxxxi. to ccccxxiv.), v. 64.

 Ana a’amil = I will do it (Egypto-Syrian vulgarism), v. 367.

 Ana fí jíratak = I crave thy intercession (useful phrase), iv. 83.

 Anagnorisis, admirably managed, viii. 104.

 Analphabetic Amírs, ix. 126.

 Ánasa-kum = ye are honoured by knowing him, x. 11.

 Anbár (pronounced Ambár), town on the Euphrates, iv. 152.

 Anbar (Ambar) = ambergris, vi. 60.

 Andalíb = nightingale (masc. in Arab.), viii. 282.

 Andalusian = Spanish (_i.e._ of Vandal-land), vi. 101.

 Andam = the gum called dragon’s blood; brazil-wood, i. 176; iii. 263;
    viii. 225.

 Anemone on a tomb, ii. 325.

 Angels (taking precedence in the order of created beings), ix. 81.

 —— (appearing to Sodomites), iii. 301.

 —— (ride piebalds), vi. 146.

 —— (shooting down the Jinn), viii. 292.

 Anís al-Jalís = the Cheerer of the Companion, ii. 5.

 Animals (have no fear of man), ix. 181.

 Anista-ná = thy company gladdens us, viii. 231.

 Anklet-ring and ear drops (erotic meaning of), ii. 318.

 Ansár = Medinite auxiliaries, vii. 92; viii. 183.

 Ant (chapter ix. of the Koran), v. 213.

 Antar (Romance quoted), iv. 41.

 —— (and the Chosroë), vi. 285.

 —— (contest with Khosrewan), vii. 289.

 Anthropophagy (allowed when it saves life), v. 186.

 Antiochus and Stratonice, iv. 10.

 Ants (a destructive power in tropic climates), ix. 46.

 Anúshírwán = Anúshín-rawán = Sweet of Soul, v. 87.

 Anwá, pl. of Nau, _q.v._, viii. 266.

 Anwár = lights, flowers, viii. 270; 282.

 Anyáb (pl. of Náb) = grinder teeth, ix. 140.

 Ape-names (expressing auspiciousness), iii. 159.

 Apes (isle of) vi. 23.

 —— (and their lustful propensities), vi. 54.

 —— (gathering fruits), vi. 56.

 —— (remnant of some ancient tribe), vii. 346.

 Apodosis omitted, vi. 203, 239.

 Apple (wine), iv. 134.

 —— (many a goodly one rotten at the core), iv. 187.

 Apricots (various kinds), viii. 268.

 ’Ár (Al-) = shame, v. 138.

 Arab al-Arbá = prehistoric tribes of the Arabs, i. 112; v. 101.

 —— al-Musta’ajimah = barbarised Arabs, _ib._

 —— al-Musta’aribah = naturalised Arabs, _ib._

 —— al-Muta’arribah = Arabised Arabs, _ib._

 —— (exaggerates generosity), ii. 36.

 —— (shouting under his ruler’s palace), _ib._ 39.

 —— temperament, _ib._ 54, 101, 181.

 —— cap (Turtúr), _ib._ 143.

 —— (Derivation of the name), _ib._ 140.

 —— (pathos), iii. 55.

 —— (the noble merciful), _ib._ 88.

 —— (shop), _ib._ 163.

 —— (style compared with Persian), vi. 125.

 A’ráb = dwellers in the desert, ix. 293.

 Arab horses (breeds of), v. 246.

 Arab-land and Ajam = all the world over, v. 136.

 Arabian Night converted into an Arabian Note, vii. 314.

 Arabian Odyssey, viii. 7.

 Arabs (for plundering nomades), x. 25.

 Arafat (Mount, where the victims are _not_ slaughtered), v. 295.

 —— (day of), ii. 169.

 Arák (capparis shrub), ii. 54.

 —— (tooth-stick of the wild caper-tree; Aráka = I see thee), iii. 275.

 Arakíyah = white scull-cap, i. 215.

 Ar’ar = Juniper-tree, “heath,” iii. 254; vi. 95.

 Ardabb (Irdabb) = five bushels, i. 263.

 Ardeshir (Artaxerxes), three Persian Kings of the name, ii. 156; vii.

 Ardhanárí = the half-woman, iii. 306.

 Arianism and early Christianity, x. 190.

 Aríf (Al-) = monitor, i. 231.

 Arísh (Al-), frontier town between Egypt and Palestine, ix. 286.

 ’Aríshah = arbour, etc., ix. 219.

 Aristomenes and his fox, vi. 45.

 Arithmetic (not mastered by Moslems), v. 236.

 Arithmology (cumbrous in Arabic for lack of the higher numerals), ix.

 Ark al-Haláwat = vein of sweetness, for penis, iv. 51.

 Arman = Armenia, ii. 273.

 Armaníyah (Armenia), iv. 182.

 Armenians (porters of Constantinople), vi. i.

 Arm-pits (taking a dismounting person under the, a sign of respect),
    iv. 24.

 Arms and armour, x. 86.

 Army (divided into six divisions), iii. 290.

 Arsh = the ninth Heaven, v. 167.

 Artál, _see_ Rotl.

 Artists in cosmetics, x. 234.

 Arúbah (Al-) = Friday, vi. 190.

 Arún (Heb.) = in his shirt, i. 78.

 ’Arús (Al-) = the bride (tropical name for wine), viii. 203.

 As’ad = more (or most) fortunate, iii. 346.

 Asaf bin Barkhiya (Solomon’s Wazir), vi. 99; vii. 318; viii. 133.

 Asáfírí = sparrow-olives, iii. 295.

 ’Asákír = corner-terminals of a litter, x. 32.

 Asal Kasab = cane-honey, x. 3.

 Asal Katr = drip-honey, x. 2.

 Asal Nahl = bee’s honey, i. 271.

 Ásár = traces, ix. 255.

 Ash’ab (proverbial for greed), x. 15.

 Asháb = companions, vii. 92; viii. 183.

 Asháb al-Ráy (epithet of the Hanafi school), vi. 146.

 Asháb al-Suffah, v. 102.

 Asháb al-Ziyá = Feudatories, vii. 327.

 Ashhab = grey-white, ii. 116.

 A-Sharíf anta = art thou a noble, ix. 231.

 Ashírah = clan, vii. 121.

 Ashjár = door-posts or wooden bolts, vi. 191.

 Ashkánián, race of Persian Kings, i. 78.

 Asídah (custard, pap), iv. 37.

 Ásim = defending, vii. 314.

 Askar jarrár = drawing (_i.e._ conquering) army, vii. 85.

 Aslah = head-kerchief, ii. 59.

 Aslán (Pr. N., probably for Arslan = lion), iv. 78.

 Asma’í (Al-), author of Antar, iv. 159; vii. 110.

 Asoka’s wife and Kunála, vi. 127.

 Ass (held ill-omened), ii. 25.

 —— (-goad), iii. 116.

 —— (voice “most ungrateful”), iii. 117.

 —— (the wild, “handy” with his hoof), iii. 235.

 Asr (Al-) = time or prayer of mid-afternoon, i. 240.

 Astár (pl. of Satr = chopper?), viii. 184.

 Astarte (primarily the planet Venus?), x. 229.

 Astrolabe, father of our sextant, i. 304.

 Aswad = black (used for any dark colour), viii. 268.

 ’Atb = blame, reproach (for disgrace), viii. 112.

 Atbák = trays, v. 264.

 Atheist (Ar. Zindík), viii. 27.

 Atmár = rags (for travelling clothes), vii. 114.

 Atnáb = tent-ropes, viii. 240.

 Atr = any perfume, i. 355.

 Atsah (Al-) = sneezing, ix. 220.

 ’Attár = perfume-seller, druggist, x. 8.

 Attraction of like to like, ii. 296.

 Auhashtaní = thou hast made me desolate, i. 62.

 ’Aúj = Persian town, Kúch (?), ix. 347.

 Aun (of Jinns, etc.), iv. 88.

 Aurat = shame, nakedness (woman, wife), vi. 30.

 —— (of man and woman), vi. 118.

 Avanie (Ar. Gharámah), viii. 151.

 Avaunt = Ikhsa, be chased like a dog, vii. 45.

 Awáh! Awáh! = Alas! Alas!, ii. 321.

 Awák = ounces (pl. Ukíyah, _q.v._), viii. 12.

 ’Awálim, pl. of ’Álimah = dancing girls, i. 214.

 ’Awáshik = hucklebones, cockles, ix. 268.

 Awwá (name of Satan’s wife), iii. 229.

 Awwádah = lute-player, iv. 142.

 Áyat = Coranic verses, ii. 242; iii. 307; iv. 142.

 Áyát al-Naját = Verses of Safety, vi. 108.

 Áyishah bint Talhah (grand-daughter of Abú Bakr), v. 79.

 Aylúlah = slumbering after morning prayers, ii. 178.

 Ayn = eye (for helper), v. 60.

 Ayns (verset of the 140), v. 217.

 Aysh (Egypt.) = Ayyu Shayyin for classical “Má” what, i. 79.

 ’Aysh = that on which man lives (for bread), x. 3.

 Ayshat al-durrah murrah = the sister-wife has a bitter life, iii. 308.

 Aywá (Ay wa’lláhi) = Ay, by Allah, i. 303; vii. 195.

 Aywan = saloon with estrades, vii. 347.

 Ayyás (Issus of Cilicia), iv. 76.

 Ayyúb = Job, ii. 45.

 Azal = eternity without beginning (opposed to Abad = infinity) ii. 205;
    v. 390.

 Azán (call to prayer), ii. 306; v. 209.

 Az’ar = having thin hair; tail-less, ix. 185.

 Azarbiján = Kohistán, vii. 104.

 Azdashír, misprint for Ardashir, vii. 209.

 Azghán = camel litters, ii. 282.

 Azím = “deuced” or “mighty fine,” i. 178; ix. 40.

 Azíz (fem. Azízah) = dear, excellent, highly prized, ii. 298.

 ’Azíz (Al-) al-Misr = Magnifico of Misraim, ix. 119.

 Azrak = blue-eyed (so is the falcon!), vii. 164; viii. 4.

 Azrár (buttons), ii. 318.

 Ba’albak = Ba’al’s city, v. 51.

 Báb = gate, chapter, i. 136; vii. 3.

 —— (sometimes for a sepulchral cave), ix. 286.

 Báb (Al-) al-’Ali = Sublime Porte, x. 5.

 Báb al-Bahr and Báb al-Barr, viii. 55, 318.

 Báb al-Farádís = gate of the gardens at Damascus, i. 240.

 Báb al-Lúk (of Fostat), iv. 259.

 Báb al-Nasr = Gate of Victory (at Cairo), vi. 234; x. 6.

 Báb al-Salám (of the Al-Medínah Mosque), iv. 288.

 Babel = Gate of God, i. 85.

 Babes of the eye = pupils, i. 100; iv. 246.

 Baboon (Kird) has a natural penchant for women, iv. 297.

 Bábúnaj = white camomile, iii. 58.

 Babylonian eyes = bewitching ones, viii. 278.

 Bachelor not admitted in Arab quarters, iii. 191.

 Back-parts compared to revolving heavens, iii. 18.

 Bactrian camel, v. 371.

 Badal = substitute, v. 249.

 Badawí (not used in the Koran for Desert Arab), ii. 140.

 —— (bonnet), _ib._ 143.

 —— (a fool as well as a rogue), _ib._ 146.

 —— (cannot swim), iii. 69.

 —— (baser sort), _ib._ 70.

 —— (shifting camp in spring), _ib._

 —— (noble), _ib._ 88.

 —— (bluntness and plain-speaking of), iv. 102; v. 98.

 Badawi’s dying farewell, i. 75.

 Bádhanj = windshaft, ventilator, i. 257.

 Bád-i-Sabá = breeze o’ the morn, ii. 181.

 Badinján = Solanum pomiferum or S. Melongena, v. 4.

 Badlah Kunúzíyah = treasure-suit, ix. 331.

 Badmasti = le vin mauvais, i. 88.

 Badrah = 10,000 dirhams, iv. 281.

 Badr Básim = full moon smiling, vii. 274.

 Bághdád = Garden of Justice, iii. 100.

 —— (House of Peace), viii. 51.

 —— (of Nullity, opposed to the Ubiquity of the World), ix. 13.

 Baghlah = she-mule, i. 129.

 Bahá al-Dín ibn Shaddád (Judge Advocate-General under Saladin), ix. 23.

 Bahádur = the brave, iii. 334.

 Baháim (pl. of Bahímah = Behemoth) applied to cattle, iv. 54.

 Bahak = white leprosy, v. 294.

 Bahímah, mostly = black cattle, ix. 71.

 Bahr = water cut or trenched in the earth, sea, large river, i. 44.

 Bahr (Al-) al-azrak = Blue River, not “Blue Nile,” viii. 4.

 Bahr al-Kunúz = Sea of Treasures, v. 37.

 Bahr al-Muhít = circumambient ocean, i. 133.

 Bahrám (Varanes) = planet Mars, iii. 339.

 Bahramání = Brahman, iv. 101.

 Bahríyah = crew, viii. 17.

 Bahrwán (Pr. N. for Bihrún?), v. 329.

 Bakh! Bakh! = bravo! brava!, ii. 151; iv. 121.

 Bakhkharaní = he incensed me, ix. 238.

 Bakhshish naturalized as Anglo-Egyptian, iii. 45.

 —— (such as to make a bath-man’s mouth water), ix. 151.

 Bakk = bug, iii. 328.

 Bakkát = greengrocer, vii. 295.

 Baklámah = almond-pastry, ii. 311.

 Balábil pl. of bulbul (nightingale) and of balbalah (grief) v. 244.

 Balah = green date, ii. 314.

 Baldricks (Ar. Hamáil) v. 158.

 Balíd = simpleton i. 17.

 Ballán = body-servant, i. 311.

 Ballánah = tire-woman, i. 311.

 Ballúr (Billaur) = crystal, etc., iii. 194.

 Baltiyah = Labrus Niloticus (fish) viii. 290.

 Bán = myrobolan, vii. 247; viii. 322.

 Banát = daughters, protégées, viii. 39.

 Banát al-Na’ash = the Great Bear, iii. 28, 221.

 Bandaged eyes (before beheading) iv. 145.

 Bands of bandits, iii. 101.

 Bandukáníyah (quarter of Cairo) vi. 254.

 Banj = Nibanj = Nepenthe, i. 70.

 Banner (bound to a spear sign of investiture) iii. 307; vii. 101.

 Banní (Bunní) = Cyprinus Bynni, viii. 189.

 Banquets (royal) iv. 212.

 —— (daintily deviced) iv. 226.

 Banú Abbás (their colours black) vi. 86.

 —— al-Asfar (people of the yellow faces) ii. 220.

 —— Isráíl, iv. 283.

 —— Kahtán, vi. 260.

 —— Nabhán, vi. 262.

 —— Shaybán (tribe) iv. 233.

 —— Tamim (tribe) vii. 125.

 —— Umayyah (their colours white) vi. 86.

 —— ’Uzzah (tribe famous for love passion) ii. 304; v. 70.

 Banyán = Ficus Indica, vi. 81.

 Baradiyah = wide-mouthed jug, i. 36.

 Baras = white leprosy, v. 294; viii. 24.

 Barge (Ar. Bárijah) vi. 24.

 Bárid = cold (vain, foolish, insipid) i. 213; iii. 7.

 Baríd = Post, vii. 340.

 Bárijah (pl. bawárij) = Jarm, barge, vi. 24.

 Barley, food for horses, i. 345.

 Barmahát (seventh Coptic month) v. 231.

 Barmecides (Ar. Barámikah) i. 188.

 Barr al- (history of the family) x. 137.

 Barmúdah (eighth Coptic month) v. 232.

 Barr al-Manákhah in Al-Medinah, ii. 139.

 Barsh = matting, ii. 18.

 Barsh (Bars) commonest form of Bhang, iv. 31.

 Bartaut = Berthold, ix. 8.

 Barzakh = bar, partition, Hades, ii. 325.

 Basaltic statues in Hauranic ruins give rise to the idea of men
    transformed into black stones, i. 170.

 Bashárah (al-) = gift of good tidings, guerdon, i. 30.

 Báshik (small sparrow-hawk) iii. 61.

 Basil = the Indian Tulsi, i. 19.

 Basil of the bridges = Ocymum basilicum, pennyroyal, i. 91.

 Basmalah = pronouncing the formula Bismillah, v. 206; ix. 1.

 —— (commonly pronounced Bismillah) v. 213.

 Bastardy (a sore offence amongst Moslems) viii. 115.

 Bastinado of women, i. 183.

 Bat (has seed like a man’s) v. 85.

 Batáikh (Batátíkh) = water melons, vi. 208.

 Batánah = lining, vii. 330.

 Batárikah (half ecclesiastic half military term) viii. 256, 319.

 Batárikh = roe, spawn, ix. 139.

 Bath (first, after sickness) iii. 266.

 —— (coming out of, shows that consummation has taken place) iv. 244.

 —— (suggesting freshness from coition) vi. 135.

 —— (and privy, favourite haunts of the Jinns) vi. 141.

 —— (not to be entered by men without drawers) vi. 150.

 —— (may it be a blessing to thee) viii. 200.

 —— (setting it a-working, turning on the water, hot and cold) ix. 149.

 Bathers pay on leaving the Hammám, ii. 332.

 Bathsheba and Uriah (congeners of) vi. 129.

 Bátiní = gnostic; a reprobate, ii. 29; vi. 221.

 Batíyah = jar, flagon, viii. 323.

 Batrak (Batrik) = patriarch, ii. 89.

 Batrík (Bitrík) = patricius, ii. 89.

 Batshat al-Kubrá = the great disaster (battle of Badr) vii. 55.

 Battál (Al-), story of, x. 74, 75.

 Battásh al-Akrán = he who assaults his peers, vii. 55.

 Battle-pieces, vii. 61.

 Bawd (admirably portrayed) iv. 4.

 Bawwáb = door-keeper, vi. 189.

 Bawwák = trumpeter (a discreditable character) viii. 192.

 Bayáz = Silurus Bajad (cat-fish) viii. 150.

 Bayáz = whiteness (lustre, honour) viii. 295.

 Bayáz al-Sultáni = the best kind of gypsum, i. 270.

 Baydah (Al-) = pawn in chess, v. 243.

 Bayt (Al-) = the house (for cage) v. 269.

 Bayt al-Mukaddas = Jerusalem, ii. 132.

 Bayt Sha’r = house of hair; Bayt Shi’r = a couplet, viii. 279.

 Bayzatán = testicles (egg-story) ii. 55.

 Báz (vulg. for Tabl) = kettledrum, viii. 18.

 Bazar (locked at night) x. 13.

 Bazar of Damascus famous in the Middle Ages, i. 2.

 Bází (Pers. Báz) = F. peregrinator, hawk, falcon, iii. 138.

 BE! and IT IS (the creative word) v. 240, 286.

 Bead thrown into a cup (signal of delivery) vii. 324.

 Bean-eating in Egypt, iv. 160.

 Beard (long, and short wits) iii. 247.

 —— (forked, characteristic of a Persian) iii. 325.

 —— (combed by the fingers in the Wuzú) v. 198, 209.

 Beast with two backs (Eastern view of) vii. 35.

 Beast-stories (oldest matter in The Nights) iii. 114.

 Beauties of nature provoke hunger in Orientals, iii. 32.

 Beckoning (Eastern fashion the reverse of ours) vi. 109.

 Before the face of Allah = for the love of God, i. 135.

 Beheading or sacking of a faithless wife unlawful but connived at, i.

 Belle fourchette (greatly respected) ix. 219.

 Belle passion in the East, ii. 62.

 Belt (Ar. Kamar) viii. 156.

 “Ben” of an Arab shop as opposed to “but,” iv. 93.

 Benches (in olden Europe more usual than chairs) vi. 26.

 Berbers from the Upper Nile (the “Paddies” of Egypt) vi. 189.

 Bestiality (fatally common amongst Egyptians) iv. 299.

 Betrothed (for “intended to be married with regal ceremony”) x. 55.

 Better largesse than the mace, viii. 163.

 Bhang (its kinds and uses) ii. 123.

 —— (properties of the drug) iii. 91.

 —— (preparation of) iv. 31.

 —— (drugging with = tabannuj) iv. 71.

 Bida’ah = innovation, v. 167.

 Bier (the bulging = hadbá) iv. 63.

 Bi-fardayn = “with two singles” (for with two baskets) viii. 162.

 Biká’a (= low-land) ii. 109.

 —— (= convents, pilgrimages to) v. 125.

 Bilád al-Filfil = home of pepper (Malabar) vi. 38.

 Bilád al-Rúm (applied to France) viii. 339.

 Bilád al-Súdán = Land of the Blacks (our Soudan) iii. 75.

 Bilál (first Muazzin) ii. 306; iii. 106.

 “Bilking” (popular form of) ix. 145.

 Bilkís and her throne, ii. 79; viii. 82.

 Bi ’l-Salámah = in safety (to avert the evil eye) i. 288.

 Bint ’arús = daughter of the bridegroom (Ichneumon) iii. 147.

 Bint Shumúkh (Pr. N.) = Daughter of Pride v. 382.

 Bir (Al-) al-Mu’utallal = the Ruined Well, vii. 346.

 Bird (created by Jesus) v. 211.

 —— seen by Abú Bakr in the cave, v. 235.

 Bird-girls, viii. 29.

 Birds (sing only in the pairing season) vi. 15.

 —— (huge ones discovered on the African coast) vi. 17.

 —— (left to watch over wives) vi. 132.

 —— (pretended understanding of their language) vi. 169.

 —— (songs and cries of) v. 50.

 Birkah = pool of standing wafer, iv. 270; vi. 75.

 Birkat al-Habash = Abyssinian pond, i. 391.

 Birth-stool (Ar. Kursí al-Wiládah) ii. 80.

 Bishr (al-Háfí = Barefoot) ii. 203; ix. 21.

 Bisát (Al-) wa ’l-masnad = carpet and cushion, viii. 55.

 Bismillah = in the name of God, i. 40; v. 206.

 —— (said before taking action) i. 80.

 —— (civil form of dismissal) i. 98.

 —— (= fall to) i. 264.

 —— (= enter in Allah’s name) viii. 202.

 —— (parodied) ii. 223.

 Bismillah Námí = Now please go to sleep, viii. 178.

 Biting the finger ends (not nails) sign of confusion, etc., ii. 38.

 Biunes, bisexuals and women robed with the sun, vi. 168.

 Bizá’at = capital, business concern, v. 81.

 Black (colour of the Abbaside banner) ii. 292; vi. 86.

 Blackamoors preferred by debauched women, i. 6.

 Black-mail (paid to the Badawin of Ramlah) iv. 76.

 Blast (of the last trumpet) v. 310.

 Blaze (Ar. Ghurrah, _q.v._) iii. 118.

 Blessings at the head of letters, vii. 133.

 Blind (The, notorious for insolence) i. 330.

 Blinding a common practice in the East, now done, i. 108.

 Blue and yellow turbans prescribed to Christians and Jews, i. 77.

 Blue-eyed (frequently = fierce-eyed) iv. 192.

 Blue-eyes = blind with cataract or staring, glittering, hungry, vii.

 Boasting of one’s tribe, iii. 80.

 Boccaccio quoted: i. 12, 174, 202, 251, 305; ii. 82, 112; iv. 36, 155;
    v. 134.

 Boccaccio and The Nights, x. 160.

 Body-guard (consists of two divisions) iv. 62.

 Boils and pimples supposed to be caused by broken hair-roots, i. 275.

 Book (black as her) x. 1.

 Books (of the Judgment-day) viii. 294.

 Bostán (female Pr. N.) = flower-garden, iii. 345.

 Bostáni = gardener, family name from original occupation, i. 266.

 Boulgrin, Bougre, Bougrerie (derivations of the terms) x. 249.

 Bow, a cowardly weapon, vii. 123.

 Box (Ar. ’Ulbah) viii. 71.

 Box-trick (and Lord Byron) vi. 168.

 Boycotting (Oriental forms of) viii. 302.

 Brain (fons veneris in man) v. 46.

 Brasier (Kánún, Minkal) v. 273.

 Brass (Ar. Nuhás asfar) vi. 83.

 Braying of the ass, iii. 117.

 Bread and salt (to be taken now “cum grano salis”) iv. 200.

 Bread and salt (bond of) viii. 12.

 Breast broadening with delight, i. 48.

 —— straitened, the converse of the previous, i. 119.

 Breast-bone (Taráib) v. 132.

 Breath (healing by the) v. 29.

 —— (of crocodiles, serpents, etc.) vi. 29.

 Breeze (rude but efficacious refrigerator) iv. 199.

 Breslau Edition quoted, i. 14, 52, 53, 54, 203, 217, 234, 245, 255,
    345; ii. 77; iii. 162, 181, 211, 259; iv. 96, 113, 181; v. 9, 17,
    24, 27, 32, 42; vi. 27, 30, 37, 44, 46, 56, 57, 84, 100, 129, 138,
    148, 168, 180, 196, 207, 211, 213, 242, 247; vii. 145, 150, 168,
    172, 173, 177, 202, 262, 315, 316, 320, 321, 324, 326, 327, 329,
    331, 341, 342, 343, 350, 353, 354, 362, 363, 367; viii. 7, 18, 66,
    98, 113, 197, 242, 264, 273; ix. 33, 42, 59, 63, 156, 159, 169, 185,
    187; x. 54, etc.

 Breslau Edition (mean colloquialisms thereof) x. 169.

 Brethern (for kinsfolk) ix. 26.

 —— (of trust and brethren of society = friends and acquaintances) ix.

 Bridal couch (attitudinising thereon) v. 75.

 Bride of the Hoards, vi. 109; vii. 147; x. 31.

 Bride-night, rarely conceived in, i. 227.

 Bride’s throne, i. 215.

 Bridle (not to be committed to another) vii. 304.

 Brother (has a wide signification amongst Moslems) vi. 243.

 —— (of Folly = a very fool) ii. 279.

 —— (of Purity) iii. 150.

 —— (of Ignorance = Ignoramus) iii. 163.

 —— (“of the Persians”) iv. 12.

 Brotherhood (forms of making) iii. 151.

 —— (sworn in Allah Almighty) v. 43.

 —— of Futurity = lookers out for a better world, ii. 197.

 Brow (like the letter Nún) iv. 249.

 Bruising the testicles a feminine mode of murdering men, iii. 3.

 Búdakak (Bútakah) = crucible, viii. 8.

 Budúr (Badoura) = full moons, iii. 228; iv. 249.

 Buffalo = bœuf á l’eau (?) ix. 181.

 Buhayrah = tank, cistern, viii. 29.

 Buka’ah = Cœlesyria, ii. 109.

 Buka’at al-dam = place of blood (where it stagnates) iv. 68.

 Bukhayt = little good luck, ii. 48.

 Bukhtí (dromedary) ii. 177; iii. 67.

 Bukjah = bundle, vi. 226.

 Bulád (Pers. Pulád) = steel, vi. 115.

 Bulak Edition quoted, i. 11, 45, 68, 117, 145, 203; ii. 1, 83, 185,
    187; iii. 181, 211, 212; vi. 5, 11, 21, 27; vii. 18, 57, 139, 173,
    269, 359; ix. 185.

 Bulbul (departed with Tommy Moor, Englished by “Nightingale”) v. 48.

 Bull (followers preceding) ii. 98.

 Bull (of the Earth = Gáw-i-Zamín) v. 324.

 Búm = owl (introduced to rhyme with Kayyúm = the Eternal) viii. 286.

 Bunn = kind of cake, ix. 172.

 Burckhardt quoted, i. 66, 214; ii. 18, 143; iii. 59, 101, 138, 147,
    179, 278, 308; iv. 31, 48, 112, 217, 259; v. 77, 80, 119; vii. 91,
    93, 136, 147, 156; viii. 23, 91, 93, 156, 285; x. 144.

 —— (fable anent his death) iv. 78.

 Burdah = mantle or plaid of striped stuff, vii. 95.

 —— (poem of the) iv. 115.

 Burká = nose-bag, ii. 52; vi. 131, 192.

 Burning (a foretaste of Hell-fire) ix. 158.

 Bursting of the gall-bladder = our breaking of the heart, ii. 322.

 Burying a rival, ii. 58.

 Buttons (Ar. Azrár) ii. 318.

 Búzah = beer, i. 72.

 Byron (depreciated where he ought to be honoured most) vii. 268.

 Bystanders forcing on a sale, viii. 310.

 Cabbala = Spiritual Sciences, ii. 151.

 Cæsarea, ii. 77.

 —— “of Armenia,” ii. 273.

 Cairene (vulgarism) vi. 278.

 —— (chaff) iv. 215.

 —— (slang) iv. 75.

 —— (jargon) x. 8.

 —— (savoir faire) x. 10.

 —— (bohomie) x. 28.

 —— (knows his fellow Cairene) x. 35.

 Cairenes held exceedingly debauched, i. 298.

 Cairo, _see_ Misr.

 —— (nothing without the Nile) i. 295.

 Caitiff = Captivus, ii. 109.

 Calamity (i.e., to the enemy) x. 33.

 Calcutta Edition quoted, i. 17, 52; iii. 181, 211; iv. 274; v. 80, 325,
    383; vi. 27, 29, 77, 116.

 Caliphate (defective title to) v. 116.

 Caliphs ’Abd al-’Azíz, ii. 166.

 —— ’Abd al-Malík, ii. 77, 167; iii. 319; iv. 7.

 —— Abú Bakr, ii. 167, 197.

 —— Alí, ii. 108.

 —— Amin (Al-) i. 185; v. 93, 152.

 —— Hakim (Al-) bi-Amri ’lláh, iv. 296.

 —— Harún al-Rashíd, viii. 160; ix. 17.

 —— Hishám bin ’Abd al-Malik, ii. 170; vii. 104.

 —— Maamun (Al-) i. 185; iv. 109.

 —— Mahdí (Al-) vii. 136.

 —— Mansúr (Al-) ii. 142, 153, 210.

 —— Mu’áwiyah, ii. 160, 161.

 —— Musta’ín (Al-) bi ’lláh, ix. 246.

 —— Mustansir (Al-) bi ’lláh i. 317.

 —— Mu’tasim (Al-) bi ’llah, iii. 81; ix. 232.

 —— Mutawakhil (Al-) ’alà ’lláh, iv. 291; v. 153; ix. 232.

 —— Mu’tazid (Al-) ix. 229.

 —— Mu’tazz (Al-) ix. 242.

 —— ’Omar, ii. 158, 159, 162, 164; v. 103.

 —— ’Othmán, ii. 163; v. 215.

 —— Sulaymán bin ’Abd al-Malik, ii. 167; vii. 99.

 —— Tá’í (Al-) li ’lláh, iii. 51, 307.

 —— Walíd (Al-) ii. 167; iii. 69; iv. 100; vii. 106.

 —— Wásik (Al-) iii. 81.

 —— Záhir (Al-) bi ’lláh, i. 317.

 Calligraphy, iv. 196.

 Camel (how slaughtered) i. 347; iv. 95.

 Camel-load = 300 lbs., for long journeys 250 lbs., ii. 45.

 —— (-men do not accept drafts on futurity) ii. 69.

 —— (-colts roasted whole) v. 135.

 —— (feeding on and vindictiveness) v. 135.

 —— (Bactrian) v. 371.

 —— (seen in a dream is an omen of death; why?) vi. 92.

 Camels (breeds of) iii. 67, 110.

 —— (names) iii. 110.

 —— (haltered; nose-ring used for dromedaries) iii. 120.

 —— (Mehari, Mehríyah) iii. 277.

 —— (red the best kind) viii. 303.

 Camphor (simile for a fair face) iii. 174.

 —— (primitive way of extracting it) vi. 21.

 Camphor-apricot, vi. 277.

 Cannibal tribes in Central Africa, ii. 48.

 Cannibalism in the New World, x. 243.

 Cannibals and cannibalism, vi. 36.

 Canton (city of) vii. 334.

 Capo bianco, coda verde, iv. 36.

 Capotes melancholiques, vii. 190.

 Carat (= Kirát) iii. 239.

 —— (= 1/24 of a dinar or miskal, something under 5d.) v. 277.

 Caravaggio (picture of St. Rosario) x. 219.

 Caravan (each one has to keep his place in a) ii. 184.

 Carelessness of the story-teller, ix. 4.

 Carmel = Karam-El (God’s vineyard) viii. 203.

 Carnelion stone bit with pearls = lips bit with teeth in sign of anger,
    iii. 179.

 Carpet (let him come to the King’s = before the King as referee) ix.

 Carpet-room = throne-room, ix. 121.

 Carob (Cassia fistularis) ii. 241.

 —— bean, emblem of constancy, iii. 315.

 Carpet-beds, i. 294.

 Carrier-pigeons, ii. 247.

 Castration (texts justifying or enjoining it) x. 227.

 Cat (puss, etc.) iii. 149.

 Cat-fish (Ar. Bayáz) viii. 150, 151.

 Catamites (rising to highest rank in Turkey) iv. 225.

 —— (in Turkish baths) iv. 226.

 Cask (for “home” of the maiden wine) x. 38.

 —— in Auerbach’s Keller, viii. 131.

 Ceruse (Ar. Isfídáj) vi. 126.

 Cervantes and Arab romance, iii. 66.

 Ceylon (Ar. Sarandib) vi. 64, 81.

 Chaff, ii. 15; iii. 23; viii. 147, 152, 157, 189.

 —— or banter allowed even to modest women, i. 267.

 Chameleon (Father of Coolness) iii. 165.

 Champing, sign of good breeding, i. 345.

 Change (sudden, of disposition) viii. 213.

 Character-sketch (making amends for abuse of women) x. 24.

 Chaste forbearance towards a woman frequently causes love, vii. 189.

 Chastity (merchandise in trust from Allah) iv. 43.

 Chawáshiyah = Chamberlains, vii. 327.

 Cheating (not only venial but laudable under circumstances) viii. 217.

 Checkmate (Pers. Ar.) = the King is dead, viii. 217.

 Cheese a styptic, iii. 3.

 Chess and chessmen, ii. 104; v. 243.

 Chess anecdote, i. 132.

 Chewing a document that none may see it after, ii. 39.

 Child of the nurse, etc. = delicately reared, iv. 34.

 Children (carried astraddle upon hip or shoulder) i. 308.

 —— (one of its = a native of) x. 8.

 China (kingdom) iv. 175.

 China-ware displayed on shelves, ii. 52.

 Chinese shadows, iv. 193.

 Chin-veil donned (showing intention to act like a man) viii. 99.

 Cider (Ar. Sharáb al-tuffáh) iv. 134.

 Circumcision (how practised) v. 209.

 —— (female) v. 279.

 Citadel (contains the Palace) ix. 102.

 Cities (two-mosqued, for large and consequently vicious ones) v. 66.

 City of Brass (Copper) iv. 176; vi. 83.

 Claimant of blood-revenge, iv. 109.

 —— and Defendant, iv. 150.

 Claims of maidenhead, i. 190.

 Clairvoyance of perfect affection, x. 26.

 Clapping hands preliminary to a wrestling-bout, ii. 91.

 Clapping of hands to summon servants, i. 177; iii. 173.

 Clerical error of Bulak Edition, ii. 114.

 Clever young ladies dangerous in the East, i. 15.

 Climate (water and air) ii. 4.

 Clitoris (Ar. Zambúr) and its excision, v. 279.

 Cloak (Ar. Abáah) viii. 42.

 Clogs = Kubkáb, iii. 92.

 Closet (the forbidden and the bird-girls) viii. 29.

 Cloth of frieze and cloth of gold, iv. 145.

 “Cloth” (_not_ “board” for playing chess) ix. 209.

 Clothes (tattered, sign of grief) iv. 158.

 Clothing and decency, ix. 182.

 Clout (hung over the door of a bath shows that women are bathing) ix.

 Cocoa-nut (Ar. Jauz al-Hindí) vi. 55.

 Coffee (see Kahwah) ii. 261.

 —— (first mention of) v. 169; x. 90.

 —— (anachronism) viii. 274.

 —— (mention of probably due to the scribe) ix. 141.

 —— (its mention shows a comparatively late date) ix. 255.

 Cohen (Káhin) = diviner priest, esp. Jewish, ii. 221.

 Coition (postures of) iii. 93.

 —— (the seal of love) viii. 304.

 —— (local excellences of) viii. 304.

 —— (ablution obligatory after it) viii. 305.

 Cold-of-countenance = a fool, iii. 7.

 Cold speech = a silly or abusive tirade, iii. 7.

 Colocasia (Ar. Kallakás) viii. 151.

 Coloquintida (Ar. Hanzal) v. 19.

 Colossochelys = colossal tortoise, vi. 33.

 Colours (of the Caliphs) vi. 86.

 —— (names of) vi. 111.

 Combat reminding of that of Rustam and Sohráb, vii. 89.

 “Come to my arms my slight acquaintance,” ix. 177.

 Commander of the Faithful (title introduced by Omar) vi. 247.

 Commune (Ar. Jamá’ah) v. 205.

 Comorin (derivation of the name) vi. 57.

 “Compelleth” in the sense of “burdeneth,” vii. 285.

 Compliment (model of a courtly one) viii. 165.

 Composed of seed by all men shed = superfetation of iniquity, viii. 15.

 Comrades of the Cave, iii. 128.

 Conception on the bride-night rare, i. 227.

 Conciseness (verging on obscurity) ix. 171.

 Confession after concealment, a characteristic of the servile class, i.

 —— on the criminal’s part required by Moslem law, i. 274.

 Confusion (of metaphors characteristic of The Nights) i. 86.

 —— (of religious mythologies by way of “chaff”) viii. 152.

 —— (universal in the undeveloped mind of men) ix. 78.

 Conjugal affection (striking picture of) vii. 243.

 Conjunctiva in Africans seldom white, vii. 184.

 Connection (tribal, seven degrees of) vii. 121.

 Consecrated ground (unknown to Moslems) vi. 161.

 Constipation (La) rend rigoureux, iii. 242.

 Consul (Sháh-bandar) iv. 29.

 —— (Kunsul) iv. 84.

 Contemplation of street-scenery, one of the pleasures of the Harem, i.

 Continuation in dignities requested by office-holders from a new ruler,
    ii. 192.

 Contract (artful between squalor and gorgeousness) ix. 170.

 Contrition for romancing, viii. 66.

 Converts, theoretically respected and practically despised, vii. 43.

 Copa d’agua, apology for a splendid banquet, vii. 168.

 Coptic convents, ii. 86.

 —— visitations to, still customary, ii. 110.

 Copulation (praying before or after) ii. 161.

 —— (postures of) iii. 93.

 Coquetries (requiring as much inventiveness as a cotillon) x. 58.

 Coral (name of a slave-girl) ii. 101.

 Corpse pollutes the toucher, i. 295.

 Cousin (term of familiarity = our “coz”) ii. 43.

 —— (first, affronts an Arab if she marries any save him without his
    leave) vi. 145.

 —— (has a prior right to marry a cousin) ix. 225.

 Covered (The, chapter of the Koran) v. 215.

 Cow (chapter ii. of the Koran) v. 211.

 Cowardice equally divided, iii. 173.

 —— (proverb anent) viii. 333.

 —— (of the Fellah, how to be mended) ix. 5.

 Cowrie (shells, etc., for small change) iv. 77.

 Craft (many names for, connected with Arabic) ix. 138.

 Creases in the stomach insisted upon, 130.

 Created for a mighty matter (_i.e._ for worship and to prepare for
    futurity) vi. 91.

 Creation (is it and its Empire not His?) v. 269.

 —— (from nothing) ix. 77.

 Crenelles = Sharáríf, iv. 165.

 Crepitus ventris and ethnology, v. 137.

 Crescent of the breakfast-fête, ix. 250.

 Crescent-like = emaciated, viii. 300.

 Crew (Ar. Bahríyah, Nawátíyah) viii. 17.

 Criss-cross row, iii. 236.

 Crocodiles (breath of) vi. 29.

 Cross-bows, vii. 62.

 Crow (an ill-omened bird) vi. 170.

 Crow-claw and camel-hoof, iv. 217.

 Cruelty (the mystery of) explained only by a law without law-giver, ix.

 —— (of the “fair sex” in Egypt) x. 45.

 Cry (that needs must be cried) x. 21.

 Cubit (the Háshimí = 18 inches) v. 371.

 Cuirasses against pleasure, cobwebs against infection, vii. 190.

 Cundums (French letters) vii. 190.

 Cup and cup-bearer, ii. 327.

 Curs (set them on the cattle = show a miser money, etc.) x. 18.

 Cursing intelligible, swearing meaningless, although English, ii. 312.

 Curtain (screening a reverend woman from the sight of men-invalids) ix.

 Cutting (alluding to the scymitar) ii. 231.

 —— (bones before flesh = “sharp as a razor”) iv. 295.

 —— (off the right hand, Koranic punishment for theft) i. 274.

 —— (of the navel string preliminary to naming the babe) i. 231.

 —— the rope = breaking bounds, i. 349.

 Cynocephalus (kills men and rapes women) vii. 344.

 Dáa al-Kabír (Great Evil) = Dáa al-Fíl (Elephantine Evil, _i.e._
    Elephantiasis) viii. 24.

 Dabbús = mace, vi. 249.

 Dádat = nurse (Pers.) viii. 209.

 Dáhish (Al-) = the Amazed, vi. 96.

 Dáirah = circle, inclosure, ix. 287.

 —— (for a basin surrounded by hills) ix. 317.

 Dajláh (Dijlah) = Tigris (Heb. Hid-dekel) i. 180; viii. 150.

 Dajjál (Al-) = Moslem Anti-Christ, vi. 11.

 Dakhíl-ak = under thy protection, i. 61.

 Dakiánús = Decianus, ii. 244.

 Dakkah = settle, vii. 111; viii. 84.

 Dalak = foot-rasp, iv. 254.

 Dalhamah (Romance of) iii. 112.

 Dalíl = guide; f. Dalílah = _mis_guiding woman, bawd, ii. 329.

 Damascus women famed for sanguinary jealousy, i. 295.

 Damon and Pythias, v. 104.

 Damsel of the tribe = daughter of the chief, vii. 95.

 Danaf (Al-) = distressing sickness, iv. 75.

 Dandán (N.P.) = tooth, ii. 83.

 Dandán (a monstrous fish), ix. 179.

 Dání wa Gharíb = friend and foe, v. 42.

 Dánik = sixth of drachma or dirham, ii. 204; v. 112.

 Dár al-Na’ím = Dwelling of Delight, viii. 183.

 Dara’ (dira’) = habergeon, coat of ringmail, etc. iii. 109.

 Darabukka = tom-tom, i. 311.

 Darakah = target, vi. 9.

 Darb al-Ahmar = Red Street (in Cairo) x. 8.

 Darb al-Asfar = the Street called Yellow, iv. 93.

 Darbar = public audience, i. 29.

 Dárfíl = dolphin, ix. 346.

 Darr al-Káil = divinely he spoke who said, iv. 20.

 Darrij = Let them slide, iv. 220.

 Dastúr = leave, permission, i. 66.

 Datura Stramonium (the insane herb) vi. 36.

 Dáúd = David, ii. 286.

 Daughter of my uncle = my wife, i. 69.

 “Daughters of God” (the three) vi. 282.

 —— (of Sa’adah = zebras) iii. 65.

 —— (of the bier = Ursa major) iii. 28, 221.

 Daulat (Pr. N.) = fortune, empire, kingdom, vii. 347.

 Daurak = narrow-mouthed jug, i. 36.

 David (makes coats of mail) ii. 286; vi. 113.

 Dawá’ = medicine (for a depilatory) ix. 155.

 Dawát = wooden inkcase with reed-pens, ix. 122.

 Dawn-breeze, ii. 181.

 Day of Doom (mutual retaliation) iii. 128.

 —— (length of) iii. 299.

 —— (when wealth availeth not, etc.) ix. 16.

 —— (ye shall be saved from its misery) ix. 315.

 Daylam (Al-), soldiers of = warlike as the Daylamites, viii. 82.

 Daylamites, ii. 94.

 Dayyús = pimp, wittol, ix. 297.

 Dead (buried at once) v. 190.

 Death (from love) v. 134.

 —— (every soul shall taste of it) v. 166.

 —— (of a good Moslem) v. 167.

 —— (manners of, symbolised by colours) vi. 250.

 —— (simply and pathetically sketched) x. 47.

 “Death in a crowd as good as a feast” (Persian proverb) iii. 141.

 Death-prayer (usually a two-bow prayer) vi. 70.

 Debts (of dead parents sacred to the children) ix. 311.

 Deeds of prowess not exaggerated, ii. 108.

 Deity of the East despotic, iv. 118.

 —— after the fashion of each race, iv. 267.

 Delicacy of the female skin, ix. 321.

 “Delight of the Intelligent” (fancy title of a book) vi. 80.

 Demesne (Ar. Himà) viii. 225.

 Democracy of despotism, ix. 94.

 Depilation (Solomon and Bilkis) iv. 256.

 Deposits are not lost with Him = He disappointeth not, etc., vii. 334.

 Despite his nose = against his will, i. 26.

 Despotism (tempered by assassination) vi. 206.

 Destiny blindeth human sight, i. 67.

 Destructiveness of slaves, ii. 55.

 Devil (was sick, etc.) ii. 264.

 —— (stoned at Mina) v. 203, 212.

 —— (allowed to go about the world and seduce mankind) ix. 82.

 Devotees (address Allah as a lover would his beloved) v. 263.

 —— (white woollen raiment of) vii. 214.

 Dhámí = the Trenchant (sword of Antar) vi. 271.

 Diamond (its cutting of very ancient date) ix. 325.

 Diamonds (occurring in alluvial lands) vi. 18.

 Diaphoresis (a sign of the abatement of a disease) ix. 146.

 Dihlíz = passage, vi. 10.

 Di’ibil al-Khuzá’í (poet) v. 127.

 Dijlah (Tigris), River and Valley of Peace, viii. 51.

 Dimágh = brain, meningx (for head) vii. 178.

 Dimyat (vulg. Dumíyat) = Damietta, v. 171.

 Dín (Al-) al-a’raj = the perverted Faith, ix. 11.

 Dínár = gold-piece, Daric, Miskál, i. 32.

 —— (description of one) ix. 294.

 Dinghy (Kárib) iv. 168.

 Dirás = thrashing sled, ii. 108.

 Dirham = silver-piece, i. 33.

 Dirham-weight = 48 grains avoir., ii. 316.

 Dirhams (50,000 = about £1,250) vii. 105.

 —— (thousand = £375) viii. 10.

 Disposition (sudden change of) viii. 213.

 Dissection (practised on simiads) v. 220.

 Dist (Dast) = large copper cauldron, viii. 177.

 Diversion of an Eastern Potentate, viii. 171.

 Divining rod (dowsing rod) iv. 73.

 Divorce (triple) iii. 292.

 Díwán (fanciful origin of the word) ix. 108.

 Díwán al-Baríd = Post-office, vii. 340.

 Diyár-i-Bakr = maid-land, v. 66.

 Do not to others what thou wouldest not they do unto thee, vi. 125.

 “Dog” and “hog” popular terms of abuse, i. 188.

 Doggrel (royal) v. 55.

 —— (phenomenal) v. 288.

 —— (sad) v. 297.

 —— (not worse than usual) viii. 225, 228.

 Dogs (clothed in hot-damp countries) iv. 266.

 —— (in Eastern cities) vii. 202.

 Don Juan quoted, ix. 190.

 Donánmá (rejoicings for the pregnancy of a Sultana) vii. 324.

 Donkey-boy, like our “post-boy,” of any age, vii. 160.

 Donning woman’s attire in token of defeat, vii. 188.

 Doomsday (horrors of, come upon a man) ii. 232.

 Door (behind it the door-keeper’s seat) v. 173.

 Door-hinges, ii. 214.

 Door-keepers (in Egypt mostly Berbers) vi. 189.

 Doors (usually shut with a wooden bolt) iii. 198.

 —— (pulled up = raised from the lower hinge-pins) vii. 352.

 Double entendre, iii. 234; viii. 153, 251.

 Dove and turtle-dove female, ii. 23.

 Down (of the cheek) ii. 246.

 Dozd o Kázi (Persian book) ii. 55.

 Drama (in Turkey and Persia) x. 167.

 Dramatic scene (told with charming naïveté) x. 9.

 Draught of air (Zug) feared by Orientals, ii. 9.

 Drawbridges in Coptic convents, ii. 94.

 Dream (Speaker in a) iv. 239.

 Dreams (true at later night) iii. 258.

 —— (lovers meet in) v. 47.

 —— (play an important part in the romances of chivalry) viii. 113.

 Dress (scarlet, of a King in anger) iv. 72.

 Drinking at dawn, iii. 20.

 —— their death-agony = suffering similar pain, iii. 315.

 —— (before or after dinner) vii. 132.

 —— (in the dark disliked) ii. 59.

 —— first to show the absence of poison, i. 88, 295.

 —— bouts (attended in bright dresses) vi. 175.

 Dromedary (_see_ Camel).

 —— (guided by a nose-ring) iii. 120.

 “Drop” unknown to the Eastern gallows, i. 260.

 Drop (black, of the heart) iv. 251.

 Drowning (a martyr’s death) ix. 158.

 “Drugging” not a Badawi sentiment, ii. 122.

 Drugs (is this an art of ——?) vii. 147.

 Drunk with the excess of his beauty, iv. 34; vii. 162.

 Drunken habits of Central African races, vii. 357.

 Drunken son (excused by mother, rebuked by father) viii. 287.

 Dúbarah (Dubárá) = Dubrornik, Ragusa, ii. 219.

 Due demanded leads to imprisonment for arrears, viii. 170.

 Dukhán = smoke (meaning tobacco for the Chibouk) ix. 156.

 Dukhúl = going in to the bride, iv. 30.

 Dúláb = waterwheel; buttery; cupboard, ix. 306.

 Dung (used as fuel, etc.) ii. 149.

 Dunyá (Pr. N.) = world, iii. 7, 319; x. 27.

 Dunyázad = world free (?) i. 14.

 Durbar of idols, ix. 325.

 Durká’ah = lower part of the floor (opposed to Liwán) iv. 71.

 Durrah (vulg. for Zarrah, _q.v._)

 Dust-storm in tropical lands, i. 111.

 Duwámah = whirlpool, ix. 93.

 Ear-drop = penis, ii. 318.

 “Early to bed,” etc. (modern version of the same) vii. 217.

 East and West (confounded by a beauty-dazed monk) viii. 279.

 Easterns sleep with covered heads, iii. 345.

 Eatables (their exchange must be equal) v. 204.

 Eating (together makes friends) iii. 71.

 —— (gives rights of guest-ship) iv. 214.

 —— (superstitious belief in its power) iv. 218.

 —— (how it should be done) v. 206.

 Eating and drinking (before thinking of the lover) viii. 260.

 Eedgáh (_see_ Idgáh) ii. 202.

 Effendi (Turkish title = our esquire) iv. 53.

 Eggs for testicles, ii. 55.

 Eginhardt (belonged to the clerical profession) viii. 326.

 Egypt (derivation of the name) ix. 286.

 Egyptian (= archi-) polisonnerie, iii. 243.

 Egyptian vulgarism, iv. 107.

 —— characteristic, iv. 260.

 Elephant (derivation of the word) ii. 104.

 Elephant-faced, Vetála, vii. 34.

 Elephant’s roll = swaying and graceful gait, i. 217.

 Elephants frightening horses, vii. 61.

 Elevation (nothing strange in sudden), x. 53.

 Eli-Fenioun = Polyphemus, vii. 361.

 Elliptical expression, vi. 288.

 Elliptical style of the Eastern storys-teller, ix. 160.

 Emancipation (the greater = pardon for sins or holy death), ii. 105.

 Embracing (like the Lám embraceth the Alif), iv. 243.

 Emerald (white?), iv. 164.

 —— (mace-head of), vi. 67.

 —— (-rods in lattice windows), vi. 117.

 Emirs (of the wild Arabs) = “Phylarchs” ix. 323.

 Emma (hides her lover under her cloak), ix. 8.

 Empire (endureth with infidelity but not with tyranny), v. 187.

 Enemy (his offered hand to be kissed or cut off), ii. 142.

 “Enfants terribles” in Eastern guise, vi. 211.

 Entertainments (names of), viii. 231.

 Envying another’s wealth wrongs him, vi. 77.

 Ephesus (The Matron of), x. 220.

 —— (The Seven Sleepers of), iii. 128.

 Epistasis without prostasis, ix. 240.

 Ernest (Duke of Bavaria, Romance of), x. 153.

 Erotic inferences drawn from parts of the body, i. 350.

 —— specialists amongst the Ancients, x. 201.

 Eternal truths of The Nights, i. 7.

 Eunuch best go-between, i. 282.

 —— employed as porter, i. 343.

 —— different kinds of, i. 132.

 —— (if without testes only, highly prized), ii. 90.

 —— (driving the people out of a lady’s way), iv. 126.

 —— (who have studied the Harím), iv. 228.

 —— (and their wives), v. 46.

 —— (avoid allusion to their misfortune), v. 47.

 Eunuch-in-Chief a most important Jack-in-Office, i. 283.

 Euphemisms, i. 31; iii. 68, 102, 209, 267, 338; vi. 75, 145; vii. 134,
    142; viii. 173; ix. 180, 224; x. 4, 27.

 Euphemy (announcing death), iv. 61.

 —— (thou shalt die), iv. 90.

 —— (all is well), iv. 138.

 —— (the far one is a Nazarene), iv. 215.

 Euphuistic speech, vii. 285; ix. 43.

 Euthanasia and anæsthetics, ix. 90.

 Evacuation (and constipation), iii. 242.

 Eve (Ar. Hawwá), v. 139.

 —— (the true seducer), iii. 166.

 Evil (befalling thee is from thyself), vi. 138.

 Exaggeration part of humour, i. 12.

 —— characteristic of The Nights, iv. 273; v. 306.

 Expiation of oaths, ii. 186.

 Eye (darkening from vine or passion), iii. 224.

 —— (orbits slit up and down the face of a hideous Jinn), iii. 235.

 —— (man of the = pupil), iii. 286.

 —— (white = blind), iii. 323.

 —— (the evil), on children, iv. 37.

 —— (babes of the), iv. 246.

 —— (likened to the letter Sád, the brow to Nún), v. 34.

 —— (for helper), v. 60.

 —— (Thou shalt be in mine = I will keep thee as though thou wert the
    apple of my eye), viii. 90.

 “Eye of the needle” (for wicket), ix. 320.

 Eyebrows joined a great beauty in Arabia, i. 227.

 Eyes (of me = my dears), i. 163.

 —— (hot = full of tears), ii. 99.

 —— (becoming white = blind), ii. 283.

 —— (bandaged before beheading), iv. 145.

 —— (blue ones), iv. 129.

 —— (one-eyed men), iv. 194.

 —— (plucking or tearing out of, a Persian practice), vii. 359.

 —— (“sunk” into the head for our “starting” from it), vii. 36.

 —— (Babylonian = bewitching), viii. 278.

 —— (no male has ever filled mine = none hath pleased me), ix. 222.

 Fables proper (oldest part of The Nights), iii. 114.

 Face-veil = “nose-bag” i. 82.

 Faces (on the Day of Judgment), iv. 249.

 Fadaises of a blue stocking, ii. 156.

 Faghfúr (Mosl. title for the Emperor of China), vii. 335.

 Fá’il = agent, active (Sodomite), v. 156.

 Fa-immá ’alayhá wa-immá bihá = whether (luck go) against it or (luck
    go) with it, viii. 157.

 Faintings and trances (common in romances of chivalry), viii. 118.

 Fairer to-day than fair of yesterday = ever increasing in beauty, iii.

 Fájirah = harlot (often mere abuse without special meaning), viii. 109.

 Fakíh = divine, vii. 325.

 Fakír = religious mendicant generally, i. 95; v. 39.

 —— (the, and his jar of butter; congeners of the tale), ix. 40.

 Fakru (Al-) fakhrí = poverty is my pride (saying of Mohammed), v. 268.

 Fál = omen, v. 136.

 Falak (clearing) = breaking forth of light from darkness, iii. 22.

 Falastín, degraded to “Philister,” vii. 101.

 Falcon (_see_ Hawk, Bází).

 Falcon (blinding the quarry), i. 51.

 Falling on the back (a fair fall in wrestling), ii. 92.

 —— (with laughter), iii. 306.

 Fals ahmar = a red cent, i. 321.

 Familiarity between the great and paupers, ii. 32.

 —— of girls with black slave-boys, ii. 49.

 Family (euphemistically for wife), vi. 75.

 Far off one (the, shall die), iv. 90.

 Faráis (pl. of farísah) = shoulder-muscles, vii. 219.

 Faráiz = orders expressly given in the Koran, i. 169.

 Farajíyah = a long-sleeved robe, i. 210, 321.

 Faránik (Al-) = letter-carrier, vii. 340.

 Faranj (Al-) = European, i. 296.

 Faráshah, noun of unity of Farásh = butterfly-moth, vii. 305.

 Fard Kalmah = a single word (vulgarism), viii. 188.

 Faríd = unique; union-pearl, x. 54.

 Fárikí, adjective of Mayyáfárikín, vii. 1.

 Fárikín for Mayyáfárikín (city in Diyar-bakr), vi. 107.

 Fáris = rider, knight, vii. 314.

 Farj = slit; Zawí ’l-Furúj = slit ones, ii. 49.

 Farkh Akrab (vulgarism for Ukayrib) = a young scorpion, iv. 46.

 Farkh Samak = fish-chick (for young fish), viii. 149.

 Farrásh, a man of general utility, tent-pitcher, etc., vii. 4.

 Fars = Persia, v. 26.

 Farsakh = parasang, iv. 230.

 —— = three English miles, ii. 114.

 Farsalah = parcel, viii. 162.

 Fart (in return for chaff), v. 99.

 —— (and Badawí “pundonor”), v. 137.

 Farting for fear, iii. 118.

 Farz = obligatory prayer, vi. 193.

 —— (mentioned after Sunnat because jingling with Arz), ix. 15.

 Fás = city of Fez, vi. 222.

 Fass = bezel of a ring, gem cut en cabochon, contenant for contenu, i.
    165; ii. 97.

 Fast (and its break), v. 201.

 —— (when forbidden), v. 265.

 Faswah = susurrus, ix. 291.

 Faswán Salh al-Subyán (Pr. N.) = Fizzler, Dung of children, ix. 11.

 Fat and Thin (dispute between), iv. 254.

 Fatà = a youth; generous man, etc., i. 67.

 Fatalism and Predestination, ix. 45.

 Fate (written in the sutures of the skull), viii. 237.

 —— (and Freewill), ix. 60.

 Fath = opening (_e.g._ of a maidenhead), viii. 348.

 —— (Al-) bin Khákán (boon companion of Al-Mutawakkil), ix. 245.

 Father of Bitterness = the Devil, vii. 116.

 Fátihah (the opening chapter of the Koran), iv. 36.

 —— (position of the hands in reciting it), v. 80.

 —— (recited seven times for greater solemnity), v. 184.

 —— (repeated to confirm an agreement), vi. 217.

 —— (quoted), vii. 286.

 —— (pronounced to make an agreement binding), ix. 138.

 Fátimah (Pr. N.), = the Weaner, vi. 145.

 —— (daughter of Mohammed), viii. 252.

 Fatimite (Caliphs, their colours green), vi. 86.

 Fátin = tempter, seducer, iii. 82.

 Fátir = Creator (chapter of the Koran), vii. 366.

 Fatís = carrion, corps crévé, vii. 181.

 Fatúrát = light food for early breakfast, x. 12.

 Fausta and Crispus, vi. 127.

 Favours foreshadowing downfall, i. 48.

 —— (not lawful until sanctified by love), viii. 226.

 Fawn (for a graceful youth), viii. 329.

 Faylasúf = philosopher, v. 234.

 Flaylasúfíyah = philosopheress, vii. 145.

 Faylúlah = slumbering after sunset, ii. 178.

 Fayyáz (Al-) = the overflowing (with benefits), vii. 99.

 Fazl = grace, exceeding goodness, vii. 220.

 Fealty of the Steep, v. 295.

 Fearing for the lover first, vii. 256.

 Fee delicately offered, vii. 162.

 Feet (lack the European development of sebaceous glands), viii. 43.

 —— (coldness of, a symptom of impotence), viii. 317.

 Fellah = peasant, husbandman, ix. 40.

 Fellah chaff, ix. 152.

 Female depravity going hand in hand with perversity of taste, i. 73.

 Female (Amazon) Island, viii. 60.

 Feminine mind prone to exaggeration, viii. 25.

 —— friend does not hesitate to prescribe fibs, viii. 37.

 —— persistency of purpose (confirmed by “consolations of religion”),
    viii. 99.

 Festival (Ar. ’Íd), viii. 142.

 Fí al-Khawáfik = among the flags, etc., v. 61.

 Fí al-Kamar = in the moonshine (perhaps allusion to the Comorin
    Islands), vii. 269.

 Fiat _in_justitia ruat Cœlum, i. 253.

 Fidá = ransom, self-sacrifice, viii. 36.

 Fidáan = instead of, viii. 36.

 Fig and sycamore (unclean allusion in), viii. 269.

 Fig = anus, vii. 151.

 Fights easily provoked at funerals or wedding processions, vii. 190.

 Fikh = theology, vii. 325.

 Fillet = the Greek “Stephane,” viii. 209.

 Fillets hung on trees to denote an honoured tomb, vii. 96.

 Fine feathers make fine birds, viii. 201.

 Fingán (for Finján) = (coffee-) cup, viii. 200.

 Finger in mouth (sign of grief), ii. 302.

 —— (run round the inside of a vessel), viii. 200.

 Finger-tips (making marks in the ground), viii. 72.

 Fingers (names of), ix. 160.

 Fingers and toes (separated to wash between them), v. 198.

 Finján = egg-shell cup for coffee, ix. 268.

 Firásah = physiognomy, viii. 326.

 Firdaus = Paradise, ix. 214.

 Firdausi, the Persian Homer, quoted, iii. 83.

 Fire (and sickness cannot cohabit), iii. 59.

 —— (worshippers slandered), iii. 326.

 —— (of Hell, but not shame), v. 138.

 —— (handled without injury, a common conjuring trick), v. 271.

 —— (there is no blower of = utter desolation), vi. 15.

 —— (forbidden as punishment), vi. 26.

 —— (none might warm himself at their), vi. 261.

 —— = Hell (home of suicides), ix. 25.

 Fire-arms mentioned, vii. 62.

 Fire-sticks (Zand, Zandah), v. 52.

 Firmán = Wazirial order, iv. 61.

 First at the feast and last at the fray, iii. 81.

 First personal pronoun placed first for respect, i. 237.

 Fí sabíli ’llahi = on Allah’s path (martyrdom), iv. 247.

 Fish (begins to stink at the head), ii. 168.

 —— (-island), vi. 6.

 —— (the ass-headed), vi. 33.

 —— (great = Hút, common = Samák), vi. 69.

 —— (changed into apes, true Fellah “chaff”), viii. 147.

 —— (of Paradise, promising acceptance of prayer), viii. 163.

 Fishár = squeeze of the tomb, v. 111.

 Fisherman (Arab contrasted with English), v. 51.

 Fist (putting into fist = putting one’s self at another’s mercy), iii.

 Fitnah = revolt, seduction, mischief, beautiful girl, aphrodisiac
    perfume, i. 219; ii. 76.

 Fits of religious enthusiasm, ii. 132.

 Flatterers (the worst of foes), ii. 11.

 Flattery (more telling because proceeding from the heart), viii. 104.

 Flatulence produced by bean-eating, iv. 160.

 Flea (still an Egyptian plague), vi. 205.

 Flirtation impossible in the East, vii. 181.

 Floor (sitting upon the, sign of deepest dejection), vii. 314.

 Flowers of speech, ii. 88.

 Flying for delight, iii. 26.

 Food-tray of Sulayman, vi. 80.

 Folk follow their King’s faith, ii. 157.

 Following one’s face = at random, i. 347.

 Food (partaken gives rights of protection), iv. 214.

 —— (superstitious belief in its power), iv. 218.

 Foot (smallness of, sign of blood), iii. 227.

 —— (prehensile powers of the Eastern), vii. 179.

 “Forbid not yourselves the good things which Allah hath allowed you,”
    v. 216.

 “Forcible eateth feeble,” ix. 179.

 Fore-arm (for proficiency), ix. 306.

 Formality (a sign of good breeding), viii. 308.

 Formication (accompanying a paralytic stroke), v. 251.

 Formula of praise pronounced to avert the evil eye, iii. 224.

 Fortune makes kneel her camel by some other one = encamps with a
    favourite, iii. 141.

 “Forty days” = our “honeymoon,” viii. 47.

 Foster-brother (dearer than kith and kin), iii. 256.

 Fountain-bowl (ornamented with mosaic, etc.), ii. 310.

 Fourteen (expressed by seven and seven, or five and five plus four),
    viii. 70.

 Fox (Ar. Abú Hosayn, Salab), vi. 211.

 —— (cunning man), iii. 132.

 —— and jackal (confounded by the Arabic dialects), x. 123.

 Frail (Ar. Farsalah), viii. 162.

 Frame (crescent-like by reason of its leanness), viii. 300.

 Freedom (granted to a slave for the sake of reward from Allah), ix.

 Freeing slaves for the benefit of the souls of the departed, iii. 211.

 Freewill (and the Korán), iv. 275.

 French letters (all about them), vii. 190.

 Friday night = our Thursday night, i. 269.

 Friday service described, i. 313.

 Friend (feminine, does not hesitate to prescribe a fib), viii. 37.

 Friends (weeping when they meet after long parting), iv. 26.

 —— (“damned ill-natured ones”), iv. 137.

 Frolics of high-born ladies, i. 328.

 Front-teeth wide apart (a beauty amongst the Egyptians, not the Arabs),
    viii. 147.

 Fruit of two kinds, vi. 277.

 Fruits (fresh and dry), v. 314.

 Fulán (fulano in Span. and Port.) = a certain person, iii. 191; iv.

 Fulk = boat, vi. 62.

 Full, Fill = Arabian jessamine, viii. 273.

 Fumigations to cite Jinnís, etc., vii. 363; ix. 29.

 “Fun” = practical jokes of the largest, i. 220.

 “Fundamentals (Usúl), remembered” = the business is not forgotten, ii.

 Funduk = Fondaco, viii. 184.

 Funeral oration on an Arabian Achilles (after Haríri), viii. 348.

 Funerals (meritorious to accompany), ii. 46.

 Furát = Euphrates (derivation of the name), ix. 17.

 Furaydun, _see_ Afridun, ii. 82.

 Furkán = Korán, iv. 90.

 Fustát = Old Cairo, vi. 87.

 Fútah = napkin, waistcloth, vii. 345.

 Futúh = openings, victories, benefits, iii. 304.

 —— (openings, victories), iv. 51.

 Futúr = breakfast, i. 300; ix. 307.

 Fuzayl bin ’Iyáz (Sufí ascetic), ix. 21.

 Galactophagi (use milk always in the soured form), vi. 201; vii. 360.

 Gall-bladder and liver allusions, i. 219.

 Galland, Antoine (memoir of), x. 96 _seqq._

 “Gallery” (speaking to the), viii. 128.

 Gamin (faire le), iii. 304.

 Garden (in the Prophet’s tomb at Al-Medinah), vii. 91.

 —— (the Perfumed of the Cheikh Nefzaoui), x. 133.

 Gardeners touchy on the point of mated visitors, ii. 22.

 Gardens (with rivers flowing underneath, Koranic phrase), v. 356.

 Gate (of war opened), ix. 9.

 Gates (two to port towns), iii. 281.

 —— (of Heaven are open), ix. 221.

 —— (shut during Friday devotions from fear of “Sicilian Vespers”), ix.

 Gaw-i-Zamín = the Bull of the Earth, v. 324.

 Gazelles’ blood red (dark red dye), x. 12.

 Gems and their mines, vi. 18.

 Genealogy (Arab, begins with Adnán), v. 100.

 Generosity (an Arab’s ideal because the reverse of his nature), ii. 36.

 —— (peculiar style of), vii. 323.

 Geography in its bearings on morality, iii. 241.

 Geomantic process, iii. 269.

 German translations of The Nights, x. 112, _seqq._

 Ghábah = thicket, ii. 85; iv. 40.

 Ghadir = a place where water sinks, low land, i. 233.

 Ghadr = cheating, viii. 217.

 Gháliyah (Al-) = older English Algallia, viii. 220.

 Ghalyun = galleon, ix. 138.

 Ghamz = winking, signing with the eyes, i. 292.

 Ghandúr = a gallant, vii. 181.

 Gharám (Pr. N.) = eagerness, desire, love-longing, iii. 172.

 Gharámah = avanie, viii. 151.

 Gharíb = foreigner, i. 95.

 Ghashím = “Johnny Raw,” ii. 330.

 Gháshiyah = étui, scabbard; sleeved cloak, iv. 131.

 Ghatrafán (Pr. N.) = proud, petulant, v. 361.

 Ghaut = Sarídah, _q.v._, v. 223.

 Ghawási = singing girls, i. 214.

 Ghaylúlah = slumbering in the morning, ii. 178.

 Ghayúr = jealous (applies to Time), viii. 67.

 Ghazá = Artemisia (a desert shrub), ii. 24; iii. 220; vi. 192; ix. 27.

 Ghazálah = gazelle (a slave-girl’s name), ix. 209.

 Ghazanfar ibn Kamkhíl = Lion son of (?), v. 363.

 Ghayb (Al-) = secret purpose; future, ix. 314.

 Ghazbán (N.P.) = an angry, violent man, ii. 125.

 Ghází = fighter for the faith, ii. 240; viii. 211.

 Ghazl al-banát (girls’ spinning) = vermicelli, i. 83.

 Ghazwah = raid, foray, razzia, ii. 217.

 Ghilmán = Wuldán, the beautiful youths of Paradise, i. 211.

 —— (counterpart of the Houris), v. 64.

 Ghimd (Ghamad) = scabbard, v. 158.

 Ghoonj (Ghunj) = art of motitation in coition, v. 80.

 Ghost (phantom = Tayf), iii. 252.

 Ghúl = ogre, cannibal, vi. 36.

 Ghúlah = ogress, i. 55.

 Ghulámíyah = girl dressed like a boy to act cup-bearer, x. 39.

 Ghull = iron collar, ix. 333.

 Ghúls (whose bellies none may fill but Allah), ix. 152.

 Ghuráb al-Bayn = raven of parting, iv. 52; vii. 226.

 Ghuráb = galleon (grab), viii. 323.

 Ghurbah (Al-) Kurbah = “Travel is Travail,” ix. 257.

 Gurrah = blaze on a horse’s forehead, iii. 118; x. 40.

 Ghusl = complete ablution, v. 80.

 Ghusl al-Sihhah = washing of health, iii. 266.

 Ghussah = calamity which chokes, wrath, ii. 147.

 Ghútah = thickly grown lowland, i. 115.

 Giants (arriving in Peru, probably the Caribs of the Brazil), x. 243.

 “Gift (from me to” etc. = “I leave it to you, sir”), vii. 292.

 —— (is for him who is present), ix. 225.

 Giraffe, exceedingly timid, vii. 54.

 —— unfit for riding, vii. 62.

 Girding the Sovereign (found in the hieroglyphs), vii. 328.

 Girl (of nine plus five = in her prime), v. 192.

 Give a man luck and throw him into the sea, iii. 341.

 Glance compared with a Yamáni sword, ii. 127.

 Gloom = black hair of youth, vii. 277.

 Glooms gathering and full moons dawning, for hands and eyes, vii. 247.

 Gloria (in = the Italian term for the venereal finish), viii. 329.

 Glossarium eroticum, x. 221.

 Gnostic absurdities, x. 191.

 Goad (of the donkey-boy), iii. 116.

 Godiva (an Arabic lady—of the wrong sort), ix. 261.

 Going straight to the point preferred to filer le parfait amour, i.

 Gold (makes bold), i. 340.

 —— (different names of, required by Arabic rhetoric), iv. 97.

 —— (when he looked at it, his life seemed a light thing to him), vii.

 —— (liquid = Vino d’Oro), x. 40.

 Gold-pieces (stuck on the cheeks of singing-girls, etc.), viii. 275.

 Goody-goody preachments, iv. 187.

 Gong (Ar. Mudawwarah), iv. 135.

 Good news, Inshallah = is all right with thee?, ix. 224.

 Gospel of Infancy, ii. 228.

 Gossamer (names for), iii. 217.

 Gourd (Ar. Hanzal), ix. 165.

 Grammatical double entendres, ix. 272.

 Grandfather’s name given familiarly, ii. 15.

 Grapes (bunch of, weighing twenty pounds no exaggeration), vii. 358.

 Grave (levelling slave and sovereign), iii. 323.

 “Greatness belongeth to God alone” (used elliptically), vi. 288.

 Green (colour of the Fatimite Caliphs), vi. 86.

 Green gown (Anglo-Indicè = white ball-dress with blades of grass
    behind), viii. 32.

 Green garb (distinguishing mark of Al-Khizr), ix. 324.

 Greetings before the world, v. 34.

 Grelots lascifs, x. 238.

 Grim joke (showing elation of spirits), vii. 324.

 Grimm’s “Household Tales” quoted, vi. 230.

 Groom (falling in love with), viii. 345.

 Ground (really kissed), vii. 257.

 Ground-floor usually let for shops, i. 319.

 Guadalajara = Wady al-Khara (of dung), ix. 10.

 “Guebre” introduced by Lord Byron, viii. 8.

 Guest-rite, vii. 121.

 Gull-fairs, viii. 90.

 Gypsies (their first appearance in Europe), x. 89.

 Habáb (Habá) = motes, iv. 257.

 Habash = Abyssinia and something more, v. 395.

 Habb = grain of the heart, i. 250.

 Habb al ’ubb (a woman’s ornament), vii. 205.

 Habbániyah = grain-seller’s quarter, i. 269.

 Habba-zá! = good this!, v. 52.

 Habíb, euphemism for lover, i. 223.

 Habíbí wa tabíbí = my love and leach, ix. 299.

 Habitations (names given to them by the Arabs), viii. 229.

 Habl = cord; cause, viii. 100.

 Habzalam (Pr. N. = seed of tyranny; “Absalom”?), iv. 66.

 Hadas = surmise, vii. 302.

 Hadbá (the bulging bier), iv. 63.

 Hádí (Al-), Caliph, v. 93.

 Hadíd = iron, ii. 310.

 Hadís = tradition of the Prophet, iv. 207; v. 201.

 Hadís = saying of the Apostle, tradition, v. 201.

 Háfiz (f. Háfizah) = 1. traditionist; 2. one who can recite the Koran
    by rote, vi. 195.

 Háfiz quoted, viii. 120.

 Hafsah (Caliph Omar’s daughter and wife of Mohammed), ii. 165.

 Hafsites (Dynasty in Mauritania), ii. 165.

 Hail (within sight of the Equator), vii. 336.

 Hair (should be allowed all to grow or be shaven off), i. 308.

 Hair-dyes (all vegetable matter), i. 326.

 —— (Mohammed on), iv. 194.

 Hair-strings (of black silk), iii. 311.

 —— (significance of), iii. 313.

 Hájah = a needful thing (for something, somewhat), vii. 349.

 Hajar-coinage, vii. 95.

 Hajar Jahannam = hell-stone, lava, basalt, v. 378.

 Hájib = groom, chamberlain, ii. 304; iii. 233.

 Hajín (tall camel), iii. 67.

 Hajj = Pilgrimage, v. 202.

 Hájj (or Hájí, not Hajji), iv. 215.

 Hajj al-Akbar and Hajj al-Asgar, ii. 169.

 Hajjáj (Al-), bin Yúsuf, Governor of Al-Hijáz and Al-Irák, iv. 3; vii.

 Hajjám = barber-surgeon, cupper, bleeder, iv. 112.

 Hákim = ruler, not to be confounded with Hakím, doctor, etc., vii. 29.

 Ha’kim (Al-) bi-amri ’llah (Caliph), iv. 296.

 —— (not to be confounded with the Fatimite), v. 86.

 Hakk (Al-) = the Truth (Allah), v. 284.

 Hakk = right (Hakkí = mine), viii. 335.

 Halab = Aleppo, i. 292.

 Halabí Shalabí = the Aleppine is a fellow fine, v. 64.

 Haláwah = sweetmeat, iv. 60; vii. 205.

 Haláwat al-Salámah = sweetmeat for the returning of a friend, viii.

 Halfah-grass (Poa), ii. 18.

 Halíb = fresh milk, vi. 201.

 Halímah = the mild, gentle (fem.), ix. 265.

 Haling by the hair a reminiscence of “marriage by capture,” viii. 40.

 Hallaling, Anglo-Indian term for the Moslem rite of killing animals for
    food, vii. 9.

 Halumma = bring! vii. 117.

 Halummú = drew near (plur.), ix. 44.

 Halwá = sweetmeats, ii. 47, 212.

 Hamadán (town in Persian Mesopotamia), ix. 212.

 Hámah (soul of a murdered man in form of a bird sprung from his head),
    iii. 293.

 Hamáil = baldricks, v. 158.

 Hamám = wood-pigeon, v. 49.

 —— (al-Ayk) = culver of the copse, v. 49.

 Hamath = Hightown, ii. 178.

 Hamíd (fem. Hamidah) = praiseworthy, satisfactory, ix. 76.

 Hammál al-Hatabi = one who carries fuel, vii. 59.

 Hammám (going to the = convalescence), i. 288.

 —— (ditto, showing that women’s courses are over), i. 286.

 —— (hired for private parties), v. 63.

 Hammám-bath (a luxury as well as necessity), iii. 19.

 Hamzah (uncle of the Prophet), viii. 172.

 Hanabát = “hanap” viii. 202.

 Hanbal, _see_ Ahmad bin Hanbal, ii. 204.

 Hand (left, how used), iv. 129.

 —— (white, symbol of generosity; black of niggardness), iv. 185.

 —— (his for her), iv. 279.

 —— (cut off in penalty for theft), viii. 164.

 —— (cut off for striking a father), viii. 287.

 Handfuls (the two), v. 207.

 Handkerchief of dismissal, x. 47.

 Hands (behind the back, posture of submission), iii. 218.

 —— (stained in stripes like ring-rows of a chain armour), iii. 176.

 —— (how held in reciting the Fátihah), v. 80.

 —— (bitten in repentance), v. 191.

 —— (their feel guides the physician), v. 220.

 Hanien = pleasant to thee! after drinking, ii. 5.

 Hanífah, _see_ Abú Hanífah, ii. 207.

 Hanút = tavern, booth, etc., v. 142.

 Hanzal = gourd, v. 19; ix. 165.

 Harámí = one who lives on unlawful gains, ix. 147.

 Harbak = javelin, vii. 45.

 Hard of heart and soft of sides, ii. 5.

 Hardly he (equivalent for), vii. 333.

 Harf = letter, syllable, ii. 307.

 Harf al-Jarr = a particle governing the oblique case; mode of thrusting
    and tumbling, ix. 272.

 Harím = Harem, used for the inmates, i. 165.

 —— double entendre (= Harem and Honour), iv. 9.

 —— (= wife), iv. 126.

 —— (hot-bed of Sapphism and Tribadism), iv. 334.

 Harírí (Al-), = the silk-man (poet), v. 158.

 —— (lines quoted from), x. 44.

 Harísah, a favourite dish, i. 131.

 Harjáh = (a man of), any place, v. 27.

 Hark, you shall see, ix. 14.

 Harrák (ship = Carrack?), iv. 130.

 Harrákát = carracks (also used for cockboat), vii. 336.

 Hárún al-Rashíd (described by Al-Siyúti), viii. 160.

 —— (as a poet), ix. 17.

 —— (said to have prayed every day a hundred bows), ix. 339.

 —— (and Charlemagne), x. 135.

 Hárút and Márút (sorcerer angels), iii. 217.

 Harwalah = pas gymnastique, iii. 121.

 Hasá (Al-) = plain of pebbles, west of Damascus, i. 234.

 Hasab = quantity opposed to Nasab = birth, iv. 171.

 Hasab wa nasab = inherited degree and acquired dignity, iv. 171; vii.

 Hasan al-Basri (theologian), ii. 165.

 Hasan bin Sahl (Wazir of Al-Maamún), iv. 124.

 Hasanta yá Hasan = bene detto, Benedetto!, i. 251.

 Háshimí = descendant of Háshim (Mohammed’s great-grandfather), ix. 24.

 —— cubit = 18 inches, v. 371.

 —— vein, ii. 19.

 Hashísh (intoxicant prepared of hemp), i. 225; iii. 91.

 —— (orgie in London), iii. 91.

 —— (said to him = his mind, under its influence, suggested to him),
    viii. 155.

 Hashsháshún = assassins, iii. 91.

 Hásib Karím al-Dín (Pr. N.), v. 298.

 Hásid = an envier, iv. 137.

 Hásil, Hásilah = cell, viii. 184, 196.

 Hassún (diminutive of Hasan), viii. 81.

 Haste ye to salvation, part of the Azán, i. 224.

 Hátif = mysterious voice, i. 142.

 Hatím = broken wall (at Meccah), vii. 219.

 Hátim (Pr. N.) = black crow, vii. 350.

 Hátim al-Asamm (the Deaf), ii. 207.

 Hátim of Tayy (proverbial for liberality), iv. 94.

 Hattín (battle of), ix. 19.

 Haudaj (Hind. Howda) = camel-litter for women, viii. 235.

 Hauk! Hauk! = hee haw! i. 221.

 “Haunted” = inhabited by Jinns, v. 175.

 Haurání towns (weird aspect of), vi. 102.

 —— —— (their survival accounted for by some protracted drought), iv.

 Hawá al-Uzri = platonic love, ii. 304.

 Hawar = intensity of black and white in the eyes, iii. 233.

 Háwi = juggler playing tricks with snakes, iii. 145; ix. 56.

 Háwiyah (name of a Hell), viii. 346.

 Hawk, iii. 61, 138.

 Hawwá = Eve, v. 139.

 Hayát al-Nufús = Life of Souls, iii. 283.

 Hayhát, onomatopoetic for lover, i. 76.

 Haykal = temple, chapel, v. 192.

 Hazár = (the bird of) a thousand (songs), v. 48.

 Hazár Afsáneh (tales from the), ix. 32; x. 72, 93.

 Házir and Bádí = townsman and nomad, iii. 234.

 Hazramaut (Hazarmaveth), iv. 118; v. 136.

 Hazrat = our mediæval “presentia vostra,” viii. 254.

 Hazza-hu = he made it (the javelin) quiver, vii. 45.

 “He” for “she” out of delicacy, ii. 179.

 Head (must always be kept covered), iii. 275.

 Head in the poke = into the noose, i. 179.

 Head-kerchief (déshabillé), ii. 328.

 Headsman delaying execution, iii. 42.

 “Hearer” not “reader” addressed, viii. 316.

 Heart (black drop in the), iv. 256.

 —— (from one full of wrath = in spite of himself), v. 68.

 Heart-ache (for stomach-ache = mal au cœur), vi. 194.

 Heaven (Ar. Na’ím), iv. 143.

 Heavens (names of the seven), viii. 111.

 Hell (Sa’ír), iv. 143.

 —— (cold as well as hot), iv. 253.

 Hells (names of the seven and their intended inhabitants), viii. 111.

 Hemistichs divided, iii. 166.

 Henna-flower (its spermatic odour), vii. 250.

 Herb (the insane), vi. 36.

 Hermaphrodites (Ar. Khunsá), iii. 306.

 Heroes and heroines of love-tales are bonnes fourchettes, vii. 300.

 Heroine of Eastern romance eats well, iii. 168.

 Heroism of a doubtful character, viii. 27.

 Hesperides (apples of the, probably golden nuggets), viii. 272.

 Hetairesis and Sotadism (the heresies of love), x. 215.

 Hibá = cords, garters, ii. 236.

 Hibál = ropes, iv. 193.

 High-bosomed damsel a favourite with Arab tale-tellers, i. 84.

 Hijáz (Al-) = Moslem Holy Land, ii. 306.

 Hijl = partridge, iii. 138.

 “Him” for “her,” iii. 78.

 Himà = guarded side, demesne, viii. 102, 225.

 Himalayan brothers, ii. 211, 260.

 Hind (Al-) al-Aksà = Outer Hind or India, ix. 116.

 Hind bint Asmá and the poet Jarír, vii. 96.

 Hindí = Indian Moslem opposed to Hindú, v. 1.

 Hindibà = endive, v. 226.

 Hinges (of ancient doors), iii. 41.

 Hippic syphilis, x. 90.

 Hippopotamus, vi. 33.

 Hips (their volume admired), ii. 285.

 —— (leanness of, “anti-pathetic” to Easterns), iii. 226.

 Hírah (Christian city in Mesopotamia), v. 124.

 Hirakl (monastery of), v. 138.

 “His” for “her,” viii. 50.

 Hisham bin Abd al-Malik (Caliph), ii. 170; vii. 104.

 Hishám ibn Orwah (traditionist), v. 81.

 Hisn al-Fákihat = Fortalice of Fruits, vii. 75.

 Hiss = (sensual) perception, vii. 302.

 Hizám = girdle, viii. 160; x. 36.

 Hizb = section of the Koran, v. 217.

 Hobbling a camel (how done), vii. 119.

 Hog, popular term of abuse, i. 188.

 Holiness supposed to act as talisman, ii. 251.

 Holy Writ (punned upon), viii. 348.

 Homme acheté = de bonne famille, iv. 225.

 Honayn (scene of one of Mohammed’s battles), v. 66.

 Honey (of bees as distinguished from cane honey), v. 300.

 —— (simile for the delights of the world), ix. 64.

 “Honeymoon” (lasts a week), v. 62.

 Honour amongst thieves, ii. 159.

 Hoof (of the wild ass), iii. 235.

 Horoscopes, etc., i. 213.

 Horripilation = goose flesh, iii. 2.

 Horse (names of), iii. 72.

 Horse-stealing honourable, iii. 73.

 Horseplay frequently ending in bastinado, i. 325.

 Horses (not taught to leap), ii. 89.

 —— (Arab breeds), v. 246.

 Hosh = mean courts at Cairo, v. 170.

 Hospitals hated, ii. 70.

 Host (enters first as safeguard against guet-apens) iii. 208.

 Hour (of Judgment), v. 235.

 Houris, iii. 233.

 House (haunted = inhabited by Jinns), v. 175.

 —— (the Holy of Allah = Ka’abah), ix. 178.

 House of Peace = Baghdad, i. 139.

 “House of Sadness,” viii. 64.

 House-breaking (four modes of), vi. 247.

 Houses of Lamentation in Moslem burial-grounds, i. 94.

 Housewife (looks to the main chance), viii. 144.

 Hubb al-Watan = patriotism, ii. 183.

 Hubkah = doubling of a woman’s waistcloth, vii. 180.

 Hubúb (Pr. N.) = awaking; blowing hard, viii. 209.

 Húd (prophet = Heber?), iv. 118.

 Hudhud = hoopoe, iii. 128.

 Hudúd al-Haram = bounds of the Holy Places, v. 148.

 Hullah = dress, vii. 180.

 Hulwán al-miftáh = dénier à Dieu, ix. 212.

 Huwayná (Al-) = now drawing near and now moving away, ix. 250.

 Humbly (expressed by “standing on their heads”), viii. 279.

 Humility of the lovelorn Princess artfully contrasted with her previous
    furiosity, vii. 261.

 Humming not a favourite practice with Moslems, i. 311.

 Humours (of Hippocrates), v. 218.

 Hump-back (graphically described), viii. 297.

 Hunchback looked upon with fear and aversion, i. 258.

 Hunger (burns), ii. 144.

 Hungry judges, “hanging judges,” ii. 198.

 Húr, pl. = Houris, iii. 233.

 Húr al-Ayn = with eyes of lively white and black, i. 90.

 Hurák = tinder, iv. 108.

 Hurr = gentleman, i. 254.

 —— = free, noble, independent, opp. to ’Abd = servile, iii. 44.

 Hurry is from Hell, i. 264.

 —— (in a newly married couple indecent), iv. 244.

 Hurúf al-mutabbakát = the flattened sounds, iv. 223.

 Hút = great fish, vi. 69.

 Hydropathic treatment of wounds held dangerous, v. 200.

 Hymeneal blood resembles that of pigeon-poult, ii. 50.

 Hypocrite (Ar. Munáfik), v. 207.

 Hysterical Arab temperament, ii. 54, 101, 181.

 Ibáziyah sect, vii. 125.

 Iblís (diabolus) = Despairer, i. 13; iii. 22; ix. 300.

 —— (Cherubim cherished by Allah), v. 319.

 —— (cursed and expelled), v. 320.

 Ibn Abbás (Companion), v. 212.

 Ibn Abdún al-Andalúsí (poet), iii. 319.

 Ibn Abí Anfa, ii. 200.

 Ibn al-Kirnás = son of the chase (for Persian Kurnas = pimp, cuckold?),
    viii. 157.

 Ibn al-’Ukáb (Pr. N.) = Son of the Eagle, viii. 198.

 Ibn Hamdún (transmitter of poetry and history), ix. 229.

 Ibn Harám = son of adultery, abuse not necessarily reflecting on the
    parent, i. 231.

 Ibn ’Irs = weasel, ix. 114.

 Ibn Muljam (murderer of the Caliph Ali), iii. 319.

 Ibn Síná = Avicenna, iii. 34.

 Ibráhím bin Adham, ii. 203.

 Ibrahím bin al-Mahdí (Pretender to the Caliphate) iv. 103.

 Ibrahim al-Mausilí, iv. 108; ix. 304.

 Ibrat = needle graver and ’Ibrat = warning, a favourite jingle, i. 104.

 Ibrík = ewer, and Tisht = basin, used for washing the hands, i. 241;
    vii. 146.

 Ibrísam = raw silk, floss, vii. 352.

 Ichneumon (mongoose), iii. 147.

 Ichthyological marvels, vi. 33.

 ’Íd = festivals (the two of Al-Islám), viii. 142.

 Id al-Kabír = the Great Festival, i. 28.

 Iddat = months of a woman’s enforced celibacy after divorce, iii. 292.

 —— (of widowhood), vi. 256; x. 43.

 Ídgáh (place of prayer), ii. 202.

 Ifrít, divided into two races like mankind, i. 11.

 Ifrítah = she-Ifrit, i. 34.

 Ihdak = encompassing, as the white encloses the black of the eye, i.

 Ihtiláj-námah = Book of palpitations, viii. 25.

 Ihtilám = wet dream as a sign of puberty, vii. 183.

 Ihtizáz = shaking with delight, i. 50.

 I’itikáf (Al-) = retreat, v. 202.

 Ijtilá = displaying of the bride on her wedding night, vii. 198.

 Ikálat (Al-) = cancelling, “resiliation,” v. 204.

 Ikh! Ikh! (cry to a camel to make it kneel down), ii. 139.

 Ikhlás (Al-) = Chapter of Unity, iii. 307.

 Ikhtiyán al Khutan = Khaitan (?), x. 9.

 Ikhwán al-Safá = Brethren of Purity, iii. 150.

 Iklíl = diadem, now obsolete, i. 270.

 Iklím = the seven climates of Ptolemy, i. 233.

 Iksah = plait, etc., vii. 150.

 Iksír (Al-) = dry drug (from ξηρον), v. 315; viii. 9.

 Ikyán = living gold, viii. 272, 275.

 Iláh = God, v. 196.

 Iláh al-Arsh = the God of the Empyrean, iii. 106.

 Iliad and Pentaur’s Epic, vii. 362.

 Ill is thy abiding place, iii. 137.

 Ill-treatment (a plea for a lawful demand to be sold), viii. 55.

 Ilm al-Káf = K-science for Alchemy, v. 307.

 Ilm al-Rúhání = Spiritualism, i. 305.

 Images of living beings forbidden, v. 3.

 —— (= statues), v. 223.

 Imám = leader, antistes, ii. 203.

 —— (the Seventh = Caliph al-Maamún), iv. 111.

 —— (the fugleman at the prayer-niche), iv. 227.

 Imámah = turband, iv. 100.

 Imlik (great-grandson of Shem), vi. 264.

 Improvising still common among the Badawin, i. 39.

 Impudence (intended to be that of a captive Princess), viii. 295.

 Impurity (ceremonial different from dirtiness), v. 209.

 Imsák = retention (prolongatio veneris), v. 76.

 Inadvertency of the tale-teller, viii. 141.

 In’ásh = raising from the bier (a “pick-me-up”), v. 67.

 Incest (lawful amongst ancient peoples), i. 110.

 —— (repugnant to Moslem taste), ii. 172.

 Inconsequence (of the Author of The Nights), iv. 155.

 —— (characteristic of the Eastern Saga), vi. 61.

 —— (of writer of The Nights), vi. 205.

 Incuriousness of the Eastern story-teller vii. 57.

 Index finger (Sháhid), ii. 300.

 Indian realm, vii. 336.

 Indrajál = white magic, v. 307.

 Infidel should not be killed unless refusing to become a Moslem or a
    tributary, vii. 64.

 Infirmity (and infirm letters), iv. 243.

 Inheritance, law of, settled by the Koran, i. 174.

 Inkcase (descendant of the wooden palette with writing reeds), viii.

 ’Innín = impotence, viii. 317.

 Innovation (Ar. Bida’ah), v. 167.

 Insane (treatment of the), iii. 256.

 Inscriptions (on trays, plates, etc.), iv. 235.

 Inshád = conjuring by Allah, i. 11.

 —— = reciting, improvising, ii. 126.

 Inshallah (Allah willing) = D.V., iv. 286; viii. 104.

 Inshallah bukrah = to-morrow D.V., ii. 324.

 Insolence and licence of palace-girls, i. 286.

 Insomnia (curious treatment of), iv. 229.

 Insula (for peninsula), vi. 57.

 Intellect of man stronger than a Jinní’s, i. 43.

 Intention (of prayer, Niyat), v. 163, 196.

 Intercession-doctrine disputed amongst Moslems, ii. 40; v. 241.

 Internally wounded = sick at heart, i. 5.

 Inverted speech (forms of), ii. 265; vi. 262; viii. 179.

 Inwá = jerking the date-stone, i. 25.

 Irádah = Sultan’s order, iv. 61.

 Irák = level country beside river banks, ii. 132.

 —— (etc., used always with the article), vi. 291.

 —— (for Al-Irák in verse), vii. 20.

 Iram (the many-columned), iv. 113; x. 29.

 Irán = hearse; Moses’ ark, vii. 207.

 Irdabb, _see_ Ardabb.

 Irishman (the typical, in Arab garb), viii. 191.

 —— and his “convarter,” x. 3.

 ’Irk = root, also sprig, twig, ix. 251.

 Iron (conjures away friends), ii. 316.

 Iron padlock (instead of the usual wooden bolt), iii. 198.

 Irony, iii. 291; iv. 271; viii. 3, 164.

 Irreverence (Egyptian), iv. 47.

 Isaak (Ishák) of Mosul, iv. 119.

 Isbánír = Ctesiphon (?), vi. 279.

 Isengrim (wolf), iii. 146.

 Isfídáj = ceruse, vi. 126.

 Ishá = the first watch of the night, i. 175.

 Ishárah = signing, beckoning, vi. 109; viii. 233.

 Ishk ’uzrí (in the sense of platonic love), vii. 121; ix. 250.

 Ishmael (place of his sacrifice), iv. 75.

 Ishtar-Ashtaroth (her worship not obsolete in Syria), x. 230.

 Iskandar Zú al-Karnayn (= Alexander Matagrobolised), v. 252; x. 57.

 Iskandaríyah = city of Alexander, viii. 289.

 Island for land, viii. 317.

 Ism al-A’azam = the Most Great Name of Allah, viii. 133.

 Ismid = (Ithmid) stibium (eye-powder), iii. 307.

 Israfíl (blows the last trumpet), v. 310.

 Istahi = have some shame, ix. 255.

 Istikbál = coming forth to greet, ii. 287.

 Istikhárah = praying for direction by omens, etc., v. 44.

 Istinjá = washing the fundament after stool, iv. 129.

 Istinsháh = snuffing water through the nostrils, v. 198.

 Istitá’ah (= ableness), ix. 80.

 —— (= freewill), ix. 83.

 Ithmid (stibium antimone) = Sp. Althimod, ii. 103.

 “I told you so” (even more common in East than West), iv. 69.

 Italian Translations of The Nights, x. 114.

 Izár = sheet worn as veil, i. 163; vi. 50.

 J (How it came to take the place of Y in the English Bible), ii. 43.

 Ja’afar contrasting strongly with his master, i. 102.

 —— (mode of his death), iv. 159.

 —— (his suspected heresy), x. 141.

 —— (river or rivulet), iv. 292.

 Ja’afar bin Musà al-Hádí (Caliph), v. 93.

 Jabábirah = tyrants, giants, conquerors, vii. 84; ix. 109, 323.

 Jabal = mountain (for mountainous island), ix. 315.

 Jabal al-Ramun = Adam’s Peak, vi. 65.

 Jabal al-Saklá (Thaklá) = mount of the woman bereft of children, v. 37.

 Jabal al-Tárik = Gibraltar, iv. 100.

 Jabal Mukattam (sea-cliff upon which Cairo is built), v. 383.

 Jabal Núr, v. 215.

 Jabarsá, the city of Japhet, vii. 40, 43.

 Jabarti = Moslem Abyssinian, ii. 15.

 Jábír Atharát al-Kirám = Repairer of the slips of the generous, vii.

 Jábir bin Abdallah (disciple of Mohammed), v. 215.

 Jackal’s gall (used aphrodisiacally), x. 123.

 Jacob’s daughters, iv. 14.

 Jadíd = new (coin), copper, x. 12.

 Jáh = high station, dignity, ix. 174.

 Jahábiz pl. of Jahbaz = acute, intelligent, ix. 62.

 Jahannam = Hell, v. 306, 318.

 Jahárkas = Pers. Chehárkas, four persons, i. 266.

 Jalájil = small bells for falcons, viii. 271.

 Jalálah = saying “Jalla Jalálu-hu” = magnified be His Majesty, v. 217.

 Jalálikah = Gallicians, ix. 156.

 Jaland, not Julned, vii. 16.

 Jalláb = slave dealer, iii. 340.

 Jallábiyah = gaberdine, v. 265.

 Jamá’at = community, v. 205.

 Jamal (Gamal) = camel, iii. 110.

 Jámi’ = cathedral mosque, v. 261.

 Jámi’án = two cathedrals, v. 66.

 Jamíl ibn Ma’amar (poet), ii. 102; vii. 117.

 Jamíz (Jummayz) = sycamore fig, iii. 302.

 Jamm = ocean, v. 93.

 Janázah = bier with corpse, ii. 46.

 Janázir for Zanájír = chains, ix. 309.

 Jannat al-Khuld = the Eternal Garden, ix. 214.

 Jannat al-Na’ím = The Garden of Delights, _i.e._ Heaven, i. 98; iii.

 Jánsháh (Pr. N.) = King of Life, v. 329; vii. 82.

 Japhet (Ar. Yáfis or Yáfat), vii. 40.

 —— his sword, vii. 41.

 Jar (ridden by witches), viii. 131.

 Jarír (poet), v. 148.

 Jarm (Ar. Bárijah), vi. 24.

 Jarrah = jar, viii. 177.

 Jars for cooling water, ii. 21.

 Jásalik (Al-) = Καθολικὸς, Primate, ii. 228.

 Jauharah (Pr. N. = Jewel), vii. 307.

 Jauz al-Hindi = cocoa-nut, vi. 55.

 Jauzá = Gemini, x. 38.

 Jauzar = Bubalus (Ariel), v. 130.

 Javelines, vi. 263.

 Jawáb-club, vi. 262.

 Jawámard for Jawanmard = un giovane, a brave, vii. 17.

 Jawán (Pr. N.) Pers. = a youth, juvenis, iv. 208.

 Jawárí = slave-girls rhyming with dam’a jári = flowing tears, v. 160.

 Jawarnah (Júrnah) = Zara, ii. 219.

 Jawáshiyah = guards, viii. 330.

 Jawásís, pl. of Jásús, = spies (for secret police), ix. 13.

 Jáwish = apparitor, sergeant, royal messenger, ii. 49.

 Jazírah = Peninsula, Arabia, i. 2; vii. 333.

 Jazírah (Al-) = Mesopotamia, vii. 100.

 Jazírát al-Khalidát = Eternal Isles = Canaries, i. 141.

 Jazirat ibn Omar (island and town on the Tigris), x. 40.

 Jesus (bird of), v. 211.

 —— (crucified in effigy), v. 238.

 —— (compared with Adam), v. 238.

 Jew (prefers dying on the floor, not in bed), v. 248.

 —— (never your equal, either above or below you), viii. 153.

 —— (marrying a Moslemah deserves no pity), viii. 262.

 Jeweller (in Eastern tales generally a rascal), iii. 186.

 Jews (adepts in magic), ii. 233.

 Jihád = fighting for the Faith, iii. 39.

 Jilá = displaying the bride before the bridegroom, i. 174.

 Jíbbáb = habergeon, buff-jacket, gown, vii. 156; ix. 290.

 Jink (Al-) = effeminates, x. 19.

 Jinn = the French génie, the Hindu Rakshasa or Yaksha, i. 10.

 Jinnís (names of), iii. 225.

 Job (a Syrian), iv. 221.

 Joining prayers, iii. 174.

 Jokh = broadcloth, ii. 111.

 Jokh al-Saklát = rich brocade on broadcloth, viii. 202.

 Joseph of the Koran very different from him of Genesis, i. 13.

 —— (and Potiphar’s wife), vi. 127.

 “Joyance is three things,” etc., iv. 254.

 Judad (for Judud) pl. of Jadíd = new coin, viii. 121.

 Júdar (classical Arab name), vi. 213.

 —— (and his brethren, version of a Gotha MS.), vi. 257.

 Júdariyah (quarter of Cairo), vi. 254.

 Judgment (hour of), v. 235.

 Judri = small-pox, i. 256.

 Jufún = eyebrows or eyelashes, iv. 260.

 Juggling with heaven, viii. 168.

 Jugular vein (from — to —), iv. 92.

 Jujube-sherbet, ii. 317.

 Julnár = Pers. Gul-i-anár (pomegranate flower), vii. 268.

 Jum’ah = assembly (Friday), vi. 120, 190.

 Jumblat (for Ján-pulád, Life o’ Steel, Pr. N.), vi. 115.

 Jummár = palm-pith and cabbage, viii. 270.

 Junayd al-Baghdádí (Sufi ascetic), ix. 21.

 Junún = madness, i. 10.

 Juráb mi’adat-hu (bag of his belly = scrotum), ii. 233.

 Justice (poetical, not done), iv. 28.

 —— (poetical in The Nights), vi. 255.

 Juzám = (black) leprosy, iv. 51; v. 294; viii. 24.

 Ka’ab al-Ahbár (of the Scribes, two of the name), iv. 115.

 Ka’abah (Pilgrims clinging to its curtain), iv. 125.

 Ká’ah = ground-floor hall, i. 85.

 —— = fine house, mansion, i. 292.

 —— (= messroom, barracks), vii. 167.

 Ka’ak al ’Íd = buns (cake?), vii. 196.

 Kaannahu huwa = as he (was), he, vii. 233.

 Ka’b = heel, ankle, metaph. for fortune, vii. 177.

 Kabáb (mutton or lamb grilled in small squares), vi. 225.

 Kabasa = he shampoo’d, ix. 213.

 Kabbát = saucers, viii. 12.

 Kabbázah = a “holding woman,” iv. 127.

 Kábul men noted for Sodomy, i. 299.

 Kadisíyah (Al-) city in Irák, v. 294.

 Kádús pl. Kawádís = pot of a waterwheel, ix. 218.

 Káf, popularly = Caucasus, i. 72, 133.

 Kaff Shurayk = a single “Bunn,” _q.v._, ix. 172.

 Káfir = Infidel, Giaur, ii. 292.

 Kafr = village (in Egypt and Syria), x. 27.

 Káfs (verset of the three-and-twenty), v. 217.

 Kafúr (Pr. N.) = Camphor, ii. 47.

 Kafrà = desert place, viii. 337.

 Kahánah (Al-) = the craft of a Káhin or soothsayer, i. 28.

 Kahbah = whore, i. 70.

 Kahíl = whose eyes are kohl’d by nature, iii. 346.

 Kahílat al-Taraf = having the eyelids lined with kohl, i. 63.

 Káhirah = City of Mars (Cairo), iv. 271.

 Kahkahah = horse-laughter, i. 350.

 Kahlá (fem.) = nature-kohl’d, iii. 232.

 Kahramán (Pers.) = braves, heroes, iv. 115; vi. 257.

 Kahramánat = nursery governess, i. 231; ix. 221.

 Kahtán (sons of), vi. 260.

 Kahwah (Kihwah) = strong old wine, ii. 261.

 —— (Al-), used for coffee-house, ix. 256.

 Kahwajíyah = coffee-makers, v. 169.

 Káid = leader, i. 330.

 Ka’ka’at = jangling noise, vii. 21.

 Kákilí = Sumatran (eagle-wood), x. 57.

 Kala (island), vi. 47.

 Kalak = raft, vii. 342.

 Kalam = reed-pen, i. 128.

 —— = leg-cut, ii. 107.

 Kalám al-Mubáh = the permitted say, i. 29.

 Kalám wáti = vulgarism, ii. 113.

 Kalam-dán = reed-box (ink-case), iv. 167; v. 239.

 Kalandar = mendicant monk, i. 94.

 Kalandars (order of), x. 84.

 Kallá = prorsus non, iv. 257.

 Kalla-má = it is seldom, v. 150.

 Kallim al-Sultán (formula of summoning), ix. 224.

 Kámah = fathom, ii. 56.

 Kamán = Kamá (as)-anna (that, since, because), viii. 197.

 Kamar = belt, viii. 156.

 Kamar al-Zamán (Pr. N.) = Moon of the Age, iii. 213; ix. 247.

 Kamaráni (Al-) = the two moons for sun and moon, iii. 300.

 Káma-Shástra (Ars Amoris Indica), iii. 93.

 Kámat Alfiyyah = straight figure, i. 85; iii. 236.

 Kámil wa Basít wa Wáfir = the names of three popular metres, viii. 91.

 Kamín al-Bahrayn = lurking-place of the two seas, vii. 353.

 Kamís = shift, etc., i. 293.

 Kammir (Imp.) = brown (the bread), x. 14.

 Kanát = subterranean water-course, iii. 141.

 Kanjifah = pack of cards, v. 243.

 Kánmákán (Pr. N.) = “was that which was,” ii. 280.

 Kantar (quintal) = 98·99 lbs. avoir. ii. 233.

 Kánún (dulcimer, “zither”), iii. 211.

 Kánún = brasier, v. 272; vi. 5.

 Kanz = enchanted treasure, ix. 320.

 Kapoteshwara and Kapoteshí, iii. 126.

 Kaptán = Capitano, iv. 85; ix. 139.

 Kara Gyuz, _see_ Khiyál.

 Kárah = budget, large bag, ix. 216.

 Karaj (town in Persian Irak), vii. 77.

 Karawán = Charadrius œdicnemus, vi. 1.

 Karbús = saddle-bow, viii. 77.

 Kári = Koran-reader, v. 216.

 Kárib (pl. Kawárib) = dinghy, iv. 168.

 Karím = generous (cream of men), ii. 35.

 Kárizán (Al-) = the two mimosa-gatherers, vii. 93.

 Karkadán, etc. = rhinoceros, vi. 21.

 Karkar (Carcer?), Sea of Al-, vi. 101.

 Karkh (Al-), quarter of Baghdad, v. 127; ix. 313.

 Karmút = Silurus Carmoth Niloticus, viii. 185.

 Karr’aynan = keep thine eye cool, vii. 229.

 Karrat azlá ’hu = his ribs felt cold (from hearty eating), viii. 189.

 Kárún = Korah of the Bible, v. 225.

 —— (lake), vi. 217.

 Karúrah = bottle for urine, iv. 11.

 Kasa’ah = wooden bowl, porringer, iv. 283.

 Kasab (Al-) = acquisitiveness, ix. 80.

 Kasabah = rod (measurement), ii. 328.

 Kasabát = canes; bugles, ii. 298.

 Kásid = Anglo-Indian Cossid, vii. 340.

 Kasídah = ode, elegy, iii. 262.

 Kasídahs (their conventionalism), ix. 250.

 Kasr (= palace, one’s house), vi. 240.

 —— (= upper room), ix. 283.

 Kasr al-Nuzhat = palace of delights, ii. 22.

 Kasr (Al-) al-Mashíd = the high-built castle, vii. 346.

 Kasrí (Al-) Governor of the two Iráks; iv. 155.

 Kat’a = bit of leather, i. 20.

 Katá = sand-grouse, i. 131; iv. 111.

 Kataba (for tattooing), vii. 250.

 Kátala-k Allah = Allah strike thee dead (facetiously), iv. 264, 265.

 Katf = pinioning, i. 106.

 Kathá-Sarit-Ságara, poetical version of the Vrihat-Kathá, i. 12; x.
    160, etc.

 Kathír = much, “no end,” x. 10.

 Katíl = the Irish “kilt,” iv. 139.

 Katúl (Al-) = the slayer, iii. 72.

 Kashmír people (have a bad name in Eastern tales), vi. 156.

 Kassara ’llah Khayrak = Allah increase thy weal, vi. 233.

 Kaukab al-durrí = cluster of pearls, viii. 291.

 Kaukab al-Saláh = Star of the Morning, ix. 301.

 Kaum = razzia; tribe, vi. 266.

 Kaun = being, existence, ix. 63.

 Kaus al-Banduk = pellet-bow, i. 10.

 Kausaj = man with a thin, short beard, cunning, tricksy, iii. 246.

 Kausar, lieu commun of poets, i. 241; ii. 186; iv. 196.

 Kawáid (pl. of Káid = governor), v. 145.

 Kawárib, _see_ Kárib.

 Kawwád = pimp, i. 316; vii. 98.

 Kawwás = archer, janissary, vi. 241.

 Káyánián, race of Persian kings, i. 75.

 Kayf hálak = how de doo? vii. 336.

 Kayim (professional wrestler, names of such), ii. 93.

 Kaylúlah = siesta, i. 51; ii. 178; viii. 191.

 Kayrawán = the Greek Cyrene, viii. 317.

 Kaysaríyah = superior kind of Bazar, i. 266.

 Kaysúm = yellow camomile, iii. 58.

 Kaywán (Persian for Saturn), ii. 75.

 Kayy (Al-) = cautery, the end of medicine-cure, iii. 59.

 Kayyimah = guardian (fem.), viii. 330.

 Káz (Al-) = shears, viii. 9.

 Kazá, Kismat and “Providence,” vii. 135.

 Kazdír = Skr. Kastíra (tin), iv. 274; vi. 39.

 Kází = judge in religious matters, i. 21.

 Kázi al Kuzát = Chief Justice, ii. 90; viii. 245.

 Kází of the army (the great legal authority of a country), vi. 131.

 Kazíb al-Bán = willow-wand, ii. 66.

 Kazis (the four of the orthodox schools), ii. 39.

 Kerchief (of mercy), i. 343.

 —— (of dismissal), iii. 295.

 —— (shaking and throwing the), iv. 62.

 “Key” = fee paid on the keys being handed to a lodger, vii. 212.

 Khabál = pus flowing from the damned, v. 162.

 Khadd = cheek, vii. 277.

 Khádim = servant, politely applied to a castrato, i. 235; ix. 237.

 Khadiv (_not_ Kédivé), ix. 119.

 Kháfiyah = concealed; Kháinah = perfidy, vii. 320.

 Khafz al-Jináh = lowering the wing (demeaning oneself gently), ix. 33.

 Khák-bák = “hocus pocus,” etc., viii. 328.

 Khal’a al-’izár = stripping of jaws or side-beard, vii. 248.

 Khalanj = a hard kind of wood, i. 154; ii. 269; viii. 271.

 Khalbús = buffoon, ii. 143; vii. 195.

 Khalí’a = worn out; wit, i. 311; iv. 229; vii. 130.

 Khálid bin al-Walíd, ii. 203.

 —— bin Safwán, ii. 107.

 Khálidán (for Khálidát) = the Canaries, iii. 212.

 Khalífah = Vicar of Allah; successor of a Santon, i. 184.

 Khalílu ’llah (friend of Allah = Abraham), ii. 132; v. 205.

 Khalíyah = bee-hive; empty (pun on), vi. 246; ix. 291.

 Khalkínah = copper cauldron, viii. 177.

 Khammárah = wine-shop, tavern, “hotel,” iv. 79.

 Khán = caravanserai, i. 92; iii. 14.

 Khán al-Masrúr, in Cairo, famous in the 15th century, i. 265.

 Khánakah = Dervishes’ convent, vii. 177.

 Khanjar = hanger, i. 232; iii. 90.

 Khara = dung (lowest insult), ii. 56.

 —— (holy merde), ii. 223.

 Khara al-Sús = weevil’s dung, ix. 10.

 Kharajú = they (masc.) went forth (vulgarism for Kharajna) (fem.),
    viii. 144.

 Khassat-hu = she gelded him, iii. 47.

 Khatmah = reading or reciting of the whole Koran, i. 277.

 Khatt Sharíf = royal hand letter, ii. 39; ix. 309.

 Khattíyah = writer, &c., spear, from Khatt Hajar, ii. 1.

 Khátún (Turk. lady), iv. 66; vii. 146.

 —— (follows the name), vii. 323, 347.

 Khauf (Al-) maksúm = fear (cowardice) is equally apportioned, iii. 173.

 Khaukhah = tunnel, viii. 330.

 Khayál (Al-) = phantom ghost, v. 348.

 Khayr = good news by euphemy, iv. 138.

 Khayr wa ’Áfiyah = well and in good ease, ix. 94.

 Khaysamah (traditionist), v. 81.

 Khayt hamayán = threads of vanity (gossamer), iii. 217.

 Khayzáran = rattan, ii. 66; iv. 255.

 Kháwí (skin of), vi. 66.

 Khawwás (Al-) = basket-maker, v. 283.

 Khaznah (Khazinah) = 1,000 kís of £5 each, ii. 84; iii. 278.

 Khazrá (al-) = the Green, palace of Mu’áwiyah, vii. 124.

 Khiláf (Khaláf) = Salix Ægyptiaca, ii. 66.

 Khilál = toothpick (emblem of attenuation), v. 44; viii. 258.

 Khinsir = little (or middle) finger, ix. 160.

 Khinzír = hog, i. 108.

 Khirad Shah = King of Intelligence, vii. 73.

 Khishkhánah = cupboard, vii. 199.

 Khitáb = exordium of a letter, ix. 126.

 Khizáb (dye used by women), iii. 105.

 Khizánah (Al-) = treasury, ix. 22.

 Khizr (the Green Prophet), iv. 175; v. 384.

 Khiyál (Chinese shadows), iv. 193.

 Khubz = scones, i. 131.

 Khuff = walking shoes, i. 82; iv. 107.

 Khuffásh = bat (animal), v. 226.

 Khuld = fourth heaven (of yellow coral), viii. 47.

 Khumásíyah = five feet high, iv. 191.

 Khunsa = flexible, flaccid (hermaphrodite, also catamite), iii. 306; v.

 Khurj (Al-) = saddle-bag (las Alforjas), vi. 224.

 Khusrau Parwiz and Shírín, v. 91.

 —— (his wealth), v. 91.

 Khusyatán = testicles, ii. 55.

 Khutnah = circumcision, v. 209.

 Khutúb (Pr. N.) = affairs, misfortunes, viii. 209.

 Khwájah (Howajee) = schoolmaster, man of letters, &c., vi. 46.

 Khwárazm = land of the Chorasmioi, vi. 113.

 Khyas! Khyas! onomatopoetic, used in a sea-spell, i. 228.

 Kiblah (turning towards it in mortal danger), v. 39.

 —— (anything opposite) applied to the Ka’abah, v. 196.

 Kiblatayn = the two Kiblahs (Meccah and Jerusalem), v. 196.

 Kidrah = pot, kettle, lamp-globe, ix. 320.

 Kíl wa Kál = it was said and he said (chitchat), iv. 207.

 Killed = Hibernicè “kilt,” v. 5; vi. 171.

 Killing (of an unfaithful wife commended by public opinion), ix. 297.

 Kímiyá = Alchemy (from χυμεία = wet drug), viii. 9.

 Kimkhab = (velvet of) “Kimcob,” viii. 201; ix. 221.

 Kiná’ = veil, vi. 192.

 Kinchin lay (Arab form of), iii. 102.

 King (dressing in scarlet when wroth), iv. 72.

 —— (the, and the Virtuous Wife), v. 122.

 Kingfisher (Lucian’s), vi. 49.

 King’s barber a man of rank, i. 351.

 Kintár = a hundredweight (quintal), vi. 94.

 Kír = bellows, viii. 9.

 Kiráb = wooden sword-case, viii. 267.

 Kirám = nobles; Kurám = vines, viii. 203.

 Kirámat = prodigy, ii. 237; iv. 45.

 Kirát (bean of Abrus precatorius), vii. 289.

 —— (weight = 2–3 grains; length = one finger-breadth), iii. 239.

 Kird = baboon, iv. 297.

 Kirsh al-Nukhál = Guts of bran, viii. 169.

 Kisás (Al-) = lex talionis, vii. 170.

 Kishk (Kashk) = porridge, iv. 214.

 Kisrà = the Chosroë, (applied to Anushirwan) v. 87.

 Kiss (without mustachio = bread without salt), v. 165.

 “Kiss key to Kitty,” i. 323.

 “Kiss ground” not to be taken literally vii. 210.

 Kissing (the eyes, a paternal salute), i. 125.

 —— (like a pigeon feeding its young), iii. 275.

 —— (names for), iv. 259.

 —— (en tout bien et en tout honneur), viii. 25.

 —— the ground of obedience (Persian metaphorical phrase), vii. 354.

 Kissis = ecclesiast, ii. 228.

 Kit (of the traveller in the East), v. 174.

 Kitáb al-Kazá = book of law-cases, ix. 110.

 Kitáb al-Fihrist (and its author), x. 71.

 Kitf al-Jamal = camel shoulder-blade, vii. 167.

 Kitfír (Itfír), = Potiphar, vi. 172.

 Kiyakh (fourth Coptic month), v. 231.

 Kízán fukká’a = jars for fukká’a (a kind of beer), vi. 88.

 Kneeling in prayer (exclusively Christian), v. 196.

 Knife, “bravest of arms,” vii. 123.

 Knight-errant of the East, ii. 77.

 Knuckle-bone, ii. 314.

 Kohl = powdered antimony for the eyelids, i. 89.

 —— proverbially used, i. 278.

 —— (-powder keeps the eyes from inflammation), ii. 291.

 —— (applying of = takhíl), iii.57.

 —— (-eyed = Kahlá), f. iii. 232.

 —— (he would steal it off the eye-ball = he is a very expert thief),
    iv. 68.

 Kohl’d with Ghunj = languour-kohl’d, x. 40.

 Kohl-needle in the Kohl-case = res in re, v. 97.

 Kohls (many kinds of), viii. 10.

 Koka Pandit (Hindú Ars Amandi), iii. 93.

 Korah (Kárún), v. 225.

 Koran quoted: (xx.), i. 2.

 —— (ii. 34; xxv. 31; xix. 69), i. 13.

 —— (xxvi.), i. 39.

 —— (xxvii.), i. 42.

 —— (v.; xx.), i. 119.

 —— (vii.; xviii.), i. 169.

 —— (i.), i. 208.

 —— (lvi. 9), i. 211.

 —— (lx.), i. 220.

 —— (v.), i. 240.

 —— (cviii.), i. 241.

 —— (xvii.), i. 249.

 —— (xxxvi. 69), i. 251.

 —— (cv.), i. 256.

 —— (ii.; ix.), i. 257.

 —— (v.; viii. 17), i. 274.

 —— (iii.), i. 298.

 —— (iii. 128), i. 307.

 —— (xxxviii. 19), ii. 37.

 —— (xciv. 11; cv. 59), ii. 38.

 —— (iv.), ii. 64, 78.

 —— (iii. 57), ii. 79.

 —— (vii.; lxxvi.; lxxxvi.), ii. 91.

 —— (iv.; xxii.), ii. 95.

 —— (iii. 89), ii. 132.

 —— (ix.; xxxiii.), ii. 140.

 —— (iv. 88), ii. 146.

 —— (v.), ii. 186.

 —— (ii. etc.), ii. 198.

 —— (ii. 185), ii. 199.

 —— (lxxiv. 1, 8; xcvi.), ii. 201.

 —— (xvi. 74; ii. 118), ii. 203.

 —— (lvi. 6; xxviii.; vii.; ix.), ii. 205.

 —— (xxviii. 22–27), ii. 207.

 —— (xiv. 34), ii. 225.

 —— (lxi.), ii. 226.

 —— (ii.; iii. 141), ii. 228.

 —— (x. 25), ii. 239.

 —— (ii. 149; xcv.), ii. 242.

 —— (xix. 170), ii. 281.

 —— (xviii.), ii. 293.

 —— (xcvi. 5), ii. 298.

 —— (xxiv.), ii. 312.

 —— (vii. 21.), ii. 316.

 —— (x. 10, 12; lvi. 24, 26; lxxxviii. 17, 20), iii. 19.

 —— (xii. 31), iii. 21.

 —— (cxiii. 1), iii. 22.

 —— (ii. 186; lx. 1), iii. 39.

 —— (lxxvi.), iii. 57.

 —— (ii. 23), iii. 65.

 —— (xxxi. 18; lxvii. 7), iii. 117.

 —— (ii. 191), iii. 123.

 —— (xviii.; xxii. 20; lxxxvii.), iii. 128.

 —— (ii. 96, 256), iii. 217.

 —— (ii.; iii.; xxxvi.; lv.; lxvii.; cxiii.; cxiv.), iii. 222.

 —— (ii. 32; xviii. 48), iii. 223.

 —— (xxiii. 20; xcv. 1), iii. 276.

 —— (xxvi.), iii. 294.

 —— (xi.), iii. 301.

 —— (xxiii. 38), iii. 302.

 —— (ii.; li. 9; xxxv. 11), iii. 304.

 —— (cxii.), iii. 307.

 —— (xxiv. 39), iii. 319.

 —— (xxi.), iii. 323.

 —— (iv. 38), iii. 332.

 —— (xxv. 70), iv. 5.

 —— (xii. 84, 93, 96; xvi.), iv. 14.

 —— (opening chapter), iv. 36.

 —— (xiii. 14), iv. 43.

 —— (chapter Yá Sín), iv. 50.

 —— (xvii. 85), iv. 80.

 —— (xlix. Inner Apartments), iv. 102.

 —— (xvi. 112), iv. 102.

 —— (xii. 92), iv. 111.

 —— (lxxxix. 6, 7), iv. 115.

 —— (iii. 178), iv. 156.

 —— (xvi.), iv. 174.

 —— (ii. 224), iv. 175.

 —— (xxi. 38), iv. 244.

 —— (iii. 103; vii. 105; xxvii. 12), iv. 249.

 —— (cxiv. 1), iv. 251.

 —— (ii. 26), iv. 254.

 —— (ii. 64; xxvii.), iv. 256.

 —— (xvii. 62; xxxvi. 16), iv. 259.

 —— (xli. 46), iv. 275.

 —— (xxvi. 5, 6), v. 78.

 —— (xxxiii. 48), v. 101.

 —— (xxxviii. 2), v. 102.

 —— (vii. 195), v. 143.

 —— (x. 36), v. 145.

 —— (xxvi. 165), v. 161.

 —— (xxi. 36), v. 166.

 —— (vii. 148), v. 191.

 —— (iv. 38, 175; ii. 282), v. 155.

 —— (xii. 51), v. 159.

 —— (iv. 160), vi. 194.

 —— (viii. 66), v. 203.

 —— (xxxix. 67; lxxviii. 19), v. 207.

 —— (vii. 63, 71, 83), v. 210.

 —— (chapt. of The Cow), v. 211.

 —— (xvi. 92; xxxix. 54; lxx. 38), v. 211.

 —— (ii. 28, 137; xii. 18; xvi. 100; li. 57), v. 212.

 —— (ix.; xxvi. 30; xcvi. 1, 2), v. 213.

 —— (ii. 158; xvii. 110), v. 214.

 —— (v. 4; xxx.; lxxiv; cx. 1), v. 215.

 —— (iv. 124; v. 89, 116), v. 216.

 —— (vii. 154; xi. 50), v. 217.

 —— (xvii. 39), v. 221.

 —— (ii. 216; v. 92), v. 223.

 —— (x. 5; xxii. 60; xxxvi. 40; lxx. 40), v. 228.

 —— (xxxi. 34), v. 231.

 —— (xxxvii. 5), v. 233.

 —— (xxxvi. 37, 38), v. 234.

 —— (xx. 57; xxii. 7), v. 235.

 —— (lxxxi. 18), v. 236.

 —— (iii.; vii. 110), v. 238.

 —— (xii. 10), v. 239.

 —— (xxxvi. 82), v. 240.

 —— (vi. 44), v. 250.

 —— (vii. 52), v. 269.

 —— (xxxvi. 82), v. 286.

 —— (v. 108), v. 287.

 —— (xiii. 41), v. 290.

 —— (xxxviii. 34), v. 310.

 —— (vii.), v. 320.

 —— (xxvii.), v. 337.

 —— (xxvii. 16), v. 355.

 —— (liii. 14), v. 393.

 —— (xxiv. 39), vi. 93.

 —— (lii. 21), vi. 95.

 —— (ix. 51; xiv. 15), vi. 108.

 —— (xxxviii. 11), vi. 115.

 —— (iv. 81), vi. 138.

 —— (iv. 78; xli. 28), vi. 144.

 —— (ix. 51), vi. 191.

 —— (iii. 17), vi. 270.

 —— (xiii. 3), vi. 277.

 —— (vi. 103), vi. 282.

 —— (iii. 11; i. 42; viii. 9), vii. 55.

 —— (cxi.), vii. 59.

 —— (xxxiii.), vii. 92.

 —— (xx. 102), vii. 164.

 —— (ii. 286), vii. 285.

 —— (ii. 61; xxii. 44), vii. 346.

 —— (xxxv.), vii. 366.

 —— (iii. 90), viii. 51.

 —— (xxxix. 54), viii. 182.

 —— (vi. 99), viii. 267.

 —— (xvi. 69; ii. 216; v. 92), viii. 277.

 —— (cxiii. 1, 3), viii. 285.

 —— (cxi. 184), viii. 291.

 —— (xvii.; xviii.; lxix; lxxxiv.), viii. 294.

 —— (ix. 33), ix. 15.

 —— (xxvi. 88, 89; iv. 140), ix. 16.

 —— (lvii. 88), ix. 33.

 —— (lxxxi. 40), ix. 59.

 —— (xii. 28), ix. 119.

 —— (xl. 36; lxvii. 14; lxxiv. 39; lxxviii. 69; lxxxviii. 17), ix. 166.

 —— (cviii. 3), ix. 185.

 —— (xxiv.), ix. 316.

 —— (cx. 1), ix. 317.

 —— (xxxvi. 55, 58), ix. 322.

 —— (li. 18, 19), ix. 324.

 —— (lxxxix.), x. 29.

 Koran (abrogating and abrogated passages), v. 194.

 —— (most excellent chapter of), v. 211.

 —— (eminent and curious verses of), v. 211.

 —— (first English translation owing to France), x. 100.

 Koss ibn Sa’idah (Bishop of Najrán), ii. 37.

 Kubád = shaddock, ii. 310; viii. 272.

 Kubbah (Al-) = alcove, v. 18.

 Kubkáb = bath-clogs, iii. 92.

 Kuds (Al-), _see_ Bayt al-Mukaddas, ii. 132.

 Kúfah (Al-) founded by Omar, iv. i.

 —— (revolutionary spirit of), iv. 3.

 Kúfiyah = coif, etc., ii. 230.

 Kufr = rejecting the True Religion, i. 169.

 Kuhaylat (breed of Arab horses), iii. 346.

 Kulayb allows no one to approach his camp-fire, ii. 77; vi. 261.

 Kulkasá = colocasia roots, i. 272.

 Kullah = gugglet, i. 36.

 Kulzum (Al-), old name of Suez-town, vii. 348.

 Kumasrá (Kummasrá), = pear, vii. 357.

 Kumayt (Al-) = bay horse with black points, vii. 128.

 Kumkum (cucurbite, gourd-shaped vessel), i. 42; iv. 68, 178.

 Kumm = sleeve (used as a bag), iv. 107; viii. 267.

 Kun = Be (the creative word), iii. 317.

 Kunáfah = vermicelli cake, x. 1.

 Kundur = frankincense, ix. 7.

 Kunfuz = hedgehog, ii. 88.

 Kunsul = Consul, iv. 84.

 Kunyat = patro- or matro-nymic, iv. 287.

 Kúr = furnace, viii. 9.

 —— = forge where children are hammered out (?), viii. 46.

 Kurbáj = cravache, viii. 17.

 Kurbán = sacrifice, viii. 16.

 Kurds (Xenophon’s and Strabo’s Carduchi), iii. 100.

 Kurdús = body of horse, ix. 111.

 Kurrá = teachers of the correct pronunciation of the Koran, i. 113.

 Kurrah = ball in the Polo game, ii. 329.

 Kurrat al-Ayn = coolness of the eye, i. 72; v. 145.

 Kurs (has taken the place of Iklíl), i. 270.

 Kursán (Al-) = “Corsaro,” a runner, viii. 323.

 Kursí (choir, throne) = desk or stool for the Koran, i. 167; vii. 311.

 Kursí al-wiládah = birth-stool, ii. 80.

 Kús (town in Upper Egypt), iv. 276.

 Kus(s) = vulva, viii. 93.

 Kush’arírah = horripilation, symptom of great joy, i. 251.

 Kussá’a = curling cucumber, iv. 98.

 Kusúf = eclipse of the moon, viii. 291.

 Kút al-Kulúb, viii. 158.

 Kutá’ah = a bit cut off, etc., vi. 272.

 Kutayt = little tom-cat, ii. 39.

 Kutb = axle, pole; hence prince, doyen in sainthood, v. 384.

 Kuthayyir (poet), ii. 102.

 Kutr Misr = tract of Egypt, ix. 286.

 Kutub al-Báh = Books of Lust, x. 201.

 Kuzía Fakán (Pr. N.) = “it was decreed by destiny, so it came to pass,”
    ii. 175.

 Lá adamnak = Heaven deprive us not of thee, i. 268.

 Lá Bás (bi-zálik = there is no harm in that), iv. 164.

 —— (in Marocco) = “I am pretty well,” viii. 274.

 —— (= no harm is [yet] done), ix. 102.

 Lá haula, etc. = there is no Majesty, etc., i. 65.

 La iláha illá ’lláh = there is no God but _the_ God (tahlíl), ii. 336.

 Lá kabbata hámíyah = no burning plague, x. 14.

 Lá rajma ghaybin = without stone-throwing of secrecy, ix. 1.

 Lá rayba fí-hi, ii. 210.

 Lá tankati’í = sever not thyself from us, ix. 245.

 Lá tuwáhishná = do not make me desolate, i. 62.

 Lá tuwákhizná = do not chastise us = excuse us, i. 164.

 La’alla = haply, belike; forsure, certainly, ix. 49.

 La’ab = (sword-) play, vii. 44.

 La’abah = a plaything, a puppet, a lay figure, i. 245.

 La’al = ruby, v. 342.

 La’an = curse, v. 250; vi. 178.

 Láb (Old Pers. for Sun), vii. 296.

 Laban (= milk artificially soured), vi. 201.

 —— (= sweet milk), vii. 360.

 —— halíb = fresh milk, vi. 201.

 Labbayka (= Here am I, called Talbiyah), i. 226; ii. 227.

 —— (pronounced on sighting Meccah), v. 203.

 Labbis al-Búsah tabkí ’Arúsah = clothe the reed and it will become a
    bride, viii. 201.

 Labtayt (Pr. N. = Toledo), iv. 99.

 Lactation (term of), v. 299.

 —— (no cohabitation during), v. 299.

 Ladies of the family (waiting upon the guests), vi. 237.

 Láhik = the Overtaker, viii. 341.

 Láit = one acting like the tribe of Lot, sodomite, ix. 253.

 Lajlaj = rolling anything in the mouth; stammering, ix. 322.

 Lájuward, _see_ Lázuward, iii. 33.

 Lake Kárún, vi. 217.

 Lakít = fœtus, foundling, contemptible fellow, vii. 145.

 Lámí (Al-) = the l-shaped, forked (os hyoïdes), v. 219.

 Lámíyat = poem rhyming in L, iii. 143.

 Lane quoted: i. 1, 36, 42, 74, 77, 83, 93, 100, 104, 131, 147, 163,
    201, 210, 213, 215, 217, 223, 245, 259, 269, 270, 291, 311, 314,
    317, 340; ii. 5, 38, 41, 46, 56, 77, 80, 89, 93, 131, 167, 206, 215,
    243, 292, 304, 314, 315, 328, 332; iii. 20, 30, 44, 112, 114, 116,
    117, 141, 162, 176, 181, 191, 211, 212, 222, 259, 322, 331, 341; iv.
    2, 12, 46, 55, 63, 66, 82, 95, 96, 107, 110, 124, 136, 144, 152,
    160, 164, 171, 181, 187, 189, 191, 196, 199, 200, 202, 204, 205,
    209, 212, 214, 219, 222, 228, 231, 233, 244, 254, 268, 271, 273,
    279, 287, 297; v. 2, 32, 33, 37, 44, 45, 64, 104, 112, 120, 121,
    144, 145, 189, 201, 231, 259, 273, 286, 298; vi. 1, 8, 11, 17, 33,
    49, 57, 61, 66, 80, 180, 191, 196, 214, 216, 247, 257, 282; vii. 95,
    96, 111, 113, 118, 119, 123, 124, 135, 136, 139, 144, 172, 182, 195,
    196, 209, 250, 269, 275, 280, 282, 303, 306, 309, 314, 322, 328,
    346, 354, 357; viii. 14, 18, 21, 27, 35, 53, 62, 68, 77, 80, 84, 94,
    97, 102, 122, 124, 128, 131, 147, 148, 155, 156, 166, 177, 179, 180,
    187, 205, 264, 285, 298, 337; ix. 32, 33, 146, 168, 170, 182, 221,
    222, 224, 226, 229, 246, 291, 304, 307; x. 1, 11, 12, 19, 34, 36,
    50, 52, 70, 115.

 Language of signs, ii. 304.

 Languages (study of, should be assisted by ear and tongue), x. 96.

 Largesse (better than the mace), viii. 163.

 Lasm (Lathm) = kissing the lower face, iv. 259.

 Lasting calamity = furious knight, vi. 290.

 Latter night = hours between the last sleep and dawn, i. 24.

 Laughing in one’s face not meant for an affront, i. 320.

 Laughter rare and sign of a troubled mind, i. 248.

 Lauh = tablet used as slate, v. 73.

 Lauh al-Mahfúz = the Preserved Tablet (of Allah’s decrees), v. 322.

 Lauláka = but for thee, for thy sake, v. 306.

 Laun = colour, hue (for dish), vii. 185.

 Láwandiyah (Al-) = Levantines, ix. 275.

 Layálí = nights, future, fate, iii. 318.

 Layl (night) frequently = the interval between sunset and sunset, ii.

 Laylá (female Pr. N.), iii. 135.

 —— wa Majnún (love poem), iii. 183.

 Laylat al-Kábilah = to-night, ix. 271.

 Laylat al-Kadr = Night of Power, vi. 180.

 Laylat al-Wafá = the night of completion of the Nile-flood, i. 291.

 Laylat ams = yesternight, vii. 186.

 Lazá (Hell for Jews), ii. 140; viii. 346.

 Lázuward = lapis lazuli, azure, iii. 33; ix. 190.

 Leaving one standing (pour se faire valoir), vi. 252.

 Leg-cut (severs horse’s leg), ii. 220.

 Legs (making mute the anklets), vii. 131.

 —— (shall be bared on a certain day), ix. 253.

 Lentils (cheapest and poorest food in Egypt), x. 31.

 Leprosy (white = bahak or baras, black = juzám), v. 294.

 —— (thickens voice), iv. 50.

 —— (shows first at the wrist), iv. 51.

 Lesbianism, x. 209.

 Letter (reading _not_ always understanding), ii. 112.

 —— (model specimen), iv. 57.

 —— (toren tears a kingdom), vii. 2.

 Letters and letter-writing, iii. 24.

 —— (French), vii. 190.

 Li-ajal = for the sake of, low Egyptian, ii. 113.

 Libdah (skull-cap of felt) sign of a religious mendicant, iii. 62.

 Liberality (men proverbial for their), iv. 96.

 —— (after poverty), viii. 182.

 Libraries (large ones known by the Arabs), viii. 79.

 —— (much appreciated by the Arabs), x. 175.

 Lice bred by perspiration, ii. 69.

 Lie (only degrading if told for fear of telling the truth), ix. 87.

 —— (simulating truth), ix. 223.

 Lieu d’aisance (in Eastern crafts), ix. 332.

 Líf = fibre of palm-fronds, v. 45; vi. 50.

 Life (by the, of thy youth) oath of women, iv. 49.

 —— (cheap in hot countries), iv. 275.

 Life-breath in the nostrils = heart in the mouth, i. 42.

 Light (of salvation shining from the face of Prophets), ix. 324.

 Light-worshippers (are liars), iv. 252.

 Lijám shadíd = sharp bit, ix. 70.

 Like mother, like daughter, i. 299.

 Li ’lláhi darru-ka = the Lord has been copious to thee, iv. 20.

 Lion (beguiled by flattery), v. 40.

 —— (as Sultan of the beasts jealous of a man’s power), x. 34.

 —— at home, lamb abroad, ii. 183.

 Lisám (mouth-band for men, chin-veil) = Tasmak for women, ii. 31, 230;
    iii. 283.

 Lisán al-Hamal = lamb’s tongue (plantain), viii. 273.

 Listening not held dishonourable, vii. 279.

 Litholatry of the old Arabs, vi. 269.

 Liver = seat of passion, i. 27.

 —— (for heart), iii. 240.

 —— (and spleen held to be congealed blood), v. 220.

 Living (the, who dieth not), vi. 67.

 Liwá = Arab Tempe, vii. 115.

 Liwán = Al-Aywán, iv. 71; vii. 347.

 Liyyah = fat sheep (calves like tails of), viii. 291.

 Lizzat al-Nisá (erotic poem), iii. 93.

 Loathing of prohibition, ix. 279.

 Locks (Mohammed’s), ii. 230.

 Logah = Arabic language, also a vocabulary, dictionary, i. 251.

 Logogriphs, viii. 93.

 Lokman (three of the name), x. 118.

 Loosening the hair an immodesty in women sanctioned only by a great
    calamity, i. 314.

 Lord for Lady = she, v. 60.

 —— (of the East and West), v. 228.

 Lost on Allah’s way = martyr, ii. 330.

 Lot (this is ours = I have been lucky and will share with you), ix.

 Lot, _see_ Lútí.

 Lote-tree (beyond which there is no passing), v. 393.

 Lots = games of chance, v. 223.

 Love (pure, becomes prophetical), iii. 6.

 —— (the ear conceiveth it before the eye), iii. 9.

 —— (ten stages of), iii. 36.

 —— (martyrs of), iii. 211.

 —— (platonic, _see_ vol. ii. 104), iii. 232.

 —— (ousting affection), iii. 240.

 —— (martyrs of), iv. 205.

 —— (clairvoyance), iv. 238.

 —— (excess of), iv. 238.

 —— (strange chances of), v. 71.

 —— (deaths from), v. 134.

 —— (made public disgraces), v. 151.

 —— (man and woman with regard to), vii. 299.

 —— (called upon to torment the lover still more), viii. 75.

 —— (cruelty of), x. 26.

 Love-children (exceedingly rare amongst Moslems), viii. 115.

 Love-liesse (never lacked between folk, _i.e._ people of different
    conditions), viii. 212.

 Lovers in Lazá (hell) as well as in Na’ím (heaven), iii. 58.

 —— (parting of, a stock-topic in poetry), iii. 58.

 —— (buried together), v. 71.

 —— (model ones, becoming an ordinary married couple), v. 92.

 —— (becoming Moslems secure the good will of the audience), viii. 224.

 Loving folk = something more than benevolence, ii. 2.

 Lúk-Gate (proverb referring to), iv. 259.

 Lukmah = mouthful, i. 261; vii. 367.

 Lukmán (Æsop of the Arabs), ii. 199.

 Lukmán (three of the name), iii. 264; x. 118.

 Lullilooing (Tahlíl Zagrútah, Kil), ii. 80.

 Lúlúah = union pearl; wild cow, ix. 218.

 Lumá = dark hue of the inner lips, iv. 251.

 Lupin-flour used as soap, ii. 136.

 Luss = thief, robber, ix. 106.

 Lute (personification of), viii. 281.

 Lutf (servile name = elegance, delicacy), iv. 232.

 Lútí (of the people of Lot = Sodomite), v. 161.

 Lying (until one’s self believes the lie to be truth), x. 14.

 Lynch-law (the modern form of Jus talionis), v. 103.

 Lymph (alluding to the “Neptunist” doctrine), ix. 77.

 Lynx (trained for hunting), ii. 293.

 Má al-Khalaf, _see_ Khiláf, ii. 136.

 Má al-Maláhah = water (brilliancy) of beauty, viii. 47.

 Má Dáhiyatak = what is thy misfortune? (for “what ill business is
    this?”), ix. 137.

 Má kaharaní ahadun = none vexeth (or has overcome) me, ix. 156.

 Ma’abíd (singer and composer), v. 147.

 Maamún (Al), son and successor of Hárún al-Rashíd, i. 185; iv. 109.

 Ma’an bin Záidah, iii. 236; iv. 96.

 Ma’áni-há (her meanings = her inner woman), iv. 146.

 Ma’arúf = kindness, favour, x. 1.

 Mace (Ar. Dabbús), vi. 249.

 —— (a dangerous weapon), vii. 24.

 Macnaghten’s Edition, x. 81.

 Madfá = cannon, showing modern date, i. 223.

 Madinat al-Nabí (Al-Medínah) = City of the Prophet, iv. 114.

 Madness (there is a pleasure in), iv. 204.

 Mafárik (Al-) = partings of the hair, vii. 222.

 Mafa’úl = patient, passive (Catamite), v. 156.

 Magazine (as one wherein wheat is heaped up = unmarried), vii. 372.

 Magháribah (pl. of Maghribí = Western man, Moor, “Maurus”), vi. 220.

 Maghdád (for Baghdád, as Makkah and Bakkah), viii. 51.

 Maghrib (al-Aksà) = the land of the setting sun, ix. 50.

 Magic studied by Jews, ii. 234.

 Magic Horse (history of the fable), v. 2.

 Magnet Mountains, fable probably based on the currents, i. 140.

 Mahá = wild cattle, vii. 280.

 Mahall = (a man’s) quarters, viii. 229.

 Mahall al-Zauk = seat of taste, sensorium, ix. 83.

 Maháráj = great Rajah, vi. 8, 67.

 Mahayá = Má al-Hayát = _aqua vitæ_, vii. 132.

 Mahdí (Al-) Caliph, vii. 136; ix. 334.

 Mahmil (mahmal) = litter, ii. 131.

 Mahmúdah = praiseworthy; confection of aloes, viii. 35.

 Mahr = marriage dowry, settlement, vii. 126; ix. 32.

 Mahríyah (Mehari) = blood-dromedary, iii. 277.

 Maid and Magpie, vi. 182.

 Mail-coat and habergeon, simile for a glittering stream, i. 291.

 Ma’ín, Ma’ún = smitten with the evil eye, i. 123.

 Maintenance (of a divorced woman during Iddah), ix. 32.

 Majájah = saliva, vii. 280.

 Ma’janah (a place for making bricks), ii. 17.

 Majlis = sitting (to a woman), iii. 92.

 Majnún = madman, i. 10; iii. 72.

 Majzúb = drawn, attracted (Sufí term for ecstatic), v. 57.

 Maka’ad = sitting-room, iv. 78.

 Makhaddah = pillow, ii. 70.

 Makkamah = Kazí’s Court, i. 21.

 Making water, i. 259.

 Mál = Badawi money, flocks, “fee,” vi. 267.

 Malak = level ground, viii. 285.

 Malak or Malik = Seraph or Sovran, i. 253.

 Malákay bayti ’l-ráhah = slabs of the jakes, x. 51.

 “Making men” (and women), x. 199.

 Malakút (Al-) = the world of spirits (Sufi term), viii. 145.

 Male children (as much prized as riches), ix. 316.

 Malíhah (al-) = salt-girl; beautiful, i. 340.

 Malik (used as “king” in our story-books), ii. 1.

 —— bin Dínár (theologian) ii. 204; vii. 261.

 —— (taken as title), iii. 51.

 —— (traditionist), v. 81.

 —— al-Khuzá’i (intendant of the palace), v. 95.

 —— (Al-) al-Násir = the conquering King, iv. 271; vii. 142; ix. 19.

 Málik (door-keeper of Hell), iii. 20.

 Malik Kawí = very handsome (Cairene vulgarism), vii. 150.

 Malikhulíyà (Al-) = melancholy, v. 221.

 Malocchio or Gettatura (evil), ix. 247.

 Mamlúk (white slave trained to arms), i. 81.

 Mamarr al-Tujjár = passing place of the traders, viii. 155.

 Mamrak = sky-window, etc. viii. 156.

 Man (extract of despicable water), iii. 16.

 —— (is fire, woman tinder), iii. 59.

 —— (shown to disadvantage in beast-stories), iii. 115.

 —— (his destiny written on his skull), iii. 123.

 —— (pre-eminence above women), iii. 332.

 —— (handsomer than woman), iv. 15.

 —— (his advantages above woman), v. 155.

 —— (one’s evidence = two women’s), v. 155.

 —— (one’s portion = two women’s), v. 155.

 —— (created of congealed blood), v. 213.

 —— (one worthier in Allah’s sight than a thousand Jinn), viii. 5, 44.

 —— (created after God’s likeness, rather a Jewish-Christian than a
    Moslem doctrine), ix. 79.

 —— (I am a man of them = never mind my name), ix. 238.

 —— (of the people of Allah = a Religious), ix. 51.

 —— (his wrong is from the tongue), ix. 309.

 Manáf (idol), v. 129.

 Manár al-Saná = Place of Light, viii. 104.

 Manáshif (pl. of Minshafah, _q.v._), viii. 92.

 Manázil (stations of the Moon), v. 228.

 Mandíl = kerchief, ii. 301.

 Maniyat = death; muniyat = desire, iii. 291.

 Manjanikát (Al-) = Mangonels, vii. 335.

 Mankind (creates its analogues in all the elements), iv. 121.

 —— (superior to Jinn), ix. 339.

 Mann = from two to six pounds, vi. 80.

 Man’s creation, ii. 91.

 Mansúr (Pr. N.) = triumphant, ix. 310.

 Mansúr (Al-) Caliph, ii. 142, 153, 210.

 —— bin Ammár, ii. 204.

 —— al-Nimrí (poet), iv. 179.

 Mansúr wa Munazzam = oratio soluta et ligata, viii. 226.

 Manumission of slaves, ii. 55.

 Manzil (Makám) = (a lady’s) lodgings, viii. 229.

 Maragha = he rubbed his face, ii. 60.

 Marba’ = summer quarters, iii. 79.

 Mardán-i-Ghayb (Himalayan brothers), ii. 211.

 Mares (impregnated by the wind), vi. 9.

 Marhúb = terrible, viii. 180.

 Marhúm (f. Marhúmah) = late lamented, ii. 129, 196.

 Márid = contumacious, i. 41.

 Máridúna = rebels (against Allah), vii. 39.

 Ma’rifah = article, ix. 272.

 Máristán (from Pers. Bímáristán = place of sickness), i. 288.

 Marján = Coral-branch (slave name), iii. 169.

 Marjánah (Pr. N.) = Coral-branch, ii. 100.

 —— (Morgante, Urganda, Morgain), vii. 373.

 Markúb = shoe, vi. 207.

 Marmar = marble, i. 295; vi. 95.

 Marocco (tenanted by three Moslem races), x. 222.

 Marriage (not valid without receipt of settlement), i. 276.

 —— (if consummated demands Ghusl), iii. 286.

 —— (by capture), viii. 40.

 —— (one of the institutions of the Apostles), viii. 137.

 Marriage-sheet inspected, ii. 50.

 Married men profit nothing, iii. 2.

 —— never once (emphasises poverty), viii. 145.

 Marseille (probably alluded to), viii. 315.

 Marsín = myrtle, vii. 290.

 Martyrdom, iv. 247.

 —— (of the drowned), ix. 340.

 Martyrs (still alive), ii. 242.

 —— (of love), iii. 211; iv. 205.

 Marwah (ground-wave in Meccah), v. 203.

 Marwazí = of Marw (Margiana), iii. 222.

 Marwán bin al-Hakam (Governor of al-Medinah), vii. 125.

 Maryam (a Christian name), viii. 306.

 Maryam al-Husn = place of the White doe (Rím) of beauty, viii. 321.

 Marz-bán = Warden of the Marches, Margrave, iii. 256.

 Masculine for feminine, vii. 140.

 Má sháa ’llah (as Allah willeth) = well done, iii. 92.

 Mashallah = the English “Cock’s ’ill” with a difference, x. 52.

 Mashhad = head and foot stone of a grave, x. 53.

 Mashá’ilí = cresset-bearer, for public crier, hangman, i. 259; iv. 61.

 Masíhí = follower of the Messiah, i. 258.

 Maskharah = buffoon, ii. 143; vii. 195.

 Maskhút = transformed (mostly in something hideous), a statue, i. 165.

 Maslamah bin Abd al-Malik. ii. 167.

 Massacre (the _grand moyen_ of Eastern state-craft), ix. 110.

 Massage, i. 172.

 Mastabah = bench of masonry, vi. 26.

 Masúkah = stick used for driving cattle, viii. 147.

 Matáf = place of Tawáf, _q.v._

 Matárik (pl. of mitrak) = targes, ix. 225.

 Matmúrah = underground cell, ii. 39.

 Matr (pl. amtár) = large vessel of leather or wood, iii. 295.

 Matta’aka ’llah = Allah permit thee to enjoy, ix. 125.

 Matting (of Sind, famous), v. 146.

 Maukab (Al-) = Procession-day, iv. 287.

 Maulid = nativity, ix. 289.

 Maund, _see_ Mann, vi. 80.

 Maurid = desert well and road to such, iii. 33.

 Mausil (_Mosul_) alluding to the junction of Assyria and Babylonia, i.

 Mausúl (Al-) = the conjoined (for relative pronoun or particle), ix.

 Maut = death, vii. 147.

 Mauz = Musa (Banana), iv. 201.

 Mawwál (for Mawálíyah) = short poem, viii. 94; 151.

 “May thy life be prolonged,” iv. 62.

 Mayázib (pl. of mízáb) = gargoyles, vii. 136.

 Maydán = parade-ground, i. 46.

 Maydán al-Fíl = race-course of the Elephant, vii. 326.

 Maymúnah (proverbial noun now forgotten), i. 57.

 Maysir = game of arrows, v. 223.

 Maysúm (Badawi wife of Caliph Mu’áwiyah), ii. 160.

 Maysum’s song, vii. 97.

 Mayyáfárikín, ancient capital of Diyár Bakr, vii. 1.

 Meat rarely coloured in modern days, i. 310.

 Medicine (rules and verses bearing on domestic), v. 222.

 Melancholy (chronic under the brightest skies), iv. 239.

 Men (is there a famine of?) = are men so few? iv. 295.

 Meniver = menu vair (Mus lemmus), ix. 321.

 Menses (coition during, and leprosy), viii. 34.

 Menstruous discharge (made use of as a poison), ix. 101.

 Merchant (worth a thousand), x. 8.

 Merchants and shopkeepers carrying swords, i. 54.

 Mercury Ali (his story sequel to that of Dalílah), vii. 172.

 Mercy (quality of the noble Arab), iii. 88.

 Mer-folk (refined with the Greeks, grotesques with other nations), ix.

 Messiah (made a liar by the Miscreants), ix. 15.

 Metamorphosis (terms of), vii. 294.

 Metempsychosis and sharpers’ tricks, v. 84.

 Metrical portion of the Nights (threefold distribution of), x. 67.

 Miao or Mau = cat, i. 220.

 Mihráb and Minaret (symbols of Venus and Priapus?), i. 166.

 Mihráj = Maháráj, _q.v._; vi. 67.

 Mikashshah = broom, iv. 208.

 Mihrgán = Sun-fête, degraded into Michaelmas, v. 1.

 Mikbas (pot of lighted charcoal), iv. 246.

 Mikhaddah = cheek-pillow, viii. 273.

 Mikmarah = cover for a brasier, extinguisher, v. 120.

 Miknás = town Mequinez, vi. 223.

 Miknasah = broom, vi. 158.

 Mi’lakah = spoon, ix. 141.

 Milh = salt, i. 340.

 Military and Police sneered at, iv. 270.

 Milk (white as, opposed to black as mud), iv. 140.

 —— (soured), v. 225.

 —— (Ar. Laban, Halíb), vi. 201.

 —— (by nomades always used in the soured form), vi. 201.

 Milk-drinking races prefer the soured milk to the sweet, vii. 360.

 Million (no Arabic word for, expressed by a thousand thousand), vi. 98.

 Mím-like mouth, iv. 249.

 Míms (verset of the sixteen), v. 217.

 Mina (and the stoning of the Devil), v. 203.

 Minaret (simile for a fair young girl), iii. 69.

 Mind (one by vinegar, another by wine = each goes its own way), iv. 72.

 “Mine” (various idioms for expressing it), iii. 335.

 Minínah = biscuit, iv. 86.

 Minshafah (pl. Manáshif) = drying towel, viii. 92.

 Mikra’ah = palm-rod, i. 99.

 Miracle (minor, known to Spiritualism), v. 144.

 Miracles (performed by Saints’ tombs), i. 241.

 —— (disclaimed by Mohammed but generally believed in), iii. 346.

 —— (growing apace in the East), ix. 336.

 Mirage = Saráb, iii. 319.

 Mirbad (Al-) market-place at Bassorah, vii. 130.

 Mirzà ’Abdullah-i-Híchmakání = Master Abdullah of Nowhere, v. 27.

 “Mis”-conformation (prized by women), vi. 156.

 Mishammah = an old gunny-bag, ix. 171.

 Miskál = 71–72 grams in gold, used for dinar, i. 126; ix. 262.

 Misr, Masr = Capital (applied to Memphis, Fostat and Cairo), vii. 172.

 —— (for Egypt), vii. 370.

 Misra (twelfth Coptic month), v. 232.

 Misrayn (Al-) = Basrah and Kúfah, vii. 371.

 Mitrahinna (Minat-ro-hinnu) = port at mouth of canal, ii. 237.

 Mizr, Mizar = beer, i. 72.

 Modesty (behind a curtain), v. 162.

 Mohammed (best of the first and last), ii. 11.

 —— (Mustafa), ii. 40.

 —— (his letter to the Mukaukis), ii. 79.

 —— (Periclytus and Paracletus), ii. 226.

 —— (abhors the shaveling), ii. 248.

 —— (bearer of glad and bad tidings), ii. 257.

 —— (Congratulator and Commiserator), ii. 260.

 —— (Best of Mankind), ii. 263.

 —— (“born with Kohl’d eyes”), iii. 232.

 —— (his uncles), iv. 22.

 —— (traditional saying of), iv. 35.

 —— (cleanses the Ka’abah of idols), iv. 80.

 —— (on dyeing the hair, etc.), iv. 194.

 —— (on lovers), iv. 205.

 —— (on his being seen in sleep), iv. 287.

 —— (places the “black stone”), iv. 261.

 —— (mentioned in the Koran), v. 210.

 —— (Allah’s right hand), vii. 366.

 —— (sent with the guidance and True Faith), ix. 15.

 —— (before and after the Hijrah), x. 196.

 Mohammed al-Amín (Caliph), v. 93.

 Mohammed bin Sulaymán al-Rabi’í (Governor of Bassorah), vii. 130.

 Moharram = first month of the Moslem year, viii. 71.

 Mohr = signet, vii. 329.

 Mohtasib = inspector of weights and measures, etc., viii. 293.

 Mole on cheek (black as Bilál), iv. 142.

 Moles compared with pearls, i. 177.

 Monasteries (best wine made in), v. 65.

 —— (Ar. Biká’a), v. 125.

 —— (places of confinement for madmen), v. 139.

 Monday = second day reckoning from Sabbath, i. 266.

 Money (carried in the corner of a handkerchief), i. 271.

 —— (large sums weighed), i. 281; ii. 145.

 —— (carried round the waist), viii. 288.

 —— (let lie with the folk = not dunned for), ix. 311.

 Monkery (abhorred by Mohammed), ii. 248.

 —— (none in Al-Islam), viii. 137.

 Monoculars (unlucky to meet), i. 333.

 —— (famed for mischief), iv. 194; viii. 318.

 Monsters (abounding in Persian literature), vii. 399.

 Months (of peace), v. 54.

 —— (Coptic names of), v. 221, 232.

 —— (Arabic names explained), v. 233.

 Moon (blighting effect of its rays), ii. 4.

 —— masculine in Semitic, ii. 45.

 —— (masc., Sun fem.), iii. 28; iv. 261.

 —— (simile for female beauty), v. 8.

 —— (shall be cloven in twain), v. 217.

 —— (its stations), v. 228.

 —— (taking in hand the star = girl handing round the cup), ix. 192.

 Moon-faced (not absurd), iv. 192.

 Moons (for cup-bearers), viii. 227.

 Moore (Thomas, anticipated), iii. 305.

 Morality (geographical and chronological), iii. 241.

 —— (want of, excused by passion), iii. 269.

 Morbi venerei, x. 88.

 Morning draught, iii. 20.

 “Morosa voluptas,” vii. 132.

 Mortal (one better in Allah’s sight than a thousand Jinn), viii. 5, 44.

 Moses (derivation of the name), ii. 205.

 —— and Jethro, ii. 205.

 —— and the next world, ii. 206.

 —— and Al-Khizr, ii. 263.

 —— (describes his own death and burial), vi. 116.

 Moslem (model Conservative), ii. 13.

 —— (external), ii. 29.

 —— (familiarity between high and low), ii. 32.

 —— (peasants kind-hearted), ii. 69.

 —— (kind feeling shown to a namesake), vi. 13.

 —— (corpses should be burnt under certain circumstances), vi. 26.

 —— (commonplaces of condolence), vi. 41.

 —— (sales, formula of), vi. 73.

 —— (consecrated ground unknown to them), vi. 161.

 —— (a free-born’s sale is felony), vi. 240.

 —— (dignity contrasting with Christian abasement), viii. 5, 44.

 —— (can circumcise, marry and bury himself), viii. 22.

 —— (on a journey tries to bear with him a new suit of clothes for the
    festivals and Friday service), ix. 51.

 —— (bound to discharge the debts of his dead parents), ix. 311.

 —— (doctrine ignores the dictum, “ex nihilo nihil fit”), ix. 63.

 —— (resignation, noble instance of), x. 42.

 Moslems (their number preordained), viii. 154.

 —— (deal kindly with religious mendicants), ix. 51.

 —— (not ashamed of sensual appetite), ix. 84.

 —— (bound to abate scandals amongst neighbours), ix. 98.

 —— (husbands among them divided into three classes), ix. 263.

 Mosque al-Ahzáb = mosque of the troops, vii. 92.

 Mosques serving as lodgings for poor travellers, ii. 69.

 Mosul (exempted from idolatrous worship), v. 64.

 —— stuff = muslin, i. 229.

 Mother (waiting upon the adult sons) vi. 237.

 —— (in Arab tales = ma mère), viii. 27.

 Mother’s milk = nature, ii. 44.

 Mounds = rubbish heaps outlying Eastern cities, i. 71.

 Mountain (coming from the = being a clodhopper), iii. 324.

 —— (sit upon the = turn anchorite), iii. 324.

 —— (the, at Cairo), iv. 294.

 Mountains (the pegs of the earth), iv. 174.

 Mourning (perfumes not used during), iii. 63.

 —— (normal term of forty days), ix. 311.

 Moustachio (salt to a kiss), v. 165.

 Mouth compared to the ring of Sulayman, i. 84.

 Mrigatrishná = the thirst of the deer (mirage), vi. 93.

 MS. copy of The Nights (price of one in Egypt), vii. 312.

 Muákhát = entering in a formal agreement for partnership, viii. 232.

 Mu’allim = teacher, master (address to a Jew or Christian), viii. 150.

 Mu’arras = pimp, i. 338.

 Mu’attik al-Rikáb = Liberator of Necks, vii. 331.

 Mu’áwiyah (Caliph), ii. 160, 161.

 —— (his Moses-like “mildness”), iii. 286.

 Muayyad (Sultan and calligrapher), ii. 32.

 Muazzin (who calls to prayer), ii. 306.

 Mubárak (f. mubárakah) = blessed (a favourite slave-name), ix. 58.

 Mubárakah = the blessed (fem.), ix. 330.

 Mudarris = professor, x. 8.

 Mudawwarah (a gong?), iv. 135.

 Muftí (Doctor of Law), vi. 254.

 Muhabbat (Al-) al-gharizíyah = natural affection, viii. 110.

 Muháfiz = district-governor, i. 259.

 Muhájirún = companions in Mohammed’s flight, vii. 92.

 Muhakkah = “Court-hand,” i. 129.

 Muhallil, _see_ Mustahall.

 Muhammad, Ahmad and Mahmúd, vi. 273.

 Muhammarah = fricandoed, i. 286.

 Muhárabah = doing battle, ix. 92.

 Muharramát (the three forbidden things), iii. 340; v. 148.

 Mu’ín al-Din = Aider of the Faith, vii. 354.

 Mujáhid (Al-) = fighter in Holy War, iii. 51.

 Mujáhidún, plur. of the previous, iii. 39.

 Mujauhar = damascened, vii. 84.

 Mujáwirún = lower servants, sweepers, etc. v. 119.

 Mujtabá = the Accepted, i. 77.

 Mukaddam (Anglo-Indicè Muccudum) = overseer, iv. 42.

 Mukarrabún = those near Allah, v. 319.

 Mukhammas = cinquains, iii. 280.

 Mukri = Koranist, v. 216.

 Mulabbas = dragées, vii. 205.

 Mulákát = going to meet an approaching guest, v. 330.

 Mulberry-fig (for anus), iii. 302.

 Mummery = “Mahommerie” x. 178.

 Munádamah = table-talk, “conversation over the cup,” vii. 309.

 Munáfik = hypocrite, v. 207.

 Munakkishah = woman who applies the dye to a face, i. 270.

 Munawwarah (Al-) = the Illumined (title of Al-Medinah), vii. 95.

 Munázarah = dispute, ix. 243.

 Munázirah = like (fem.), ix. 243.

 Munkar and Nakír (the questioning angels), v. 111; ix. 163; x. 47.

 Munkasir (broken) = languid, iv. 195.

 Munkati’ = cut off, viii. 24.

 Muráhanah = game at forfeits, vi. 204.

 Murder (to be punished by the family), v. 103.

 —— (to save one’s life approved of), vi. 44.

 Murjiyy (sect and tenets), iii. 341.

 Murtazà = the Elect, i. 77.

 Músà = Moses, ii. 205.

 Músá bin Nusayr (conqueror of Spain), vi. 86.

 Mus’ab bin al-Zubayr, v. 79.

 Musáfahah = joining palms for “shaking hand,” vi. 287; vii. 52; ix.

 Musáhakah = tribadism, vii. 132.

 Musáhikah = tribade, viii. 130.

 Musakhkham (Al-) = the defiled Cross, ii. 220.

 Musallà = place of prayer, oratory, v. 261.

 Musámarah = chatting at night, iv. 237; vii. 217.

 Music (forbidden by Mohammed), ix. 31.

 Musk (scent of heaven), ii. 300.

 —— (sherbet flavoured with), v. 66.

 Mushayyad = lofty, high-builded, viii. 23.

 Muslim bin al-Walíd (poet), v. 128.

 Musquito caught between the toes, vii. 179.

 Musrán (Al-) guts, vii. 190.

 Mustafà (the chosen) = Mohammed, i. 77; ii. 40.

 Mustahakk = deserving, x. 52.

 Mustahall (Mustahill) = one who marries a thrice divorced woman and
    divorces her to make her lawful for her first husband, iv. 48.

 Musta’ín (Al-) bi ’lláh (Caliph), ix. 246.

 Mutalammis (Al-), the poet and his fatal letter, v. 74.

 Mustansir bi ’llah (Al-) = one seeking help in Allah, i. 317.

 Mutanakkir = disguised, proud, reserved, vii. 101.

 Mu’tasim (Al-) bi ’llah (Caliph), iii. 81; ix. 232.

 Mutawakkil (Al-) Caliph, iv. 291; v. 153; ix. 232.

 Mutawallí = Prefect of Police, i. 259.

 Mutawwif = leader in the Tawáf, _q.v._ v. 203.

 Mu’tazid (Al-) bi ’lláh (Caliph), ix. 229.

 Mu’tazz (Al-) bi ’lláh (Caliph), ix. 242.

 Mu’ujizah = miracle of a prophet, ii. 237.

 Muunah = provisions, vii. 232; ix. 104.

 Muunis (Pr. N. = Companion), v. 164.

 Muwaffak = well-notched, v. 33.

 Muwallad = a slave born in a Moslem land, iv. 291.

 Muwashshah (stanza), iv. 54.

 Muzaní (Al-), ii. 208.

 Muzayyin (Figaro of the East), i. 304.

 Myrtle-bush = young beard, iv. 143.

 Mystification explained by extraordinary likeness, viii. 40.

 Na’al = sandal, shoe, horse-shoe, vi. 207.

 Náb (pl. Anyáb) = canine tooth, tusk, vii. 339.

 Nabbút = quarter-staff, i. 234; viii. 186.

 Nabhán (sons of), vi. 262.

 Nabí = prophet, ix. 178.

 Nábighah al-Zubyání (pre-Islamitic poet), vi. 85.

 Nadd (a compound perfume), i. 310.

 Naddábah = mourning woman, i. 311.

 Nadím = cup-companion, i. 46.

 Nafahát = breathings, benefits, v. 29.

 Nafakah = sum necessary for the expenses of the pilgrimage, ix. 178.

 Nafas = breath, i. 107.

 Nafs = soul, life, i. 107.

 Náfi’ (traditionist), v. 204.

 Náfilah = supererogatory Koran recitation, iii. 222.

 Nafísah (great-grand-daughter of the Imám Hasan), iv. 46.

 Nafísah (Pr. N.) = the Precious one, viii. 328.

 Nafs-í = my soul for “the flesh,” vii. 118.

 Nafs Ammárah = “the Flesh,” viii. 31.

 —— al-Nátikah = intellectual soul, viii. 31.

 —— al-Ghazabíyah = animal function, viii. 31.

 —— al-Shahwáníyah = vegetative property, viii. 31.

 Nága-kings (of Hinduism), v. 302.

 Nahás (vulg. for Nuhás, _q.v._), ii. 327; iv. 178.

 Náhí-ka = let it suffice thee, x. 22.

 Nahnu málihín = we are on term of salt, i. 344.

 Nahr = slaughtering a camel by stabbing, iv. 95.

 Nahr = river, vi. 163.

 Nahs = nasty, i. 301.

 Ná’i al-maut = messenger of death, vii. 226.

 Náihah = keener, hired mourner, i. 311.

 Na’ím = delight (name for Heaven), iii. 19; iv. 143.

 Na’íman = may it benefit thee! after bathing, etc., ii. 5.

 Naïveté (of the Horatian kind), ix. 215.

 Najásah = nastiness (anything unclean), vi. 178.

 Najíb (al-taraf = son of a common Moslemah by a Sayyid, _q.v._), v.

 Najíb (al-tarafayn = whose parents are both of Apostolic blood), v.

 Najis = ceremonially impure, ix. 337.

 Nájiyah = Salvadora, ii. 145.

 Najm al-Munkazzi = shooting star, viii. 329.

 Najm al-Sabáh (Pr. N.) = Star o’ Morn, viii. 107.

 Najrán (in Syria), ii. 232.

 Naká = sand-hill, x. 27.

 Nakat = to spot; to handsel, viii. 266.

 Naked = without veil or upper clothing, vii. 151.

 Nakedness (Ar. Aurat), vi. 30.

 —— (paraphrased), i. 327.

 Nakfúr = Nicephorus, ii. 77.

 Nakh = make a camel kneel down by the cry Ikh! Ikh! ii. 139.

 Nákhúzah Zulayt = skipper rapscallion, viii. 175.

 Nakíb, a caravan-leader, chief, syndic, i. 269.

 Nákisátu ’aklin wa dín = failing in wit and faith, ix. 298.

 Nakkár = Pecker (a fabulous fish), ix. 184.

 Nakl-i-safar (move preliminary to a journey), ii. 84.

 Nákús = wooden gong (used as bell), vi. 47; viii. 328.

 Name of Allah introduced into an indecent tale essentially Egyptian, i.

 Names (of God), v. 214.

 —— (= magical formula), v. 369.

 —— (frequently do not appear till near the end of a tale), vii. 43, 75,

 —— (approved by Allah), ix. 165.

 Naming of a child, ii. 174.

 Naming a girl by name offensive, vii. 286.

 Naml (ant) simile for a young beard, iii. 58.

 Námúsiyah = mosquito curtains, viii. 330.

 Napoleonic pose (attitude assumed by a slave), ix. 320.

 Nár (fire), ii. 163.

 —— (fem., like the names of other elements), viii. 16.

 Narcissus (with negro eyes = yellowish white), ii. 24.

 Narcissus and Hippolytus (assumed as types of morosa voluptas, etc.),
    x. 215.

 Narjis = Narcissus, i. 294.

 —— (name of a slave-girl), viii. 176.

 Nashshár (Al-) = the sawer, i. 335.

 Násik = a devotee, ix. 40.

 Naskh = copying hand, i. 128.

 Nasím = Zephyr (emendation for Nadím = cup-companion), viii. 62.

 Násir (Pr. N.) = triumphing, ix. 310.

 Nasrání = follower of Him of Nazareth, i. 258.

 Nat’a = leather used by way of table-cloth, i. 20.

 Nat’a al-dam = the leather of blood, i. 318; ii. 41.

 Nation (its power consists in its numbers of fighting men), v. 255.

 Nau (pl. Anwá) = setting of one star simultaneous with another’s
    rising, viii. 266.

 Naurúz = new (year’s) day, iv. 244.

 Navel, as to beauty and health, i. 84.

 —— (largeness of, much appreciated), viii. 33.

 Nawá = date-stone; Nawáyah = severance, ii. 315.

 Nawátíyah = crew (navigata, nauta), viii. 17.

 Nay = reed-pipe, v. 50.

 Naysábúr (town in Khorasan), ix. 230.

 Názih = travelled far and wide, v. 52.

 Názir = overseer, ii. 304; iii. 233.

 Nearness of seat a mark of honour, i. 250.

 Negro (Legend of his origin), iv. 250.

 Negroes preferred by debauched women, i. 6.

 —— (familiarity of boys with white girls), ii. 49.

 —— (their skin assumes dust-colour in cold, etc.), ii. 127.

 Negrofied races like “walking tun-butts,” iv. 255.

 Neighbour before the house, companion before the journey, ii. 207.

 Neighbours (frequently on the worst of terms), vi. 236.

 Nemo repente fuit turpissimus (not believed in by Easterns), ix. 91.

 “New Arabian Nights,” vi. 257.

 New-moon of Ramazán watched for, i. 84.

 New moon of the Festival = Crescent of the breakfast, ix. 249, 250.

 News (what is behind thee of, O Asám), viii. 222.

 Ni’am = yes in answer to a negative, vii. 195.

 Ni’amat = a blessing, iv. 1.

 Night (and day, not day and night, with the Arabs), iii. 121.

 —— (-cap), iii. 222.

 —— (“this” = our “last”), iii. 249.

 —— (for day), iii. 318.

 —— (its promise spread with butter that melteth with day-rise), v. 77.

 —— (its last the bitter parting), vii. 243.

 —— (consists of three watches), i. 175; viii. 330.

 Níl (Al-) = flood season corresponding to summer, i. 290.

 Nílah = indigo, dye-stuff, ix. 144.

 Nile-water sweet and light, i. 290.

 Nímchahrah = half-face (Pers., a kind of demon), v. 333.

 Nimr = leopard, ix. 63.

 Nimrod of the desert, ii. 291.

 Nimsá = Cermans, ii. 219.

 Nimshah (Namshah?) = dagger of state, ii. 193.

 Nineteen the age of an oldish old maid in Egypt, i. 212.

 Nisáb (Al-), smallest sum for stealing which the hand is mutilated, iv.

 Niták, a woman’s waistcloth, vii. 180.

 Níyah (Al-) = ceremonial intention of prayer, v. 163; x. 254.

 Nizámí (Persian poet), iii. 183.

 Noachian dispensation (revived Al-Islam as revealed to Adam), v. 372.

 Noisy merriment scandalous to Moslem “respectability,” i. 95.

 Nostrils (his life-breath was in his, = his heart was in his mouth),
    vii. 258.

 Nostrums for divining the sex of the unborn child, vii. 268.

 Nothing for nothing a sexual point d’honneur, i. 87.

 Nuhás (vulg. Nahás) = copper, brass, i. 40; ii. 327; iv. 178, 230; vi.

 Nukl = quatre mendiants, ix. 177, 213.

 Numbering the streets, etc. a classical custom, viii. 88.

 Nún (simile for the eyebrow), v. 34.

 Nún-like brow, iv. 249.

 Nuptial sheet (inspection of), iii. 289.

 Nur al-Huda (Pr. N.) = Light of Salvation, iii. 17; viii. 97.

 Núrayn = two lights (town in Turkestan), vii. 88.

 Nusf = half-dirham, ii. 37; vi. 214; ix. 139, 167.

 Nusk = piety, abstinence from women, ix. 243.

 Nu’umán (Al-) bin Munzir (tyrant of Hírah), v. 74.

 Nu’umán’s flower = anemone, ii. 325.

 Nuzhat al-Zamán = delight of the age, ii. 81.

 Nymphomania (ascribed to worms in the vagina), iv. 298.

 Oath (a serious thing amongst Moslems), i. 179.

 —— (inconsiderately taken), ii. 136.

 —— (kept to the letter), iv. 70.

 —— (retrieved by expiation), viii. 263.

 —— (of divorce), viii. 287, 311.

 Obayd Allah (Pr. N.), v. 164.

 Obayd ibn Táhir (Under-Prefect of Baghdad), iv. 291.

 Object first seen in the morning determines the fortunes of the day,
    viii. 147.

 Obscene abuse meant as familiarity, not insult, ii. 88.

 O Camphor (antiphrase = O snowball), iii. 40.

 Ocean (Jamm), v. 93.

 —— (of darkness), v. 309.

 “Off-with-his-head” style (not to be taken literally), ix. 308.

 Offering for naught = closing with the offer, ii. 4.

 Offerings (pious = ex votos, etc.), vii. 150.

 Oftentimes the ear loveth before the eye, iii. 9.

 Ohod (battle of), ii. 165.

 Old age (graphically described), v. 3.

 “Old maids” ignored in the East, vii. 286.

 “Old Man of the Sea” (a Márid or evil Jinn), vii. 338.

 Old woman (polite equivalents for), v. 163.

 Oldest matter in The Nights the beast-stories, iii. 114.

 Olemá (pl. of ’Álim) = the learned in the law, v. 183.

 —— (Time-serving), x. 44.

 Omán = Eastern Arabia, i. 83.

 —— (with capital Maskat = Omana Moscha), vii. 24.

 Omar bin al-Khattáb (Caliph), ii. 158, 159, 162, 164; v. 103.

 Omar-i-Khayyám (astronomer-poet), ix. 230.

 Omen (Fál), v. 136.

 Onanism (discouraged by circumcision), x. 233.

 One-eyed men considered rascals, iv. 194.

 Opener (of the door of daily bread), vi. 216.

 Opening doors without a key is the knavish trick of a petty thief, vii.

 Ophidia (of monstrous size), vi. 29.

 Orange (a growth of India), viii. 272.

 Oriental orgie different from European, i. 93.

 Othello (even he does not kill Emilia), ix. 300.

 Othmán (Caliph), ii. 163.

 —— (Kátib al-Kuran), v. 215.

 Oubliettes (in old Eastern houses), iii. 327.

 Out of the sight of my friend is better and pleasanter, iii. 315.

 O whose thrall am I, etc. = To her (I drink), viii. 224.

 Pain (resembling the drawing of a tooth), x. 21.

 Palace (of the Caliph at Baghdad), vi. 189.

 Palaces (avoided by the pious), vi. 182.

 —— (in ruins for want of repair), x. 61.

 Palgrave and Al-Islam, x. 189.

 Palmerin of England, viii. 64.

 Palm-stick (a salutary rod), ii. 22.

 Palsy (creeps over him), v. 251.

 Pander-dodge to get more money, i. 302.

 Panel-dodge fatally common, i. 323.

 Paper (his = the whiteness of his skin), v. 161.

 Paradise (of the Moslem not wholly sensual), iii. 19; ix. 322.

 Parapets (on terrace-roofs made obligatory by Moses), v. 72.

 Parasite (Ar. Tufaylí), v. 130.

 Parent (ticklish on the Pundonor), ix. 288.

 Paris Jockey-club scene anticipated, i. 327.

 Parisian MSS. of The Nights, x. 104.

 Parody on the testification of Allah’s Unity, i. 177; iii. 215.

 Parrot-story a world-wide folk-lore, i. 52.

 Particles of swearing, viii. 310.

 Partner in very deed, viii. 181.

 Partridge (Ar. Hijl), iii. 138.

 Partridges (story of the two), vi. 183.

 Pashas’ agents for bribery in Constantinople, iv. 183.

 Passengers in difficulties take command, i. 140.

 Pathos (touch of), iii. 55.

 Patience (cutting the cords of), iii. 178.

 Pausing as long as Allah pleased = musing a long time, vi. 109.

 Pay-chest (of a Hammám bath), ix. 152.

 Payne quoted, i. 129, 150, 167, 209, 217; ii. 19, 185, 304; iii. 58,
    130, 162, 172, 193, 252, 275, 291; iv. 50, 54, 66, 197, 221, 222; v.
    44, 49, 65, 86, 112, 161, 192, 204, 346; vii. 16, 18, 57, 123, 178,
    277, 337; viii. 21, 32, 64, 70, 72, 80, 117, 125, 130, 131, 148,
    158, 168, 179, 216, 223, 224, 262, 264, 271, 275, 278, 279, 282,
    293, 294, 298, 314, 326, 327; ix. 22, 28, 79, 84, 86, 89, 171, 212,
    224, 226, 227, 250, 251, 265, 268, 290; x. 50, 52, 74, 104, 140,
    142, 167.

 Peaches (Sultani and Andam), viii. 270.

 Pearl supposed to lose 1 per cent. per ann. of its lustre, i. 165.

 Pearl-fisheries, vi. 60.

 Pearls (shaded by hair = teeth under mustachio), v. 157.

 —— (fresh from water), vii. 240.

 —— (resting on the sand-bank), ix. 164.

 Pears (various kinds of), viii. 269.

 Peccadillo in good olden days (murder), iv. 275.

 “Péché philosophique” (the, in France), x. 249.

 Pederasts (list of famous), x. 252.

 Pehlevi version of the Panchatantra, x. 120.

 Pen and Preserved Tablet, ii. 68.

 Pencilling the eyes with Kohl, vii. 250.

 Penis (as to anus and cunnus), iii. 303.

 —— (Ark al-Halawat), iv. 51.

 —— (correspondence of size), iv. 52.

 —— (and its succedanea), x. 239.

 Pens (gilded = reeds washed with gold), vii. 112.

 People of His affection = those who deserve His love, ix. 92.

 Pepper (and the discovery of the Cape route), vi. 38.

 —— (-plantations shaded by bananas), vi. 57.

 Perfumes (not used during mourning), iii. 63.

 —— (natural), iii. 231.

 Periphrase containing a negative adds emphasis, ii. 83.

 Persian (“I am a, but not lying now”), v. 26.

 —— (poets mostly addressing youths), v. 156.

 Persians always suspected, viii. 8.

 Persians (delighting in practical jokes), ix. 177.

 Person (Ar. Shakhs), iv. 97; viii. 159.

 Peshadians (race of Persian Kings), i. 75.

 Petrified folk, ix. 318.

 Phaedra and Hippolytus, vi. 127.

 Pharao (signs to), iv. 249.

 “Philippi” and “Alexanders” in Sidon, ii. 82.

 Philosophic (used in a bad sense), vi. 257.

 Physical prognostication familiar to Mesmerists, ii. 72.

 Physiognomy (Ar. Firásah, Kiyáfah), viii. 326.

 Physiologists (practise on the simiads), v. 220.

 Physis and Anti-physis, v. 320.

 Picnics (on the Rauzah island), v. 169.

 Pidar-sokhtah = (son of a) burnt father (Persian insult), vi. 26.

 Pièces de circonstance (mostly mere doggrel), ii. 261; viii. 59.

 Pigeon (language, etc.), iii. 126.

 —— (blood of the young), _ib._ 289.

 Pilgrimage quoted, i. 28.

 —— (iii. 11), _ib._ 46.

 —— (i. 5; ii. 196), _ib._ 51.

 —— (ii. 71), _ib._ 74.

 —— (ii. 309), _ib._ 77.

 —— (iii. 126), _ib._ 97.

 —— (i. 86), _ib._ 107.

 —— (iii. 31, etc.), _ib._ 112.

 —— (i. 327), _ib._ 120.

 —— (ii. 198), _ib._ 123.

 —— (iii. 104), _ib._ 134.

 —— (iii. 350), _ib._ 138.

 —— (i. chapt. xi.), _ib._ 140.

 —— (iii. 137), _ib._ 170.

 —— (iii. 200), _ib._ 174.

 —— (iii. 60, 62) _ib._ 208.

 —— (i. 202), _ib._ 214.

 —— (ii. 275), _ib._ 215.

 —— (i. 118), _ib._ 219.

 —— (ii. 215), _ib._ 220.

 —— (iii. 125, 232), _ib._ 226.

 —— (i. 313), _ib._ 228.

 —— (iii. 63), _ib._ 230.

 —— (i. 84; iii. 43), _ib._ 245.

 —— (i. 127), _ib._ 250.

 —— (ii. 175), _ib._ 256.

 —— (i. 160), _ib._ 258.

 —— (i. 255; i. 60), _ib._ 266.

 —— (iii. 263), _ib._ 269.

 —— (iii. 201, 202), _ib._ 284.

 —— (i. 53), _ib._ 294.

 —— (i. 240; iii. 35, 36), _ib._ 308.

 —— (i. 11; iii. 285), ii. 5.

 —— (i. 261; iii. 7), _ib._ 15.

 —— (i. 210; 346), _ib._ 31.

 —— (ii. 77), _ib._ 40.

 —— (iii. 330), _ib._ 113.

 —— (ii. 113), _ib._ 114.

 —— (i. 99), _ib._ 316.

 —— (ii. 274), _ib._ 326.

 —— (ii. 176; i. 174), _ib._ 330.

 —— (i. 276), _ib._ 338.

 —— (iii. 333), _ib._ 124.

 —— (iii. 12), _ib._ 131.

 —— (iii. 254), _ib._ 132.

 —— (i. 222; ii. 91), _ib._ 139.

 —— (ii. 118), _ib._ 140.

 —— (i. 121), _ib._ 163.

 —— (ii. 227), _ib._ 165.

 —— (iii. 226, 342, 344), _ib._ 169.

 —— (ii. 49), _ib._ 178.

 —— (i. 305), _ib._ 180.

 —— (iii. 322), _ib._ 203.

 —— (ii. 89), _ib._ 220.

 —— (iii. 115), _ib._ 224.

 —— (iii. 232), _ib._ 227.

 —— (i. 346), _ib._ 230.

 —— (iii. 78), _ib._ 236.

 —— (ii. 110), _ib._ 242.

 —— (iii. 171–175; 203), _ib._ 272.

 —— (iii. 113), _ib._ 286.

 —— (iii. 71), _ib._ 293.

 —— (ii. 105, 205), _ib._ 317.

 —— (ii. 58; iii. 343), _ib._ 327.

 —— (i. 110), _ib._ 330.

 —— (ii. 22), iii. 7.

 —— (iii. 77), _ib._ 65.

 —— (iii. 14), _ib._ 67.

 —— (i. 216), _ib._ 81.

 —— (i. 64), _ib._ 91.

 —— (iii. 185), _ib._ 107.

 —— (iii. 270), _ib._ 118.

 —— (iii. 208), _ib._ 121.

 —— (iii. 218), _ib._ 126.

 —— (i. 52), _ib._ 151.

 —— (iii. 307), _ib._ 159.

 —— (i. 99), _ib._ 163.

 —— (iii. 239), _ib._ 174.

 —— (iii. 22), _ib._ 226.

 —— (ii. 282), _ib._ 241.

 —— (iii. 144), _ib._ 252.

 —— (ii. 213, 321), _ib._ 304.

 —— (iii. 192–194), _ib._ 319.

 —— (i. 106), _ib._ 324.

 —— (i. 75–77), iv. 6.

 —— (i. 285; ii. 78), _ib._ 36.

 —— (iii. 306), _ib._ 75.

 —— (i. 123), _ib._ 78.

 —— (iii. 295), _ib._ 80.

 —— (iii. 303), _ib._ 95.

 —— (ii. 119), _ib._ 114.

 —— (i. 213), _ib._ 115.

 —— (iii. 156, 162, 216, 220), _ib._ 125.

 —— (iii. 168, 174, 175), _ib._ 148.

 —— (ii. 329), _ib._ 254.

 —— (iii. 192), _ib._ 261.

 —— (i. 43), _ib._ 293.

 —— (i. 22), v. 39.

 —— (ii. 287), _ib._ 44.

 —— (iii. 218), _ib._ 49.

 —— (i. 16), _ib._ 97.

 —— (ii. 344), _ib._ 100.

 —— (i. 10), _ib._ 112.

 —— (ii. 161), _ib._ 119.

 —— (i. 352), _ib._ 158.

 —— (ii. 320), _ib._ 196.

 —— (i. 110), _ib._ 201.

 —— (iii. 193, 205, 226, 282), _ib._ 203.

 —— (iii. 248), _ib._ 212.

 —— (iii. 92), _ib._ 220.

 —— (ii. 322), _ib._ 224.

 —— (i. 362), _ib._ 225.

 —— (ii. 288), _ib._ 236.

 —— (i. 297), vi. 57.

 —— (i. 180), _ib._ 61.

 —— (i. 349; iii. 73), _ib._ 263.

 —— (ii. 116; iii. 190), _ib._ 264.

 —— (i. 370), _ib._ 276.

 —— (i. 298), _ib._ 277.

 —— (ii. 332), _ib._ 287.

 —— (iii. 90), vii. 3, 4.

 —— (i. 377), _ib._ 9.

 —— (iii. 191), _ib._ 21.

 —— (i. 14), _ib._ 80.

 —— (ii. 62–69), _ib._ 91.

 —— (ii. 130, 138, 325), _ib._ 92.

 —— (ii. 3), _ib._ 95.

 —— (iii. 336), _ib._ 104.

 —— (i. 59), _ib._ 171.

 —— (i. 120), _ib._ 172.

 —— (ii. 300), _ib._ 124.

 —— (ii. 24), _ib._ 140.

 —— (i. 124), _ib._ 177.

 —— (iii. 66), _ib._ 181.

 —— (ii. 52–54), _ib._ 202.

 —— (i. 62), _ib._ 212.

 —— (iii. 165), _ib._ 219.

 —— (iii. 70), viii. 137.

 —— (iii. 365), _ib._ 157.

 —— (ii. 248), _ib._ 172.

 —— (ii. 130, etc.), _ib._ 183.

 —— (ii. 207), _ib._ 273.

 —— (i. 176), _ib._ 287.

 —— (ii. 82), _ib._ 291.

 —— (i. 88), _ib._ 300.

 —— (i. 9), ix. 50.

 —— (i. 235), _ib._ 51.

 —— (iii. 66), _ib._ 81.

 —— (i. 20), _ib._ 165.

 —— (ii. 285–287), _ib._ 175.

 —— (iii. 224, 256), _ib._ 178.

 —— (i. 99), _ib._ 262.

 —— (ii. 48), _ib._ 307.

 —— (i. 314), _ib._ 315.

 Pilgrimage not perfected save by copulation with the camel, viii. 157.

 Pilgrims (offcast of the = a broken down pilgrim left to die on the
    road), ix. 290.

 Pillow (wisádah, makhaddah), taking to = taking to one’s bed, ii. 70.

 Pistachio-nut (tight-fitting shell of), iv. 216.

 Pitching tents within dog-bark from Royalty disrespectful, ii. 294.

 Plain (ground), synonyms for, i. 46.

 Plain-speaking (of the Badawí), iv. 102.

 Plaisirs de la petite oie (practised by Eunuchs), v. 46.

 Plates as armature, iii. 216.

 Plato (his theory of love), x. 209.

 Play “near and far” = “fast and loose,” x. 22.

 Pleasure prolonged (en pensant à sa pauvre mère, etc.), v. 76.

 Pleiads (the stars whereby men sail), viii. 304.

 Plunder sanctioned by custom, ii. 68.

 Plur. masc. used by way of modesty by a girl addressing her lover, i.

 Plural of Majesty, iii. 16; iv. 156.

 Poetical justice (administered with vigour in The Nights), vi. 25.

 Poetry of the Arabs requires knowledge of the Desert to be understood,
    i. 230.

 Poets (four, whose works contraried their character), x. 253.

 Poison (deadly only in contact with abraded skin), vi. 202.

 Poisons in the East, ix. 101.

 Poke (counterfeit), iii. 302.

 Policeman (called in, a severe punishment in the East; why?), ix. 137.

 Police-master legally answerable for losses, vii. 161.

 Polissonnerie (Egyptian), iii. 243; iv. 226.

 Polo (“Goff”), v. 32.

 Poltroon (contrasted with a female tiger-lamb), ix. 224.

 Polygamy and Polyandry in relation to climate, iii. 241.

 Polyphemus (in Arab garb), vi. 24.

 —— (no Mrs. P. accepted), vi. 27.

 Pomegranate fruit supposed to contain seed from Eden garden, i. 134.

 —— (Hadís referring to), viii. 267.

 Porcelain (not made in Egypt or Syria), iv. 164.

 Postillon (Le), iii. 304.

 Postures of coition, iii. 93.

 Potter (simile of the), ix. 77.

 Pouch (Ar. Surrah), viii. 71.

 Poverty (Holy), v. 269.

 Powders (coloured in sign of holiday making), x. 51.

 Power (whoso has it and spareth, for Allah’s reward he prepareth), ix.

 Prayer (for the dead lack the Sijdah), ii. 10.

 —— (of Ramazan), ii. 202.

 —— (rules for joining in), iii. 174.

 —— (two-bow), iii. 213.

 —— (-niche = way-side chapel), iii. 324.

 —— (without intention, Ar. Niyat, is valueless), v. 163.

 —— (offered standing or prostrating), v. 196.

 —— (of a sick person as he best can), v. 200.

 —— (intonation of the voice in), v. 200.

 —— (call to, Azán), v. 201.

 —— (is a collector of all folk), v. 201.

 Praying against (polite form for cursing), ix. 293.

 Pre-Adamite doctrine, x. 179.

 Preachments (to Eastern despots), v. 254.

 Precautions (thwarted by Fate and Fortune), vi. 167.

 Precedence (claims pre-eminence), viii. 285.

 Precedent (merit appertains to), iii. 264.

 Predestination (not Providence, a Moslem belief), vi. 202.

 Pre-eminence (appertaineth to precedence), viii. 285.

 Preliminaries of a wrestling bout, ii. 92.

 Premier (Le, embellit), viii. 86.

 Preposterous venery, iii. 304.

 Presence (I am _in thy_ = _thy slave to slay or pardon_), ix. 124.

 Preserved tablet, ii. 68.

 Preventives (the two), iii. 222.

 Price (without abatement = without abstracting a large bakhshish), ix.

 —— (shall remain), ix. 262.

 Pride of beauty intoxicates, iv. 34.

 Priest hidden within an image (may date from the days of Memnon), ix.

 Prima Venus debet esse cruenta, iii. 289.

 Prime Minister carrying fish to the cookmaid, i. 63.

 Prince (of a people is their servant), ix. 99.

 Prin´cess, English; Prince´ss, French, vii. 245.

 Prison (in the King’s Palace), ix. 52.

 Prisons (Moslem), vi. 244.

 Privy, a slab with slit in front and a round hole behind, i. 221.

 —— and bath favourite haunts of the Jinns, vi. 141.

 Procès verbal (customary with Moslems), iv. 73.

 Prognostication frequently mentioned, ii. 72.

 —— (from nervous movements), viii. 25.

 Prolixity (heightening the effect of a tale), x. 50.

 Prolongatio veneris (Imsák), v. 76.

 Prominence of the pugaeic muscles insisted upon, ii. 98.

 Property (of the heirless lapses to the treasury), iv. 62.

 —— (left by will), vi. 213.

 Prophets (have some manual trade), ii. 286.

 —— (named in the Koran), v. 210.

 —— (and their agnomina), vi. 270.

 Proportion of horse and foot in Arab and Turcoman armies, vii. 1.

 Prostitution (never wholly abolished in Al-Islam), viii. 115.

 Prostration (must be made to Allah only), vi. 136.

 Protestants (four great _Sommités_), vii. 124.

 Prothesis without apodosis (a favourite style in Arabic), vi. 203, 239.

 Proverbs true to nature, i. 307.

 Providence (and Justice), v. 286.

 Province (“some” = Sancho Panza’s “insula”), ii. 188.

 Puellæ Wakwakienses, viii. 89.

 Puns (wretched and otherwise), ii. 64, 179, 182; iv. 258; vii. 53, 288,
    307; viii. 35, 228, 329; ix. 278, 289; x. 11, 27.

 Punctilios of the Desert, vi. 264.

 Purgation (Easterns most careful during), v. 154.

 Purifying (after evacuation), ii. 326.

 Purity of love attains a prophetic strain, iii. 6.

 Pyramidennarren, v. 106.

 Pyramids (Ar. Al-Ahrám), v. 105.

 —— (containing unopened chambers?), v. 106.

 —— (verses on the), x. 150.

 Qanoon-e-Islam quoted on the subject of horoscopes, etc. i. 213.

 Quarter (son of the = neighbour), vi. 236.

 Queen’s mischief = the mischief which may (or will) come from the
    Queen, viii. 98.

 Question (expressing emphatic assertion), ix. 182.

 Questions (indiscreet, the rule throughout Arabia), iii. 105.

 Quibbling away (a truly diplomatic art), v. 86.

 Ra’ad al-Kásif (Pr. N.) = the loud-pealing Thunder, vi. 221.

 Ra’ad Sháh A. P. = thunder-king, vii. 55.

 Raas al-Mál = capital, viii. 248.

 Raat-hu = she saw him, viii. 298.

 Ra’áyá (pl. of Ra’íyat) = Ryot, iii. 215.

 Rabbatí = my she-Lord, applied to the fire, vii. 36.

 Rabelaisian humour of the richest, iv. 152.

 Rabite, classical term for a noble Arab horse, iii. 72.

 Racing a favourite pastime, ii. 273.

 Raff = shelf running round a room, viii. 122.

 Ráfisi = denier, Shí’ah, iv. 44.

 Rafw = artistic style of darning, vi. 198.

 Rag (burnt, used as styptic), iv. 108.

 Rághib = the Desirous, v. 145.

 —— (= expecter; Záhid = rejecter), viii. 315.

 Ráh = pure old wine, iv. 186.

 Rahan = pledge, ix. 311.

 Ráhatáni (Al-) = the two rests, viii. 342.

 Rahíl (small dromedary), iii. 67.

 Rahim, Rihm = womb for uterine relations, vii. 123.

 Rahmah (Pr. N.) = the puritanical “Mercy,” vi. 226.

 Raiment of devotees (white wool), vii. 214.

 Rais = captain, master (not owner) of a ship, i. 127; vi. 12.

 Raising the tail, sign of excitement in the Arab blood-horse, iii. 84.

 Rajab = worshipping (seventh Arab month), v. 54.

 Rajaz = the seventh Bahr of Arabic prosody, i. 251.

 Rajul ikhtiyár = a middle-aged man, i. 55.

 Rakham = aquiline vulture, viii. 20.

 Rákí (distilled from raisins), v. 65.

 Rakb = fast-going caravan, iv. 254.

 Ramazán (moon of), viii. 33.

 Ramlah (half-way house between Jaffa and Jerusalem), vi. 103.

 Rank (derived from Pers. rang = colour), ii. 192.

 —— (thine is with me such as thou couldst wish = I esteem thee as thou
    deservest), ix. 41.

 —— (conferred by a Sovereign’s addressing a person by a title), ix.

 Rape (rendered excusable by wilfulness), vi. 187.

 Rás al Killaut = Head of Killaut, a son of the sons of the Jinn, ix. 8.

 Rás al-Tín = Headland of Clay (not Figs), v. 112.

 Rashaa = fawn beginning to walk, v. 149.

 Rashád = garden-cresses or stones; viii. 194.

 Rashíd = the heaven-directed, viii. 194.

 Rashid (Pasha, etc.), iv. 202.

 Rashid = Rosetta, viii. 288.

 Rasíf (Al-) river-quay, dyke, viii. 150.

 Rasm = usage (justifies a father killing his son), ii. 7.

 Rasúl = one sent, “apostle,” not prophet, iv. 284.

 Rasy = praising in a funeral sermon, iii. 291.

 Ratánah = a jargon, iii. 200.

 Raushan = window, iii. 171.

 Raushaná (splendour) = Roxana, iii. 171.

 Rauzah (Al-) = the gardens, i. 291.

 —— (at Cairo), v. 169.

 Raven of the waste or the parting, iv. 52; viii. 236.

 Ráwí = story-teller (also used for Reciter of Traditions), x. 163.

 Ráy = rede (“private judgment”), vi. 146.

 Ráyah káímah = pennons flying (not “beast standing”), vii. 118.

 Raydaníyah (camping ground near Cairo), i. 245.

 Rayhán = scented herb, viii. 187.

 Rayhání = a curved character, i. 128; ii. 301.

 Ráyí = rationalist, vi. 146.

 Rayy (old city of Media), iv. 104.

 Ready to fly for delight, iii. 26.

 Ream (It. risma, Ar. rizmah), v. 108.

 Red dress (sign of wrath), iv. 72; vi. 250.

 Red Sea (cleaves in twelve places), v. 236.

 Reed = pen (title of the Koranic chapt. lxviii), ii. 68.

 Reed-pipe (Nay), v. 50.

 Refusal of a gift, greatest affront, i. 336.

 —— (of a demand in marriage a sore insult), vi. 262.

 Relations between Badawi tribes, vi. 267.

 Rending of garments as sign of sorrow or vexation, i. 308.

 “Renowning it” (boasting of one’s tribe), iii. 80, 108.

 —— (naïve style of), vii. 347.

 Repentance (a strong plead for granting aid with a Moslem), iv. 277.

 —— (acquits the penitent), vii. 72.

 Repetition, vii. 293, 301.

 —— (of an address in token of kindness), v. 370.

 Resignation (noble instance of), x. 42.

 Respect shown to parts of the body, exuviæ, etc., i. 276.

 Rest (in Eastern travel before eating and drinking), viii. 142.

 Retorts (of a sharp Fellah), vi. 232.

 Return unto Allah, iii. 317.

 Return-Salám, viii. 309.

 Revenge (a sacred duty), viii. 26.

 Ribá = interest, usury, v. 201; viii. 248.

 Ridding the sea of its rubbish, ix. 169.

 Riddle “surprise” (specimen of), v. 239.

 Riders (names of such on various beasts), viii. 239.

 Riding on the ass an old Biblical practice, i. 262.

 Riding on men as donkeys (facetious exaggeration of African practice),
    vii. 357.

 Ríf (Al-) = lowland, viii. 304.

 Rihl = wooden saddle, iii. 117.

 Rijál al-Ghayb (invisible controls), ii. 211; x. 14.

 Rims cars, i. 131.

 Rind (rand) = willow, bay, aloes-wood, iii. 172.

 Ring (in memoriam), vi. 199.

 —— (lost in the Hárím raises jealous suspicion), vi. 200.

 Rings in the East, iv. 24.

 Rising up and sitting down sign of agitation, ii. 112.

 River (the = Tigris-Euphrates), ix. 313.

 Rivers (underground), vi. 63.

 Rizam (pl. of rizmah) = bales, reams, v. 108.

 Rizwán (approbation) = key-keeper of Paradise, iii. 15, 20; iv. 195;
    viii. 265.

 Robbing (to keep life and body together, an acceptable plea), ix. 137.

 Robe (the hidden, story of), vi. 188.

 Robing one’s self in rags = becoming a Fakír, ii. 171.

 Robinson Crusoe (with a touch of Arabic prayerfulness), v. 291.

 Rod (divining or dowsing), iv. 73.

 Roman superficiality (notable instance of), x. 116.

 Rosary, iii. 123.

 Rose (in Arab. masculine), viii. 274.

 Rose-water (for “nobility and gentry,” even in tea), v. 357.

 Rotl (pl. Artál) = rotolo, pound weight, iv. 124.

 Roum = Græco-Roman Empire, iv. 100.

 Roumi (in Marocco = European), viii. 268.

 Royalty in the guise of merchants, iii. 12.

 Rozistán = day-station, i. 29.

 Rub’ al-Kharáb (probably for the Great Arabian Desert), vii. 80; x. 42.

 Rubb = syrup, “Rob,” ii. 3.

 Rubbamá = perhaps, sometimes (more emphatic than rubba), vii. 218.

 Rubber (shampooer), iii. 17.

 Rubhah (townlet on the frontier of Syria), iii. 52.

 Ruby (La’al, Yákút), v. 342.

 —— (of exceptional size), vi. 66.

 Rudaynah and Rudaynian lances, ii. 1.

 Rudaynian lance (like a), vii. 265.

 Rúh = spirit, breath of life, ix. 67.

 Ruh = be off, ix. 168.

 Ruh bilá Fuzúl = Begone and none of your impudence, viii. 163.

 Ruhbán = monks, viii. 256.

 Ruká’í = correspondence hand, i. 128.

 Ruk’atayn = two-bow prayer, i. 142.

 Rukb = travellers on camels, return caravan, viii. 238.

 Rukh (Roc and “Roc’s” feathers), v. 122.

 —— (the world-wide “Wundervogel”), vi. 16.

 —— (study of, by Prof. Bianconi), vi. 49.

 Rukhám = alabaster, i. 295.

 Rumourers (the two) = basin and ewer, vii. 146.

 Rustak (Al-), city of Oman, vi. 289.

 Rustam (not Rustum or Rustem), iv. 219.

 Rutub (applying to pearls = fresh from water), vii. 240.

 Ryot = liege, subject; Fellah, peasant, iii. 215.

 Sá’a (measure of corn, etc.), vi. 203.

 Sa’ad = auspiciousness, prosperity; derivatives, i. 9.

 Sa’adah (female Pr. N.), iii. 65.

 Sa’ádah = worldly prosperity and future happiness, ix. 327.

 Sa’alab = fox, iii. 132.

 Sa’alabah (name of a tribe), iii. 107.

 Sabá = Biblical Sheba, iv. 113; vii. 316.

 Sabab = rope (hence a cause), ii. 14; viii. 100.

 Sabaj (not Sabah) a black shell, vii. 131.

 Sabaka = he out-raced, ix. 111.

 Sabaka Kúrahá = he pierced her forge, viii. 46.

 Sabb = low abuse, iii. 311.

 Sabbágh = dyer, ii. 305.

 Sabbáh bin Rammáh bin Humám = the Comely, son of the Spearman, son of
    the Lion, iii. 67.

 Sabbahaka ’llah bi-’l-Khayr = Allah give thee good morning, vi. 196.

 Sabbath (kept in silence), v. 339.

 Sabbation (River), v. 337.

 Sabíhat al-’Urs = gift on the wedding morning, x. 18.

 Sábik = forerunner, viii. 341.

 Sabíkah = bar, lamina, ingot, viii. 10.

 Sabíyah = young lady, ix. 226.

 Sabr = patience and aloes, source of puns, i. 138; viii. 35; ix. 278.

 Sabt = Sabbath, ii. 305.

 Sabúr = Sapor II., vi. 274.

 Sacrifice (Ar. Kurbán), viii. 16.

 Sacy, Silvestre de (on the origin of The Nights), x. 76.

 Sád (Letter, simile for the eye), v. 34.

 Sadaf = cowrie, i. 19.

 Sadakah = voluntary alms, opposed to Zakát, i. 339.

 Sadd = wall, dyke, i. 114; ii. 128.

 Sádir = returning from the water (_see_ Wárid), iii. 56.

 Sadness (House of), viii. 64.

 Sady = Hámah, _q.v._; iii. 293.

 Safà (ground-wave _in_ Meccah), v. 203.

 Safe-guard (I am in thy = I appeal to thy honour), vi. 158.

 Saffron (aphrodisiac), ii. 234.

 Safínah = (Noah’s) Ark, ix. 310.

 Safíyu ’llah (Adam) = pure of Allah, ii. 124.

 Safwán (Pr. N.) = clear, cold, vii. 314.

 Saghr (Thagr), the opening of the lips showing the teeth, i. 156; viii.

 Sahákah = tribadism, ii. 234.

 Sáhib = companion, used as a Wazirial title, i. 237; iv. 139; v. 71.

 Sáhib al-Shartah = chief of the watch (Prefect of Police), i. 259.

 Sáhib Nafas = master of breath, a minor saint healing by expiration, i.

 Sahífah = page, book, viii. 148.

 Sahíkah = Tribade, viii. 130.

 Sáhil (Al-) = the coast (Phœnicia), ix. 22.

 Sáhil Masr = the river side (at Cairo), i. 291.

 Sahím al-Layl (Pr. N.) = he who shooteth an arrow by night, vi. 261.

 Sáhirah = place for the gathering of souls on Doom-day, iii. 323.

 Sahm-hu = his shaft, vi. 100.

 Sahm mush ab = forked (not barbed) arrow, ix. 48.

 Sá’í = running between Safá and Marwah, ii. 327.

 Sáibah = she-camel freed from labour, iii. 78.

 —— = a woman who lets herself go (a-whoring, etc.), viii. 151.

 Sa’íd = Upper Egypt, viii. 304.

 Sa’íd bin Jubayr, ii. 201.

 Sa’íd bin Sálim (Governor of Khorasan), v. 94.

 Sa’íd bin Zayd (traditionist), v. 81.

 Sa’ídah = the auspicious (fem.), ix. 330.

 Sá’ik = the Striker (Pr. N.), vii. 35.

 Sá’ikah = thunderbolt, vi. 271.

 Sailor (Ar. equivalents for), vi. 242.

 Sáim al-dahr = perennial faster, v. 112.

 Saint, Santon (Walí), v. 112.

 Saint and Sinner, v. 115.

 Sa’ír = Hell, iv. 143.

 Sáis = groom, horsekeeper (Syce), vi. 9.

 Saj’a (= rhymed prose), i. 116.

 —— (instance of), v. 160.

 —— (bald in translation), vii. 2.

 —— (answerable for galimatias), vii. 36.

 Sajjádah = prayer-rug, vi. 193.

 Sák = calf of the leg, ii. 327.

 Sakatí = second hand dealer, iv. 77.

 Sakhr al-Jinní alluded to, i. 41; v. 316.

 Sákí = cup bearer, ii. 27, 327.

 —— (and Sák-í), ix. 253.

 Sákin = quiescent (applied to a closing wound), ix. 255.

 Sákiyah = the Persian water-wheel, i. 123; ix. 218.

 Sakká (Anglo-Indian Bihishti) = water-carrier, iv. 44; v. 89.

 Sakr = hawk, ii. 293.

 Saksar (Pers. Sag-sar = dog’s head), vi. 37.

 Sa’lab = fox, jackal, vi. 211; ix. 48, 103.

 Salaf (Al-) = ancestry (referring to Mohammed), v. 90.

 Saláhitah (Al-) island, vi. 30.

 Sal’am = S(allà) Al(lah) ’A(layhi wa, salla) M, _see_ Abhak, ii. 24.

 Salám (to be answered by a better salutation), ii. 146.

 —— (of prayers), ii. 243.

 —— (becomes Shalúm with the Jews), viii. 223.

 —— (not returned, a Moslem form of Boycotting), viii. 302.

 Salámát = Welcome! vi. 232.

 Salát (blessing, prayer), iv. 60.

 Salát mamlúkíyah = praying without ablution, vii. 148.

 Salátah (how composed), vii. 132.

 Salb = crucifying, iii. 25.

 Sale (forced on by the bystanders), viii. 310.

 Sales (formula of), vi. 73.

 Sálifah = silken plait, viii. 223.

 Sálih = a pious man, vii. 314; viii. 191.

 —— prophet sent to Thámúd, i. 169.

 —— (grandson of Shem?), v. 210.

 —— (his she-camel), v. 235.

 —— al-Mazani (theologian), v. 261.

 Sálihiyah = the Holy (name of a town), ix. 287.

 Salím (Pr. N. = the “Safe and Sound”), iv. 58.

 Sallah = basket of wickerwork, ix. 56.

 Salli ’alà ’l-Nabí = bless the prophet (imposing silence), v. 65.

 Salmá and Laylá = our “Mary and Martha,” i. 265.

 Salsabíl (fountain of Paradise), iii. 57; iv. 195.

 Salutation (the first), v. 200.

 —— (Salám, unwillingly addressed to a Christian), v. 284.

 —— (from a rider to a man who stands, and from the latter to one who
    sits), ix. 1.

 Saluting after prayer, ix. 254.

 Sama’an wa Tá’atan to be translated variously, i. 96.

 Samak = common fish, vi. 69.

 Samandal (Al-) = Salamander, vii. 280.

 Samar = night-story, vii. 312.

 Samáwah (Al-), visitation place in Babylonian Irak, vii. 93.

 Samharí = lance of Samhar (place or maker), iv. 258.

 Samír = night-talker, vii. 217.

 Samn = melted butter, Ghi, i. 144; iv. 53; ix. 39.

 —— = clarified butter, ix. 39.

 Samsam (sword of the Tobba Amru bin Ma’ad Kurb), ii. 127.

 Samúm = poisonous wind (Simoon), vi. 88.

 Samúr (applied to cats and dogs, also to Admiral Seymour), iv. 57.

 Sana’á (capital of Al-Yaman), v. 16.

 —— (famed for leather and other work), vii. 130.

 Sanájik = banners, ensigns, etc., ix. 290.

 Sand (knowing by the = geomancy), ix. 117.

 Sandal (Pr. N.) = Sandal-wood, viii. 169.

 —— (scented with), v. 192.

 —— (Ar. Na’al), vi. 209.

 Sandalí (eunuch deprived of penis and testes), v. 46.

 Sandals (kissed and laid on the head in token of submission), vii. 370.

 Sandúk al-Nuzur = box of vowed oblations, viii. 330.

 Sapphic venery, ii. 234.

 Sapphism (practised in wealthy Haríms), iv. 234.

 Sappho (the “Mascula”), x. 208.

 Sar’ (epilepsy, falling sickness, possession), iv. 89; v. 28.

 Sár = vendetta, i. 101, 114.

 Saráb = mirage, iii. 319; vi. 93.

 Sarandíb = Selan-dvípa (Ceylon), vi. 64.

 Saráwíl = bag or petticoat trousers, i. 222.

 —— (plural or singular?), ix. 225.

 Sardáb = underground room, souterrain, tunnel, i. 340; v. 128; ix. 241,

 Sarí al-Sakatí (Sufi ascetic), ix. 21.

 Sarídah (Tharídah) = brewis, v. 223.

 Sarír = bier (empty), ii. 46.

 Sarmújah = leggings, sandals, slippers, vii. 370.

 Sarráf = Anglo-Indian “Shroff,” i. 210; iv. 270.

 Sásá bin Shays, vi. 274.

 Sassanides, i. 75.

 Satan (his malice weak in comparison with women’s), vi. 144.

 Satl = kettle, bucket (situla?), vii. 182.

 Sátúr = chopper, viii. 162.

 Saub (Tobe) ’Atábi = tabby silk, viii. 201.

 Saudá = black bile, melancholia, iv. 251.

 Saudawí = of a melancholic temperament, vii. 238.

 Sauf (particle to express future), ii. 269, 296.

 Saulajan = bat in “bat and ball,” ii. 329.

 Sawáb = reward in Heaven, i. 96.

 Sawád = blackness of the hair, x. 60.

 Sawáhílí = shore-men, ix. 22.

 Sawálif = tresses, locks, v. 158.

 Sawík = parched corn, vii. 303.

 Sawwáhún = wanderers, pilgrims, viii. 336.

 Sawwán = Syenite, iii. 324.

 Sayd wa Kanas = hunting and coursing, i. 9.

 Sayf (ξίφος) al-Mulúk = Sword of the Kings, vii. 325.

 Sayf Zu al-Yazan (hero of a Persian romance), viii. 21.

 Sayhún and Jayhún = Jaxartes and Bactrus, ii. 78; v. 41.

 Sáyih = wanderer (not “pilgrim”), ix. 51.

 Sayl = torrent, vi. 164.

 Sayr = broad girdle, viii. 325.

 Sayyib (Thayyib) = woman who leaves her husband after lying once with
    him, viii. 324.

 Sayyib-hu = let him go, viii. 151.

 Sayyid (descendant from Mohammed through Al-Hasan), v. 259.

 Scabbard (Ar. Ghimd), v. 158.

 Scalding a stump in oil a common surgery practice, i. 297.

 Schoolmaster (derided in East and West), v. 118.

 Schools (attached to mosques), x. 174.

 Scorpions of the brow = accroche-cœurs, etc., i. 168; viii. 209.

 Scoundrels (described with superior gusto), ix. 135.

 Scrotum (curdling in fear), ii. 233.

 Sea of Al-Karkar, vi. 101.

 Sea (striking out sparks), ix. 314.

 Sea-stallion (myth of the), vi. 6.

 Seal (and sealing-wax), iii. 189.

 —— (affixed to make an act binding), v. 184.

 —— (breaking the = taking the maidenhead), v. 154.

 Sealing a covered dish (a necessary precaution against poison), i. 244.

 Seal-ring of Solomon (oath by), vii. 317.

 Seas (the two = the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean), i. 173.

 —— (fresh = lakes and rivers), v. 326.

 Seclusion (royal, and its consequences), ix. 91.

 Secrets (instances and sayings with regard to their keeping), v. 83.

 Secrets (of workmanship, withheld from apprentices), ix. 263.

 Seditions in Kúfah caused by Caliph Othman’s nepotism, ii. 163.

 Seduction (the truth about it), iii. 166.

 Seeing sweetness of speech = finding it out in converse, ix. 14.

 Separation (spoken of as a defilement), iv. 211.

 Seeking refuge with Allah, v. 200.

 Septentriones (four oxen and their wain), ii. 3.

 Sepulchre, erroneously called a little Wali, i. 105.

 Serpent does not sting or bite, but strikes, iii. 160.

 —— (breaks the bones of its devoured prey by winding round a tree or
    rock), vi. 29.

 —— (breath of), vi. 29.

 —— (preserving from sickness), vi. 66.

 —— (in Ar. mostly feminine), vi. 75.

 Serving the Lord by sinning against one’s body, ii. 208.

 Set-off for abuse of women, vii. 130.

 Seven deadly sins, ii. 175.

 Seven schools or editions of the Koran, i. 113.

 Seven sleepers, iii. 128.

 Sévigné of pearls, iv. 249.

 Sha’abán (moon of), v. 191.

 Shább = youth between puberty and forty, i. 55.

 Shabistán = night station, i. 29.

 Shadow (may yours never be less), viii. 170.

 Shafáif = lower labia, viii. 93.

 Sháfi’i (school of theology), ii. 151.

 Shahádatayn = the two Testimonies, ii. 10; iii. 346.

 Shah-bandar = lord of the port (Consul), iv. 29.

 Shah (Al-) mát = the King is dead (checkmate), viii. 217.

 Sháhid = index, pointer, ii. 300.

 Sháhmiyah (large tent), ii. 194.

 Sháh-púr = Kings son, Σαβὼρ, Sapor, v. 2.

 Shahrazád (various explanations of the name), i. 14; ii. 3.

 Shahrimán _not_ Shah Zemán, iii. 7, 212.

 Shahryár = city friend, i. 2.

 Shahyál bin Shárukh (Pr. N.), vii. 331.

 Shah Zamán = King of the Age, i. 2.

 Sháib al-Ingház = grey beard shaking with disapproval, iii. 307.

 Sha’ilah = link (also lamp, wick, etc.), i. 259.

 Shakespear and musical glasses, ii. 3.

 Shakespearean “topothesia” out-Shakespeared, iii. 212.

 Shakhs = a person; a black spot, iii. 26; viii. 159.

 Shakhtúr = dinghy, vii. 362.

 Shaking and nodding the head, universal items of gesture language, i.

 Shakiriyah = Kshatriya caste, vi. 10.

 Shákuríyah = chicoré, v. 226.

 Shám (Sysia) = land on the left, opposed to al-Yaman = land on the
    right, i. 83.

 Shámah = Khál, mole on the cheek, i. 167.

 Shamardal (Al-) = the Tall One, vi. 221.

 Shambar = Cassia fistularis, ii. 241.

 “Shame” alluded to in cursing parents of an abused person, i. 227.

 —— (extends from navel to knees), viii. 193.

 Shamlah = gaberdine, viii. 160.

 Shammara = he tucked up (sleeve or gown), vii. 133.

 Shammir = up and ready! viii. 263.

 Shampooer (rubber) = Mukayyis or bagman, iii. 17.

 Shampooing the feet, i. 117.

 Shams al-Daulah (imaginary king of Egypt), vi. 241.

 Shams al-Nahár (Pr. N.) = Sun of the Day, v. 9.

 Shams al-Zuhà (Pr. N.) = Sun of Undurn, viii. 107.

 Shamtá = the grizzled (name for wine), x. 38.

 Shanak = hanging, iii. 25.

 Shanfarà (poet), iii. 143.

 Shár, Sher and Shír, iv. 187.

 Sha’r = hair of the body, pile, ix. 157.

 Shara (Al-) mountain in Arabia, vii. 23.

 Shar’a = holy law, vii. 170.

 Sharáb al-Tuffáh = cider, iv. 134.

 Sharaf al-Banát (Pr. N.) = Honour of Maidenhood, viii. 107.

 Sharáríf = trefoil-shaped crenelles, iv. 165.

 Sharít = chopper, sword, vii. 178.

 Sharmútah = rags, tatters; a strumpet; shreds of meat = Kadíd, i. 163.

 Sharrkán (Sharrun kána) = bane to the foe, ii. 78.

 Shart = a single Talbiyah or cry Labbayka, i. 226.

 Shásh Abyaz = white turband (distinctive sign of the True Believer),
    viii. 8.

 Shatm = obscene abuse, i. 182.

 Shaukat = sting; pride, ii. 106.

 Shaving and depilation (process of), ii. 160; ix. 139.

 Shaybán (Arab tribe), v. 100.

 Shaykh = an old man, elder, chief, i. 26, 55; ii. 144.

 —— (attended by a half-witted lunatic), vii. 152.

 —— (after the type of Abú Nowás), ix. 251.

 —— (for syndic of a guild), ix. 260.

 —— (of the thieves one of the worthies of a Moslem capital), vi. 204.

 —— al-Bahr = Chief of the Sea (-coast), vi. 51, 53; vii. 357.

 Shaykh al-Islám = Chief of the Olema, ix. 289.

 —— (his mention sign of modern composition), x. 19.

 Shaykh Nasr (Pr. N. = Elder of Victory), v. 343.

 Shaykhah Rájihah = the excellent Religious, ix. 347.

 Shaykhs (five, doubtful allusion), iii. 30.

 Shays = Ab Seth, vi. 283.

 Shaytán (Satan) term of abuse, iii. 25.

 —— (his wife and nine sons), iii. 229.

 Shayyun li ’lláhi = per amor di Dio, i. 329.

 Shawáhi (from Shauh) = having fascinating eyes, ii. 269.

 Shawáhí Umm al-Dawáhí = the Fascinator, Mother of Calamities, viii. 87.

 Shazarwán = Pers. Shadurwán, palace, cornice, etc., vii. 51.

 Shedding tears no disgrace for a man, i. 68.

 Shem hamphorash = the hundredth name of God engraved on the seal-ring
    of Solomon, i. 173.

 Sheríf = a descendant of Mohammed, iv. 170.

 Shibábah = reed-pipe, viii. 166.

 Shiháb = shooting stars, i. 224.

 Shikk = split man (a kind of demon), v. 333.

 Shinf = gunny-bag, v. 45.

 Shíraj = sesame oil, ix. 184.

 Shirk (partnership) = Polytheism, Dualism, Trinitarianism, i. 181; ii.

 —— (= syntheism), of love, v. 9.

 —— of the Mushrik, v. 142.

 Shiyár (old name for Saturday), ii. 305.

 Shoe (Ar. Markúb, Na’al), vi. 207.

 Shop (front shelf of, a seat for visitors), ix. 262.

 Shops composed of a “but” and a “ben,” i. 316; iii. 163.

 “Short and thick is never quick,” iv. 194.

 Shouting under a ruler’s palace to attract attention, ii. 38.

 Shovel-iron stirrup, iii. 119.

 Shower (how delightful in rainless lands), vii. 141.

 Shroud (joined in one = shrouded together?), v. 71.

 Shrouds (carried by the pilgrims to Meccah), vi. 61.

 Shu’ayb = Jethro, ii. 205; v. 210.

 Shúbash = bravo! vii. 195.

 Shudder preceding the magnetic trance, i. 44.

 Shuhadá = martyrs (extensive category), i. 171.

 Shuhúd = accessors of the Kazi’s court, i. 21.

 Shujá’ al-Dín (Pr. N.) = the Brave of the Faith, ix. 18.

 Shukkah = piece of cloth, ix. 236.

 Shúm (a tough wood used for staves), viii. 354.

 Shuraih (a Kazi of Kufah in the seventh century), i. 252.

 Shúshah = top-knot of hair, i. 308.

 Shuumán = pestilent fellow, iv. 75.

 Sibawayh (grammarian), vii. 233.

 Siddík = true friend, ii. 197.

 Siddíkah (Al-) = the veridical (apparently undeserved title of
    Ayishah), viii. 152.

 Side-muscles (her, quiver) = she trembles in every nerve, vii. 219.

 Sídí (from Sayyidí) = my lord, v. 283.

 Sídí Ibrahím bin al-Khawwás (Pr. N.), v. 283.

 Sidillah = seats, furniture, ix. 190.

 Sifr = whistling, iv. 206; v. 333.

 Sight comprehendeth Him not, etc., vi. 282.

 Sign of the cross on the forehead, ii. 224.

 Signals of debauchees, x. 219.

 Signet-rings, iv. 24.

 Signing with the hand _not_ our beckoning, viii. 78.

 Signs (of a Shaykh’s tent), iii. 104.

 —— (lucky in a horse), iii. 118.

 —— (to Pharao), iv. 249.

 —— (of Allah = Koranic versets), vi. 144.

 —— (by various parts of the body), viii. 233.

 —— (language of), ix. 269.

 Signum salutis, viii. 293.

 Sihr (Al-) = magic, black art, i. 305.

 Sijdah = prostration, ii. 10.

 Sijn al-Ghazab = Prison of Wrath, x. 45.

 Sikankúr = Σκίγκος, _see_ Aphrodisiacs, iv. 32.

 Silah = conjunctive sentence, coition, ix. 272.

 Siláh-dár = armour-bearer, ii. 215.

 Simát = dinner table, i. 178.

 Simiyá = white magic, i. 305, 332.

 Simoon (Ar. Samúm = poisonous wind), vi. 88.

 Símurgh (guardian of the Persian mysteries), x. 130.

 Sin (permitted that men might repent), ix. 83.

 —— (thy, shall be on thine own neck), ix. 211.

 Sín = China, ii. 77.

 Sinai (convent famous for Ráki), v. 65.

 Sind (matting of), v. 145.

 Sindán, Sandán = anvil, viii. 8.

 Sindbád (not to be confounded with the eponym of the Sindibád-námah),
    vi. 4.

 Sindibád the Sage, vi. 124.

 Sindibád-námah (Persian romance), vi. 122.

 —— quoted: vi. 129, 132, 134, 139, 143, 145, 150, 152, 169, 180, 183,
    188, 202.

 Singing (not harám = sinful, but makrúh = objectionable), ix. 245.

 Sinnaur = cat, prince, iii. 149.

 Sinning (for the pleasure of being pardoned), iv. 111.

 Sins (seven deadly), ii. 175.

 Sírah (small fish, fry, sprat), vi. 216; ix. 166.

 Sisters (their abiding together after marriage frequently insisted
    upon), x. 56.

 Sitt al-Masháíkh = Lady of Shaykhs, v. 154.

 Skin (free from exudation sounds louder under the clapping of the
    hand), ix. 150.

 —— (extreme delicacy of the female), ix. 321.

 Sirát (Al-), the bridge of Hell, iv. 223.

 Sister (by adoption), viii. 25.

 Sisterhood = companions, suite, viii. 41.

 Sitting on shins and knees, a trying posture, i. 130.

 Siwák = tooth-stick; Siwá-ka = other than thou, iii. 275.

 Sixth Abbaside Caliph, error for Fifth, viii. 56.

 Siyágosh, _see_ Tufah.

 Slain were those who were slain = many were slain, v. 364.

 Slander (poisoned = fatal), ii. 264.

 Slapping on the nape of the neck = boxing the ears, iv. 193.

 Slate (Ar. Lauh), v. 73.

 Slaughter (wholesale, for the delight of the gallery), viii. 255.

 Slaughtering (ritual for), v. 391.

 —— (by cutting the animal’s throat), viii. 44.

 Slave (holds himself superior to a menial freeman), viii. 294.

 Slave-girl (Moslemah can compel an infidel master who has attempted her
    seduction to sell her), vii. 203.

 —— (when newly bought frequently pretentious and coquettish), vii. 266.

 —— (can only be sold with her consent), viii. 292.

 —— (free, not forward in her address), ix. 268.

 —— (lewd and treacherous by birth), ix. 280.

 —— (to be sent as a spy into the Harims), ix. 292.

 Slaves (fancied by debauched women), i. 191.

 —— (cannibals), ii. 48.

 —— (familiarity), ii. 49.

 —— (called “Camphor,” like “Snowball”), ii. 47.

 —— (refuse to be set free), ii. 55.

 —— (manumission of), ii. 55.

 —— (destructiveness), ii. 55.

 —— (girls’ names), ii. 57.

 —— (returning from a journey), ii. 65.

 —— (Christian girls sent to Moslems), ii. 79.

 —— (girls examined as to virginity), ii. 147.

 —— (Behaving like one), ii. 270.

 —— (O Camphor), iii. 40.

 —— (set free for the benefit of the dead), iii. 211.

 —— (dealer in = Jalláb), iii. 349.

 —— (ambitious to have slaves of their own), v. 12.

 —— (if ill-treated may demand to be sold), viii. 54.

 Sledge (thrashing = tribulum), ii. 23.

 Sleeper and Waker (tale of the), iv. 96.

 Sleepers (the Seven of Ephesus), iii. 128.

 Sleeping (and slumbering), ii. 178.

 —— (with covered head and face), iii. 345.

 —— (naked), v. 8.

 —— (with head and body covered by a sheet), v. 18.

 —— (with a sword between them), vii. 352.

 Sleeplessness (contrivance against), iv. 228.

 Slice of the moon = digit of the moon, i. 91.

 Smile (like Mím), iv. 249.

 —— (and laughter), v. 193.

 Smoking out (a common practice), ii. 255.

 Smothering a rival (common in Harims), ii. 58.

 Smuggling men into the Harim, i. 282.

 Snatching off the turband, a paying industry, i. 259.

 Sneezing (etiquette of), ix. 220.

 Socrates (“sanctus pæderasta”), x. 213 _seqq._

 Sodomite (Ar. Lútí), v. 161.

 —— (punished if detected), v. 160.

 Sodomites (angels appear to), iii. 301, 304.

 Sodomy (abnormally developed amongst the savages of the New World), x.

 —— with women, iii. 304.

 Softness of skin highly prized, ii. 295.

 Soft-sided, attribute of beauty, i. 168.

 Soko (Maghribi form for Súk = bazar-street), viii. 230.

 Sold to thee for monies received (formula of Moslem sales), vi. 73.

 Soldiers of Al-Daylam = warlike as the Daylamites, viii. 82.

 Sole of a valley often preferred to encamp in, ii. 85.

 Solomon (his carpet), iii. 267.

 —— (his food-tray), vi. 80.

 —— (his seal-ring), vi. 84.

 —— (the Apostle of Allah), vi. 99.

 —— (his Wazir Asaf), vi. 99.

 —— (his trick upon Bilkis), vi. 113.

 —— (oath by his seal-ring), vii. 317.

 —— and David (their burial-place), v. 310.

 —— and Al-Sakhr, ii. 97.

 Solomon’s death fixing the date of a tale, i. 41.

 —— prison (the copper cucurbites in which he imprisoned the rebellious
    Jinns), viii. 157.

 “Son” used for “grandson” as more affectionate, i. 243.

 —— (the lamp of a dark house), ii. 280.

 —— (of a century = hundred years old), i. 126.

 —— (of Persian Kings, not Prince but descendant), iii. 163.

 —— (of ten years dieth not in the ninth), viii. 70.

 Sons of Adam = men, i. 130.

 —— of Sásán = Sassanides, i. 2.

 —— (brought as servants unto Kings), ix. 43.

 —— of the road = wayfarers, ii. 23.

 Sophia (Pr. N. and Mosque), ii. 79.

 Sortes Virgilianæ, v. 44.

 Soul (Thou knowest what is in mine and I know not what is in Thine), v.

 —— (you may have his, but leave me his body), viii. 284.

 —— (for lover), ix. 25.

 Souls (doctrine of the three), v. 218.

 Spartivento = mountain whereon the clouds split, viii. 19.

 Speaker puts himself first, i. 33.

 Speaking _en prince_, ii. 184.

 Speaking to the “gallery,” viii. 128.

 Spears and javelines, vi. 263.

 Speech (this my = the words I am about to speak), viii. 147.

 Speech (inverted), viii. 318.

 Speech (for prayers imprecating parting), viii. 347.

 Sperm (though it were a drop of marguerite), viii. 210.

 Spider-web, frailest of houses (Koranic), ix. 59.

 Spindle (thinner than a), iii. 260.

 Spiritual Sciences (Moslem form of Cabbala), ii. 151.

 Spiritualism (the religion of the nineteenth century), ix. 86.

 Spittle dried up from fear, i. 285.

 Spoon (Ar. Mi’lakah), ix. 141.

 Spurring = kicking with the shovel-stirrup ii. 89.

 Squatting against a wall, iv. 119.

 Squeeze of the tomb (Fishás), v. 111.

 Staff broken in the first bout = failure in the first attempt, i. 64.

 Stages (ten, of love-sickness), iii. 36.

 Stallion (I am not one to be struck on the nose), vi. 262.

 Standards reversed in sign of defeat, ii. 259.

 Stations of the Moon (Ar. Manázil), v. 228.

 Stature (Alif-like), iv. 249.

 Steel (Ar. Bulád), vi. 115.

 Steward (pendant to the parable of the unjust), ix. 66.

 St. George (posture), iii. 304.

 Stirrup (walking by the), vi. 234.

 “Stone-bow” _not_ “cross-bow,” iii. 116.

 Stoning (of the devil at Mina), v. 203.

 Stones (precious), v. 312.

 —— (ditto, and their mines), vi. 18.

 —— (removed from the path by the pious), vi. 190.

 Story-teller (picture of the), x. 164.

 Strangers (treated with kindly care), v. 171.

 “Strangers yet” (Lord Houghton quoted), v. 284.

 Street (the, called Yellow), iv. 93.

 —— (-watering), iv. 107.

 Street-cries of Cairo, vii. 172.

 Street-melodies changing with fashion, i. 311.

 Striking the right hand upon the left in sign of vexation, i. 298.

 Striking with the shoe, the pipe-stick, etc. highly insulting, i. 110.

 Stuff his mouth with jewels (reward for poetry), iv. 103.

 Stuff a dead man’s mouth with cotton, iv. 193.

 Style (of a Cairene public scribe) vii. 134.

 —— (intended to be worthy of a statesman) ix. 42.

 Su’adá = Beatrice, iv. 267.

 Subán = dragon, ix. 277.

 Subhán a’llah pronounced to keep off the evil eye, iii. 224.

 Subhat-hu = in company with him, vii. 262.

 Subh-i-kázib = false dawn, i. 78.

 Subh-i-sádik = true dawn, i. 78.

 Submission (Ar. Khafz al-Jináh = lowering the wings) ix. 74.

 Sucking the tongue = “kissing with th’ inner lip” i. 270.

 Sucking the dead mother’s breast, touch of Arab pathos, ii. 128.

 Súdán = our Soudan, iii. 75.

 Súdán-men = Negroes, viii. 266.

 Suez (Ar. Al-Suways) vi. 80.

 Súf (wool); Súfí (Gnostic) iii. 140.

 Sufiism (rise of) x. 128.

 Súfís (stages of their journey) v. 264.

 —— (address Allah as a lover would his beloved) iv. 263, 298.

 Suffah = “sofa” (shelf) iv. 275.

 Sufrah (provision-bag and table-cloth) i. 178; v. 8; viii. 269; ix.

 Sufyán al-Thaurí, ii. 202; v. 81.

 Sugar-stick = German Zuckerpüppchen, i. 167.

 Sughr (Thughr) _see_ Saghr.

 Suha, star in the Great Bear, i. 167; iii. 28.

 Sujúd = prostration, iv. 248.

 Sukát (pl. of Sákí = cup-bearer) v. 66.

 Sukita fí aydíhim = it repented them, v. 191.

 Sukúb (Pr. N.) = flowing, pouring, viii. 209.

 Suláf al-Khandarísí (a contradiction) viii. 203.

 Suláfah = ptisane of wine, must, iv. 258; v. 158.

 Sulamí = belonging to the Banu Sulaym tribe, vii. 93.

 Sulaymá, dim. of Salma = any beautiful woman, iii. 263.

 Sulaymán and Sakhr al-Jinní, i. 42.

 Sulaymán bin Abd al-Malik (Caliph) ii. 167; vii. 99.

 Sulaymáníyah = Afgháns, vii. 171.

 Sullam = ladder; whipping-post, i. 331.

 Sultán (anachronistic use of the title) v. 88, 179.

 —— (fit for the service of = for the service of a temporal monarch)
    viii. 325.

 Sulus = engrossing hand, i. 128.

 Sumbul al-’Anbari = spikenard, viii. 273.

 Sumr = brown, black, iv. 251.

 Sums of large amount weighed, i. 281.

 Sun (greeting Mohammed) i. 45.

 —— (likened to a bride displaying her charms to man) x. 38.

 Sun and Moon (luminaries for day and night) v. 228.

 —— (do not outstrip each other) v. 228.

 Sunan (used for Rasm) = usage, customs, ix. 74.

 Sundus = brocade, v. 57.

 Sunnah = practice of the Prophet, etc., v. 36, 167.

 Sunni (versus Shí’ah) iv. 82.

 Suns (for fair-faced boys and women) viii. 242.

 Superiority of man above woman, iii. 332.

 Supernaturalismus (has a material basis) viii. 31.

 Superstitious practices not confined to the lower orders, i. 40.

 Suráhíyah (vulg. Suláhíyah) = glass-bottle, vii. 370.

 Surayyá = Stars of Wealth (lit. moderately rich) viii. 303.

 Suritu = I was possessed of a Jinn, ix. 27.

 Surrah = purse, pouch, viii. 71.

 Surriyah = concubine, i. 27.

 Susannah and the Elders in Moslem garb, v. 97.

 Sutures of the skull, iii. 123.

 Su’ubán = dragon, cockatrice = Tammím, i. 172; vii. 322.

 Su’ud used as a counter-odour, i. 279.

 Suwán = syenite, i. 238; ix. 316.

 Suways (Al-) = Suez, vi. 80; ix. 10.

 Swan-maidens, v. 346; viii. 30.

 Swearing (on Blade and Book) ii. 332.

 —— (by Allah, forbidden) iv. 175.

 Sweet (the, slang for fire) ii. 163.

 Sweetmeat of Safety, iv. 60; viii. 105.

 Swevens (an they but prove true) ix. 284.

 Swimming (studied in Baghdad) vi. 134.

 Sword (making invisible) iv. 176; vi. 230.

 —— (between sleepers represents only the man’s honour) vii. 353.

 Sycamore fig (for anus) iii. 302.

 Syene (town on the Nile) iv. 152.

 Syphilis (origin of) x. 89.

 —— (hippic) x. 90.

 Syria (Shám) = left-hand land, ii. 224.

 Taakhír = acting with deliberation, ix. 328.

 Ta’álík = hanging lamps, ix. 320.

 Ta’ám = meat; millet, ii. 67.

 Táb (game) = tip-cat, ii. 314.

 Tabannuj = drugging with Bhang, iv. 71.

 Tabban lahu = perdition on him! iv. 142.

 Tábik = coffer, vii. 350.

 Tabl = kettledrum, viii. 18.

 Tablet (Ar. Lauh) v. 37.

 —— (the Preserved), v. 322.

 Tábút = bier, ark, etc., ii. 46; vii. 207, 350.

 Tabzír = female circumcision, ii. 234.

 Tadmúrah (founds Tadmur or Palmyra) vi. 116.

 Tafazzal = favorisca (have the kindness) ii. 103.

 Taggáa, ii. 88.

 Taghaddá = he dined, vii. 180.

 Taghúm, a kind of onomatopoetic grunt, i. 228.

 Tághút (idol) iii. 217.

 Tahlíl = Refrain of Unity, ii. 236.

 Táif (Al-), town famous for scented leather, viii. 273.

 Táifí leather, viii. 303.

 Tail (wagging of, a sign of anger with felidæ) ix. 72.

 Tái’li ’llah (Caliph) iii. 51, 307.

 Tailor made to cut out the cloth in owner’s presence, i. 321.

 Táír al-bayn = parting-bird, vii. 226.

 Táj al-Mulúk Khárán = crown of the kings of amorous blandishment, ii.

 Táj Kisrawí = Chosroan crown, ix. 319.

 Tájír Alfí = a merchant worth a thousand (left indefinite) ix. 313.

 Takaddum and Takádum (difference between) iv. 171.

 Tákah = arched hollow in the wall, niche, vii. 361.

 Takhíl = adorning with Kohl, iii. 57.

 Takhmísh = tearing the face in grief, ix. 10.

 Takht (sitting accommodation from a throne to a saddle, capital), v.
    322; vii. 55.

 —— (more emphatical than Sarír), vii. 328.

 Takht-rawán = moving throne (mule-litter), ii. 180; v. 175.

 Tákiyah = calotte worn under the Fez, skull-cap, i. 224; viii. 120.

 Taklíd = baldricking, not girding, a sword, vii. 3.

 Takliyah = onion-sauce, vii. 322.

 Takrúrí = Moslem from Central and Western North Africa, ii. 15.

 Taksím = distribution, analysis, ix. 77.

 Takwím = Tacuíno (for Almanac), vii. 296.

 Talák bi ’l-Salásah = triple divorce, iii. 292.

 Talbiyah = the cry Labbayka, i. 226; ii. 227.

 Talking birds (watching over wives), vi. 132.

 Tamar al-Hindí (Tamarind) = the Indian date, iii. 297.

 Tamar Hanná = flower of privet, i. 83; viii. 176.

 Tam Múz = July, i. 53.

 Ta’mím = crowning with turband or tiara; covering, wetting, v. 199.

 Tamsír (derived from Misr) = founding a military cantonment, vii. 371.

 Tanjah = Tanjiers, vi. 106.

 Tanwín al-Izáfah = the nunnation in construction, ix. 272.

 Tár = tambourine, i. 215.

 Taráib = breast-bone, v. 132.

 Tarbúsh = Pers. Sar-púsh, head cover, i. 215.

 Target (Ar. Darakah), vi. 9.

 Tárhah = head-veil, ii. 52.

 Tárík = clear the way, i. 66.

 Tárik (Jabal al-) = Gibraltar, iv. 100.

 Taríkah = musical mode, modulation, ix. 27.

 Taríkat = (mystic) path to knowledge, v. 111.

 Ta’rís-ak = thy going between (pimping), vi. 196.

 Tarjumán = truchman, i. 100.

 Tarn-Kappe (Siegfried’s), iv. 176; viii. 120.

 Tars Daylamí = Median Targe, viii. 291.

 Tás (from Pers. Tásah), = tasse, viii. 224.

 Tasawwuf (rise of), x. 128.

 Tasbíh = saying Subhán Allah; Rosary, i. 258; iii. 125.

 Tasmeh-pá = strap-legs, vi. 51.

 Tasním (from sanam) = a fountain in Paradise, ii. 100; v. 264.

 Tásúmah = sandal, slipper, ii. 197.

 Taswíf = saying “Sauf,” _q.v._, ii. 296.

 Taub (Saub, Tobe) = loose garment, ii. 206.

 Taubah (Bi’l-) = by means or on account of penitence, ix. 83.

 Taufík (Pr. N. = causing to be prosperous), iv. 1.

 Taur (Thaur, Saur), a venerable remnant of an un-split speech, i. 16.

 Taverns, vii. 324.

 Tawáf = circumambulation of the Ka’abah, ii. 327; vi. 242.

 Tawáshí, obnoxious name for a Eunuch, i. 235.

 Tawashshuh = shoulder-cut, ii. 107.

 Tawáf = Ka’abah-circuit, v. 203.

 Tawakkul ’alà ’llah = trust in Allah, v. 208.

 Tawíl (and Abt Vogler), viii. 96.

 Tawílan jiddan, now a Cairenism, vii. 13.

 Tayammum = washing with sand, v. 197.

 Tayf = ghost, phantom, iii. 252.

 Taylasán (turband worn by a preacher), iv. 286.

 Tayr = any flying thing, bird, vii. 227.

 Tayrab (Al-) a city, iii. 259.

 Taysh = vertigo, giddiness, x. 9.

 Tayy (noble Arab tribe), iv. 94.

 Tazríb = quilting, vii. 330.

 Tears shed over past separation, i. 283.

 —— (pouring blood like red wine), iii. 169.

 Teeth (their cleansing enjoined by Mohammed), v. 44.

 “Tell the truth!” way of taking an Eastern liar, vii. 183.

 Ten stages of love-sickness, iii. 36.

 Tent (signs of a Shaykh’s), iii. 104.

 —— (how constructed), vii. 109.

 Testicles (names for), ii. 55.

 —— (curdling in fear), ii. 233.

 —— (beating and bruising of, female mode of killing a man), iii. 3.

 Testimonies (the two = Shahádatayn), ii. 10.

 Thakílata-k Ummak = be thy mother bereaved of thee, iv. 156.

 Thamúd (prehistoric Arab tribe), iii. 294.

 Thank you (Eastern equivalent for), iv. 6; v. 171.

 Theft (penalty of), viii. 164.

 “Them” for “her,” viii. 35.

 “There is no Majesty,” etc. as ejaculation of impatience, vii. 73.

 “They” for “she,” v. 41, 140; viii. 281.

 Thigh-bite allowed in wrestling, ii. 93.

 Third = Tuesday, vii. 349.

 Thirst (affecting plea; why?), iv. 199.

 Thongs (of the water skins cut, preparatory to departure), ix. 302.

 Thorn of lance = eyelash, iii. 331.

 Thou fillest mine eyes = I find thy beauty all-sufficient, viii. 57.

 Thousand dinárs and five thousand dirhams = £500 and £125 respectively,
    i. 281.

 Thousand thousand = a million, vi. 98.

 Three days, term of hospitality, i. 3.

 Three hundred and three score rooms = one for each day of the Moslem
    year, ix. 61.

 Three things (are better than other three), vi. 5.

 —— (not to be praised before death), ix. 39.

 Threshold (of marble in sign of honour), ix. 238.

 Throne-verse, v. 211.

 Throwing one = bastinado on the back, i. 243.

 “Throwing the handkerchief,” vi. 285.

 Thrusting (applied to spear and lance), ii. 231.

 Thursday night (in Moslem parlance = Friday night), v. 324.

 Tibn = crushed straw, i. 16; ix. 106.

 Tigris (Ar. Dajlah, Dijlah), viii. 150.

 Timbák (Tumbák) = stronger variety of Tobacco, ix. 136.

 Time (distribution of), ix. 71.

 Time-measurers (of very ancient date), x. 85.

 Timsah = crocodile, vii. 343.

 Tin (Kazdír) iv. 274; vi. 39.

 Tín = fig, simile for a woman’s parts, iii. 302.

 —— = clay puddled with chaff, v. 112.

 Tinder (a styptic), iv. 108.

 Tingis = Tanjah (Tangiers), vi. 106.

 Tip-cat stick, ii. 314.

 Tíryák = theriack, treacle (antidote), iii. 65.

 Title (used by a Sovereign in addressing a person confers the rank),
    ix. 119.

 Tob = Span. Adobe (unbaked brick), ii. 17.

 Tobacco (its mention inserted by some scribe), ix. 136.

 —— (first mention of), x. 91.

 Tobba (Himyaritic) = the Great or Chief, i. 216.

 Tohfah = rarity, present, viii. 55.

 Tongue (of the case = words suggested by circumstances), i. 121.

 —— (made to utter (?) what is in the heart of man), v. 218.

 —— (my, is under thy feet), vii. 239.

 Too much for him (to come by lawfully), ix. 174.

 Tooth-pick (Ar. Khilál), v. 44.

 Topothesia (designedly made absurd), viii. 338.

 Tor (Mount Sinai), ii. 242.

 —— (its shaking), ii. 281.

 Torrens quoted, i. 56, 147, 203, 206, 225, 228, 251, 271; ii. 4, 19,
    38, 93; iii. 218, 235, 249, 289; iv. 187, 189, 236; v. 80, 96, 188;
    viii. 280, 305, 309, 319, 321, 327; ix. 278.

 Torrents (Ar. Sayl), a dangerous feature in Arabia, vi. 164.

 Tortoise (the colossal), vi. 33.

 Torture easier than giving up cash, viii. 189.

 Tossing upon coals of fire, iii. 61.

 Touch of nature (making all the world kin), x. 24.

 Toujours perdrix, vi. 130.

 Toutes putes, ix. 298.

   Al-Zuhrí, ii. 198.
   Ibn Abí Aufá, _ib._ 200.
   Sa’id bin Jubayr, _ib._ 201.
   Sufyán al-Thaurí, _ib._ 202.
   Bishr al-Háfí, _ib._ 203.
   Mansúr bin Ammár, _ib._ 204.

 Trafalgar = Taraf al-Gharb (edge of the West), ix. 50.

 Trailing the skirts = humbly, ii. 165; viii. 301.

 Trances and faintings (common in romances of chivalry), viii. 118.

 Transformation (sudden of character frequent in Eastern stories), viii.

 Translators (should be “bould”), ix. 244.

 Traveller (a model one tells the truth when an untruth would not serve
    him), vi. 7.

 Travelling at night, ii. 286.

 Treasure (resembling one from which the talismans had been loosed), ix.

 Treasures (enchanted in some one’s name and nature), iv. 296.

 Trébutien quoted, iv. 268; vii. 91, 98, 139, 314, 318, 324, 331, 346,
    353, 361; ix. 33, 63; x. 9, 54, 69, 80, 98.

 Tree of Paradise (Ar. Túbà), v. 237.

 Tribade (Ar. Sahíkah, Musáhikah), viii. 130.

 Tribadism, iv. 234.

 Tribe (one fortuneth another), ix. 342.

 Tribes (relations between), vi. 267.

 Tribulum (thrashing sledge), ii. 108.

 Tricks (two = before and behind), v. 161.

 Triregno (denoted by the Papal Tiara), ii. 236.

 Trouser-string, ii. 60.

 Truth (most worthy to be followed), v. 145.

 —— (is becoming manifest), v. 159.

 —— (told so as to be more deceptive than a lie), ix. 223.

 —— prevailing, falsehood failing, iv. 80.

 Túbà (tree of Paradise), v. 237.

 Tubah (fifth Coptic month), v. 231.

 Tufah = felis caracal, lynx, vi. 260.

 Túfán (Typhoon, etc.), iv. 156.

 Túfán = Deluge of Noah, viii. 346.

 Tufayl (proverbial intruder), iv. 123.

 Tufaylí = parasite, v. 130.

 Tulf = Sordes unguinum (fie!), viii. 195.

 Tughrà = imperial cypher, v. 184.

 Tughrái (Al-), poet, iii. 143.

 Tughyán = Kufr, rejection of the True Religion, i. 169.

 Túmár = uncial letters, i. 129.

 Tuning (peculiar fashions of Arab musicians with regard to it), ix. 27.

 Turband (not put upon the ground out of respect), i. 223.

 —— (white, distinctive of Moslems), iv. 214.

 —— (substitute for a purse), viii. 190.

 —— (worn large by the learned), v. 120.

 —— (inclining from the head-tops), ix. 221.

 “Turk” probably a late addition, i. 52.

 Turk (= Turkoman, nomade), ii. 218.

 —— (= plunderer, robber), ii. 304.

 —— (provoked to hunger by beauties of nature), iii. 32.

 —— (appears under the Abbasides), iii. 81.

 Turkey (Future of), ix. 94.

 Turks (fair boy-slaves abounding in Baghdád), v. 66.

 —— (forming the body-guard of the Abbasides), ix. 245.

 Turning round in despair against an oppressor, i. 246.

 Turtúr (an Arab’s bonnet), ii. 143.

 Tusks (of elephants, not teeth), vi. 82.

 Tuwuffiya = he was received (into the grace of God), ix. 54.

 Two sayings (double entendre), viii. 153.

 Tyrant (from, to tyrant = from official to official), vi. 214.

 ’Ubb = breast-pocket (poche au sein), viii. 205.

 Ubi aves ibi angeli, iii. 280.

 Ubullah (canal leading from Bassorah to Ubullah-town), ix. 31.

 ’Úd Jalakí = Damascus lute, ii. 100.

 Udah, properly Uta = private room of a concubine, i. 286.

 Udm = “kitchen” (see Adm), ix. 213.

 Uff ’alayka = fie upon thee (Uff = sordes aurium), viii. 195.

 Uhnúkh = Enoch (Idris?), v. 210.

 Ujb = arrogance (in the Spanish sense of gaiety, etc.), vi. 164.

 Ukáb = eagle, vulture, iv. 177.

 Ukáb al-kásir = the breaker eagle, ix. 69.

 Ukayl (Akíl?), iv. 22.

 Ukhuwán = camomile, iii. 58.

 Ukiyyah (pl. Awák) = ounce, ix. 216.

 ’Ulbah = box, viii. 71.

 Ultra-Shakespearean geography “Fars of Roum,” i. 45.

 Ulysses (the Arabian), vi. 40.

 Umámah and ’Ásikah, tale of two women now forgotten, i. 61.

 Umm al-banát wa ’l-banín = mother of daughters and sons, ix. 175.

 Umm al-raas = crown of the head, x. 44.

 Umm al Su’úd (Pr. N.) = Mother of Prosperities, ix. 173.

 Umm ’Ámir = mother of Amir, nickname for the hyena, i. 43.

 Umm Amru (mother of ’Amr) and the ass, v. 118.

 Umm Kulsum (one of the Amsál of the Arabs for debauchery), x. 194.

 ’Ummál (pl. of ’Ámil = governor), ix. 26.

 ’Umrah = lesser Pilgrimage, ii. 169; v. 205.

 “Unberufen,” ix. 180.

 Underground rivers, vi. 63.

 Unguinum fulgor, iv. 252.

 Unhappy thou! vi. 285.

 ’Unnábí = between dark yellow and red (jujube-colour), ix. 143.

 Union opposed to “Severance,” vii. 120.

 Uns al-Wujúd (Pr. N.) = Delight of existing things, v. 33.

 Unveiling the face a sign of being a Christian, ii. 119.

 Upakoshá (Vararuchi’s wife), vi. 172.

 ’Urb = Arabs of pure race, ix. 293.

 ’Urbán = wild Arabs, i. 112.

 Urine (pollutes), iii. 229.

 Urining, ii. 326.

 —— (wiping after), iii. 229.

 Urkúb = tendon Achilles, hough, viii. 185.

 ’Urrah = dung, x. 1.

 Urwah = handle, button-hole, v. 227.

 “Use this” (_i.e._ for thy daily expenses), vii. 298.

 Usfúr = safflower, i. 219.

 Ushári = camel travelling ten days, iii. 67.

 Usirát (Al-), island, vi. 57.

 Usúl (= fundamentals), ii. 15.

 —— (= forbears, ancestors), ix. 246.

 Usury (Ar. Ribá), v. 201.

 —— (verset of), v. 215.

 Usus = os sacrum, v. 219.

 ’Utbí (Al-), poet, v. 133.

 Uzayr = Esdras, i. 257.

 Uzn al-Kuffah = ear (handle) of the basket, viii. 161.

 Uzrah = Azariyah, vii. 158.

 Varieties of handwriting, i. 129.

 Veil, _see_ Lisám, ii. 31.

 Veiling her honour = saving her from being ravished, ix. 330.

 Vellication, iv. 256.

 Vengeance (of a disappointed suitor apprehended), vi. 286.

 Verses (purposely harsh), viii. 337.

 —— (aforementioned, distinguishing formula of “Hasan of Bassorah”),
    viii. 126.

 Versets (number of the Koranic), v. 110.

 View (gorgeous description of), viii. 30.

 “Vigilance Committees” (for abating scandals), ix. 98.

 Vile water (Koranic term for semen), vii. 213.

 Violent temper (frequent amongst Eastern princesses), vii. 254.

 Virgil (a magician), v. 44.

 Virginity of slave-girls (respected by the older slave-trader, rarely
    by the young), vii. 267.

 Visit (confers a blessing in polite parlance), ix. 185.

 Visits (in dreamland), v. 47.

 —— (to the tombs), vii. 124.

 —— (should not be overfrequent), ix. 273.

 Visvakarma = anti-creator, v. 320; x. 131.

 Vivisepulture, vi. 41.

 Voice (thickened by leprosy), iv. 50.

 Wa = and (introducing a parenthetic speech), ix. 282.

 Wa’ar = rough (ground unfit for riding), vi. 140.

 Wa ba’ad (_see_ Ammá ba’ad, vol. ii. 34) = and afterwards, iii. 181.

 Wada’a, _see_ Cowrie, iv. 77.

 Wadd, Suwá’a and Yagús (idols), vi. 282.

 Waddle of “Arab ladies,” iii. 37.

 Wády = valley; slayer, i. 51; ii. 85; iii. 234.

 Wády al-Naml = Valley of the Emmets, v. 337.

 Wady al-Ward = Vale of Roses, vi. 276.

 Wády Zahrán = Valley Flowery, v. 360.

 Waggid (Hebr. speaker in a dream), iv. 289.

 Wahk, Wahak = Lasso, vii. 61.

 Wahsh = wild beast and synonyms, i. 242.

 Wahtah (Al-) = quasi-epileptic fit, vii. 127.

 Wailing over the past, iv. 239.

 Waist (slender, hips large), iii. 278.

 Wakálah, described in Pilgrimage (i. 60), i. 266.

 Wakíl = agent (_see_ Pashas), iv. 182.

 Wakites (number their islands), viii. 88.

 Wakkád = stoker, i. 312; ii. 134.

 Wák Wák (Islands of), viii. 60.

 Walad = son (more ceremonious than “ibn”), v. 386.

 Walgh = lapping of a dog, iii. 319.

 Walhán (Al-) = the distracted, iii. 226; viii. 33; ix. 6.

 Wáli = (civil) Governor, i. 259.

 Walí = Saint, Santon, v. 112.

 —— ’ahd = heir-presumptive, ix. 87.

 Walíd (Al-) bin Abd al-Malik, Caliph, iv. 100.

 —— bin Marwán (Caliph), ii. 167; iii. 69.

 —— bin Sahl (Caliph), vii. 106.

 Wálidati = my mother, speaking to one not of the family, iii. 208.

 Walímah = marriage-feast, vi. 74; viii. 231.

 Walking afoot (not dignified), vi. 227.

 Wa ’lláhi = I swear by Allah, viii. 310.

 —— tayyib = by Allah, good! ii. 34.

 Wa ’l-Salám = and here ends the matter, i. 102.

 —— (used in a variety of senses), viii. 74.

 Wanderer in the mountains = a recluse avoiding society, vi. 158.

 Wárahmatáh = Alas, the pity of it, v. 42.

 Ward = rose; Wardah = a single rose, viii. 274.

 —— (Al-) fí ’l-Akmám (Pr. N.) = Rose in Hood, v. 32.

 —— Shah = Rose King, vii. 70.

 Wardán (a Fellah name, also of a village), iv. 293.

 Wárid = resorting to the water, iii. 56.

 Waríd (jugular vein), iv. 92.

 Warm one’s self at a man’s fire, ii. 76.

 Wars (caused by trifles, frequent in Arab history), vi. 142.

 —— (Al-) = carthamus tinctorius, vii. 92.

 Wartah = precipice, quagmire, etc., x. 81.

 Washing the dead _without doors_ only in case of poverty, ii. 10.

 Washings after evacuation, i. 220.

 Wasíf = servant; fem. Wasífah = concubine, iii. 171.

 Wásik (Al-) Caliph, iii. 81.

 Wásit = Middle (town of Irák Arabi), ix. 26.

 Wasm = tribal sign, vi. 163.

 Watad = tent-peg (also a prosodical term), viii. 279.

 Water (sight of running, makes a Persian long for strong drink), iv.

 —— (had no taste in his mouth), v. 39.

 —— (-carrier = Sakká), v. 89.

 Watering the streets, iv. 107.

 Water-melons (eaten with rice and meat), vi. 208.

 Waters flowing in Heaven, iii. 65.

 Watwát = bat, v. 226.

 Way of Allah = common property, i. 91.

 Waybah = six to seven English gallons, iv. 86.

 Wayha = Alas! v. 258.

 Wayha-k, equivalent to Wayla-k, vii. 127.

 Wayla-k = Woe to thee! iii. 82.

 Wazír = Minister, i. 2.

 —— (the sharp-witted in the tales), ii. 246.

 Weal (I see naught but), ix. 180.

 Weapons (carried under the thigh), vii. 56.

 —— magic, vii. 59.

 —— new forms of, vii. 62.

 Web and pin (eye-disease of horses), viii. 341.

 Week-days (only two names for), iii. 249.

 —— (old names for), vi. 190.

 Weeping (not for form and face alone), iii. 318.

 —— (over dead friends), ix. 187.

 Whale (still common off the East African coast), vi. 11.

 What calamity is upon thee = what a bother thou art, viii. 177.

 What happened, happened = fortune so willed it, iii. 68.

 “What is it compared with,” popular way of expressing great difference,
    i. 37.

 What manner of thing is Al-Rashíd? = What has he to do here? viii. 176.

 “Whatso thou wouldest do, that do,” = Do what thou wilt, vii. 324.

 Where is—and where? = What a difference is there between, etc., v. 65.

 “Where lies China-land?” = it is a far cry to Loch Awe, vii. 344.

 Whistling (Sifr), iv. 206.

 —— (held to be the devil’s speech), v. 333.

 —— (to call animals to water), viii. 278.

 White as milk (opposed to black as mud, etc.), iv. 140.

 —— (hand, symbol of generosity, etc.), iv. 185.

 —— (turband, distinctive of Moslems), iv. 214.

 —— hand of Moses (sign to Pharao), iv. 249.

 —— and black faces on the Day of Judgment, iv. 249.

 —— (colour of the Ommiades), vi. 86.

 —— robes (denote grace and mercy), vi. 250.

 —— (mourning colour under the Abbasides), viii. 200.

 Whiteness (for lustre, honour), viii. 295.

 Whitening and blackening of the faces on Judgment-Day, ii. 312.

 “Who art thou?” etc. (meaning “you are nobodies”), vii. 286.

 “Whoso beguileth folk, him shall Allah beguile,” viii. 143.

 “Whoso loveth me, let him bestow largesse upon this man,” vii. 323.

 “Whoso praiseth and then blameth lieth twice,” x. 15.

 “Why don’t (_can’t_) you buy me?” viii. 300.

 Wicket (small doorway at the side of a gate), ix. 320.

 Wife (euphemistically spoken of in the masculine), i. 67.

 —— (Aurat), vi. 30.

 —— (called “Family”), vi. 75.

 —— (contrast between vicious servile and virtuous of noble birth), ix.

 Will he not care? = he shall answer for this! vi. 245.

 Window-gardening, old practice in the East, i. 301.

 Windows (looking out of, a favourite occupation in the East and South),
    vi. 167.

 Wine (why strained), i. 27.

 —— (boiled) = vinum coctum, i. 132.

 —— (flying to the head, effect of the cold after a heated room), i.

 —— (kahwah), ii. 261.

 —— (table and service), ii. 122.

 —— (a sun, with cupbearer for East and the drinker’s mouth for West),
    iii. 263.

 —— (its prohibition not held absolute), v. 224.

 —— (breeds gladness, etc.), viii. 202.

 —— (in cup, or cup in wine?), viii. 276.

 —— (Mohammed makes up his mind about it by slow degrees), viii. 277.

 Wird = the last twenty-five chapters of the Koran, v. 185.

 —— (Pers.) = pupil, disciple, ix. 61.

 Wisádah = pillow, ii. 70.

 Wisháh = belt, scarf, viii. 209.

 Wishes (tale of the three), vi. 180.

 Wiswás = diabolical temptation or suggestion, i. 106.

 Witches (and their vehicles), vi. 158.

 Witness (bear, against me, _i.e._ in case of my denial), vi. 286; viii.

 Witnesses (one man = two women), v. 155.

 Wittol (pictured with driest Arab humour), ix. 269.

 Wives have their night in turns, ii. 78.

 —— (why four, _see_ Women), iii. 212.

 —— (a man’s tillage), iii. 304.

 —— (and their suitors), vi. 172.

 Wolf (wicked man); fox (cunning one), iii. 132.

 Woman, Women (debauched prefer Blackamoors), i. 6.

 —— (their depravity goes hand in hand with perversity of taste), i. 73.

 —— (old must not be called Ajúz but Shaybah), i. 174.

 —— (bastinadoed), i. 183.

 —— (chaff and banter allowed to), i. 267.

 —— (of Damascus famed for sanguinary jealousy), i. 295.

 —— (Cairene held exceedingly debauched), i. 298.

 —— mourning, i. 311.

 —— (high-born and their frolics), i. 328.

 —— (cries of), ii. 6.

 —— weeping and wailing before cenotaphs, ii. 68.

 —— maltreated under the Caliphate, ii. 69.

 —— Women captives, ii. 94.

 —— of the blue-stocking type, ii. 156.

 —— created of a crooked rib, ii. 161.

 —— (consult them and do the contrary), ii. 184.

 —— (peculiar waddle of), iii. 37.

 —— (proposing extreme measures), iii. 39.

 —— (are tinder, men fire), iii. 59.

 —— (monkish horror of), iii. 126.

 —— (Laylah, name of), iii. 135.

 —— (true seducers), iii. 166.

 —— (Wálidatí = my mother), iii. 208.

 —— (four wives, and why), iii. 212.

 —— (compared to an inn), iii. 216.

 —— (large hips and thighs), iii. 226.

 —— (small fine foot), iii. 227.

 —— (names of), iii. 239; 263.

 —— (more passionate than men), iii. 241.

 —— (head must always be kept covered), iii. 275.

 —— (slender-waisted but full of hips, etc.), iii. 278.

 —— (Sodomy with), iii. 304.

 —— (all charges laid upon them), iii. 335.

 —— (old bawd), iv. 4.

 —— (names of), iv. 12.

 —— (less handsome than man), iv. 15.

 —— (walk and gait), iv. 16.

 —— (bride night), iv. 30.

 —— (oath of a), iv. 49.

 —— (insolence of princesses), iv. 145.

 —— (inner, her meanings), iv. 146.

 —— (answering question by counterquestion), iv. 148.

 —— (Abyssinian famous as “holders”), iv. 227.

 —— (slave-names), iv. 232.

 —— (intercourse between), iv. 234.

 —— (white-skinned supposed to be heating and unwholesome), iv. 253.

 —— (sleep naked in hot weather), v. 8.

 —— (making the first advances), v. 34.

 —— (and secrets), v. 35, 83.

 —— (wives of eunuchs), v. 46.

 —— (visiting their lovers in a dream), v. 47.

 —— (thought to be Jinn or Ghúl), v. 51.

 —— (called Zaurà, the crooked), v. 66.

 —— (allowed to absent themselves from the house of father or husband),
    v. 96.

 —— (instructed in “motitations”), v. 80.

 —— (apt for two tricks), v. 161.

 —— (old, polite equivalents for), v. 163.

 —— (in their prime at fourteen to fifteen), v. 192.

 —— (inferior to man), v. 155.

 —— (unveiling to a man, if not slaves, insult him), v. 194.

 —— (in Hindostaní jargon = Aurat), vi. 30.

 —— (her shame extends from head to toes), vi. 118.

 —— (their cunning and malice), vi. 144.

 —— (corrupts woman more than men do), vi. 152.

 —— (knowing enough without learning to read and write), vi. 168.

 —— (of Kashmír), vi. 156.

 —— (her female visitors unknown to the husband except by hearsay), vi.

 —— (words used only by them, not by men), vi. 233.

 —— (blue-eyed of good omen), vii. 164.

 —— (stealing of their clothes), viii. 30.

 —— (her heart the only bond known by her), viii. 54.

 —— (reasons for their ageing in the East), viii. 86.

 —— (always to be addressed Ummí = my mother), viii. 87.

 —— (often hide their names from the husband), viii. 100.

 —— (semi-maniacal rancour of a good one against an erring sister),
    viii. 118.

 —— (when old, the most vindictive of her kind), viii. 137.

 —— (who are neither thine nor another’s), viii. 208.

 —— (their bodies impregnated with scents), viii. 279.

 —— (to be respected by the King), ix. 73.

 —— (“great is their malice”), ix. 119.

 —— (a case of “hard lines” for them), ix. 134.

 —— (their marrying a second time reckoned disgraceful), ix. 246.

 —— (the sin lieth with them), ix. 297.

 —— (fail in wit and faith), ix. 298.

 —— (practically only two ways of treating them), ix. 303.

 —— (delicacy of their skin), ix. 321.

 —— (treated leniently in a Kázi’s court), x. 4.

 Womankind (seven ages of), ix. 175.

 —— (their status in Al-Islam), x. 195.

 Wonder (= cause) in every death, i. 351.

 Word (the creative “Kun”), ix. 78.

 Words (divided in a couplet), iii. 166.

 Worlds (the three = Triloka), ii. 236.

 Wreckers, ii. 111.

 Wrestling and Wrestlers, ii. 93.

 —— (amongst the Egyptian Fellah), viii. 199.

 Writer of The Nights careless, iv. 155.

 Writing (styles of), iv. 196.

 Writing without fingers = (being unable to answer for what is written),
    iii. 181.

 Wuldán = Ghilmán, the beautiful youths of Paradise, i. 211.

 Wuzu-ablution = lesser ablution, i. 142.

 —— (necessary before joining in prayers), ii. 46.

 —— (Koranic order for), v. 198.

 —— (angels and devils at the side of a man who prepares for it), v.

 Xisisthrus = Noah, ii. 20, 25.

 Yá A’awaz = O, one eye (obscene meaning of the phrase), viii. 185.

 Yá Abati = O dear father mine, ix. 88.

 Yá Abú al-Lithámayn = O sire of the chin-veils twain, x. 20.

 Yá Abú Libdah = O father of a felt-calotte, iii. 62.

 Yá Abú Sumrah = O father of brownness, iii. 40.

 Yá Ahmak = O fool, ix. 271.

 Yá ’Ajúz = O old woman (now insulting), v. 163.

 Yá Bunayya = O dear (lit. little) my son, ix. 79.

 Yá Ba’íd = thou distant one, euphemism for gross abuse, i. 41.

 Yá Bárid = O fool, i. 313.

 Yá Dádatí = O my nurse, “ma mie,” vii. 372.

 Yá Fulán = O certain person, iii. 191; ix. 334.

 Yá Fulánah = O certain person (fem.), ix. 270.

 Yá Hájj = O Pilgrim, ii. 15.

 Yá házá = O this one, somewhat slightingly, i. 240.

 Yá hú = O he! Swift’s Yahoo? i. 240.

 Yá Jáhil = O ignorant, ix. 52.

 Yá Kawwád = O pimp, v. 129.

 Yá Khálatí = O mother’s sister, in addressing the old, i. 303.

 Yá Khawand = O Master, vii. 315.

 Yá Khwájah = O Master, viii. 18.

 Yá Kisrawi = O subject of the Kisrà, v. 26.

 Yá layta = would to heaven, viii. 48.

 Yá Ma’ashar al-Muslimín = Ho Moslems! iv. 149.

 Yá Mashúm = O unlucky one, i. 221.

 Yá Mauláya = O, my lord, ix. 228.

 Yá Miskín = O poor devil, vi. 219.

 Yá Mumátil = O Slow o’ Pay, viii. 169.

 Yá Nasrání = O Nazarene, iv. 199.

 Yá Sáki ’al-Dakan = O frosty-beard, v. 99.

 Yá Sáki ’al-Wajh = O false face, vii. 353.

 Yá Salám = O safety (a vulgar ejaculation), viii. 98.

 Yá Sátir = O veiler (of sins), iii. 41.

 Yá Sattár = O Thou who veilest the discreditable secrets of Thy
    creatures, i. 258.

 Yá Shátir = O clever one! (in a bad sense), iv. 209.

 Yá Shukayr = O little Tulip, viii. 168.

 Yá Taljí = O snowy one, iii. 40.

 Yá Tayyib al-Khál = O thou nephew of a good uncle, i. 303.

 Yá Ustá (for Ustáz) = O my master, vii. 192.

 Yá Wadúd = O loving one, iv. 54.

 Yá Sín (heart of the Koran, chapt. xxxvi.), iv. 50.

 Ya’arub (eponymus of an Oman tribe), vi. 260; vii. 25.

 Yáfis, Yáfat = Japhet, vii. 40.

 Yaftah Alláh = Allah will open, an offer being insufficient, ii. 149.

 Yahúdí for Jew, less polite than Banú Isráil, i. 210.

 Yají miat khwánjah = near a hundred chargers, vii. 345.

 Yájúj and Májúj, v. 318.

 Yakhní = stew, broth, vii. 186.

 Yákút = ruby, garnet, etc., v. 342.

 Yaman (Al-) = right-hand region, ii. 179.

 —— (lightning on the hills of), ii. 179.

 Yásamín = Jessamine (name of a slave-girl), viii. 176.

 Yashmak (chin-veil for women), ii. 31.

 Yasrib (ancient name of Al-Medínah), iv. 114.

 Yastaghíbúní = they take advantage of my absence, ix. 224.

 Yauh (conversationally Yehh) expression of astonishment, ii. 321.

 Yauh! Yauh! = Alas! vi. 235.

 Yathrib (old name of Al-Medinah), ix. 177, _see_ Yasrib.

 Yaum al-Íd = the great festival, i. 317.

 Yaum al-Tanádí = Resurrection Day, iii. 74.

 Yaum-i-Alast = Day of “am-I-not” (your Lord)? ii. 91.

 Yaum mubárak = a blessed day, vi. 215.

 Yellow girl (for light-coloured wine), x. 39.

 Yes, Yes! and No, No! trifles common amongst the Arabs, ii. 60; ix.

 Youth described in terms applying to women, i. 144.

 Yohanná = John, iv. 87.

 Yuhanná (Greek Physician), v. 154.

 Yúnán Yúnáníyah = Greece, ii. 82; iv. 100.

 Yúsuf bin Omar, ii. 170.

 Yúsuf (Grand Vizier, and his pelisse), vii. 323.

 Za’ar = a man with fair skin, red hair and blue eyes (Marocco), viii.

 Zabbah = lizard; bolt, vi. 247; vii. 182.

 Zabbál = dung-drawer, etc., i. 312; iii. 51.

 Zábít = Prefect of Police, i. 259.

 Zabiyah (Pr. N.) = roe, doe, v. 147.

 Zaffú (in the sense of “they displayed her”), ix. 245.

 Zaghab = the chick’s down, v. 165.

 Zaghzaghán (Abú Massáh = Father of the Sweeper), = magpie, vi. 182.

 Záhir bi ’llah (Al-) = one prominent by the decree of Allah, i. 317.

 Záhirí = plain honest Moslem, ii. 29.

 Zahra = the flowery, vi. 145.

 Zahr Sháh (Pr. N.), ii. 284.

 Zahrawíyah = lovely as the Venus-star, viii. 251.

 Zahwah = mid-time between sunrise and noon, vi. 35.

 Záka = he tasted, iv. 188.

 Zakar (penis) = that which betokens masculinity, iii. 3.

 Zakariyá and Zakar, iv. 51.

 Zakát = legal alms, i. 339.

 Zakhmah (Zukhmah) = strap, stirrup-leather, viii. 18.

 Zakkúm (Al-) tree of Hell, iv. 259.

 Zakzúk = young of the Shál, viii. 185.

 Zalábiyah bi- ’Asal = honey-fritters, vii. 164.

 Zalamah (Al-) = tyrants, oppressors (police and employés), i. 273; vi.

 Zalzál, son of Muzalzil = Earthquake, son of Ennosigaius, vii. 79.

 Zambúr = clitoris, i. 90; v. 279.

 Zamiyád = guardian angel of Bihisht, _see_ Rizwán, iii. 20, 233.

 Zanab Sirhán (wolf’s tail) = early dawn, iii. 146.

 Zand and Zandah = fire-sticks, v. 52.

 Zanj = negroes of Zanzibar, ii. 5; vi. 104.

 Zanzibar (cannibals etc.), iv. 168.

 Zarábín = slaves’ shoes, x. 1.

 Zarbu ’l-Nawákísí = striking of gongs (pun on the word), viii. 329.

 Zardah = rice dressed with honey and saffron, ii. 313; vii. 185.

 Zardakhánah = Zarad (Ar. for hauberk), Khanáh (Pers. for house), vii.

 Zarká = the blue-eyed (Cassandre of Yamámah), ii. 103.

 Zarr wa ’urwah = button and button-hole, v. 227.

 Zarráf = giraffe, vii. 51.

 Zarrat (vulg. Durrah) = co-wife, sister-wife, iii. 308.

 Zát al-Dawáhí = Lady of Calamities, ii. 87.

 Zau al-Makán = Light of the Place, ii. 81.

 Zaurà = the crooked, for woman, v. 66.

 Zaurá (Al-) = the bow (name of Baghdad), ix. 13.

 Zawí al-furúj = habentes rimam, ii. 49.

 Záwiyah = oratory, vi. 259; vii. 328.

 Zaybak (Al-) = the quicksilver, iv. 75.

 Zayn al-Abidín (grandson of Ali), ii. 202.

 Zayn al-Mawásif (Pr. N.) = Adornment of (good) qualities, viii. 205.

 Zaynab and Zayd (generic names for women and men), ix. 250.

 Zebra (daughter of Sa’adah), iii. 65.

 Zemzem (its water saltish), i. 284; ii. 272.

 Zí’ah = village, hamlet, farm, ix. 27.

 Zibl = dung, iii. 51.

 Zibl Khán = Le Roi Crotte, iii. 99.

 Zidd = opposite, contrary, v. 206.

 Zikr = litanies, i. 124.

 —— (and Edwin Arnold’s Pearls of Faith), ii. 28.

 Zimbíl (Zambíl) = limp basket of palm-leaves, iv. 119.

 Zimmí = a (Christian, Jewish or Majúsí) tributary, iv. 199.

 Zinád = fire-sticks, viii. 80.

 Zindík = Agnostic, atheist, v. 230; viii. 27.

 Zirbájah = meat dressed with cumin-seed, etc., i. 278.

 Zirt = broken wind; derivatives, ii. 88; ix. 291.

 Ziyád bin Abí Sufyán, ii. 163.

 Ziyárat = visit to a pious person or place, i. 125.

 —— = visiting the Prophet’s tomb, ix. 178.

 Zobabah (Zauba’ah?) = sand-storm in the desert, i. 114.

 Zú al-Autád = the contriver of the stakes (Pharaoh), vi. 118.

 Zú al-Kurá’a (Pr. N.) = Lord of cattle feet, iv. 95.

 Zubaydah (Pr. N.) = creamkin, iv. 48; viii. 56, 158.

 Zubb = penis, i. 92.

 “Zug” (draught) feared by Orientals, ii. 9.

 Zuhal = Saturn, ii. 75.

 Zuhrí (Al-), traditionist, ii. 198; v. 81.

 Zujáj bikr = unworked glass, viii. 342.

 Zukák al-Nakíb = Syndic street, ii. 325.

 Zukhruf = glitter, tinsel, ix. 86.

 Zulf = side-lock, i. 308.

 Zulm, injustice, tyranny; worst of a monarch’s crimes, i. 190.

 Zunnár = ζωνάριον confounded with the “Janeo,” ii. 215.

 Zur ghibban tazid hubban = call rarely that friendship last fairly, ix.

 Zurayk (dim. of Azrak = blue-eyed), viii. 195.

 Zurk = blue-eyed, dim-sighted, purblind, vii. 164.

 Zuwaylah gate, more correctly Báb Zawilah i. 269.

                            _INDEX III._—A.

                      _Prepared by_ DR. STEINGASS.

 A beloved familiar o’erreigns my heart, viii. 70.

 A boy of twice ten is fit for a king!, iii. 303.

 A breeze of love on my soul did blow, viii. 222.

 A damsel ’twas the tirer’s art had decked with snares and sleight, i.
    219; x. 59.

 A dancer whose figure is like a willow-branch, ix. 222.

 A dancer whose form is like branch of Bán!, ix. 221.

 A dog, dog-fathered, by dog-grandsire bred, viii. 15.

 A fan whose breath is fraught with fragrant scent, viii. 273.

 A fair one, to idolaters if she her face should show, ix. 197.

 A friend in need is he who, ever true, iii. 149.

 A guest hath stolen on my head and honour may he lack, viii. 295.

 A hag to whom th’ unlawful lawfullest, i. 174.

 A heart bore thee off in chase of the fair, ix. 282.

 A heart by Allah! never soft to loverwight, vii. 222.

 A Houri, by whose charms my heart is moved to sore distress, vii. 105.

 A house where flowers from stones of granite grow, iii. 19.

 A Jinniyah this, with her Jinn, to show, v. 149.

 A King who when hosts of the foe invade, ii. 1.

 A lutanist to us inclined, viii. 283.

 A maiden ’twas, the dresser’s art had decked with cunning sleight,
    viii. 32.

 A merchant I spied whose lovers, viii. 264.

 A messenger from thee came bringing union-hope, iii. 188.

 A moon she rises, willow-wand she waves, iii. 237; viii. 303.

 A moon, when he bends him those eyes lay bare, viii. 284.

 A moon which blights you if you dare behold, ii. 4.

 A night whose stars refused to run their course, iii. 299.

 A palace whereon be blessings and praise, iv. 134.

 A place secure from every thought of fear, i. 114.

 A sage, I feel a fool before thy charms, iii. 272.

 A slave of slaves there standeth at thy door, i. 89.

 A sun on wand in knoll of sand she showed, i. 217; x. 58.

 A thin-waist maid who shames the willow-wand, ii. 285.

 A term decreed my lot I ’spy, viii. 83.

 A trifle this an his eyes be sore, v. 127.

 A tree whilere was I the Bulbul’s home, viii. 281.

 A wand uprising from a sandy knoll, ix. 250.

 A warrior showing such open hand, iv. 97.

 A wasted body, heart empierced to core, ii. 314.

 A youth slim waisted from whose locks and brow, i. 68.

 A zephyr bloweth from the lover’s site, viii. 90.

 Above the rose of cheek is thorn of lance, iii. 331.

 Act on sure grounds, nor hurry fast, iv. 189.

 Add other wit to thy wit, counsel craving, iv. 189.

 Affright me funerals at every time, v. 111.

 After thy faring never chanced I ’spy, viii. 142.

 Ah, fare thee not; for I’ve no force thy faring to endure, viii. 63.

 Ah! for lowe of love and longing suffer ye as suffer we?, viii. 68.

 Ah Khalid! this one is a slave of love distraught, iv. 158.

 Ah, often have I sought the fair! how often lief and fain, vii. 138.

 Alack and alas! Patience taketh flight, viii. 263.

 Alas, alack and wellaway for blamer’s calumny!, viii. 285.

 Albe by me I had through day and night, iii. 267.

 Albe to lover adverse be his love, iii. 266.

 Albeit my vitals quiver ’neath this ban, iii. 62.

 Alexandria’s a frontier, viii. 289.

 All crafts are like necklaces strung on a string, i. 308.

 All drinks wherein is blood the Law unclean Doth hold, i. 89.

 All sons of woman albe long preserved, iv. 63.

 “Allah assain those eyne! What streams of blood they shed!,” ii. 100.

 Allah be good to him that gives glad tidings of thy steps, i. 239.

 Allah holds Kingship! Whoso seeks without Him victory, iii. 86.

 Allah, my patience fails: I have no word, iii. 344.

 Allah save the rose which yellows amorn, viii. 276.

 Allah, where’er thou be, His aid impart, ii. 148.

 Allah’s peace on thee, House of Vacancy!, viii. 237.

 Although the Merciful be doubtless with me, ix. 278.

 Al-Yaman’s leven-gleam I see, ii. 179.

 An but the house could know who cometh ’twould rejoice, i. 176.

 An, by thy life, pass thee my funeral train, v. 70.

 An fail I of my thanks to thee, i. 56.

 An Fate afflict thee, with grief manifest, viii. 146.

 An Fate some person ’stablish o’er thy head, iii. 89.

 An faulty of one fault the beauty prove, ii. 96.

 An I be healed of disease in frame, viii. 70.

 An I quit Cairo and her pleasaunces, i. 290.

 An we behold a lover love-foredone, v. 73.

 An my palm be full of wealth and my wealth I ne’er bestow, ii. 11.

 An say I:—Patient I can bear his faring, iii. 187.

 An tears of blood for me, friend, thou hast shed, i. 89.

 An there be one who shares with me her love, i. 180.

 An thou but deign consent, A wish to heart affied, iv. 247.

 An thou of pious works a store neglect, ii. 202.

 An thou wouldst know my name, whose day is done, vi. 94.

 An through the whole of life, iv. 190.

 An Time my lover restore me I’ll blame him fain, ix. 192.

 An were it asked me when by hell-fire burnt, iii. 279.

 An what thou claimest were the real truth, v. 151.

 An wouldst be life-long safe, vaunt not delight, viii. 94.

 And Almond apricot suggesting swain, viii. 268.

 And dweller in the tomb whose food is at his head, v. 238.

 And eater lacking mouth and even maw, v. 240.

 And fairest Fawn, we said to him Portray, viii. 272.

 And haply whenas strait descends on lot of generous youth, iii. 131.

 And in brunettes is mystery, couldst thou but read it right, iv. 258.

 And in my liver higher flames the fire, vii. 366.

 And loveling weareth on his cheek a mole, v. 65.

 And pity one who erst in honour throve, ii. 149.

 And shaddock mid the garden paths, on bough, viii. 272.

 And Solomon, when Allah to him said, vi. 86.

 And the lips of girls, that are perfume sweet, v. 79.

 And the old man crept o’er the worldly ways, iv. 41.

 And trees of orange fruiting ferly fair, viii. 271.

 And wand-like Houri who can passion heal, v. 149.

 And ’ware her scorpions when pressing them, viii. 209.

 And when birdies o’er-warble its lakelet, it gars, ix. 6.

 And, when she announceth the will to sing, viii. 166.

 Albeit this thy case lack all resource, v. 69.

 Allah watered a land, and upsprang a tree, v. 244.

 Answer, by Allah! Sepulchre, are all his beauties gone?, i. 239.

 Appeared not my excuse till hair had clothed his cheek, iii. 57.

 Apple which joins hues twain and brings to mind, viii. 268.

 Apple whose hue combines in union mellow, i. 158.

 As a crescent-moon in the garth her form, viii. 207.

 As for me, of him I feel naught affright, vi. 98.

 As long as palms shall shift the flower, v. 136.

 As love waxt longer less met we tway, v. 78.

 As one of you who mounted mule, viii. 297.

 As she willed she was made, and in such a way that when, iv. 191.

 As the Sage watched the stars, the semblance clear, i. 206.

 As though ptisane of wine on her lips honey dew, iii. 57.

 Ask (if needs thou ask) the compassionate, ix. 29.

 Ask of my writ, what wrote my pen in dole, iii. 274.

 Ass and Umm Amr’ went their way, v. 118.

 Bare hills and camp-ground desolate, v. 130.

 Baulks me my Fate as tho’ she were my foe, viii. 130.

 Be as thou wilt, for Allah is bountiful, viii. 277.

 Be as thou wilt, for Allah still is bounteous Lord, ii. 202.

 Be mild to brother mingling, iv. 110.

 Be mild what time thou’rt ta’en with anger and despite, iv. 221.

 Be mild when rage shall come to afflict thy soul, iv. 54.

 Be praises mine to all-praiseworthy Thee, ii. 261.

 Be proud; I’ll crouch! Bully; I’ll bear! Despise; I’ll pray!, iii. 188.

 Be sure all are villains and so bide safe, iii. 142.

 Bear our salams, O Dove, from this our stead, viii. 236.

 Beareth for love a burden sore this soul of me, viii. 66.

 Beauty they brought with him to make compare, i. 144.

 Beguiled as Fortune who her guile displays, iv. 22.

 Behind the veil a damsel sits with gracious beauty dight, viii. 210.

 Behold a house that’s like the Dwelling of Delight, viii. 183.

 Behold this lovely garden! ’tis as though, ii. 240.

 Belike my Fortune may her bridle turn, i. 152.

 Belike Who Yúsuf to his kin restored, iv. 103.

 Beloved, why this strangeness, why this hate?, iv. 234.

 Bethink thee not of worldly state, iii. 328.

 Bid thou thy phantom distance keep, vii. 108.

 Better ye ’bide and I take my leave, i. 154.

 Beware her glance I rede thee ’tis like wizard wight, ii. 295.

 Beware of losing hearts of men by thine injurious deed, x. 50.

 Beware that eye-glance which hath magic might, iii. 252.

 Black girls in acts are white, and ’tis as though, iv. 251.

 Black girls not white are they, iv. 251.

 Blame not! said I to all who blamèd me, viii. 95.

 Blest be his beauty; blest the Lord’s decree, i. 177.

 Blighted by her yet am I not to blame, viii. 255.

 Blows from my lover’s land a zephyr cooly sweet, ii. 311.

 Boon fortune sought him in humblest way, viii. 301.

 Boy-like of back side, in the deed of kind, v. 157,

 Breeze of East who bringest me gentle air, vii. 122.

 Brighter than moon at full with kohl’d eyes she came, viii. 279.

 Bring gold and gear an a lover thou, viii. 214.

 By Allah, by th’ Almighty, by his right, vii. 366.

 By Allah, couldst thou but feel my pain, v. 77.

 By Allah, glance of mine, thou hast opprest, vii. 140.

 By Allah, heal, O my lords, the unwhole, viii. 144.

 By Allah, O thou house, if my beloved amorn go by, v. 38.

 By Allah, O tomb, have her beauties ceased, viii. 168.

 By Allah, set thy foot upon my soul, i. 222.

 By Allah this is th’ only alchemy, x. 40.

 By Allah! while the days endure ne’er shall forget her I, iv. 146.

 By Allah, wine shall not disturb me, while this soul of mine, iv. 190.

 By craft and sleight I snared him when he came, ii. 44.

 By his cheeks’ unfading damask and his smiling teeth I swear, viii.

 By his eyelash tendril curled, by his slender waist I swear, iii. 217.

 By his eyelids shedding perfume and his fine slim waist I swear, i.

 By His life who holds my guiding rein, I swear, iv. 2.

 By Love’s right! naught of farness thy slave can estrange, viii. 76.

 By means of toil man shall scale the height, vi. 5.

 By rights of you, this heart of mine could ne’er aby, viii. 110.

 By stress of parting, O beloved one, iii. 166.

 By th’ Abyssinian Pond, O day divine!, i. 291.

 By the Compassionate, I’m dazed about my case, for lo!, vii. 337.

 By the Five Shayks, O Lord, I pray deliver me, iii. 30.

 By the life o’ thy face, O thou life o’ my sprite!, viii. 284.

 By what thine eyelids show of kohl and coquetry!, ii. 296.

 Came a merchant to pay us a visit, viii. 265.

 Came Rayya’s phantom to grieve thy sight, vii. 91.

 Came the writ whose contents a new joy revealed, viii. 222.

 Came to match him in beauty and loveliness rare, viii. 298.

 Came to me care when came the love of thee, vii. 366.

 Came your writ to me in the dead of the night, ix. 2.

 Captured me six all bright with youthful blee, iv. 260.

 Carry the trust of him whom death awaits, v. 114.

 Cease then to blame me, for thy blame doth anger bring, x. 39.

 Cease ye this farness; ’bate this pride of you, iv. 136.

 Chide not the mourner for bemourning woe, iii. 291.

 Choice rose that gladdens heart to see her sight, viii. 275.

 Clear’s the wine, the cup’s fine, i. 349.

 Cleave fast to her thou lovest and let the envious rail amain, iv. 198.

 Close prest appear to him who views th’ inside, viii. 267.

 Clove through the shades and came to me in night so dark and sore, vii.

 Come back and so will I! i. 63.

 Come with us, friend, and enter thou, viii. 267.

 Confide thy case to Him, the Lord who made mankind, i. 68.

 Consider but thy Lord, His work shall bring, viii. 20.

 Consider thou, O man, what these places to thee showed, vi. 112.

 Console thy lover, fear no consequence, v. 74.

 Consort not with the Cyclops e’en a day, iv. 194.

 Containeth time a twain of days, i. 25.

 Converse with men hath scanty weal except, iv. 188.

 Count not that I your promises forgot, iii. 238.

 Cut short this strangeness, leave unruth of you, v. 245.

 Culvers of Liwa! to your nests return, vii. 115.

 Dark falls the night: my tears unaided rail, iii. 11.

 Dark falls the night and passion comes sore pains to gar me dree, ii.

 Daughter of nobles, who thine aim shalt gain, v. 54.

 Dawn heralds daylight: so wine pass round, viii. 276.

 Dear friend! ah leave thy loud reproach and blame, iii. 110.

 Dear friend, ask not what burneth in my breast, i. 265.

 Dear friend, my tears aye flow these cheeks adown, iii. 14.

 Deep in mine eyeballs ever dwells the phantom form of thee, viii. 61.

 Deign grant thy favours; since ’tis time I were engraced, v. 148.

 Describe me! a fair one said, viii. 265.

 Did Azzah deal behest to sun o’ noon, ii. 102.

 Did not in love-plight joys and sorrows meet, iii. 182.

 Dip thou with spoons in saucers four and gladden heart and eye, viii.

 Displaying that fair face, iv. 195.

 Divinely were inspired his words who brought me news of you, iv. 207.

 Do you threaten me wi’ death for my loving you so well?, vii. 221.

 Drain not the bowl, save from dear hand like thine, i. 88.

 Drain not the bowl but with lovely wight, viii. 209.

 Drain not the bowl save with a trusty friend, i. 88.

 Drawn in thy shoulders are and spine thrust out, viii. 297.

 Drink not pure wine except from hand of slender youth, ix. 198.

 Drink not strong wine save at the slender dearling’s hand, v. 66.

 Drink not upon thy food in haste but wait awhile, v. 222.

 Drink the clear draught, drink free and fain, i. 88.

 Drive off the ghost that ever shows, vii. 109.

 Dumb is my tongue and scant my speech for thee, viii. 258.

 Each portion of her charms we see, vii. 131.

 Each thing of things hath his appointed tide, v. 294.

 Easy, O Fate! how long this wrong, this injury, iii. 329.

 Eight glories meet, all, all conjoined in thee, iii. 271.

 Enough for lovers in this world their ban and bane, iv. 205.

 Enough of tears hath shed the loverwight, iii. 206.

 Enrobes with honour sands of camp her foot-step wandering lone, iv.

 Escape with thy life if oppression betide thee, i. 209.

 Even not beardless one with girl, nor heed, iii. 303.

 Ever thy pomp and pride, O House! display, viii. 207.

 Face that with Sol in Heaven lamping vies, iii. 167.

 Fain had I hid thy handwork, but it showed, iii. 280.

 Fain leaving life that fleets thou hast th’ eternal won, ii. 281.

 Fair youth shall die by stumbling of the tongue, iii. 221.

 Familiar with my heart are woes and with them I, vii. 340.

 Far is the fane and patience faileth me, v. 41.

 Fare safely, Masrúr! an her sanctuary, viii. 237.

 Farewell thy love, for see, the Cafilah’s on the move, iv. 254.

 Farewelling thee indeed is like to bidding life farewell, viii. 62.

 Fate the wolf’s soul snatched up from worldly stead, iii. 146.

 Fate frights us when the thing is past and gone, iii. 318.

 Fate hath commanded I become thy fere, iii. 312.

 Fie on this wretched world an so it be, i. 40.

 Fight for my mother (an I live) I’ll take, ii. 239.

 Fire is cooler than fires in my breast, iv. 245.

 Fly, fly with life whenas evils threat, vi. 62.

 Fly, fly with thy life if by ill overtaken, ii. 19.

 Folk have made moan of passion before me, of past years, viii. 65.

 For cup friends cup succeeding cup assign, v. 66.

 For eaters a table they brought and set, viii. 208.

 For her sins is a pleader that brow, ii. 97.

 For joys that are no more I want to weep, iii. 185.

 For Layla’s favour dost thou greed?, iii. 135.

 For loss of lover mine and stress of love I dree, viii. 75.

 For not a deed the hand can try, v. 188.

 For others these hardships and labours I bear, i. 17.

 For your love my patience fails, i. 74.

 Forbear, O troubles of the world, i. 39.

 Forgive me, thee-ward sinned I, but the wise, ii. 9.

 Forgive the sin ’neath which my limbs are trembling, iii. 249.

 Fortune had mercy on the soul of me, iii. 135.

 Fortune had ruth upon my plight, viii. 50.

 Four things that meet not, save they here unite, i. 116.

 Four things which ne’er conjoin, unless it be, iii. 237.

 Freest am I of all mankind fro’ meddling wight, ii. 200.

 Fro’ them inhale I scent of Attar of Bán, viii. 242.

 From her hair is night, from her forehead noon, viii. 303.

 From Love-stupor awake, O Masrur, ’twere best, viii. 214.

 From that liberal hand on his foes he rains, iv. 97.

 From the plain of his face springs a minaret, viii. 296.

 From wine I turn and whoso wine-cups swill, i. 208.

 Full many a reverend Shaykh feels sting of flesh, v. 64.

 Full many laugh at tears they see me shed, iii. 193.

 Full moon if unfreckled would favour thee, iv. 19.

 Full moon with sun in single mansion, i. 264.

 Gainsay women; he obeyeth Allah best, who saith them nay, ix. 282.

 Garb of Fakir, renouncement, lowliness, v. 297.

 Garth Heaven-watered wherein clusters waved, viii. 266.

 Get thee provaunt in this world ere thou wend upon thy way, ii. 139.

 Give back mine eyes their sleep long ravished, i. 99.

 Give me brunettes, so limber, lissom, lithe of sway, iv. 258.

 Give me brunettes; the Syrian spears so limber and so straight, viii.

 Give me the Fig sweet-flavoured, beauty clad, viii. 269.

 Give thou my message twice, iii. 166.

 Gladsome and gay forget thine every grief, i. 57.

 Glory to Him who guides the skies, vii. 78.

 Gnostic’s heart-homèd in the heavenly Garth, v. 264.

 Go, gossip! re-wed thee, for Prime draweth near, v. 135.

 Go, visit her thou lovest, and regard not, iii. 235; viii. 305.

 God make thy glory last in joy of life, viii. 99.

 Gone is my strength, told is my tale of days, iii. 55.

 Goodly of gifts is she, and charm those perfect eyes, iii. 57.

 Granados of finest skin, like the breasts, viii. 267.

 Grant me the kiss of that left hand ten times, iv. 129.

 Grape-bunches likest as they sway, viii. 266.

 Grapes tasting with the taste of wine, viii. 266.

 Grief, cark and care in my heart reside, iv. 19.

 Grow thy weal and thy welfare day by day, i. 204.

 Had I known of love in what fashion he, vii. 330.

 Had I wept before she did in my passion for Su’ada, vii. 275.

 Had she shown her shape to idolator’s sight, viii. 279.

 Hadst thou been leal in love’s loyalty, iii. 77.

 Had we known of thy coming we fain had dispread, i. 117.

 Had we wist of thy coming, thy way had been strown, i. 271.

 Haply and happily may Fortune bend her rein, viii. 67.

 Haply shall Allah deign us twain unite, viii. 141.

 Haply shall Fortune draw her rein, iii. 251.

 Happy is Eloquence when thou art named, i. 47.

 Hast quit the love of Moons or dost persist?, iv. 240.

 Hast seen a Citron-copse so weighed adown, viii. 272.

 Haste to do kindness thou dost intend, iv. 181.

 Haste to do kindness while thou hast the power, iii. 136.

 Have the doves that moan in the lotus-tree, vii. 91.

 He blames me for casting on him my sight, viii. 283.

 He came and cried they, Now be Allah blest!, iii. 215.

 He came in sable hued sacque, iv. 263.

 He came to see me, hiding ’neath the shirt of night, iv. 252.

 He comes; and fawn and branch and moon delight these eyne, iv. 142.

 He cometh robed and bending gracefully, ii. 287.

 He heads his arrows with piles of gold, iv. 97.

 He is Caliph of Beauty in Yusuf’s lieu, ii. 292.

 He is gone who when to this gate thou go’st, ii. 14.

 He is to thee that daily bread thou canst nor loose nor bind, i. 39.

 He’ll offer sweetmeats with his edgèd tongue, iii. 115.

 He made me drain his wine of honeyed lips, v. 72.

 He missed not who dubbed thee, “World’s delight,” v. 33.

 He pluckt fruits of her necklace in rivalry, ii. 103.

 He prayeth and he fasteth for an end he doth espy, ii. 264.

 He seized my heart and freed my tears to flow, viii. 259.

 He showed in garb anemone-red, iv. 263.

 He thou trustedst most is thy worst unfriend, iii. 143.

 He whom the randy motts entrap, iii. 216.

 Hearkening, obeying, with my dying mouth, ii. 321.

 Heavy and swollen like an urine-bladder blown, iv. 236.

 Her fair shape ravisheth, if face to face she did appear, v. 192.

 Her fore-arms, dight with their bangles, show, v. 89.

 Her golden yellow is the sheeny sun’s, iv. 257.

 Her lip-dews rival honey-sweets, that sweet virginity, viii. 33.

 Her smiles twin rows of pearls display, i. 86.

 Here! Here! by Allah, here! Cups of the sweet, the dear!, i. 89.

 Here the heart reads a chapter of devotion pure, iii. 18.

 Hind is an Arab filly purest bred, vii. 97.

 His cheek-down writeth (O fair fall the goodly scribe!), ii. 301.

 His cheek-down writeth on his cheek with ambergris on pearl, ii. 301.

 His eyelids sore and bleared, viii. 297.

 His face as the face of the young moon shines, i. 177.

 His honey-dew of lips is wine; his breath, iv. 195.

 His looks have made me drunken, not his wine, iii. 166.

 His lovers said, Unless he deign to give us all a drink, viii. 285.

 His lovers’ souls have drawn upon his cheek, iii. 58.

 His mole upon plain of cheek is like, viii. 265.

 His scent was musk and his cheek was rose, i. 203.

 Ho, lovers all! by Allah say me fair and sooth, ii. 309.

 Ho, lovers all! by Allah say me sooth, ii. 320.

 Ho say to men of wisdom, wit and lere, v. 239.

 Ho thou, Abrizah, mercy! leave me not for I, ii. 127.

 Ho, those heedless of Time and his sore despight!, vii. 221.

 Ho thou hound who art rotten with foulness in grain, iii. 108.

 Ho thou lion who broughtest thyself to woe, vii. 123.

 Ho thou my letter! when my friend shall see thee, iv. 57.

 Ho thou o’ the tabret, my heart takes flight, viii. 166.

 Ho thou the House! Grief never home in thee, viii. 206.

 Ho thou, the house, whose birds were singing gay, v. 57.

 Ho thou who grovellest low before the great, ii. 235.

 Ho thou, who past and bygone risks regardest with uncare!, iii. 28.

 Ho thou whose heart is melted down by force of Amor’s fire, v. 132.

 Ho ye mine eyes let prodigal tears go free, iv. 248.

 Ho ye my friends draw near, for I forthright, viii. 258.

 Hola, thou mansion! woe ne’er enter thee, iv. 140.

 Hold fast thy secret and to none unfold, i. 87.

 Hold to nobles, sons of nobles, ii. 2.

 Honour and glory wait on thee each morn, iv. 60.

 Hope not of our favours to make thy prey, viii. 208.

 Houris and high-born Dames who feel no fear of men, v. 148.

 How bitter to friends is a parting, iv. 222.

 How comes it that I fulfilled my vow the while that vow brake you?, iv.

 How dear is our day and how lucky our lot, i. 293.

 How fair is ruth the strong man deigns not smother, i. 103.

 How good is Almond green I view, viii. 270.

 How is this? Why should the blamer abuse thee in his pride, iii. 232.

 How joyously sweet are the nights that unite, v. 61.

 How long, rare beauty! wilt do wrong to me, ii. 63.

 How long shall I thy coyness and thy great aversion see, iv. 242.

 How long shall last, how long this rigour rife of woe, i. 101.

 How long this harshness, this unlove shall bide?, i. 78.

 How manifold nights have I passed with my wife, x. 1.

 How many a blooming bough in glee-girls hand is fain, viii. 166.

 How many a joy by Allah’s will hath fled, i. 150.

 How many a lover with his eyebrows speaketh, i. 122.

 How many a night have I spent in woes, ix. 316.

 How many a night I’ve passed with the beloved of me, iv. 252.

 How many boons conceals the Deity, v. 261.

 How many by my labours, that evermore endure, vi. 2.

 How oft bewailing the place shall be this coming and going, viii. 242.

 How oft have I fought and how many have slain!, vi. 91.

 How oft in the mellay I’ve cleft the array, ii. 109.

 How patient bide, with love in sprite of me, iv. 136.

 How shall he taste of sleep who lacks repose, viii. 49.

 How shall youth cure the care his life undo’th, ii. 320.

 Hunger is sated with a bone-dry scone, iv. 201.

 Hurry not, Prince of Faithful Men! with best of grace thy vow, vii.

 I am he who is known on the day of fight, vi. 262.

 I am distraught, yet verily, i. 138.

 I am going, O mammy, to fill up my pot, i. 311.

 I am not lost to prudence, but indeed, ii. 98.

 I am taken: my heart burns with living flame, viii. 225.

 I am the wone where mirth shall ever smile, i. 175.

 I am when friend would raise a rage that mote, iv. 109.

 I and my love in union were unite, viii. 247.

 I ask of you from every rising sun, i. 238.

 I asked of Bounty, “Art thou free?,” v. 93.

 I asked the author of mine ills, ii. 60.

 I bade adieu, my right hand wiped my tears away, ii. 113.

 I attained by my wits, x. 44.

 I bear a hurt heart, who will sell me for this, vii. 115.

 I call to mind the parting day that rent our loves in twain, viii. 125.

 I can’t forget him, since he rose and showed with fair design, ix. 253.

 I ceased not to kiss that cheek with budding roses dight, viii. 329.

 I clipt his form and wax’d drunk with his scent, ii. 292.

 I came to my dear friends door, of my hopes the goal, v. 58.

 I craved of her a kiss one day, but soon as she beheld, iv. 192.

 I cried, as the camels went off with them, viii. 63.

 I’d win good will of everyone, but whoso envies me, ix. 342.

 I deemed my brethren mail of strongest steel, i. 108.

 I deemed you coat-o’-mail that should withstand, i. 108.

 I die my death, but He alone is great who dieth not, ii. 9.

 I drank the sin till my reason fled, v. 224.

 I drink, but the draught of his glance, not wine, i. 100.

 I drooped my glance when seen thee on the way, iii. 331.

 I dyed what years have dyed, but this my staining, v. 164.

 I embrace him, yet after him yearns my soul, ix. 242.

 I’ve lost all patience by despite of you, i. 280.

 I ever ask for news of you from whatso breezes pass, viii. 53.

 I feed eyes on their stead by the valley’s side, iii. 234.

 I fix my glance on her, whene’er she wends, viii. 158.

 I fly the carper’s injury, ii. 183.

 I gave her brave old wine that like her cheeks blushed red, i. 89.

 I had a heart and with it lived my life, v. 131.

 I have a friend with a beard, viii. 298.

 I have a friend who hath a beard, iv. 194.

 I have a friend, whose form is fixed within mine eyes, iv. 246.

 I have a froward yard of temper ill, viii. 293.

 I have a lover and when drawing him, iv. 247.

 I have a sorrel steed, whose pride is fain to bear the rein, ii. 225.

 I have borne for thy love what never bore, iii. 183.

 I have fared content in my solitude, iii. 152.

 I have no words though folk would have me talk, ix. 276.

 I have won my wish and my need have scored, vii. 59.

 I have wronged mankind, and have ranged like wind, iii. 74.

 I have a yard that sleeps in base and shameful way, viii. 293.

 I have sorrowed on account of our disunion, viii. 128.

 I heard a ringdove chanting plaintively, v. 47.

 I hid what I endured of him and yet it came to light, i. 67.

 I hope for union with my love which I may ne’er obtain, viii. 347.

 I kissed him: darker grew those pupils, which, iii. 224.

 I lay in her arms all night, leaving him, v. 128.

 I’ll ransom that beauty-spot with my soul, v. 65.

 I long once more the love that was between us to regain, viii. 181.

 I longed for him I love; but, when we met, viii. 347.

 I longed for my beloved but when I saw his face, i. 240.

 I look to my money and keep it with care, ii. 11.

 I looked at her one look and that dazed me, ix. 197.

 I looked on her with longing eyne, v. 76.

 I love a fawn with gentle white-black eyes, iv. 50.

 I love a moon of comely shapely form, viii. 259.

 I love her madly for she is perfect fair, vii. 265.

 I love not black girls but because they show, iv. 251.

 I love not white girls blown with fat who puff and pant, iv. 252.

 I love Su’ád and unto all but her my love is dead, vii. 129.

 I love the nights of parting though I joy not in the same, ix. 198.

 I loved him, soon as his praise I heard, vii. 280.

 I’m Al-Kurajan, and my name is known, vii. 20.

 I’m estranged fro’ my folk and estrangement’s long, iii. 71.

 I’m Kurajan, of this age the Knight, vii. 23.

 I’m the noted Knight in the field of fight, vii. 18.

 I made my wrist her pillow and I lay with her in litter, vii. 243.

 I marvel at its pressers, how they died, x. 39.

 I marvel hearing people questioning, ii. 293.

 I marvel in Iblis such pride to see, vii. 139.

 I marvel seeing yon mole, ii. 292.

 I mind our union days when ye were nigh, vi. 278.

 I number nights; indeed I count night after night, ii. 308.

 I offered this weak hand as last farewell, iii. 173.

 I passed a beardless pair without compare, v. 64.

 I past by a broken tomb amid a garth right sheen, ii. 325.

 I plunge with my braves in the seething sea, vii. 18.

 I pray in Allah’s name, O Princess mine, be light on me, iv. 241.

 I pray some day that we reunion gain, iii. 124.

 I roam, and roaming hope I to return, iii. 64.

 I saw him strike the gong and asked of him straightway, viii. 329.

 I saw thee weep before the gates and ’plain, v. 283.

 I saw two charmers treading humble earth, iii. 18.

 I say to him, that while he slings his sword, ii. 230.

 I see all power of sleep from eyes of me hath flown, ii. 151.

 I see not happiness lies in gathering gold, ii. 166.

 I see the woes of the world abound, i. 298.

 I see thee and close not mine eyes for fear, ix. 221.

 I see thee full of song and plaint and love’s own ecstasy, iii. 263.

 I see their traces and with pain I melt, i. 230.

 I see you with my heart from far countrie, vii. 93.

 I sent to him a scroll that bore my plaint of love, ii. 300.

 I show my heart and thoughts to Thee, and Thou, v. 266.

 I sight their track and pine for longing love, viii. 103.

 I sooth my heart and my love repel, v. 35.

 I sought of a fair maid to kiss her lips, viii. 294.

 I speak and longing love upties me and unties me, ii. 104.

 I still had hoped to see thee and enjoy thy sight, i. 242.

 I stood and bewailed who their loads had bound, ix. 27.

 I swear by Allah’s name, fair Sir! no thief was I, i. 274.

 I swear by swayings of that form so fair, iv. 143.

 I swear by that fair face’s life I’ll love but thee, iv. 246.

 I thought of estrangement in her embrace, ix. 198.

 I’ve been shot by Fortune, and shaft of eye, iii. 175.

 I’ve sent the ring from off thy finger ta’en, iii. 274.

 I’ve sinned enormous sin, iv. 109.

 I view their traces and with pain I pine, viii. 320.

 I visit them and night black lendeth aid to me, iv. 252.

 I vow to Allah if at home I sight, ii. 186.

 I walk for fear of interview the weakling’s walk, v. 147.

 I wander ’mid these walls, my Layla’s walls, i. 238.

 I wander through the palace but I sight there not a soul, iv. 291.

 I was in bestest luck, but now my love goes contrary, v. 75.

 I was kind and ’scaped not, they were cruel and escaped, i. 58.

 I waved to and fro and he leaned to and fro, v. 239.

 I weep for one to whom a lonely death befel, v. 115.

 I weep for longing love’s own ardency, vii. 369.

 I weet not, whenas to a land I fare, ix. 328.

 I went to my patron some blood to let him, i. 306.

 I went to the house of the keeper-man, iii. 20.

 I will bear in patience estrangement of friend, viii. 345.

 I wot not, whenas to a land I fare, x. 53.

 I write thee, love, the while my tears pour down, iii. 24.

 I write to thee, O fondest hope, a writ, iii. 24.

 I write with heart devoted to thy thought, iii. 273.

 Ibn Síná in his canon doth opine, iii. 34.

 If a fool oppress thee bear patiently, vi. 214.

 If a man from destruction can save his head, ix. 314.

 If a man’s breast with bane he hides be straitened, ix. 292.

 If a sharp witted wight mankind e’er tried, iv. 188.

 If another share in the thing I love, iv. 234.

 If any sin I sinned, or did I aught, iii. 132.

 If aught I’ve sinned in sinful way, viii. 119.

 If generous youth be blessed with luck and wealth, ix. 291.

 If he of patience fail the truth to hide, ii. 320.

 If I liken thy shape to the bough when green, i. 92.

 If I to aught save you, O lords of me incline, vii. 369.

 If ill betide thee through thy slave, i. 194.

 If Kings would see their high emprize preserved, v. 106.

 If Naomi bless me with a single glance, iv. 12.

 If not master of manners or aught but discreet, i. 235.

 If thereby man can save his head from death, iv. 46.

 If thou crave our love, know that love’s a loan, v. 127.

 If thou should please a friend who pleaseth thee, v. 150.

 If Time unite us after absent while, i. 157.

 If your promise of personal call prove untrue, iii. 252.

 If we ’plain of absence what shall we say?, i. 100.

 If we saw a lover who pains as he ought, v. 164.

 Ill-omened hag! unshriven be her sins nor mercy visit her on dying bed,
    i. 174.

 In dream I saw a bird o’er speed (meseem’d), viii. 218.

 In her cheek cornered nine calamities, viii. 86.

 In his face-sky shineth the fullest moon, i. 205.

 In love they bore me further than my force would go, ii. 137.

 In patience, O my God, I endure my lot and fate, i. 77.

 In patience, O my God, Thy doom forecast, viii. 17.

 In ruth and mildness surety lies, ii. 160.

 In sleep came Su’adás shade and wakened me, iv. 267.

 In sooth the Nights and Days are charactered, iii. 319.

 In spite of enviers jealousy, at end, v. 62.

 In the morn I am richest of men, x. 40.

 In the towering forts Allah throned him King, ii. 291.

 In this world there is none thou mayst count upon, i. 207.

 In thought I see thy form when farthest far or nearest near, ii. 42.

 In thy whole world there is not one, iv. 187.

 In vest of saffron pale and safflower red, i. 219.

 Incline not to parting, I pray, viii. 314.

 Indeed afflicted sore are we and all distraught, viii. 48.

 Indeed I am consoled now and sleep without a tear, iv. 242.

 Indeed I deem thy favours might be bought, iii. 34.

 Indeed I hourly need thy choicest aid, v. 281.

 Indeed I’ll bear my love for thee with firmest soul, iv. 241.

 Indeed I longed to share unweal with thee, iii. 323.

 Indeed I’m heart-broken to see thee start, viii. 63.

 Indeed I’m strong to bear whatever befal, iii. 46.

 Indeed my heart loves all the lovely boys, ix. 253.

 Indeed, ran my tears on the severance day, vii. 64.

 Indeed, to watch the darkness-moon he blighted me, iii. 277.

 Irks me my fate and clean unknows that I, viii. 130.

 “Is Abu’s-Sakr of Shaybán” they asked, v. 100.

 Is it not strange one house us two contain, iv. 279.

 Is not her love a pledge by all mankind confest?, ii. 186.

 It behoveth folk who rule in our time, viii. 294.

 It happed one day a hawk pounced on a bird, iv. 103.

 It runs through every joint of them as runs, x. 39.

 It seems as though of Lot’s tribe were our days, iii. 301.

 It was as though the sable dye upon her palms, iii. 105.

 Jamil, in Holy War go fight! to me they say, ii. 102.

 Jahannam, next Lazá, and third Hatim, v. 240.

 Jamrkan am I! and a man of might, vii. 23.

 Joy from stroke of string doth to me incline, viii. 227.

 Joy is nigh, O Masrúr, so rejoice in true rede, viii. 221.

 “Joy needs shall come,” a prattler ’gan to prattle, iii. 7.

 Joy of boughs, bright branch of Myrobalan!, viii. 213.

 Joy so o’ercometh me, for stress of joy, v. 355.

 Joyance is come, dispelling cark and care, v. 61.

 Kingdom with none endures; if thou deny this truth, where be the Kings
    of earlier earth?, i. 129.

 Kinsmen of mine were those three men who came to thee, iv. 289.

 Kisras and Cæsars in a bygone day, ii. 41.

 Kiss then his fingers which no fingers are, iv. 147.

 Lack of good is exile to man at home, ix. 199.

 Lack-gold abaseth man and doth his worth away, ix. 290.

 Lady of beauty, say, who taught thee hard and harsh design, iii. 5.

 Laud not long hair, except it be dispread, ii. 230.

 Laud to my Lord who gave thee all of loveliness, iv. 143.

 Leave this blame, I will list to no enemy’s blame!, iii. 61.

 Leave this thy design and depart, O man!, viii. 212.

 Leave thou the days to breed their ban and bate, ii. 41.

 Leave thy home for abroad an wouldest rise on high, ix. 138.

 Let days their folds and plies deploy, ii. 309.

 Let destiny with slackened rein its course appointed fare!, viii. 70.

 Let Fate with slackened bridle fare her pace, iv. 173.

 Let Fortune have her wanton way, i. 107.

 Let thy thought be ill and none else but ill, iii. 142.

 Leyla’s phantom came by night, viii. 14.

 Life has no sweet for me since forth ye fared, iii. 177.

 Like are the orange hills when zephyr breathes, viii. 272.

 Like a tree is he who in wealth doth wone, ii. 14.

 Like fullest moon she shines on happiest night, v. 347.

 Like moon she shines amid the starry sky, v. 32.

 Like peach in vergier growing, viii. 270.

 Like the full moon she shineth in garments all of green, viii. 327.

 Lion of the wold wilt thou murder me, v. 40.

 Long as earth is earth, long as sky is sky, ix. 317.

 Long have I chid thee, but my chiding hindereth thee not, vii. 225.

 Long have I wept o’er severance ban and bane, i. 249.

 Long I lamented that we fell apart, ii. 187.

 Long, long have I bewailed the sev’rance of our loves, iii. 275.

 Long was my night for sleepless misery, iv. 263.

 Longsome is absence; Care and Fear are sore, ii. 295.

 Longsome is absence, restlessness increaseth, vii. 212.

 Look at the Lote-tree, note on boughs arrayed, viii. 271.

 Look at the apricot whose bloom contains, viii. 268.

 Look on the Pyramids and hear the twain, v. 106.

 Love, at first sight, is a spurt of spray, vii. 280.

 Love, at the first, is a spurt of spray, vii. 330.

 Love for my fair they chide in angry way, iii. 233.

 Love in my breast they lit and fared away, iii. 296.

 Love in my heart they lit and went their ways, i. 232.

 Love-longing urged me not except to trip in speech o’er free, ix. 322.

 Love smote my frame so sore on parting day, ii. 152.

 Love’s tongue within my heart speaks plain to thee, iv. 135.

 Love’s votaries I ceased not to oppose, iii. 290.

 Lover with his beloved loseth will and aim, v. 289.

 Lover, when parted from the thing he loves, viii. 36.

 Luck to the Rubber, whose deft hand o’erflies, iii. 17.

 Make me not (Allah save the Caliph!) one of the betrayed, vii. 129.

 Make thy game by guile for thou’rt born in a time, iii. 141.

 Man is known among men as his deeds attest, ix. 164.

 Man wills his wish to him accorded be, iv. 157.

 Many whose ankle rings are dumb have tinkling belts, iii. 302.

 Masrur joys life made fair by all delight of days, viii. 234.

 May Allah never make you parting dree, v. 74.

 May coins thou makest joy in heart instil, ix. 69.

 May God deny me boon of troth if I, viii. 34.

 May that Monarch’s life span a mighty span, ii. 75.

 Mazed with thy love no more I can feign patience, viii. 321.

 Melted pure gold in silvern bowl to drain, v. 66.

 Men and dogs together are all gone by, iv. 268.

 Men are a hidden malady, iv. 188.

 Men craving pardon will uplift their hands, iii. 304.

 Men have ’plained of pining before my time, iii. 183.

 Men in their purposes are much alike, vii. 169.

 Men’s turning unto bums of boys is bumptious, v. 162.

 Methought she was the forenoon sun until she donned the veil, viii.

 Mine ear forewent mine eye in loving him, ix. 222.

 Mine eyes I admire that can feed their fill, viii. 224.

 Mine eyes ne’er looked on aught the Almond like, viii. 270.

 Mine eyes were dragomans for my tongue betied, i. 121.

 Mine is a Chief who reached most haught estate, i. 253.

 ’Minish this blame I ever bear from you, iii. 60.

 Morn saith to Night, “withdraw and let me shine,” i. 132.

 Most beautiful is earth in budding bloom, ii. 86.

 Muawiyah, thou gen’rous lord, and best of men that be, vii. 125.

 My best salam to what that robe enrobes of symmetry, ix. 321.

 My blamers instant chid that I for her become consoled, viii. 171.

 My blamers say of me, He is consoled, And lie!, v. 158.

 My body bides the sad abode of grief and malady, iv. 230.

 My censors say, What means this pine for him?, v. 158.

 My charmer who spellest my piety, ix. 243.

 My coolth of eyes, the darling child of me, v. 260.

 My day of bliss is that when thou appearest, iii. 291.

 My friend I prithee tell me, ’neath the sky, v. 107.

 My friend who went hath returned once more, vi. 196.

 My friends, despite this distance and this cruelty, viii. 115.

 My friends, I yearn in heart distraught for him, vii. 212.

 My friends! if ye are banisht from mine eyes, iii. 340.

 My friends, Rayyá hath mounted soon as morning shone, vii. 93.

 My fondness, O my moon, for thee my foeman is, iii. 256.

 My heart disheartened is, my breast is strait, ii. 238.

 My heart is a thrall: my tears ne’er abate, viii. 346.

 My life for the scavenger! right well I love him, i. 312.

 My life is gone but love-longings remain, viii. 345.

 My longing bred of love with mine unease for ever grows, vii. 211.

 My Lord hath servants fain of piety, v. 277.

 My lord, this be the Sun, the Moon thou hadst before, vii. 143.

 My lord, this full moon takes in Heaven of thee new birth, vii. 143.

 My love a meeting promised me and kept it faithfully, iii. 195.

 My loved one’s name in cheerless solitude aye cheereth me, v. 59.

 My lover came in at the close of night, iv. 124.

 My lover came to me one night, iv. 252.

 My mind’s withdrawn from Zaynab and Nawár, iii. 239.

 My patience failed me when my lover went, viii. 259.

 My patience fails me and grows anxiety, viii. 14.

 My prickle is big and the little one said, iii. 302.

 My Salám to the Fawn in the garments concealed, iv. 50.

 My sin to thee is great, iv. 109.

 My sister said, as saw she how I stood, iii. 109.

 My sleeplessness would show I love to bide on wake, iii. 195.

 My soul and my folk I engage for the youth, vii. 111.

 My soul for loss of lover sped I sight, viii. 67.

 My soul be sacrifice for one, whose going, iii. 292.

 My soul thy sacrifice! I chose thee out, iii. 303.

 My soul to him who smiled back my salute, iii. 168.

 My tale, indeed, is tale unlief, iv. 265.

 My tears thus flowing rival with my wine, iii. 169.

 My tribe have slain that brother mine, Umaym, iv. 110.

 My wish, mine illness, mine unease! by Allah, own, viii. 68.

 My wrongs hide I, withal they show to sight, viii. 260.

 My yearning for thee though long is fresh, iv. 211.

 Naught came to salute me in sleep save his shade, vii. 111.

 Naught garred me weep save where and when of severance spake he, viii.

 Nears my parting fro’ my love, nigher draws the severance-day, viii.

 Need drives a man into devious roads, ii. 14.

 Needs must I bear the term by Fate decreed, ii. 41.

 Ne’er cease thy gate be Ka’abah to mankind, iv. 148.

 Ne’er dawn the severance-day on any wise, viii. 49.

 Ne’er incline thee to part, ii. 105.

 Ne’er was a man with beard grown overlong, viii. 298.

 News my wife wots is not a locket in a box!, i. 311.

 News of my love fill all the land, I swear, iii. 287.

 No breeze of Union to the lover blows, viii. 239.

 No! I declare by Him to whom all bow, v. 152.

 No longer beguile me, iii. 137.

 “No ring-dove moans from home on branch in morning light,” ii. 152.

 None but the good a secret keep And good men keep it unrevealed, i. 87.

 None but the men of worth a secret keep, iii. 289.

 None keepeth a secret but a faithful person, iv. 233.

 None other charms but thine shall greet mine eyes, i. 156.

 None wotteth best joyance but generous youth, v. 67.

 Not with his must I’m drunk, but verily, v. 158.

 Now an, by Allah, unto man were fully known, iii. 128.

 Now, an of woman ask ye, I reply, iii. 214.

 Now blame him not; for blame brings only vice and pain, ii. 297.

 Now, by my life, brown hue hath point of comeliness, iv. 258.

 Now, by thy life, and wert thou just my life thou hadst not ta’en, i.

 Now, by your love! your love I’ll ne’er forget, viii. 315.

 Now I indeed will hide desire and all repine, v. 267.

 Now is my dread to incur reproaches, which, iii. 59.

 Now love hast banished all that bred delight, iii. 259.

 Now with their says and said no more vex me the chiding race, iv. 207.

 O Adornment of beauties to thee write I, vii. 176.

 O beauty’s Union! love for thee’s my creed, iii. 303.

 O best of race to whom gave Hawwá boon of birth, v. 139.

 O bibber of liquor, art not ashamed, v. 224.

 O breeze that blowest from the land Irak, viii. 103.

 O child of Adam let not hope make mock and flyte at thee, vi. 116.

 O culver of the copse, with salams I greet, v. 49.

 O day of joys to either lover fain!, v. 63.

 O dwelling of my friends, say is there no return, viii. 319.

 O fair ones forth ye cast my faithful love, ix. 300.

 O fertile root and noble growth of trunk, ii. 43.

 O fisherman no care hast thou to fear, v. 51.

 O flier from thy home when foes affright!, v. 290.

 O friends of me one favour more I pray, v. 125.

 O glad news bearer well come!, ii. 326.

 O hail to him whose locks his cheeks o’ershade, x. 58.

 O Hayát al-Nufús be gen’rous and incline, vii. 217.

 O heart, an lover false thee, shun the parting bane, viii. 94.

 O heart! be not thy love confined to one, iii. 232.

 O hope of me! pursue me not with rigour and disdain, iii. 28.

 O joy of Hell and Heaven! whose tormentry, iii. 19.

 O Keener, O sweetheart, thou fallest not short, i. 311.

 O Kings of beauty, grace to prisoner ta’en, viii. 96.

 O Lord, by the Five Shaykhs, I pray deliver me, vii. 226.

 O Lord, how many a grief from me hast driven, v. 270.

 O Lord, my foes are fain to slay me in despight, viii. 117.

 O Lords of me, who fared but whom my heart e’er followeth, iv. 239.

 O Love, thou’rt instant in thy cruellest guise, iv. 204.

 O lover thou bringest to thought a tide, v. 50.

 O Maryam of beauty return for these eyne, viii. 321.

 O Miriam thy chiding I pray, forego, ix. 8.

 O moon for ever set this earth below, iii. 323.

 O Moslem! thou whose guide is Alcoràn, iv. 173.

 O most noble of men in this time and stound, iv. 20.

 O my censor who wakest amorn to see, viii. 343.

 O my friend, an I rendered my life, my sprite, ix. 214.

 O my friend! reft of rest no repose I command, ii. 35.

 O my friends, have ye seen or have ye heard, vi. 174.

 O my heart’s desire, grows my misery, vii. 248.

 O my Lord, well I weet thy puissant hand, vi. 97.

 O Night of Union, Time’s virginal prize, viii. 328.

 O my lords, shall he to your minds occur, ix. 299.

 O Night here I stay! I want no morning light, iv. 144.

 O passing Fair I have none else but thee, vii. 365.

 O pearl-set mouth of friend, iv. 231.

 O pearly mouth of friend, who set those pretty pearls in line, iv. 231.

 O Rose, thou rare of charms that dost contain, viii. 275.

 O sire, be not deceived by worldly joys, v. 114.

 O son of mine uncle! same sorrow I bear, iii. 61.

 O spare me, thou Ghazban, indeed enow for me, ii. 126.

 O Spring-camp have ruth on mine overthrowing, viii. 240.

 O thou Badi’a ’l-Jamál, show thou some clemency, vii. 368.

 O thou of generous seed and true nobility, vi. 252.

 O thou sheeniest Sun who in night dost shine, viii. 215.

 O Thou, the One, whose grace doth all the world embrace, v. 272.

 O thou tomb! O thou tomb! be his horrors set in blight?, i. 76.

 O thou to whom sad trembling wights in fear complain!, iii. 317.

 O thou who barest leg-calf better to suggest, ii. 327.

 O thou who claimest to be prey of love and ecstasy, vii. 220.

 O thou who deignest come at sorest syne, iii. 78.

 O thou who dost comprise all Beauty’s boons!, vii. 107.

 O thou who dyest hoariness with black, viii. 295.

 O Thou who fearest Fate, i. 56.

 O thou who for thy wakeful nights wouldst claim my love to boon, iii.

 O thou who g