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Title: Cicero Letters to Atticus, v. I
Author: Cicero, Marcus Tullius
Language: English
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                       THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY
                               EDITED BY
             T. E. PAGE, M.A., AND W. H. D. ROUSE, LITT.D.

                           LETTERS TO ATTICUS
                                   I


[Illustration:

  CICERO.

  _BUST IN THE CAPITOLINE MUSEUM, ROME._
]



                                 CICERO
                           LETTERS TO ATTICUS


                     WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
                          E. O. WINSTEDT, M.A.
                      OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD

                            IN THREE VOLUMES

                                   I

[Illustration: WH]

                       LONDON: WILLIAM HEINEMANN
                     NEW YORK: G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS
                                MCMXIX.

                         _First printed 1912._

                           _Reprinted 1919._

------------------------------------------------------------------------



                              INTRODUCTION


The letters contained in this volume cover a large and important period
in Cicero’s life and in the history of Rome. They begin when he was 38
years of age; and at first they are not very numerous. There are only
two of that year (68 B.C.), six of the following year, one of the year
66, when he held the praetorship, and two of 65. Then there is a gap in
his correspondence. No letters at all survive from the period of his
consulship and the Catilinarian conspiracy; and the letters to Atticus
do not begin again until two years after that event. Thereafter they are
sufficiently frequent to justify Cornelius Nepos’ criticism, that
reading them, one has little need of an elaborate history of the period.
There are full—almost too full—details, considering the frequent
complaints and repetitions, during the year of his banishment (58–57
B.C.), and the correspondence continues unbroken to the year 54. Then
after a lapse of two years or more, which Atticus presumably spent in
Rome, it begins again in 51, when Cicero was sent to Cilicia as
pro-consul, much against his will; and the volume ends with a hint of
the trouble that was brewing between Caesar and Pompey, as Cicero was
returning to Rome towards the end of the next year.

The letters have been translated in the traditionary order in which they
are usually printed. That order, however, is not strictly chronological;
and, for the convenience of those who would read them in their
historical order, a table arranging them so far as possible in order of
date has been drawn up at the end of the volume.

For the basis of the text the Teubner edition has been used; but it has
been revised by comparison with more recent works and papers on the
subject. Textual notes have only been given in a few cases where the
reading is especially corrupt or uncertain; and other notes too have
been confined to cases where they seemed absolutely indispensable. For
such notes and in the translation itself, I must acknowledge my
indebtedness to predecessors, especially to Tyrrell’s indispensable
edition and Shuckburgh’s excellent translation.

There remain two small points to which I may perhaps call attention here
in case they should puzzle the general reader. The first is that, when
he finds the dates in this volume disagreeing with the rules and tables
generally given in Latin grammars and taught in schools, he must please
to remember that those rules apply only to the Julian Calendar, which
was introduced in 45 B.C., and that these letters were written before
that date. Before the alterations introduced by Caesar, March, May, July
and October had 31 days each, February 28, and the other months 29.
Compared with the Julian Calendar this shows a difference of two days in
all dates which fall between the Ides and the end of the months January,
August and December, and of one day in similar dates in April, June,
September and November.

The second point, which requires explanation, is the presence of some
numerals in the margin of the text of letters 16 to 19 of Book IV. As
Mommsen pointed out, the archetype from which the existent MSS. were
copied must have had some of the leaves containing these letters
transposed. These were copied in our MSS. in the wrong order, and were
so printed in earlier editions. In the text Mommsen’s order, with some
recent modifications introduced by Holzapfel, has been adopted; and the
figures in the margin denote the place of the transposed passages in the
older editions, the Roman figures denoting the letter from which each
particular passage has been shifted and the Arabic numerals the section
of that letter.

The following signs have been used in the apparatus criticus:—

  _M_ = the _Codex Mediceus_ 49, 18, written in the year 1389 A.D., and
    now preserved in the Laurentian Library at Florence. _M_^1 denotes
    the reading of the first hand, and _M_^2 that of a reviser.

  Δ = the reading of _M_ when supported by that of the _Codex Urbinas_
    322, a MS. of the 15th century, preserved in the Vatican Library.

  _E_ = _Codex Ambrosianus_ E, 14, a MS. probably of the 14th century,
    in the Ambrosian Library at Milan.

  _N_ = the _Codex ex abbatia Florentina_ n. 49 in the Laurentian
    Library, written in the 14th or 15th century.

  _P_ = No. 8536 of the Latin MSS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale at
    Paris, a MS. of the 15th century.

  _R_ = No. 8538 of the same collection, written in the year 1419. These
    four MSS. _E_, _N_, _P_, _R_, with some others form a separate
    class; and

  Σ = the reading of all the MSS. of this class, or of a preponderant
    number of them.

  _C_ = the marginal readings in Cratander’s edition of 1528, drawn from
    a MS. which is now lost.

  _Z_ = the readings of the lost _Codex Tornaesianus_, _Z_^b denoting
    the reading as preserved by Bosius, and _Z_^l that testified to by
    Lambinus.

  _I_ = the reading of the _editio Jensoniana_ published at Venice in
    1470.

  _Rom._ = the edition published at Rome in 1470.



                                CONTENTS


                  Letters to Atticus Book I   _Page_ 3

                  Letters to Atticus Book II       101

                  Letters to Atticus Book III      197

                  Letters to Atticus Book IV       259

                  Letters to Atticus Book V        337

                  Letters to Atticus Book VI       415



                            CICERO’S LETTERS
                               TO ATTICUS


                                 BOOK I



                           M. TULLI CICERONIS
                         EPISTULARUM AD ATTICUM
                              LIBER PRIMUS


                                   I

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae m. Quint. a. 689_]

Petitionis nostrae, quam tibi summae curae esse scio, huius modi ratio
est, quod adhuc coniectura provideri possit. Prensat unus P. Galba. Sine
fuco ac fallaciis more maiorum negatur. Ut opinio est hominum, non
aliena rationi nostrae fuit illius haec praepropera prensatio. Nam illi
ita negant vulgo, ut mihi se debere dicant. Ita quiddam spero nobis
profici, cum hoc percrebrescit, plurimos nostros amicos inveniri. Nos
autem initium prensandi facere cogitaramus eo ipso tempore, quo tuum
puerum cum his litteris proficisci Cincius dicebat, in campo comitiis
tribuniciis a. d. XVI Kalend. Sextiles. Competitores, qui certi esse
videantur, Galba et Antonius et Q. Cornificius. Puto te in hoc aut
risisse aut ingemuisse. Ut frontem ferias, sunt, qui etiam Caesonium
putent. Aquilium non arbitrabamur, qui denegavit et iuravit morbum et
illud suum regnum iudiciale opposuit. Catilina, si iudicatum erit
meridie non lucere, certus erit competitor. De Aufidio et Palicano non
puto te exspectare dum scribam. De iis, qui nunc petunt, Caesar certus
putatur. Thermus cum Silano contendere



                            CICERO’S LETTERS
                               TO ATTICUS
                                 BOOK I


                                   I

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, July_, B.C. _65_]

With regard to my candidature, in which I know you take the greatest
interest, things stand as follows, so far as one can guess at present.
P. Galba is the only canvasser who is hard at work; and he meets with a
plain and simple, old-fashioned, No. As people think, this unseemly
haste of his in canvassing is by no means a bad thing for my interests:
for most refusals imply a pledge of support to me. So I have hope that I
may derive some advantage from it, when the news gets abroad that my
supporters are in the majority. I had thought of beginning to canvass in
the Campus Martius at the election of tribunes on the 17th of July, the
very time that, Cincius tells me, your man will be starting with this
letter. It seems certain that Galba, Antonius, and Q. Cornificius will
be standing with me. I can imagine your smile or sigh at the news. To
make you tear your hair, there are some who think Caesonius will be a
candidate too. I don’t suppose Aquilius will. He has said not, pleading
his illness and his supremacy in the law courts in excuse. Catiline will
be sure to be standing, if the verdict is, No sun at midday. Of course
you will know all about Aufidius and Palicanus, without waiting for
letters from me. Of those who are standing, Caesar is thought to be a
certainty: the real fight is expected

existimatur; qui sic inopes et ab amicis et existimatione sunt, ut mihi
videatur non esse ἀδύνατον Curium obducere. Sed hoc praeter me nemini
videtur. Nostris rationibus maxime conducere videtur Thermum fieri cum
Caesare. Nemo est enim ex iis, qui nunc petunt, qui, si in nostrum annum
reciderit, firmior candidatus fore videatur, propterea quod curator est
viae Flaminiae, quae tum erit absoluta sane facile. Eum libenter nunc
Caesari consuli accuderim.[1] Petitorum haec est adhuc informata
cogitatio. Nos in omni munere candidatorio fungendo summam adhibebimus
diligentiam, et fortasse, quoniam videtur in suffragiis multum posse
Gallia, cum Romae a iudiciis forum refrixerit, excurremus mense
Septembri legati ad Pisonem, ut Ianuario revertamur. Cum perspexero
voluntates nobilium, scribam ad te. Cetera spero prolixa esse his
dumtaxat urbanis competitoribus. Illam manum tu mihi cura ut praestes,
quoniam propius abes, Pompei, nostri amici. Nega me ei iratum fore, si
ad mea comitia non venerit. Atque haec huius modi sunt.

Sed est, quod abs te mihi ignosci pervelim. Caecilius, avunculus tuus, a
P. Vario cum magna pecunia fraudaretur, agere coepit cum eius fratre A.
Caninio Satyro de iis rebus, quas eum dolo malo mancipio accepisse de
Vario diceret. Una agebant ceteri creditores, in quibus erat L. Lucullus
et P. Scipio et, is quem putabant magistrum fore, si bona venirent, L.

Footnote 1:

  que cum (tum _Z_) erit—libenter nunc ceteri (nuntitere _M marg._:
  nunciteri _Z_) consuli (concili _Z_), acciderim (acciderunt _Z_) _M
  Z_^l: _the reading in the text is that of Boot_.

to lie between Thermus and Silanus. But they are so unpopular and so
unknown, that it seems to me to be on the cards to smuggle in Curius.
Nobody else thinks so, however. It would probably suit our book best for
Thermus to get in with Caesar: for, of the present batch of candidates,
he would be the most formidable rival if he were put off to my year, as
he is commissioner for the repairing of the Flaminian road. That will
easily be finished by then: so I should like to lump him together with
Caesar now. Such is the present rough guess of the chances of the
candidates. I shall take the greatest care to fulfil all a candidate’s
duties: and, as Gaul’s vote counts high, I shall probably get a free
pass and take a run up to visit Piso, as soon as things have quieted
down in the law courts here, returning in January. When I have
discovered the views of the upper ten, I will let you know. The rest I
hope will be plain sailing, with my civilian rivals at any rate. For our
friend Pompey’s followers you must be responsible, as you are quite
close to them. Tell him I shall not take it unkindly if he does not come
to my election. So much for that.

But there is a thing for which I have to crave your pardon. Your uncle,
Caecilius, was cheated out of a large sum of money by P. Varius, and has
taken an action against his brother, A. Caninius Satyrus, about some
property which he says was fraudulently made over to him by Varius. The
other creditors have made common cause with him: and among them are L.
Lucullus and P. Scipio and the man who was expected to act for them at
the sale, if the goods were put up for auction, L. Pontius.

Pontius. Verum hoc ridiculum est de magistro. Nunc cognosce rem. Rogavit
me Caecilius, ut adessem contra Satyrum. Dies fere nullus est, quin hic
Satyrus domum meam ventitet; observat L. Domitium maxime, me habet
proximum; fuit et mihi et Quinto fratri magno usui in nostri
petitionibus. Sane sum perturbatus cum ipsius Satyri familiaritate tum
Domiti, in quo uno maxime ambitio nostra nititur. Demonstravi haec
Caecilio simul et illud ostendi, si ipse unus cum illo uno contenderet,
me ei satis facturum fuisse; nunc in causa universorum creditorum,
hominum praesertim amplissimorum, qui sine eo, quem Caecilius suo nomine
perhiberet, facile causam communem sustinerent, aequum esse eum et
officio meo consulere et tempori. Durius accipere hoc mihi visus est,
quam vellem, et quam homines belli solent, et postea prorsus ab
instituta nostra paucorum dierum consuetudine longe refugit.

Abs te peto, ut mihi hoc ignoscas et me existimes humanitate esse
prohibitum, ne contra amici summam existimationem miserrimo eius tempore
venirem, cum is omnia sua studia et officia in me contulisset. Quodsi
voles in me esse durior, ambitionem putabis mihi obstitisse. Ego autem
arbitror, etiamsi id sit, mihi ignoscendum esse,

                     ἐπεὶ οὐχ ἱερήιον οὐδὲ βοείην.

Vides enim, in quo cursu simus et quam omnes gratias non modo
retinendas, verum etiam acquirendas

But it is absurd to talk of acting for them at present. Now for the
point. Caecilius asked me to take a brief against Satyrus. Now there is
hardly a day but Satyrus pays me a visit. He is most attentive to L.
Domitius and after him to me, and he was of great assistance to me and
to my brother Quintus when we were canvassing. I am really embarrassed
on account of the friendliness of Satyrus himself and of Domitius, who
is the mainstay of my hopes. I pointed this out to Caecilius, assuring
him at the same time that, if he stood alone against Satyrus, I would
have done my best for him: but, as things were, when the creditors had
combined and were such influential persons that they would easily win
their case without any special advocate whom Caecilius might retain on
his own account, it was only fair for him to consider my obligations and
my circumstances. He seemed to take it more ungraciously than I could
have wished or than a gentleman should: and afterwards he withdrew
entirely from the intimacy which had grown up between us in the last few
days.

Please try to forgive me and to believe that delicacy prevented me from
appearing against a friend whose very good name was at stake, in the
hour of his misfortune, when the friendly attentions he had paid to me
had been unfailing. If you cannot take so kind a view, pray consider
that my candidature stood in the way. I think even so I may be forgiven:
for there is not “a trifle, some eightpenny matter,”[2] at [Sidenote:
Iliad xxii, 159] stake. You know the game I am playing, and how
important it is for me to keep in with every one and

Footnote 2:

  Lit. “Since it was not for a victim for sacrifice nor for an oxhide
  shield (they strove).”

putemus. Spero tibi me causam probasse, cupio quidem certe.

Hermathena tua valde me delectat et posita ita belle est, ut totum
gymnasium eius ἀνάθημα[3] esse videatur. Multum te amamus.


                                   II

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae paulo post ep. 1 a. 689_]

L. Iulio Caesare, C. Marcio Figulo consulibus filiolo me auctum scito
salva Terentia. Abs te tam diu nihil litterarum! Ego de meis ad te
rationibus scripsi antea diligenter. Hoc tempore Catilinam, competitorem
nostrum, defendere cogitamus. Iudices habemus, quos volumus, summa
accusatoris voluntate. Spero, si absolutus erit, coniunctiorem illum
nobis fore in ratione petitionis; sin aliter acciderit, humaniter
feremus.

Tuo adventu nobis opus est maturo; nam prorsus summa hominum est opinio
tuos familiares nobiles homines adversarios honori nostro fore. Ad eorum
voluntatem mihi conciliandam maximo te mihi usui fore video. Quare
Ianuario mense, ut constituisti, cura ut Romae sis.


                                  III

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae ex. a. 687_]

Aviam tuam scito desiderio tui mortuam esse, et simul quod verita sit,
ne Latinae in officio non manerent et in montem Albanum hostias non
adducerent.

Footnote 3:

  eius ἀνάθημα, Schütz: eiut αναθμα _M_: eliu onaohma _C_.

even to make new friends. I hope I have justified myself to you. I am
really anxious to do so.

I am highly delighted with your Hermathena, and have found such a good
position for it, that the whole class-room seems but an offering at its
feet.[4] Many thanks for it.


                                   II

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, shortly after letter 1_, B.C. _65_]

I beg to inform you that on the very day that L. Julius Caesar and C.
Marcius Figulus were elected to the consulship I was blessed with a baby
boy; and Terentia is doing well. It is ages since I had a letter from
you! I have written before and told you all my affairs. At the present
minute I am thinking about defending my fellow candidate Catiline. We
can have any jury we like with the greatest good will of the prosecutor.
I hope, if Catiline is acquitted, it will make us better friends in our
canvassing: but, if it does not, I shall take it quietly.

I badly want you back soon: for there is a widespread opinion that some
friends of yours among the upper ten are opposed to my election, and I
can see that you will be of the greatest assistance to me in winning
their good will. So be sure you come back to town in January, as you
proposed.


                                  III

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, towards the end of_ B.C. _67_]

I beg to inform you that your grandmother has died of grief at your
absence and of fear that the Latin tribes would revolt and not bring the
beasts

Footnote 4:

  ἀνάθημα is generally used of an offering at a shrine, and Cicero seems
  to speak here of the Hermathena as the goddess to whom the whole room
  was dedicated. But the reading is uncertain.

Eius rei consolationem ad te L. Saufeium missurum esse arbitror. Nos hic
te ad mensem Ianuarium exspectamus ex quodam rumore an ex litteris tuis
ad alios missis; nam ad me de eo nihil scripsisti. Signa quae nobis
curasti, ea sunt ad Caietam exposita. Nos ea non vidimus; neque enim
exeundi Roma potestas nobis fuit. Misimus, qui pro vectura solveret. Te
multum amamus, quod ea abs te diligenter parvoque curata sunt.

Quod ad me saepe scripsisti de nostro amico placando, feci et expertus
sum omnia, sed mirandum in modum est animo abalienato. Quibus de
suspicionibus etsi audisse te arbitror, tamen ex me, cum veneris,
cognosces. Sallustium praesentem restituere in eius veterem gratiam non
potui. Hoc ad te scripsi, quod is me accusare de te solebat. In se
expertus est illum esse minus exorabilem, meum studium nec sibi nec tibi
defuisse. Tulliolam C. Pisoni L. f. Frugi despondimus.


                                   IV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae in. a. 688_]

Crebras exspectationes nobis tui commoves. Nuper quidem, cum iam te
adventare arbitraremur; repente abs te in mensem Quintilem reiecti
sumus. Nunc vero sentio, quod commodo tuo facere poteris, venias

to the Alban hill for sacrifice.[5] No doubt Saufeius will send you a
letter of condolence. I am expecting you back by January—from mere
hearsay, or was it perhaps from letters you have sent to others? You
have not said anything about it to me. The statues you have obtained for
me have been landed at Caieta. I’ve not seen them yet, as I’ve not had a
chance of getting away from town: but I’ve sent a man to pay for the
carriage. Many thanks for the trouble you’ve taken in getting them—so
cheaply too.

You keep writing to me to make your peace with our friend. I have tried
every means I know: but it is surprising how estranged he is from you. I
expect you have heard what he thinks about you: anyhow I’ll let you know
when you come. I have not been able to restore the old terms of intimacy
between him and Sallustius, though the latter was on the spot. I mention
it because Sallustius used to grumble at me about you. Now he has found
out that our friend is not so easy to appease, and that I have done my
best for both of you. Our little Tullia is engaged to C. Piso Frugi, son
of Lucius.


                                   IV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, at the beginning of_ B.C. _66_]

You keep on raising our hopes of seeing you: and just the other day,
when we thought you were nearly here, we find ourselves suddenly put off
till July. Now I really do think you ought to keep your promise

Footnote 5:

  The point is not very clear. My translation follows Mr Strachan
  Davidson’s interpretation that the old lady was thinking of the Social
  War which took place twenty years earlier. Others understand _feriae_
  with _Latinae_. and take it to refer merely to possible delays of the
  festival.

ad id tempus, quod scribis; obieris Quinti fratris comitia, nos longo
intervallo viseris, Acutilianam controversiam transegeris. Hoc me etiam
Peducaeus ut ad te scriberem admonuit. Putamus enim utile esse te
aliquando eam rem transigere. Mea intercessio parata et est et fuit. Nos
hic incredibili ac singulari populi voluntate de C. Macro transegimus.
Cui cum aequi fuissemus, tamen multo maiorem fructum ex populi
existimatione illo damnato cepimus quam ex ipsius, si absolutus esset,
gratia cepissemus.

Quod ad me de Hermathena scribis, per mihi gratum est. Est ornamentum
Academiae proprium meae, quod et Hermes commune omnium et Minerva
singulare est insigne eius gymnasii. Quare velim, ut scribis, ceteris
quoque rebus quam plurimis eum locum ornes. Quae mihi antea signa
misisti, ea nondum vidi; in Formiano sunt, quo ego mine proficisci
cogitabam. Illa omnia in Tusculanum deportabo. Caietam, si quando
abundare coepero, ornabo. Libros tuos conserva et noli desperare eos me
meos facere posse. Quod si adsequor, supero Crassum divitiis atque
omnium vicos et prata contemno.


                                   V

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae paulo ante IV K. Dec. 686_]

Quantum dolorem acceperim et quanto fructu sim privatus et forensi et
domestico Luci fratris nostri morte, in primis pro nostra consuetudine
tu existimare potes. Nam mihi omnia, quae iucunda ex humanitate

and come if you possibly can manage it. You will be in time for my
brother Quintus’ election: you will see me after all this long while;
and you will settle the bother with Acutilius. The latter point
Peducaeus too suggested that I should mention to you: we think it would
be much better for you to get the thing settled at last. I am and have
long been ready to use my influence for you. You would never believe how
pleased every one is with my conduct of Macer’s case. I might certainly
have shown more partiality to him: but the popularity I have gained from
his condemnation is far more important to me than his gratitude at an
acquittal would have been.

I am delighted at your news about the Hermathena. It is a most suitable
ornament for my Academy, since no class-room is complete without a
Hermes, and Minerva has a special appropriateness in mine. So please do
as you suggest and send as many ornaments as possible for the place. The
statues you sent before I have not seen yet. They are in my house at
Formiae, where I am just thinking of going. I’ll have them all brought
to my place at Tusculum, and, if that ever gets too full, I’ll begin
decorating Caieta. Keep your books and don’t despair of my making them
mine some day. If I ever do, I shall be the richest of millionaires and
shan’t envy any man his manors and meadows.


                                   V

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, shortly before Nov. 27_ B.C. _68_]

You, who know me so well, can guess better than anyone the grief I have
felt at the death of my cousin Lucius and the loss it means to me both
in my public and in my private life. He has always

alterius et moribus homini accidere possunt, ex illo accidebant. Quare
non dubito, quin tibi quoque id molestum sit, cum et meo dolore moveare
et ipse omni virtute officioque ornatissimum tuique et sua sponte et meo
sermone amantem adfinem amicumque amiseris.

Quod ad me scribis de sorore tua, testis erit tibi ipsa, quantae mihi
curae fuerit, ut Quinti fratris animus in eam esset is, qui esse
deberet. Quem cum esse offensiorem arbitrarer, eas litteras ad eum misi,
quibus et placarem ut fratrem et monerem ut minorem et obiurgarem ut
errantem. Itaque ex iis, quae postea saepe ab eo ad me scripta sunt,
confido ita esse omnia, ut et oporteat et velimus.

De litterarum missione sine causa abs te accusor. Numquam enim a
Pomponia nostra certior sum factus esse, cui dare litteras possem, porro
autem neque mihi accidit, ut haberem, qui in Epirum proficisceretur,
nequedum te Athenis esse audiebamus. De Acutiliano autem negotio quod
mihi mandaras, ut primum a tuo digressu Romam veni, confeceram; sed
accidit, ut et contentione nihil opus esset, et ut ego, qui in te satis
consilii statuerim esse, mallem Peducaeum tibi consilium per litteras
quam me dare. Etenim, cum multos dies aures meas Acutilio dedissem,
cuius sermonis genus tibi notum esse arbitror, non mihi grave duxi
scribere ad te de illius querimoniis, cum eas audire, quod erat
subodiosum, leve putassem. Sed abs te ipso, qui me accusas, unas mihi
scito litteras redditas esse, cum et otii ad scribendum plus et
facultatem dandi maiorem habueris.

Quod scribis, etiamsi cuius animus in te esset

been kindness itself to me, and has rendered me every service a friend
could. I am sure you too will feel it, partly out of sympathy with me,
and partly because you will miss a dear and valued friend and relative,
who was attached to you of his own accord and at my prompting.

You mention your sister. She herself will tell you the pains I have
taken to make my brother Quintus behave as he should to her. When I
thought he was a little annoyed, I wrote to him trying to smooth matters
down with him as a brother, to give him good advice as my junior and to
remonstrate with him as in error. Judging by all the letters I have had
from him since, I trust things are as they should be and as we wish them
to be.

You have no reason to complain of lack of letters from me, as Pomponia
has never let me know when there was a messenger to give them to.
Besides it has so happened that I have not had anyone starting for
Epirus and have not yet heard of your arrival at Athens. Acutilius’
business I settled according to your directions, as soon as ever I got
to Rome after your departure: but, as it happened, there was no hurry,
and, knowing I could trust your good judgement, I preferred Peducaeus to
advise you by letter rather than myself. It was not the bother of
writing you an account of his grievances that I shirked. I spent several
days listening to him, and you know his way of talking; and I did not
mind, though it was a bit of a bore. Though you grumble at me, I’ve only
had one letter from you, let me tell you, and you have had more time to
write and a better chance of sending letters than I’ve had.

You say, “if so and so is a little annoyed with

offensior, a me recolligi oportere, teneo, quid dicas, neque id neglexi,
sed est miro quodam modo adfectus. Ego autem, quae dicenda fuerunt de
te, non praeterii; quid autem contendendum esset, ex tua putabam
voluntate me statuere oportere. Quam si ad me perscripseris, intelleges
me neque diligentiorem esse voluisse, quam tu esses, neque
neglegentiorem fore, quam tu velis.

De Tadiana re mecum Tadius locutus est te ita scripsisse, nihil esse
iam, quod laboraretur, quoniam hereditas usu capta esset. Id mirabamur
te ignorare, de tutela legitima, in qua dicitur esse puella, nihil usu
capi posse. Epiroticam emptionem gaudeo tibi placere. Quae tibi mandavi,
et quae tu intelleges convenire nostro Tusculano, velim, ut scribis,
cures, quod sine molestia tua facere poteris. Nam nos ex omnibus
molestiis et laboribus uno illo in loco conquiescimus. Quintum fratrem
cotidie exspectamus. Terentia magnos articulorum dolores habet. Et te et
sororem tuam et matrem maxime diligit salutemque tibi plurimam ascribit
et Tulliola, deliciae nostrae. Cura, ut valeas et nos ames et tibi
persuadeas te a me fraterne amari.


                                   VI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae paulo post IV K. Dec. a. 686_]

Non committam posthac, ut me accusare de epistularum neglegentia possis;
tu modo videto, in tanto otio ut par in hoc mihi sis. Domum Rabirianam
Neapoli, quam tu iam dimensam et exaedificatam

you,” I ought to patch things up. I know what you mean, and I’ve done my
best: but he is in a very odd mood. I’ve said all I could for you. I
think I ought to follow your wishes as to what special arguments I
should use. If you will write and tell me your wishes, you will find
that I did not wish to be more energetic than you were, nor will I be
less energetic than you wish.

In that matter about Tadius’ property, he tells me you have written him
that there is no necessity for him to trouble any more about it: the
property is his by right of possession. I wonder you forgot, that in the
case of legal wards—and that is what the girl is said to be—right of
possession does not count. I am glad you like your new purchase in
Epirus. Please carry out my commissions, and, as you suggest, buy
anything else you think suitable for my Tusculan villa, if it is no
trouble to you. It is the only place I find restful after a hard day’s
work. I am expecting my brother Quintus every day. Terentia has a bad
attack of rheumatism. She sends her love and best wishes to you and your
sister and mother: and so does my little darling Tullia. Take care of
yourself, and don’t forget me. Your devoted friend.


                                   VI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, shortly after Nov. 27_, B.C. _68_]

I’ll take care that you shall not have any reason to complain of my
slackness in writing to you in the future. See to it yourself that you
keep up with me. You have plenty of spare time. M. Fontius has bought
Rabirius’ house at Naples, which you had in your mind’s eyes ready
mapped out and finished,

animo habebas, M. Fontius emit HS CCCIↃↃↃ¯XXX¯. Id te scire volui, si
quid forte ea res ad cogitationes tuas pertineret. Quintus frater, ut
mihi videtur, quo volumus animo, est in Pomponiam, et cum ea nunc in
Arpinatibus praediis erat, et secum habebat hominem χρηστομαθῆ, D.
Turranium. Pater nobis decessit a. d. IV Kal. Dec.

Haec habebam fere, quae te scire vellem. Tu velim, si qua ornamenta
γυμνασιώδη reperire poteris, quae loci sint eius, quem tu non ignoras,
ne praetermittas. Nos Tusculano ita delectamur, ut nobismet ipsis tum
denique, cum illo venimus, placeamus. Quid agas omnibus de rebus, et
quid acturus sis, fac nos quam diligentissime certiores.


                                  VII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae ante Id. Febr. 687_]

Apud matrem recte est, eaque nobis curae est. L. Cincio HS ¯XX¯CD
constitui me curaturum Idibus Febr. Tu velim ea, quae nobis emisse et
parasse scribis, des operam ut quam primum habeamus, et velim cogites,
id quod mihi pollicitus es, quem ad modum bibliothecam nobis conficere
possis. Omnem spem delectationis nostrae, quam, cum in otium venerimus,
habere volumus, in tua humanitate positam habemus.

for about £1150.[6] I mention it in case you still hanker after it. My
brother is getting on as well as we can wish, I think, with Pomponia. He
is living with her at his estate at Arpinum now, and has with him a
_littérateur_, D. Turranius. My poor father died on November the 27th.

That is about all my budget of news. If you can come across any articles
of _vertu_ fit for my Gymnasium, please don’t let them slip. You know
the place and what suits it. I’m so pleased with my house at Tusculum
that I am never really happy except when I am there. Send me a full
account of your doings and of what you are thinking of doing.


                                  VII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, before Feb. 13_, B.C. _67_]

Things are all right at your mother’s: and I have got my eye on her.
I’ve arranged to deposit £180[7] with L. Cincius on February the 13th.
Please hurry up with the things you say you have bought and got ready
for me. I want them as soon as possible. And keep your promise to
consider how you can secure the library for me. All my hopes of enjoying
myself, when I retire, rest on your kindness.

Footnote 6:

  130,000 sesterces.

Footnote 7:

  20,400 sesterces.


                                  VIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae post Id. Febr. a. 687_]

Apud te est, ut volumus. Mater tua et soror a me Quintoque fratre
diligitur. Cum Acutilio sum locutus. Is sibi negat a suo procuratore
quicquam scriptum esse et miratur istam controversiam fuisse, quod ille
recusarit satis dare amplius abs te non peti. Quod te de Tadiano negotio
decidisse scribis, id ego Tadio et gratum esse intellexi et magno opere
iucundum. Ille noster amicus, vir mehercule optimus et mihi amicissimus,
sane tibi iratus est. Hoc si quanti tu aestimes sciam, tum, quid mihi
elaborandum sit, scire possim.

L. Cincio HS CCIↃↃ CCIↃↃ CCCC pro signis Megaricis, ut tu ad me
scripseras, curavi. Hermae tui Pentelici cum capitibus aeneis, de quibus
ad me scripsisti, iam nunc me admodum delectant. Quare velim et eos et
signa et cetera, quae tibi eius loci et nostri studii et tuae elegantiae
esse videbuntur, quam plurima quam primumque mittas, et maxime quae tibi
gymnasii xystique videbuntur esse. Nam in eo genere sic studio
efferimur, ut abs te adiuvandi, ab aliis prope reprehendendi simus. Si
Lentuli navis non erit, quo tibi placebit, imponito. Tulliola deliciolae
nostrae, tuum munusculum flagitat et me ut sponsorem appellat; mi autem
abiurare certius est quam dependere.


                                  VIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, after Feb. 13_, B.C. _67_]

All’s well—as well as could be desired—at home. Quintus and I are
looking after your mother and sister. I’ve spoken to Acutilius. He says
his broker has not advised him, and is much surprised there should have
been such a fuss because he refused to guarantee that there should be no
further claims on you. The settlement that you have arranged about
Tadius’ affairs is, I am sure, very good news for him, and he is pleased
about it. That friend of mine, who is really quite a good soul and very
amiable to me, is exceedingly annoyed with you. When I know how deeply
you take it to heart, I may be able to lay my plans accordingly.

I have raised the £180[8] for L. Cincius for the statues of Megaric
marble, as you advised me. Those figures of Hermes in Pentelic marble
with bronze heads, about which you wrote, I have already fallen in love
with: so please send them and anything else that you think suits the
place, and my enthusiasm for such things, and your own taste—the more
the merrier, and the sooner the better—especially those you intend for
the Gymnasium and the colonnade. For my appreciation for art treasures
is so great that I am afraid most people will laugh at me, though I
expect encouragement from you. If none of Lentulus’ boats are coming,
put them on any ship you like. My little darling, Tullia, keeps asking
for your promised present and duns me as though I were answerable for
you. But I am going to deny my obligation rather than pay up.

Footnote 8:

  20,400 sesterces.


                                   IX

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae post ep. 8 a. 687_]

Nimium raro nobis abs te litterae adferuntur, cum et multo tu facilius
reperias, qui Romam proficiscantur, quam ego, qui Athenas, et certius
tibi sit me esse Romae quam mihi te Athenis. Itaque propter hanc
dubitationem meam brevior haec ipsa epistula est, quod, cum incertus
essem, ubi esses, nolebam illum nostrum familiarem sermonem in alienas
manus devenire.

Signa Megarica et Hermas, de quibus ad me scripsisti, vehementer
exspecto. Quicquid eiusdem generis habebis, dignum Academia tibi quod
videbitur, ne dubitaris mittere et arcae nostrae confidito. Genus hoc
est voluptatis meae; quae γυμνασιώδη maxime sunt, ea quaero. Lentulus
naves suas pollicetur. Peto abs te, ut haec diligenter cures. Thyillus
te rogat et ego eius rogatu Εὐμολπιδῶν πάτρια.


                                   X

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Tusculano ante Quintil. a. 687_]

Cum essem in Tusculano (erit hoc tibi pro illo tuo: “Cum essem in
Ceramico”) verum tamen cum ibi essem Roma puer a sorore tua missus
epistulam mihi abs te adlatam dedit nuntiavitque eo ipso die post
meridiem iturum eum, qui ad te proficisceretur. Eo factum est, ut
epistulae tuae rescriberem aliquid, brevitate temporis tam pauca cogerer
scribere.


                                   IX

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome_, B.C. _67_]

Your letters are much too few and far between, considering that it is
much easier for you to find some one coming to Rome than for me to find
anyone going to Athens. Besides you can be surer that I am at Rome than
I can be that you are in Athens. The shortness of this letter is due to
my doubts as to your whereabouts. Not knowing for certain where you are,
I don’t want private correspondence to fall into a stranger’s hands.

I am awaiting impatiently the statues of Megaric marble and those of
Hermes, which you mentioned in your letter. Don’t hesitate to send
anything else of the same kind that you have, if it is fit for my
Academy. My purse is long enough. This is my little weakness; and what I
want especially are those that are fit for a Gymnasium. Lentulus
promises his ships. Please bestir yourself about it. Thyillus asks you,
or rather has got me to ask you, for some books on the ritual of the
Eumolpidae.


                                   X

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Tusculum, before July_, B.C. _67_]

When I was in my house at Tusculum—that’s tit for tat against your “When
I was in Ceramicus”—but when I really was there, your sister sent a man
from Rome with a letter from you, and told me that some one was going to
start for Greece that very afternoon. So for lack of time I must make a
very short answer to your letter.

Primum tibi de nostro amico placando aut etiam plane restituendo
polliceor. Quod ego etsi mea sponte ante faciebam, eo nunc tamen et agam
studiosius et contendam ab illo vehementius, quod tantum ex epistula
voluntatem eius rei tuam perspicere videor. Hoc te intellegere volo,
pergraviter illum esse offensum; sed, quia nullam video gravem subesse
causam, magno opere confido illum fore in officio et in nostra
potestate.

Signa nostra et Hermeraclas, ut scribis, cum commodissime poteris, velim
imponas, et si quod aliud οἰκεῖον eius loci, quem non ignoras, reperies,
et maxime quae tibi palaestrae gymnasiique videbuntur esse. Etenim ibi
sedens haec ad te scribebam, ut me locus ipse admoneret. Praeterea typos
tibi mando, quos in tectorio atrioli possim includere, et putealia
sigillata duo. Bibliothecam tuam cave cuiquam despondeas, quamvis acrem
amatorem inveneris; nam ego omnes meas vindemiolas eo reservo, ut illud
subsidium senectuti parem.

De fratre confido ita esse, ut semper volui et elaboravi. Multa signa
sunt eius rei, non minimum, quod soror praegnans est. De comitiis meis
et tibi me permisisse memini, et ego iam pridem hoc communibus amicis,
qui te exspectant, praedico, te non modo non arcessi a me, sed
prohiberi, quod intellegam multo magis interesse tua te agere, quod
agendum est hoc tempore, quam mea te adesse comitiis. Proinde eo animo
te velim esse, quasi mei negotii

First I promise to patch up the quarrel between you and our friend, even
if I cannot quite make peace. I should have done it before of my own
accord: but now that I see from your note that you have set your heart
on it, I’ll give my mind to it and try harder than ever to win him over.
I would have you to know that he is very seriously annoyed with you:
but, as I cannot see any serious ground for his annoyance, I hope I
shall find him pliable and amenable to my influence.

Please do as you say about the statues and the Hermeraclae: and have
them shipped as soon as you can conveniently, and any other things you
come across that are suitable for the place—you know what it is
like—especially for the Palaestra and Gymnasium. That’s where I am
sitting and writing now, so my thoughts naturally run on it. I give you
a commission too for bas-reliefs for insertion in the stucco walls of
the hall, and for two well-covers in carved relief. Be sure you don’t
promise your library to anyone, however ardent a suitor you may find for
it. I am saving up all my little gleanings to buy it as a prop for my
old age.

My brother’s affairs are, I trust, as I have always wished them to be
and striven to make them. Everything points that way, and not the least
that your sister is enceinte. As for my election, I’ve not forgotten
that I gave you leave to stop away: and I’ve already warned our common
friends, who expect you to come, that I’ve not only forborne to ask you
to do so, but even forbidden it, knowing that present business is of
much more importance to you than your presence at my election would be
to me. I should like you to feel exactly as though it were my business
which

causa in ista loca missus esses; me autem eum et offendes erga te et
audies, quasi mihi, si quae parta erunt, non modo te praesente, sed per
te parta sint. Tulliola tibi diem dat, sponsorem me appellat.


                                   XI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae Quint. aut Sext. a. 687_]

Et mea sponte faciebam antea et post duabus epistulis tuis perdiligenter
in eandem rationem scriptis magno opere sum commotus. Eo accedebat
hortator adsiduus Sallustius, ut agerem quam diligentissime cum Lucceio
de vestra vetere gratia reconcilianda. Sed, cum omnia fecissem, non modo
eam voluntatem eius, quae fuerat erga te, recuperare non potui, verum ne
causam quidem elicere immutatae voluntatis. Tametsi iactat ille quidem
illud suum arbitrium, et ea, quae iam tum, cum aderas, offendere eius
animum intellegebam, tamen habet quiddam profecto, quod magis in animo
eius insederit, quod neque epistulae tuae neque nostra adlegatio tam
potest facile delere, quam tu praesens non modo oratione, sed tuo vultu
illo familiari tolles, si modo tanti putaris, id quod, si me audies et
si humanitati tuae constare voles, certe putabis. Ac, ne illud mirere,
cur, cum ego antea significarim tibi per litteras me sperare illum in
nostra potestate fore, nunc idem videar diffidere, incredibile est,
quanto mihi videatur illius voluntas

had taken you away. And you will find and hear from others that my
feelings towards you are just as they would be if my success, supposing
I have any, were gained not only with you here, but by your aid.

My little Tullia is for having the law of you, and is dunning me as your
representative.


                                   XI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, July or Aug._, B.C. _67_]

I had been working for you of my own free will, and my energies were
redoubled by the receipt of two letters from you insisting on the same
point. Besides Sallustius was continually pressing me to do my best to
replace you on your old friendly footing with Lucceius. But when I had
done the uttermost, I failed not only to win back his old affection for
you, but even to extract from him the reason for his change of feelings
towards you. Though he is continually harping on that arbitration case
of his, and the other things which I noticed provoked him when you were
here, there is something else, I am sure, which is rankling in his mind.
And this your presence, a talk with him, and still more the sight of
your familiar face, would do more to remove than either your letters or
my services as intermediary, if you think it worth while to come. And,
if you will listen to me and are disposed to act with your usual
courtesy, you will certainly think it worth while. You would never
believe how self-willed and stiff-necked he seems to be on the point: so
don’t be astonished that I now appear to doubt my ability to manage him,
though in former letters I hinted that I thought he would

obstinatior et in hac iracundia offirmatior. Sed haec aut sanabuntur,
cum veneris, aut ei molesta erunt, in utro culpa erit.

Quod in epistula tua scriptum erat me iam arbitrari designatum esse,
scito nihil tam exercitum esse nunc Romae quam candidatos omnibus
iniquitatibus, nec, quando futura sint comitia, sciri. Verum haec audies
de Philadelpho.

Tu velim, quae Academiae nostrae parasti, quam primum mittas. Mire quam
illius loci non modo usus, sed etiam cogitatio delectat. Libros vero
tuos cave cuiquam tradas; nobis eos, quem ad modum scribis, conserva.
Summum me eorum studium tenet sicut odium iam ceterarum rerum; quas tu
incredibile est quam brevi tempore quanto deteriores offensurus sis,
quam reliquisti.


                                  XII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae K. Ian. a. 693_]

Teucris illa lentum sane negotium, neque Cornelius ad Terentiam postea
rediit. Opinor, ad Considium, Axium, Selicium confugiendum est; nam a
Caecilio propinqui minore centesimis nummum movere non possunt. Sed ut
ad prima illa redeam, nihil ego illa impudentius, astutius, lentius
vidi. “Libertum mitto, Tito mandavi.” Σκήψεις atque ἀναβολαί; sed nescio
an ταὐτόματον ἡμῶν. Nam mihi Pompeiani prodromi nuntiant aperte Pompeium
acturum Antonio succedi

be under my thumb. But that will be all put right when you come, or he
will smart for it who deserves it.

You say in your note that my election is thought certain; but let me
tell you that candidates are plagued to death nowadays with all sorts of
unfairness, and even the date of the election is not fixed. But you will
hear about that from Philadelphus.

Please send what you have purchased for my Academy as soon as possible.
It is astonishing how the mere thought of the place raises my spirits
even when I am not in it. Be sure you don’t get rid of your books. Keep
them for me as you promise. My enthusiasm for them increases with my
disgust at everything else. You would never believe how changed for the
worse you will find everything has been in the short time you have been
away.


                                  XII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, Jan. 1_ B.C. _61_]

Teucris[9] is an unconscionably slow coach and Cornelius has never come
back to Terentia: so I suppose I shall have to turn to Considius, Axius
or Selicius. Even his relatives can’t screw a penny out of Caecilius at
less than 12 per cent. But to return to the point; Teucris’ behaviour is
the most shameless mixture of cunning and laziness I have ever seen.
“I’m sending a freedman,” says she, or “I’ve given Titus a commission.”
All excuses and delays! But perhaps “_dieu dispose_”;[10] for Pompey’s
advance party bring news that he is going to move for Antony’s

Footnote 9:

  Probably a pseudonym for some agent of Gaius Antonius, though some
  suggest that it stands for Antonius himself.

Footnote 10:

  Menander, ταὐτόματον ἡμῶν καλλίω βουλεύεται.

oportere, eodemque tempore aget praetor ad populum. Res eius modi est,
ut ego nec per bonorum nec per popularem existimationem honeste possim
hominem defendere, nec mihi libeat, quod vel maximum est. Etenim accidit
hoc, quod totum cuius modi sit, mando tibi, ut perspicias. Libertum ego
habeo sane nequam hominem, Hilarum dico, ratiocinatorem et clientem
tuum. De eo mihi Valerius interpres nuntiat, Thyillusque se audisse
scribit haec, esse hominem cum Antonio; Antonium porro in cogendis
pecuniis dictitare partem mihi quaeri et a me custodem communis quaestus
libertum esse missum. Non sum mediocriter commotus neque tamen credidi,
sed certe aliquid sermonis fuit. Totum investiga, cognosce, perspice et
nebulonem illum, si quo pacto potes, ex istis locis amove. Huius
sermonis Valerius auctorem Cn. Plancium nominabat. Mando tibi plane
totum, ut videas cuius modi sit.

Pompeium nobis amicissimum constat esse. Divortium Muciae vehementer
probatur. P. Clodium, Appi f., credo te audisse cum veste muliebri
deprehensum domi C. Caesaris, cum pro populo fieret, eumque per manus
servulae servatum et eductum; rem esse insigni infamia. Quod te moleste
ferre certo scio.

Quod praeterea ad te scribam, non habeo, et mehercule eram in scribendo
conturbatior. Nam puer festivus anagnostes noster Sositheus decesserat,
meque plus quam servi mors debere videbatur, commoverat.

retirement, and a praetor will bring the motion forward. Under my
circumstances I couldn’t honourably champion him. I should lose the
respect of both parties if I did: and what’s more, I wouldn’t, if I
could, in view of certain things that have happened, to which I should
like to call your attention. There’s a freedman of mine, an utter
scoundrel—Hilarus I mean—an accountant and a client of yours. Valerius
the interpreter sends me news of him, and Thyillus says he has heard too
that the fellow is with Antony, and that Antony, when he is making
requisitions, always asserts that part is levied on my authority, and
that I have sent a freedman to look after my share. I am considerably
annoyed, though I hardly believe the story: but there has been a good
deal of talk. Look into the matter thoroughly and try to get to the
bottom of it, and, if you possibly can, get that rascal shifted.
Valerius mentioned Cn. Plancius as his authority for the statement. I
leave the whole matter entirely in your hands to investigate.

I am assured that Pompey is on the best of terms with me. Mucia’s
divorce meets with every one’s approval. I expect you have heard that P.
Clodius, son of Appius, was discovered in woman’s clothes in C. Caesar’s
house, where the sacrifice was going on: but a servant girl managed to
smuggle him out. It has created a public scandal: and I am sure you will
be sorry to hear of it.

I don’t think I have any other news for you: and I’m sorry to say I’ve
been rather upset while writing. My reader Sositheus, a charming fellow,
has died; and I am more upset about it than anyone would suppose I
should be about a slave’s death. Please

Tu velim saepe ad nos scribas. Si rem nullam habebis, quod in buccam
venerit, scribito. Kal. Ianuariis M. Messalla, M. Pisone coss.


                                  XIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae VI K. Febr. a. 693_]

Accepi tuas tres iam epistulas, unam a M. Cornelio, quam Tribus
Tabernis, ut opinor, ei dedisti, alteram, quam mihi Canusinus tuus
hospes reddidit, tertiam, quam, ut scribis, ancora soluta[11] de phaselo
dedisti; quae fuerunt omnes,[12] ut rhetorum pueri loquuntur, cum
humanitatis sparsae sale tum insignes amoris notis. Quibus epistulis sum
equidem abs te lacessitus ad rescribendum; sed idcirco sum tardior, quod
non invenio fidelem tabellarium. Quotus enim quisque est, qui epistulam
paulo graviorem ferre possit, nisi eam pellectione relevarit? Accedit
eo, quod mihi non est notum ut quisque in Epirum proficiscitur. Ego enim
te arbitror caesis apud Amaltheam tuam victimis, statim esse ad Sicyonem
oppugnandum profectum, neque tamen id ipsum certum habeo, quando ad
Antonium proficiscare, aut quid in Epiro temporis ponas. Ita neque
Achaicis hominibus neque Epiroticis paulo liberiores litteras committere
audeo.

Sunt autem post discessum a me tuum res dignae litteris nostris, sed non
committendae eius modi periculo, ut aut interire aut aperiri aut
intercipi possint. Primum igitur scito primum me non esse rogatum
sententiam praepositumque esse nobis pacificatorem

Footnote 11:

  ancora sublata _Lambinus_: ora soluta _Peerlkamp_. _But Schmalz
  (Antibarbarus, ii. 588, 7th ed.) points out the reading of the MSS. is
  defensible as a contamination of_ ancora sublata _and_ nave soluta.

Footnote 12:

  ut rhetorum pueri _Madvig_: rethorum pure _MSS._

write frequently. If you’ve no news, write the first thing that comes
into your head.

Jan. 1, in the consulship of M. Messalla and M. Piso.


                                  XIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, Jan. 25_, B.C. _61_]

I have had your three letters: one from M. Cornelius, to whom you gave
it, I think at the Three Taverns; another brought by your host at
Canusium; and a third which you say you posted from the boat just as you
got under weigh. All three of them were, as a pupil in the rhetorical
schools would say, at once sprinkled with the salt of refinement and
stamped with the brand of affection. They certainly provoke an answer:
but I have been rather slow about sending one, for lack of a safe
messenger. There are very few who can carry a letter of weight without
lightening it by a perusal. Besides, I don’t hear of every traveller to
Epirus. For I suppose, when you have offered sacrifice at your villa
Amalthea, you will start at once to lay siege to Sicyon. I’m not certain
either how or when you are going to join Antony or how long you will
stay in Epirus. So I dare not trust at all outspoken letters to people
going either to Achaia or to Epirus.

Plenty of things have happened worth writing about since your departure,
but I dared not commit them to the risk of the letters being either lost
or opened or intercepted. First then let me tell you I was not asked my
opinion first in the House, but had to play second fiddle to the
“peace-maker” of the

Allobrogum, idque admurmurante senatu neque me invito esse factum. Sum
enim et ab observando homine perverso liber et ad dignitatem in re
publica retinendam contra illius voluntatem solutus, et ille secundus in
dicendo locus habet auctoritatem paene principis et voluntatem non nimis
devinctam beneficio consulis. Tertius est Catulus, quartus, si etiam hoc
quaeris, Hortensius. Consul autem ipse parvo animo et pravo tamen
cavillator genere illo moroso, quod etiam sine dicacitate ridetur, facie
magis quam facetiis ridiculus, nihil agens cum re publica, seiunctus ab
optimatibus, a quo nihil speres boni rei publicae, quia non vult, nihil
speres mali, quia non audet. Eius autem collega et in me perhonorificus
et partium studiosus ac defensor bonarum. Qui nunc leviter inter se
dissident. Sed vereor, ne hoc, quod infectum est, serpat longius. Credo
enim te audisse, cum apud Caesarem pro populo fieret, venisse eo
muliebri vestitu virum, idque sacrificium cum virgines instaurassent;
mentionem a Q. Cornificio in senatu factam (is fuit princeps, ne tu
forte aliquem nostrum putes); postea rem ex senatus consulto ad virgines
atque ad pontifices relatam idque ab iis nefas esse decretum; deinde ex
senatus consulto consules rogationem promulgasse; uxori Caesarem nuntium
remisisse. In hac causa Piso amicitia P. Clodi ductus

Allobroges.[13] Nor did I mind much, though the senate murmured
disapproval. It has freed me from the necessity of bowing to a crotchety
individual, and sets me at liberty to preserve my political dignity in
spite of him. The second place carries nearly as much weight with it as
the first, and one’s actions are not so much bound by obligation to the
consul. The third place fell to Catulus: the fourth, if you want to go
as far, to Hortensius. The consul is petty-minded and perverse, a
quibbler who used that bitter kind of sarcasm, which raises a laugh even
when there is no wit in the words, on the strength of his expression
rather than his expressions. He is no politician at all, he stands aloof
from the conservatives: and one cannot expect him to render any good
services to the state, because he does not wish to do so, nor any bad,
because he does not dare. But his colleague is most polite to me, a keen
politician and a bulwark of the conservative party. There is a slight
difference of opinion between them at present: but I am afraid that the
contagion may spread. No doubt you have heard that, when the sacrifice
was taking place in Caesar’s house, a man in woman’s clothes got in; and
that after the Vestal Virgins had performed the sacrifice afresh, the
matter was mentioned in the House by Cornificius. Note that he was the
prime mover and none of us. Then a resolution was passed, the matter was
referred to the Virgins and the priests, and they pronounced it a
sacrilege. So the consuls were directed by the House to bring in a bill
about it. Caesar has divorced his wife. Piso’s friendship

Footnote 13:

  C. Calpurnius Piso, consul in 67 B.C. and governor of Gallia
  Narbonensis in 66–65 B.C. He had temporarily pacified the Allobroges,
  but they were already in revolt again.

operam dat, ut ea rogatio, quam ipse fert et fert ex senatus consulto et
de religione, antiquetur. Messalla vehementer adhuc agit severe. Boni
viri precibus Clodi removentur a causa, operae comparantur, nosmet ipsi,
qui Lycurgei a principio fuissemus, cotidie demitigamur, instat et urget
Cato. Quid multa? Vereor, ne haec neglecta a bonis, defensa ab improbis
magnorum rei publicae malorum causa sit. Tuus autem ille amicus (scin,
quem dicam?), de quo tu ad me scripsisti, posteaquam non auderet
reprehendere, laudare coepisse, nos, ut ostendit, admodum diligit,
amplectitur; amat, aperte laudat, occulte, sed ita, ut perspicuum sit,
invidet. Nihil come, nihil simplex, nihil ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς illustre,
nihil honestum, nihil forte, nihil liberum. Sed haec ad te scribam alias
subtilius; nam neque adhuc mihi satis nota sunt, et huic terrae filio
nescio cui committere epistulam tantis de rebus non audeo.

Provincias praetores nondum sortiti sunt. Res eodem est loci, quo
reliquisti. Τοποθεσίαν, quam postulas, Miseni et Puteolorum, includam
orationi meae. “A. d. III Non. Decembr.” mendose fuisse animadverteram.
Quae laudas ex orationibus, mihi crede, valde mihi placebant, sed non
audebam antea dicere; nunc vero, quod a te probata sunt; multo mi
ἁττικώτερα videntur. In illam orationem Metellinam

for Clodius is making him do his best to have the bill shelved, though
he is the person who has to bring it forward under the House’s
orders—and a bill for sacrilege too! Messalla at present takes a strict
view of the case. The conservatives are dropping out of it under
persuasion from Clodius. Gangs of rowdies are being formed. I, who at
first was a perfect Lycurgus, am daily cooling down. Cato, however, is
pressing the case with energy. But enough. I am afraid that what with
the lack of interest shown in the case by the conservatives, and its
championship by the socialists, it may cause a lot of mischief to the
state. Your friend[14]—you know whom I mean, the man who, you say, began
to praise me as soon as he feared to blame me—is now parading his
affection for me openly and ostentatiously; but in his heart of hearts
he is envious, and he does not disguise it very well. He is totally
lacking in courtesy, candour, in brilliancy in his politics, as well as
in sense of honour, resolution and generosity. But I’ll write more fully
about that another time. I’ve not got hold of the facts properly yet,
and I dare not trust an important letter to a man in the street like
this messenger.

The praetors have not drawn their provinces yet: and things are just as
they were when you left. I will insert a description of Misenum and
Puteoli in my speech as you suggest. I had already spotted the mistake
in the date, Dec. 3. The passages in my speeches which took your fancy
were, do you know, just those that I was proud of, but didn’t like to
say so before: and after Atticus’ approval they look much more Attic in
my eyes. I have added a

Footnote 14:

  Pompey.

addidi quaedam. Liber tibi mittetur, quoniam te amor nostri φιλορήτορα
reddidit.

Novi tibi quidnam scribam? quid? etiam. Messalla consul Autronianam
domum emit HS ¯CXXXIIII¯. “Quid id ad me?” inquies. Tantum, quod ea
emptione et nos bene emisse iudicati sumus, et homines intellegere
coeperunt licere amicorum facultatibus in emendo ad dignitatem aliquam
pervenire. Teucris illa lentum negotium est, sed tamen est in spe. Tu
ista confice. A nobis liberiorem epistulam exspecta. VI Kal. Febr. M.
Messalla, M. Pisone coss.


                                  XIV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae Id. Febr. a. 693_]

Vereor, ne putidum sit scribere ad te, quam sim occupatus, sed tamen ita
distinebar, ut huic vix tantulae epistulae tempus habuerim atque id
ereptum e summis occupationibus. Prima contio Pompei qualis fuisset,
scripsi ad te antea, non iucunda miseris, inanis improbis, beatis non
grata, bonis non gravis; itaque frigebat. Tum Pisonis consulis impulsu
levissimus tribunus pl. Fufius in contionem producit

little to my reply to Metellus. I’ll send the book to you since your
affection for me has given you a taste for rhetoric.

Is there any news to tell you? Let me see—yes. The consul Messalla has
bought Autronius’ house for £1200.[15] What business is that of mine,
you will ask. Only that it proves that my house was a good investment,
and is beginning to open people’s eyes to the fact that it is quite
legitimate to make use of a friend’s pocket to buy a place that gives
one a social position. That Teucris is a slow coach; but it is not
hopeless yet. Mind you get your part finished. I’ll write less guardedly
soon.

Jan. 25, in the consulship of M. Messalla and M. Piso.


                                  XIV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, Feb. 13_, B.C. _61_]

I’m afraid you’ll be heartily sick of my pleas of business, but I’m so
driven from pillar to post that I can hardly find time for these few
lines, and even that I have to snatch from important business. I have
already written and told you what Pompey’s first public speech was like.
The poor did not relish it, the socialists thought it pointless, the
rich were not pleased with it, and the conservatives were dissatisfied:
so it fell flat. Then at the instance of the consul Piso, an
untrustworthy tribune, Fufius, must

Footnote 15:

  There seems to be some mistake about the numeral, as £1,200 (134,000
  sesterces) is too little for a house which could be compared with
  Cicero’s, which cost £30,000. If it is supposed to stand for ¯CXXXIV¯
  (i.e. 13,400,000 sesterces) it would be too large. Tyrrell suggests
  reading ¯XXXIV¯ (i.e. 3,400,000 sesterces), about £30,000.

Pompeium. Res agebatur in circo Flaminio, et erat in eo ipso loco illo
die nundinarum πανήγυρις. Quaesivit ex eo, placeretne ei iudices a
praetore legi, quo consilio idem praetor uteretur. Id autem erat de
Clodiana religione ab senatu constitutum. Tum Pompeius μάλ’
ἀριστοκρατικῶς locutus est senatusque auctoritatem sibi omnibus in rebus
maximam videri semperque visam esse respondit et id multis verbis.
Postea Messalla consul in senatu de Pompeio quaesivit, quid de religione
et de promulgata rogatione sentiret. Locutus ita est in senatu, ut omnia
illius ordinis consulta γενικῶς laudaret, mihique, ut adsedit, dixit se
putare satis ab se etiam “de istis rebus” esse responsum. Crassus
posteaquam vidit illum excepisse laudem ex eo, quod suspicarentur
homines ei consulatum meum placere, surrexit ornatissimeque de meo
consulatu locutus est, cum ita diceret, “se, quod esset senator, quod
civis, quod liber, quod viveret, mihi acceptum referre; quotiens
coniugem, quotiens domum, quotiens patriam videret, totiens se
beneficium meum videre.” Quid multa? totum hunc locum, quem ego varie
meis orationibus, quarum tu Aristarchus es, soleo pingere, de flamma, de
ferro (nosti illas ληκύθους), valde graviter pertexuit. Proximus Pompeio
sedebam. Intellexi hominem moveri, utrum Crassum inire eam gratiam, quam
ipse

needs trot out Pompey to deliver an harangue. This happened in the
Circus Flaminius, where there was the usual market-day gathering of
riff-raff. Fufius asked him whether he agreed with the proposal that the
praetor should have the selection of the jurymen and then use them as
his panel. That of course was the plan proposed by the Senate in
Clodius’ trial for sacrilege. To this Pompey replied _en grand seigneur_
that he felt and always had felt the greatest respect for the Senate’s
authority; and very long-winded he was about it. Afterwards the consul
Messalla asked Pompey in the Senate for his opinion on the sacrilege and
the proposed bill. He delivered a speech eulogizing the Senate’s
measures _en bloc_, and said to me as he sat down at my side, that he
thought he had given a sufficiently clear answer to “those questions.”
Crassus no sooner saw that he had won public appreciation, because
people fancied that he approved of my consulship, than up he got and
spoke of it in the most complimentary way. He said that he owed his seat
in the House, his privileges as a citizen, his freedom and his very
life, to me. He never saw his wife’s face, or his home, or his native
land, without recognizing the debt he owed to me. But enough. He worked
up with great effect all that purple patch which I so often use here and
there to adorn my speeches, to which you play Aristarchus[16]—the
passage about fire and sword—you know the paints I have on my palette. I
was sitting next to Pompey, and noticed that he was much affected,
possibly at seeing Crassus

Footnote 16:

  An Alexandrine grammarian noted especially for his criticism of the
  Homeric poems, in which he detected many spurious lines.

praetermisisset, an esse tantas res nostras, quae tam libenti senatu
laudarentur, ab eo praesertim, qui mihi laudem illam eo minus deberet,
quod meis omnibus litteris in Pompeiana laude perstrictus esset. Hic
dies me valde Crasso adiunxit, et tamen ab illo aperte tecte quicquid
est datum, libenter accepi. Ego autem ipse, di boni! quo modo
ἐνεπερπερευσάμην novo auditori Pompeio! Si umquam mihi περίοδοι, si
καμπαί, si ἐνθυμήματα, si κατασκευαί suppeditaverunt, illo tempore. Quid
multa? clamores. Etenim haec erat ὑπόθεσις, de gravitate ordinis, de
equestri concordia, de consensione Italiae, de intermortuis reliquiis
coniurationis, de vilitate, de otio. Nosti iam in hac materia sonitus
nostros. Tanti fuerunt, ut ego eo brevior sim, quod eos usque istinc
exauditos putem.

Romanae autem se res sic habent. Senatus Ἄρειος πάγος; nihil
constantius, nihil severius, nihil fortius. Nam, cum dies venisset
rogationi ex senatus consulto ferendae, concursabant barbatuli iuvenes,
totus ille grex Catilinae, duce filiola Curionis et populum, ut
antiquaret, rogabant. Piso autem consul lator rogationis idem erat
dissuasor. Operae Clodianae pontes occuparant, tabellae ministrabantur
ita, ut nulla daretur “VTI ROGAS.” Hic tibi in rostra Cato advolat,

snap up the chance of winning popularity, which he had thrown away, and
perhaps at realizing the importance of my achievements, when he saw that
praise of them met with the Senate’s entire approval, especially coming
from one who had all the less necessity to praise me, because in every
one of my works he has been censured for Pompey’s benefit. To-day has
done a great deal to cement my friendship with Crassus: but still I
gladly received any crumbs Pompey let fall openly or covertly.[17] As
for me, ye gods, how I showed off before my new listener Pompey! Then,
if ever, my flow of rounded periods, my easy transitions, my antitheses,
my constructive arguments stood me in good stead. In a word, loud
applause! For the gist of it was the importance of the Senatorial order,
its unison with the knights, the concord of all Italy, the paralysed
remains of the conspiracy, peace and plenty. You know how I can thunder
on a subject like that. This time my thunders were so loud that I
forbear to say any more about them. I expect you heard them right over
there.

Well, there you have the news of the town. The Senate is a perfect
Areopagus, all seriousness, steadfastness and firmness. For when the
time came for passing the Senate’s measure, all those callow youths,
Catiline’s cubs, met under the leadership of Curio’s feminine son, and
asked the people to reject it. The consul Piso had to propose the law,
but spoke against it. Clodius’ rowdies held the gangways; and the voting
papers were so managed that no _placet_ forms were given out. Then you
have Cato flying to the

Footnote 17:

  Or “let fall with obvious covertness”; or “I openly received what he
  covertly gave.”

commulcium Pisoni consuli mirificum facit, si id est commulcium,[18] vox
plena gravitatis, plena auctoritatis, plena denique salutis. Accedit
eodem etiam noster Hortensius, multi praeterea boni; insignis vero opera
Favoni fuit. Hoc concursu optimatium comitia dimittuntur, senatus
vocatur. Cum decerneretur frequenti senatu contra pugnante Pisone, ad
pedes omnium singillatim accidente Clodio, ut consules populum
cohortarentur ad rogationem accipiendam, homines ad quindecim Curioni
nullum senatus consultum facienti adsenserunt, ex altera parte facile
CCCC fuerunt. Acta res est. Fufius tribunus tum concessit. Clodius
contiones miseras habebat, in quibus Lucullum, Hortensium, C. Pisonem,
Messallam consulem contumeliose laedebat; me tantum “comperisse” omnia
criminabatur. Senatus et de provinciis praetorum et de legationibus et
de ceteris rebus decernebat, ut, antequam rogatio lata esset, ne quid
ageretur.

Habes res Romanas. Sed tamen etiam illud, quod non speraram, audi.
Messalla consul est egregius, fortis, constans, diligens, nostri
laudator, amator, imitator. Ille alter uno vitio minus vitiosus, quod
iners, quod somni plenus, quod imperitus, quod ἀπρακτότατος, sed
voluntate ita καχέκτης, ut Pompeium

Footnote 18:

  Commulticium _M_: convicium _M in the margin_. _But as Schmidt points
  out_, commulcium, _which is the reading of Z in the first case, and of
  Z M in the second case, is probably a genuine vulgar Latin word._

rostrum and giving Piso a slap in the face, if one can say “slap in the
face” of an utterance full of dignity, full of authority, and full of
saving counsel. Our friend Hortensius joined him too, and many other
loyalists, Favonius particularly distinguishing himself for his energy.
This rally of the conservatives broke up the meeting, and the Senate was
called together. In a full house a resolution was passed that persuasion
should be used to induce the people to accept the measure, though Piso
opposed it and Clodius went down on his knees to us one by one. Some
fifteen supported Curio’s rejection of the bill, while the opposite
party numbered easily 400. That settled the matter. Funfius the tribune
collapsed. Clodius delivered some pitiful harangues, in which he hurled
reproaches at Lucullus, Hortensius, C. Piso, and the consul Messalla: me
he only twitted with my sensational discoveries.[19] The Senate decided
that no action was to be taken as to the distribution of provinces among
the praetors, hearing of legations or anything else, till this measure
was passed.

There you have the political situation. But there is one piece of news I
must tell you, as it is better than I expected. Messalla is an excellent
consul, resolute, reliable and energetic: for me he expresses admiration
and respect, and shows it by imitating me. That other fellow has only
one redeeming vice, laziness, sleepiness, ignorance, and _fainéance_:
but at heart he is such a _mauvais sujet_ that he began to

Footnote 19:

  Cicero had contented himself at the time he unmasked Catiline with
  declaring-that he had “discovered” (_comperisse_) full details without
  making them public. Hence the phrase was frequently cast in his teeth.
  Cf. _Fam._ v. 5. 2.

post illam contionem, in qua ab eo senatus laudatus est, odisse
coeperit. Itaque mirum in modum omnes a se bonos alienavit. Neque id
magis amicitia Clodi adductus fecit quam studio perditarum rerum atque
partium. Sed habet sui similem in magistratibus praeter Fufium neminem.
Bonis utimur tribunis pl., Cornuto vero Pseudocatone. Quid quaeris?

Nunc ut ad privata redeam, Τεῦκρις promissa patravit. Tu mandata effice,
quae recepisti. Quintus frater, qui Argiletani aedificii reliquum
dodrantem emit HS ¯DCCXXV¯, Tusculanum venditat, ut, si possit, emat
Pacilianam domum. Cum Lucceio in gratiam redii. Video hominem valde
petiturire. Navabo operam. Tu quid agas, ubi sis, cuius modi istae res
sint, fac me quam diligentissime certiorem. Idibus Febr.


                                   XV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae Id. Mart. a. 693_]

Asiam Quinto, suavissimo fratri, obtigisse audisti. Non enim dubito,
quin celerius tibi hoc rumor quam ullius nostrum litterae nuntiarint.
Nunc, quoniam et laudis avidissimi semper fuimus et praeter ceteros
φιλέλληνες et sumus et habemur et multorum odia atque inimicitias rei
publicae causa suscepimus. παντοίης ἀρετῆς μιμνήσκεο curaque, effice, ut
ab omnibus et laudemur et amemur. His de rebus plura ad te in ea
epistula scribam, quam ipsi Quinto

detest Pompey after that speech of his in praise of the Senate. So he is
at daggers drawn with all the patriotic party. It was not so much
friendship for Clodius that induced him to act like this as a taste for
knaves and knavery. But there are none of his kidney in office except
Fufius. Our tribunes of the people are all sound men, and Cornutus is
Cato’s double. Can I say more?

Now for private affairs. Teucris has kept her promise. Do you carry out
the commissions you received. My brother Quintus has bought the
remaining three-quarters of his house on the Argiletum for £6000,[20]
and is selling his place at Tusculum to buy Pacilius’ house, if he can.
I’ve made it up with Lucceius. I see he’s got the office-seeking
complaint badly. I’ll do my best for him. Please keep me posted up in
your doings, your address and the progress of our affairs. 13 Febr.


                                   XV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, March 15_, B.C. _61_]

You have heard that that good brother of mine, Quintus, has Asia
assigned him as his province. I’ve no doubt a rumour of it has reached
you before any of our letters. We have always had a keen regard for our
reputation, and both are and are considered unusually Philhellenic, and
our public services have won us a host of ill-wishers. So now is the
time for you to “screw your courage to the sticking-place,” [Sidenote:
Iliad xxii, 8] and help us to secure universal applause and approval. I
will write further about it in a letter which I shall

Footnote 20:

  725,000 sesterces.

dabo. Tu me velim certiorem facias, quid de meis mandatis egeris atque
etiam quid de tuo negotio; nam, ut Brundisio profectus es, nullae mihi
abs te sunt redditae litterae. Valde aveo scire, quid agas. Idibus
Martiis.


                                  XVI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae m. Quint. a. 693_]

Quaeris ex me, quid acciderit de iudicio, quod tam praeter opinionem
omnium factum sit, et simul vis scire, quo modo ego minus, quam soleam,
proeliatus sim. Respondebo tibi ὕστερον πρότερον Ὁμηρικῶς. Ego enim,
quam diu senatus auctoritas mihi defendenda fuit, sic acriter et
vehementer proeliatus sum, ut clamor concursusque maxima cum mea laude
fierent. Quodsi tibi umquam sum visus in re publica fortis, certe me in
illa causa admiratus esses. Cum enim ille ad contiones confugisset in
iisque meo nomine ad invidiam uteretur, di immortales! quas ego pugnas
et quantas strages edidi! quos impetus in Pisonem, in Curionem, in totam
illam manum feci! quo modo sum insectatus levitatem senum, libidinem
iuventutis! Saepe, ita me di iuvent! te non solum auctorem consiliorum
meorum, verum etiam spectatorem pugnarum mirificarum desideravi. Postea
vero quam Hortensius excogitavit, ut legem de religione Fufius tribunus
pl. ferret, in qua nihil aliud a consulari rogatione differebat nisi
iudicum genus (in eo autem erant omnia), pugnavitque, ut ita fieret,
quod et sibi et aliis persuaserat nullis illum iudicibus effugere

give to Quintus himself. Please let me know which of my orders you have
carried out, and how your own affairs are getting on. I haven’t had a
single letter from you since you left Brundisium: and I badly want to
know how you are. March 15.


                                  XVI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, June_ B.C. _61_]

You ask what can have happened about the trial to give it such an
unexpected ending, and you want to know, too, why I showed less fight
than usual. Well! In my answer I’ll put the cart before the horse like
Homer. So long as I had to defend the Senate’s decree, I fought so
fiercely and doughtily, that cheering crowds rallied round me
enthusiastic in my applause. You would certainly have marvelled at my
courage on this occasion, if ever you credited me with any courage in my
country’s defence. When Clodius fell back on speechifying and took my
name in vain, didn’t I just show fight, didn’t I deal havoc! How I
charged Piso, Curio, and all that crowd! Didn’t I rate the old men for
their frivolity, the young for their wanton passions! Heaven is my
witness, I often wanted you not only to prompt my plans, but also to be
a spectator of my doughty deeds. But when Hortensius had conceived the
idea of letting Fufius bring in his bill about the sacrilege, which only
differed from the consular measure in the method of choosing the
jury—though that was the point on which everything turned—and fought for
his own way, under the impression, which he had also conveyed to others,
that no conceivable

posse, contraxi vela perspiciens inopiam iudicum, neque dixi quicquam
pro testimonio, nisi quod erat ita notum atque testatum, ut non possem
praeterire. Itaque, si causam quaeris absolutionis, ut iam πρὸς τὸ
πρότερον revertar, egestas iudicum fuit et turpitudo. Id autem ut
accideret, commissum est Hortensi consilio, qui dum veritus est, ne
Fufius ei legi intercederet, quae ex senatus consulto ferebatur, non
vidit illud, satius esse illum in infamia relinqui ac sordibus quam
infirmo iudicio committi, sed ductus odio properavit rem deducere in
iudicium, cum illum plumbeo gladio iugulatum iri tamen diceret.

Sed iudicium si quaeris quale fuerit, incredibili exitu, sic uti nunc ex
eventu ab aliis, a me tamen ex ipso initio consilium Hortensi
reprehendatur. Nam, ut reiectio facta est clamoribus maximis, cum
accusator tamquam censor bonus homines nequissimos reiceret, reus
tamquam clemens lanista frugalissimum quemque secerneret, ut primum
iudices consederunt, valde diffidere boni coeperunt. Non enim umquam
turpior in ludo talario consessus fuit, maculosi senatores, nudi
equites, tribuni non tam aerati quam, ut appellantur, aerarii. Pauci
tamen boni inerant, quos reiectione fugare ille non potuerat, qui maesti
inter sui dissimiles et maerentes sedebant et contagione

jury could acquit Clodius, I drew in a reef or two, not being blind to
the impecuniosity of the jurymen. I confined my testimony to points so
thoroughly well-known and attested that I could not omit them. So, to
come at last to the “horse,” if you want to know the reason for his
acquittal, it lay in the jury’s lack of pence and of conscience. But it
was Hortensius’ plan that made such a result possible. In his fright
that Fufius might veto the Senate’s measure, he overlooked the fact that
it would be better for Clodius to be kept in disgrace with a trial
hanging over his head, than for the case to come before an unsound
court. Spurred on by hatred, he rushed the matter into court, saying
that a leaden sword was sharp enough to cut Clodius’ throat.

If you want to know about the trial, the result of it was so incredible
that now after the event everybody agrees with my forebodings and blames
Hortensius. The challenging of the jury took place amidst an uproar,
since the prosecutor like a good censor rejected all the knaves, and the
defendant like a kind-hearted trainer of gladiators set aside all the
respectable people. And as soon as the jury took their seats, the
patriotic party began to have grave misgivings: for never did a more
disreputable set of people get together even in a gambling hell.
Senators with a past, knights without a penny, tribunes whose only right
to a title implying pay lay in their readiness to take it.[21] The few
honest folk among them, that he had not managed to remove in his
selection, sat as woe-begone as fish out of water,

Footnote 21:

  Or keeping the ordinary sense of “aerarii”: “cashiered rather than
  rich in cash.” But the sense both of “aerati” and of “aerarii” here is
  very doubtful.

turpitudinis vehementer permovebantur. Hic, ut quaeque res ad consilium
primis postulationibus referebatur, incredibilis erat severitas nulla
varietate sententiarum. Nihil impetrabat reus, plus accusatori dabatur,
quam postulabat; triumphabat (quid quaeris?) Hortensius se vidisse
tantum; nemo erat, qui illum reum ac non miliens condemnatum
arbitraretur. Me vero teste producto credo te ex acclamatione Clodi
advocatorum audisse quae consurrectio iudicum facta sit, ut me
circumsteterint, ut aperte iugula sua pro meo capite P. Clodio
ostentarint. Quae mihi res multo honorificentior visa est quam aut illa,
cum iurare tui cives Xenocratem testimonium dicentem prohibuerunt, aut
cum tabulas Metelli Numidici, cum eae, ut mos est, circumferrentur,
nostri iudices aspicere noluerunt. Multo haec, inquam, nostra res maior.
Itaque iudicum vocibus, cum ego sic ab iis ut salus patriae defenderer,
fractus reus et una patroni omnes conciderunt; ad me autem eadem
frequentia postridie convenit, quacum abiens consulatu sum domum
reductus. Clamare praeclari Areopagitae se non esse venturos nisi
praesidio constituto. Refertur ad consilium. Una sola sententia
praesidium non desideravit. Defertur res ad senatum. Gravissime
ornatissimeque decernitur; laudantur iudices; datur negotium
magistratibus. Responsurum hominem nemo arbitrabatur.

                       Ἔσπετε νῦν μοι, Μοῦσαι —
                       ὅππως δὴ πρῶτον πῦρ ἔμπεσε

sadly upset and bemoaning their contact with infamy. At the preliminary
proceedings, as point after point was put before the jury, their strict
and unanimous uprightness was extraordinary. The defendant never won a
point, and the prosecution were granted more than they asked for. It
goes without saying that Hortensius was triumphant at his penetration;
and no one regarded Clodius so much as a man on his trial as one that
had been condemned a thousand times over.

You have no doubt heard how the jury rose in a body to protect me, when
I stepped into the witness-box and Clodius’ supporters began to hoot:
and how they offered their throats to Clodius’ sword in defence of me.
Thereby, to my mind they paid me a far higher compliment than your
fellow-citizens paid Xenocrates, when they refused to let him take the
oath before giving his testimony, or our Roman jury paid Metellus
Numidicus, when they would not look at the accounts which he passed
round as is usual in such cases. I repeat, the honour shown me was far
greater. The shouts of the jury, proclaiming me as the saviour of the
country crushed and annihilated the defendant and all his supporters.
And on the next day a crowd as great as that which conducted me home at
the end of my consulship gathered round me. Our noble Areopagites
declared they would not come without a guard. The votes of the court
were taken, and there was only one person who voted a guard unnecessary.
The point was laid before the Senate, who passed a decree in the
strongest and most complimentary terms, thanking the jury and referring
the matter to the magistrates. No one thought Clodius would defend his
case. “Tell me [Sidenote: Iliad xvi, 112] now, ye Muses, how first the
fire fell.”

Nosti Calvum ex Nanneianis illum, illum laudatorem meum, de cuius
oratione erga me honorifica ad te scripseram. Biduo per unum servum et
eum ex ludo gladiatorio confecit totum negotium; arcessivit ad se,
promisit, intercessit, dedit. Iam vero (o di boni, rem perditam!) etiam
noctes certarum mulierum atque adulescentulorum nobilium introductiones
non nullis iudicibus pro mercedis cumulo fuerunt. Ita summo discessu
bonorum, pleno foro servorum XXV iudices ita fortes tamen fuerunt, ut
summo proposito periculo vel perire maluerint quam perdere omnia. XXXI
fuerunt, quos fames magis quam fama commoverit. Quorum Catulus cum
vidisset quendam, “Quid vos,” inquit, “praesidium a nobis postulabatis?
an, ne nummi vobis eriperentur, timebatis?” Habes, ut brevissime potui,
genus iudicii et causam absolutionis.

Quaeris deinceps, qui nunc sit status rerum et qui meus. Rei publicae
statum illum, quem tu meo consilio, ego divino confirmatum putabam, qui
bonorum omnium coniunctione et auctoritate consulatus mei fixus et
fundatus videbatur, nisi quis nos deus respexerit, elapsum scito esse de
manibus uno hoc iudicio, si iudicium est triginta homines populi Romani

You know Baldpate of Nanneian fame,[22] my late panegyrist, whose
complimentary speech in my honour I have already mentioned in my
letters; well, he managed the whole job in a couple of days with the
help of one slave and that an ex-prizefighter. He sent for everybody,
made promises, gave security, paid money down. Good heavens, what a
scandal there was! Even the favours of certain ladies and introductions
to young men of good family were given to some of the jury to swell the
bribe. All honest men withdrew entirely from the case and the forum was
full of slaves. Yet five and twenty of the jury were brave enough to
risk their necks, preferring death to treachery: but there were
thirty-one who were more influenced by famine than fame. Catulus meeting
one of these latter remarked to him: “Why did you ask for a guard? For
fear of having your pocket picked?” There you have as short a summary as
possible of the trial and the reason for the acquittal.

You want to know next what is the present state of public affairs, and
how I am getting on. We thought that the condition of the Republic had
been set on a firm footing, you by my prudence, I by divine
interposition: and that its preservation was secured and established by
the combination of all patriots and by the influence of my consulship.
But, let me tell you, unless some god remembers us, it has been dashed
from our grasp by this one trial, if one can call it a trial, when
thirty of the

Footnote 22:

  Crassus; but why _ex Nanneianis_ is uncertain. Manutius says he bought
  up the property of Nanneius, who was among those proscribed by Sulla,
  and gave in his name as Licinius Calvus; but this is probably only a
  guess.

levissimos ac nequissimos nummulis acceptis ius ac fas omne delere et,
quod omnes non modo homines, verum etiam pecudes factum esse sciant, id
Talnam et Plautum et Spongiam et ceteras huius modi quisquilias statuere
numquam esse factum. Sed tamen, ut te de re publica consoler, non ita,
ut sperarunt mali, tanto imposito rei publicae vulnere, alacris exsultat
improbitas in victoria. Nam plane ita putaverunt, cum religio, cum
pudicitia, cum iudiciorum fides, cum senatus auctoritas concidisset,
fore ut aperte victrix nequitia ac libido poenas ab optimo quoque
peteret sui doloris, quem improbissimo cuique inusserat severitas
consulatus mei. Idem ego ille (non enim mihi videor insolenter gloriari,
cum de me apud te loquor, in ea praesertim epistula, quam nolo aliis
legi) idem, inquam, ego recreavi adflictos animos bonorum unum quemque
confirmans, excitans; insectandis vero exagitandisque nummariis
iudicibus omnem omnibus studiosis ac fautoribus illius victoriae
παρρησίαν eripui, Pisonem consulem nulla in re consistere umquam sum
passus, desponsam homini iam Syriam ademi, senatum ad pristinam suam
severitatem revocavi atque abiectum excitavi, Clodium praesentem fregi
in senatu cum oratione perpetua plenissima gravitatis tum altercatione
huius modi; ex qua licet pauca degustes; nam cetera non possunt habere
eandem neque vim neque venustatem remoto illo studio contentionis, quem
ἀγῶνα vos appellatis. Nam, ut Idibus Maiis in senatum convenimus,
rogatus ego sententiam multa dixi de summa re publica, atque

most worthless scoundrels in Rome have blotted out right and justice for
filthy lucre, and when Hodge and John a Nokes and Tom a Styles and all
the riff-raff of that description have declared a thing not to have
happened which every man—man did I say?—nay, every beast of the field,
knows for a fact. Still—to give you some consolation about politics—the
country has not received so serious a blow as traitors wished, nor is
iniquity vaunting itself so rampantly on its victory. For they clearly
thought that, when religious and moral scruples, judicial honour and the
Senate’s authority had been destroyed, iniquity and lust would triumph
openly, and would wreak their vengeance on all honest folk for the brand
that had been stamped on vice by my consulship. I was the man—I don’t
think I am boasting unduly in saying so to you privately, especially in
a letter which I would rather you didn’t read to anyone—I was the man
who revived the fainting courage of the patriots, encouraging and
cheering them one by one. I attacked and routed that venal jury; and I
did not leave the victorious party and its supporters a word to say for
themselves. The consul Piso I did not leave an inch to stand on. Syria,
which had been promised him as his province, I wrested from him. The
Senate I aroused from its despondency, recalling it to its former
uprightness. Clodius I bearded and crushed in the Senate with a set
speech full of dignity, and then with a cross-examination, of which I
will give you a taste. The rest would lose both its verve and its wit,
when the fire of battle is out, and the tug-of-war, as you Greeks call
it, past. When I entered the House on the 15th of May, and was asked for
my opinion, I discussed politics at length, and by a

ille locus inductus a me est divinitus, ne una plaga accepta patres
conscripti conciderent, ne deficerent; vulnus esse eius modi, quod mihi
nec dissimulandum nec pertimescendum videretur, ne aut ignorando
stultissimi aut metuendo ignavissimi iudicaremur; bis absolutum esse
Lentulum, bis Catilinam, hunc tertium iam esse a iudicibus in rem
publicam immissum. “Erras, Clodi; non te iudices urbi, sed carceri
reservarunt, neque te retinere in civitate, sed exsilio privare
voluerunt. Quam ob rem, patres conscripti, erigite animos, retinete
vestram dignitatem. Manet illa in re publica bonorum consensio; dolor
accessit bonis viris, virtus non est imminuta; nihil est damni factum
novi, sed, quod erat, inventum est. In unius hominis perditi iudicio
plures similes reperti sunt.” Sed quid ago? paene orationem in epistulam
inclusi. Redeo ad altercationem. Surgit pulchellus puer, obicit mihi me
ad Baias fuisse. Falsum, sed tamen quid hoc? “Simile est,” inquam,
“quasi in operto dicas fuisse.” “Quid,” inquit, “homini Arpinati cum
aquis calidis?” “Narra,” inquam, “patrono tuo, qui Arpinatis aquas
concupivit”; nosti enim Marinas.[23] “Quousque,” inquit, “hunc regem
feremus?” “Regem appellas,” inquam, “cum Rex tui mentionem nullam
fecerit?”; ille autem Regis hereditatem spe

Footnote 23:

  Marianas _Rom. and many editors_.

happy inspiration introduced this passage: “The Senate must not be
crushed by a single blow, they must not be faint-hearted. The wound is
such that it cannot be disguised, yet it must not be feared, lest by our
fear we prove ourselves abject cowards, or by ignoring it, very fools.
Lentulus twice obtained an acquittal, and Catiline as often, and this is
the third criminal let loose on the country by a jury. But you are
mistaken, Clodius. The jury saved you for the gallows, not for public
life: their object was not to keep you in the country, but to keep you
from leaving it. Keep up your hearts, then, senators, and preserve your
dignity. The feelings of all patriots are unchanged; they have suffered
grief, but their courage is undiminished. It is no new disaster that has
befallen us, we have merely discovered one that existed unnoticed. The
trial of one villain has revealed many as guilty as himself.” But there,
I’ve nearly copied the whole speech. Now for our passage of arms. Up
gets this pretty boy and reproaches me with spending my time at Baiae.
It was a lie: and anyhow what did it matter? “One would think,” said I,
“you were accusing me of spending my time in hiding.” “What need has a
man of Arpinum to take the waters?” asks Clodius: and I answered: “You
should talk like that to your patron[24] who wanted to take the waters
of a man of Arpinum,”—you know about the sea-water baths. “How long are
we going to let this man king it over us?” says he. “I wonder you
mention the word king,” I replied, “since King[25] did not mention you.”
He had

Footnote 24:

  C. Scribonius Curio the elder, who bought the villa of Marius at Baiae
  in the Sullan proscription.

Footnote 25:

  Q. Marcius Rex, brother-in-law to Clodius.

devorarat. “Domum,” inquit, “emisti.” “Putes,” inquam, “dicere: Iudices
emisti.” “Iuranti,” inquit, “tibi non crediderunt.” “Mihi vero,” inquam,
“XXV indices crediderunt, XXXI, quoniam nummos ante acceperunt, tibi
nihil crediderunt.” Magnis clamoribus adflictus conticuit et concidit.

Noster autem status est hic. Apud bonos iidem sumus, quos reliquisti,
apud sordem urbis et faecem multo melius nunc, quam reliquisti. Nam et
illud nobis non obest, videri nostrum testimonium non valuisse; missus
est sanguis invidiae sine dolore atque etiam hoc magis, quod omnes illi
fautores illius flagitii rem manifestam illam redemptam esse a iudicibus
confitentur. Accedit illud, quod illa contionalis hirudo aerarii, misera
ac ieiuna plebecula, me ab hoc Magno unice diligi putat, et hercule
multa et iucunda consuetudine coniuncti inter nos sumus usque eo, ut
nostri isti comissatores coniurationis barbatuli iuvenes illum in
sermonibus “Cn. Ciceronem” appellent. Itaque et ludis et gladiatoribus
mirandas ἐπισημασίας sine ulla pastoricia fistula auferebamus.

Nunc est exspectatio comitiorum; in quae omnibus invitis trudit noster
Magnus Auli filium atque in eo neque auctoritate neque gratia pugnat,
sed quibus Philippus omnia castella expugnari posse dicebat, in quae
modo asellus onustus auro posset ascendere. Consul autem ille deterioris
histrionis similis suscepisse

been dying to inherit Kind’s money. “You have bought a house,” he says.
“You seem to think it is the same as buying a jury,” I answer. “They did
not credit you on your oath,” he remarks. To which I answer:
“Twenty-five jurymen credited me: the other thirty-one gave you no
credit, but took care to get their money first.” There was loud
applause, and he collapsed without a word, utterly crushed.

My own position is this. I have retained the influence I had, when you
left, over the conservative party, and have gained much more influence
over the sordid dregs of the populace than I had then. That my testimony
was not accepted does me no harm. My unpopularity has been tapped like a
dropsy and painlessly reduced, and another thing has done me even more
good: the supporters of that crime confess that that open scandal was
due to bribery. Besides that blood-sucker of the treasury, the wretched
and starveling mob, thinks I am a prime favourite with the “great man”
Pompey, and upon my soul we are upon terms of very pleasant intimacy—so
much so indeed that these bottle-conspirators, these youths with budding
beards in common table-talk call him Gnaeus Cicero. So both at the games
and at the gladiatorial shows, I have been the object of extraordinary
demonstrations without hisses or catcalls.

Now every one is looking forward to the elections. Our “great” Pompey is
pushing Aulus’ son amidst general disapproval: and the means he is using
are neither authority nor influence, but those which Philip said, would
storm any fort to which an ass laden with money could climb. Piso is
said to be playing second fiddle to Pompey and to have bribery-agents

negotium dicitur et domi divisores habere; quod ego non credo. Sed
senatus consulta duo iam facta sunt odiosa, quod in consulem facta
putantur, Catone et Domitio postulante, unum, ut apud magistratus
inquiri liceret, alterum, cuius domi divisores habitarent, adversus rem
publicam. Lurco autem tribunus pl., qui magistratum insimul cum[26] lege
alia iniit, solutus est et Aelia et Fufia, ut legem de ambitu ferret,
quam ille bono auspicio claudus homo promulgavit. Ita comitia in a. d.
VI Kal. Sext. dilata sunt. Novi est in lege hoc, ut, qui nummos in tribu
pronuntiarit, si non dederit, impune sit, sin dederit, ut, quoad vivat,
singulis tribulibus HS CIↃ CIↃ CIↃ debeat. Dixi hanc legem P. Clodium
iam ante servasse; pronuntiare enim solitum esse et non dare. Sed heus
tu! videsne consulatum illum nostrum, quem Curio antea ἀποθέωσιν
vocabat, si hic factus erit, fabam[27] mimum futurum? Quare, ut opinor,
φιλοσοφητέον, id

Footnote 26:

  _Munro’s suggestion_ insimulatum _“impugned by” is perhaps the best of
  the many suggested emendations._

Footnote 27:

  Fabam _or_ Famam mimum _Orelli_: fabae hilum _Hoffmann_: fabae midam
  _Brooks_.

in his house: but I don’t believe it. But two decrees have been passed
on the proposal of Cato and Domitius, which are unpopular because they
are thought to be directed against the consul; one, making it lawful to
search the house of any magistrate, and the other making it a
treasonable offence to have bribery agents in one’s house. The tribune
Lurco, who entered on his office under another law,[28] has been freed
from the obligations of the Aelian and Fufian laws, so that he may
propose his law about bribery. He had luck in publishing it in spite of
his deformity. Accordingly the elections have been postponed till the
27th of July. The new point about this law is that a mere promise to
bribe the tribesmen counts for nothing, if it is not fulfilled; but, if
it is fulfilled, the man who made it is liable for life to a fine of
£27[29] per tribe. I remarked Clodius had kept this law before it was
passed: for he is always promising and not paying. But, I say, if he[30]
gets in, that consulship of mine which Curio used to call a deification
will become an absolute farce.[31] So, I suppose I must take to
philosophy

Footnote 28:

  Lurco’s proposal was irregular because it was made between the notice
  of the elections and the elections themselves, which was forbidden by
  the _leges Aelia et Fufia_ (153 B.C.).

Footnote 29:

  3,000 sesterces.

Footnote 30:

  Afranius.

Footnote 31:

  Supposed to allude to the election of a king by boys at the
  Saturnalia, using beans to vote with; but it is rather dubious Latin.
  In Seneca’s _Apocolocyntosis_ 9 the same proverbs seem to be referred
  to in the phrase “_olim” inquit “magna res erat deum fieri: iam famam
  mimum fecisti_”: whence it has been suggested that _Faba_ or _Fama_
  was the name of some well-known farce. Cf. _Laserpiciarius mimus_
  (Petronius 33).

quod tu facis, et istos consulatus non flocci facteon.

Quod ad me scribis te in Asiam statuisse non ire, equidem mallem, ut
ires, ac vereor, ne quid in ista re minus commode fiat; sed tamen non
possum reprehendere consilium tuum, praesertim cum egomet in provinciam
non sim profectus.

Epigrammatis tuis, quae in Amaltheo posuisti, contenti erimus,
praesertim cum et Thyillus nos reliquerit, et Archias nihil de me
scripserit. Ac vereor, ne, Lucullis quoniam Graecum poema condidit, nunc
ad Caecilianam fabulam spectet. Antonio tuo nomine gratias egi eamque
epistulam Mallio dedi. Ad te ideo antea rarius scripsi, quod non habebam
idoneum, cui darem, nec satis sciebam, quo darem. Valde te venditavi.
Cincius si quid ad me tui negotii detulerit, suscipiam; sed nunc magis
in suo est occupatus; in quo ego ei non desum. Tu, si uno in loco es
futurus, crebras a nobis litteras exspecta; ast plures etiam ipse
mittito. Velim ad me scribas, cuius modi sit Ἀμαλθεῖον tuum, quo ornatu,
qua τοποθεσίᾳ, et, quae poemata quasque historias de Ἀμαλθείᾳ habes, ad
me mittas. Lubet mihi facere in Arpinati. Ego tibi aliquid de meis
scriptis mittam. Nihil erat absoluti.


                                  XVII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae Non. Dec. a. 693_]

Magna mihi varietas voluntatis et dissimilitude opinionis ac iudicii
Quinti fratris mei demonstrate est ex litteris tuis, in quibus ad me
epistularum illius exempla misisti. Qua ex re et molestia sum tanta

like yourself, and not give a button for consulships.

You write that you have made up your mind not to go to Asia. I would
rather you did go, and I am afraid it may cause unpleasantness if you do
not. But I cannot blame your determination, especially as I have refused
to go to a province.

I shall be contented with the inscriptions you have put in your
Amaltheum, especially as Thyillus has deserted me and Archias has not
written anything about me. I am afraid, now he has written his Greek
poem on the Luculli, he is turning to the Caecilian drama. I have
thanked Antonius on your behalf, and given that letter to Mallius. My
letters to you up to now have been fewer than they should have been, as
I had no trusty messenger nor any certain address to send them to. I
have sung your praises loudly. If Cincius delegates any of your business
to me, I will undertake it. But just at present he is more concerned
with his own, in which I am ready to assist him. Expect frequent letters
from me, if you are settled: and send me even more. Please write me a
description of your Amaltheum, its adornment and situation; and send me
any poems and tales you have about Amalthea. I should like to make one
too in my place at Arpinum. I will send you some of my writings: but
there is nothing finished.


                                  XVII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, Dec. 5_, B.C. _61_]

Your letter and the enclosed copy of one of my brother Quintus’ letters
show me that he has continually changed his mind and wavered in his
opinion and judgement. I am exceedingly disturbed

adfectus, quantam mihi meus amor summus erga utrumque vestrum adferre
debuit, et admiratione, quidnam accidisset, quod adferret Quinto fratri
meo aut offensionem tam gravem aut commutationem tantam voluntatis.
Atque illud a me iam ante intellegebatur, quod te quoque ipsum
discedentem a nobis suspicari videbam, subesse nescio quid opinionis
incommodae sauciumque esse eius animum et insedisse quasdam odiosas
suspiciones. Quibus ego mederi cum cuperem antea saepe et vehementius
etiam post sortitionem provinciae, nec tantum intellegebam ei esse
offensionis, quantum litterae tuae declararant, nec tantum proficiebam,
quantum volebam. Sed tamen hoc me ipse consolabar, quod non dubitabam,
quin te ille aut Dyrrachi aut in istis locis uspiam visurus esset; quod
cum accidisset, confidebam ac mihi persuaseram fore ut omnia placarentur
inter vos non modo sermone ac disputatione, sed conspectu ipso
congressuque vestro. Nam quanta sit in Quinto fratre meo comitas, quanta
iucunditas, quam mollis animus et ad accipiendam et ad deponendam
offensionem, nihil attinet me ad te, qui ea nosti, scribere. Sed accidit
perincommode, quod eum nusquam vidisti. Valuit enim plus, quod erat illi
non nullorum artificiis inculcatum, quam aut officium aut necessitudo
aut amor vester ille pristinus, qui plurimum valere debuit. Atque huius
incommodi culpa ubi resideat, facilius possum existimare quam scribere;
vereor enim, ne, dum defendam meos, non parcam tuis. Nam sic intellego,
ut nihil a domesticis

about it, as indeed I could not help being, considering my affection for
both of you, and I wonder what can have happened to cause my brother
Quintus such grave offence and to make him change his mind so
extraordinarily. I grasped some time ago, what I think you were
beginning to suspect, when you left, that at the bottom of it must be
some idea of an insult, and that his feelings were wounded and some
unpleasant suspicions had taken deep root. Though I often before sought
to heal the wound, and redoubled my efforts after the allotment of his
province, I could neither find that he was as much annoyed as your
letter makes out, nor yet make as much headway with him as I wished.
However, I used to console myself with the thought that he would be sure
to see you either at Dyrrachium or somewhere thereabout. And I had quite
made up my mind that when that occurred, all the difficulties between
you would be smoothed over as much by the mere sight of one another and
the pleasure of meeting as by conversation and discussion. For I need
not tell you, who know it yourself, how amiable and kindly my brother
Quintus is, and how sensitive he is and ready both to take offence and
to forget it. But it has happened most unfortunately that you have not
seen him anywhere. For the impression he has received from some
designing persons has had more weight with him than either his duty or
your old intimacy and affection which ought to have had the greatest
weight of all. Where the blame for this unpleasantness rests, it is
easier for me to imagine than to write. For I am afraid that in
defending my relatives I may not spare yours. For my view is that, even
if no wound was inflicted

vulneris factum sit, illud quidem, quod erat, eos certe sanare potuisse.
Sed huiusce rei totius vitium, quod aliquanto etiam latius patet, quam
videtur, praesenti tibi commodius exponam. De iis litteris; quas ad te
Thessalonica misit, et de sermonibus, quos ab illo et Romae apud amicos
tuos et in itinere habitos putas, ecquid tantum causae sit, ignore, sed
omnis in tua posita est humanitate mihi spes huius levandae molestiae.
Nam, si ita statueris, et irritabiles animus esse optimorum saepe
hominum et eosdem placabiles et esse hanc agilitatem, ut ita dicam,
mollitiamque naturae plerumque bonitatis et, id quod caput est, nobis
inter nos nostra sive incommoda sive vitia sive iniurias esse
tolerandas, facile haec, quem ad modum spero, mitigabuntur; quod ego ut
facias te oro. Nam ad me, qui te unice diligo, maxime pertinet neminem
esse meorum, qui aut te non amet aut abs te non ametur.

Illa pars epistulae tuae minime fuit necessaria, in qua exponis, quas
facilitates aut provincialium aut urbanorum commodorum et aliis
temporibus et me ipso consule praetermiseris. Mihi enim perspecta est et
ingenuitas et magnitudo animi tui; neque ego inter me atque te quicquam
interesse umquam duxi praeter voluntatem institutae vitae, quod me
ambitio quaedam ad honorum studium, te autem alia minime reprehendenda
ratio ad honestum otium duxit. Vera quidem laude probitatis,
diligentiae, religionis neque me tibi neque quemquam antepono, amoris
vero erga

by members of the family, they could certainly have healed the one which
existed. But the real fault of the whole matter, which is of rather
wider extent than it appears, I can explain to you more conveniently
when we meet. As to the letter which he sent to you from Thessalonica
and the language which you think he used about you both to your friends
at Rome and on his journey, I cannot see any sufficient cause for them;
but all my hope of removing this unpleasantness lies in your kindness.
For if you can persuade yourself that the best of men are often those
whose feelings are easy to arouse and easy to appease, and that this
nimbleness, if I may use the word, and sensitiveness of disposition are
generally signs of a good heart, and—what is the main point—that we must
put up with one another’s unpleasantnesses and faults and insults, then,
as I hope, all this can be smoothed over easily. This I beg of you to
do. For, as I hold you in such peculiar esteem, it is my dearest wish
that there may not be any of my people who either does not love you or
is not loved by you.

That part of your letter in which you mention the chances of preferment
in the provinces or in town, which you neglected in my consulship and at
other times, was most unnecessary, for I am thoroughly persuaded of your
disinterestedness and magnanimity, and I have never thought that there
was any difference between you and me, except our choice of a career. A
touch of ambition led me to seek for distinction, while another
perfectly laudable motive led you to honourable ease. But in the real
glory which consists in uprightness, industry and piety, there is no one
I place above you, not even myself, and as

me, cum a fraterno amore domesticoque discessi, tibi primas defero. Vidi
enim, vidi penitusque perspexi in meis variis temporibus et
sollicitudines et laetitias tuas. Fuit mihi saepe et laudis nostrae
gratulatio tua iucunda et timoris consolatio grata. Quin mihi nunc te
absente non solum consilium, quo tu excellis, sed etiam sermonis
communicatio, quae mihi suavissima tecum solet esse, maxime deest—quid
dicam? in publicane re, quo in genere mihi neglegenti esse non licet, an
in forensi labore, quem antea propter ambitionem sustinebam, nunc, ut
dignitatem tueri gratia possim, an in ipsis domesticis negotiis, in
quibus ego cum antea tum vero post discessum fratris te sermonesque
nostros desidero? Postremo non labor meus, non requies, non negotium,
non otium, non forenses res, non domesticae, non publicae, non privatae
carere diutius tuo suavissimo atque amantissimo consilio ac sermone
possunt.

Atque harum rerum commemorationem verecundia saepe impedivit utriusque
nostrum; nunc autem ea fuit necessaria propter eam partem epistulae
tuae, per quam te ac mores tuos mihi purgatos ac probatos esse voluisti.
Atque in ista incommoditate alienati illius animi et offensi illud inest
tamen commodi, quod et mihi et ceteris amicis tuis nota fuit et abs te
aliquanto ante testificata tua voluntas omittendae provinciae, ut, quod
una non estis, non dissensione ac discidio vestro, sed voluntate ac
iudicio tuo factum esse videatur. Quare et illa, quae violata,
expiabuntur,

regards affection to myself, after my brother and my immediate
connections, I give you the palm. For I have seen time after time, and
have had thorough experience of your sorrow and your joy in my changing
fortunes. I have often had the pleasure of your congratulations in times
of triumph and the comfort of your consolation in hours of despondency.
Nay at this very moment your absence makes me feel the lack not only of
your advice, which you excel in giving, but of the interchange of
speech, which I enjoy most with you. I hardly know if I miss it most in
politics, where I dare not make a slip; or in my legal work, which I
used to undertake for advancement’s sake and now keep up to preserve my
position through popularity; or in my private concerns. In all of them I
have felt your loss all along and especially since my brother’s
departure. Finally, neither my work nor my recreation, neither my
business nor my leisure, neither my legal affairs nor my domestic, my
public life or my private, can do without your most agreeable and
affectionate advice and conversation any longer.

The modesty of both of us has often prevented me from mentioning these
facts: but now it was forced upon me by that part of your letter in
which you say you want yourself and your character cleared and
vindicated in my eyes. There is one good thing as regards the
unpleasantness caused by his alienation and anger, that your
determination not to go to the province was known to me and other
friends of yours, as you told us some time before; so the fact that you
are not with him cannot be attributed to your quarrel and rupture, but
to your choice and plans already fixed. So amends will be made for

et haec nostra, quae sunt sanctissime conservata, suam religionem
obtinebunt.

Nos hic in re publica infirma, misera commutabilique versamur. Credo
enim te audisse nostros equites paene a senatu esse diiunctos; qui
primum illud valde graviter tulerunt, promulgatum ex senatus consulto
fuisse, ut de eis, qui ob iudicandum accepissent, quaereretur. Qua in re
decernenda cum ego casu non adfuissem, sensissemque id equestrem ordinem
ferre moleste neque aperte dicere, obiurgavi senatum, ut mihi visus sum,
summa cum auctoritate, et in causa non verecunda admodum gravis et
copiosus fui. Ecce aliae deliciae equitum vix ferendae! quas ego non
solum tuli, sed etiam ornavi. Asiam qui de censoribus conduxerunt,
questi sunt in senatu se cupiditate prolapses nimium magno conduxisse,
ut induceretur locatio, postulaverunt. Ego princeps in adiutoribus atque
adeo secundus; nam, ut illi auderent hos postulare, Crassus eos impulit.
Invidiosa res, turpis postulatio et confessio temeritatis. Summum erat
periculum, ne, si nihil impetrassent, plane alienarentur a senatu. Huic
quoque rei subventum est maxime a nobis perfectunique, ut frequentissimo
senatu et libentissimo uterentur multaque a me de ordinum dignitate et
concordia dicta sunt Kal. Decembr. et postridie. Neque adhuc res
confecta est, sed voluntas senatus perspecta; unus enim contra dixerat

the breach of friendship; and the ties between us, which have been so
religiously preserved, will retain their inviolability.

The political position here is wretched, rotten and unstable. I expect
you have heard that our friends the knights have almost had a rupture
with the Senate. The first point that seriously annoyed them was the
publication of a senatorial decree for an investigation into any cases
of bribery of jurymen. As I did not happen to be present when the decree
was passed, and noticed that the knights were annoyed though they did
not openly say so, I remonstrated with the Senate very impressively, I
think, and spoke with great weight and fluency, considering how
shameless the case was. Here is another intolerable piece of petulance
on the part of the knights! Yet I have not only put up with it, but
forwarded their cause. The people who farmed the province of Asia from
the censors, complained in the Senate that their avariciousness had led
them to pay too high a price for it, and requested to have the lease
annulled. I was their chief supporter, or rather the second, for it was
Crassus who encouraged them to venture on the demand. It is a scandalous
affair, a disgraceful request and a confession of foolhardiness. There
was considerable danger, that, if they met with a refusal, they might
have severed their connection with the Senate entirely. In this case too
I was the main person who came to the rescue, and obtained for them a
hearing in a very full and friendly House, and discoursed freely on the
dignity and harmony of the two orders both on the first of December and
the following day. The matter is not yet settled: but the Senate’s
inclination is clear. For one person

Metellus consul designatus. Atqui erat[32] dicturus, ad quem propter
diei brevitatem perventum non est, heros ille noster Cato. Sic ego
conservans rationem institutionemque nostram tueor, ut possum, illam a
me conglutinatam concordiam. Sed tamen, quoniam ista sunt tam infirma,
munitur quaedam nobis ad retinendas opes nostras tuta, ut spero, via;
quam tibi litteris satis explicare non possum, significatione parva
ostendam tamen. Utor Pompeio familiarissime. Video, quid dicas. Cavebo,
quae sunt cavenda, ac scribam alias ad te de meis consiliis capessendae
rei publicae plura.

Lucceium scito consulatum habere in animo statim petere. Duo enim soli
dicuntur petituri, Caesar (cum eo coire per Arrium cogitat) et Bibulus
(cum hoc se putat per C. Pisonem posse coniungi). Rides? Non sunt haec
ridicula, mihi crede. Quid aliud scribam ad te, quid? Multa sunt, sed in
aliud tempus. † exspectare[33] velis, cures ut sciam. Iam illud modeste
rogo, quod maxima cupio, ut quam primum venias. Nonis Decembribus.


                                 XVIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. XI Kal. Febr. a. 694_]

Nihil mihi nunc scito tam deesse quam hominem eum, quocum omnia, quae me
cura aliqua adficiunt, uno communicem, qui me amet, qui sapiat, quicum
ego cum loquar, nihil fingam, nihil dissimulem, nihil

Footnote 32:

  qui erat _MSS. Bosius’ correction_ quin erat _may well be right. But I
  have ventured to suggest_ atqui, _supposing that the last two letters
  of_ designatus _were written in an abbreviated form, and the two_
  at_’s came together_.

Footnote 33:

  _Tyrrell reads_ Si exspectare velis, _following Klotz, with the
  meaning “If you mean to remain absent from Rome till you hear from me
  again.” Others suggest_ Tu fac ut quando nos te exspectare _or_ Quo
  nos te tempore exspectare. _But none of these is very convincing._

only has opposed it, Metellus the consul elect. Our hero Cato was to
have spoken, but the day was too short for it to come to his turn. So I
am keeping to our policy and plan, and am preserving to the best of my
ability that harmony which I have welded: but still, as that is now in
such a shaky condition, I am, I hope, keeping a road open to preserve my
position. I cannot explain fully in a letter; but I will give you a
gentle hint. I am on the best of terms with Pompey. You know what I
mean. I will take all reasonable precautions, and will write again at
fuller length as to my plans for managing the republic.

Lucceius is thinking of standing for the consulship at once: for only
two candidates are spoken of as likely to come forward. With Caesar he
thinks he may come to terms through Arrius, and Bibulus’ cooperation he
hopes to win through C. Piso. You smile? There is nothing to laugh at, I
assure you. Is there anything else I want to tell you? Anything else?
Yes, lots of things, but another time ... you wish to wait (?), let me
know. At present I have one modest request to make, though it is my
chief desire: that you come as soon as possible.

5 December.


                                 XVIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Jan. 20_, B.C. _60_]

Believe me, there is nothing I want so much at the present time, as a
person with whom I can share anything that causes me the least anxiety,
a man of affection and common sense, to whom I can speak without
affectation, reserve, or concealment. My

obtegam. Abest enim frater ἀφελέστατος et amantissimus. Metellus non
homo, sed

                  “litus atque aer et solitudo mera.”

Tu autem, qui saepissime curam et angorem animi mei sermone et consilio
levasti tuo, qui mihi et in publica re socius et in privatis omnibus
conscius et omnium meorum sermonum et consiliorum particeps esse soles,
ubinam es? Ita sum ab omnibus destitutus, ut tantum requietis habeam,
quantum cum uxore et filiola et mellito Cicerone consumitur. Nam illae
ambitiosae nostrae fucosaeque amicitiae sunt in quodam splendore
forensi, fructum domesticum non habent. Itaque, cum bene completa domus
est tempore matutino, cum ad forum stipati gregibus amicorum
descendimus, reperire ex magna turba neminem possumus, quocum aut iocari
libere aut suspirare familiariter possimus. Quare te exspectamus, te
desideramus, te iam etiam arcessimus. Multa sunt enim, quae me
sollicitant anguntque; quae mihi videor aures nactus tuas unius
ambulationis sermone exhaurire posse.

Ac domesticarum quidem sollicitudinum aculeos omnes et scrupulos
occultabo, neque ego huic epistulae atque ignoto tabellario committam.
Atque hi (nolo enim te permoveri) non sunt permolesti, sed tamen
insident et urgent et nullius amantis consilio aut sermone requiescunt;
in re publica vero, quamquam animus est praesens, tamen vulnus[34] etiam
atque etiam ipsa medicina efficit. Nam, ut ea breviter, quae post tuum
discessum acta sunt, colligam, iam exclames necesse est res Romanas
diutius stare non posse. Etenim post profectionem tuam primus,

Footnote 34:

  vulnus _Sternkopf_, _Leo_: voluntas _MSS._

brother, who is the most unaffected of persons and most affectionate, is
away. Metellus is not a human being, but “sea-shore and airy void and
desert waste.”[35] And you whose conversation and advice have so often
lightened my load of care and anxiety, who have aided me in my political
life, been my confident in my family affairs and shared my conversations
and projects—where are you? So utterly am I deserted, that the only
moments of repose I have are those which are spent with my wife, my
little daughter and darling boy. For my grand and showy friendships
bring some public _éclat_, but private satisfaction they have none. And
so, when my house has been crowded with the morning _levée_ and I have
gone down to the forum amid a throng of friends, I cannot find in the
whole company a single man with whom I can jest freely or whisper
familiarly. So I look forward with longing to your coming and in fact
urge you to hurry: for I have many cares and anxieties, which I fancy
would be banished by a single walk and talk in your sympathetic hearing.

However, I will conceal the stings and pricks of my private troubles,
and will not entrust them to this letter and an unknown messenger. They
are not very grievous—so don’t alarm yourself—but still they are
persistent and worrying, and I have no friend’s advice and discussion to
lull them to rest. For the State, though there is still life in it, the
very cures that have been tried on it, have again and again opened fresh
wounds. If I were to give you a brief summary of what has happened since
you left, you would certainly exclaim that Rome cannot possibly stand
any longer. For it was after your departure, I believe, that the opening
scene of the

Footnote 35:

  Probably from Accius.

ut opinor, introitus fuit in causam fabulae Clodianae, in qua ego
nactus, ut mihi videbar, locum resecandae libidinis et coercendae
iuventutis; vehemens fui et omnes profudi vires animi atque ingenii mei
non odio adductus alicuius, sed spe corrigendae et sanandae civitatis.
Adflicta res publica est empto constupratoque iudicio. Vide, quae sint
postea consecuta. Consul est impositus is nobis, quem nemo praeter nos
philosophos aspicere sine suspiritu posset. Quantum hoc vulnus! facto
senatus consulto de ambitu, de iudiciis nulla lex perlata, exagitatus
senatus, alienati equites Romani. Sic ille annus duo firmamenta rei
publicae per me unum constituta evertit; nam et senatus auctoritatem
abiecit et ordinum concordiam diiunxit. Instat hic nunc ille annus
egregius. Eius initium eius modi fuit, ut anniversaria sacra Iuventatis
non committerentur; nam M. Luculli uxorem Memmius suis sacris initiavit;
Menelaus aegre id passus divortium fecit. Quamquam ille pastor Idaeus
Menelaum solum contempserat, hic noster Paris tam Menelaum quam
Agamemnonem liberum non putavit. Est autem C. Herennius quidam tribunus
pl., quem tu fortasse ne nosti quidem; tametsi potes nosse, tribulis
enim tuus est, et Sextus, pater eius, nummos vobis dividere solebat. Is
ad plebem P. Clodium traducit, idemque fert, ut universus populus in
campo Martio suffragium de re Clodi ferat. Hunc

Clodian drama became the topic of discussion. There I thought I had a
chance of using the surgeon’s knife on licentiousness and curbing
youthful excesses: and I exerted myself, putting forth all the resources
of my intellect and mind, not out of private spite, but in the hope of
effecting a radical cure of the State. The corruption of the jury by
bribery and debauchery dealt a crushing blow to the republic. See what
has followed. We have had a consul forced on us, at whom no one except
us philosophers can look without a sigh. That is a fatal stroke. Though
a senatorial decree has been passed about the bribery of juries, no law
has been carried; the Senate has been frightened out of it, and the
knights have been estranged. So this one year has overturned two
bulwarks of the State which had been erected by me alone: for it has
destroyed the prestige of the Senate and broken up the harmony of the
orders. Now comes this precious year. It was inaugurated by the
suspension of the annual rites of the goddess of youth: for Memmius
initiated M. Lucullus’ wife into some rites of his own. Menelaus took it
hard and divorced his wife. Unlike the shepherd of Ida, who only
slighted Menelaus, our modern Paris thought Agamemnon[36] as fitting an
object for his contempt. There is one C. Herennius, a tribune—you may
not even know him, though perhaps you do, as he is a member of the same
tribe as yourself, and his father Sextus used to distribute money to
your tribesmen—he is trying to transfer P. Clodius to the plebs, and
even proposes that the whole people shall vote on the matter in the
Campus Martius. I gave him my

Footnote 36:

  L. Lucullus, whose claim to a triumph Memmius opposed as tribune in
  66–65 B.C.

ego accepi in senatu, ut soleo, sed nihil est illo homine lentius.
Metellus est consul egregius et nos amat, sed imminuit auctoritatem
suam, quod habet dicis causa promulgatum illud idem de Clodio. Auli
autem filius, o di immortales! quam ignavus ac sine animo miles! quam
dignus, qui Palicano, sicut facit, os ad male audiendum cotidie
praebeat! Agraria autem promulgata est a Flavio sane levis eadem fere,
quae fuit Plotia. Sed interea πολιτικὸς ἀνὴρ οὐδ’ ὄναρ quisquam inveniri
potest; qui poterat, familiaris noster (sic est enim; volo te hoc scire)
Pompeius togulam illam pictam silentio tuetur suam. Crassus verbum
nullum contra gratiam. Ceteros iam nosti; qui ita sunt stulti, ut amissa
re publica piscinas suas fore salvas sperare videantur. Unus est, qui
curet constantia magis et integritate quam, ut mihi videtur, consilio
aut ingenio, Cato; qui miseros publicanos, quos habuit amantissimos sui,
tertium iam mensem vexat neque iis a senatu responsum dari patitur. Ita
nos cogimur reliquis de rebus nihil decernere, antequam publicanis
responsum sit. Quare etiam legationes reiectum iri puto.

Nunc vides quibus fluctibus iactemur, et, si ex iis, quae scripsimus
tanta, etiam a me non scripta perspicis, revise nos aliquando et,
quamquam sunt haec

usual reception in the Senate; but he is the most phlegmatic of mortals.
Metellus is an excellent consul and an admirer of mine; but he has
lessened his influence by making, only for form’s sake, the very same
proposal about Clodius. But Aulus’ son—heavens above! what a cowardly
and spiritless wretch for a soldier! Just fit to be exposed, as he is,
to the daily abuse of Palicanus. An agrarian law has been proposed by
Flavius,—a very paltry production, almost identical with the Plotian
law. And in the meantime not the ghost of a real statesman is to be
found. The man who could be one, my intimate friend—for so he is, I
would have you to know—Pompey, wraps that precious triumphal cloak of
his around him in silence. Crassus never utters a word to risk his
popularity. The others you know well enough—fools who seem to hope that
their fish-ponds may be saved, though the country go to rack and ruin.
There is one who can be said to take some pains, but, according to my
view, with more constancy and honesty than judgement and ability—Cato.
It is now three months that he has been worrying those wretched
tax-collectors, who used to be great friends of his, and won’t let the
Senate give them an answer. So we are forced to suspend all decrees on
other subjects until the tax-collectors have had an answer. And I
suppose even the embassies[37] will have to be postponed for the same
reason.

Now you see the storm we have to weather; and, as you can grasp from
what I have written with such emphasis, something of what I have left
unwritten, come and see me again, for it is high time. Though

Footnote 37:

  Foreign embassies were received in February.

fugienda, quo te voco, tamen fac ut amorem nostrum tanti aestimes, ut eo
vel cum his molestiis perfrui velis. Nam, ne absens censeare, curabo
edicendum et proponendum locis omnibus; sub lustrum autem censeri
germani negotiatoris est. Quare cura, ut te quam primum videamus. Vale.

XI Kal. Febr. Q. Metello, L. Afranio coss.


                                  XIX

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae Id. Mart. a. 694_]

Non modo si mihi tantum esset otii, quantum est tibi, verum etiam si tam
breves epistulas vellem mittere, quam tu soles, facile te superarem et
in scribendo multo essem crebrior quam tu. Sed ad summas atque
incredibiles occupationes meas accedit, quod nullam a me volo[38]
epistulam ad te sine argumento ac sententia pervenire. Et primum tibi,
ut aequum est civi amanti patriam, quae sint in re publica, exponam;
deinde, quoniam tibi amore nos proximi sumus, scribemus etiam de nobis
ea, quae scire te non nolle arbitramur.

Atque in re publica nunc quidem maxime Gallici belli versatur metus. Nam
Haedui fratres nostri pugnam nuper malam[39] pugnarunt, et Helvetii sine
dubio sunt in armis excursionesque in provinciam faciunt. Senatus
decrevit, ut consules duas Gallias sortirentur, delectus haberetur,
vacationes ne valerent, legati cum auctoritate mitterentur, qui adirent
Galliae civitates darentque operam, ne eae se cum Helvetiis
coniungerent. Legati sunt Q. Metellus Creticus et L. Flaccus et, τὸ ἐπὶ
τῇ φακῇ μύρον, Lentulus

Footnote 38:

  volo _Baiter_: solo _MSS._

Footnote 39:

  pugnant pueri (_or_ puer) malam (_or_ in alam _or_ male) _MSS.: the
  reading of the text is that of Boot_.

what I invite you to you might well avoid, let your affection for me
conquer even your objection under such unpleasant circumstances. I will
see to it that notice is given and posted up everywhere, that you may
not be entered on the census list as absent. But to get put on the roll
just before the census is too thoroughly tradesman-like. So let me see
you as soon as possible. Farewell.

Jan. 20 in the consulship of C. Metellus and L. Afranius.


                                  XIX

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome March 15_, B.C. _60_]

If I had as much time as you have, or if I could bring myself to write
such short letters as you generally write, I could beat you hollow and
write far more frequently than you write. But on the top of my
inconceivable stress of work, you have to add my habit of never sending
you a letter without a theme and a moral. First, as one ought to a loyal
citizen, I will give you a sketch of political events, and then, as I am
the nearest in your affection, I will tell you any of my own affairs
that I think you would not be disinclined to know.

In politics then at the present minute fears of war in Gaul are the main
topic: for “our brothers” the Aedui have had a disastrous battle
recently, and the Helvetii are undoubtedly in arms and making raids on
our province. The Senate has decreed that the consuls should cast lots
for the two Gauls, that levies should be made, furloughs cancelled, and
ambassadors with full powers sent to visit the Gallic states and prevent
them from joining the Aedui. The ambassadors are Quintus Metellus
Creticus, and Lucius Flaccus, and—“the caper sauce on

Clodiani filius. Atque hoc loco illud non queo praeterire, quod, cum de
consularibus mea prima sors exisset, una voce senatus frequens
retinendum me in urbe censuit. Hoc idem post me Pompeio accidit, ut nos
duo quasi pignora rei publicae retineri videremur. Quid enim ego aliorum
in me ἐπιφωνήματα exspectem, cum haec domi nascantur?

Urbanae autem res sic se habent. Agraria lex a Flavio tribuno pl.
vehementer agitabatur auctore Pompeio; quae nihil populare habebat
praeter auctorem. Ex hac ego lege secunda contionis voluntate omnia illa
tollebam, quae ad privatorum incommodum pertinebant, liberabam agrum
eum, qui P. Mucio, L. Calpurnio consulibus publicus fuisset, Sullanorum
hominum possessiones confirmabam, Volaterranos et Arretinos, quorum
agrum Sulla publicarat neque diviserat, in sua possessione retinebam;
unam rationem non reiciebam, ut ager hac adventicia pecunia emeretur,
quae ex novis vectigalibus per quinquennium reciperetur. Huic toti
rationi agrariae senatus adversabatur suspicans Pompeio novam quandam
potentiam quaeri; Pompeius vero ad voluntatem perferendae legis
incubuerat. Ego autem magna cum agrariorum gratia confirmabam omnium
privatorum

lenten fare”[40]—Lentulus, son of Clodianus. And I cannot forbear adding
here that when my lot came up first in the ballot among the ex-consuls,
the Senate were unanimous in declaring that I should be kept in Rome.
The same happened to Pompey after me, so that we two appear to be kept
as pledges of the State. Why should I look for the “bravos” of strangers
when these triumphs bloom for me at home?

Well, this is the state of affairs in the city. The agrarian law was
zealously pushed by the tribune Flavius with the support of Pompey,
though its only claim to popularity was its supporter. My proposal to
remove from the law any points which encroached on private rights was
favourably received by a public meeting. I proposed to exempt from its
action such land as was public in the consulship of P. Mucius and L.
Calpurnius,[41] to confirm Sulla’s veterans in their possessions, to
allow the people of Volaterra and Arretium to retain in their holding
their land which Sulla had made public land, but had not distributed:
the only clause I did not reject was that land should be purchased by
this wind-fall which will come in from the new foreign revenues in the
next five years. The Senate was opposed to the whole agrarian scheme,
suspecting that Pompey was aiming at getting some new powers. Pompey had
set his heart on carrying the law through. I on the other hand, with the
full approval of the applicants for land, was for securing the holdings
of all private

Footnote 40:

  Lit. “myrrh oil on lentils”; referring to a line in the _Phoenissae_
  of Strattis.

Footnote 41:

  133 B.C., the year before the agrarian law of Tiberius Gracchus.

possessiones; is enim est noster exercitus, hominum, ut tute scis,
locupletium; populo autem et Pompeio (nam id quoque volebam) satis
faciebam emptione, qua constituta diligenter et sentinam urbis exhauriri
et Italiae solitudinem frequentari posse arbitrabar. Sed haec tota res
interpellata bello refrixerat. Metellus est consul sane bonus et nos
admodum diligit; ille alter nihil ita est, ut plane, quid emerit,
nesciat. Haec sunt in re publica, nisi etiam illud ad rem publicam putas
pertinere, Herennium quendam, tribunum pl., tribulem tuum sane hominem
nequam atque egentem, saepe iam de P. Clodio ad plebem traducendo agere
coepisse. Huic frequenter interceditur. Haec sunt, ut opinor, in re
publica.

Ego autem, ut semel Nonarum illarum Decembrium iunctam invidia ac
multorum inimicitiis eximiam quandam atque immortalem gloriam consecutus
sum, non destiti eadem animi magnitudine in re publica versari et illam
institutam ac susceptam dignitatem tueri, sed, posteaquam primum Clodi
absolutione levitatem infirmitatemque iudiciorum perspexi, deinde vidi
nostros publicanos facile a senatu diiungi, quamquam a me ipso non
divellerentur, tum autem beatos homines, hos piscinarios dico amicos
tuos, non obscure nobis invidere, putavi mihi maiores quasdam opes et
firmiora praesidia esse quaerenda. Itaque primum, eum qui nimium diu de
rebus nostris tacuerat. Pompeium

persons—for, as you know, the strength of our party consists in the rich
landed gentry—while at the same time I fulfilled my desire to satisfy
Pompey and the populace by supporting the purchase of land, thinking
that, if that were thoroughly carried out, the city might be emptied of
the dregs of the populace, and the deserted parts of Italy peopled. But
the matter has cooled off now this war has interrupted it. Metellus is
an excellent consul and a great admirer of mine. The other one is an
utter nonentity and clearly bought a pig in a poke when he got the
consulship. That is all my political news, unless you think this has a
bearing on politics. One Herennius, a tribune and fellow tribesman of
yours, and a man of no character or position, has begun frequently
proposing the transference of P. Clodius from a patrician to a plebeian;
and his proposals are vetoed by many of his colleagues. This, I think,
is all the public news.

For myself, ever since that December day when I won such splendid and
immortal glory, though it carried with it much envy and enmity, I have
not ceased to employ the same high-minded policy and to keep the
position I have won and taken up. But, as soon as the acquittal of
Clodius showed me the uncertainty and instability of the law courts, and
I saw too how easily our friends the tax-gatherers could be estranged
from the Senate, though they might not sever their connection with me,
while the well-to-do—your friends with the fish-ponds, I mean—took no
pains to disguise their envy of me, I bethought me that I had better
look out for some stronger support and more secure protection. So
firstly I brought Pompey, the man who had held his peace too long about

adduxi in eam voluntatem, ut in senatu non semel, sed saepe multisque
verbis huius mihi salutem imperii atque orbis terrarum adiudicarit; quod
non tam interfuit mea (neque enim illae res aut ita sunt obscurae, ut
testimonium, aut ita dubiae, ut laudationem desiderent) quam rei
publicae, quod erant quidam improbi, qui contentionem fore aliquam mihi
cum Pompeio ex rerum illarum dissensione arbitrarentur. Cum hoc ego me
tanta familiaritate coniunxi, ut uterque nostrum in sua ratione munitior
et in re publica firmior hac coniunctione esse possit. Odia autem illa
libidinosae et delicatae iuventutis, quae erant in me incitata, sic
mitigata sunt comitate quadam mea, me unum ut omnes illi colant; nihil
iam denique a me asperum in quemquam fit nec tamen quicquam populare ac
dissolutum, sed ita temperata tota ratio est, ut rei publicae
constantiam praestem, privatis meis rebus propter infirmitatem bonorum,
iniquitatem malevolorum, odium in me improborum adhibeam quandam
cautionem et diligentiam atque ita, tametsi his novis amicitiis
implicati sumus, ut crebro mihi vafer ille Siculus insusurret Epicharmus
cantilenam illam suam:

           Νᾶφε καὶ μέμνασ’ ἀπιστεῖν· ἄρθρα ταῦτα τᾶν φρενῶν.

Ac nostrae quidem rationis ac vitae quasi quandam formam, ut opinor,
vides.

De tuo autem negotio saepe ad me scribis. Cui mederi nunc non possumus;
est enim illud senatus

my achievements, into a frame of mind for attributing to me the
salvation of the empire and the world not once only, but time after time
and with emphasis in the House. That was not so much for my own
benefit—for my achievements were neither so obscure that they required
evidence, nor so dubious that they required puffing up—but for the
State’s sake, for there were some ill-natured persons who thought that
there was a certain amount of disagreement between Pompey and myself,
owing to a difference of opinion about those matters. With him I have
formed such an intimate connection that both of us are strengthened in
our policy and surer in our political position through our coalition.
The dislike which had been aroused against me among our dissipated and
dandified youths has been smoothed away by my affability, and now they
pay me more attention than anyone. In short I avoid hurting anyone’s
feelings, though I do not court popularity by relaxing my principles;
indeed my whole conduct is regulated so, that, while I preserve my
firmness in public life, in my private affairs the weakness of the loyal
party, the prejudice of the disaffected and the hostility of the
disloyal makes me move with some care and caution, and, involved though
I am in my new friendships, I frequently have the refrain of Epicharmus,
that subtle Sicilian, ringing in my ears:

             Be sober of head, and mistrustful of friends;
             Hinges are these on which wisdom depends.

There you have, I think, an outline sketch of my rule of life.

You keep writing about that business of yours; but at present I have no
remedy for it. The decree

consultum summa pedariorum voluntate nullius nostrum auctoritate factum.
Nam, quod me esse ad scribendum vides, ex ipso senatus consulto
intellegere potes aliam rem tum relatam, hoc autem de populis liberis
sine causa additum. Et ita factum est a P. Servilio filio, qui in
postremis sententiam dixit, sed immutari hoc tempore non potest. Itaque
conventus, qui initio celebrabantur, iam diu fieri desierunt. Tu si tuis
blanditiis tamen a Sicyoniis nummulorum aliquid expresseris, velim me
facias certiorem.

Commentarium consulatus mei Graece compositum misi ad te. In quo si quid
erit, quod homini Attico minus Graecum eruditumque videatur, non dicam,
quod tibi, ut opinor, Panhormi Lucullus de suis historiis dixerat, se,
quo facilius illas probaret Romani hominis esse, idcirco barbara quaedam
et σόλοικα dispersisse; apud me si quid erit eius modi, me imprudente
erit et invito. Latinum si perfecero, ad te mittam. Tertium poema
exspectato, ne quod genus a me ipso laudis meae praetermittatur. Hic tu
cave dicas: Τίς πατέρ’ αἰνήσει; Si est enim apud homines quicquam quod
potius sit, laudetur, nos vituperemur, qui non potius alia laudemus;
quamquam non ἐγκωμιαστικὰ sunt haec, sed ἱστορικά, quae scribimus.

Quintus frater purgat se mihi per litteras et adfirmat nihil a se
cuiquam de te secus esse dictum.

was passed by the enthusiasm of the silent members[42] without any
support from our party. For as to my signature which you find attached
to it, you can see from the decree itself that it was quite a different
matter which was brought forward, and this clause about the free peoples
was added without rhyme or reason. It was the work of P. Servilius the
younger, who was one of the last to speak: but it cannot be altered at
the present time. So the meetings which at first were held about it have
ceased long ago. If, however, you should manage to squeeze a few pence
out of the Sicyonians, please let me know.

I have sent you a copy of my account of my consulship in Greek. If there
is anything in it, which to your Attic taste seems bad Greek or
unscholarly, I will not say what Lucullus said to you—at Panhormus, I
think—about his history, that he had interspersed a few barbarisms and
solecisms as a clear proof that it was the work of a Roman. If there is
anything of the kind in my work, it is there without my knowledge and
against my will. When I have finished the Latin version, I will send it
to you. In the third place you may expect a poem, not to let slip any
method of singing my own praises. Please don’t quote “Who will praise
his sire?”[43] For if there is any more fitting subject for eulogy, then
I am willing to be blamed for not choosing some other subject. However
my compositions are not panegyrics at all but histories.

My brother Quintus has written exculpating himself and declaring that he
never said a word against

Footnote 42:

  Members who did not speak, but only took part in the division
  (_pedibus ire in sententiam_).

Footnote 43:

  The whole proverb is found in Plutarch’s Life of Aratus, τίς πατέρ’
  αἰνήσει εἰ μὴ κακοδαίμονες υἱοί.

Verum haec nobis coram summa cura et diligentia sunt agenda; tu modo nos
revise aliquando. Cossinius hic, cui dedi litteras, valde mihi bonus
homo et non levis et amans tui visus est et talis, qualem esse eum tuae
mihi litterae nuntiarant. Idibus Martiis.


                                   XX

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae m. Maio a. 694_]

Cum e Pompeiano me Romam recepissem a. d. IV Idus Maias, Cincius noster
eam mihi abs te epistulam reddidit, quam tu Idibus Febr. dederas. Ei
nunc epistulae litteris his respondebo. Ac primum tibi perspectum esse
iudicium de te meum laetor, deinde te in iis rebus, quae mihi asperius a
nobis atque nostris et iniucundius actae videbantur, moderatissimum
fuisse vehementissime gaudeo idque neque amoris mediocris et ingenii
summi ac sapientiae iudico. Qua de re cum ad me ita suaviter,
diligenter, officiose, humaniter scripseris, ut non modo te hortari
amplius non debeam, sed ne exspectare quidem abs te aut ab ullo homine
tantum facilitatis ac mansuetudinis potuerim, nihil duco esse commodius
quam de his rebus nihil iam amplius scribere. Cum erimus congressi, tum,
si quid res feret, coram inter nos conferemus.

Quod ad me de re publica scribis, disputas tu quidem et amanter et
prudenter, et a meis consiliis ratio tua non abhorret; nam neque de
statu nobis nostrae dignitatis est recedendum neque sine nostris copiis
intra alterius praesidia veniendum, et is, de quo scribis, nihil habet
amplum, nihil excelsum, nihil non

you to anyone. But that is a point we have to discuss very carefully
when we meet, if only you will come and see me some time. This
Cossinius, to whom I have given the letter, seems to me a very good
steady sort of fellow, and devoted to you, exactly as you described him
in your letter. March 15.


                                   XX

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, May_, B.C. _60_]

On my return from my villa at Pompeii on the 12th of May, our friend
Cincius passed on to me your letter which was dated the 13th of
February. That is the letter which I shall now answer. And first I must
say how delighted I am that you fully understood my opinion of you: next
how very glad I am that you showed such forbearance with regard to the
slights and unkindness which in my opinion you had received from me and
mine: and I count it a sign of affection more than ordinary and the
highest sense and wisdom. Indeed your answer is so charmingly worded and
with such consideration and kindliness that not only have I no further
right to press you, but I can never expect to experience such courtesy
and forbearance from you or any other man. So I think it would be best
for me to say no more about the matter in my letters. If any point
arises, we will discuss it together when we meet.

Your remarks about politics are couched in friendly and prudent terms,
and your view does not differ from my own—for I must not withdraw from
my dignified position, nor must I enter another’s lines without any
forces of my own, and the man you mention has no broad-mindedness and no
high-mindedness,

summissum atque populare. Verum tamen fuit ratio mihi fortasse ad
tranquillitatem meorum temporum non inutilis, sed mehercule rei publicae
multo etiam utilior quam mihi civium improborum impetus in me reprimi,
cum hominis amplissima fortuna, auctoritate, gratia fluctuantem
sententiam confirmassem et a spe malorum ad mearum rerum laudem
convertissem. Quod si cum aliqua levitate mihi faciendum fuisset, nullam
rem tanti aestimassem; sed tamen a me ita sunt acta omnia, non ut ego
illi adsentiens levior, sed ut ille me probans gravior videretur.
Reliqua sic a me aguntur et agentur, ut non committamus, ut ea, quae
gessimus, fortuito gessisse videamur. Meos bonos viros, illos quos
significas, et, eam quam mihi dicis obtigisse, Σπάρταν non modo numquam
deseram, sed etiam, si ego ab illa deserar, tamen in mea pristina
sententia permanebo. Illud tamen velim existimes, me hanc viam optimatem
post Catuli mortem nec praesidio ullo nec comitatu tenere. Nam, ut ait
Rhinton, ut opinor,

              Οἱ μὲν παρ’ οὐδέν εἰσι, τοῖς δ’ οὐδὲν μέλει.

Mihi vero ut invideant piscinarii nostri, aut scribam ad te alias aut in
congressum nostrum reservabo. A curia autem nulla me res divellet, vel
quod ita rectum

nothing in him that is not low and time-serving. Well, perhaps the
course I took was not opposed to my own advantage and peace of life, but
I swear it was far more to the advantage of the State than to mine that
I should be the means of suppressing the attacks of the disloyal, and of
strengthening the wavering policy of a man of the highest position,
influence and popularity, and converting him from pandering to the
disloyal to approval of my achievements. If I had had to make any
sacrifice of principle in so doing, I should never have thought it
justifiable: but I managed it so that he seemed to gain in principle by
his approval of me, more than I lost in bowing to him. I will take care
that my actions now and in the future do not convey the impression that
what I did in the past was done at haphazard. My honest comrades, at
whom you hint, and the lot[44] which has fallen to me, as you say, I
will never desert. Nay, even if I am deserted by it I will abide by my
ancient principles. But I would have you please remember that, since the
death of Catulus, I am holding the way for the conservative party
without a garrison and without a comrade. For, as Rhinton, I think it
is, says:

           Some are stark naught, and naught do others reck.

How our friends of the fish-ponds envy me, I will either tell you in
another letter, or keep it till we meet. But from the Senate house
nothing shall tear me: either because that is the right course, or

Footnote 44:

  Σπάρταν ἔλαχες ταύταν κόσμει is quoted in full from Euripides’
  Telephus in Att. IV, 6, 2.

est, vel quod rebus meis maxime consentaneum, vel quod, a senatu quanti
fiam, minime me paenitet.

De Sicyoniis, ut ad te scripsi antea, non multum spei est in senatu;
nemo est enim, idem qui queratur. Quare, si id exspectas, longum est;
alia via, si qua potes, pugna. Cum est actum, neque animadversum est, ad
quos pertineret, et raptim in eam sententiam pedarii cucurrerunt.
Inducendi senatus consulti maturitas nondum est, quod neque sunt, qui
querantur, et multi partim malevolentia, partim opinione aequitatis
delectantur.

Metellus tuus est egregius consul; unum reprehendo, quod otium nuntiari
e Gallia non magno opere gaudet. Cupit, credo, triumphare. Hoc vellem
mediocrius; cetera egregia. Auli filius vero ita se gerit, ut eius
consulatus non consulatus sit, sed Magni nostri ὑπώπιον.

De meis scriptis misi ad te Graece perfectum consulatum meum. Eum librum
L. Cossinio dedi. Puto te Latinis meis delectari, huic autem Graeco
Graecum invidere. Alii si scripserint, mittemus ad te; sed, mihi crede,
simul atque hoc nostrum legerunt, nescio quo pacto retardantur.

Nunc, ut ad rem meam redeam, L. Papirius Paetus, vir bonus amatorque
noster, mihi libros eos, quos Ser. Claudius reliquit, donavit. Cum mihi
per legem Cinciam licere capere Cincius, amicus tuus, diceret,

because it is most consistent with my position, or because I am by no
means dissatisfied with the Senate’s estimation of me.

As regards the Sicyonians, there is very little hope to be placed in the
Senate, as I wrote you before: for there is no one now to raise a
complaint. It would be tedious to wait for them to move. Fight the point
in some other way, if you can. When the law was passed, nobody noticed
to whom it applied, and the dummy members plumped eagerly in its favour.
The time has not yet come for rescinding the decree, because there is no
one who complains about it, and some favour it, partly from spite and
partly from an idea of its justness.

Your friend Metellus is an excellent consul: I have only one fault to
find with him, he is not at all pleased with the news of peace from
Gaul. I take it he wants a triumph. I wish he would moderate that
desire: in every other way he is excellent. The behaviour of Aulus’s son
makes his consulship not a consulship, but a blot on the scutcheon[45]
of our friend Pompey.

I have sent you one of my works, a history of my consulship in Greek. I
have given it to L. Cossinius. I fancy you like my Latin work, but,
being a Greek, envy this Greek one. If others write about it, I will
send you copies; but I assure you, as soon as they read mine, they
somehow or other don’t hurry themselves about it.

Now to return to business. L. Papirius Paetus, my good friend and
admirer, has offered me the books left to him by Ser. Claudius: and, as
your friend Cincius said I could take them without breaking the

Footnote 45:

  Lit. “a black eye.”

libenter dixi me accepturum, si attulisset. Nunc, si me amas, si te a me
amari scis, enitere per amicos, clientes, hospites, libertos denique ac
servos tuos, ut scida ne qua depereat; nam et Graecis iis libris, quos
suspicor, et Latinis, quos scio illum reliquisse, mihi vehementer opus
est. Ego autem cotidie magis, quod mihi de forensi labore temporis
datur, in iis studiis conquiesco. Per mihi, per, inquam, gratum feceris,
si in hoc tam diligens fueris, quam soles in iis rebus, quas me valde
velle arbitraris. ipsiusque Paeti tibi negotia commendo, de quibus tibi
ille agit maximas gratias, et, ut iam invisas nos, non solum rogo, sed
etiam suadeo.

Cincian law[46], I said I would very willingly accept, if he brought
them here. Now, as you love me, as you know I love you, stir up all your
friends, clients, guests, freedmen, nay even your slaves, to see that
not a leaf is lost. For I have urgent necessity for the Greek works,
which I suspect, and the Latin books, which I am sure, he left. Every
day I seek my recreation, in such time as is left me from my legal
labours, more and more in such studies. You will do me the greatest of
favours, if you will show the same zeal in this as you generally do in
matters about which you think I am really keen. Paetus’ own affairs I
recommend to your notice too, and he expresses his deepest gratitude.
And I do more than ask you, I urge you, to pay me a visit soon.

Footnote 46:

  The _lex Cincia de donis et muneribus_ (204 B.C.), which forbade
  taking presents for pleading causes.



                           M. TULLI CICERONIS
                         EPISTULARUM AD ATTICUM
                             LIBER SECUNDUS


                                   I

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae m. Iun. a. 694_]

Kal. Iuniis eunti mihi Antium, et gladiatores M. Metelli cupide
relinquenti, venit obviam tuus puer. Is mihi litteras abs te et
commentarium consulatus mei Graece scriptum reddidit. In quo laetatus
sum me aliquanto ante de isdem rebus Graece item scriptum librum L.
Cossinio ad te perferundum dedisse, nam, si ego tuum ante legissem,
furatum me abs te esse diceres. Quamquam tua illa (legi enim libenter)
horridula mihi atque incompta visa sunt, sed tamen erant ornata hoc
ipso, quod ornamenta neglexerant, et ut mulieres ideo bene olere, quia
nihil olebant, videbantur. Meus autem liber totum Isocratis myrothecium
atque omnes eius discipulorum arculas ac non nihil etiam Aristotelia
pigmenta consumpsit. Quem tu Corcyrae, ut mihi aliis litteris
significas, strictim attigisti, post autem, ut arbitror, a Cossinio
accepisti. Quem tibi ego non essem ausus mittere, nisi eum lente ac
fastidiose probavissem. Quamquam ad me scripsit iam Rhodo Posidonius se,
nostrum illud ὑπόμνημα cum legeret, quod ego ad eum, ut ornatius de
isdem rebus scriberet, miseram, non modo non excitatum esse ad
scribendum, sed etiam plane deterritum. Quid quaeris? conturbavi Graecam
nationem. Ita, vulgo qui instabant, ut darem sibi, quod ornarent, iam
exhibere mihi molestiam destiterunt. Tu, si tibi placuerit



                            CICERO’S LETTERS
                               TO ATTICUS
                                BOOK II


                                   I

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, June_, B.C. _60_]

On the 1st of June I met your boy as I was on my way to Antium and glad
to get away from M. Metellus’s gladiatorial exhibition. He delivered
your letter, and a memorial of my consulship written in Greek. I felt
very glad that I gave L. Cossinius the book I had written in Greek on
the same subject to take to you some time ago. For, if I had read yours
first you would say that I had plagiarized from you. Though yours (which
I read with pleasure) seemed to me a trifle rough and unadorned, yet its
very lack of ornament is an ornament in itself, just as women were
thought to have the best scent who used no scent. My book, on the other
hand, has exhausted all the scent box of Isocrates, and all the
rouge-pots of his pupils, and some of Aristotle’s colours too. You
scanned it through, as you tell me in another letter, at Corcyra, before
you had received it from Cossinius, I suppose. I should never have dared
to send it to you, if I had not revised it with leisure and care. I sent
the memoir to Posidonius too, asking him to write something more
elaborate on the same subject; but he tells me that, far from being
inspired to write by the perusal of it, he was decidedly put off. In
fact, I have flabbergasted the whole Greek nation: so I have ceased to
be plagued by the people who were always hanging about asking me to give
them something of mine to polish up. If you like the

liber, curabis, ut et Athenis sit et in ceteris oppidis Graeciae;
videtur enim posse aliquid nostris rebus lucis adferre. Oratiunculas
autem, et quas postulas, et plures etiam mittam, quoniam quidem ea, quae
nos scribimus adulescentulorum studiis excitati, te etiam delectant.
Fuit enim mihi commodum, quod in eis orationibus, quae Philippicae
nominantur, enituerat civis ille tuus Demosthenes, et quod se ab hoc
refractariolo iudiciali dicendi genere abiunxerat, ut σεμνότερός τις καὶ
πολιτικώτερος videretur, curare, et meae quoque essent orationes, quae
consulares nominarentur. Quarum una est in senatu Kal. Ianuariis, altera
ad populum de lege agraria, tertia de Othone, quarta pro Rabirio, quinta
de proscriptorum filiis, sexta, cum provinciam in contione deposui,
septima, cum Catilinam emisi, octava, quam habui ad populum, postridie
quam Catilina profugit, nona in contione, quo die Allobroges indicarunt,
decima in senatu Nonis Decembribus. Sunt praeterea duae breves, quasi
ἀποσπασμάτια legis agrariae. Hoc totum σῶμα curabo ut habeas; et,
quoniam te cum scripta tum res meae delectant, isdem ex libris
perspicies, et quae gesserim et quae dixerim; aut ne poposcisses; ego
enim tibi me non offerebam.

Quod quaeris, quid sit, quo te arcessam, ac simul impeditum te negotiis
esse significas neque recusas, quin, non modo si opus sit, sed etiam si
velim, accurras, nihil sane est necesse, verum tamen videbare mihi
tempora peregrinationis commodius posse discribere. Nimis abes diu,
praesertim cum sis in propinquis

book, you will see to it that Athens and other Greek towns have it in
stock; for I think it may add some lustre to my achievements. I will
send you the bits of speeches you ask for and some more too, as you find
some interest in things which I write to satisfy young admirers. Your
fellow-citizen, Demosthenes, gained a reputation by the speeches called
the Philippics, in which he departed from the quibbling style of
pleading we use in the law-courts, and appeared in the role of a serious
politician. So I took a fancy to leave behind me also some speeches
which may be called consular. One was delivered in the House on the 1st
of January, another to the people on the agrarian law, the third on
Otho, the fourth for Rabirius, the fifth for the sons of the proscribed,
the sixth when I declined a province in a public assembly, the seventh
when I drove Catiline out, the eighth before the people the day after
Catiline fled, the ninth in an assembly on the day when the Allobroges
gave their information, the tenth in the House on the 5th of December.
There are two more short ones, mere scraps of the agrarian law. I will
see that you have the whole _corpus_; and, since both my writing and my
achievements interest you, you will see from them what I have done, and
what I have written. Or else you should not have asked for them: I was
not the one to obtrude them.

You inquire why I ask you to come back, and hint that you are hindered
by business. Still you don’t refuse to come, if there is any need, or
even if I wish it. There is no real necessity; but it does seem to me
that you could arrange your times for going away more conveniently. You
are away too long, especially when you are quite near, and

locis, neque nos te fruimur, et tu nobis cares. Ac nunc quidem otium
est, sed, si paulo plus furor Pulchelli progredi posset, valde ego te
istim excitarem. Verum praeclare Metellus impedit et impediet. Quid
quaeris? est consul φιλόπατρις et, ut semper iudicavi, natura bonus.
Ille autem non simulat, sed plane tribunus pl. fieri cupit. Qua de re
cum in senatu ageretur, fregi hominem et inconstantiam eius reprehendi,
qui Romae tribunatum pl. peteret, cum in Sicilia hereditatem se petere
dictitasset, neque magno opere dixi esse nobis laborandum, quod nihilo
magis ei liciturum esset plebeio rem publicam perdere, quam similibus
eius me consule patriciis esset licitum. Iam, cum se ille septimo die
venisse a freto, neque sibi obviam quemquam prodire potuisse, et noctu
se introisse dixisset, in eoque se in contione iactasset, nihil ei novi
dixi accidisse. “Ex Sicilia septimo die Romam; ante tribus horis Roma
Interamnam. Noctu introisse; idem ante. Non est itum obviam; ne tum
quidem, cum iri maxime debuit.” Quid quaeris? hominem petulantem
modestum reddo non solum perpetua gravitate orationis, sed etiam hoc
genere dictorum. Itaque iam familiariter cum ipso cavillor ac iocor;
quin etiam, rum candidatum deduceremus, quaerit ex me, num consuessem
Siculis locum gladiatoribus dare. Negavi. “At ego,” inquit, “novus

so I have no chance of enjoying your society and you lack mine. Just at
present things are peaceful: but if that little beauty[47] should be
strong enough to indulge in any wilder freaks I should certainly be
routing you out of your retreat. However, Metellus is holding him in
nobly and will continue to do so. Most assuredly he is a thoroughly
patriotic consul, and, as I always thought, an excellent fellow. Clodius
does not beat about the bush, he is quite plainly aiming at the
tribunate. When the point was discussed in the Senate, I sat on him,
accusing him of inconsistency, for seeking the tribunate now in Rome,
when in Sicily he did nothing but repeat that what he wanted was an
inheritance. However, I added, we need not put ourselves about on that
point, as he would not be allowed to ruin the country if he becomes a
plebeian any more than patricians of his kidney were allowed to in my
consulship. Then, when he said he had come from the straits in a week,
so that no one could go to meet him, and had entered the city at night,
and boasted of the fact in a public speech, I said there was nothing new
in that. “Seven days from Sicily to Rome: the other time three hours
from Rome to Interamna. He came in at night: so he did before. No one
met him now: nor did anyone meet him last time, when they certainly
ought to have done so.” In fact, I am taking the cheek out of him, not
only by serious set speeches, but by quips of this kind too. So nowadays
I bandy jests and banter with him quite familiarly. For instance, when
we were escorting a candidate, he asked me whether I used to give the
Sicilians seats at the gladiatorial shows. I said, “No.” “Well,” said
he,

Footnote 47:

  P. Clodius Pulcher.

patronus instituam; sed soror, quae tantum habeat consularis loci, unum
mihi solum pedem dat.” “Noli,” inquam “de uno pede sororis queri; licet
etiam alterum tollas.” Non consulare, inquies, dictum. Fateor; sed ego
illam odi male consularem. “Ea est enim seditiosa, ea cum viro bellum
gerit” neque solum cum Metello, sed etiam cum Fabio, quod eos[48] in hoc
esse moleste fert.

Quod de agraria lege quaeris, sane iam videtur refrixisse. Quod me
quodam modo molli brachio de Pompei familiaritate obiurgas, nolim ita
existimes, me mei praesidii causa cum illo coniunctum esse, sed ita res
erat instituta, ut, si inter nos esset aliqua forte dissensio, maximas
in re publica discordias versari esset necesse. Quod a me ita praecautum
atque provisum est, non ut ego de optima illa mea ratione decederem, sed
ut ille esset melior et aliquid de populari levitate deponeret. Quem de
meis rebus, in quas eum multi incitarant, multo scito gloriosius quam de
suis praedicare; sibi enim bene gestae, mihi conservatae rei publicae
dat testimonium. Hoc facere illum mihi quam prosit, nescio; rei publicae
certe prodest. Quid? si etiam Caesarem, cuius nunc venti valde sunt
secundi, reddo meliorem, num tantum obsum rei publicae? Quin etiam, si
mihi nemo invideret, si omnes, ut erat aequum, faverent, tamen non minus
esset probanda medicina, quae sanaret vitiosas partes rei publicae, quam
quae exsecaret.

Footnote 48:

  eos esse in hoc esse _MSS._

“now I am their new patron, I intend to begin the practice: though my
sister, who, as the consul’s wife, has such a lot of room, will not give
me more than standing room.” “Oh, don’t grumble about standing room with
your sister,” I answered. “You can always lie with her.” You will say it
was not the remark for a consular to make. I confess it was not; but I
hate the woman, so unworthy of a consul. “For she’s a shrew and wrangles
with her mate,” and not only with Metellus, but with Fabius too, because
she is annoyed at their interference in this affair.

You ask about the agrarian law. Interest in it seems to have cooled
down. You give me a gentle fillip for my familiarity with Pompey. Please
don’t imagine I have allied myself to him solely to save my skin: the
position of affairs is such that, if we had had any disagreement, there
would of necessity have been great discord in the State. Against that I
have taken precautions and made provision without wavering from my own
excellent policy, while making him more loyal and less the people’s
weathercock. He speaks, I may tell you, far more glowingly about my
achievements than about his own, though many have tried to set him
against me, saying that he did his duty to the country, but I saved it.
What good his statements will do me, I fail to see: but they will
certainly do the country good. Well! If I can make Caesar, who is now
sailing gaily before the breeze, a better patriot too, shall I be doing
so poor a service to the country? And, even if none were to envy me and
all supported me, as they ought, still a remedy which cures the diseased
parts of the State should be preferable to one which amputates them.

Nunc vero, cum equitatus ille, quem ego in clivo Capitolino te signifero
ac principe collocaram, senatum deseruerit, nostri autem principes
digito se caelum putent attingere, si mulli barbati in piscinis sint,
qui ad manum accedant, alia autem neglegant, nonne tibi satis prodesse
videor, si perficio, ut nolint obesse, qui possunt? Nam Catonem nostrum
non tu amas plus quam ego; sed tamen ille optimo animo utens et summa
fide nocet interdum rei publicae; dicit enim tamquam in Platonis
πολιτείᾳ, non tamquam in Romuli faece sententiam. Quid verius quam in
iudicium venire, qui ob rem iudicandam pecuniam acceperit? Censuit hoc
Cato, adsensit senatus; equites curiae bellum, non mihi; nam ego
dissensi. Quid impudentius publicanis renuntiantibus? fuit tamen
retinendi ordinis causa faciunda iactura. Restitit et pervicit Cato.
Itaque nunc consule in carcere incluso, saepe item seditione commota
aspiravit nemo eorum, quorum ego concursu itemque ii consules, qui post
me fuerunt, rem publicam defendere solebant. “Quid ergo? istos,”
inquies, “mercede conductos habebimus?” Quid faciemus, si aliter non
possumus? An libertinis atque etiam servis serviamus? Sed, ut tu ais,
ἅλις σπουδῆς.

But as it is, when the knights, whom I once stationed on the Capitoline
hill with you as their standard-bearer and leader, have deserted the
Senate, and our great men think themselves in the seventh heaven, if
they have bearded mullet in their fish-ponds that will feed from their
hand, and don’t care about anything else, surely you must allow that I
have done my best, if I manage to take the will to do harm from those
who have the power to do it. For our friend Cato is not more to you than
to me: but still with the best of intentions and unimpeachable honesty
at times he does harm to the country: for the opinions he delivers would
be more in place in Plato’s Republic than among the dregs of humanity
collected by Romulus.[49] That a man who accepts a bribe for the verdict
he returns at a trial should be put on trial himself is as fair a
principle as one could wish. Cato voted for it and won the House’s
assent. Result, a war of the knights with the Senate, but not with me. I
was against it. That the tax-collectors should repudiate their bargain
was a most shameless proceeding. But we ought to have put up with the
loss in order to keep their good-will. Cato resisted and carried the
day. Result, though we’ve had a consul in prison, and frequent riots,
not a breath of encouragement from one of those, who in my own
consulship and that of my successors used to rally round us to defend
the country. “Must we then bribe them for their support?” you will ask.
What help is there, if we cannot get it otherwise? Are we to be slaves
of freedmen and slaves? But, as you say, enough of the _grand sérieux_.

Footnote 49:

  Possibly “among the dregs of [the city] of Romulus”; but Plutarch, who
  translates it ἐν Ῥωμύλου ὑποστάθμῃ, (_Phoc._ 3), is against that
  rendering.

Favonius meam tribum tulit honestius quam suam, Luccei perdidit.
Accusavit Nasicam inhoneste ac modeste tamen. Dixit ita, ut Rhodi
videretur molis potius quam Moloni operam dedisse. Mihi, quod
defendissem, leviter suscensuit. Nunc tamen petit iterum rei publicae
causa. Lucceius quid agat, scribam ad te, cum Caesarem videro, qui
aderit biduo. Quod Sicyonii te laedunt, Catoni et eius aemulatori
attribuis Servilio. Quid? ea plaga nonne ad multos bonos viros pertinet?
Sed, si ita placuit, laudemus, deinde in discessionibus soli
relinquamur.

Amalthea mea te exspectat et indiget tui. Tusculanum et Pompeianum valde
me delectant, nisi quod me, illum ipsum vindicem aeris alieni, aere non
Corinthio, sed hoc circumforaneo obruerunt. In Gallia speramus esse
otium. Prognostica mea cum oratiunculis prope diem exspecta et tamen,
quid cogites de adventu tuo, scribe ad nos. Nam mihi Pomponia nuntiari
iussit te mense Quintili Romae fore. Id a tuis litteris, quas ad me de
censu tuo miseras, discrepabat.

Paetus, ut antea ad te scripsi, omnes libros, quos frater suus
reliquisset, mihi donavit. Hoc illius munus in tua diligentia positum
est. Si me amas, cura, ut conserventur et ad me perferantur; hoc mihi
nihil potest esse gratius. Et cum Graecos tum vero

Favonius carried my tribe with even more credit than his own, but lost
that of Lucceius. His accusation of Nasica was nothing to be proud of;
however he conducted it very moderately. He spoke so badly that one
would think he devoted more time at Rhodes to grinding in the mills than
at Molo’s lectures. I got into his bad books for undertaking the
defence; however he is standing again now on public grounds. How
Lucceius is getting on I will write and tell you, when I have seen
Caesar, who will be here in a couple of days’ time. The wrong the
Sicyonians have done you, you attribute to Cato and his imitator
Servilius. But does not the blow affect many good citizens? However, if
it so pleases them, let us acquiesce, and be utterly deserted at the
next question put to the vote.

My Amalthea is waiting and longing for you. I am delighted with my
places at Tusculum and Pompeii, except that, champion of creditors as I
am, they have overwhelmed me not so much with Corinthian bronze as with
debts in the common copper coin of the realm. We hope things have
settled down in Gaul. Expect my Prognostics[50] and my bits of speeches
very shortly: but for all that write and tell me your plans about
coming. Pomponia has sent a message that you will be in Rome in July:
but that disagrees with the letter you sent to me about placing your
name on the census list.

Paetus, as I have already mentioned, has given me the books left him by
his brother: but this gift depends on your kind services. As you love
me, see that they are preserved and brought to me. You could do me no
greater favour: and I should like the

Footnote 50:

  A translation of Aratus’ Διοσημεῖα.

diligenter Latinos ut conserves velim. Tuum esse hoc munusculum putabo.
Ad Octavium dedi litteras; cum ipso nihil eram locutus; neque enim ista
tua negotia provincialia esse putabam neque te in tocullionibus habebam.
Sed scripsi, ut debui, diligenter.


                                   II

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. ad villam m. Dec., ut videtur, a. 694_]

Cura, amabo te, Ciceronem nostrum. Ei nos συννοσεῖν videmur. Πελληναίων
in manibus tenebam et hercule magnum acervum Dicaearchi mihi ante pedes
exstruxeram. O magnum hominem, et unde multo plura didiceris quam de
Procilio! Κορινθίων et Ἀθηναίων puto me Romae habere. Mihi crede, si
leges haec, dices[51]: mirabilis vir est. Ἡρώδης, si homo esset, eum
potius legeret quam unam litteram scriberet. Qui me epistula petivit, ad
te, ut video, comminus accessit. Coniurasse mallem quam restitisse
coniurationi, si illum mihi audiendum putassem. De lolio[52] sanus non
es; de vino laudo.

Sed heus tu, ecquid vides Kalendas venire, Antonium non venire? iudices
cogi? Nam ita ad me mittunt, Nigidium minari in contione se iudicem, qui
non adfuerit, compellaturum. Velim tamen, si quid est, de

Footnote 51:

  crede, si leges haec, dices _Boot_: credes leges haec doceo _Z_:
  hredes lege hec doceo _M_.

Footnote 52:

  _The MSS. read_ Lollio; _but_ lolio, _the reading of the ed.
  Jensoniana_ (_Venice_, 1470) _is supported by Reid with a reference to
  Pliny_ H.N. xxii, 160, _where_ lolium _is recommended for gout_.

Latin books kept as well as the Greek. I shall count them a present from
yourself. I have written to Octavius, but not spoken to him about it:
for I did not know that your business extended to the provinces, nor did
I count you among the Shylocks. But I have written as punctiliously as
duty bade.


                                   II

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _At his country house, Dec. (?)_, B.C. _60_]

Look well after my little namesake. I am ill with him by sympathy. I
have in hand my treatise on the constitution of Pellene, and you should
see the huge heap of Dicaearchus that I have piled at my feet. What a
great man! You could learn a lot more from him than from Procilius. I
believe I have got his works on the constitutions of Corinth and Athens
at Rome: and you may take my word for it that, if you read them, you
will exclaim “The man is a wonder.” If Herodes had any sense in him, he
would spend his time reading him and never write a single letter of the
alphabet. He has attacked me by post, and you, as I see, in person. I
would far rather have joined in the conspiracy than opposed it, if I had
thought I should have to pay for it by listening to him. As regards the
darnel, you must be losing your senses: but about the wine I quite agree
with you.

But, I say, have you noticed the Kalends are coming, and there is no
Antonius? Though the jury is being empanelled,—at least they tell me so,
and that Nigidius is threatening in a public meeting to serve a summons
on any juror who does not attend. If you

Antoni adventu quod audieris, scribas ad me et, quoniam huc non venis,
cenes apud nos utique pridie Kal. Cave aliter facias. Cura, ut valeas.


                                  III

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. ad villam m. Dec. a. 694_]

Primum, ut opinor, εὐαγγέλια. Valerius absolutus est Hortensio
defendente. Id iudicium Auli filio condonatum putabatur; et
Iphicratem[53] suspicor, ut scribis, lascivum fuisse. Etenim mihi
caligae eius et fasciae cretatae non placebant. Quid sit, sciemus, cum
veneris.

Fenestrarum angustias quod reprehendis, scito te Κύρου παιδείαν
reprehendere. Nam, cum ego idem istuc dicerem, Cyrus aiebat viridariorum
διαφάσεις latis luminibus non tam esse suaves; etenim ἔστω ὄψις μὲν ἡ
¯α¯, τὸ δὲ ὁρώμενον ¯β¯, ¯γ¯, ἀκτῖνες δὲ ¯δ¯ καὶ ¯ε¯. Vides enim cetera.
Nam, si κατ’ εἰδώλων ἐμπτώσεις videremus, valde laborarent εἴδωλα in
angustiis. Nunc fit lepide illa ἔκχυσις radiorum. Cetera si
reprehenderis, non feres tacitum, nisi si quid erit eius modi, quod sine
sumptu corrigi possit.

Footnote 53:

  Epicrates _MSS._: Iphicrates _Tyrrell_.

should happen to get any news of Antonius’ coming, please let me know:
and, as you won’t come here, dine with me anyhow on the 29th at my town
house. Be sure you do; and take care of yourself.


                                  III

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _At his country house, Dec. (?)_, B.C. _60_]

First a trifle please for good news. Valerius has been acquitted, with
Hortensius as his advocate. The verdict is generally thought to be a
concession to Aulus’ son; and I expect Iphicrates[54] has been up to
some tricks, as you suggest. I didn’t like the look of his military
boots and puttees. We shall know what it was, when you arrive.

In finding fault with the narrowness of my windows, let me tell you, you
are finding fault with the Education of Cyrus[55]: for, when I made the
same remark to Cyrus, he said that the view of gardens was not so
pleasant, if the windows were broad. For, let _a_ be the point of
vision, and _b, c_ the object, and _d, e_ the rays,—you see what
follows. If our sight resulted from the impact of images,[56] the images
would be horribly squeezed in the narrow space: but, as it is, the
emission of rays goes on merrily. If you have any other faults to find,
you will find me ready with an answer, unless they are such as can be
put to rights without expense.

Footnote 54:

  Obviously a nickname for Pompey, and, in view of the next sentence,
  the name of Iphicrates, who invented a military boot, seems more
  likely than Epicrates, which would mean “our influential friend.”

Footnote 55:

  A play on the title of Xenophon’s book the _Cyropaedeia_ and the name
  of Cicero’s architect.

Footnote 56:

  Democritus and the Epicureans held that sight resulted from the
  incidence of images cast by external things upon the eyes. The view
  supported by Cicero, that it resulted from rays sent out from the
  eyes, was that held by Plato.

Venio nunc ad mensem Ianuarium et ad ὑπόστασιν nostram ac πολιτείαν, in
qua Σωκρατικῶς εἰς ἑκάτερον, sed tamen ad extremum, ut illi solebant,
τὴν ἀρέσκουσαν. Est res sane magni consilii; nam aut fortiter
resistendum est legi agrariae, in quo est quaedam dimicatio, sed plena
laudis, aut quiescendum, quod est non dissimile atque ire in Solonium
aut Antium, aut etiam adiuvandum, quod a me aiunt Caesarem sic
exspectare, ut non dubitet. Nam fuit apud me Cornelius, hunc dico
Balbum, Caesaris familiarem. Is adfirmabat illum omnibus in rebus meo et
Pompei consilio usurum daturumque operam, ut cum Pompeio Crassum
coniungeret. Hic sunt haec, coniunctio mihi summa cum Pompeio, si
placet, etiam cum Caesare, reditus in gratiam cum inimicis, pax cum
multitudine, senectutis otium. Sed me κατακλεὶς mea illa commovet, quae
est in libro tertio:

            “Interea cursus, quos prima a parte iuventae
            Quosque adeo consul virtute animoque petisti,
            Hos retine atque auge famam laudesque bonorum.”

Haec mihi cum in eo libro, in quo multa sunt scripta ἀριστοκρατικῶς,
Calliope ipsa praescripserit, non opinor esse dubitandum, quin semper
nobis videatur

               εἷς οἰωνὸς ἄριστος ἀμύνεσθαι περὶ πάτρης.

Sed haec ambulationibus Compitaliciis reservemus. Tu pridie Compitalia
memento. Balineum calfieri iubebo. Et Pomponiam Terentia rogat; matrem

Now I come to January and my political attitude; and I shall follow the
fashion of the Socratic schools in giving both sides of the question,
ending, however, as they do, with the one which I prefer. It really is a
point that requires much consideration. For either I have got to resist
the agrarian measure strongly, which would mean something of a fight,
though I should gain prestige by it; or I must hold my peace, which is
equivalent to retiring to Solonium or Antium; or else I must assist the
measure, and that is what they say Caesar expects me to do beyond a
doubt. For Cornelius paid me a visit—I mean Balbus, Caesar’s great
friend. He assured me that Caesar will take my own and Pompey’s opinion
on everything, and that he will make an effort to reconcile Pompey and
Crassus. On this side of the sheet may be placed an intimate connection
with Pompey and, if I like, with Caesar too, reconciliation with my
enemies, peace with the populace, and ease in my old age. But my blood
is still stirred by the _finale_ I laid down for myself in the 3rd book
of my poem:[57]

         “Meantime the course you chose in youth’s first spring
         And held to, heart and soul, ’mid civic strife
         Keep still, with growing fame and good report.”

Since Calliope herself dictated those verses to me in a book full of
passages in lordly vein, I ought not to have the least hesitation in
holding “no omen, better [Sidenote: Iliad xii, 243] than to right one’s
country’s wrongs.”

But this point must be reserved for our strolls at the Compitalia. Do
you remember the day before the festival. I will order the bath to be
heated, and Terentia is going to invite Pomponia. We will make

Footnote 57:

  On his consulship.

adiungemus. Θεοφράστου περὶ φιλοτιμίας adfer mihi de libris Quinti
fratris.


                                   IV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Antium. Aprili a. 695_]

Fecisti mihi pergratum, quod Serapionis librum ad me misisti; ex quo
quidem ego, quod inter nos liceat dicere, millesimam partem vix
intellego. Pro eo tibi praesentem pecuniam solvi imperavi, ne tu
expensum muneribus ferres. Sed, quoniam nummorum mentio facta est, amabo
te, cura, ut cum Titinio, quoquo modo poteris, transigas. Si in eo, quod
ostenderat, non stat, mihi maxime placet ea, quae male empta sunt,
reddi, si voluntate Pomponiae fieri poterit; si ne id quidem, nummi
potius reddantur, quam ullus sit scrupulus. Valde hoc velim, antequam
proficiscare, amanter, ut soles, diligenterque conficias.

Clodius ergo, ut ais, ad Tigranem! Velim Scepsii condicione; sed facile
patior. Accommodatius enim nobis est ad liberam legationem tempus illud,
cum et Quintus noster iam, ut speramus, in otio consederit, et, iste
sacerdos Bonae deae cuius modi futurus sit, scierimus. Interea quidem
cum Musis nos delectabimus

your mother one of the party. Bring me from my brother Quintus’ library
Theophrastus’ “Hints for office-seekers.”


                                   IV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Antium, April_, B.C. _59_]

I am much obliged to you for sending me Serapio’s book, though between
you and me I hardly understand a thousandth part of it. I have given
orders for you to be paid ready money for it, to prevent your entering
it among presentation copies. Since I am mentioning money matters,
please settle up with Titinius as best you can. If he won’t stand by his
agreement, the best plan, so far as I can see, will be to return the
goods for which he made a bad bargain, if Pomponia will consent to that
course: if even that won’t work, then give him his money back rather
than have a fuss. I should be very glad if you would finish the business
before you leave, with your usual kindness and carefulness.

So Clodius is going to Tigranes you say! I wish it were on the same
terms as that Scepsian.[58] But I don’t envy him. It will be a much more
convenient time for me to get a free travelling pass, when my brother
Quintus has settled down in peace, as I hope he will, and when I know
the intentions of that priest of Bona Dea.[59] Meantime I shall settle
down to the enjoyment of the Muses with resignation, indeed

Footnote 58:

  Metrodorus of Scepsus was sent by Mithridates to urge Tigranes to wage
  war with Rome, but privately spoke against it. He was therefore put to
  death by Mithridates.

Footnote 59:

  Clodius, on account of his intrusion into the mysteries of Bona Dea.

animo aequo, immo vero etiam gaudenti ac libenti, neque mihi umquam
veniet in mentem Crasso invidere neque paenitere, quod a me ipse non
desciverim.

De geographia dabo operam ut tibi satis faciam; sed nihil certi
polliceor. Magnum opus est, sed tamen, ut iubes, curabo, ut huius
peregrinationis aliquod tibi opus exstet. Tu quicquid indagaris de re
publica, et maxime quos consules futuros putes, facito ut sciam. Tametsi
minus sum curiosus; statui enim nihil iam de re publica cogitare.

Terentiae saltum perspeximus. Quid quaeris? praeter quercum Dodonaeam
nihil desideramus, quo minus Epirum ipsam possidere videamur. Nos
circiter Kal. aut in Formiano erimus aut in Pompeiano. Tu, si in
Formiano non erimus, si nos amas, in Pompeianum venito. Id et nobis erit
periucundum et tibi non sane devium. De muro imperavi Philotimo ne
impediret, quo minus id fieret, quod tibi videretur. Tu censeo tamen
adhibeas Vettium. His temporibus tam dubia vita optimi cuiusque magni
aestimo unius aestatis fructum palaestrae Palatinae, sed ita tamen, ut
nihil minus velim quam Pomponiam et puerum versari in timore ruinae.


                                   V

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Anti m. Apr. a. 695_]

Cupio equidem et iam pridem cupio Alexandream reliquamque Aegyptum
visere et simul ab hac hominum satietate nostri discedere et cum aliquo

with hearty good-will and delight, for it will never enter my head to
envy Crassus, or to repent of not having turned traitor to myself.

For the geography I will endeavour to satisfy you, but I won’t make any
definite promise. It is a big piece of work: still I will do as I am
told, and see to it that this little tour is not entirely unproductive
for you. Let me have any political news you may worm out, especially who
you think are likely to be consuls. However, I am not very anxious. I
have made up my mind to forget politics for the time.

I have had a good look at Terentia’s woodlands, and can only say, that,
if there was a Dodonaean oak there, I should feel as though I possessed
the whole of Epirus. About the first of the month I shall be either in
my place at Formiae, or at Pompeii. If I am not at Formiae, as you love
me, come to Pompeii. I shall be delighted to see you, and it won’t be
far out of your way. With regard to the wall, I have given orders to
Philotimus to let you do anything you like: but I think you ought to
call in Vettius. In these days, when every honest man’s life hangs in
the balance, I set high store by the enjoyment of my Palatine palaestra
for a summer, but not to the extent of wishing Pomponia and her boy to
live in terror of a tottering ruin.


                                   V

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Antium, April_, B.C. _59_]

I am eager, and have long been eager to pay a visit to Alexandria and
the rest of Egypt, and also to get away from here, where people are sick
of seeing me, and return when they miss me a little: but

desiderio reverti; sed hoc tempore et his mittentibus

               αἰδέομαι Τρῶας καὶ Τρῳάδας ἑλκεσιπέπλους.

Quid enim nostri optimates, si qui reliqui sunt, loquentur? an me aliquo
praemio de sententia esse deductum?

               Πουλυδάμας μοι πρῶτος ἐλεγχείην ἀναθήσει,

Cato ille noster, qui mihi unus est pro centum milibus. Quid vero
historiae de nobis ad annos D C praedicarint? Quas quidem ego multo
magis vereor quam eorum hominum, qui hodie vivunt, rumusculos. Sed,
opinor, excipiamus et exspectemus. Si enim deferetur, erit quaedam
nostra potestas, et tum deliberabimus. Etiam hercule est in non
accipiendo non nulla gloria. Quare, si quid Θεοφάνης tecum forte
contulerit, ne omnino repudiaris.

De istis rebus exspecto tuas litteras, quid Arrius narret, quo animo se
destitutum ferat, et qui consules parentur, utrum, ut populi sermo,
Pompeius et Crassus an, ut mihi scribitur, cum Gabinio Servius
Sulpicius, et num quae novae leges et num quid novi omnino, et, quoniam
Nepos proficiscitur, cuinam auguratus deferatur; quo quidem uno ego ab
istis capi possum. Videte vilitatem[60] meam. Sed quid ego haec, quae
cupio deponere et toto animo atque omni cura φιλοσοφεῖν? Sic, inquam, in
animo est; vellem ab initio, nunc vero, quoniam, quae putavi esse
praeclara,

Footnote 60:

  vilitatem _Meuntz_: civitatem _M_: vitam _Z_.

considering the circumstances, and the people who are sending me.

[Sidenote: Iliad vi, 442]

            “I fear the men and long-gowned dames of Troy.”

What will our conservative friends say, if there are any of them left?
That I have been bribed out of my opinions?

[Sidenote: Iliad xxii, 100]

                “The first to chide will be Polydamas,”

that friend of ours, Cato, who alone outweighs a hundred thousand in my
eyes. What would history be saying of me six hundred years hence? And
that is a thing I fear much more than the petty gossip of those who are
alive to-day. But I suppose I can only lie low and see what turns up. If
an offer is made to me, the decision will to some extent rest in my own
hands, and then I will consider the question. Upon my word there is some
little glory even in refusing: so, if Theophanes should happen to
consult you, don’t decline point blank.

This is what I am hoping to hear from you in your letter:—what Arrius
has to say for himself, and how he takes Caesar’s desertion of him,
whether popular report is right in speaking of Pompey and Crassus as the
favourites for the consulship, or a correspondent of mine who mentions
Gabinius and Servius Sulpicius, whether there are any new laws or any
news at all, and to whom the augurship will be offered, now that Nepos
is going away. That is the only bait with which they could catch me. You
see how cheap I am going. But this is a forbidden subject. I mean to
forget it, and devote myself heart and soul to philosophy. That, I
assure you, is my intention; and I only wish I had always practised it.
Now that I have sampled the vanity of what I once thought

expertus sum quam essent inania, cum omnibus Musis rationem habere
cogito. Tu tamen de Curtio ad me rescribe certius, et nunc quis in eius
locum paretur, et quid de P. Clodio fiat, et omnia, quem ad modum
polliceris, ἐπὶ σχολῆς scribe, et, quo die Roma te exiturum putes, velim
ad me scribas, ut certiorem te faciam, quibus in locis futurus sim,
epistulamque statim des de iis rebus, de quibus ad te scripsi. Valde
enim exspecto tuas litteras.


                                   VI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Anti m. Apr. a. 695_]

Quod tibi superioribus litteris promiseram, fore ut opus exstaret huius
peregrinationis, nihil iam magno opere confirmo; sic enim sum complexus
otium, ut ab eo divelli non queam. Itaque aut libris me delecto, quorum
habeo Anti festivam copiam, aut fluctus numero (nam ad lacertas
captandas tempestates non sunt idoneae); a scribendo prorsus abhorret
animus. Etenim γεωγραφικά, quae constitueram, magnum opus est. Ita valde
Eratosthenes, quem mihi proposueram, a Serapione et ab Hipparcho
reprehenditur. Quid censes, si Tyrannio accesserit? Et hercule sunt res
difficiles ad explicandum et ὁμοειδεῖς nec tam possunt ἀνθηρογραφεῖσθαι,
quam videbantur, et, quod caput est, mihi quaevis satis iusta causa
cessandi est, qui etiam dubitem, an hic Anti considam et hoc tempus omne
consumam, ubi quidem ego mallem duumvirum

glory, I am thinking of confining my attention exclusively to the Muses.
For all that you must post me up in news of Curtius and who will succeed
to his position, and what is happening about P. Clodius. Take your time,
and write fully about things in general, as you promise. Please let me
know on what day you are leaving Rome, so that I can tell you where I
shall be: and let me have a letter at once on the points I have
mentioned, for I look forward to your letters very eagerly.


                                   VI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Antium April_ B.C. _59_]

I am not so certain now about fulfilling the promises I made in former
letters to produce some work in this tour: for I have fallen so in love
with idleness, that I can’t tear myself from it. So I either enjoy
myself with my books, of which I have a jolly good lot at Antium, or
else count the waves: the rough weather won’t allow me to catch shads.
At writing my soul rebels utterly. The geographical work I had planned
is a big undertaking. Eratosthenes, whom I had taken as my authority, is
severely criticized by Serapion and Hipparchus; and, if I take
Tyrannio’s views too, there is no telling what the result would be.
Besides the subject is confoundedly hard to explain and monotonous, nor
does it give one as many opportunities for flowers of fancy as I
imagined: besides—and this is the chief point—I find any excuse for
idleness good enough. I am even debating settling down at Antium, and
spending the rest of my life here: and I really wish I had been a
magistrate here

quam Romae fuisse. Tu vero sapientior Buthroti domum parasti. Sed, mihi
crede, proxima est illi municipio haec Antiatium civitas. Esse locum tam
prope Romam, ubi multi sint, qui Vatinium numquam viderint, ubi nemo sit
praeter me, qui quemquam ex viginti viris vivum et salvum velit, ubi me
interpellet nemo, diligant omnes! Hic, hic nimirum πολιτευτέον; nam
istic non solum non licet, sed etiam taedet. Itaque ἀνέκδοτα, quae tibi
uni legamus, Theopompio genere aut etiam asperiore multo pangentur.
Neque aliud iam quicquam πολιτεύομαι nisi odisse improbos et id ipsum
nullo cum stomacho, sed potius cum aliqua scribendi voluptate.

Sed ut ad rem, scripsi ad quaestores urbanos de Quinti fratris negotio.
Vide, quid narrent, ecquae spes sit denarii, an cistophoro Pompeiano
iaceamus. Praeterea de muro statue quid faciendum sit. Aliud quid?
Etiam. Quando te proficisci istinc putes, fac ut sciam.

rather than in Rome. You have been wiser in your generation and made a
home for yourself at Buthrotum: but you may take my word for it that
this township of Antium runs your borough very close. To think of there
being a place so near Rome, where there are lots of people who have
never seen Vatinius, where there is not a single soul save myself who
cares whether any of our new commissioners are alive or dead, where no
one intrudes upon me, though every one is fond of me. This, this is the
very place for me to play the politician: for there in Rome, besides
being shut out of politics, I am sick of them. So I will compose a
private memoir, which I will read only to you, in the style of
Theopompus, or even a still bitterer vein. My only policy now is hatred
of the radicals: and that without rancour, indeed with some pleasure in
expressing it.

But to return to business, I have written to the city quaestors about my
brother Quintus’ affairs. See what they have to say, and whether there
is any hope of our getting current coin, or whether we must put up with
Pompey’s pice.[61] Also decide what is to be done with the wall. Is
there anything else I meant to say? Yes. Let me know when you think of
going away.

Footnote 61:

  The _cistophorus_ was an Asiatic coin, of which Pompey had deposited a
  large quantity in the treasury. Apparently there was some idea of
  using them for paying Quintus during his proconsulship.


                                  VII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Anti m. Apr. a. 695_]

De geographia etiam atque etiam deliberabimus. Orationes autem a me duas
postulas; quarum alteram non libebat mihi scribere, quia abscideram,[62]
alteram, ne laudarem eum, quem non amabam. Sed id quoque videbimus.
Denique aliquid exstabit, ne tibi plane cessasse videamur.

De Publio quae ad me scribis sane mihi iucunda sunt, eaque etiam velim
omnibus vestigiis indagata ad me adferas, cum venies, et interea
scribas, si quid intelleges aut suspicabere, et maxime de legatione quid
sit acturus. Equidem, antequam tuas legi litteras, hominem[63] ire
cupiebam, non mehercule ut differrem cum eo vadimonium (nam mira sum
alacritate ad litigandum), sed videbatur mihi, si quid esset in eo
populare, quod plebeius factus esset, id amissurus. “Quid enim? ad
plebem transisti, ut Tigranem ires salutatum? Narra mihi, reges Armenii
patricios resalutare non solent?” Quid quaeris? acueram me ad
exagitandam hanc eius legationem. Quam si ille contemnit, et si, ut
scribis, bilem id commovet et latoribus et auspicibus legis curiatae,
spectaculum egregium. Hercule, verum ut loquamur, subcontumeliose
tractatur noster Publius, primum qui, cum

Footnote 62:

  quia abscideram _most editors_: qui absciram _M_.

Footnote 63:

  hominem _Lambinus_, in hominem _M_, _R_, _I_.


                                  VII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Antium, April_, B.C. _59_]

I will give the geography further consideration. As to the two speeches
you ask for, one I did not want to write down, because I had broken off
in the middle, the other, because I had no desire to praise a man whom I
did not like. But that too I will see about. Something shall appear
anyhow, to convince you that I have not idled all my time away.

I am highly delighted with the news about Publius, please investigate
all the details thoroughly, and bring a full account with you when you
come. Meantime, if you pick up any hints, or draw any inferences, write
to me, especially as to what he is going to do about the embassy. For my
part, before 1 read your letter, I wished the man would go, not, I
assure you, through any desire to postpone his impeachment—for I am
extraordinarily anxious to conduct the case—but because I thought that
he would lose any popularity he had gained by turning plebeian. “Why did
you transfer yourself to the plebs? Was it to pay a visit to Tigranes?
Pray tell me: don’t the kings of Armenia return the visit of a
patrician?” As you see, I had sharpened my wits up to rally him on the
subject of his embassy. But if he rejects it with scorn, and, as you
say, thereby rouses the indignation of the proposers and augurs of the
bill of adoption, it will be a grand sight. To speak the honest truth,
you know, our friend Publius is being treated with very scant courtesy.
In the first place, though he was once the only man in

domi Caesaris quandam unus vir fuerit, nunc ne in viginti quidem esse
potuerit; deinde alia legatio dicta erat, alia data est. Illa opima ad
exigendas pecunias Druso, ut opinor, Pisaurensi an epuloni Vatinio
reservatur; haec ieiuna tabellarii legatio datur ei, cuius tribunatus ad
istorum tempora reservatur. Incende hominem, amabo te, quod potes. Una
spes est salutis istorum inter ipsos dissensio; cuius ego quaedam initia
sensi ex Curione. Iam vero Arrius consulatum sibi ereptum fremit;
Megabocchus et haec sanguinaria iuventus inimicissima est. Accedat vero,
accedat etiam ista rixa auguratus. Spero me praeclaras de istis rebus
epistulas ad te saepe missurum.

Sed illud quid sit, scire cupio, quod iacis obscure iam etiam ex ipsis
quinque viris loqui quosdam. Quidnam id est? Si est enim aliquid, plus
est boni, quam putaram. Atque haec sic velim existimes non me abs te
κατὰ τὸ πρακτικὸν quaerere, quod gestiat animus aliquid agere in re
publica. Iam pridem gubernare me taedebat, etiam cum licebat; nunc vero
cum cogar exire de navi non abiectis, sed ereptis gubernaculis, cupio
istorum naufragia ex terra intueri, cupio, ut ait tuus amicus Sophocles,

                                         κἂν ὑπὸ στέγῃ
                 πυκνῆς ἀκούειν ψακάδος εὑδούσῃ φρενί.

De muro quid opus sit, videbis. Castricianum

Caesar’s house, now he has not a footing even among twenty; and in the
second place, one embassy is talked of, and another is given to him.
That fat post for levying money is reserved for Drusus of Pisaurum, I
suppose, or for the gourmand Vatinius, while this barren messenger’s job
is given to him, and his tribunate too has to wait their convenience.
Fire the fellow’s resentment please, as much as you can. My one hope of
safety lies in their mutual disagreement: and from Curio I gather that
there is a hint of such a thing. Arrius is beginning to rage at being
robbed of his consulship: Megabocchus and the rest of that bloodthirsty
band of youths are at daggers drawn with them. And God grant there may
come a dispute about this augurship on the top. I hope I shall have
occasion to send you some of my very best letters and plenty of them on
these topics.

But I am anxious to know the meaning of that dark hint of yours, that
even some of the board of five commissioners are speaking their minds.
What on earth can it be? If there really is anything in it, things are
in a better way than I thought. Please don’t imagine that I ask the
question with a view to action, because my soul is yearning to take part
in politics. I have long been sick of holding the helm, even when I was
allowed to do so: and now, when I have been marooned and the helm torn
from my grasp without waiting for me to surrender it, my only desire is
to watch their shipwreck from the dry land. I could wish, as your friend
Sophocles says,

                               “In peaceful slumber sunk
             To hear the pattering raindrops on the roof.”

About the wall you will see what is necessary. I

mendum nos corrigemus, et tamen ad me Quintus HS CCIↃↃ IↃↃ scripserat,
nunc[64] ad sororem tuam HS ¯XXX¯. Terentia tibi salutem dicit. Cicero
tibi mandat, ut Aristodemo idem de se respondeas, quod de fratre suo,
sororis tuae filio, respondisti. De Ἀμαλθείᾳ quod me admones, non
neglegemus. Cura, ut valeas.


                                  VIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Anti medio m. Apr. a. 695_]

Epistulam cum a te avide exspectarem ad vesperum, ut soleo, ecce tibi
nuntius pueros venisse Roma! Voco, quaero, ecquid litterarum. Negant.
“Quid ais?” inquam, “nihilne a Pomponio?” Perterriti voce et vultu
confessi sunt se accepisse, sed excidisse in via. Quid quaeris?
permoleste tuli; nulla enim abs te per hos dies epistula inanis aliqua
re utili et suavi venerat. Nunc, si quid in ea epistula, quam ante diem
XVI Kal. Maias dedisti, fuit historia dignum, scribe quam primum, ne
ignoremus; sin nihil praeter iocationem, redde id ipsum.

Et scito Curionem adulescentem venisse ad me salutatum. Valde eius sermo
de Publio cum tuis litteris congruebat; ipse vero mirandum in modum
“reges odisse superbos.” Peraeque narrabat incensam

Footnote 64:

  non _M_.

will set the mistake about Castricius right; and yet Quintus wrote about
£130[65] to me, though now to your sister he makes it nearly £260.[66]
Terentia sends her love; and my little boy commissions you to give
Aristodemus the same answer for him as you gave for his cousin, your
sister’s son. I won’t forget your reminder about your Amalthea. Take
care of yourself.


                                  VIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Antium, April_, B.C. _59_]

When I was looking forward eagerly to a letter of yours towards evening,
as usual, lo and behold a message that some slaves had come from Rome. I
called them, and inquired if they had any letters. “No,” they said.
“What’s that,” said I, “nothing from Pomponius?” Frightened to death by
my voice and look they confessed they had been given one, but it had
been lost on the way. As you may suppose, I was wild with annoyance. For
every letter you have sent me these last few days has contained
something of importance or entertainment. So, if there was anything
worth saying in the letter of the 15th of April, write at once and let
me know it: if there was nothing but nonsense, you owe me a repetition
of it.

Let me tell you that young Curio has come and paid his respects to me:
and what he said about Publius agreed very closely with your letter. It
is astonishing too how he “holds proud kings in hate,” and he tells me
that the younger generation in

Footnote 65:

  15,000 sesterces.

Footnote 66:

  30,000 sesterces.

esse iuventutem neque ferre haec posse. Bene habemus. Nos, si in his
spes est, opinor, aliud agamus. Ego me do historiae. Quamquam licet me
Saufeium putes esse, nihil me est inertius.

Sed cognosce itinera nostra, ut statuas, ubi nos visurus sis. In
Formianum volumus venire Parilibus; inde, quoniam putas praetermittendum
nobis esse hoc tempore Cratera illum delicatum, Kal. Maiis de Formiano
proficiscemur, ut Anti simus a. d. V Nonas Maias. Ludi enim Anti futuri
sunt a IIII ad pr. Nonas Maias. Eos Tullia spectare vult. Inde cogito in
Tusculanum, deinde Arpinum, Romam ad Kal. Iunias. Te aut in Formiano aut
Anti aut in Tusculano cura ut videamus. Epistulam superiorem restitue
nobis et adpinge aliquid novi.


                                   IX

                          CCICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Anti medio m. Apr. a. 695_]

Subito cum mihi dixisset Caecilius quaestor puerum se Romam mittere,
haec scripsi raptim, ut tuos elicerem mirificos cum Publio dialogos cum
eos, de quibus scribis, tum illum, quem abdis et ais longum esse, quae
ad ea responderis, perscribere; illum vero, qui nondum habitus est, quem
illa βοῶπις, cum e Solonio redierit, ad te est relatura. Sic velim
putes, nihil hoc posse mihi esse iucundius. Si vero, quae

general holds equally strong views, and cannot put up with the present
state of affairs. We are all right. If we can put our trust in them, we
need not trouble ourselves, so far as I can see. I am devoting myself to
history. But, though you think me as energetic as Saufeius, I am the
laziest mortal alive.

But get clear about my journeys, so that you may settle where you will
see me. I am intending to get to my place at Formiae on the feast of
Pales; and then, since you think I ought not to stop at the delightful
Crater[67] on this occasion, I shall leave Formiae on the 1st of May, so
as to reach Antium on the 3rd. There are games at Antium from the 4th to
the 6th of May, and Tullia wants to see them. Then I am thinking of
going to Tusculum, and from there to Arpinum, reaching Rome on the 1st
of June. Be sure you pay me a visit either at Formiae or at Antium, or
at my place at Tusculum. Reproduce your former letter for me, and add
something new to it.


                                   IX

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Antium, April_, B.C. _59_]

Caecilius the quaestor having suddenly told me that he was sending a man
to Rome, I write this note in haste to extract from you all your
wonderful dialogues with Publius, those you mention in your note, and
the one you keep dark, saying that your answers were too long to write;
and besides the one which has not yet been held, but which that Juno[68]
is going to report to you, when she returns from Solonium. Pray believe
me when I say there is nothing that would please me more. If the compact
about

Footnote 67:

  The bay of Naples, where Cicero’s Pompeian villa was.

Footnote 68:

  Clodia.

de me pacta sunt, ea non servantur, in caelo sum, ut sciat hic nosier
Hierosolymarius traductor ad plebem, quam bonam meis putissimis
orationibus gratiam rettulerit. Quarum exspecta divinam παλινῳδίαν.
Etenim, quantum coniectura auguramur, si erit nebulo iste cum his
dynastis in gratia, non modo de cynico consulari, sed ne de istis quidem
piscinarum Tritonibus poterit se iactare. Non enim poterimus ulla esse
invidia spoliati opibus et illa senatoria potentia. Sin autem ab iis
dissentiet, erit absurdum in nos invehi. Verum tamen invehatur.

Festive, mihi crede, et minore sonitu, quam putaram. orbis hic in re
publica est conversus; citius omnino, quam potuit, idque[69] culpa
Catonis, sed rursus improbitate istorum, qui auspicia, qui Aeliam legem.
qui Iuniam et Liciniam, qui Caeciliam et Didiam neglexerunt, qui omnia
remedia rei publicae effuderunt, qui regna quasi praedia tetrarchis, qui
immanes pecunias paucis dederunt. Video iam, quo invidia transeat et ubi
sit habitatura. Nihil me existimaris neque usu neque a Theophrasto
didicisse, nisi brevi tempore desiderari nostra illa tempora videris.
Etenim, si fuit invidiosa senatus potentia, cum ed non ad populum, sed
ad tres homines immoderatos redacta sit, quid iam censes fore? Proinde
isti licet faciant, quos

Footnote 69:

  idque _Wesenberg_: id _M_.

me is not kept, I am in the seventh heaven with delight at thinking how
that Jerusalemite plebeian-monger will learn what a pretty return he has
made for all my choicest panegyrics: and you may expect recantation of
eclipsing brilliancy; for, so far as I can see, if that good-for-nothing
is in favour with our sovereigns, he will have to give up crowing over
the “ex-consul with a cynic’s tongue” and those “Tritons of the
fish-ponds” together: for there will be nothing to envy me for, when I
have been robbed of my power and my influence in the Senate. If on the
other hand he quarrels with them, then any attack on me would be absurd.
However let him attack, if he likes.

Upon my word the wheel of State has turned round gaily and with less
noise than I had expected: more quickly to be sure than it might have
done. That is Cato’s fault, but it is still more through the villainy of
those who have disregarded auspices and the Aelian law, the Iunian and
Licinian law and the Caecilian and Didian law, who have thrown out of
the window all the physic for the State, who have given kingdoms to
tetrarchs as though they were farms and immense sums of money to one or
two people. I can see already which way jealousy is tending and where it
will come home to roost. Count me too big a dunce to have learned
anything by experience or from Theophrastus, if you do not see very
shortly men mourning for the days of my government. For if the power of
the Senate was unpopular, you can imagine what things will be like now,
when the power has been transferred not to the people, but to three
unbridled men. So let them make anyone they like consuls and tribunes,

volent, consules, tribunos pl., denique etiam Vatini strumam sacerdotii
διβάφῳ vestiant, videbis brevi tempore magnos non modo eos, qui nihil
titubarunt, sed etiam illum ipsum, qui peccavit, Catonem. Nam nos
quidem, si per istum tuum sodalem Publium licebit, σοφιστεύειν
cogitamus, si ille cogit, tum[70] dumtaxat nos defendere, et, quod est
proprium artis huius, ἐπαγγέλλομαι

             ἄνδρ’ ἀπαμύνεσθαι, ὅτε τις πρότερος χαλεπήνῃ.

Patria propitia sit. Habet a nobis, etiamsi non plus, quam debitum est;
plus certe, quam postulatum est. Male vehi malo alio gubernante quam tam
ingratis vectoribus bene gubernare. Sed haec coram commodius.

Nunc audi, quod quaeris. Antium me ex Formiano recipere cogito a. d. V
Nonas Maias; Antio volo Nonis Maiis proficisci in Tusculanum. Sed, cum e
Formiano rediero (ibi esse usque ad pr. K. Maias volo), faciam statim te
certiorem. Terentia tibi salutem, καὶ Κικέρων ὁ μικρὸς ἀσπάζεται Τίτον
Ἀθηναῖον.


                                   X

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Appi Foro XII K. Apr. a. 695_]

Volo ames meam constantiam. Ludos Anti spectare non placet; est enim
ὑποσόλοικον, cum velim vitare omnium deliciarum suspicionem, repente
ἀναφαίνεσθαι non solum delicate, sed etiam inepte peregrinantem.

Footnote 70:

  cogit, tum _Orelli_: cogitat tantum _M_.

let them cloak Vatinius’ wen with the double-dyed purple gown of the
augur, you will see very soon not only those who have made no slip, but
even Cato himself for all his mistakes exalted, to the skies. As for me,
I am thinking of playing the sophist, if your comrade Publius will allow
me: I shall defend myself only if he compels me. Using the ordinary
trick of the trade, I shall put up a notice that I am ready to

[Sidenote: Iliad xxiv, 369]

               Give blow for blow, if any rouse me first.

If only the country will be on my side. Certainly it has had from me
more than it ever asked for, if not more than I owe to it. I would
rather have a bad passage with another at the helm than steer safely
myself for such ungrateful passengers. But of this we can talk better
when we meet.

Now listen to my answer to your question. I am thinking of betaking
myself to Antium from Formiae on May the 3rd: and I hope to start from
Antium for Tusculum on May the 7th. But, as soon as I have returned from
Formiae—and I intend to stay there till the last of April—I will send
you definite news. Terentia sends her love, and little Cicero his
greeting to Titus the Athenian.


                                   X

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Appi Forum, March 21_, B.C. _59_]

I hope you will admire my consistency. I have decided not to see the
games at Antium. For it would be rather noticeably inconsistent at a
time when I am trying to avoid the suspicion of taking a pleasure trip,
suddenly to appear in the character of one travelling not only for
pleasure, but for very

Quare usque ad Nonas Maias te in Formiano exspectabo. Nunc fac ut sciam,
quo die te visuri simus. Ab Appi Foro hora quarta. Dederam aliam paulo
ante a Tribus Tabernis.


                                   XI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano m. Apr. a. 695_]

Narro tibi, plane relegatus mihi videor, posteaquam in Formiano sum.
Dies enim nullus erat, Anti cum essem, quo die non melius scirem, Romae
quid ageretur, quam ii, qui erant Romae. Etenim litterae tuae, non solum
quid Romae, sed etiam quid in re publica, neque solum quid fieret, verum
etiam quid futurum esset, indicabant. Nunc, nisi si quid ex praetereunte
viatore exceptum est, scire nihil possumus. Quare, quamquam iam te ipsum
exspecto, tamen isti puero, quem ad me statim iussi recurrere, da
ponderosam aliquam epistulam plenam omnium non modo actorum, sed etiam
opinionum tuarum, ac diem, quo Roma sis exiturus, cura ut sciam. Nos in
Formiano esse volumus usque ad prid. Nonas Maias. Eo si ante eam diem
non veneris, Romae te fortasse videbo; nam Arpinum quid ego te invitem?

            Τρηχεῖ’, ἀλλ’ ἀγαθὴ κουροτρόφος, οὔτ’ ἄρ’ ἔγωγε
            ἧς γαίης δύναμαι γλυκερώτερον ἄλλο ἰδέσθαι.

Haec igitur. Cura, ut valeas.

foolish pleasure too. So I shall wait for you till the 7th of May at
Formiae. Now let me know what day I shall see you. From Appi Forum at 10
o’clock. I sent another letter a little earlier from the Three Taverns.


                                   XI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, April_, B.C. _59_]

I assure you I feel an absolute exile since I have been at Formiae.
There never was a day when I was at Antium that I was not better up in
the news of Rome than those who were living there. The fact is your
letters used to set before me not only the city news, but all the
political news, and not only what was happening, but what was going to
happen too. Now I can’t get to know anything, unless I pick up chance
news from a passing traveller. So, although I am expecting you here very
soon, give this man of mine, who is under orders to return at once, a
bulky missive, full of news of all that has happened and what you think
about it: and don’t forget to say what day you are leaving Rome. I
intend to stay at Formiae till the 6th of May. If you can’t get here
before that date, perhaps I shall see you at Rome, for I can hardly
invite you to Arpinum.

[Sidenote: Odyssey ix. 27]

               My rugged native land, good nurse for men;
               None other would mine eyes so gladly see.

That is all then. Take care of yourself.


                                  XII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Tribus Tabernis XIII K. Mai. a. 695_]

Negent illi Publium plebeium factum esse? Hoc vero regnum est et ferri
nullo pacto potest. Emittat ad me Publius, qui obsignent; iurabo Gnaeum
nostrum, collegam Balbi, Anti mihi narrasse se in auspicio fuisse.

O suaves epistulas tuas uno tempore mihi datas duas! Quibus εὐαγγέλια
quae reddam, nescio; deberi quidem plane fateor. Sed vide συγκύρημα.
Emerseram commodum ex Antiati in Appiam ad Tris Tabernas ipsis
Cerialibus, cum in me incurrit Roma veniens Curio meus. Ibidem ilico
puer abs te cum epistulis. Ille ex me, nihilne audissem novi. Ego
negare. “Publius,” inquit, “tribunatum pl. petit.” “Quid ais?” “Et
inimicissimus quidem Caesaris, et ut omnia,” inquit, “ista rescindat.”
“Quid Caesar?” inquam. “Negat se quicquam de illius adoptione tulisse.”
Deinde suum, Memmi, Metelli Nepotis exprompsit odium. Complexus iuvenem
dimisi properans ad epistulas. Ubi sunt, qui aiunt “ζώσης φωνῆς”? quanto
magis vidi ex tuis litteris quam ex illius sermone, quid ageretur, de
ruminatione cotidiana, de cogitatione Publi, de lituis βοώπιδος, de
signifero Athenione, de litteris missis ad Gnaeum, de


                                  XII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Tres Tabernae, Apr. 18_, B.C. _59_]

So they deny that Publius has been made a plebeian, do they? This is
certainly sheer tyranny and not to be borne. Let Publius send some one
to witness my affidavit. I will take my oath that my friend Gnaeus,
Balbus’ colleague, told me at Antium that he had himself assisted at
taking the auspices.

Fancy two such delightful letters of yours being delivered at one and
the same time! I don’t know how to pay you back for your good news,
though I candidly confess my debt. Here’s a coincidence. I had just
taken the turn off the road to Antium on to the Appian Way at the Three
Taverns on the very day of the Cerealia, when my friend Curio met me,
fresh from Rome: and at the very same moment your man with a letter.
Curio inquired whether I hadn’t heard the news. “No,” said I. “Publius
is standing for the tribuneship,” says he. “You don’t say so!” “And he
is at deadly enmity with Caesar,” he replies, “and wants to annul all
those laws of his.” “And what is Caesar doing?” I inquired. “He is
denying that he ever proposed Clodius’ adoption.” Then he emptied the
vials of his own wrath and that of Memmius and Metellus Nepos. I
embraced the youth and said good-bye, being in a hurry to get to your
letters. What a lot of nonsense is talked about “viva vox”? Why, I
learned a dozen times as much about affairs from your letter as from his
talk—the daily chit-chat, the designs of Publius, Juno’s war-cries, how
Athenio[71] is raising the standard, his letter

Footnote 71:

  _Juno_ = Clodia, while it is probably Sex. Clodius who is referred to
  as _Athenio_. Athenio was one of the leaders in the insurrection of
  slaves in Sicily 103–101 B.C.

Theophanis Memmique sermone; quantam porro mihi exspectationem dedisti
convivii istius ἀσελγοῦς! Sum in curiositate ὀξύπεινος, sed tamen facile
patior te id ad me συμπόσιον non scribere; praesentem audire malo.

Quod me, ut scribam aliquid, hortaris, crescit mihi quidem materies, ut
dicis, sed tota res etiam nunc fluctuat, κατ’ ὀπώρην τρύξ. Quae si
desederit, magis erunt iam liquata,[72] quae scribam. Quae si statim a
me ferre non potueris, primus habebis tamen et aliquamdiu solus.
Dicaearchum recte amas; luculentus homo est et civis haud paulo melior
quam isti nostri ἀδικαίαρχοι; Litteras scripsi hora decima Cerialibus,
statim ut tuas legeram, sed eas eram daturus, ut putaram, postridie ei,
qui mihi primus obviam venisset. Terentia delectata est tuis litteris;
impertit tibi multam salutem, καὶ Κικέρων ὁ φιλόσοφος τὸν πολιτικὸν
Τίτον ἀσπάζεται.


                                  XIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano m. Apr. circ. a. d. VIII K. Mai. a. 695_]

Facinus indignum! epistulam αὐθωρεὶ tibi a Tribus Tabernis rescriptam ad
tuas suavissimas epistulas neminem reddidisse! At scito eum fasciculum,
quo illam conieceram, domum eo ipso die latum esse, quo ego dederam, et
ad me in Formianum relatum esse. Itaque tibi tuam epistulam iussi
referri, ex qua intellegeres, quam mihi tum illae gratae fuissent. Romae

Footnote 72:

  iudicata _MSS._; liquata _Orelli_; iam liquata _Kayser_.

to Gnaeus, the conversation with Theophanes and Memmius: and you have
made me wild with inquisitiveness about that “fast” dinner. My curiosity
is insatiable: but I have no grievance at your omitting to write an
account of the dinner. I would much rather hear it by word of mouth.

As for your exhortations to write something, my material certainly is
increasing, as you say; but everything is still in a state of ferment,
like must in autumn. When things have settled down, my writing will be
more clarified. Though you may not get anything from me at once, you
shall be the first to have it however, and no one else for a long time.
You are right in admiring Dicaearchus. He is a splendid fellow and a far
better patriot than any of these great men of ours to whom his name
would certainly not apply.[73] I write this on the day of the Cerealia
at four o’clock, as soon as I read yours: but I am thinking of giving it
to the first person I meet to-morrow. Terentia is delighted with your
letters. She sends you her warmest greetings, and Cicero in his new rôle
of philosopher salutes Titus the politician.


                                  XIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, circa April 23_, B.C. _59_]

What a shame! The letter I wrote on the spur of the moment at the Three
Taverns in answer to your delightful notes never reached you! The reason
was that the packet in which I had put it was taken to my town house the
same day, and brought back to me at Formiae. So I have had the letter
sent back to show you how pleased I was with yours.

Footnote 73:

  Cicero puns on the name Dicaearchus (= “just ruler”).

quod scribis sileri, ita putabam; at hercule in agris non siletur, nec
iam ipsi agri regnum vestrum ferre possunt. Si vero in hanc Τηλέπυλον
veneris Λαιστρυγονίην, Formias dico, qui fremitus hominum! quam irati
animi? quanto in odio noster amicus Magnus! cuius cognomen una cum
Crassi Divitis cognomine consenescit. Credas mihi velim, neminem adhuc
offendi, qui haec tam lente, quam ego fero, ferret. Quare, mihi crede,
φιλοσοφῶμεν. Iuratus tibi possum dicere nihil esse tanti. Tu si litteras
ad Sicyonios habes, advola in Formianum, unde nos pridie Nonas Maias
cogitamus.


                                  XIV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano inter XI et III K. Mai. a. 695_]

Quantam tu mihi moves exspectationem de sermone Bibuli, quantam de
colloquio βοώπιδος, quantam etiam de illo delicato convivio! Proinde ita
fac venias ut ad sitientes aures. Quamquam nihil est iam, quod magis
timendum nobis putem, quam ne ille noster Sampsiceramus, cum se omnium
sermonibus sentiet vapulare, et cum has actiones εὐανατρέπτους videbit,
ruere incipiat. Ego autem usque eo sum enervatus, ut hoc otio, quo nunc
tabescimus, malim ἐντυραννεῖσθαι quam cum optima spe dimicare.

De pangendo quod me crebro adhortaris, fieri nihil potest. Basilicam
habeo, non villam, frequentia Formianorum

Your news that the uproar has died down in Rome does not surprise me:
but I can assure you it has not died down in the country, and the very
country cannot endure that despotism you endure. If you come to this
“Laestrygonia of the far gates,”—Formiae [Sidenote: Odyssey x. 81] I
mean—you will find the people raging with indignation, and our friend
Magnus—a name which is now growing as obsolete as Crassus’ surname
Dives—held in the deepest abhorrence. You may not believe me, but I have
not met anyone here who takes the matter as coolly as myself. So follow
my advice and let us stick to philosophy. I can take my oath there is
nothing like it. If you have a letter to send to the Sicyonians, hasten
to Formiae. I am thinking of leaving on the 6th of May.


                                  XIV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, between April 20 and 28_, B.C. _59_]

You have aroused the liveliest curiosity in me as to your talk with
Bibulus and your conversation with Juno, and about that “fast” dinner
too. So remember my ears are thirsting for news, and come quickly.
However, the thing I am most afraid of at the present moment is that our
friend the Pasha may run amuck as soon as he realizes that every one is
railing at him and laying it on to him, and that these new measures are
quite easy to upset. For myself, however, I have grown so slack that I
should prefer to waste my life in my present ease under a despotism than
to take part in the struggle however bright the prospect of success. As
for the writing, for which you so incessantly clamour, it is impossible.
My house is so crowded with the townsfolk that it is a

atque imparem basilica tribui Aemiliae.[74] Sed omitto vulgus; post
horam quartam molesti ceteri non sunt. C. Arrius proximus est vicinus,
immo ille quidem iam contubernalis, qui etiam se idcirco Romam ire
negat, ut hic mecum totos dies philosophetur. Ecce ex altera parte
Sebosus, ille Catuli familiaris. Quo me vertam? Statim mehercule Arpinum
irem, ni te in Formiano commodissime exspectari viderem dumtaxat ad pr.
Nonas Maias; vides enim, quibus hominibus aures sint deditae meae. O
occasionem mirificam, si qui nunc, dum hi apud me sunt, emere de me
fundum Formianum velit! Et tamen illud probem: “Magnum quid aggrediamur
et multae cogitationis atque otii”? Sed tamen satis fiet a nobis, neque
parcetur labori.


                                   XV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano inter XI et III K. Mai a. 695_]

Ut scribis, ita video non minus incerta in re publica quam in epistula
tua, sed tamen ista ipsa me varietas sermonum opinionumque delectat.
Romae enim videor esse, cum tuas litteras lego, et, ut fit in tantis
rebus, modo hoc, modo illud audire. Illud tamen explicare non possum,
quidnam invenire possit nullo recusante ad facultatem agrariam. Bibuli
autem ista magnitudo animi in comitiorum dilatione quid habet nisi
ipsius iudicium sine ulla correctione rei

Footnote 74:

  ad quam partem basilicae tribum Aemiliam _M: the text follows Boot’s
  emendation_.

public hall rather than a private house: and too small at that for the
Aemilian tribe. But—to omit the common herd, for others don’t bother me
after ten o’clock—C. Arrius is my next door neighbour, or rather he
lives with me, declaring that he has forborne to go to Rome, expressly
for the purpose of spending his whole day philosophizing with me here.
Then on the other side there is Sebosus, Catulus’ intimate friend. Which
way can I turn? Upon my word I would go to Arpinum straight away, if I
did not see that Formiae is the most convenient place to wait for your
visit: but only up to the 6th of May, for you see what bores my ears are
condemned to endure. Now’s the time to bid for my Formian estate, while
these people are pestering me. And in spite of this am I to make good my
promise “Let me attempt something great, requiring much thought and
leisure”? Still I will satisfy you and not spare my labour.


                                   XV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, between April 20 and 28_, B.C. _59_]

I fully realize that, as you say, your letter only reflects the general
uncertainty of public affairs: but still that very variety of talk and
opinion has its charm: for I feel as though I was at Rome, when I read
your letter, and was hearing first one thing and then another, as one
does on questions of importance. But what I can’t make out is how Caesar
can possibly find any solution of the land question which will not meet
with opposition. As to Bibulus’ firmness in impeding the comitia, it
amounts to nothing but an expression of his opinion and does not improve

publicae? Nimirum in Publio spes est. Fiat, fiat tribunus pl., si nihil
aliud, ut eo citius tu ex Epiro revertare; nam, ut illo tu careas, non
video posse fieri, praesertim si mecum aliquid volet disputare. Sed id
quidem non dubium est, quin, si quid erit eius modi, sis advolaturus.
Verum, ut hoc non sit, tamen, sive ruet sive eriget[75] rem publicam,
praeclarum spectaculum mihi propono, modo te consessore spectare liceat.

Cum haec maxime scriberem, ecce tibi Sebosus! Nondum plane ingemueram,
“salve,” inquit Arrius. Hoc est Roma decedere! Quos ego homines effugi
cum in hos incidi! Ego vero

              “In montes patrios et ad incunabula nostra”

pergam. Denique, si solus non potuero, cum rusticis potius quam cum his
perurbanis, ita tamen, ut, quoniam tu certi nihil scribis, in Formiano
tibi praestoler usque ad III Nonas Maias.

Terentiae pergrata est adsiduitas tua et diligentia in controversia
Mulviana. Nescit omnino te communem causam defendere eorum, qui agros
publicos possideant; sed tamen tu aliquid publicanis pendis, haec etiam
id recusat. Ea tibi igitur et Κικέρων, ἀριστοκρατικώτατος παῖς, salutem
dicunt.

Footnote 75:

  sive eriget _Corradus_: get _CZ_: ΔΣ. _omit the word_.

the position of affairs at all. Upon my word our only hope rests in
Publius. Let him by all means become tribune; if for no other reason, to
make you return all the sooner from Epirus. For I don’t see how you can
possibly keep away from him, especially if he should choose to quarrel
with me. But of course I have no doubt that you would fly to my side, if
anything of the kind were to happen. But, even if this does not happen,
I am looking forward to a sight worth seeing, whether he runs amuck or
saves the state, if I can watch it with you sitting by my side.

Just as I was writing these words, in comes Sebosus: and I had hardly
fetched a sigh, when there was Arrius saying “Good day.” This is going
out of town! Is it escaping from society to run into people like this? I
shall certainly be off to “My native hills, the cradle of my youth.” To
put it shortly, if I can’t be alone, I would rather be with countryfolk
than with these ultra-city men. However, as you send no definite date, I
will wait for you at Formiae till the 5th of May.

Terentia is much gratified by the attention and care you have bestowed
on her dispute with Mulvius. She has not the least idea that you are
supporting the common cause of all the owners of public land. However
you do pay something to the tax-collectors; while she refuses to pay a
penny. Accordingly she and my boy, a most conservative lad, send their
respects.


                                  XVI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano in. m. Maio a. 695_]

Cenato mihi et iam dormitanti pridie K. Maias epistula est illa reddita,
in qua de agro Campano scribis. Quid quaeris? primo ita me pupugit, ut
somnum mihi ademerit, sed id cogitatione magis quam molestia; cogitanti
autem haec fere succurrebant. Primum ex eo, quod superioribus litteris
scripseras, ex familiari te illius audisse prolatum iri aliquid, quod
nemo improbaret, maius aliquid timueram. Hoc mihi eius modi non
videbatur. Deinde, ut me egomet consoler, omnis exspectatio largitionis
agrariae in agrum Campanum videtur esse derivata, qui ager, ut dena
iugera sint, non amplius hominum quinque milia potest sustinere; reliqua
omnis multitudo ab illis abalienetur necesse est. Praeterea si ulla res
est, quae bonorum animos, quos iam video esse commotos, vehementius
possit incendere, haec certe est et eo magis, quod portoriis Italiae
sublatis, agro Campano diviso quod vectigal superest domesticum praeter
vicensimam? quae mihi videtur una contiuncula clamore pedisequorum
nostrorum esse peritura. Gnaeus quidem noster iam plane quid cogitet
nescio;

                 φυσᾷ γὰρ οὐ σμικροῖσιν αὐλίσκοις ἔτι,
                 ἀλλ’ ἀγρίαις φύσαισι φορβειᾶς ἄτερ.

qui quidem etiam istuc adduci potuerit. Nam adhuc


                                  XVI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, May_, B.C. _59_]

As I was taking a nap after dinner on the last of April, your letter
about the Campanian land arrived. Well, at first it startled me so that
it banished all desire to sleep, though it was thought rather than
uneasiness that kept me awake. The result of my cogitations was
something of this sort. First, when you said in your last letter you had
heard from a great friend of Caesar’s that some proposal was going to be
made to which no one could object, I had feared some sweeping measure;
but this I don’t consider anything of the kind. Secondly—and that is
some consolation to me—all hope of agrarian distribution seems to have
been diverted to the Campanian land. Supposing that the allotments are
about 6 acres apiece, that land will not hold more than 5,000 people; so
they have to offend all the rest of the masses. Besides, if anything is
calculated to arouse a fiercer pitch of indignation in the minds of the
conservatives, who are obviously getting roused already, this is the
very thing that will; all the more so because there won’t be any home
tax left except the 5 per cent.,[76] now that the customs duties have
been abolished, if the Campanian land is distributed: and that, I fancy,
it would take only one petty harangue assisted by the cheers of our
lacqueys to abolish. What on earth our friend Gnaeus is thinking of in
letting himself be carried so far, I cannot tell:

               He blows no more on slender pipe of reed,
               But fierce unmodulated trumpet-blasts.

Footnote 76:

  On manumitted slaves.

haec ἐσοφίζετο, se leges Caesaris probare, actiones ipsum praestare
debere; agrariam legem sibi placuisse, potuerit intercedi necne, nihil
ad se pertinere; de rege Alexandrino placuisse sibi aliquando confici,
Bibulus de caelo tum servasset necne, sibi quaerendum non fuisse; de
publicanis voluisse se illi ordini commodare, quid futurum fuerit, si
Bibulus tum in forum descendisset, se divinare non potuisse. Nunc vero,
Sampsicerame, quid dices? vectigal te nobis in monte Antilibano
constituisse, agri Campani abstulisse? Quid? hoc quem ad modum
obtinebis? “Oppressos vos,” inquit, “tenebo exercitu Caesaris.” Non
mehercule me tu quidem tam isto exercitu quam ingratis animis eorum
hominum, qui appellantur boni, qui mihi non mode praemiorum, sed ne
sermonum quidem umquam fructum ullum aut gratiam rettulerunt. Quodsi in
eam me partem incitarem, profecto iam aliquam reperirem resistendi viam.
Nunc prorsus hoc statui, ut, quoniam tanta controversia est Dicaearcho,
familiari tuo, cum Theophrasto, amico meo, ut ille tuus τὸν πρακτικὸν
βίον longe omnibus anteponat, hic autem τὸν θεωρητικόν, utrique a me mos
gestus esse videatur. Puto enim me Dicaearcho adfatim satis fecisse;
respicio nunc ad hanc familiam, quae mihi non modo, ut requiescam,
permittit, sed reprehendit, quia non semper quierim. Quare incumbamus, o
noster Tite, ad illa praeclara studia et

For up to now he has chopped logic about the matter, saying that he
approved of Caesar’s laws, but it was for Caesar to see to their
passing: that the agrarian law was sound enough to his mind, but whether
it could be vetoed by a tribune or not did not matter to him: he thought
it was high time the question was settled with the king of Alexandria:
whether Bibulus had been watching for omens or not at that particular
moment was no business of his: as for the tax-gatherers, they were a
class that he wished to oblige: what was going to happen, if Bibulus
came down to the forum on that occasion, he could not have prophesied.
But now what has the Pasha got to say for himself? That he imposed a tax
on Antilibanus and took it off the Campanian land? Well, I don’t see how
he will make it good. “I will keep you in check with Caesar’s army,” he
says. No, not me at least; that army will not restrain me so much as the
ungrateful minds of the so-called constitutionalists, who have not
repaid my services even by thanks, much less by more substantial
rewards. But, if I were really to rouse myself to energy against that
party, I would certainly find some means of resisting them. As it is,
since there is such an endless controversy between your intimate
Dicaearchus and my friend Theophrastus, Dicaearchus giving the
preference to a practical life, Theophrastus to a contemplative, I have
set my mind on making it clear that I have humoured them both. I take it
I have fully satisfied Dicaearchus: now I am turning my eye to the other
school, which not only gives me permission to take my ease now, but
blames me for ever having done anything else. So, my dear Titus, let me
throw myself heart and soul into those excellent studies,

eo, unde discedere non oportuit, aliquando revertamur.

Quod de Quinti fratris epistula scribis, ad me quoque fuit πρόσθε λέων,
ὄπιθεν δὲ—[77]quid dicam, nescio; nam ita deplorat primis versibus
mansionem suam, ut quemvis movere possit, ita rursus remittit, ut me
roget, ut annales suos emendem et edam. Illud tamen, quod scribis,
animadvertas velim de portorio circumvectionis; ait se de consilii
sententia rem ad senatum reiecisse. Nondum videlicet meas litteras
legerat, quibus ad eum re consulta et explorata perscripseram non
deberi. Velim, si qui Graeci iam Romam ex Asia de ea causa venerunt,
videas et, si tibi videbitur, iis demonstres, quid ego de ea re sentiam.
Si possum discedere, ne causa optuma in senatu pereat, ego satis faciam
publicanis; εἰ δὲ μή (vere tecum loquar), in hac re malo universae Asiae
et negotiatoribus; nam eorum quoque vehementer interest. Hoc ego sentio
valde nobis opus esse. Sed tu id videbis. Quaestores autem, quaeso, num
etiam de cistophoro dubitant? Nam, si aliud nihil erit, cum erimus omnia
experti, ego ne illud quidem contemnam, quod extremum est. Te in
Arpinati videbimus et hospitio agresti accipiemus, quoniam maritumum hoc
contempsisti.

Footnote 77:

  Iliad vi, 181, ending δράκων, μέσση δὲ χίμαιρα.

and at length seek the home that I ought never to have left.

As for your complaints about my brother Quintus’ letter, to me, too, it
seemed “a lion before, behind”—heaven knows what. For the groans in the
first lines about his long absence would touch anybody’s heart: then
afterwards he calms down sufficiently to ask me to touch up and edit his
journal. Please pay some attention to the point you mention about the
dues on goods transferred from port to port. He says he referred it to
the Senate by the advice of his assessors. Evidently he had not read my
letter, in which I told him after careful consideration and research
that no tax was legally due. If any Greeks have come from Asia to Rome
about it, please see them, and, it you think fit, tell them my opinion.
If I can recant, I will do as the tax collectors wish, rather than see
the good cause worsted in the House: but, if not, I candidly confess I
prefer the interests of the whole of Asia and the merchants, for I feel
it is really a matter of great importance to them. I think, however, it
is a case of necessity for us. But you will see to it. Are the
quaestors, then, still debating about the currency? If there is no
escape from it in spite of all our efforts, I shouldn’t turn up my nose
at the Asiatic coins as the last resource. I shall see you at Arpinum,
and give you a country welcome, since you have despised this at the
seaside.


                                  XVII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano in m. Mai. a. 695_]

Prorsus, ut scribis, ita sentio, turbatur Sampsiceramus. Nihil est, quod
non timendum sit; ὁμολογουμένως τυραννίδα συσκευάζεται. Quid enim ista
repentina adfinitatis coniunctio, quid ager Campanus, quid effusio
pecuniae significant? Quae si essent extrema, tamen esset nimium mali,
sed ea natura rei est, ut haec extrema esse non possint. Quid enim? eos
haec ipsa per se delectare possunt? Numquam huc venissent, nisi ad alias
res pestiferas aditus sibi compararent. Verum, ut scribis, haec in
Arpinati a. d. VI circiter Idus Maias non deflebimus, ne et opera et
oleum philologiae nostrae perierit; sed conferemus tranquillo animo. Di
immortales neque tam me εὐελπιστία consolatur ut antea quam ἀδιαφορία,
qua nulla in re tam utor quam in hac civili et publica. Quin etiam, quod
est subinane in nobis et non ἀφιλόδοξον (bellum est enim sua vitia
nosse), id adficitur quadam delectatione. Solebat enim me pungere, ne
Sampsicerami merita in patriam ad annos sescentos maiora viderentur quam
nostra. Hac quidem cura certe iam vacuus sum; iacet enim ille sic, ut
πτῶσις[78] Curiana stare videatur. Sed haec coram. Tu tamen videris mihi
Romae fore ad nostrum adventum, quod sane facile patiar, si tuo commodo
fieri possit; sin, ut scribis, ita venies, velim ex Theophane

Footnote 78:

  πτῶσις _Bosius_: phocis _codd._


                                  XVII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, May_, B.C. _59_]

I agree entirely with what you say in your letter. The Pasha is running
amuck. We may anticipate anything: he is quite clearly setting up a
tyranny. What else is the meaning of this sudden marriage-contract,[79]
of the proposals about the Campanian land, of this reckless expenditure
of money? If that were the end of it, it would be disastrous enough: but
the nature of the case makes it impossible that this should be the end.
These things in themselves cannot possibly give them any pleasure: and
they would never have taken this step except as the first to other
pernicious acts. But, as you say, we will discuss these questions
rationally at Arpinum about the 10th of May, and not prove all the
labour and the midnight oil we have spent on our studies wasted by
weeping over them. Heaven help us! I derive consolation not so much from
hope, as I did formerly, as from a spirit of indifference, which I call
to my service especially in civic and political matters. Nay more, the
little strain of vanity and thirst for fame that there is in me—it is a
good thing to recognize one’s own faults—even experiences a pleasurable
sensation. For the thought that the Pasha’s services to the country
might in the dim future be reckoned higher than mine, used to prick me
to the heart: but now I rest quite easy on that score. He has fallen so
low that the fallen Curius in comparison seems to stand erect. But of
this when we meet. It seems now as though you will be at Rome when I
arrive: for which I shall not be at all sorry, if it is

Footnote 79:

  Of Pompey with Caesar’s daughter.

expiscere, quonam in me animo sit Arabarches. Quaeres scilicet κατὰ τὸ
κηδεμονικὸν et ad me ab eo quasi ὑποθήκας adferes, quem ad modum me
geram. Aliquid ex eius sermone poterimus περὶ τῶν ὅλων suspicari.


                                 XVIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae m. Iun. aut in. Quint. a. 695_]

Accepi aliquot epistulas tuas; ex quibus intellexi, quam suspenso animo
et sollicito scire averes, quid esset novi. Tenemur undique neque iam,
quo minus serviamus, recusamus, sed mortem et eiectionem quasi maiora
timemus, quae multo sunt minora. Atque hic status, quasi[80] una voce
omnium gemitur neque verbo cuiusquam sublevatur. Σκοπὸς est, ut
suspicor, illis, qui tenent, nullam cuiquam largitionem relinquere. Unus
loquitur et palam adversatur adulescens Curio. Huic plausus maximi,
consalutatio forensis perhonorifica, signa praeterea benevolentiae
permulta a bonis impertiuntur. Fufium clamoribus et conviciis et sibilis
consectantur. His ex rebus non spes, sed dolor est maior, cum videas
civitatis voluntatem solutam, virtutem alligatam. Ac, ne forte quaeras
κατὰ λεπτὸν de singulis rebus, universa res eo est deducta, spes ut
nulla sit aliquando non modo privatos, verum etiam magistratus liberos
fore. Hac tamen in oppressione sermo in circulis dumtaxat

Footnote 80:

  quasi _Schiche_: qui _codd._

convenient to you. But if you come to see me, as you promise in your
note, I wish you would fish out of Theophanes how the Sheikh is disposed
to me. You will of course use your usual care in inquiring, and will
deliver to me a kind of Whole Duty by which to regulate my conduct. From
his conversation we shall be able to get an inkling of the entire
situation.


                                 XVIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, June or July_, B.C. _59_]

I have received several letters of yours, and from them I see with what
tense anxiety you are looking forward to news. We are hemmed in on every
side; yet we do not rebel at servitude, fearing death and exile as
though they were greater evils, whereas they are really far lesser
evils. Yes, that is the position, and though every one groans about it,
not a voice is raised to relieve it. The object, I presume, of those who
hold the reins is to leave nothing for anyone else to give away. One man
only opens his mouth and opposes them publicly, and that is young Curio.
The loyal party cheers him loudly, greets him in the forum with the
highest respect, and shows its good-will to him in many other ways,
while Fufius is pursued with shouts and jeers and hisses. But this
raises not one’s hope so much as one’s disgust at seeing the people’s
will so free and their courage so enslaved. And, not to enter into
details with you, affairs have come to such a pass that there is no hope
of ever again having free magistrates, let alone a free people. But in
the midst of this tyranny speech is freer than ever, at any rate in
clubs and over our

et in conviviis est liberior quam fuit. Vincere incipit timorem dolor,
sed ita, ut omnia sint plenissima desperationis. Habet etiam Campana lex
exsecrationem candidatorum, si mentionem in contione fecerint, quo
aliter ager possideatur atque ut ex legibus Iuliis. Non dubitant iurare
ceteri; Laterensis existimatur laute fecisse, quod tribunatum pl. petere
destitit, ne iuraret.

Sed de re publica non libet plura scribere. Displiceo mihi nec sine
summo scribo dolore. Me tueor ut oppressis omnibus non demisse, ut
tantis rebus gestis parum fortiter. A Caesare valde liberaliter invitor
in legationem illam, sibi ut sim legatus, atque etiam libera legatio
voti causa datur. Sed haec et praesidii apud pudorem Pulchelli non habet
satis et a fratris adventu me ablegat, illa et munitior est et non
impedit, quo minus adsim, cum velim. Hanc ego teneo, sed usurum me non
puto, neque tamen scit quisquam. Non lubet fugere, aveo pugnare. Magna
sunt hominum studia. Sed nihil adfirmo; tu hoc silebis.

De Statio manu misso et non nullis aliis rebus angor equidem, sed iam
prorsus occallui. Tu vellem

cups. Disgust is beginning to conquer fear, though it still leaves the
blankest despair everywhere. The Campanian law goes so far as to impose
upon candidates a formula of execration upon themselves if they propose
any different occupation of the land to that laid down by the Julian
laws, to be used by them in their speech as candidates. The others
showed no compunction in taking the oath: but Laterensis is thought a
hero because he threw up his candidature for the tribunate rather than
take it.

I have no heart to write more about politics. I am disgusted with myself
and it is agony to me to write. I stand my ground without losing
self-respect considering the universal servility, but with less courage
than I could wish considering my past record. Caesar most liberally
invites me to take a place on his personal staff: and I even have an
offer of a free travelling pass nominally to fulfil a vow.[81] But it is
hardly safe to trust to that Beauty’s delicacy to that extent. Besides
it would mean that I should not be here for my brother’s return. The
other post is much safer, and does not prevent me from being here when I
wish. The free pass I have, but I don’t think I shall use it. No one
knows of it however. I don’t want to run away; I long to fight. I have
plenty of ardent admirers. But I won’t take my oath on anything, and
please don’t mention what I’ve said.

I am much distressed about the manumission of Statius and some other
things, but I’ve become thick-skinned by now. I wish you were here, I
long for

Footnote 81:

  The _libera legatio_ was a pseudo-embassy at state expense, granted to
  senators who wished to pay a vow, receive an inheritance, or exact a
  debt.

ego vel cuperem adesses; nec mihi consilium nec consolatio deesset. Sed
ita te para, ut, si inclamaro, advoles.


                                  XIX

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae m. Quint. a. 695_]

Multa me sollicitant et ex rei publicae tanto motu et ex iis periculis,
quae mihi ipsi intenduntur et sescenta sunt; sed mihi nihil est
molestius quam Statium manu missum:

       “Nec meum imperium, ac mitto imperium non simultatem meam
       Revereri saltem!”

Nec, quid faciam, scio, neque tantum est in re, quantus est sermo. Ego
autem ne irasci possum quidem iis, quos valde amo; tantum doleo ac
mirifice quidem. Cetera in magnis rebus. Minae Clodi contentionesque,
quae mihi proponuntur, modice me tangunt; etenim vel subire eas videor
mihi summa cum dignitate vel declinare nulla cum molestia posse. Dices
fortasse: “Dignitatis ἅλις tamquam δρυός, saluti, si me amas, consule.”
Me miserum! cur non ades? nihil profecto te praeteriret. Ego fortasse
τυφλώττω et nimium τῷ καλῷ προσπέπονθα. Scito nihil umquam fuisse tam
infame, tam turpe, tam peraeque omnibus generibus, ordinibus, aetatibus
offensum quam hunc statum, qui nunc est, magis mehercule, quam vellem,
non modo quam putarem. Populares isti iam etiam

it. I should no longer feel the lack of advice or consolation. However,
hold yourself ready to come quickly, if I call for you.


                                  XIX

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, July_, B.C. _59_]

I have many causes for anxiety, both from the troubled state of the
constitution and from the innumerable personal dangers which threaten
me. But nothing annoys me more than Statius’ manumission:

[Sidenote: Terence, _Phorm._ 232]

             That my authority—nay, I let that be—
             That my displeasure should be counted nought!

But what I am to do, I don’t know; and the matter is more talk than
anything. I can never be angry with those I really love: I can only feel
sorrow, and very deep sorrow too. My other cares are for important
matters. Clodius’ threats and the struggle I have to face do not affect
me much: for I think I can face the music with dignity or avoid the
danger without unpleasantness. Perhaps you will say: “Hang dignity. It’s
prehistoric.[82] For mercy’s sake look after your safety,” Alas! Why
aren’t you here? You would notice everything: while I perhaps am blinded
by my passion for high ideals. Nothing was ever so scandalous, so
disgraceful, and so objectionable to every rank and class of men young
or old as this present state of affairs, far more so than I expected,
nay upon my soul it is more so than I could wish. The popular party have
taught even the

Footnote 82:

  Lit. “enough of the oak,” a proverb alluding to a supposed acorn diet
  in the days before the use of corn was discovered.

modestos homines sibilare docuerunt. Bibulus in caelo est, nec, quare,
scio, sed ita laudatur, quasi

               “Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem.”

Pompeius, nostri amores, quod mihi summo dolori est, ipse se adflixit.
Neminem tenent voluntate; ne metu necesse sit iis uti, vereor. Ego autem
neque pugno cum illa causa propter illam amicitiam neque approbo, ne
omnia improbem, quae antea gessi; utor via. Populi sensus maxime theatro
et spectaculis perspectus est; nam gladiatoribus qua dominus qua
advocati sibilis conscissi; ludis Apollinaribus Diphilus tragoedus in
nostrum Pompeium petulanter invectus est:

                     “Nostra miseria tu es magnus—”

miliens coactus est dicere;

        “Eandem virtutem istam veniet tempus cum graviter gemes”

totius theatri clamore dixit itemque cetera. Nam et eius modi sunt ii
versus, uti in tempus ab inimico Pompei scripti esse videantur:

                 “Si neque leges neque mores cogunt—,”

et cetera magno cum fremitu et clamore sunt dicta. Caesar cum venisset
mortuo plausu, Curio filius est insecutus. Huic ita plausum est, ut
salva re publica Pompeio plaudi solebat. Tulit Caesar graviter. Litterae
Capuam ad Pompeium volare dicebantur. Inimici

moderate men to hiss. Bibulus is exalted to the sky, though I don’t know
why. However he is as much bepraised as though

             “His wise delay alone did save the state.”[83]

To my infinite sorrow, my pet, Pompey, has shattered his own reputation.
They have no hold on anyone by affection: and I am afraid they may find
it necessary to try the effect of fear. I do not quarrel with them on
account of my friendship for him, though I refrain from showing approval
not to stultify all my previous actions. I keep to the high-road. The
popular feeling can be seen best in the theatre and at public
exhibitions. For at the gladiatorial show both the leader[84] and his
associates were overwhelmed with hisses: at the games in honour of
Apollo the actor Diphilus made an impertinent attack on Pompey, “By our
misfortunes thou art Great,” which was encored again and again. “A time
will come when thou wilt rue that might” he declaimed amid the cheers of
the whole audience, and so on with the rest. For indeed the verses do
look as though they had been written for the occasion by an enemy of
Pompey: “If neither law nor custom can constrain,” etc. was received
with a tremendous uproar and outcry. At Caesar’s entry the applause
dwindled away; but young Curio who followed was applauded as Pompey used
to be when the constitution was still sound. Caesar was much annoyed:
and it is said a letter flew post haste to Pompey at Capua.

Footnote 83:

  So Ennius speaking of Q. Fabius Maximus.

Footnote 84:

  Probably Pompey, Caesar being the chief of the _socii_, though some
  take it to refer to Gabinius, who gave the show, or to Caesar.

erant equitibus, qui Curioni stantes plauserant, hostes omnibus; Rosciae
legi, etiam frumentariae minitabantur. Sane res erat perturbata. Equidem
malueram, quod erat susceptum ab illis, silentio transiri, sed vereor,
ne non liceat. Non ferunt homines, quod videtur esse tamen ferendum; sed
est iam una vox omnium magis odio firmata quam praesidio.

Noster autem Publius mihi minitatur, inimicus est. Impendet negotium, ad
quod tu scilicet advolabis. Videor mihi nostrum illum consularem
exercitum bonorum omnium, etiam satis bonorum habere firmissimum.
Pompeius significat studium erga me non mediocre; idem adfirmat verbum
de me illum non esse facturum; in quo non me ille fallit, sed ipse
fallitur. Cosconio mortuo sum in eius locum invitatus. Id erat vocari in
locum mortui. Nihil me turpius apud homines fuisset neque vero ad istam
ipsam ἀσφάλειαν quicquam alienius. Sunt enim illi apud bonos invidiosi,
ego apud improbos meam retinuissem invidiam, alienam adsumpsissem.
Caesar me sibi vult esse legatum. Honestior declinatio haec periculi;
sed ego hoc non repudio. Quid ergo est? pugnare malo. Nihil tamen certi.
Iterum dico “utinam adesses!” Sed tamen, si erit necesse, arcessemus

They are annoyed with the knights who stood up and clapped Curio, and
their hand is against every man’s. They are threatening the Roscian law
and even the corn law. Things are in a most disturbed condition. I used
to think it would be best silently to ignore their doings, but I am
afraid that will be impossible. The public cannot put up with things,
and yet it looks as though they would have to put up with them. The
whole people speak now with one voice, but the unanimity has no
foundation but common hate.

Anyhow our friend Publius is threatening me and making hostile advances:
there is trouble ahead, and you must fly to the rescue. I think I have
at my back the same firm bodyguard of all the sound men and even the
moderately sound, as I had in my consulship. The affection Pompey shows
me is more than ordinary. He declares Clodius will not say a word
against me: but there he is deceiving himself not me. I have been asked
to fill Cosconius’ place[85] now he is dead. That would be stepping into
a dead man’s shoes, with a vengeance! I should disgrace myself utterly
in the world’s eyes: and nothing could be more opposed to the state of
safety you keep talking of. For that board is unpopular with the loyal
party, and so I should keep my unpopularity with the disloyal and take
up another’s burden too. Caesar wants me to go as his lieutenant. That
would be a more honourable way of getting out of danger. But I don’t
want to shirk it, for the very good reason that I prefer fighting.
However nothing is settled, I repeat, I wish you were here. However,

Footnote 85:

  As one of the twenty commissioners for the distribution of public
  land.

Quid aliud? quid? Hoc opinor. Certi sumus perisse omnia; quid enim
ἀκκιζόμεθα tam diu?

Sed haec scripsi properans et mehercule timide. Posthac ad te aut, si
perfidelem habebo, cui dem, scribam plane omnia, aut, si obscure
scribam, tu tamen intelleges. In iis epistulis me Laelium, te Furium
faciam; cetera erunt ἐν αἰνιγμοῖς. Hic Caecilium colimus et observamus
diligenter. Edicta Bibuli audio ad te missa. Iis ardet dolore et ira
noster Pompeius.


                                   XX

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae m. Quint. a. 695_]

Anicato, ut te velle intellexeram, nullo loco defui. Numestium ex
litteris tuis studiose scriptis libenter in amicitiam recepi. Caecilium,
quibus rebus possum, tueor diligenter. Varro satis facit nobis. Pompeius
amat nos carosque habet. “Credis?” inquies. Credo; prorsus mihi
persuadet; sed, quia volgo pragmatici homines omnibus historiis,
praeceptis, versibus denique cavere iubent et vetant credere, alterum
facio, ut caveam, alterum, ut non credam, facere non possum. Clodius
adhuc mihi denuntiat periculum. Pompeius adfirmat non esse periculum,
adiurat; addit etiam se prius occisum iri ab eo quam me violatum iri.
Tractatur

if it is necessary. I will send for you. Anything else? One thing, I
think: I am sure the country is lost. It is no use mincing matters[86]
any longer.

However I have written this in a hurry, and, I may say, in a fright too.
Some time I will give you a clear account, if I find a very trusty
messenger; or, if I veil my meaning, you will manage to understand it.
In these letters I will call myself Laelius and you Furius: and convey
the rest in riddles. Here I am cultivating Caecilius and paying him
elaborate attention. I hear Bibulus’ edicts have been sent to you.
Pompey is blazing with wrath and indignation at them.


                                   XX

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, July_, B.C. _59_]

I have done all I could for Anicatus, knowing you wanted me to do so,
and have willingly adopted Numestius as a friend on the strength of the
earnest recommendation in your letter. To Caecilius I take care to pay
every suitable attention. Varro is as good as I can expect; and Pompey
shows me friendship and affection. Can I believe him, you ask. I do
believe him; he quite convinces me. But since men of the world are
always advising one in their histories and precepts and even in their
verses to beware and forbidding one to believe, I do the one and beware,
but to the other—not to believe—I cannot persuade myself. Clodius is
still threatening me with danger, while Pompey asserts that there is no
danger. He swears it, adding even that he will not see me injured if it
costs him his life. The point is under

Footnote 86:

  Lit. “to be coy,” or “to coquet.”

res. Simul et quid erit certi, scribam ad te. Si erit pugnandum,
arcessam ad societatem laboris; si quies dabitur, ab Amalthea te non
commovebo.

De re publica breviter ad te scribam; iam enim, charta ipsa ne nos
prodat, pertimesco. Itaque posthac, si erunt mihi plura ad te scribenda,
ἀλληγορίαις obscurabo. Nunc quidem novo quodam morbo civitas moritur,
ut, cum omnes ea, quae sunt acta, improbent, querantur, doleant,
varietas nulla in re sit, aperteque loquantur et iam clare gemant, tamen
medicina nulla adferatur. Neque enim resisti sine internecione posse
arbitramur nec videmus, qui finis cedendi praeter exitium futurus sit.
Bibulus hominum admiratione et benevolentia in caelo est; edicta eius et
contiones describunt et legunt. Novo quodam genere in summam gloriam
venit. Populare nunc nihil tam est quam odium popularium. Haec quo sint
eruptura, timeo; sed, si dispicere quid coepero, scribam ad te apertius.
Tu, si me amas tantum, quantum profecto amas, expeditus facito ut sis,
si inclamaro, ut accurras; sed do operam et dabo, ne sit necesse. Quod
scripseram me tibi ut[87] Furio scripturum, nihil necesse est tuum nomen
mutare; me faciam Laelium et te Atticum neque utar meo chirographo neque
signo, si modo erunt eius modi litterae, quas in alienum incidere nolim.

Footnote 87:

  me tibi ut _Wesenberg_: et _M_.

negotiation: as soon as any certain conclusion is reached, I will write
to you. If I have to fight, I will summon you to share my labour: but if
I am left in peace, I will not rout you out of your Amalthea.

Political matters I shall only touch on briefly: for I am beginning to
be afraid that the very paper may betray me. So in future, if I have to
write in fuller detail to you, I shall hide my meaning under covert
language. Now the State is dying of a new disease. The measures that
have been passed cause universal discontent and grumbling and
indignation: there is no disagreement on the point and people are now
venting their opinion and their disapproval openly and loudly, yet no
remedy is applied. Resistance seems impossible without bloodshed: nor
can we see any other end to concession except destruction. Bibulus is
exalted to the skies amid universal admiration and popularity. His
edicts and speeches are copied out and read. He has attained the height
of glory in quite a novel way. Nothing is so popular now as hatred of
the popular party. I have my fears about the issue of all this. But I
will write more clearly, if I get any definite views. Do you, if your
affection for me is as real as I know it to be, hold yourself ready to
run to my call, when it comes. But I am doing my best, and will continue
to do it, to prevent any necessity. I said I would call you Furius in my
letters, but there is no need to alter your name. I will call myself
Laelius and you Atticus, and I won’t use my own handwriting or seal, at
any rate if the letters are such that I should not like them to fall
into a stranger’s hands.

Diodotus mortuus est; reliquit nobis HS fortasse centiens. Comitia
Bibulus cum Archilochio edicto in ante diem XV Kal. Novembr. distulit. A
Vibio libros accepi. Poeta ineptus et tamen scit nihil, sed est non
inutilis. Describe et remitto.


                                  XXI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae post VIII K. Sext., ante XV K. Nov. a. 695_]

De re publica quid ego tibi subtiliter? Tota periit atque hoc est
miserior, quam reliquisti, quod tum videbatur eius modi dominatio
civitatem oppressisse, quae iucunda esset multitudini, bonis autem ita
molesta, ut tamen sine pernicie, nunc repente tanto in odio est omnibus,
ut, quorsus eruptura sit, horreamus. Nam iracundiam atque intemperantiam
illorum sumus experti, qui Catoni irati omnia perdiderunt, sed ita
lenibus uti videbantur venenis, ut posse videremur sine dolore interire;
nunc vero sibilis volgi, sermonibus honestorum, fremitu Italiae vereor
ne exarserint. Equidem sperabam, ut saepe etiam loqui tecum solebam, sic
orbem rei publicae esse conversum, ut vix

Diodotus is dead: he left me about £88,000.[88] Bibulus has written a
scathing edict putting off the elections till the 18th of October. I
have received the books from Vibius: he[89] is a wretched poet, and
indeed has nothing in him; still he is of some use to me. I am going to
copy the work out and send it back.


                                  XXI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS; GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, between July 25 and Oct. 18_, B.C. _59_]

To enter into details about politics would be superfluous. The whole
country has gone to rack and ruin: and affairs are in one respect worse
than when you left. Then it looked as though we were oppressed with a
tyranny which was popular with the lower classes, and, though annoying
to the upper, still comparatively harmless: but now it has become
suddenly so universally detested that I tremble for the issue. For we
have had an experience of the wrath and recklessness of the Triumvirs,
and in their indignation with Cato, they have ruined the state. The
poisons they used seemed to be so slow that I thought we could die
painlessly. But now I am afraid they have been roused to energy by the
hisses of the crowd, the talk of the loyalists, and the murmurs of
Italy. I had hopes, as I used often to say to you, that the wheel of
state had turned so smoothly that we could

Footnote 88:

  10,000,000 sesterces. But it seems too large a sum for Diodotus, a
  stoic who lived in Cicero’s house for some time, to have left. Tyrrell
  therefore suggests _centum_, _i.e_. 100,000 sesterces, about £880.

Footnote 89:

  Not Vibius himself, but Alexander of Ephesus, author of a
  Cosmographia; cf. Att. II, 22, 7.

sonitum audire, vix impressam orbitam videre possemus; et fuisset ita,
si homines transitum tempestatis exspectare potuissent. Sed, cum diu
occulte suspirassent, postea iam gemere, ad extremum vero loqui omnes et
clamare coeperunt. Itaque ille amicus noster insolens infamiae, semper
in laude versatus, circumfluens gloria, deformatus corpore, fractus
animo, quo se conferat, nescit; progressum praecipitem, inconstantem
reditum videt; bonos inimicos habet, improbos ipsos non amicos.

Ac vide mollitiem animi. Non tenui lacrimas; cum illum a. d. VIII Kal.
Sextiles vidi de edictis Bibuli contionantem. Qui antea solitus esset
iactare se magnificentissime illo in loco summo cum amore populi,
cunctis faventibus, ut ille tum humilis, ut demissus erat, ut ipse etiam
sibi, non iis solum, qui aderant, displicebat! O spectaculum uni Crasso
iucundum, ceteris non item! Nam, quia deciderat ex astris, lapsus quam
progressus potius videbatur, et, ut Apelles, si Venerem, aut Protogenes,
si Ialysum illum suum caeno oblitum videret, magnum, credo, acciperet
dolorem, sic ego hunc omnibus a me pictum et politum artis coloribus
subito deformatum non sine magno dolore vidi. Quamquam nemo putabat
propter Clodianum negotium me illi amicum esse debere, tamen tantus fuit
amor, ut exhauriri nulla posset

scarcely catch the sound of its motion, and scarcely see the track of
its path: and that is what would have happened, if people could only
have waited for the storm to pass. But for a while they stifled their
sighs; then they began to groan aloud; and finally all set about airing
their grievances at the top of their voices. And so our friend, being
unused to unpopularity, and having always lived in an atmosphere of
flattery and glory, disfigured in person and broken in spirit, does not
know what to do with himself: he sees that to advance is dangerous, to
retreat a confession of weakness: the respectable parties are his
enemies, the very riff-raff not his friends.

Yet see how soft-hearted I am. I could not restrain my tears, when I saw
him on the 25th of July delivering a speech on the subject of the edicts
of Bibulus. He used to carry himself with such a lofty bearing, enjoying
unbounded popularity and universal respect: and now, how humble he was,
how cast down, and what discontent he aroused in himself as well as in
his hearers! What a sight! Crassus may have enjoyed it, but no one else.
For seeing that he had fallen from the stars, one could not but
attribute his swift descent to accident rather than to voluntary motion.
And, just as Apelles or Protogenes, if they had seen their Venus or
Ialysus smeared with mud, would, I imagine, have been cut to the heart,
so I myself could not but feel poignant grief at seeing the idol on
whose adornment I had lavished all the colours of my art suddenly
disfigured. For though no one looked on it as my duty to retain my
friendship with him after the Clodian affair, my affection for him was
such that no slight could extinguish

iniuria. Itaque Archilochia in illum edicta Bibuli populo ita sunt
iucunda, ut eum locum, ubi proponuntur, prae multitudine eorum, qui
legunt, transire nequeamus, ipsi ita acerba, ut tabescat dolore, mihi
mehercule molesta, quod et eum, quem semper dilexi, nimis excruciant, et
timeo, tam vehemens vir tamque acer in ferro et tam insuetus contumeliae
ne omni animi impetu dolori et iracundiae pareat.

Bibuli qui sit exitus futurus, nescio. Ut nunc res se habet, admirabili
gloria est. Qui cum comitia in mensem Octobrem distulisset, quod solet
ea res populi voluntatem offendere, putarat Caesar oratione sua posse
impelli contionem, ut iret ad Bibulum; multa cum seditiosissime diceret,
vocem exprimere non potuit. Quid quaeris? sentiunt se nullam ullius
partis voluntatem tenere. Eo magis vis nobis est timenda.

Clodius inimicus est nobis. Pompeius confirmat eum nihil esse facturum
contra me. Mihi periculosum est credere, ad resistendum me paro. Studia
spero me summa habiturum omnium ordinum. Te cum ego desidero, tum vero
res ad tempus illud vocat. Plurimum consilii, animi, praesidii denique
mihi, si te ad tempus videro, accesserit. Varro mihi satis facit.
Pompeius loquitur divinitus. Spero nos aut certe cum summa gloria aut
etiam sine molestia discessuros. Tu quid agas, quem ad modum te
oblectes, quid cum Sicyoniis egeris, ut sciam, cura.

it. The result, is that now Bibulus’ scathing[90] edicts against him are
so popular, that one can’t pass the place where they are posted up for
the crowd of people reading them. Pompey finds them so distressing that
he is wasting away with grief; and I myself am much annoyed with them,
partly because they cause so much pain to a man whom I have always
loved, and partly for fear that being so impulsive and ready to draw the
sword, as well as so unused to abuse, he may give full reins to his
indignation and wrath.

I don’t know what will be the end of Bibulus. As things stand at present
his reputation is extraordinarily high. When he put off the elections
till October, which generally annoys the populace, Caesar thought he
could induce the people by a speech to attack Bibulus: but in spite of
all his seditious talk, he could not ring a word out of anybody. In
short they feel that they have lost the good-will of all parties: and so
violent action on their part is all the more to be feared.

Clodius is hostile to me. Pompey assures me he will do nothing against
me: but I am afraid to trust him and am getting ready for resistance. I
hope I shall have very strong support from all classes. For your
presence I have a longing myself and circumstances call for it to meet
the crisis. If I see you in time, I shall feel it a great accession to
my policy, my courage and my safety. Varro is very obliging; and Pompey
talks like an angel. I hope that in the end I shall either be certain of
a glorious victory, or even escape unmolested. Let me know what you are
doing, how you are enjoying yourself, and what has happened as regards
the Sicyonians.

Footnote 90:

  Archilochus was a Greek poet of Paros, who wrote scathing iambic
  verses.


                                  XXII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae post VIII K. Sext., ante XV K. Nov. a. 695_]

Quam vellem Romae! Mansisses profecto, si haec fore putassemus. Nam
Pulchellum nostrum facillime teneremus aut certe, quid esset facturus,
scire possemus. Nunc se res sic habet. Volitat, furit; nihil habet
certi, multis denuntiat, quod fors obtulerit, id acturus videtur; cum
videt, quo sit in odio status hic rerum, in eos, qui haec egerunt,
impetum facturus videtur; cum autem rursus opes eorum et vim et
exercitus recordatur, convertit se in bonos, nobis autem ipsis tum vim,
tum iudicium minatur. Cum hoc Pompeius egit et, ut ad me ipse referebat
(alium enim habeo neminem testem), vehementer egit, cum diceret in summa
se perfidiae et sceleris infamia fore, si mihi periculum crearetur ab
eo, quem ipse armasset, cum plebeium fieri passus esset. Fidem recepisse
sibi et ipsum et Appium de me. Hanc si ille non servaret, ita laturum,
ut omnes intellegerent nihil sibi antiquius amicitia nostra fuisse. Haec
et in eam sententiam cum multa dixisset, aiebat illum primo sane diu
multa contra, ad extremum autem


                                  XXII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, between July 25 and October 18_, B.C. _59_]

How I wish you were in town! You would certainly have stayed, if we had
thought this was going to happen. For then we could have easily kept
that little Beauty in order or at any rate should have known what he was
going to do. As it is he flits about in a frenzy and doesn’t know what
he is doing; he threatens lots of people, but will probably do whatever
turns up. When he sees the general abhorrence of the present state of
affairs he seems to meditate an attack on the authors of it; but when he
remembers the armed force behind them, he turns his wrath against the
loyalists. As for me, he threatens me now with brute force, and now with
a prosecution. Pompey spoke to him about it, and according to his own
account—for he is the only witness I have—he remonstrated strongly with
him, saying that he would become a byword for treachery and
underhandedness, if my life were threatened by one whose weapons he
himself had forged by acquiescing in his transference to the plebs: that
both he and Appius had pledged their word for me: and that, unless
Clodius respected their promise, he would be so annoyed that he would
make it plain to the world that he prized my friendship beyond
everything. He declared that after he had said this and much more to the
same effect, Clodius at first persisted in arguing the point at length,
but finally gave way and

manus dedisse et adfirmasse nihil se contra eius voluntatem esse
facturum. Sed postea tamen ille non destitit de nobis asperrime loqui.
Quodsi non faceret, tamen ei nihil crederemus atque omnia, sicut
facimus, pararemus.

Nunc ita nos gerimus, ut in dies singulos et studia in nos hominum et
opes nostrae augeantur; rem publicam nulla ex parte attingimus, in
causis atque in illa opera nostra forensi summa industria versamur; quod
egregie non modo iis, qui utuntur opera, sed etiam in vulgus gratum esse
sentimus. Domus celebratur, occurritur, renovatur memoria consulatus,
studia significantur; in eam spem adducimur, ut nobis ea contentio; quae
impendet, interdum non fugienda videatur.

Nunc mihi et consiliis opus est tuis et amore et fide. Quare advola.
Expedita mihi erunt omnia, si te habebo. Multa per Varronem nostrum agi
possunt, quae te urgente erunt firmiora, multa ab ipso Publio elici,
multa cognosci, quae tibi occulta esse non poterunt, multa etiam—sed
absurdum est singula explicare, cum ego requiram te ad omnia. Unum illud
tibi persuadeas velim, omnia mihi fore explicata, si te videro; sed
totum est in eo, si ante, quam ille ineat magistratum. Puto Pompeium
Crasso urgente, si tu aderis, qui per βοῶπιν ex ipso intellegere possis,
qua fide ab illis agatur; nos aut sine molestia aut certe

promised he would not do anything to offend him. Since then, however, he
has not ceased to speak very unpleasantly about me: but, even if he did
not, I should not believe him and should continue the preparations which
I am making.

At the present time I am managing things so that my popularity and the
strength of my position increases daily. Politics I am not touching at
all, but am busily engaged in the law courts and in my other forensic
work: and thereby I find I win extraordinary favour not only with those
who enjoy my services, but with the people in general too. My house is
thronged with folk; processions meet me; the days of my consulship are
recalled; friendships are not disguised: and my hopes are so raised that
I often think there is no reason for me to shrink from the struggle
which threatens.

What I want now is your advice and your affection and loyalty: so fly to
me. It will simplify everything, if I have you with me. Varro can render
me many services, but they would be far surer if you were here to
support them: a great deal of information can be extracted from Publius
himself, and a great deal found out, which could not possibly be kept
from your ears: besides a great deal more—but it is absurd to specify
details, when I want you for everything. The one point I want you to
grasp is that the mere sight of you would simplify everything for me;
but it all depends on your coming before he enters on his office. I
think that, though Crassus is egging on Pompey, if you were here and
could find out from the enemy through Juno how far the great men are to
be trusted, I should either escape molestation altogether or at any rate
I should no longer be

sine errore futuros. Precibus nostris et cohortatione non indiges; quid
mea voluntas, quid tempus, quid rei magnitudo postulet, intellegis.

De re publica nihil habeo ad te scribere nisi summum odium omnium
hominum in eos, qui tenent omnia. Mutationis tamen spes nulla. Sed, quod
facile sentias, taedet ipsum Pompeium vehementerque paenitet. Non
provideo satis, quem exitum futurum putem; sed certe videntur haec
aliquo eruptura.

Libros Alexandri, neglegentis hominis et non boni poetae, sed tamen non
inutilis, tibi remisi. Numerium Numestium libenter accepi in amicitiam
et hominem gravem et prudentem et dignum tua commendatione cognovi.


                                 XXIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae ante XV K. Nov. a. 695_]

Numquam ante arbitror te epistulam meam legisse nisi mea manu scriptam.
Ex eo colligere poteris, quanta occupatione distinear. Nam, cum vacui
temporis nihil haberem, et cum recreandae voculae causa necesse esset
mihi ambulare, haec dictavi ambulans. Primum igitur illud te scire volo,
Sampsiceramum, nostrum amicum, vehementer sui status paenitere
restituique in eum locum cupere, ex quo decidit, doloremque suum
impertire nobis et medicinam interdum aperte quaerere, quam ego possum
invenire nullam; deinde omnes illius partis auctores ac socios nullo
adversario consenescere, consensionem universorum

in a fog. There is no need of prayers and exhortations between you and
me: you know what I wish and what the gravity of the occasion demands.

I have no political news except that the present masters of the world
have the world’s hatred: and yet there is no hope of a change. But, as
you can easily imagine, Pompey is disgusted and heartily sick of it all.
I can’t see what the end of it will be, but I am pretty sure there will
be an explosion of some sort.

I have sent back the works of Alexander, who is a careless writer and
not much of a poet: still there is some use in him. Numerius Numestius I
have admitted to my friendship with pleasure and find he has plenty of
sober good sense and is quite worthy of your recommendation.


                                 XXIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, before Oct. 18_, B.C. _59_]

I don’t think you ever before read a letter of mine which I had not
written myself. That will show you how I am plagued to death by
business. As I haven’t a moment to spare, and must take some exercise to
refresh my poor voice, I am dictating this as I walk.

Well, the first thing I have to tell you, is that our friend the Pasha
is heartily sick of his position and wants to be restored to the place
from which he fell. He confides his sorrows to me, and at times openly
looks for a remedy; but for the life of me I cannot find any. Secondly,
the whole of that party, both the principals and their followers, are
losing their strength, though no one opposes them; and there

nec voluntatis nec sermonis maiorem umquam fuisse.

Nos autem (nam id te scire cupere certo scio) publicis consiliis nullis
intersumus totosque nos ad forensem operam laboremque contulimus. Ex
quo, quod facile intellegi possit, in multa commemoratione earum rerum,
quas gessimus, desiderioque versamur. Sed βοώπιδος nostrae consanguineus
non mediocres terrores iacit atque denuntiat et Sampsiceramo negat,
ceteris prae se fert et ostentat. Quam ob rem, si me amas tantum,
quantum profecto amas, si dormis, expergiscere, si stas, ingredere, si
ingrederis, curre, si curris, advola. Credibile non est, quantum ego in
consiliis et prudentia tua, quodque maximum est, quantum in amore et
fide ponam. Magnitudo rei longam orationem fortasse desiderat,
coniunctio vero nostrorum animorum brevitate contenta est. Permagni
nostra interest te, si comitiis non potueris, at declarato illo esse
Romae. Cura, ut valeas.


                                  XXIV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae ante XV K. Nov. a. 695_]

Quas Numestio litteras dedi, sic te iis evocabam, ut nihil acrius neque
incitatius fieri posset. Ad illam celeritatem adde etiam, si quid potes.
Ac ne sis perturbatus (novi enim te et non ignoro, “quam sit amor omnis
sollicitus atque anxius”)—sed res est, ut

never was a greater unanimity of sentiment or of the popular expression
of it than there is now.

As for me—for I am sure you want to hear about myself—I take no part in
public deliberations and devote myself entirely to my law-court
practice, which arouses, as you can easily conceive, many a memory of my
past achievements and much regret for them. But our dear Juno’s brother
is venting most alarming threats and, though he denies them to the
Pasha, he openly parades them to others. So, if your affection is as
real as I know it is, wake up, if you are sleeping, start moving, if you
are standing still, run, if you are moving, and fly, if you are running.
I set greater store than you can possibly believe by your advice and
your wisdom, and, what is still more, by your love and your loyalty. The
importance of the theme would perhaps demand a long disquisition; but
our hearts are so united that a word is enough. It is of the highest
importance to me that you should be in Rome after the elections, if you
can’t get here before them. Take care of yourself.


                                  XXIV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, before Oct. 18_, B.C. _59_]

In the letter I gave to Numestius I made a most urgent and pressing
appeal to you to come. To the speed I then enjoined add something, if
you possibly can. And don’t be alarmed (for I know you and don’t forget
that to love “It is to be all made of sighs and tears”[91]): the matter
I hope is one that will

Footnote 91:

  _quam ... anxius_ seems to be a quotation from some drama; and Jeans
  happily translates by this verse from Shakespeare’s _As you like it_.

spero, non tam exitu molesta quam aditu. Vettius ille, ille noster
index, Caesari, ut perspicimus, pollicitus est sese curaturum, ut in
aliquam suspicionem facinoris Curio filius adduceretur. Itaque
insinuavit in familiaritatem adulescentis et cum eo, ut res indicat,
saepe congressus rem in eum locum deduxit, ut diceret sibi certum esse
cum suis servis in Pompeium impetum facere eumque occidere. Hoc Curio ad
patrem detulit, ille ad Pompeium. Res delata ad senatum est. Introductus
Vettius primo negabat se umquam cum Curione constitisse, neque id sane
diu; nam statim fidem publicam postulavit. Reclamatum est. Tum exposuit
manum fuisse iuventutis duce Curione, in qua Paulus initio fuisset et Q.
Caepio hic Brutus et Lentulus, flaminis filius, conscio patre; postea C.
Septimium, scribam Bibuli, pugionem sibi a Bibulo attulisse. Quod totum
irrisum est, Vettio pugionem defuisse, nisi ei consul dedisset, eoque
magis id eiectum est, quod a. d. III Idus Mai. Bibulus Pompeium fecerat
certiorem, ut caveret insidias; in quo ei Pompeius gratias egerat.

Introductus Curio filius dixit ad ea, quae Vettius dixerat, maximeque in
eo tum quidem Vettius est reprehensus, quod dixerat id fuisse
adulescentium consilium, ut in foro gladiatoribus Gabini Pompeium
adorirentur; in eo principem Paulum fuisse, quem constabat eo tempore in
Macedonia fuisse. Fit senatus

not be so troublesome at the end as at the beginning. That fellow
Vettius, my famous informer, promised Caesar, so far as we can see, that
he would get some criminal suspicion thrown on young Curio. So he wormed
his way into intimacy with the young man and after meeting him often, as
events prove, he went so far as to declare that he was determined to
make an attack on Pompey with the assistance of his slaves, and to slay
him. Curio told his father of this, and he told Pompey. The affair was
reported to the Senate. Vettius was summoned before them and at first
denied that he had ever had an appointment with Curio. However he did
not stick to that tale long; but at once claimed the privilege of king’s
evidence. Amid cries of “no,” he began to explain that there had been a
confederacy of the younger men under the leadership of Curio, to which
Paulus at first belonged and Q. Caepio, Brutus I mean, and Lentulus, the
flamen’s son, with his father’s consent; and then that C. Septimius,
Bibulus’ secretary, had brought him a dagger from Bibulus. The idea of
Vettius not having a dagger, unless the consul gave him one, and the
rest of it, was too much for anybody’s gravity: and the charge was
scouted the more because Bibulus had warned Pompey on the 13th of May to
be on his guard against plots; and Pompey had thanked him for the
advice.

Young Curio was brought in and repelled Vettius’ assertions: and the
point for which Vettius was especially jumped on was saying that the
young men’s intention was to attack Pompey in the forum at the
gladiatorial show which Gabinius gave, and that Paulus was to be the
leader, when it was well known that he was in Macedonia at the time. The
House decreed

consultum, ut Vettius, quod confessus esset se cum telo fuisse, in
vincula coniceretur; qui emisisset, eum contra rem publicam esse
facturum. Res erat in ea opinione, ut putarent id esse actum, ut Vettius
in foro cum pugione et item servi eius comprehenderentur cum telis,
deinde ille se diceret indicaturum. Idque ita factum esset, nisi
Curiones rem ante ad Pompeium detulissent. Tum senatus consultum in
contione recitatum est. Postero autem die Caesar, is qui olim, praetor
cum esset, Q. Catulum ex inferiore loco iusserat dicere, Vettium in
rostra produxit eumque in eo loco constituit, quo Bibulo consuli
adspirare non liceret. Hic ille omnia, quae voluit de re publica, dixit,
et qui illuc factus institutusque venisset, primum Caepionem de oratione
sua sustulit, quem in senatu acerrime nominarat, ut appareret noctem et
nocturnam deprecationem intercessisse. Deinde, quos in senatu ne
tenuissima quidem suspicione attigerat, eos nominavit, L. Lucullum, a
quo solitum esse ad se mitti C. Fannium, illum qui in P. Clodium
subscripserat, L. Domitium, cuius domum constitutam fuisse, unde eruptio
fieret. Me non nominavit, sed dixit consularem disertum vicinum consulis
sibi dixisse Ahalam Servilium aliquem aut Brutum opus esse reperiri.
Addidit ad extremum, cum iam dimissa contione revocatus a Vatinio
fuisset, se audisse a Curione his de rebus conscium esse Pisonem,
generum meum, et M. Laterensem.

Nunc reus erat apud Crassum Divitem Vettius de vi et, cum esset
damnatus, erat indicium postulaturus.

that Vettius should be committed on his own confession of having carried
a weapon; and that it should be high treason to release him. The view
most generally held is that it was a put up job: Vettius was to be
discovered in the forum with a dagger and his slaves round him with
weapons, and then he was to turn king’s evidence: and it would have come
off, if the Curios had not reported the matter to Pompey. Then the
senatorial decree was read aloud to an assembly. On the next day,
however, Caesar, the man who as praetor some years ago had bidden Q.
Catulus speak from the floor, brought Vettius out on the rostra, and set
him in a place which was beyond Bibulus’ aspiration, though a consul.
Here he said anything he liked about public affairs; and, as he had come
ready primed and tutored, he omitted all mention of Caepio, though he
had named him most emphatically in the House: so it was obvious that a
night and a nocturnal appeal had intervened. Then he mentioned people on
whom he had not cast the slightest suspicion in the House,—L. Lucullus,
who, he said, generally used to send to him C. Fannius, the man who once
supported a prosecution of P. Clodius, and L. Domitius, whose house was
to be the basis of operations. My name he did not mention, but he said
that an eloquent ex-consul, a neighbour of the consul, had remarked to
him that we stood in need of a Servilius Ahala or a Brutus. He added at
the end, when he had been called back by Vatinius after the assembly was
dismissed, that he had heard from Curio that Piso, my son-in-law, was in
the plot, and M. Laterensis too.

Now Vettius is on trial for violence before Crassus Dives, and, when he
is condemned, he will claim to turn

Quod si impetrasset, iudicia fore videbantur. Ea nos, utpote qui nihil
contemnere soleremus, non pertimescebamus. Hominum quidem summa erga nos
studia significabantur; sed prorsus vitae taedet; ita sunt omnia omnium
miseriarum plenissima. Modo caedem timueramus quam oratio fortissimi
senis, Q. Considi, discusserat: ea, ea, inquam, quam[92] cotidie timere
potueramus, subito exorta est. Quid quaeris? nihil me infortunatius,
nihil fortunatius est Catulo cum splendore vitae tum mortis tempore. Nos
tamen in his miseriis erecto animo et minime perturbato sumus
honestissimeque et dignitatem et auctoritatem nostram magna cura tuemur.

Pompeius de Clodio iubet nos esse sine cura et summam in nos
benevolentiam omni oratione significat. Te habere consiliorum auctorem,
sollicitudinum socium, omni in cogitatione coniunctum cupio. Quare, ut
Numestio mandavi, tecum ut ageret, item atque eo, si potest, acrius, te
rogo, ut plane ad nos advoles. Respiraro, si te videro.


                                  XXV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae ante K. Nov. a. 695_]

Cum aliquem apud te laudaro tuorum familiarium, volam illum scire ex te
me id fecisse, ut nuper me scis scripsisse ad te de Varronis erga me
officio, te ad me rescripsisse eam rem summae tibi voluptati esse. Sed
ego mallem ad illum scripsisses mihi illum

Footnote 92:

  ea inquam _M_^1; eam quam _M_^2; ea, ea inquam, quam _Tyrrell_.

king’s evidence. If he is successful there may very well be some
prosecutions. Of that—though to be sure I never despise anything—I’m not
much afraid. Everybody is showing me the greatest kindness; but I am
sick of life; the whole world is so thoroughly out of joint. Just lately
we were afraid of a massacre, but it was averted by a speech of that
gallant old man Q. Considius: and now the disaster of which we had been
in daily fear has suddenly happened. In fact, nothing could be more
deplorable than my situation, nothing more enviable than that of
Catulus, considering his glorious life and his timely end. However, I
keep up my heart in spite of my miseries, and don’t show the white
feather, and, with an exercise of caution, I maintain my position and
authority with honour.

Pompey tells me to have no fear of Clodius, and shows me the greatest
good-will whenever he speaks. I am longing to have you to advise my
actions, to be the partner of my anxieties, to share my every thought.
So I have commissioned Numestius to plead with you, and now add, if
possible, even more urgent prayers of my own, that you literally fly to
me. I shall breathe again when I see you.


                                  XXV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, before Nov. 1_, B.C. _59_]

When I write to you praising any of your friends, I wish you would let
them know I have done so. For example, I mentioned in a letter lately
Varro’s kindness to me, and you answered that you were delighted to hear
it. But I had much rather you had written to him saying he was doing all
I wished—not

satis facere, non quo faceret, sed ut faceret; mirabiliter enim moratus
est, sicut nosti, ἑλικτὰ καὶ οὐδέν—Sed nos tenemus praeceptum illud τὰς
τῶν κρατούντων—. At hercule alter tuus familiaris, Hortalus, quam plena
manu, quam ingenue, quam ornate nostras laudes in astra sustulit, cum de
Flacci praetura et de illo tempore Allobrogum diceret! Sic habeto, nec
amantius nec honorificentius nec copiosius potuisse dici. Ei te hoc
scribere a me tibi esse missum sane volo. Sed quid tu scribas? quem iam
ego venire atque adesse arbitror; ita enim egi tecum superioribus
litteris. Valde te exspecto, valde desidero neque ego magis, quam ipsa
res et tempus poscit.

His de negotiis quid scribam ad te nisi idem quod saepe? re publica
nihil desperatius, iis, quorum opera, nihil maiore odio. Nos, ut opinio
et spes et coniectura nostra fert, firmissima benevolentia hominum
muniti sumus. Quare advola; aut expedies nos omni molestia aut eris
particeps. Ideo sum brevior, quod, ut spero, coram brevi tempore
conferre, quae volumus, licebit. Cura, ut valeas.

that he was, but to make him do it. For, as you know, he is an odd
creature, “all tortuous thoughts and no—”.[93] But I hold to the maxim,
“A great man’s follies.”[94] However, your other friend, Hortalus, most
certainly lauded me to the skies in the most liberal, open-hearted and
elaborate manner, when he was delivering a speech on Flaccus’
praetorship and that incident of the Allobroges. You may take my word
for it that he could not have expressed himself in more affectionate and
laudatory terms, nor more fully. I should much like you to write and
tell him that I sent you word of it. But I hope you won’t have to write,
and are now on your way and quite close after the appeals in my former
letter. I am eagerly looking out for you, and in sore need of you: and
circumstances and the times call for you as much as I do.

On these affairs I have nothing new to say: the country is in the most
desperate position possible, and nothing could exceed the unpopularity
of those who are responsible for it. I myself, as I think, hope and
imagine, am safeguarded by the staunchest support. So hasten your
coming: you will either relieve all my cares or share them with me. If I
am rather brief, it is because I hope that I may soon be able to discuss
anything I wish with you face to face. Take care of yourself.

Footnote 93:

  Euripides, And. 448, ἑλικτὰ κοὐδὲν ὑγιὲς ἀλλὰ πᾶν πέριξ φρονοῦντες:
  “Thinking tortuous thoughts, naught honest, but all roundabout.”

Footnote 94:

  Euripides, Phoen. 393, τὰς τῶν κρατούντων ἀμαθίας φέρειν χρεῶν. “One
  needs must bear the follies of those in power.”



                           M. TULLI CICERONIS
                         EPISTULARUM AD ATTICUM
                             LIBER TERTIUS


                                   I

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in itinere in. m. Apr. a. 696_]

Cum antea maxime nostra interesse arbitrabar te esse nobiscum, tum vero,
ut legi rogationem, intellexi ad iter id, quod constitui, nihil mihi
optatius cadere posse, quam ut tu me quam primum consequerere, ut, cum
ex Italia profecti essemus, sive per Epirum iter esset faciendum, tuo
tuorumque praesidio uteremur, sive aliud quid agendum esset, certum
consilium de tua sententia capere possemus. Quam ob rem te oro, des
operam, ut me statim consequare. Facilius potes, quoniam de provincia
Macedonia perlata lex est. Pluribus verbis tecum agerem, nisi pro me
apud te res ipsa loqueretur.


                                   II

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in itinere VI Id. Apr. a. 696_]

Itineris nostri causa fuit, quod non habebam locum, ubi pro meo iure
diutius esse possem quam in fundo Siccae, praesertim nondum rogatione
correcta, et simul intellegebam ex eo loco, si te haberem, posse me
Brundisium referre, sine te autem non esse nobis illas partes tenendas
propter Autronium. Nunc, ut ad te antea scripsi, si ad nos veneris,
consilium totius rei capiemus. Iter esse molestum scio, sed tota
calamitas omnes molestias habet. Plura scribere non possum; ita sum
animo perculso et abiecto. Cura, ut valeas. Data VI Idus Apriles Narib.
Luc.



                            CICERO’S LETTERS
                               TO ATTICUS
                                BOOK III


                                   I

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _On a journey, Apr._, B.C. _58_]

I had been thinking that it would be of the greatest service to me to
have you with me, but when I read the bill,[95] I saw at once that the
most desirable thing in view of the journey I have undertaken would be
that you should join me as soon as possible. Then I should have the
benefit of your own and your friends’ protection, if I passed through
Epirus, after leaving Italy; and, if I chose any other course, I could
lay down fixed plans on your advice. So please be quick and join me. You
can the more easily do so as the bill about the province of Macedonia
has been passed. I would say more, if facts themselves did not speak for
me with you.


                                   II

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _On a journey, Apr. 8_, B.C. _58_]

The reason why I moved was that there was nowhere where I could remain
unmolested except on Sicca’s estate, especially as the bill has not been
emended. Besides I noticed that I could get back to Brundisium from
there, if I had you with me. Without you I could not stay in those
districts on account of Autronius. Now, as I said in my last letter, if
you will come, I can take your advice on the whole matter. I know the
journey is an annoyance: but the whole of this miserable business is
full of annoyances. I can’t write any more, I am so down-hearted and
wretched. Take care of yourself. April 8, Nares in Lucania.

Footnote 95:

  Clodius’ bill interdicting from fire and water anyone who had put to
  death a Roman citizen uncondemned.


                                  III

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in itinere circ. Non. Apr. a. 696_]

Utinam illum diem videam, cum tibi agam gratias, quod me vivere
coegisti! adhuc quidem valde me paenitet. Sed te oro, ut ad me Vibonem
statim venias, quo ego multis de causis converti iter meum. Sed, eo si
veneris, de toto itinere ac fuga mea consilium capere potero. Si id non
feceris, mirabor; sed confido te esse facturum.


                                   IV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in itinere inter Vibonem et Brundisium Id. Apr. a.
           696_]

Miseriae nostrae potius velim quam inconstantiae tribuas, quod a Vibone,
quo te arcessebamus, subito discessimus. Allata est enim nobis rogatio
de pernicie mea; in qua quod correctum esse audieramus, erat eius modi,
ut mihi ultra quadringenta milia liceret esse, illo pervenire non
liceret. Statim iter Brundisium versus contuli ante diem rogationis, ne
et Sicca, apud quem eram, periret, et quod Melitae esse non licebat.
Nunc tu propera, ut nos consequare, si modo recipiemur. Adhuc invitamur
benigne, sed, quod superest, timemus. Me, mi Pomponi, valde paenitet
vivere; qua in re apud me tu plurimum valuisti. Sed haec coram. Fac
modo, ut venias.


                                  III

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _On a journey about Apr. 5_, B.C. _58_]

Pray God that the day may come when I shall be able to thank you for
compelling me to go on living. At present I am heartily sorry for it.
Please come to me at once at Vibo. For several reasons I’ve made my way
thither. If you come, I shall be able to lay plans for my whole journey
in exile. If you do not, I shall be surprised: but I trust you will.


                                   IV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Between Vibo and Brundisium Apr. 13_, B.C. _58_]

Please attribute my sudden departure from Vibo after asking you to join
me there to my misery rather than to caprice. I received a copy of the
bill for my destruction, and found that the alteration of which I had
heard, took the form of banishment beyond four hundred miles. Since I
could not go where I wished, I went straight to Brundisium before the
bill was passed; for fear of involving my host Sicca in my destruction
and because I am not permitted to stay at Malta. Now make haste and join
me; if I can find anyone to take me in. At present I receive kind
invitations: but I fear the future. I indeed, Pomponius, am heartily
sick of life: and it is mainly for your sake that I consented to live.
But of this when we meet. Please do come.


                                   V

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thuriis IIII Id. Apr., ut videtur, a. 696_]

Terentia tibi et saepe et maximas agit gratias. Id est mihi gratissimum.
Ego vivo miserrimus et maximo dolore conficior. Ad te quid scribam,
nescio. Si enim es Romae, iam me adsequi non potes, sin es in via, cum
eris me adsecutus, coram agemus, quae erunt agenda. Tantum te oro, ut,
quoniam me ipsum semper amasti, ut nunc eodem amore sis; ego enim idem
sum. Inimici mei mea mihi, non me ipsum ademerunt. Cura, ut valeas.

Data IIII Idus April. Thurii.


                                   VI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Tarentino XIV K. Mai. a. 696_]

Non fuerat mihi dubium, quin te Tarenti aut Brundisi visurus essem,
idque ad multa pertinuit, in eis, et ut in Epiro consisteremus et de
reliquis rebus tuo consilio uteremur. Quoniam id non contigit, erit hoc
quoque in magno numero nostrorum malorum. Nobis iter est in Asiam,
maxime Cyzicum. Meos tibi commendo. Me vix misereque sustento.

Data XIIII K. Maias de Tarentino.


                                   V

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Thurii, Apr. 10_ (?), B.C. _58_]

Terentia continually expresses the deepest gratitude to you: and I am
very glad of it. My life is one long misery and I am crushed with the
weight of my sorrows. What to write I don’t know. If you are in Rome,
you will be too late to catch me: but, if you are already on the way, we
will discuss all that has to be discussed, when you join me. One thing
only I beg of you, since you have always loved me for myself, to
preserve your affection for me. I am still the same. My enemies have
robbed me of all I had; but they have not robbed me of myself. Take care
of your health.

At Thurium, April 10.


                                   VI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Tarentum, Apr. 17_, B.C. _58_]

I quite expected to see you at Tarentum or Brundisium, and it was
important that I should for many reasons, among others for my stay in
Epirus and for the advantage of your advice in other matters. That it
did not happen I shall count among my many other misfortunes. I am
starting for Asia, for Cyzicus in particular. I entrust my dear ones to
you. It is with difficulty that I prolong my miserable existence.

From the neighbourhood of Tarentum, April 17.


                                  VII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Brundisi pr. K. Mai. a. 696_]

Brundisium veni a. d. XIIII Kal. Maias. Eo die pueri tui mihi a te
litteras reddiderunt, et alii pueri post diem tertium eius diei alias
litteras attulerunt. Quod me rogas et hortaris, ut apud te in Epiro sim,
voluntas tua mihi valde grata est et minime nova. Esset consilium mihi
quidem optatum, si liceret ibi omne tempus consumere; odi enim
celebritatem, fugio homines, lucem aspicere vix possum, esset mihi ista
solitudo, praesertim tam familiari in loco, non amara; sed, itineris
causa ut deverterer, primum est devium, deinde ab Autronio et ceteris
quadridui, deinde sine te. Nam castellum munitum habitanti mihi
prodesset, transeunti non est necessarium. Quod si auderem, Athenas
peterem. Sane ita cadebat, ut vellem. Nunc et nostri hostes ibi sunt, et
te non habemus et veremur ne interpretentur illud quoque oppidum ab
Italia non satis abesse, nec scribis quam ad diem te exspectemus.

Quod me ad vitam vocas, unum efficis, ut a me manus abstineam, alterum
non potes, ut me non nostri consilii vitaeque paeniteat. Quid enim est,
quod me retineat, praesertim si spes ea non est quae nos proficiscentes
prosequebatur? Non faciam ut enumerem miserias omnes, in quas incidi per
summam iniuriam et scelus non tam inimicorum meorum


                                  VII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Brundisium, Apr. 29_, B.C. _58_]

I arrived at Brundisium on April 17, and on the same day your men
delivered a letter from you. The next day but one some others brought me
another letter. I am very grateful for your kind invitation to stay at
your place in Epirus, though I expected it. It is a plan, which would
have just suited me, if I could have stayed there all the time. 1 hate a
crowd, I shun my fellow-men, I can hardly bear to look upon the light:
so the solitude there, especially as I am so at home there, would have
been far from unpleasant. But for stopping on the route it is too far
out of the way: moreover I should be only four days’ march from
Autronius and the rest, moreover you would not be there yourself. Yes, a
fortified place would be useful to me if I were settling there, but it
is unnecessary, when I am merely passing. If I dared, I should make for
Athens; and things were turning out right for it: but now my enemies are
there, you have not joined me, and I am afraid that town too may not be
counted far enough away from Italy. Nor have you let me know when I may
expect you.

Your pleas to me not to think of suicide have one result that I refrain
from laying violent hands on myself; but you cannot make me cease to
regret our decision and my existence. What is there for me to live for,
especially if I have lost even that hope I had when I set out? I will
forbear to mention all the miseries into which I have fallen through the
villainous machinations not so much of my enemies, as of

quam invidorum, ne et meum maerorem exagitem et te in eundem luctum
vocem; hoc adfirmo, neminem umquam tanta calamitate esse adfectum,
nemini mortem magis optandam fuisse. Cuius oppetendae tempus
honestissimum praetermissum est; reliqua tempora sunt non iam ad
medicinam, sed ad finem doloris.

De re publica video te colligere omnia quae putes aliquam spem mihi
posse adferre mutandarum rerum. Quae quamquam exigua sunt, tamen,
quoniam placet, exspectemus. Tu nihilo minus, si properaris, nos
consequere; nam aut accedemus in Epirum aut tarde per Candaviam ibimus.
Dubitationem autem de Epiro non inconstantia nostra adferebat, sed quod
de fratre, ubi eum visuri essemus, nesciebamus; quem quidem ego nec quo
modo visurus nec ut dimissurus sim, scio. Id est maximum et miserrimum
mearum omnium miseriarum. Ego et saepius ad te et plura scriberem, nisi
mihi dolor meus cum omnes partes mentis tum maxime huius generis
facultatem ademisset. Videre te cupio. Cura ut valeas.

Data pr. Kal. Mai. Brundisii.


                                  VIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thessalonicae IV K. Iun. a. 696_]

Brundisio[96] proficiscens scripseram ad te, quas ob causas in Epirum
non essemus profecti, quod et Achaia prope esset plena audacissimorum
inimicorum et exitus difficiles haberet, cum inde proficisceremur.
Accessit, cum Dyrrachi essemus, ut duo nuntii adferrentur, unus classe
fratrem Epheso Athenas, alter

Footnote 96:

  Brundisio _added by Graevius_.

those who envy me, for fear of arousing my grief again, and provoking
you to share it by sympathy. But this I will say, that no one has ever
suffered such a misfortune, and no one ever had more right to wish for
death. But I have missed the time when I could have died with honour. At
any other time death will only end my pain, not heal it.

I notice you collect everything which you think can raise any hopes in
me of a change in affairs. That “everything” is very little: still,
since you so decide, I will await the issue. Though you have not
started, you will catch me yet, if you hurry. I shall either go to
Epirus, or proceed slowly through Candavia. My hesitation about Epirus
does not arise from my changefulness, but from doubts as to where I
shall see my brother. I don’t know where I shall see him, nor how I
shall tear myself from him. That is the chief and most pitiful of all my
miseries. I would write to you oftener and fuller, if grief had not
robbed me of all my wits and especially of that particular faculty. I
long to see you. Take care of yourself.

At Brundisium, April 29.


                                  VIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Thessalonica, May 29_, B.C. _58_]

As I was setting out from Brundisium, I wrote to you, explaining why I
could not go to Epirus, because it is close to Achaia which is full of
my most virulent enemies, and it is a hard place to get out of, when I
want to start. My decision was confirmed by the receipt of two messages
at Dyrrachium, one saying that my brother was coming by sea from Ephesus
to

pedibus per Macedoniam venire. Itaque illi obviam misimus Athenas, ut
inde Thessalonicam veniret. Ipsi processimus et Thessalonicam a. d. X
Kal. Iunias venimus, neque de illius itinere quicquam certi habebamus
nisi eum ab Epheso ante aliquanto profectum. Nunc, istic quid agatur,
magno opere timeo; quamquam tu altera epistula scribis Idibus Maiis
audire te fore ut acrius postularetur, altera iam esse mitiora. Sed haec
est pridie data quam illa, quo conturber magis. Itaque cum meus me
maeror cotidianus lacerat et conficit, tum vero haec addita cura vix
mihi vitam reliquam facit. Sed et navigatio perdifficilis fuit, et ille,
incertus ubi ego essem, fortasse alium cursum petivit. Nam Phaetho
libertus eum non vidit. Vento reiectus ab Ilio in Macedoniam Pellae mihi
praesto fuit. Reliqua quam mihi timenda sint video, nec quid scribam
habeo et omnia timeo, nec tam miserum est quicquam, quod non in nostram
fortunam cadere videatur. Equidem adhuc miser in maximis meis aerumnis
et luctibus hoc metu adiecto maneo Thessalonicae suspensus nec audeo
quicquam.

Nunc ad ea, quae scripsisti. Tryphonem Caecilium non vidi. Sermonem tuum
et Pompei cognovi ex tuis litteris. Motum in re publica non tantum ego
impendere video, quantum tu aut vides aut ad me consolandum adfers.
Tigrane enim neglecto sublata sunt omnia. Varroni me iubes agere
gratias. Faciam; item Hypsaeo. Quod suades, ne longius discedamus,

Athens, the other that he was coming by land through Macedonia. So I
sent a note to catch him at Athens, asking him to come on to
Thessalonica, and I myself set off and arrived at Thessalonica on the
23rd of May. The only certain news about him, that I have had, is that
he started a short time ago from Ephesus. Now I am in great anxiety to
know what is happening at Rome. It is true that in one letter dated May
15 you say you have heard that Quintus will be rigorously called in
question, and in another that things are calming down: but the latter is
dated a day before the former, to increase my perplexity. So, what
between my own personal grief, which racks and tortures me daily, and
this additional anxiety, I have hardly any life left in me. But the
passage was very bad and perhaps, not knowing where I was, he took some
other direction. My freedman Phaetho has seen nothing of him. Phaetho
was driven back by wind from Ilium to Macedonia and came to me at Pella.
I see how threatening the future is, though I have not the heart to
write. I am afraid of everything: there is no misfortune that does not
seem to fall to my lot. I am still staying in suspense at Thessalonica,
with this new fear added to the woes and sorrows that oppress me; and I
do not dare to make a move of any kind.

Now for the things you mention in your letter. Caecilius Trypho I have
not seen. Of your talk with Pompey I have heard from your letter. I
cannot see such signs of a political change as you either see or invent
to comfort me: for, if they take no notice of the Tigranes episode, all
hope is lost. You bid me pay my thanks to Varro. I will, and to Hypsaeus
too. I think I will follow your advice not to go any

dum acta mensis Maii ad nos perferantur, puto me ita esse facturum, sed,
ubi, nondum statui; atque ita perturbato sum animo de Quinto, ut nihil
queam statuere, sed tamen statim te faciam certiorem.

Ex epistularum mearum inconstantia puto te mentis meae motum videre,
qui, etsi incredibili et singulari calamitate adflictus sum, tamen non
tam est ex miseria quam ex culpae nostrae recordatione commotus. Cuius
enim scelere impulsi ac proditi simus, iam profecto vides, atque utinam
iam ante vidisses neque totum animum tuum errori mecum simul dedisses!
Quare, cum me adflictum et confectum luctu audies, existimato me
stultitiae meae poenam ferre gravius quam eventi, quod ei crediderim,
quem esse nefarium non putarim. Me et meorum malorum memoria et metus de
fratre in scribendo impedit. Tu ista omnia vide et guberna. Terentia
tibi maximas gratias agit. Litterarum exemplum, quas ad Pompeium
scripsi, misi tibi.

Data IIII Kal. Iunias Thessalonicae.


                                   IX

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thessalonicae Id. Iun. a. 696_]

Quintus frater cum ex Asia discessisset ante Kal. Maias et Athenas
venisset Idibus, valde fuit ei properandum, ne quid absens acciperet
calamitatis, si quis forte fuisset, qui contentus nostris malis non
esset. Itaque eum malui properare Romam quam ad me venire et simul
(dicam enim, quod verum est, ex quo

further away, until I receive the parliamentary news for May. But where
to stop I have not yet made up my mind; and I am so anxious about
Quintus, that I can’t make up my mind to anything. But I will soon let
you know.

From these rambling notes of mine, you can see the perturbed state of my
wits. Yet, though I have been crushed by an incredible and unparalleled
misfortune, it is not so much my misery as the remembrance of my own
mistake that affects me. For now surely you see whose treachery egged me
on and betrayed me. Would to heaven you had seen it before, and had not
let a mistake dominate your mind as I did. So when you hear that I am
crushed and overwhelmed with grief, be assured that the sense of my
folly in trusting one, whose treachery I had not suspected, is a heavier
penalty than all the consequences. The thought of my misfortunes and my
fears for my brother prevent me from writing. Keep your eye on events
and your hand at the helm. Terentia expresses the deepest gratitude to
you. I have sent you a copy of the letter I wrote to Pompey.

At Thessalonica, May 29.


                                   IX

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Thessalonica, June 13_, B.C. _58_]

My brother Quintus left Asia at the end of April and reached Athens on
May the 15th: and he had to hurry, for fear anything disastrous might
happen in his absence, if there were anyone who was not yet contented
with the measure of our woes. So I preferred him to hurry on to Rome
rather than to come to me: and besides—I will confess the

magnitudinem miseriarum mearum perspicere possis) animum inducere non
potui, ut aut illum amantissimum mei, mollissimo animo tanto in maerore
aspicerem aut meas miserias luctu adflictus[97] et perditam fortunam
illi offerrem aut ab illo aspici paterer. Atque etiam illud timebam,
quod profecto accidisset, ne a me digredi non posset. Versabatur mihi
tempus illud ante oculos, cum ille aut lictores dimitteret aut vi
avelleretur ex complexu meo. Huius acerbitatis eventum altera acerbitate
non videndi fratris vitavi. In hunc me casum vos vivendi auctores
impulistis. Itaque mei peccati luo poenas. Quamquam me tuae litterae
sustentant, ex quibus, quantum tu ipse speres, facile perspicio; quae
quidem tamen aliquid habebant solacii, antequam eo venisti a Pompeio,
“Nunc Hortensium allice et eius modi viros.” Obsecro, mi Pomponi, nondum
perspicis, quorum opera, quorum insidiis, quorum scelere perierimus? Sed
tecum haec omnia coram agemus; tantum dico, quod scire te puto, nos non
inimici, sed invidi perdiderunt. Nunc, si ita sunt, quae speras,
sustinebimus nos et spe, qua iubes, nitemur; sin, ut mihi videntur,
infirma sunt, quod optimo tempore facere non licuit, minus idoneo fiet.

Terentia tibi saepe agit gratias. Mihi etiam unum de malis in metu est,
fratris miseri negotium; quod si sciam cuius modi sit, sciam, quid
agendum mihi sit.

Footnote 97:

  adflictus _Reid_; adflictas _MSS._

truth and it will show you the depth of my misery—I could not bear in my
great distress to look on one so devoted to me and so tender-hearted,
nor could I thrust upon him the misery of my affliction and my fallen
fortune, or suffer him to see me. Besides I was afraid of what would
have been sure to happen—that he would not be able to part from me. The
picture of the moment when he would have had to dismiss his lictors or
to be torn by force from my arms was ever before me. The bitterness of
parting I have avoided by the bitterness of not seeing my brother. That
is the kind of dilemma into which you who are responsible for my
survival have forced me; and so I have to pay the penalty for my
mistake. Your letter however cheers me, though I can easily see from it
how little hope you have yourself. Still it offered some little
consolation till you passed from your mention of Pompey to the passage:
“Now try to win over Hortensius and such people.” In heaven’s name, my
dear Pomponius, have you not yet grasped, whose agency, whose villainy
and whose treachery have ruined me? But that I will discuss when I meet
you. Now I will only say, what you must surely know, that it is not so
much my enemies as my enviers who have ruined me. If there is any real
foundation for your hopes, I will bear up and rely on the hope you
suggest. But if, as seems probable to me, your hopes are ill-founded,
then I will do now what you would not let me do before, though the time
is far less appropriate.

Terentia often expresses her gratitude to you. The thing I most fear
among all my misfortunes is my poor brother’s business: if I knew the
exact state of affairs, I might know what to do about it. I am

Me etiam nunc istorum beneficiorum et litterarum exspectatio, ut tibi
placet, Thessalonicae tenet. Si quid erit novi allatum, sciam, de
reliquo quid agendum sit. Tu si, ut scribis, Kal. Iuniis Roma profectus
es, prope diem nos videbis. Litteras, quas ad Pompeium scripsi, tibi
misi.

Data Id. Iun. Thessalonicae.


                                   X

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thessalonicae XIV K. Quint. a. 696_]

Acta quae essent usque ad VIII Kal. Iunias, cognovi ex tuis litteris;
reliqua exspectabam, ut tibi placebat, Thessalonicae. Quibus adlatis
facilius statuere potero, ubi sim. Nam, si erit causa, si quid agetur,
si spem videro, aut ibidem opperiar aut me ad te conferam; sin, ut tu
scribis, ista evanuerint, aliquid aliud videbimus. Omnino adhuc nihil
mihi significatis nisi discordiam istorum; quae tamen inter eos de
omnibus potius rebus est quam de me. Itaque, quid ea mihi prosit,
nescio, sed tamen, quoad me vos sperare vultis, vobis obtemperabo. Nam,
quod me tam saepe et tam vehementer obiurgas et animo infirmo esse
dicis, quaeso, ecquod tantum malum est, quod in mea calamitate non sit?
ecquis umquam tam ex amplo statu, tam in bona causa, tantis facultatibus
ingenii, consilii, gratiae, tantis praesidiis bonorum omnium concidit?
Possum oblivisci, qui fuerim, non sentire, qui sim, quo caream honore,
qua gloria, quibus liberis, quibus fortunis, quo fratre? Quem ego, ut
novum calamitatis genus attendas, cum pluris facerem quam me

following your advice and still staying at Thessalonica in hope of the
advantages you mention and of letters. When I get some news, I shall be
able to shape my course of action. If you started from Rome on the first
of June, as you say, I shall very soon see you. I have sent you the
letter I wrote to Pompey.

Thessalonica, 13 June.


                                   X

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Thessalonica, June 17._ B.C. _58_]

Your letter has posted me up in political news to May 25: and I am
awaiting the course of events at Thessalonica, as you suggest. When I
hear more, I shall know where to be. For if there is any excuse, if
anything is being done, if I see a ray of hope, I shall either wait here
or pay you a visit: but if, as you say in your letter, those hopes have
vanished into air I shall look for something else. At present you do not
give me the least hint of anything except the disagreement of those
friends of yours: and they are quarrelling about anything rather than
me, so I do not see what good it will do me. But, as long as you wish me
to hope, I will bow to your wishes. You frequently reproach me strongly
for weak-heartedness: but I should like to know if I have been spared
any hardship in my misfortune. Did anyone ever fall from such a high
estate in such a good cause, especially when he was so well endowed with
genius and good sense, so popular and so strongly supported by all
honest men? Can I forget what I was? Can I help feeling what I am? Can I
help missing my honour and fame, my children, my fortune and my brother?
That is a fresh misfortune for you to contemplate.

ipsum semperque fecissem, vitavi ne viderem, ne aut illius luctum
squaloremque aspicerem aut me, quem ille florentissimum reliquerat,
perditum illi adflictumque offerrem. Mitto cetera intolerabilia; etenim
fletu impedior. Hic utrum tandem sum accusandus, quod doleo, an quod
commisi, ut haec aut non retinerem, quod facile fuisset, nisi intra
parietes meos de mea pernicie consilia inirentur, aut certe vivus non
amitterem?

Haec eo scripsi, ut potius relevares me, quod facis, quam ut
castigatione aut obiurgatione dignum putares, eoque ad te minus multa
scribo, quod et maerore impedior et, quod exspectem istinc, magis habeo,
quam quod ipse scribam. Quae si erunt allata, faciam te consilii nostri
certiorem. Tu, ut adhuc fecisti, quam plurimis de rebus ad me velim
scribas, ut prorsus ne quid ignorem.

Data XIIII Kal. Quintiles Thessalonicae.


                                   XI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thessalonicae IV K. Quint. a. 696_]

Me et tuae litterae et quidam boni nuntii, non optimis tamen auctoribus,
et exspectatio vestrarum litterarum, et quod tibi ita placuerat, adhuc
Thessalonicae tenebat. Si accepero litteras, quas exspecto, si spes erit
ea, quae rumoribus adferebatur, ad te me conferam; si non erit faciam te
certiorem, quid

I have avoided seeing my brother, though I love him and always have
loved him better than myself, for fear that I should see him in his
grief and misery, or that I, from whom he had parted in the height of
prosperity, should present myself to him in ruin and humiliation. Of
other things too hard to bear, I will say nothing: my tears prevent me.
And what pray is it that calls for reproof? My grief, or my sin in not
retaining my position,—which would have been easy enough, if there had
not been a conspiracy for my ruin within my own walls,—or that I should
not have lost it without losing life too?

My object in wanting thus is to call for your ready sympathy, instead of
seeming to deserve your reproaches and reproofs, and the reason why I
write less than usual is partly that my sorrow prevents me, and partly
that I have more reason to expect news from you than to write to you.
When I get your news, I will give you a clearer idea of my plans. Please
continue to write fully about things as you have at present, that no
detail may escape me.

Thessalonica, 17 June.


                                   XI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Thessalonica, June 27_, B.C. _58_]

At present I am kept at Thessalonica by your letter and by some good
news, which however has not the best authority. Besides I am waiting for
your note, and you expressed your desire that I should stay here. As
soon as I receive the note I am waiting for, I will come to you, if the
hope, which has reached me by rumour, is confirmed. If not, I will let
you know my movements. Please continue to

egerim. Tu me, ut facis, opera, consilio, gratia iuva; consolari iam
desine, obiurgare vero noli; quod cum facis, ut ego tuum amorem et
dolorem desidero! Quem ita adfectum mea aerumna esse arbitror, ut te
ipsum consolari nemo possit. Quintum fratrem optimum humanissimumque
sustenta. Ad me obsecro te ut omnia certa perscribas.

Data IIII Kal. Quintiles.


                                  XII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thessalonicae XVI Kal. Sext. a. 696_]

Tu quidem sedulo argumentaris, quid sit sperandum et maxime per senatum,
idemque caput rogationis proponi scribis, quare in senatu dici nihil
liceat. Itaque siletur. Hic tu me accusas, quod me adflictem, cum ita
sim adflictus ut nemo umquam, quod tute intellegis. Spem ostendis
secundum comitia. Quae ista est eodem tribuno pl. et inimico consule
designato? Percussisti autem me etiam de oratione prolata. Cui vulneri,
ut scribis, medere, si quid potes. Scripsi equidem olim ei iratus, quod
ille prior scripserat, sed ita compresseram, ut numquam emanaturam
putarem. Quo modo exciderit, nescio. Sed, quia numquam accidit, ut cum
eo verbo uno concertarem, et quia scripta mihi videtur neglegentius quam
ceterae, puto posse probari non esse meam. Id, si

exert your energy, your wits and your influence on my behalf. I don’t
ask for encouragement: but please don’t find fault with me; for when you
do that, I feel as though I had lost your affection and your sympathy,
though I am sure you take my misfortune so to heart, that you yourself
are inconsolable. Lend a helping hand to Quintus, the best and kindest
of brothers, and for mercy’s sake let me have all the definite news
there is.

June 27.


                                  XII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Thessalonica, July 17_, B.C. _58_]

You lay great stress on the hopes I may entertain, especially of action
on the part of the Senate; yet at the same time you write that the
clause forbidding any mention of my case in the House is being posted
up. So no one opens his mouth. Then you accuse me of distressing myself,
though, as you know quite well, I have more reason for distress than
ever mortal had. You hold out hopes to me on the results of the
elections. What hope is there, if the same tribune is re-elected and a
consul elect is my enemy? Your news too that my speech[98] has been
published is a blow to me. Heal the wound, if possible, as you propose.
In my indignation I paid him back in his own coin: but I had suppressed
it so carefully, that I thought it would never leak out. How it has, I
can’t imagine. But since it so happens that I have never said a word
against him, and this appears to me to be more carelessly written than
my other speeches, I should think it could be passed off as some one
else’s work. If you think my case is not

Footnote 98:

  A speech against Curio, not extant.

putas me posse sanari, cures velim; sin plane perii, minus laboro.

Ego etiam nunc eodem in loco iaceo sine sermone ullo, sine cogitatione
ulla. Licet tibi, ut scribis, significaram, ut ad me venires, dudum
tamen[99] intellego te istic prodesse, hic ne verbo quidem levare me
posse. Non queo plura scribere, nec est, quod scribam; vestra magis
exspecto.

Data XVI Kal. Sextiles Thessalonicae.


                                  XIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thessalonicae Non. Sext. a. 696_]

Quod ad te scripseram me in Epiro futurum, posteaquam extenuari spem
nostram et evanescere vidi, mutavi consilium nec me Thessalonica
commovi, ubi esse statueram, quoad aliquid ad me de eo scriberes, quod
proximis litteris scripseras, fore uti secundum comitia aliquid de nobis
in senatu ageretur; id tibi Pompeium dixisse. Qua de re, quoniam comitia
habita sunt, tuque nihil ad me scribis, proinde habebo, ac si
scripsisses nihil esse, meque temporis non longinqui spe ductum esse
non[100] moleste feram. Quem autem motum te videre scripseras, qui nobis
utilis fore videretur, eum nuntiant, qui veniunt, nullum fore. In
tribunis pl. designatis reliqua spes est. Quam si exspectaro, non erit,
quod putes me causae meae, voluntati meorum defuisse.

Footnote 99:

  dudum tamen _Koch_; si donatum ut _M_.

Footnote 100:

  non _added by Tyrrell_.

hopeless, please give your attention to the matter; but if I am past
praying for, then I don’t much mind about it.

I am still lying dormant at the same place, and neither speak nor think.
Though, as you say, I did suggest that you should come to me, I see now
that you are useful to me where you are, while here you could not find
even a word of comfort to lighten my sorrows. I cannot write more, nor
have I anything to say. Therefore, I am all the more anxious for your
news.

Thessalonica, July 17.


                                  XIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Thessalonica, Aug. 5_, B.C. _58_]

I changed my mind about the proposed journey to Epirus when I saw my
hope growing less and less and finally vanishing, and have not moved
from Thessalonica, where I proposed to stay till you should send me some
news of what you mentioned on Pompey’s authority in your last letter,
that my case might come before the House after the elections. And so,
now the elections are over and I get no news from you, I shall take that
as equivalent to your writing and saying that nothing has come of it,
nor shall I regret that the hope which buoyed me up has not lasted long.
As for the movement that appeared to be in my favour, which you said you
foresaw, new arrivals here assure me that it won’t come off. The only
hope left is in the tribunes elect: and if I wait till that is settled,
you will have no right to regard me as a traitor to my own cause and to
my friends’ wishes.

Quod me saepe accusas, cur hunc meum casum tam graviter feram, debes
ignoscere, cum ita me adflictum videas, ut neminem umquam nec videris
nec audieris. Nam, quod scribis te audire me etiam mentis errore ex
dolore adfici, mihi vero mens integra est. Atque utinam tam in periculo
fuisset! cum ego iis, quibus meam salutem carissimam esse arbitrabar,
inimicissimis crudelissimisque usus sum; qui, ut me paulum inclinari
timore viderunt, sic impulerunt, ut omni suo scelere et perfidia
abuterentur ad exitium meum. Nunc, quoniam est Cyzicum nobis eundum, quo
rarius ad me litterae perferentur, hoc velim diligentius omnia, quae
putaris me scire opus esse, perscribas. Quintum fratrem meum fac
diligas; quem ego miser si incolumem relinquo, non me totum perisse
arbitrabor.

Data Nonis Sextilibus.


                                  XIV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thessalonicae XII K. Sext. a. 696_]

Ex tuis litteris plenus sum exspectatione de Pompeio, quidnam de nobis
velit aut ostendat. Comitia enim credo esse habita; quibus absolutis
scribis illi placuisse agi de nobis. Si tibi stultus esse videor, qui
sperem, facio tuo iussu, et scio te me iis epistulis potius et meas spes
solitum esse remorari. Nunc velim mihi plane perscribas, quid videas.
Scio nos nostris multis peccatis in hanc aerumnam incidisse. Ea si qui
casus aliqua ex parte correxerit, minus moleste feremus nos vixisse et
adhuc vivere.

Instead of blaming me so often for taking my troubles so seriously, you
ought to pardon me, as you see that my afflictions surpass all that you
have ever seen or heard of. You say you have heard that my mind is
becoming unhinged with grief: my mind is sound enough. Would that it had
been as sound in the hour of danger, when I found those my cruelest
enemies who I thought had my salvation most at heart. As soon as they
saw I had lost my balance a little through fear, they used all their
malice and treachery to thrust me to my doom. Now that I have to go to
Cyzicus, where your letters will reach me less frequently, please be all
the more careful to give me a thorough account of everything you think I
ought to know. Be a good friend to my brother Quintus, for, if I leave
him unharmed by my fall, I shall not regard myself as utterly
overwhelmed.

August 5.


                                  XIV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Thessalonica, July 21_, B.C. _58_]

Your letter has filled me with hopes of Pompey’s intentions or professed
intentions as regards me. For I think the elections have been held, and
it is when they are over you say he has decided to have my affair
brought forward. If you think me foolish for hoping, I only do what you
bid me to do, and I know your letters generally are more inclined to
restrain me and my hopes than to encourage them. Now please tell me
plainly and fully what you see. I know it is through many faults of my
own that I have fallen into this misery: and if fate mends my faults
even partially, I shall be less disgusted both with my past and my
present existence.

Ego propter viae celebritatem et cotidianam exspectationem rerum novarum
non commovi me adhuc Thessalonica. Sed iam extrudimur non a Plancio (nam
is quidem retinet), verum ab ipso loco minime apposito ad tolerandam in
tanto luctu calamitatem. In Epirum ideo, ut scripseram, non ii, quod
subito mihi universi nuntii venerant et litterae, quare nihil esset
necesse quam proxime Italiam esse. Hinc, si aliquid a comitiis
audierimus, nos in Asiam convertemus; neque adhuc stabat quo potissimum,
sed scies.

Data XII Sextiles Thessalonicae.


                                   XV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thessalonicae XIV K. Sept. a. 696_]

Accepi Idibus Sextilibus quattuor epistulas a te missas, unam, qua me
obiurgas et rogas, ut sim firmior, alteram, qua Crassi libertum ais tibi
de mea sollicitudine macieque narrasse, tertiam, qua demonstras acta in
senatu, quartam de eo, quod a Varrone scribis tibi esse confirmatum de
voluntate Pompei. Ad primam tibi hoc scribo, me ita dolere, ut non modo
a mente non deserar, sed id ipsum doleam, me tam firma mente ubi utar et
quibuscum non habere. Nam, si tu me uno non sine maerore cares, quid me
censes, qui et te et omnibus? et, si tu incolumis me requiris, quo modo
a me ipsam incolumitatem desiderari putas? Nolo commemorare, quibus
rebus

The amount of traffic on the roads and the daily expectation of a change
of government have prevented me from leaving Thessalonica at present.
But now I am forced to quit, not by Plancius—who wants me to stop—but by
the nature of the place, which is not at all suitable to help one to
bear such distress and misfortune. I did not go to Epirus as I said I
should, since all the news and all the letters that have reached me
lately have shown me that there was no necessity to remain very near
Italy. If I get any important news from the scene of the elections, I
shall betake myself to Asia, when I leave here. Where exactly, is not
yet fixed: but I will let you know.

Thessalonica, July 21.


                                   XV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Thessalonica, Aug. 17_, B.C. _58_]

On August 13 I received four letters from you,—one in terms of reproof,
urging me to firmness, another telling me of Crassus’ freedman’s account
of my careworn appearance, a third relating the doings in the House, and
a fourth containing Varro’s confirmation of your opinion as to Pompey’s
wishes. My answer to the first is that though I am distressed, it has
not unhinged my mind: nay, I am even distressed that, though my mind is
so sound, I have neither place nor opportunity for using it. For, if you
feel the loss of a single friend like myself, what do you suppose my
feelings are, when I have lost you and every one else? And if you, on
whom no ban of outlawry has fallen, miss my presence, you can imagine
the aching void outlawry leaves in me. I will not mention all that I

sim spoliatus, non solum quia non ignoras, sed etiam ne rescindam ipse
dolorem meum; hoc confirmo, neque tantis bonis esse privatum quemquam
neque in tantas miserias incidisse. Dies autem non modo non levat luctum
hunc, sed etiam auget. Nam ceteri dolores mitigantur vetustate, hic non
potest non et sensu praesentis miseriae et recordatione praeteritae
vitae cotidie augeri. Desidero enim non mea solum neque meos, sed me
ipsum. Quid enim sum? Sed non faciam, ut aut tuum animum angam querelis
aut meis vulneribus saepius manus adferam.

Nam, quod purgas eos, quos ego mihi scripsi invidisse, et in eis
Catonem, ego vero tantum illum puto ab isto scelere afuisse, ut maxime
doleam plus apud me simulationem aliorum quam istius fidem valuisse.
Ceteros quos purgas, debent mihi probati esse, tibi si sunt. Sed haec
sero agimus.

Crassi libertum nihil puto sincere locutum. In senatu rem probe scribis
actam. Sed quid Curio? an illam orationem non legit? quae unde sit
prolata, nescio. Sed Axius eiusdem diei scribens ad me acta non ita
laudat Curionem. At potest ille aliquid praetermittere, tu, nisi quod
erat, profecto non scripsisti. Varronis sermo facit exspectationem
Caesaris. Atque utinam ipse Varro incumbat in causam! quod profecto cum
sua sponte tum te instante faciet.

Ego, si me aliquando vestri et patriae compotem fortuna fecerit, certe
efficiam, ut maxime laetere unus ex omnibus amicis, meaque officia et
studia, quae parum antea luxerunt (fatendum est enim), sic

have lost,—you know it well enough, and it would only open my wound
again. But this I do assert that no one has ever lost so much and no one
has ever fallen into such a depth of misery. Time too, instead of
lightening my grief, can but add to it: for other sorrows lose their
sting as time passes, but my sorrow can but grow daily, as I feel my
present misery and think on my past happiness. I mourn the loss not only
of my wealth and my friends but of my old self. For what am I now? But I
will not wring your soul with my complaints nor keep fingering my sore.

You write in defence of those who, I said, envied me and among them
Cato. Of him I have not the least suspicion: indeed I am sorry that the
false friendship of others had more weight with me than his loyalty. As
to the others I suppose I should acquit them if you do. But it is too
late to matter now.

I don’t think Crassus’ freedman meant what he said. You say things went
well in the House. But what about Curio? Hasn’t he read that speech?
Goodness knows how it got published. Axius however, writing on the same
day an account of the meeting, has less to say for Curio. Still he might
well miss something, while you would certainly not have written what was
not true. Varro’s talk with you gives me hopes of Caesar. I only wish
Varro himself would throw his weight into my cause; and I think he will
with a little pressing from you, if not of his own accord.

If ever I have the fortune to see you and my country again, I will not
fail to give you more cause for joy at my recall than all my other
friends: and, though I must confess that up to now my friendly
attentions have not been as conspicuous as they

exsequar, ut me aeque tibi ac fratri et liberis nostris restitutum
putes. Si quid in te peccavi ac potius quoniam peccavi, ignosce; in me
enim ipsum peccavi vehementius. Neque haec eo scribo, quo te non meo
casu maximo dolore esse adfectum sciam, sed profecto, si, quantum me
amas et amasti, tantum amare deberes ac debuisses, numquam esses passus
me, quo tu abundabas, egere consilio nec esses passus mihi persuaderi
utile nobis esse legem de collegiis perferri. Sed tu tantum lacrimas
praebuisti dolori meo, quod erat amoris, tamquam ipse ego; quod meritis
meis perfectum potuit, ut dies et noctes, quid mihi faciendum esset,
cogitares, id abs te meo, non tuo scelere praetermissum est. Quodsi non
modo tu, sed quisquam fuisset, qui me Pompei minus liberali responso
perterritum a turpissimo consilio revocaret, quod unus tu facere maxime
potuisti, aut occubuissem honeste, aut victores hodie viveremus. Hic
mihi ignosces; me enim ipsum multo magis accuso, deinde te quasi me
alterum et simul meae culpae socium quaero. Ac, si restituor, etiam
minus videbimur deliquisse abs teque certe, quoniam nullo nostro, tuo
ipsius beneficio diligemur.

should have been, I will be so persistent with them, that you shall feel
that I have been restored to you quite as much as to my brother and
children. If ever I have wronged you or rather for the wrongs that I
have done you, forgive me. I have wronged myself far more deeply. I do
not write this in ignorance of your great grief at my misfortune, but
because, if I had earned a right to all the affection you lavish and
have lavished on me, you would never have suffered me to stand in need
of that sound common sense of yours, and you would not have let me be
persuaded that it was to my interest to let the bill about the
guilds[101] be passed. But you, like myself, only gave your tears to my
distress, as a tribute of affection: and it was my fault, not yours,
that you did not devote day and night to pondering on the course I
should take, as you might have done, if my claims on you had been
stronger. If you or anyone had dissuaded me from the disgraceful resolve
I formed in my alarm at Pompey’s ungenerous reply,—and you were the
person best qualified to do so—I should either have died with honour, or
should to-day be living in triumph. You will pardon what I have said. I
am blaming myself far more than you, and you only as my second self, and
because I want a companion in my guilt. If I am restored, our common
guilt will seem far less, and you, at any rate, will hold me dear for
services rendered, not received, by you.

Footnote 101:

  The _Collegia_ were guilds for social, mercantile, or religious
  purposes. A decree had declared some of them illegal in 64 B.C.; but
  this was counteracted by a bill passed by Clodius in 58 B.C. The
  result was many new guilds were formed, which he used for political
  purposes.

Quod te cum Culleone scribis de privilegio locutum, est aliquid, sed
multo est melius abrogari. Si enim nemo impediet, sic est firmius; sin
erit, qui ferri non sinat, idem senatus consulto intercedet. Nec
quicquam aliud opus est abrogari; nam prior lex nos nihil laedebat. Quam
si, ut est promulgata, laudare voluissemus, aut, ut erat neglegenda,
neglegere, nocere omnino nobis non potuisset. Hic mihi primum meum
consilium defuit, sed etiam obfuit. Caeci, caeci, inquam, fuimus in
vestitu mutando, in populo rogando, quod, nisi nominatim mecum agi
coeptum esset, fieri perniciosum fuit. Sed pergo praeterita, verum tamen
ob hanc causam, ut, si quid agetur, legem illam, in qua popularia multa
sunt, ne tangatis. Verum est stultum me praecipere, quid agatis aut quo
modo. Utinam modo agatur aliquid! In quo ipso multa occultant tuae
litterae, credo, ne vehementius desperatione perturber. Quid enim vides
agi posse aut quo modo? per senatumne? At tute scripsisti ad me quoddam
caput legis Clodium in curiae poste fixisse, NE REFERRI NEVE DICI
LICERET. Quo modo igitur Domitius se dixit relaturum? quo modo autum
iis, quos tu scribis, et de re dicentibus et, ut referretur,
postulantibus Clodius tacuit? Ac,

You mention talking to Culleo about this bill being directed against an
individual.[102] There is something in that point: but it is much better
to have it repealed. If no one vetoes it, it is by far the surest
course. If on the other hand anyone is opposed to it, he will veto the
Senate’s decree too. There is no necessity to repeal anything else as
well: the former law did not touch me. If we had had the sense to
support it when it was brought forward, or to take no notice of it,
which was all it deserved, it never would have done us any harm. It was
then I first lost the use of my wits, or rather used them to my own
destruction. It was blind, absolutely blind of us to put on mourning, to
appeal to the crowd—a fatal thing to do before I was attacked
personally. But I keep harping on what is over and done with. My point,
however, is to urge you, when you do make a move, not to touch that law
on account of its claims to popularity. But it is absurd of me to lay
down what you should do or how. If only something could be done! And on
that very point I am afraid your letters keep back a good deal, to save
me from giving way to even deeper despair. What course of action do you
suppose can be taken and how? Through the Senate? But you yourself have
told me that a clause of Clodius’ bill, forbidding any motion or
reference to my case, has been posted up in the House. How then does
Domitius propose to make a motion? And how is it that Clodius holds his
tongue, when the men you mention talk about the case and ask for a
motion? And, if you think

Footnote 102:

  A _privilegium_ was a law passed for or against some particular
  person, which was expressly forbidden by the Twelve Tables.

si per populum, poteritne nisi de omnium tribunorum pl. sententia? Quid
de bonis? quid de domo? poteritne restitui? aut, si non poterit, egomet
quo modo potero? Haec nisi vides expediri, quam in spem me vocas? sin
autem spei nihil est, quae est mihi vita? Itaque exspecto Thessalonicae
acta Kal. Sext., ex quibus statuam, in tuosne agros confugiam, ut neque
videam homines, quos nolim, et te, ut scribis, videam et propius sim, si
quid agatur, id quod intellexi cum tibi tum Quinto fratri placere, an
abeam Cyzicum.

Nunc, Pomponi, quoniam nihil impertisti tuae prudentiae ad salutem meam,
quod aut in me ipso satis esse consilii decreras aut te nihil plus mihi
debere, quam ut praesto esses, quoniamque ego proditus, inductus,
coniectus in fraudem omnia mea praesidia neglexi, totam Italiam mire
erectam ad me defendendum destitui et reliqui, me, meos, mea tradidi
inimicis inspectante et tacente te, qui, si non plus ingenio valebas
quam ego, certe timebas minus, si potes, erige adflictos et in eo nos
iuva; sin omnia sunt obstructa, id ipsum fac ut sciamus et nos aliquando
aut obiurgare aut communiter consolari desine. Ego si tuam fidem
accusarem, non me potissimum tuis

of acting through the people, can it be managed without the consent of
all the tribunes? What about my goods and chattels? What about my house?
Will they be restored? If not, how can I be? If you don’t see your way
to managing that, what is it you want me to hope for? And, if there is
nothing to hope for, what sort of life can I lead? Under these
circumstances I am awaiting the gazette for August 1 at Thessalonica,
before I make up my mind whether to take refuge on your estate, where I
can avoid seeing those I don’t want to see, and see you, as you point
out in your letter, and be nearer at hand if any action is being taken,
or whether I shall go to Cyzicus. I believe you and Quintus want me to
keep at hand.

Now, Pomponius, you used none of your wisdom in saving me from
ruin—either because you thought I had enough common sense myself, or
because you thought you owed me nothing but the support of your
presence: while I, basely betrayed and hurried to my ruin, threw down my
arms and fled, deserting my country, though all Italy would have stood
up and defended me with enthusiasm. You looked on in silence, while I
betrayed myself, my family and my possessions, to my enemies, though,
even if you had not more sense than I had, you certainly had less cause
for panic. Now, if you can, raise me from my fall, and in that render me
assistance. But, if all ways are blocked, let me know of the fact, and
do not keep on either reproaching me or offering us[103] your sympathy.
If I had any fault to find with your loyalty, I should not trust myself
to your house in preference to all

Footnote 103:

  _Communiter_ must apparently = me and my family. Some however read
  _comiter_.

tectis crederem; meam amentiam accuso, quod me a te tantum amari,
quantum ego vellem, putavi. Quod si fuisset; fidem eandem, curam maiorem
adhibuisses, me certe ad exitium praecipitantem retinuisses, istos
labores, quos nunc in naufragiis nostris suscipis, non subisses. Quare
fac, ut omnia ad me perspecta et explorata perscribas meque, ut facis,
velis esse aliquem, quoniam, qui fui, et qui esse potui, iam esse non
possum, et ut his litteris non te, sed me ipsum a me esse accusatum
putes. Si qui erunt, quibus putes opus esse meo nomine litteras dari,
velim conscribas curesque dandas.

Data XIIII Kal. Sept.


                                  XVI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thessalonicae XII K. Sept. a. 696_]

Totum iter mihi incertum facit exspectatio litterarum vestrarum Kal.
Sextil. datarum. Nam, si spes erit, Epirum, si minus, Cyzicum aut aliud
aliquid sequemur. Tuae quidem litterae quo saepius a me leguntur, hoc
spem faciunt mihi minorem; quae cum laetae sunt, tum id, quod attulerunt
ad spem, infirmant, ut facile appareat te et consolationi servire et
veritati. Itaque te rogo, plane ut ad me, quae scies, ut erunt, quae
putabis, ita scribas.

Data XII Kal.

others. It is my own folly in thinking that your affection for me was as
great as I wished it to be, that I am finding fault with. If it had been
so, you would not have shown more loyalty, but you would have taken more
trouble, and you would certainly have prevented me from rushing to my
fate, and would not have had all the trouble you are now taking to
repair the shipwreck. So please let me know all that you can ascertain
for certain, and continue to wish to see me a somebody again, even if I
cannot regain the position I once held and might have held. I hope you
won’t think it is you and not myself I am blaming in this letter. If
there is anyone to whom you think a letter ought to be sent in my name,
please write one and see that it is sent.

August 17.


                                  XVI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Thessalonica, Aug. 19_, B.C. _58_]

I am waiting for your letters of the first of August before I can decide
at all where I shall go. If there is any hope, I shall go to Epirus: if
not, I shall make for Cyzicus, or take some other direction. The more
often I read your letters, the less hope I have: for, though they are
cheerful, they tone down any hope they raise, so that one can easily see
that your allegiance wavers between consolation of me and truth. I must
therefore beg you to report facts just as they are, and what you really
think of them.

August 19.


                                  XVII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thessalonicae pr. Non. Sept. a. 696_]

De Quinto fratre nuntii nobis tristes nec varii venerant ex ante diem
III Non. Iun. usque ad prid. Kal. Sept. Eo autem die Livineius, L.
Reguli libertus, ad me a Regulo missus venit. Is omnino mentionem nullam
factam esse nuntiavit, sed fuisse tamen sermonem de C. Clodi filio,
isque mihi a Q. fratre litteras attulit. Sed postridie Sesti pueri
venerunt, qui a te litteras attulerunt non tam exploratas a timore, quam
sermo Livinei fuerat. Sane sum in meo infinito maerore sollicitus et eo
magis, quod Appi quaestio est.

Cetera, quae ad me eisdem litteris scribis de nostra spe, intellego esse
languidiora, quam alii ostendunt. Ego autem, quoniam non longe ab eo
tempore absumus, in quo res diiudicabitur, aut ad te conferam me aut
etiam nunc circum haec loca commorabor.

Scribit ad me frater omnia sua per te unum sustineri. Quid te aut
horter, quod facis, aut agam gratias, quod non exspectas? Tantum velim
fortuna det nobis potestatem, ut incolumes amore nostro perfruamur. Tuas
litteras semper maxime exspecto; in quibus cave vereare ne aut
diligentia tua mihi molesta aut veritas acerba sit.

Data pr. Nonas Sept.


                                  XVII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Thessalonica, Sept. 4_, B.C. _58_]

All the news I have had about my brother Quintus from June the 3rd to
the end of August has been bad news without exception. But on the last
of August Livineius, who had been sent by his former master, L. Regulus,
came to me. He assured me that no notice whatever had been given of a
prosecution though there was some talk of C. Clodius’ son undertaking
one: and he brought me letters from Quintus himself. But on the next day
came some of Sestius’ men, with some letters of yours which are not so
positive and alarming as Livineius’ conversation was. My own unending
distress of course renders me anxious, all the more so, as Appius would
preside at the trial.

From the rest of your remarks in the same letter as to my own chances, I
infer that our hopes are fainter than others make out. But since it will
not be long now before the matter is settled, I will either remove to
your house or still stay somewhere round here.

My brother writes that you alone are his support. I need not urge you to
efforts, which you make of your own accord, nor will I offer my thanks,
since you do not expect them. I only hope fate may allow us to enjoy our
affection in safety. I am always looking eagerly for your letters: and
please don’t be afraid either of boring me with your minuteness or
paining me by telling the truth.

September 4.


                                 XVIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thessalonicae medio m. Sept. a. 696_]

Exspectationem nobis non parvam attuleras, cum scripseras Varronem tibi
pro amicitia confirmasse causam nostram Pompeium certe suscepturum et,
simul a Caesare ei litterae, quas exspectaret, remissae essent, actorem
etiam daturum. Utrum id nihil fuit, an adversatae sunt Caesaris
litterae, an est aliquid in spe? Etiam illud scripseras eundem “secundum
comitia” dixisse.

Fac, si vides, quantis in malis iaceam, et si putas esse humanitatis
tuae, me fac de tota causa nostra certiorem. Nam Quintus frater, homo
mirus, qui me tam valde amat, omnia mittit spei plena metuens, credo,
defectionem animi mei; tuae autem litterae sunt variae; neque enim me
desperare vis nec temere sperare. Fac, obsecro te, ut omnia, quae
perspici a te possunt, sciamus.


                                  XIX

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thessalonicae XVI K. Oct. a. 696_]

Quoad eius modi mihi litterae a vobis adferebantur, ut aliquid ex iis
esset exspectandum, spe et cupiditate Thessalonicae retentus sum;
posteaquam omnis actio huius anni confecta nobis videbatur, in Asiam ire
nolui, quod et celebritas mihi odio est, et, si fieret aliquid a novis
magistratibus, abesse longe nolebam. Itaque in Epirum ad te statui me
conferre, non quo


                                 XVIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Thessalonica, Sept._ B.C. _58_]

You raised my hopes considerably by writing that Varro had assured you
as a friend that Pompey was going to take up my case, and that he would
appoint an agent as soon as he had received a letter which he was
expecting from Caesar. Did it come to nothing? Or was Caesar’s letter
hostile? Or is there still room for hope? You mentioned too that he used
the words “after the elections.”

Please do let me have full information as to the state of my case,—you
know the anxiety I am in and how kind it would be of you. For my
brother, a dear good fellow and very fond of me, sends me nothing but
hopeful news, for fear, I suppose, that I should entirely lose heart.
Whereas your letters vary in tone; for your intention is neither to cast
me into despondency nor to raise rash hopes in me. Pray do let me know
everything you may succeed in discovering.


                                  XIX

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Thessalonica Sept. 15_, B.C. _58_]

So long as your letters afforded me any ground for it, my hopes and my
longings kept me at Thessalonica: but, as soon as I saw that all
political business for this year had come to an end, I made up my mind
not to go to Asia, because I cannot put up with society and I do not
want to be far away in case the new magistrates should make a move. So I
determined to go to your house in Epirus, not that the

mea interesset loci natura, qui lucem omnino fugerem, sed et ad salutem
lubentissime ex tuo portu proficiscar, et, si ea praecisa erit, nusquam
facilius hanc miserrimam vitam vel sustentabo vel, quod multo est
melius, abiecero. Ero cum paucis, multitudinem dimittam.

Me tuae litterae numquam in tantam spem adduxerunt quantam aliorum; ac
tamen mea spes etiam tenuior semper fuit quam tuae litterae. Sed tamen,
quoniam coeptum est agi, quoquo modo coeptum est et quacumque de causa,
non deseram neque optumi atque unici fratris miseras ac luctuosas
preces, nec Sesti ceterorumque promissa, nec spem aerumnosissimae
mulieris Terentiae, nec miserrimae mulieris Tulliolae obsecrationem et
fideles litteras tuas. Mihi Epirus aut iter ad salutem dabit, aut quod
scripsi supra.

Te oro et obsecro, T. Pomponi, si me omnibus amplissimis, carissimis
iucundissimisque rebus perfidia hominum spoliatum, si me a meis
consiliariis proditum et proiectum vides, si intellegis me coactum, ut
ipse me et meos perderem, ut me tua misericordia iuves et Quintum
fratrem, qui potest esse salvus, sustentes, Terentiam liberosque meos
tueare, me, si putas te istic visurum, exspectes, si minus, invisas, si
potes, mihique ex agro tuo tantum adsignes, quantum meo corpore occupari
potest, et pueros ad me cum litteris quam primum et quam saepissime
mittas.

Data XVI Kal. Octobres.

features of the place make any difference to me now that I shun the
light of day entirely, but I should like to sail back to freedom from a
port of yours, and, if that hope is cut off, I could not find a better
place either to drag on my miserable existence, or, what is preferable,
to end it. I shall have few people about me, and shall get free from
society.

Your letters never aroused my hopes as much as other people’s: and yet
my hopes were always fainter than your letters. However, since some kind
of a move has been made in the matter, whatever kind it may be and
whatsoever its cause, I will not disappoint either my dear and only
brother’s sad and touching entreaties, nor the promises of Sestius and
others, nor the appeals of my wife in her deep affliction and my little
Tullia in her misery, nor your own true-hearted letters. Epirus shall be
my road back to freedom or to what I mentioned before.

I beg and beseech you, Pomponius, as you see how I have been robbed of
my honours and of my dearest and fondest possessions by men’s treachery,
as you see how I was betrayed and cast aside by those on whose advice I
relied, as you know how I was forced into betraying myself and my
family, of your pity help me, and support my brother Quintus, who is not
past salvation: guard Terentia and my children; as for me, wait for me
in Rome, if you think there is any chance of seeing me there. If not,
come to see me, if you can, and allot me of your land enough for my body
to rest in; and send a man with letters as soon and as often as
possible.

Sept. 15.


                                   XX

           CICERO S. D. Q. CAECILIO Q. F. POMPONIANO ATTICO,

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thessalonicae IV Non. Oct. a. 696_]

quod quidem ita esse et avunculum tuum functum esse officio
vehementissime probo, gaudere me tum dicam, si mihi hoc verbo licebit
uti. Me miserum! quam omnia essent ex sententia, si nobis animus, si
consilium, si fides eorum, quibus credidimus, non defuisset! Quae
colligere nolo, ne augeam maerorem; sed tibi venire in mentem certo
scio, quae vita esset nostra, quae suavitas, quae dignitas. Ad quae
recuperanda, per fortunas! incumbe, ut facis, diemque natalem reditus
mei cura ut in tuis aedibus amoenissimis agam tecum et cum meis. Ego
huic spei et exspectationi, quae nobis proponitur maxima, tamen volui
praestolari apud te in Epiro, sed ita ad me scribitur, ut putem esse
commodius non eisdem in locis esse.

De domo et Curionis oratione, ut scribis, ita est. In universa salute,
si ea modo nobis restituetur, inerunt omnia; ex quibus nihil malo quam
domum. Sed tibi nihil mando nominatim, totum me tuo amori fideique
commendo.

Quod te in tanta hereditate ab omni occupatione expedisti, valde mihi
gratum est. Quod facultates


                                   XX

     MY DEAR QUINTUS CAECILIUS POMPONIANUS ATTICUS, SON OF QUINTUS,

[Sidenote: _Thessalonica, Oct. 4_ B.C. _58_.]

that this name is now yours and that your uncle has done his duty by you
meets with my heartiest approval; I will reserve the phrase “I am glad”
for a time when circumstances may permit of my using the word. Poor
devil that I am! Everything would be going as right as possible with me,
if my own courage and judgement and the loyalty of those in whom I
trusted had not failed me. But I will not piece my misfortunes together,
for fear of increasing my misery. I am sure you must recollect my former
life and its charm and dignity. In the name of good luck and bad, do not
let the efforts you are making to recover my position relax; and let me
celebrate the birthday of my return in your delightful house with you
and my family. Though my hopes and expectations of return have been
roused to the highest pitch, I still thought of awaiting their
fulfilment at your house in Epirus: but from letters I infer it would be
more convenient for me not to be in the same neighbourhood.

You are quite right about my house and Curio’s speech. If only
restoration is promised in general terms, everything else is comprised
in that word: and of all things I am most anxious about my house. But I
won’t enter into details: I trust myself entirely to your affection and
loyalty.

That you have freed yourself from all embarrassments in taking over your
large inheritance is exceedingly pleasant news to me; and I fully
realize

tuas ad meam salutem polliceris, ut omnibus rebus a te praeter ceteros
iuver, id quantum sit praesidium, video intellegoque te multas partes
meae salutis et suscipere et posse sustinere, neque, ut ita facias,
rogandum esse. Quod me vetas quicquam suspicari accidisse ad animum
tuum, quod secus a me erga te commissum aut praetermissum videretur,
geram tibi morem et liberabor ista cura, tibi tamen eo plus debebo, quo
tua in me humanitas fuerit excelsior quam in te mea. Velim, quid videas,
quid intellegas, quid agatur, ad me scribas tuosque omnes ad nostram
salutem adhortere.

Rogatio Sesti neque dignitatis satis habet nec cautionis. Nam et
nominatim ferri oportet et de bonis diligentius scribi, et id
animadvertas velim. Data IIII Nonas Octobres Thessalonicae.


                                  XXI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Thessalonicae V K. Nov. a. 696_]

Triginta dies erant ipsi, cum has dabam litteras, per quos nullas a
vobis acceperam. Mihi autem erat in animo iam, ut antea ad te scripsi,
ire in Epirum et ibi omnem casum potissimum exspectare. Te oro, ut, si
quid erit, quod perspicias quamcumque in partem, quam planissime ad me
scribas et meo nomine, ut scribis, litteras, quibus putabis opus esse,
ut des. Data V Kal. Novembres.

what an assistance to me is your promise to devote all your resources to
my restoration, that I need not call on anyone else for help. I know too
that you are taking on your shoulders several men’s burdens on my
behalf, and that you are quite capable of bearing them, and will not
require asking to do so. You forbid me to imagine that it has ever
entered your head that I have done what I ought not or left undone what
I ought to have done in my dealings with you—well, I will humour you and
free my heart from that anxiety, but I shall count myself still deeper
in your debt, because your kindness to me has far exceeded mine to you.
Please send me news of everything you see or gather and of all that is
being done; and urge all your friends to support my return.

Sestius’ bill does not pay sufficient regard to dignity or caution. The
proposal should mention me by name, and contain a carefully worded
clause about my property. Please pay attention to that point.

Thessalonica, Oct. 4.


                                  XXI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Thessalonica, Oct. 28_, B.C. _58_]

It is just thirty days from the date of this letter since I had any news
from you. My intentions are, as I have said before, to go to Epirus, and
to await my fate there rather than anywhere else. I must beg you to
inform me quite openly of anything you notice, whether for good or for
bad, and, as you suggest, to send letters in my name to every one to
whom you think it necessary.

October 28.


                                  XXII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. partim Thessalonicae, partim Dyrrachi VI K. Dec. a.
           696_]

Etsi diligenter ad me Quintus frater et Piso, quae essent acta,
scripserant, tamen vellem tua te occupatio non impedisset, quo minus, ut
consuesti, ad me, quid ageretur, et quid intellegeres, perscriberes. Me
adhuc Plancius liberalitate sua retinet iam aliquotiens conatum ire in
Epirum. Spes homini est iniecta non eadem quae mihi, posse nos una
decedere; quam rem sibi magno honori sperat fore. Sed iam, cum adventare
milites dicentur, faciendum nobis erit, ut ab eo discedamus. Quod cum
faciemus, ad te statim mittemus, ut scias, ubi simus. Lentulus suo in
nos officio, quod et re et promissis et litteris declarat, spem nobis
non nullam adfert Pompei voluntatis; saepe enim tu ad me scripsisti eum
totum esse in illius potestate. De Metello scripsit ad me frater quantum
speraret profectum esse per te. Mi Pomponi, pugna, ut tecum et cum meis
mihi liceat vivere, et scribe ad me omnia. Premor luctu, desiderio cum
omnium rerum tum meorum, qui mihi me cariores semper fuerunt. Cura, ut
valeas.

Ego quod, per Thessaliam si irem in Epirum, perdiu nihil eram auditurus,
et quod mei studiosos habeo Dyrrachinos, ad eos perrexi, cum illa
superiora Thessalonicae scripsissem. Inde cum ad te me convertam,
faciam, ut scias, tuque ad me velim omnia quam diligentissime,
cuicuimodi sunt, scribas. Ego iam aut rem aut ne spem quidem exspecto.

Data VI Kal. Decembr. Dyrrachi.


                                  XXII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Partly at Thessalonica, partly at Dyrrachium, Nov. 25_, B.C.
           _58_]

Though my brother Quintus and Piso have sent me careful accounts of what
has been done, I am sorry you were too busy to write your usual full
description of events and of your surmises. Plancius’ kindness keeps me
here still, though I have several times tried to go to Epirus. He is
inspired with a hope, which I do not share, that we may return together:
which he hopes would redound to his honour. But now, as soon as news
arrives of the approach of the soldiers, I shall have to make an effort
to leave him. When I do, I will send word to you at once and let you
know where I am. The courtesy which Lentulus shows in his actions, his
promises and his letters, gives me some hope of Pompey’s good will: for
you have often mentioned that he would do anything for him. With
Metellus, my brother tells me, you have had as much success as he hoped.
My dear Pomponius, fight hard for me to be allowed to live with you and
with my family; and send me all the news. I am bowed down with grief
through my longing for all my dear ones, who have always been dearer to
me than myself. Take care of yourself.

Knowing that I should be a very long time without any news, if I went to
Epirus through Thessaly, and that the people of Dyrrachium were warm
friends of mine, I have come to them, after writing the first part of
this letter at Thessalonica. As soon as I leave here and go to your
house, I will let you know; and please write me every detail of
whatsoever kind. Now I look either for the fulfilment of my hopes or for
blank despair.

Dyrrachium, Nov 25.


                                 XXIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Dyrrachi pr. K. Dec. a. 696_]

A. d. V Kal. Decembr. tres epistulas a te accepi, unam datam a. d. VIII
Kal. Novembres, in qua me hortaris, ut forti animo mensem Ianuarium
exspectem, eaque, quae ad spem putas pertinere de Lentuli studio, de
Metelli voluntate, de tota Pompei ratione, perscribis. In altera
epistula praeter consuetudinem tuam diem non adscribis, sed satis
significas tempus; lege enim ab octo tribunis pl. promulgata scribis te
eas litteras eo ipso die dedisse, id est a. d. IIII Kal. Novembres, et,
quid putes utilitatis eam promulgationem attulisse, perscribis. In quo
si iam nostra salus cum hac lege desperata erit, velim pro tuo in me
amore hanc inanem meam diligentiam miserabilem potius quam ineptam
putes, sin est aliquid spei, des operam, ut maiore diligentia posthac a
nostris magistratibus defendamur. Nam ea veterum tribunorum pl. rogatio
tria capita habuit, unum de reditu meo scriptum incaute; nihil enim
restituitur praeter civitatem et ordinem, quod mihi pro meo casu satis
est; sed, quae cavenda fuerint et quo modo, te non fugit. Alterum caput
est tralaticium de impunitate, SI QVID CONTRA ALIAS LEGES EIVS LEGIS
ERGO FACTVM SIT.

Tertium caput, mi Pomponi, quo consilio et a quo sit inculcatum, vide.
Scis enim Clodium sanxisse, ut vix aut ut omnino non posset nec per
senatum nec per populum infirmari sua lex. Sed vides numquam


                                 XXIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Dyrrachium, Nov. 29_, B.C. _58_]

On the 26th of November I received three letters from you. In one of
them, posted on the 25th of October, you exhort me to keep up my courage
and wait for January, and you give a full list of all the hopeful signs,
Lentulus’ zeal for my cause, Metellus’ good will and Pompey’s policy.
One of the others is undated, which is unlike you; but you give a clear
clue to the time, for you say you were writing it on the very day that
the bill was published by the eight tribunes, that is to say the 29th of
October: and you state the advantages you think have resulted from the
publication of the law. If my restoration and this law together are long
past praying for, I hope your affection will make you regard the trouble
I am taking about it with pity rather than amusement. But, if there is
still some hope, please see to it that our new magistrates set up a more
careful case. For the old tribunes’ bill had three sections, and the one
about my return was carelessly worded; it does not provide for the
restitution of anything but my citizenship and my position. In my fallen
fortunes that is enough for me, but you cannot fail to see what ought to
have been stipulated and how. The second clause is the usual form of
indemnity: “If in virtue of this law there be any breach of other laws,”
etc.

But it is the third clause, Pomponius, to which I would call your
attention. What is its object, and who put it in? You know that Clodius
had so provided that it was almost, if not quite impossible for either
the Senate or the people to annul his law;

esse observatas sanctiones earum legum, quae abrogarentur. Nam, si id
esset, nulla fere abrogari posset; neque enim ulla est, quae non ipsa se
saepiat difficultate abrogationis. Sed, cum lex abrogatur, illud ipsum
abrogatur, quo modo eam abrogari oporteat. Hoc cum et re vera ita sit,
et cum semper ita habitum observatumque sit, octo nostri tribuni pl.
caput posuerunt hoc: SI QVID IN HAC ROGATIONE SCRIPTVM EST, QVOD PER
LEGES PLEBISVE SCITA, hoc est quod per legem Clodiam, PROMVLGARE,
ABROGARE, DEROGARE, OBROGARE SINE FRAVDE SVA NON LICEAT, NON LICVERIT,
QVODVE EI, QVI PROMVLGAVIT, ABROGAVIT, DEROGAVIT, OBROGAVIT, OB EAM REM
POENAE MVLTAEVE SIT, E. H. L. N. R. Atque hoc in illis tribunis pl. non
laedebat; lege enim collegii sui non tenebantur. Quo maior est suspicio
malitiae alicuius, cum id, quod ad ipsos nihil pertinebat, erat autem
contra me, scripserunt, ut novi tribuni pl., si essent timidiores, multo
magis sibi eo capite utendum putarent. Neque id a Clodio praetermissum
est; dixit enim in contione a. d. III Nonas Novembres hoc capite
designates tribunis pl. praescriptum esse, quid liceret. Tamen in lege
nulla esse eius modi caput te non fallit, quod si opus esset, omnes in
abrogando uterentur. Ut Ninnium aut ceteros fugerit, investiges velim,
et quis attulerit, et quare octo tribuni pl. ad senatum de me referre
non dubitarint, scilicet[104] quod observandum illud caput non

Footnote 104:

  scilicet _Lallemand_; sive _MSS._

but, you see, the imprecations[105] attached to laws which are repealed
are never regarded, otherwise hardly any law ever would be repealed; for
there never is a law which did not hedge itself in with obstacles
against its repeal. But, when a law is repealed, the provisions against
repeal are repealed likewise. Though this is the case, and always has
been in theory and in practice, our eight tribunes have thought fit to
insert a clause: “If there be anything contained in this bill, which by
law or popular decree,” that is by Clodius’ law, “cannot now or
hereafter be brought forward, whether by way of proposal, repeal,
amendment or modification, without penalty, or without involving the
author of the proposal or amendment in a penalty or fine, no such
proposal is made in this law.” And yet these tribunes did not run any
risks; as a law made by one of their own body was not binding on them.
That increases my suspicion that there is some trickery about it, as
they have inserted a clause which does not apply to themselves, but is
against my interest; and as a result the new tribunes, if they should
happen to be rather timid, would suppose that clause still more
indispensable. Nor did Clodius overlook the point: for in the meeting on
November the third he said that this clause defined the powers of the
tribunes elect. Yet you know quite well that no such clause is ever
inserted in a law: and, if it were necessary, everybody would use it
when repealing a law. Please try to find out how this clause escaped the
notice of Ninnius and the rest, also who inserted it, and why the eight
tribunes, after showing no hesitation about bringing my case before the
House—which proves they did not think

Footnote 105:

  Against anyone who should seek to repeal the law.

putabant, eidem in abrogando tam cauti fuerint, ut id metuerent, soluti
cum essent, quod ne iis quidem, qui lege tenentur, est curandum. Id
caput sane nolim novos tribunos pl. ferre; sed perferant modo quidlubet;
uno capite, quo revocabor, modo res conficiatur, ero contentus. Iam
dudum pudet tam multa scribere; vereor enim, ne re iam desperata legas,
ut haec mea diligentia miserabilis tibi, aliis irridenda videatur. Sed,
si est aliquid in spe, vide legem, quam T. Fadio scripsit Visellius. Ea
mihi perplacet; nam Sesti nostri, quam tu tibi probari scribis, mihi non
placet.

Tertia est epistula pridie Idus Novembr. data, in qua exponis prudenter
et diligenter, quae sint, quae rem distinere videantur, de Crasso, de
Pompeio, de ceteris. Quare oro te, ut, si qua spes erit posse studiis
bonorum, auctoritate, multitudine comparata rem confici, des operam, ut
uno impetu perfringantur, in eam rem incumbas ceterosque excites. Sin,
ut ego perspicio cum tua coniectura tum etiam mea, spei nihil est, oro
obtestorque te, ut Quintum fratrem ames, quem ego miserum misere
perdidi, neve quid eum patiare gravius consulere de se, quam expediat
sororis tuae filio, meum Ciceronem, cui nihil misello relinquo praeter
invidiam et ignominiam nominis mei, tueare, quoad poteris, Terentiam,
unam omnium

that section need be taken seriously—yet when it came to repealing the
law, became so cautious that they feared a rule, which even those who
are bound by the law do not regard, though they themselves were not
bound by it. That clause I would rather the new tribunes did not
propose; but do let them pass something—anything. I shall be quite
contented with a single clause of recall, if only the matter can be
settled. For some time past I have been ashamed of writing such long
letters. For by the time you read this I am afraid that there may be no
hope left, and that all my trouble may serve only to make you pity and
others laugh. But, if there is any hope left, look at the bill which
Visellius has drawn up for Fadius: it takes my fancy very much, whereas
our friend Sestius’ proposal, which you say has your approval, does not
please me at all.

The third letter is dated November 12, and in it you go through the
reasons which you think are causing delay in my case, thoughtfully and
carefully, mentioning Crassus, Pompey and the rest. Now, if there is the
least chance of getting the matter settled by the good offices and
authority of the conservatives and by getting a large mass of
supporters, for heaven’s sake try to break the barrier down at a rush:
devote yourself to it and incite others to join. But if, as I infer from
your guesses as well as mine, there is no hope left, then I beg and pray
you to cherish my poor brother Quintus, whom I have involved in my own
ruin, and not to let him pursue any rash course which would endanger
your sister’s son. Watch over my poor little boy, to whom I leave
nothing but the hatred and the disgrace of my name, so far as you can,
and support Terentia with your kindness in her

aerumnosissimam, sustentes tuis officiis. Ego in Epirum proficiscar, cum
primorum dierum nuntios excepero. Tu ad me velim proximis litteris, ut
se initia dederint, perscribas.

Data pridie Kal. Decembr.


                                  XXIV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Dyrrachi IV Id. Dec. a. 696_]

Antea, cum ad me scripsissetis vestro consensu consulum provincias
ornatas esse, etsi verebar, quorsum id casurum esset, tamen sperabam vos
aliquid aliquando vidisse prudentius; postea quam mihi et dictum est et
scriptum vehementer consilium vestrum reprehendi, sum graviter commotus,
quod illa ipsa spes exigua, quae erat, videretur esse sublata. Nam, si
tribuni pl. nobis suscensent, quae potest spes esse? Ac videntur iure
suscensere, cum et expertes consilii fuerint ei, qui causam nostram
susceperant, et nostra concessione omnem vim sui iuris amiserint,
praesertim cum ita dicant, se nostra causa voluisse suam potestatem esse
de consulibus ornandis, non ut eos impedirent, sed ut ad nostram causam
adiungerent; nunc, si consules a nobis alieniores esse velint, posse id
libere facere; sin velint nostra causa, nihil posse se invitis. Nam,
quod scribis, pi ita vobis placuisset,

unparalleled misfortune. I shall start for Epirus as soon as I have news
about the first few days of the new tribunate. Please let me know in
your next letter how the beginning has turned out.

November 29.


                                  XXIV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Dyrrachium, Dec. 10_, B.C. _58_]

When you wrote to me some time ago that the estimates for the consular
provinces[106] were passed with your consent, I hoped you saw some good
reason or other for that course, though I was afraid of the result: but
now that I have been told by word of mouth and by letter that your
policy was severely criticized, I am much disturbed at seeing the faint
hope I had apparently taken from me. For, if the tribunes are annoyed
with us, what hope is left? And they seem to me to have every reason for
annoyance, when they were left out of the plan, though they had espoused
my cause, and by our concession they have lost all use of their just
right, especially as they assert that it was for my sake they wished to
exercise their powers in fitting out the consuls, with a view not to
oppose them but to attach them to my cause. But now if the consuls
choose to stand aloof from me, they are perfectly free to do so, while,
if they take my part, they can do nothing against the tribunes’ will. As
for your writing that, if you had

Footnote 106:

  _Ornare consules_ or _provincias_ is the phrase used of the
  arrangement of the number of troops, the staff, and the amount of
  money to be granted to each consul, when going he went to his
  province. It generally took place after they came into office; but for
  some reason it had been arranged earlier on this occasion.

illos hoc idem per populum adsecuturos fuisse, invitis tribunis pl.
fieri nullo modo potuit. Ita vereor ne et studia tribunorum amiserimus
et, si studia maneant, vinclum illud adiungendorum consulum amissum sit.

Accedit aliud non parvum incommodum, quod gravis illa opinio, ut quidem
ad nos perferebatur, senatum nihil decernere, antequam de nobis actum
esset, amissa est, praesertim in ea causa, quae non modo necessaria non
fuit, sed etiam inusitata ac nova (neque enim umquam arbitror ornatas
esse provincias designatorum), ut, cum in hoc illa constantia, quae erat
mea causa suscepta, imminuta sit, nihil iam possit non decerni. Iis, ad
quos relatum est, amicis placuisse non mirum est; erat enim difficile
reperire, qui contra tanta commoda duorum consulum palam sententiam
diceret. Fuit omnino difficile non obsequi vel amicissimo homini
Lentulo, vel Metello, qui simultatem humanissime deponeret; sed vereor,
ne hos tamen tenere potuerimus, tribunos pl. amiserimus. Haec res quem
ad modum ceciderit, et tota res quo loco sit, velim ad me scribas et
ita, ut instituisti. Nam ista veritas, etiamsi iucunda non est, mihi
tamen grata est.

Data IIII Id. Decembr.

not assented, they would have got their way all the same through the
people, that could never have happened, if the tribunes opposed it. So I
am afraid that I have lost the tribunes’ favour, and that, if it is
still retained, the bond which should have united the consuls with them
has been lost.

There is another considerable disadvantage too. There was a strong
opinion, or so at least it was reported to me, that the Senate would not
pass any measure until my case was settled. That is now lost, and in a
case where there was no necessity whatever; indeed the proceeding was
unusual and unprecedented. For I do not think the estimates for the
provinces were ever passed before the consuls entered on their office.
The result is that, now that the firm resolution formed in favour of my
case has been broken for this one occasion, there is no reason why any
decree should not be passed. I don’t wonder that those friends to whom
the question was referred agreed to it: it would of course have been
difficult to find anyone who would openly oppose a measure so favourable
to the two consuls. It would have been very difficult too not to oblige
so good a friend as Lentulus, or Metellus, considering his kindness in
laying aside his quarrel with me. But I am afraid that, while we could
have retained their friendship in any case, we have thrown away that of
the tribunes. Please write and tell me what the result has been, and how
my whole case stands, as freely as you have before. For, however
unpleasant the truth may be, I am grateful for it.

December 10.


                                  XXV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Dyrrachi m. Dec. a. 696, post IV Id., ante II K. Ian._]

Post tuum a me discessum litterae mihi Roma allatae sunt, ex quibus
perspicio nobis in hac calamitate tabescendum esse. Neque enim (sed
bonam in partem accipies), si ulla spes salutis nostrae subesset, tu pro
tuo amore in me hoc tempore discessisses. Sed, ne ingrati aut ne omnia
velle nobiscum una interire videamur, hoc omitto; illud abs te peto des
operam, id quod mihi adfirmasti, ut te ante Kalendas Ianuarias ubicumque
erimus, sistas.


                                  XXVI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Dyrrachi m. Ianuario a. 697_]

Litterae mihi a Quinto fratre cum senatus consulto, quod de me est
factum, allatae sunt. Mihi in animo est legum lationem exspectare, et,
si obtrectabitur, utar auctoritate senatus et potius vita quam patria
carebo. Tu, quaeso, festina ad nos venire.


                                 XXVII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Dyrrachi ex. m. Ian. a. 697_]

Ex tuis litteris et ex re ipsa nos funditus perisse video. Te oro, ut,
quibus in rebus tui mei indigebunt, nostris miseriis ne desis. Ego te,
ut scribis, cito videbo.


                                  XXV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS; GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Dyrrachium, between Dec. 10 and 29_, B.C. _58_]

After your departure from me I received a letter from Rome, from which I
can see that I shall have to waste away in my present misery. For (you
must take it in good part) if there had been any hopes of my salvation,
I am sure your affection would not have permitted you to go away at such
a time. But about that I will say no more, lest I appear ungrateful and
seem to want to involve the whole world in my ruin. One thing I do beg
of you; keep your promise to present yourself, wherever I am, before the
New Year.


                                  XXVI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Dyrrachium, Jan._, B.C. _57_]

A letter from my brother Quintus has come, containing the decree which
the Senate passed about me. I am thinking of waiting till the bill is
brought forward; and then, if it meets with opposition, I will avail
myself of the Senate’s expressed opinion, preferring to be deprived of
my life rather than of my native land. Please make haste and come to me.


                                 XXVII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Dyrrachium, Jan._, B.C. _57_]

Your letter shows me that I am ruined beyond redemption; the facts speak
for themselves. I implore you to stand by us in our misfortune, and not
to let my family want for your assistance in anything. As you say, I
myself shall see you soon.



                           M. TULLI CICERONIS
                         EPISTULARUM AD ATTICUM
                             LIBER QUARTUS


                                   I

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae med. m. Sept. a. 697_]

Cum primum Romam veni, fuitque cui recte ad te litteras darem, nihil
prius faciendum mihi putavi, quam ut tibi absenti de reditu nostro
gratularer. Cognoram enim, ut vere scribam, te in consiliis mihi dandis
nec fortiorem nee prudentiorem quam me ipsum nec etiam pro praeterita
mea in te observantia[107] nimium in custodia salutis meae diligentem,
eundemque te, qui primis temporibus erroris nostri aut potius furoris
particeps et falsi timoris socius fuisses, acerbissime discidium nostrum
tulisse, plurimumque operae, studii, diligentiae, laboris ad
conficiendum reditum meum contulisse. Itaque hoc tibi vere adfirmo, in
maxima laetitia et exoptatissima gratulatione unum ad cumulandum gaudium
conspectum aut potius complexum mihi tuum defuisse. Quem semel nactus si
umquam dimisero ac nisi etiam praetermissos fructus tuae suavitatis
praeteriti temporis omnes exegero, profecto hac restitutione fortunae me
ipse non satis dignum iudicabo.

Nos adhuc, in nostro statu quod difficillime recuperari posse arbitrati
sumus, splendorem nostrum illum forensem et in senatu auctoritatem et
apud viros bonos gratiam, magis, quam optamus, consecuti sumus; in re
autem familiari, quae quem ad modum

Footnote 107:

  propter (_or_ propterea) meam in te observantiam. _MSS. Corrected by
  Bosius._



                            CICERO’S LETTERS
                               TO ATTICUS
                                BOOK IV


                                   I

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, Sept._, B.C. _57_]

As soon as I reached Rome and there was anyone to whom I could safely
entrust a letter to you, my first thought was to write and thank you for
my return, since you are not here to receive my thanks. For I grasped,
to tell you the truth, that though in the advice you gave me you showed
yourself no wiser and no braver than myself, and indeed, considering my
past attentions to you, you were none too energetic in defence of my
honour, still, though at first you shared my mistake or rather my
madness and my unnecessary fright, it was you who took my exile most to
heart and contributed most energy, zeal and perseverance in bringing
about my return. And so I can assure you that in the midst of great
rejoicing and the most gratifying congratulations, one thing was lacking
to fill the cup of my happiness, the sight of you or rather your
embrace. When once I have obtained that, I shall certainly think myself
undeserving of this renewal of good fortune, if ever I let you go again,
and if I do not exact to the full all arrears in the enjoyment of your
pleasant society.

As regards my political position, I have attained what I thought would
be the hardest thing to recover—my distinction at the Bar, my authority
in the House and more popularity with the sound party than I desire. But
you know how my private property has been crippled, dissipated,
plundered. I

fracta, dissipata, direpta sit, non ignoras, valde laboramus tuarumque
non tam facultatum, quas ego nostras esse iudico, quam consiliorum ad
colligendas et constituendas reliquias nostras indigemus.

Nunc, etsi omnia ant scripta esse a tuis arbitror aut etiam nuntiis ac
rumore perlata, tamen ea scribam brevi, quae te puto potissimum ex meis
litteris velle cognoscere. Pr. Nonas Sextiles Dyrrachio sum profectus
ipso illo die, quo lex est lata de nobis. Brundisium veni Nonis
Sextilibus. Ibi mihi Tulliola mea fuit praesto, natali suo ipso die, qui
casu idem natalis erat et Brundisinae coloniae et tuae vicinae Salutis;
quae res animadversa a multitudine summa Brundisinorum gratulatione
celebrata est. Ante diem VI Idus Sextiles cognovi, cum Brundisi essem,
litteris Quinti mirifico studio omnium aetatum atque ordinum,
incredibili concursu Italiae legem comitiis centuriatis esse perlatam.
Inde a Brundisinis honestissimis ornatus, iter ita feci, ut undique ad
me cum gratulatione legati convenerint. Ad urbem ita veni, ut nemo
ullius ordinis homo nomenclatori notus fuerit, qui mihi obviam non
venerit, praeter eos inimicos, quibus id ipsum, se inimicos esse, non
liceret aut dissimulare aut negare. Cum venissem ad portam Capenam,
gradus templorum ab infima plebe completi erant. A qua plausu maximo cum
esset mihi gratulatio significata, similis et frequentia et plausus me
usque ad Capitolium celebravit, in foroque et in ipso Capitolio miranda
multitudo fuit.

am in great difficulties with it and stand in need not so much of your
means, which I know I can look upon as my own, as of your advice to
gather the fragments together and arrange matters.

Now, though I suppose you have had all the news from your family or from
messengers and rumour, I will give you a short account of everything I
think you would rather learn from my letters. On the 4th of August, the
very day the law about me was proposed, I started from Dyrrachium, and
arrived at Brundisium on the 5th. There my little Tullia was waiting for
me, on her own birthday, which; as it happened, was the commemoration
day of Brundisium and of the temple of Safety near your house too. The
coincidence was noticed and the people of Brundisium held great
celebrations. On the 8th of August, while I was still at Brundisium, I
heard from Quintus that the law had been passed in the Comitia
Centuriata with extraordinary enthusiasm of all ages and ranks in Italy
who had flocked to Rome in thousands. Then I started on my journey amid
the rejoicings of all the loyal folk of Brundisium, and was met
everywhere by deputations offering congratulations. When I came near the
city, there was not a soul of any class known to my attendant,[108] who
did not come to meet me, except those enemies who could neither hide nor
deny their enmity. When I reached the Capenan Gate, the steps of the
temples were thronged with the populace. Their joy was exhibited in loud
applause: a similar crowd accompanied me with like applause to the
Capitol, and in the Forum and on the very Capitol there was an
extraordinary gathering.

Footnote 108:

  A _nomenclator_ attended canvassers and others to tell them the names
  of persons they met.

Postridie in senatu, qui fuit dies Nonarum Septembr., senatui gratias
egimus. Eo biduo cum esset annonae summa caritas, et homines ad theatrum
primo, deinde ad senatum concurrissent, impulsu Clodi mea opera frumenti
inopiam esse clamarent, cum per eos dies senatus de annona haberetur, et
ad eius procurationem sermone non solum plebis, verum etiam bonorum
Pompeius vocaretur, idque ipse cuperet, multitudoque a me nominatim, ut
id decernerem, postularet, feci et accurate sententiam dixi. Cum
abessent consulares, quod tuto se negarent posse sententiam dicere,
praeter Messallam et Afranium, factum est senatus consultum in meam
sententiam, ut cum Pompeio ageretur, ut eam rem susciperet, lexque
ferretur. Quo senatus consulto recitato cum more hoc insulso et novo
populus[109] plausum meo nomine recitando dedisset, habui contionem.
Omnes magistratus praesentes praeter unum praetorem et duos tribunes pl.
dederunt. Postridie senatus frequens et omnes consulares nihil Pompeio
postulanti negarunt. Ille legatos quindecim cum postularet, me principem
nominavit et ad omnia me alterum se fore dixit. Legem consules
conscripserunt, qua Pompeio per quinquennium omnis potestas rei
frumentariae toto orbe terrarum daretur, alteram Messius, qui omnis
pecuniae dat potestatem et adiungit classem et exercitum et maius
imperium in provinciis, quam sit eorum, qui eas obtineant. Illa nostra
lex consularis nunc modesta videtur, haec

Footnote 109:

  populus _added by Boot_.

Next day, on the 5th of September, I returned thanks to the Senate[110]
in the House. On those two days bread was very dear and crowds ran first
to the theatre and then to the House, crying out at Clodius’ instigation
that the dearth of corn was my fault. On the same days there were
meetings of the House about the corn supply and Pompey was called upon
by poor and rich alike to take the matter in hand. He was more than
willing; and the people asked me by name to propose it: so I delivered
my opinion carefully. As the ex-consuls, except Messalla and Afranius,
were absent, thinking it was not safe to record a vote, a decree was
passed in accordance with my proposal that Pompey should be appealed to
take the matter in hand and a law should be passed. When this bill was
read out, the people received the mention of my name with applause after
the new silly fashion: and I delivered an harangue, with the permission
of all the magistrates present, except one praetor and two tribunes. On
the next day there was a full House and all the ex-consuls were willing
to grant Pompey anything. He asked for a committee of fifteen, naming me
at the head of them and saying that I should count as his second self in
everything. The consuls drew up a law giving Pompey the direction of the
whole corn supply in the world for five years: Messius another granting
him the control of the treasury, and adding an army and a fleet and
higher powers than those of the local officials in the provinces. The
law we ex-consuls proposed is regarded now as quite moderate, this

Footnote 110:

  This the _Oratio cum senatui gratias egit_, and a few lines lower down
  he refers to another extant speech, the _Oratio cum populo gratias
  egit_.

Messi non ferenda. Pompeius illam velle se dicit, familiares hanc.
Consulares duce Favonio fremunt; nos tacemus et eo magis, quod de domo
nostra nihil adhuc pontifices responderunt. Qui si sustulerint
religionem, aream praeclaram habebimus; superficiem consules ex senatus
consulto aestimabunt; sin aliter, demolientur, suo nomine locabunt, rem
totam aestimabunt.

Ita sunt res nostrae,

             “Ut in secundis fluxae, ut in advorsis bonae.”

In re familiari valde sumus, ut scis, perturbati. Praeterea sunt quaedam
domestica, quae litteris non committo. Quintum fratrem insigni pietate,
virtute, fide praeditum sic amo, ut debeo. Te exspecto et oro, ut
matures venire eoque animo venias, ut me tuo consilio egere non sinas.
Alterius vitae quoddam initium ordimur. Iam quidam, qui nos absentes
defenderunt, incipiunt praesentibus occulte irasci, aperte invidere.
Vehementer te requirimus.


                                   II

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae in. m. Oct. a. 697_]

Si forte rarius tibi a me quam a ceteris litterae redduntur, peto a te,
ut id non modo neglegentiae meae, sed ne occupationi quidem tribuas;
quae etsi

of Messius as perfectly intolerable. Pompey says he prefers the former;
his friends that he prefers the latter. Favonius is leading the consular
party who rebel against it, while I hold my peace, especially as the
pontifices at present have given no answer about my house. If they annul
the consecration, I shall have a splendid site. The consuls will value
the building according to the decree of the Senate; if not, they will
pull it down, lease it out in their own name, and reckon up the whole
cost.

So my affairs are

          “For happy though but ill, for ill not worst.”[111]

My monetary affairs, as you know, are in an awful muddle: and there are
some private matters which I won’t commit to writing. I am devoted to my
brother Quintus as his extraordinary affection, virtue and loyalty
deserve. I am looking forward to your coming and beg you to come soon,
and to come resolved to give me the full benefit of your advice. I am
standing at the threshold of a new life. Already those who took my part
in my exile are beginning to feel annoyance at my presence, though they
disguise it, and to envy me without even taking the trouble to disguise
that. I really stand in urgent need of you.


                                   II

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, Oct._, B.C. _57_]

If I am a less regular correspondent than others, please do not lay it
to my carelessness or to my business either; for, though I am
extraordinarily

Footnote 111:

  Shuckburgh aptly borrows this line from Milton, _P.L._, II, 224.

summa est, tamen nulla esse potest tanta, ut interrumpat iter amoris
nostri et officii mei. Nam, ut veni Romam, iterum nunc sum certior
factus esse cui darem litteras; itaque has alteras dedi.

Prioribus tibi declaravi, adventus noster qualis fuisset, et quis esset
status, atque omnes res nostrae quem ad modum essent,

             “Ut in secundis fluxae, ut in advorsis bonae.”

Post illas datas litteras secuta est summa contentio de domo. Diximus
apud pontifices pr. Kal. Octobres. Acta res est accurate a nobis, et, si
umquam in dicendo fuimus aliquid, aut etiam si numquam alias fuimus, tum
profecto doloris magnitudo vim quandam nobis dicendi dedit. Itaque
oratio iuventuti nostrae deberi non potest; quam tibi, etiamsi non
desideras, tamen mittam cito. Cum pontifices decressent ita, SI NEQVE
POPVLI IVSSV NEQVE PLEBIS SCITV IS, QVI SE DEDICASSE DICERET, NOMINATIM
EI REI PRAEFECTVS ESSET NEQVE POPVLI IVSSV AVT PLEBIS SCITU ID FACERE
IVSSVS ESSET, VIDERI POSSE SINE RELIGIONE EAM PARTEM AREAE MIHI
RESTITVI, mihi facta statim est gratulatio; nemo enim dubitabat, quin
domus nobis esset adiudicata: cum subito ille in contionem escendit,
quam Appius ei dedit. Nuntiat iam populo pontifices secundum se
decrevisse, me autem vi conari in possessionem venire; hortatur, ut se
et Appium sequantur et suam Libertatem vi defendant. Hic cum etiam illi
infirmi partim admirarentur, partim irriderent hominis amentiam, ego
statueram illuc non accedere, nisi

busy, no press of work could be sufficient to break the course of our
affection or of my duty to you. Since I have come to Rome, this is the
second time that I have heard of a messenger, and so this is the second
letter I send.

In my former I described the sort of return I had, my position and the
state of all my affairs:

             “For happy though but ill, for ill not worst.”

After I sent that letter, there followed a great fight about my house. I
delivered a speech[112] before the pontifices on the 29th of September.
I bestowed great pains on the matter, and, if ever I had any oratorical
ability, or even if I never had before, on that occasion at any rate, my
great indignation lent some vigour to my style. So its publication is a
debt which I must not leave unpaid to the rising generation: and to you
I will send it very soon, whether you want it or not. The pontifices
decreed that “if the party alleging that he had dedicated had not been
appointed by name either by order of the people or vote of the plebs,
and if he had not been commanded to do so, either by order of the people
or by vote of the plebs then it appeared that that part of the site
might be restored to me without sacrilege,” I was congratulated at once,
everybody thinking that the house had been adjudged to me. But all of a
sudden up gets a man to speak, at Appius’ invitation, and announces that
the pontifices have decided in his favour and I am trying to take
possession by force: he exhorts them to follow him and Appius and defend
their shrine of Liberty. Thereupon, though even those pliable persons
were partly lost in wonder and partly laughing at the man’s folly, I
determined

Footnote 112:

  _De domo sua ad pontifices._

cum consules ex senatus consulto porticum Catuli restituendam locassent.
Kal. Octobr. habetur senatus frequens. Adhibentur omnes pontifices, qui
erant senatores. A quibus Marcellinus, qui erat cupidissimus mei,
sententiam primus rogatus quaesivit, quid essent in decernendo secuti.
Tum M. Lucullus de omnium collegarum sententia respondit religionis
iudices pontifices fuisse, legis esse senatum; se et collegas suos de
religione statuisse, in senatu de lege statuturos cum senatu. Itaque suo
quisque horum loco sententiam rogatus multa secundum causam nostram
disputavit. Cum ad Clodium ventum est, cupiit diem consumere, neque ei
finis est factus, sed tamen, cum horas tres fere dixisset, odio et
strepitu senatus coactus est aliquando perorare. Cum fieret senatus
consultum in sententiam Marcellini omnibus praeter unum adsentientibus,
Serranus intercessit. De intercessione statim ambo consules referre
coeperunt. Cum sententiae gravissimae dicerentur, senatui placere mihi
domum restitui, porticum Catuli locari, auctoritatem ordinis ab omnibus
magistratibus defendi, si quae vis esset facta, senatum existimaturum
eius opera factum esse, qui senatus consulto intercessisset, Serranus
pertimuit, et Cornicinus ad suam veterem fabulam rediit; abiecta toga se
ad generi pedes abiecit. Ille noctem sibi postulavit. Non concedebant,
reminiscebantur enim Kal. Ianuar. Vix

not to go near the place until the consuls by decree of the Senate had
given out the contract for restoring the porch of Catulus. On the first
of October there was a full meeting of the Senate. All the pontifices
who were senators were summoned: and Marcellinus, a strong partisan of
mine, being called upon first for his opinion, asked them what was the
purport of their decree. Then M. Lucullus speaking for all his
colleagues answered, that the pontifices had to decide points of
religion and the Senate points of law: he and his colleagues had settled
the religious point and now in the Senate they would join the other
senators in settling the legal point. Accordingly as each of them was
called upon in his turn, he delivered a long speech in my favour. When
it came to Clodius, he wanted to waste the whole day and spoke on
endlessly, but at last, after speaking for nearly three hours, he was
forced by the indignant outcry of the Senate to wind up his speech. A
decree was passed in accordance with Marcellinus’ proposal with only one
dissentient voice: and then Serranus put his veto on it. Both consuls at
once referred the veto to the Senate, and many resolute speeches were
delivered: “that the Senate approved of the restitution of my house,”
“that a contract should be drawn up for the portico of Catulus,” “that
the Senate’s resolution should be supported by all the magistrates,”
“that if any violence occurred, the Senate would hold him responsible
who had vetoed its decree.” Serranus showed the white feather and
Cornicinus played the same old farce: he threw off his toga and flung
himself at his son-in-law’s feet. Serranus demanded a night to think it
over. They would not grant it, remembering the first of January. At last
with my

tamen tibi de mea voluntate concessum est. Postridie senatus consultum
factum est id, quod ad te misi. Deinde consules porticum Catuli
restituendam locarunt; illam porticum redemptores statim sunt demoliti
libentissimis omnibus. Nobis superficiem aedium consules de consilii
sententia aestimarunt sestertio viciens, cetera valde inliberaliter,
Tusculanam villam quingentis milibus, Formianum HS ducentis quinquaginta
milibus. Quae aestimatio non modo vehementer ab optimo quoque, sed etiam
a plebe reprenditur. Dices: ‘Quid igitur causae fuit?’ Dicunt illi
quidem pudorem meum, quod neque negarim neque vehementius postularim;
sed non est id: nam hoc quidem etiam profuisset. Verum iidem, mi T.
Pomponi, iidem, inquam, illi, quos ne tu quidem ignoras, qui mihi pinnas
inciderant, nolunt easdem renasci. Sed, ut spero, iam renascuntur. Tu
modo ad nos veni; quod vereor ne tardius interventu Varronis tui
nostrique facias.

Quoniam, acta quae sint, habes, de reliqua nostra cogitatione cognosce.
Ego me a Pompeio legari ita sum passus, ut nulla re impedirer. Quod nisi
vellem mihi esset integrum, ut, si comitia censorum proximi consules
haberent, petere possem, votivam legationem sumpsissem prope omnium
fanorum, lucorum; sic enim nostrae rationes utilitatis meae postulabant.
Sed volui meam potestatem esse vel petendi vel ineunte

consent the concession was unwillingly made. On the next day the decree
which I send was passed. Then the consuls gave out the contract for the
restoration of the portico of Catulus; and the contractors immediately
pulled down that portico of his to everybody’s satisfaction. The consuls
valued my house at nearly £18,000[113] at their assessor’s advice: and
the other things very stingily—my Tusculan villa at £4,400 and my
Formian at £2,200.[114] This estimate was violently decried not only by
all the conservative party, but by the people too. If you ask me the
reason, they say it was my bashfulness, as I did not refuse or make
pressing demands. But that is not the reason; for that in itself would
have counted for me. But the fact is, my dear Pomponius, those very same
men—you know quite well who I mean—who cut my wings, do not wish them to
grow again. But I hope they are growing. Do you only come to me. But I
fear you may be delayed by the visit of your and my friend Varro.

There you have all that has happened. Now you shall dip into my
thoughts. I have let myself be appointed legate to Pompey with a
reservation that it should not hamper me at all. If I did not want to
have a free hand to stand for the censorship, if the next consuls hold a
censorial election, I would have taken a votive commission[115] to
nearly any shrines or groves. For that was what suited my idea of my
interests best. But I wanted to be free either to stand for election or
to quit the city at the beginning of summer and meanwhile I thought it
good policy

Footnote 113:

  2,000,000 sesterces.

Footnote 114:

  500,000 and 250,000 sesterces.

Footnote 115:

  Cf. p. 163 footnote.

aestate exeundi et interea me esse in oculis civium de me optime
meritorum non alienum putavi.

Ac forensium quidem rerum haec nostra consilia sunt, domesticarum autem
valde impedita. Domus aedificatur, scis, quo sumptu, qua molestia;
reficitur Formianum, quod ego nec relinquere possum nec videre;
Tusculanum proscripsi; suburbano facile careo. Amicorum benignitas
exhausta est in ea re, quae nihil habuit praeter dedecus, quod sensisti
tu absens, nos[116] praesentes; quorum studiis ego et copiis, si esset
per meos defensores licitum, facile essem omnia consecutus. Quo in
genere nunc vehementer laboratur. Cetera, quae me sollicitant,
μυστικώτερα sunt. Amamur a fratre et a filia. Te exspectamus.


                                  III

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae VIII K. Dec. a. 697_]

Avere te certo scio cum scire, quid hic agatur, tum ea a me scire, non
quo certiora sint ea, quae in oculis omnium geruntur, si a me
scribantur, quam cum ab aliis aut scribantur tibi aut nuntientur, sed ut
perspicias ex meis litteris, quo animo ea feram, quae geruntur, et qui
sit hoc tempore aut mentis meae sensus aut omnino vitae status.

Armatis hominibus ante diem tertium Nonas Novembres expulsi sunt fabri
de area nostra, disturbata porticus Catuli, quae ex senatus consulto
consulum

Footnote 116:

  nos _added by Madvig_.

to keep myself before the eyes of the citizens who have treated me well.

As regards public affairs those are my plans: but my private affairs are
in a horrible muddle. My house is being built and you know the expense
and the bother it entails: my Formian villa is being restored, though I
cannot bring myself either to abandon it or to look at it. My house at
Tusculum I have put up for sale: I can easily do without a suburban
residence. My friends’ benevolence has been exhausted in what has
brought nothing but dishonour: this you saw, though you were absent, and
so do I who am on the spot: and I might have obtained all I wanted
easily from their efforts and their wealth, if my champions had allowed
it. In this respect I am now in sore straits. My other anxieties may not
be rashly mentioned. My brother and daughter are devoted to me. I am
looking forward to your coming.


                                  III

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, Nov. 23_, B.C. _57_]

I am sure you are wanting to know what is going on here and to know it
from me too, not that there is any more certainty about events which
take place before the eyes of the whole world, if I write to you about
them, than if others either write or tell you of them: but that you may
see from my letters how I am taking events and what are my feelings and
my general state of existence.

On the 3rd of November the workmen were driven out of my building-ground
by armed assault: the porch of Catulus, which was being repaired on a
contract made by the consuls in accordance with a decree of

locatione reficiebatur et ad tectum paene pervenerat, Quinti fratris
domus primo fracta coniectu lapidum ex area nostra, deinde inflammata
iussu Clodi inspectante urbe coniectis ignibus, magna querela et gemitu
non dicam bonorum, qui nescio an nulli sint, sed plane hominum omnium.
Ille demens ruere, post hunc vero furorem nihil nisi caedem inimicorum
cogitare, vicatim ambire, servis aperte spem libertatis ostendere.
Etenim antea, cum iudicium nolebat, habebat ille quidem difficilem
manifestamque causam, sed tamen causam; poterat infitiari, poterat in
alios derivare, poterat etiam aliquid iure factum defendere; post has
ruinas, incendia, rapinas desertus a suis vix iam Decimum designatorem,
vix Gellium retinet, servorum consiliis utitur, videt, si omnes, quos
vult, palam occiderit, nihilo suam causam difficiliorem, quam adhuc sit,
in iudicio futuram. Itaque ante diem tertium Idus Novembres, cum Sacra
via descenderem, insecutus est me cum suis. Clamor, lapides, fustes,
gladii, haec improvisa omnia. Discessimus in vestibulum Tetti Damionis.
Qui erant mecum, facile operas aditu prohibuerunt. Ipse occidi potuit,
sed ego diaeta curare incipio, chirurgiae taedet. Ille omnium vocibus
cum se non ad iudicium, sed ad supplicium praesens trudi videret, omnes
Catilinas

the Senate, and had nearly got as high as the roof, was knocked down: my
brother Quintus’ house was first smashed by a discharge of stones from
my plot, and then set on fire under Clodius’ orders by firebrands hurled
before the eyes of the whole city, amidst the groans and growls—I will
not say of the loyal party, which seems to have vanished out of
existence—but simply of every human creature. He was rushing about in a
frenzy, thinking of nothing but the slaughter of his enemies after this
mad freak, and canvassing the city quarter by quarter, openly promising
liberation to slaves. Before this, when he was trying to shirk his
trial, he had a case hard indeed to support and obviously wrongful, but
still it was a case: he could deny things, he could put the blame on
others, he could even plead that he had the right on his side in some
respects. But after this wreckage, arson and pillage, his own supporters
have left him in the lurch and he hardly has a hold now even on Decimus
the marshal, or Gellius: he has to take slaves into his confidence and
sees, that if he openly commits all the murders he wishes to commit, his
case before the court will not be one whit worse than it is now. So, on
the 11th of November, as I was going down the Sacred Way, he followed me
with his gang. There were shouts, stones, clubs, swords, all without a
moment’s warning. We stepped aside into Tettius Damio’s hall: and those
who were with me easily prevented his roughs from entering. He might
have been killed himself: but I have got tired of surgery and am
beginning a regime cure. He realized that there was a universal outcry
not for his prosecution but for his execution, and has since behaved in
such a way that a Catiline looks ultraconservative

Acidinos postea reddidit. Nam Milonis domum, eam quae est in Cermalo,
pr. Idus Novembr. expugnare et incendere ita conatus est, ut palam hora
quinta cum scutis homines eductis gladiis, alios cum accensis facibus
adduxerit. Ipse domum P. Sullae pro castris sibi ad eam impugnationem
sumpserat. Tum ex Anniana Milonis domo Q. Flaccus eduxit viros acris;
occidit homines ex omni latrocinio Clodiano notissimos, ipsum cupivit,
sed ille se in interiora[117] aedium Sullae. Exin senatus postridie
Idus. Domi Clodius. Egregius Marcellinus, omnes acres. Metellus calumnia
dicendi tempus exemit adiuvante Appio, etiam hercule familiari tuo, de
cuius constantia virtute tuae verissimae litterae. Sestius furere. Ille
postea, si comitia sua non fierent, urbi minari. Milo, proposita
Marcellini sententia, quam ille de scripto ita dixerat, ut totam nostram
causam areae, incendiorum, periculi mei iudicio complecteretur eaque
omnia comitiis anteferret, proscripsit se per omnes dies comitiales de
caelo servaturum.

Contiones turbulentae Metelli, temerariae Appi, furiosissimae Publi.
Haec tamen summa, nisi Milo in campo obnuntiasset, comitia futura. Ante
diem XII Kal. Decembr. Milo ante mediam noctem cum magna manu in campum
venit. Clodius, cum haberet

Footnote 117:

  in interiora _Orelli_: ex interiorem _M_.

beside him. For on the 12th of November he attempted to storm and burn
Milo’s house—the one on the Cermalus—openly bringing men with shields
and drawn swords and others with lighted torches to the spot at eleven
o’clock in the morning. His own headquarters during the assault were P.
Sulla’s house. Then Q. Flaccus led forth a gallant band from Milo’s
family house and slew the most notorious of Clodius’ troop of ruffians.
He wanted to slay Clodius himself: but he was skulking in the recesses
of Sulla’s house. There followed a meeting of the Senate on the 14th:
Clodius stayed at home: Marcellinus behaved splendidly: and everybody
was enthusiastic. Metellus with the assistance of Appius and, mark you,
your great friend[118] of whose constancy you sent me such a veracious
account, tried the ruse of talking the time away. Sestius was furious,
Clodius afterwards vowed vengeance on the city, if his election did not
take place. Marcellinus posted up his resolution which he had in writing
when he delivered it—it provided that my entire case should be included
in the trial, the attack on my building ground, the arson and the
assault on my person, and that all these should precede the election—and
Milo gave notice that he intended to watch the sky for omens on all the
election days.

Disorderly meetings were held by Metellus, wild meetings by Appius and
raging mad meetings by Publius. But the end of it all was that the
elections would have taken place, if Milo had not reported evil omens in
the Campus Martius. On the 19th of November Milo took up his position in
the Campus before midnight with a large force; while Clodius in spite of

Footnote 118:

  Hortensius.

fugitivorum delectas copias, in campum ire non est ausus. Milo permansit
ad meridiem mirifica hominum laetitia summa cum gloria. Contentio
fratrum trium turpis, fracta vis, contemptus furor. Metellus tamen
postulat, ut sibi postero die in foro obnuntietur; nihil esse, quod in
campum nocte veniretur; se hora prima in comitio fore. Itaque ante diem
XI Kal. in comitium Milo de nocte venit. Metellus cum prima luce furtim
in campum itineribus prope deviis currebat: adsequitur inter lucos
hominem Milo, obnuntiat. Ille se recepit magno et turpi Q. Flacci
convicio. Ante diem X Kal. nundinae. Contio biduo nulla.

Ante diem VIII Kal. haec ego scribebam hora noctis nona. Milo campum iam
tenebat. Marcellus candidatus ita stertebat, ut ego vicinus audirem.
Clodi vestibulum vacuum sane mihi nuntiabatur: pauci pannosi linea
lanterna. Meo consilio omnia illi fieri querebantur ignari quantum in
illo heroe esset animi, quantum etiam consilii. Miranda virtus est. Nova
quaedam divina mitto; sed haec summa est. Comitia fore non arbitror;
reum Publium, nisi ante occisus erit, fore a Milone puto; si se in turba
ei iam[119] obtulerit, occisum iri ab ipso Milone video. Non dubitat
facere, prae se fert; casum illum nostrum non extimescit. Numquam enim
cuiusquam

Footnote 119:

  se in turba ei iam _Klotz_: se uti turbae iam _NCZ_^b: si sentitur
  veiam _M_.

his picked gangs of runaway slaves did not venture to show himself. Milo
to the huge delight of everybody and to his own great credit stayed
there till midday: and the three brethren’s struggle ended in disgrace,
their strength broken and their mad pride humbled. Metellus; however,
demands that the prohibition should be repeated in the forum on the next
day. There was no necessity, he said, for Milo to come to the Campus at
night; he would be in the Comitium at six in the morning. So on the 20th
Milo went to the Comitium in the early hours of the morning. At daybreak
Metellus came sneaking into the Campus by something like byepaths. Milo
catches the fellow up “between the groves”[120] and serves his notice:
and he retired amid loud jeers and insults from Q. Flaccus. The 21st was
a market-day, and for two days there were no meetings.

It is now three o’clock on the morning of the 23rd as I am writing. Milo
has already taken possession of the Campus. Marcellus, the candidate, is
snoring loud enough for me to hear him next door. I have just had news
that Clodius’ hall is utterly deserted, save for a few rag and bob tails
with a canvas lantern. His side are complaining that I am at the bottom
of it all: but they little know the courage and wisdom of that hero. His
valour is marvellous. I can’t stop to mention some of his new strokes of
genius. But this is the upshot: I believe the elections will not be
held, and Milo will bring Publius before the bar, unless he kills him
first. If he gives him a chance in a riot, I can see Milo will kill him
with his own hands. He has got no scruples

Footnote 120:

  A spot between the Capitol and the Campus Martius, where Romulus
  founded his Asylum.

invidi et perfidi consilio est usus, nec inerti nobili crediturus.

Nos animo dumtaxat vigemus, etiam magis, quam cum florebamus, re
familiari comminuti sumus. Quinti fratris tamen liberalitati pro
facultatibus nostris, ne omnino exhaustus essem, illo recusante
subsidiis amicorum respondemus. Quid consilii de omni nostro statu
capiamus, te absente nescimus. Quare adpropera.


                                   IV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae III K. Febr. a. 698_]

Periucundus mihi Cincius fuit ante diem III Kal. Febr. ante lucem; dixit
enim mihi te esse in Italia seseque ad te pueros mittere. Quos sine meis
litteris ire nolui, non quo haberem, quod tibi, praesertim iam prope
praesenti, scriberem, sed ut hoc ipsum significarem, mihi tuum adventum
suavissimum exspectatissimumque esse. Quare advola ad nos eo animo, ut
nos ames, te amari scias. Cetera coram agemus. Haec properantes
scripsimus. Quo die venies; utique cum tuis apud me eris.


                                  IVa

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Antiati m. Apr. aut Mai. a. 698_]

Perbelle feceris, si ad nos veneris. Offendes designationem Tyrannionis
mirificam in librorum meorum bibliotheca, quorum reliquiae multo
meliores sunt, quam putaram. Et velim mihi mittas de tuis

about it and avows his intentions, undeterred by my downfall: for he has
never followed the advice of a jealous and treacherous friend, nor
trusted in a weak aristocrat.

So far as my mind is concerned, I am as strong as ever I was even in my
most palmy days, if not stronger; but my circumstances are straitened.
My brother Quintus’ liberality I shall repay, in spite of his protests,
as the state of my finances compels me—by the aid of friends, so as not
entirely to beggar myself. What general course of action to adopt I
cannot make up my mind without your assistance; so make haste.


                                   IV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, Jan. 28_, B.C. _56_]

I was charmed by Cincius’ visit on the 28th of Rome. January before
daybreak: for he told me you were in Italy and he was sending some men
to you. I did not like them to go without a letter from me—not that I
had anything to write, especially when you are so near, but that I might
express my delight at your arrival and how I have longed for it. So fly
to me with the assurance that your love for me is fully reciprocated.
The rest we will discuss when we meet. I am writing in haste. The day
you arrive, mind, you and your party are to accept my hospitality.


                                  IVa

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Antium, Apr. or May_, B.C. _56_]

I shall be delighted if you can pay me a visit. You will be surprised at
Tyrannio’s excellent arrangement in my library. What is left of it is
much better than I expected: still I should be glad if you would

librariolis duos aliquos, quibus Tyrannic utatur glutinatoribus, ad
cetera administris, usque imperes, ut sumant membranulam, ex qua indices
fiant, quos vos Graeci, ut opinor, σιλλύβους appellatis. Sed haec, si
tibi erit commodum. Ipse vero utique fac venias, si potes in his locis
adhaerescere et Piliam adducere. Ita enim et aequum est et cupit Tullia.
Medius fidius ne tu emisti λόχον[121] praeclarum. Gladiatores audio
pugnare mirifice. Si locare voluisses, duobus his muneribus liber
esses.[122] Sed haec posterius. Tu fac venias et de librariis, si me
amas, diligenter.


                                   V

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Antiati m. Apr. aut Mai. a. 698_]

Ain tu? an me existimas ab ullo malle mea legi probarique quam a te? Cur
igitur cuiquam misi prius? Urgebar ab eo, ad quem misi, et non habebam
exemplar. Quid? Etiam (dudum enim circumrodo, quod devorandum est)
subturpicula mihi videbatur esse παλινῳδία. Sed valeant recta, vera,
honesta consilia. Non est credibile, quae sit perfidia in istis
principibus, ut volunt esse et ut essent, si quicquam haberent fidei.
Senseram, noram inductus, relictus, proiectus ab iis. Tamen hoc eram
animo, ut cum iis in re publica consentirem. Idem erant qui fuerant. Vix
aliquando te auctore resipui. Dices ea te monuisse, suasisse, quae
facerem, non etiam ut scriberem. Ego mehercule mihi necessitatem volui

Footnote 121:

  λόχον _Bosius_; locum _M_; ludum _Ernesti_.

Footnote 122:

  liber esses _Pius_; liberasses _M_.

send me two of your library slaves for Tyrannio to employ to glue pages
together and assist in general, and would tell them to get some bits of
parchment to make title-pieces, which I think you Greeks call “sillybi.”
That is only if it is convenient to you. In any case mind you come
yourself, if you can stick in such a place, and bring Pilia with you.
For that is only right and Tullia wishes her to come. My word! you have
bought a fine troop. I hear your gladiators are fighting splendidly. If
you had cared to let them out, you would have cleared your expenses on
these two shows. But of that later. Be sure you come, and, as you love
me, remember the library slaves.


                                   V

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Antium, Apr. or May_, B.C. _56_]

Come now, do you really imagine I prefer my things to be read and
criticized by anyone but you? Then why did I send them to anyone else
first? The man I sent them to was very pressing and I had not a copy.
Anything else? Well, yes—though I keep mouthing the pill instead of
swallowing it—I was a bit ashamed of my palinode. But good-bye to
honesty, straightforwardness and uprightness! You would hardly believe
the treachery of our leaders, as they want to be and would be, if they
had any honour. I knew full well how they had taken me in, abandoned me
and cast me off. Still I resolved to stick to them in politics. But they
have proved the same as ever: and at last I have come to my senses under
your guidance. You will say your advice applied exclusively to my
actions and did not include writing too. The fact is, I

imponere huius novae coniunctionis, ne qua mihi liceret labi ad illos,
qui etiam tum, cum misereri mei debent, non desinunt invidere. Sed tamen
modici fuimus ὑποθέσει, ut scripsi. Erimus uberiores, si et ille
libenter accipiet, et ii subringentur, qui villam me moleste ferunt
habere, quae Catuli fuerat, a Vettio emisse non cogitant; qui domum
negant oportuisse me aedificare, vendere aiunt oportuisse. Sed quid ad
hoc, si, quibus sententiis dixi, quod et ipsi probarent, laetati sunt
tamen me contra Pompei voluntatem dixisse? Finis sit. Quoniam, qui nihil
possunt, ii me nolunt amare, demus operam, ut ab iis, qui possunt,
diligamur. Dices: “Vellem iam pridem.” Scio te voluisse et me asinum
germanum fuisse. Sed iam tempus est me ipsum a me amari, quando ab illis
nullo modo possum.

Domum meam quod crebro invisis est mihi valde gratum. Viaticum Crassipes
praeripit. Tu “de via recta in hortos.” Videtur commodius ad te:
postridie scilicet; quid enim tua? Sed viderimus. Bibliothecam mihi tui
pinxerunt constructione et sillybis. Eos velim laudes.


                                   VI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in villa m. Apr. aut Mai. a. 698_]

De Lentulo scilicet sic fero, ut debeo. Virum bonum et magnum hominem et
in summa magnitudine animi multa humanitate temperatum perdidimus nosque

wanted to tie myself down to this new alliance so as to leave myself no
chance of slipping back to those who do not cease to envy me, even when
they ought to pity me. However, I was quite moderate in my treatment of
the subject, as I have said. I will let myself go more, if he takes it
well, and those make wry faces who are annoyed to see me occupy a villa
which used to belong to Catulus, forgetting that I bought it from
Vettius; and who declare I ought not to have built a house, but ought to
have sold the site. That however is nothing compared with their unholy
joy, when the very speeches I delivered in support of their views were
alienating me from Pompey. Let us have an end of it. Since those who
have no influence refuse me their affection, I may as well try to win
that of those who have some influence. You will say you wish I had
before. I know you wished it, and I was a downright ass. But now is the
time to show affection for myself, since I cannot get any from them
anyhow.

I am very grateful to you for going to see my house so often. Crassipes
is swallowing all my travelling money. You say I must go straight to
your country house. It seems to me more convenient to go to your town
house, and on the next day, it can’t make any difference to you. But we
shall see. Your men have beautified my library by binding the books and
affixing title-slips. Please thank them,


                                   VI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _At his country house, Apr. or May_, B.C. _56_]

The news about Lentulus I feel of course as I ought: we have lost a good
man and a fine fellow, and one who combined a remarkable strength of
character with great courtesy. Still I find some consolation,

malo solacio, sed non nullo tamen, consolamur, quod ipsius vicem minime
dolemus, non ut Saufeius et vestri, sed mehercule quia sic amabat
patriam, ut mihi aliquo deorum beneficio videatur ex eius incendio esse
ereptus. Nam quid foedius nostra vita, praecipue mea? Nam tu quidem,
etsi es natura πολιτικός, tamen nullam habes propriam servitutem,
communi frueris nomine[123]; ego vero, qui, si loquor de re publica,
quod oportet, insanus, si, quod opus est, servus existimor, si taceo,
oppressus et captus, quo dolore esse debeo? Quo sum scilicet, hoc etiam
acriore, quod ne dolere quidem possum, ut non ingratus videar. Quid, si
cessare libeat et in otii portum confugere? Nequiquam. Immo etiam in
bellum et in castra. Ergo erimus ὀπαδοί, qui ταγοὶ esse noluimus? Sic
faciendum est, tibi enim ipsi (cui utinam semper paruissem!) sic video
placere. Reliquum iam[124] est

                     Σπάρταν ἔλαχες, ταύταν κόσμει.

Non mehercule possum et Philoxeno ignosco, qui reduci in carcerem
maluit. Verum tamen id ipsum mecum in his locis commentor, ut ista
improbem, idque tu, cum una erimus, confirmabis.

A te litteras crebro ad me scribi video, sed omnes uno tempore accepi.
Quae res etiam auxit dolorem

Footnote 123:

  frueris nomine _Pius_; fueris nonne _M_.

Footnote 124:

  reliquum iam _Orelli_; reliquia _M_.

though a poor one, in the thought that I need not grieve for him—not for
the same reason as Saufeius and your Epicurean friends, but because he
was so true a patriot that it seems as though a merciful providence had
snatched him from his country’s fiery ruin. For what could be more
shameful than the life we are all leading, especially myself? You, in
spite of a political bent, have avoided wearing any special yoke; but
you share the universal bondage. But think of the sufferings I undergo,
when I am taken for a lunatic, if I say what I ought about the State,
for a slave, if I say what expediency dictates, and for a cowed and
helpless bondsman, if I hold my tongue. I suffer as you may suppose,
with the added bitterness that I cannot show my grief without seeming
ungrateful. Well! why shouldn’t I take a rest, and flee to the haven of
retirement? I haven’t the chance. Then be it war and camp. And so I must
be a subaltern, after refusing to be a captain. So be it. That I see is
your opinion, and I wish I had always followed your advice. Hobson’s
choice[125] is all that is left to me. But upon my soul I can’t stomach
it, and have a fellow feeling for Philoxenus, who preferred to go back
to his prison.[126] However, I am spending my time here devising a way
of confounding their policy, and when we meet you will strengthen my
purpose.

I see your letters were written at several times, but I received them
all together, and that increased

Footnote 125:

  Lit. “Sparta has fallen to your lot, do it credit,” a phrase denoting
  that one has no choice. Cf. p. 95.

Footnote 126:

  Philoxenus of Cythera, a dithyrambic poet, was condemned to the
  quarries for criticizing the literary compositions of Dionysius of
  Syracuse. He was given a chance of freedom, if he altered his opinion;
  but preferred to return to the quarries.

meum. Casu enim trinas ante legeram, quibus meliuscule Lentulo esse
scriptum erat. Ecce quartae fulmen! Sed ille, ut scripsi, non miser, nos
vero ferrei.

Quod me admones, ut scribam illa Hortensiana, in alia incidi non immemor
istius mandati tui; sed mehercule in incipiendo refugi, ne, qui videor
stulte illius amici intemperiem non tulisse, rursus stulte iniuriam
illius faciam inlustrem, si quid scripsero, et simul ne βαθύτης mea,
quae in agendo apparuit, in scribendo sit occultior, et aliquid
satisfactio levitatis habere videatur. Sed viderimus; tu modo quam
saepissime ad me aliquid. Epistulam, Lucceio nunc quam misi, qua, meas
res ut scribat, rogo, fac ut ab eo sumas (valde bella est) eumque, ut
adproperet, adhorteris et, quod mihi se ita facturum rescripsit, agas
gratias, domum nostram, quoad poteris, invisas, Vestorio aliquid
significes. Valde enim est in me liberalis.


                                  VII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Arpinati m. Apr. aut Mai. a. 698_]

Nihil εὐκαιρότερον epistula tua, quae me sollicitum de Quinto nostro,
puero optimo, valde levavit. Venerat horis duabus ante Chaerippus; mera
monstra nuntiarat. De Apollonio quod scribis, qui illi di irati! homini
Graeco, qui conturbat atque idem putat sibi

my sorrow; for, as it happened, I first read the three in which you said
Lentulus was a little better; and then, lo and behold, a thunderbolt in
the fourth. Still, as I said, he is out of misery, while we live on in
an Iron Age.[127]

I have not forgotten your advice to write that attack on Hortensius,
though I have drifted into other things. But upon my word, I jibbed at
the very beginning. I look foolish enough for not submitting to his
conduct, outrageous though it was, from a friend, and, if I were to
write about it, I fear I should enhance my folly by advertising his
insult, while at the same time the self-restraint which I showed in my
actions might not be so apparent in writing, and this way of taking
satisfaction might seem rather weak. But we will see. Be sure you send
me a line as often as you can, and take care you get from Lucceius the
letter I sent asking him to write my biography. It is a very pretty bit
of writing. Urge him to be quick about it, and give him my thanks for
his answer undertaking it. Have a look at my house as often as possible.
Say something to Vestorius: he is behaving most liberally to me.


                                  VII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Arpinum, Apr or May_, B.C. _56_]

Nothing could be more à propos than your letter, which has relieved me
about the dear child Quintus very greatly. Chaerippus had come two hours
earlier with the wildest tales. As to your news about Apollonius,
confound him! A Greek to go bankrupt and

Footnote 127:

  _Ferrei_, according to Kayser, contains an allusion to Hesiod’s Iron
  Age: but others take it as simply “callous.”

licere quod equitibus Romanis. Nam Terentius suo iure. De Metello

[Sidenote: Odyssey xxii, 412]

                         οὐχ ὁσίη φθιμένοισιν,

sed tamen multis annis civis nemo erat mortuus qui quidem.... Tibi nummi
meo periculo sint. Quid enim vereris quemcumque[128] heredem fecit, nisi
Publium fecit. Verum fecit non improbiorem, quam fuit ipse.[129] Quare
in hoc thecam nummariam non retexeris, in aliis eris cautior.

Mea mandata de domo curabis, praesidia locabis, Milonem admonebis.
Arpinatium fremitus est incredibilis de Laterio. Quid quaeris? equidem
dolui;

[Sidenote: Odyssey i, 271]

                        ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἐμπάζετο μύθων.

Quod superest; etiam puerum Ciceronem curabis et amabis; ut facis.


                                  VIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Anti m. Apr. aut Mai. a. 698_]

Multa me in epistula tua delectarunt, sed nihil magis quam patina
tyrotarichi. Nam de raudusculo quod scribis,

                μήπω μέγ’ εἴπῃς, πρὶν τελευτήσαντ’ ἴδῃς.

Aedificati tibi in agris nihil reperio. In oppido est quiddam, de quo
est dubium, sitne venale, ac proximum quidem nostris aedibus. Hoc scito,
Antium Buthrotum esse Romae, ut Corcyrae illud tuum. Nihil quietius,
nihil alsius, nihil amoenius.

                    Εἴη μοὶ οὗτος φίλος οἶκος.[130]

Footnote 128:

  quemcumque _editors_: quaecunque _M_.

Footnote 129:

  improbiorem quam _Müller_: improbe (_corr. to_ improbi) quemquam _M_.
  _The reading of the whole passage from_ qui quidem _is very
  uncertain_.

Footnote 130:

  Εἴη—οἶκος _Peerlkamp_: ΕΙΜΗΙϹΗΤΩ ΦΙΛΟ¯Ϲ¯ ΚΟϹ _M_.

think he has the same privilege as a Roman knight! For of course
Terentius was within his rights. As to Metellus “de mortuis nil nisi
bonum,” still for years no citizen has died who——For your money I will
go bail. Why should you fear, whoever he has appointed his heir, unless
it were Publius? However, he has chosen an heir no worse than himself:
so you won’t have to open your coffers over this business, and you will
be more careful another time.

You will attend to my instructions about the house, hire some guards and
give Milo a hint. There is a tremendous outcry here at Arpinum about
Laterium.[131] Of course I am much distressed about it: but “little he
recked my rede.” For the rest, look after little Quintus with the
affection you always show towards him.


                                  VIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Antium, Apr. or May_, B.C. _56_]

Your letter contained many delightful passages, but nothing to beat the
“plate of red herrings.” For as to what you say about the little debt,
“don’t holloa till you are out of the wood.”[132]

I can’t find anything like a country house for you. In the town there is
something, and quite close to me too, but it is not certain if it is for
sale. Let me tell you that Antium is the Buthrotum of Rome, and just
what your Buthrotum is to Corcyra. Nothing could be quieter or fresher
or prettier: “this be my own

Footnote 131:

  An estate of Q. Cicero in Arpinum. He seems to have diverted a
  watercourse to the annoyance of his neighbours.

Footnote 132:

  Lit. “Do not boast till you see your enemy dead.” From a lost play of
  Sophocles.

Postea vero quam Tyrannio mihi libros disposuit, mens addita videtur
meis aedibus. Qua quidem in re mirifica opera Dionysi et Menophili tui
fuit. Nihil venustius quam illa tua pegmata, postquam mi sillybis[133]
libros illustrarunt. Vale. Et scribas ad me velim de gladiatoribus, sed
ita, bene si rem gerunt; non quaero, male si se gessere.


                                 VIIIa
                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. auctumno anni 698_]

Apenas vix discesserat, cum epistula. Quid ais? Putasne fore ut legem
non ferat? Dic, oro te, clarius; vix enim mihi exaudisse videor. Verum
statim fac ut sciam, si modo tibi est commodum. Ludis quidem quoniam
dies est additus, eo etiam melius hic eum diem cum Dionysio conteremus.

De Trebonio prorsus tibi adsentior. De Domitio

                  σύκῳ, μὰ τὴν Δήμητρα, σῦκον οὐδὲ ἕν
                  οὕτως ὅμοιον γέγονεν,

quam est ista περίστασις nostrae, vel quod ab isdem, vel quod praeter
opinionem, vel quod viri boni nusquam; unum dissimile, quod huic merito.
Nam de ipso casu nescio an illud melius. Quid enim hoc miserius, quam
eum, qui tot annos, quot habet, designatus consul fuerit, fieri consulem
non posse, praesertim cum aut solus aut certe non plus quam cum altero
petat? Si vero id est, quod nescio an sit, ut non minus longas iam in
codicillorum fastis futurorum consulum paginulas habeat quam factorum,

Footnote 133:

  mi sillybis _editors_: misit _M_: sit tibi _NP_: sit tibae _Z_^l.

sweet home.” Since Tyrannio has arranged my books, the house seems to
have acquired a soul: and your Dionysius and Menophilus were of
extraordinary service. Nothing could be more charming than those
bookcases of yours now that the books are adorned with title-slips.
Farewell. Please let me know about the gladiators: but only if they are
behaving well; if not, I don’t want to know.


                                 VIIIa

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Autumn_, B.C. _56_]

Apenas had hardly gone when your letter came. Really? Do you think he
won’t propose his law? Pray speak a little more clearly, I hardly think
I caught your meaning. But let me know at once, if you possibly can.
Well, as they have given an extra day to the games, I shall be all the
better contented to spend that day here with Dionysius.

About Trebonius I heartily agree with you. As for Domitius, his
_dénouement_ was as like mine as two peas; the same persons had a hand
in it, it was equally unexpected, and the conservative party deserted us
both. There is only one point of difference: he deserved his fate.
Perhaps my fall was the less hard to bear. For what could be more
humiliating than for one, who all his life long has looked forward to
the consulship as his birth-right, to fail to obtain it—and that too
when there is no one or at most only one other candidate standing
against him? But, if it is true that our friend[134] has in his
note-books as many pages of names of future consuls as of past, then

Footnote 134:

  Pompey.

quid illo miserius nisi res publica, in qua ne speratur quidem melius
quicquam?

De Natta ex tuis primum scivi litteris; oderam hominem. De poëmate quod
quaeris, quid, si cupiat effugere? quid? sinas? De Fabio Lusco quod eram
exorsus, homo peramans semper nostri fuit nec mihi umquam odio. Satis
enim acutus et permodestus ac bonae frugi. Eum, quia non videbam, abesse
putabam: audivi ex Gavio hoc Firmano Romae esse hominem et fuisse
adsiduum. Percussit animum. Dices: “Tantulane causa?” Permulta ad me
detulerat non dubia de Firmanis fratribus. Quid sit, quod se a me
removit, si modo removit, ignoro.

De eo, quod me mones, ut et πολιτικῶς me geram et τὴν ἔξω[135] γραμμὴν
teneam, ita faciam. Sed opus est maiore prudentia. Quam a te, ut soleo,
petam. Tu velim ex Fabio, si quem habes aditum, odorere et istum
convivam tuum degustes et ad me de his rebus et de omnibus cotidie
scribas. Ubi nihil erit, quod scribas, id ipsum scribito. Cura ut
valeas.


                                   IX

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Neapoli IV K. Mai. a. 699_]

Sane velim scire, num censum impediant tribuni diebus vitiandis (est
enim hic rumor) totaque de censura quid agant, quid cogitent. Nos hic
cum

Footnote 135:

  ἔξω _Manutius_: εω _M_.

Domitius has only one rival in his misfortunes—the country which has
given up even hoping for better days.

Your letter was the first to give me information about Natta: I could
never abide the man. You ask about my poem. Well, what if it wants to
take wing? Will you let it? I had begun to mention Fabius Luscus: he was
always a great admirer of mine, and I never disliked him, for he was
intelligent enough and very worthy and unassuming. As I had not seen him
for a long time, I thought he was away: but I hear from this fellow
Gavius of Firmum that the man is in Rome and has been here all along. It
struck me as odd. You will say it is an insignificant trifle. But he had
told me a good many things, of which there was no doubt, about those
brothers from Firmum: and what has made him shun me, if he has shunned
me, I cannot imagine.

Your advice to act diplomatically and not to steer too close to the
wind[136] I will follow: but I shall want more than my own stock of
wisdom; so, as usual, I shall draw on you. Please scent out anything you
can from Fabius, if you can get at him, and suck that guest of yours
dry, and write to me every day about these points and anything else.
When you have nothing to write, write and say so. Look after yourself.


                                   IX

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Naples, Apr. 27_, B.C. _55_]

I should much like to know whether the tribunes are hindering the census
by declaring days void—for there is a rumour to that effect—and what is
happening about the census in general and what people are

Footnote 136:

  Lit. “Keep the outside course” in a chariot race.

Pompeio fuimus. Multa mecum de re publica sane sibi displicens, ut
loquebatur (sic est enim in hoc homine dicendum), Syriam spernens,
Hispaniam iactans, hic quoque, ut loquebatur; et, opinor, usquequaque,
de hoc cum dicemus, sit hoc quasi καὶ τόδε Φωκυλίδου. Tibi etiam gratias
agebat, quod signa componenda suscepisses; in nos vero suavissime
hercule est effusus. Venit etiam ad me in Cumanum a se. Nihil minus
velle mihi visus est quam Messallam consulatum petere. De quo ipso si
quid scis, velim scire.

Quod Lucceio scribis te nostram gloriam commendaturum, et aedificium
nostrum quod crebro invisis, gratum. Quintus frater ad me scripsit se,
quoniam Ciceronem suavissimum tecum haberes, ad te Nonis Maiis venturum.
Ego me de Cumano movi ante diem V Kal. Maias. Eo die Neapoli apud
Paetum. Ante diem IIII Kal. Maias iens in Pompeianum bene mane haec
scripsi.


                                   X

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Cumano IX K. Mai. a. 699_]

Puteolis magnus est rumor Ptolomaeum esse in regno. Si quid habes
certius, velim scire. Ego hic pascor bibliotheca Fausti. Fortasse tu
putabas his

thinking. I met Pompey here; and he told me a lot of political news. He
was very dissatisfied with himself, as he said—for that is a necessary
proviso in his case. Of Syria he expressed a very low opinion, while he
runs down[137] Spain—with the same proviso “as he said,” which I think
must be inserted everywhere when he is mentioned, like the tag “this too
is by Phocylides.” To you he expressed his thanks for undertaking the
arrangement of the statues, and he laid himself out to be most
uncommonly pleasant to me. He even came to visit me in my house at
Cumae. The last thing he seemed to wish was that Messalla should stand
for the consulship: and if you have any information on that point, I
should like to know it.

I am most grateful to you for saying that you will recommend me as a
subject for a panegyric to Lucceius and for your frequent visits to my
house. My brother Quintus has written that he will pay you a visit on
the 7th of May since you have his dear child with you. I left my villa
at Cumae on the 26th of April, spent that night with Paetus at Naples,
and am writing this very early in the morning of the 27th on my way to
my place at Pompeii.


                                   X

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Cumae, Apr. 22_, B.C. _55_]

Puteoli is full of the report that Ptolemy is restored. If you have more
definite news, I should like to know it. Here I am feasting on Faustus’

Footnote 137:

  Following Manutius and Tyrrell. Others however translate _iactans_ as
  “extolling.”

rebus Puteolanis et Lucrinensibus. Ne ista quidem desunt. Sed mehercule
a ceteris oblectationibus deseror et voluptatibus propter rem publicam.
Sic litteris sustentor et recreor maloque in illa tua sedecula, quam
habes sub imagine Aristotelis, sedere quam in istorum sella curuli
tecumque apud te ambulare quam cum eo, quocum video esse ambulandum. Sed
de illa ambulatione fors viderit, aut si qui est, qui curet, deus;
nostram ambulationem et Laconicum eaque, quae Cyrea sint, velim, quod
poterit, invisas et urgeas Philotimum, ut properet, ut possim tibi
aliquid in eo genere respondere, Pompeius in Cumanum Parilibus venit.
Misit ad me statim qui salutem nuntiaret. Ad eum postridie mane vadebam,
cum haec scripsi.


                                   XI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Cumano ex. m. Mai. a. 699_]

Delectarunt me epistulae tuae, quas accepi uno tempore duas ante diem V
Kal. Perge reliqua. Gestio scire ista omnia. Etiam illud cuius modi sit,
velim perspicias; potes a Demetrio. Dixit mihi Pompeius Crassum a se in
Albano exspectari ante diem IIII Kal.; is cum venisset, Romam eum[138]
et se statim venturos, ut rationes cum publicanis putarent. Quaesivi,
gladiatoribusne. Respondit, antequam inducerentur. Id cuius modi sit,
aut nunc, si scies, aut cum is Romam venerit, ad me mittas velim.

Footnote 138:

  eum _added by Lehmann_.

library. Perhaps you thought it was on the attractions of Puteoli and
the Lucrine lakes. Well, I have them too. But upon my word the more I am
deprived of other enjoyments and pleasures on account of the state of
politics, the more support and recreation do I find in literature. And I
would rather be in that niche of yours under Aristotle’s statue than in
their curule chair, and take a walk with you at home than have the
company which I see will be with me on my path. But my path I leave to
fate or god; if there be any god that looks after these things. Please
have a look at my garden path and my Spartan bath and the other things
which are in Cyrus’ province, when you can, and urge Philotimus to make
haste, so that I may have something in that line to match yours. Pompey
came to his place at Cumae on the Parilia: and at once sent a man to me
with his compliments. I am going to call on him on the morning
following, as soon as I have written this letter.


                                   XI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Cumae, May_, B.C. _55_]

I was delighted with your two letters which I received together on the
26th. Go on with the story. I am longing to hear the whole of it. I
should also like you to look into the meaning of this: you can find out
from Demetrius. Pompey told me he was expecting Crassus at his house at
Alba on the 27th: and as soon as he arrived they were going to Rome
together to settle accounts with the tax-gatherers. I asked, “During the
show of gladiators?” And he answered, “Before it begins,” Please let me
know what this means, either at once, if you know, or when he gets to
Rome.

Nos hic voramus litteras cum homine mirifico (ita mehercule sentio)
Dionysio, qui te omnesque vos salutat.

Οὐδὲν γλυκύτερον ἢ πάντ’ εἰδέναι. Quare ut homini curioso ita perscribe
ad me, quid primus dies, quid secundus, quid censores, quid Appius, quid
illa populi Appuleia; denique etiam, quid a te fiat, ad me velim
scribas. Non enim, ut vere loquamur, tam rebus novis quam tuis litteris
delector.

Ego mecum praeter Dionysium eduxi neminem, nec metuo tamen, ne mihi
sermo desit: ita ab isto puero[139] delector. Tu Lucceio nostrum librum
dabis. Demetri Magnetis tibi mitto, statim ut sit, qui a te mihi
epistulam referat.


                                  XII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. m. Mai. a. 699_]

Egnatius Romae est. Sed ego cum eo de re Halimeti vehementer Anti egi.
Graviter se acturum cum Aquilio confirmavit. Videbis ergo hominem, si
voles. Macroni vix videor praesto esse posse; Idibus enim auctionem
Larini video et biduum praeterea. Id tu, quoniam Macronem tanti facis,
ignoscas mihi velim. Sed, si me diligis, postridie Kal. cena apud me cum
Pilia. Prorsus id facies. Kalendis cogito in hortis Crassipedis quasi in
deversorio cenare. Facio fraudem senatus consulto. Inde domum cenatus,
ut sim mane

Footnote 139:

  ita ab isto puero _Madvig_: abs te opere _codd._

I am devouring literature here with that extraordinary person—for upon
my soul I really think he is extraordinary—Dionysius, who sends his
respects to you and all your family.

“Than universal knowing nought more sweet.” So satisfy my curiosity by
describing to me all about the first and second days of the show, the
censors, Appius, and that unsexed Appuleius[140] of the populace: and
finally please let me know what you are doing yourself. For to tell you
the truth your letters are as exciting to me as a revolution.

I did not bring anyone away with me except Dionysius; yet I have no fear
of feeling the lack of conversation: I find the youth so entertaining.
You will give my book to Lucceius. I am sending you one by Demetrius of
Magnesia, so that there may be a messenger handy to bring back your
answer at once.


                                  XII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _May_, B.C. _55_]

Egnatius is at Rome: but I pleaded Halimetus’ cause strongly with him at
Antium. He assured me he would speak seriously to Aquilius. You can look
him up, if you like. I hardly think I can keep the appointment with
Macro: for I see that the auction at Larinum is on the 15th and the two
following days. Pray forgive me, since you think so highly of Macro. But
as you love me, dine with me on the 2nd, and bring Pilia with you. You
absolutely must. On the 1st I am thinking of dining in Crassipes’
gardens in lieu of an inn; and so I cheat the senatorial decree.[141]
From there I shall proceed home

Footnote 140:

  Clodius, compared with Appuleius Saturninus.

Footnote 141:

  Compelling senators to attend meetings, if in Rome.

praesto Miloni. Ibi te igitur videbo et permanebo.[142] Domus te nostra
tota salutat.


                                  XIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Tusculano m. Nov. post XVII K. Dec. a. 699_]

Nos in Tusculanum venisse a. d. XVII Kal. Dec video te scire. Ibi
Dionysius nobis praesto fuit Romae a. d. XIIII Kal. volumus esse. Quid
dico “volumus”? immo vero cogimur. Milonis nuptiae. Comitiorum non nulla
opinio est. Ego, ut sit rata,[143] afuisse me in altercationibus, quas
in senatu factas audio fero non moleste. Nam aut defendissem, quod non
placeret, aut defuissem, cui non oporteret. Sed mehercule velim res
istas et praesentem statum rei publicae, et quo animo consules ferant
hunc σκυλμόν, scribas ad me quantum pote. Valde sum ὀξύπεινος, et, si
quaeris, omnia mihi sunt suspecta. Crassum quidem nostrum minore
dignitate aiunt profectum paludatum quam olim aequalem eius L. Paulum,
item iterum consulem. O hominem nequam! De libris oratoriis factum est a
me diligenter. Diu multumque in manibus fuerunt. Describas licet. Illud
etiam te rogo, τὴν παροῦσαν κατάστασιν τυπωδῶς, ne istuc hospes veniam.

Footnote 142:

  permanebo _Gurlitt_: promonebo _MSS._

Footnote 143:

  Ego, ut sit rata _Crat. Bosius_: ergo et si irata _M_.

after dinner, so as to keep my appointment with Milo in the morning.
There then I shall see you, and I will wait till you come. My whole
family sends its respects.


                                  XIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Tusculum, after Nov. 14_, B.C. _55_]

I see you know of my arrival at my Tusculum villa on the 14th of
November. There I was met by Dionysius. I want to be back in Rome on the
17th. When I say want, I mean I have to be in town for Milo’s wedding.
There is some idea of an election. Even if it has come off, I am not at
all sorry to have missed the disputes which I hear have taken place in
the Senate. For I should either have had to give my support against my
conscience, or neglect my bounden duty. But I hope to goodness you will
write me as full a description as possible of that affair and of the
present state of politics and tell me how the consuls are taking all
this pother. I am ravenous for news, and, to tell you the truth, I
suspect everything. They say our friend Crassus made a less dignified
start[144] in his uniform than L. Paulus of old, who rivalled him in age
and in his two consulships. What a poor thing he is! I have been working
hard at the books on oratory: and have had them on hand a long time and
done a lot to them: you can have them copied. Again I beg you to send me
a sketch of the present situation, that I may not feel an utter stranger
when I get back.

Footnote 144:

  For Syria.


                                  XIV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Cumano m. Mai. post VI Id. a. 700_]

Vestorius noster me per litteras fecit certiorem te Roma a. d. VI Idus
Maias putari profectum esse tardius, quam dixeras, quod minus valuisses.
Si iam melius vales, vehementer gaudeo. Velim domum ad te scribas, ut
mihi tui libri pateant non secus, ac si ipse adesses, cum ceteri tum
Varronis. Est enim mihi utendum quibusdam rebus ex his libris ad eos,
quos in manibus habeo; quos, ut spero, tibi valde probabo. Tu velim, si
quid forte novi habes, maxime a Quinto fratre, deinde a C. Caesare, et
si quid forte de comitiis, de re publica (soles enim tu haec festive
odorari), scribas ad me; si nihil habebis, tamen scribas aliquid.
Numquam enim mihi tua epistula aut intempestiva aut loquax visa est.
Maxime autem rogo, rebus tuis totoque itinere ex sententia confecto nos
quam primum revisas. Dionysium iube salvere. Cura, ut valeas.


                                   XV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae VI K. Sext. a. 700_]

De Eutychide gratum, qui vetere praenomine, novo nomine T. erit
Caecilius, ut est ex me et ex te iunctus Dionysius M. Pomponius. Valde
mehercule mihi gratum est Eutychidem tuam erga me benivolentiam


                                  XIV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Cumae, after May 10_, B.C. _54_]

Our friend Vestorius has informed me by letter that you are believed to
have left Rome on the 10th of May, later than you said you would,
because you had not been quite well. I sincerely hope you are better
now. Would you please write home telling them to give me the run of your
books, more especially of Varro, just as though you were there? I shall
have to use some passages from those books for the works I have in hand,
which I hope will meet with your hearty approval. I should be glad if
you would let me know, if you happen to have any news, from my brother
Quintus particularly, or from C. Caesar, or anything about the elections
and politics—you generally have a pretty scent for such things. If you
have no news, write something anyhow: for no letter of yours ever seemed
ill-timed or long-winded to me. But above all pray come back as soon as
possible, when your business and your tour are completed to your
satisfaction. Give my regards to Dionysius. Take care of yourself.


                                   XV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, July 27_, B.C. _54_]

I am glad to hear about Eutychides. Taking your old name and your new
surname, he will be T. Caecilius, just as Dionysius has become M.
Pomponius by a combination of yours and mine. It is really a great
pleasure to me that Eutychides should know that his freedom is a favour
granted on my

cognosse et[145] suam illam in meo dolore συμπάθειαν neque tum mihi
obscuram neque post ingratam fuisse.

Iter Asiaticum tuum puto tibi suscipiendum fuisse; numquam enim tu sine
iustissima causa tam longe a tot tuis et hominibus et rebus carissimis
et suavissimis abesse voluisses. Sed humanitatem tuam amoremque in tuos
reditus celeritas declarabit. Sed vereor, ne lepore suo detineat diutius
rhetor[146] Clodius et homo pereruditus, ut aiunt, et nunc quidem
deditus Graecis litteris Pituanius. Sed, si vis homo esse, recipe te ad
nos, ad quod tempus confirmasti. Cum illis tamen, cum salvi venerint,
Romae vivere licebit.

Avere te scribis accipere aliquid a me litterarum. Dedi ac multis quidem
de rebus ἡμερολεγδὸν perscripta omnia; sed, ut conicio, quoniam mihi non
videris in Epiro diu fuisse, redditas tibi non arbitror. Genus autem
mearum ad te quidem litterarum eius modi fere est, ut non libeat cuiquam
dare, nisi de quo exploratum sit tibi eum redditurum.

Nunc Romanas res accipe. A. d. IIII Nonas Quintiles Sufenas et Cato
absoluti, Procilius condemnatus. Ex quo intellectum est τρισαρειοπαγίτας
ambitum, comitia, interregnum, maiestatem, totam denique rem publicam
flocci non facere: debemus patrem familias domi suae occidere nolle,
neque tamen id ipsum abunde; nam absolverunt XXII, condemnarunt XXVIII.
Publius sane diserto epilogo criminans mentes iudicum commoverat.
Hortalus in ea causa fuit,

Footnote 145:

  et _added by Bücheler_.

Footnote 146:

  rhetor _Bosius_: praetor _M_^1: p _M_^2.

account, and that his sympathy with me in my sorrow was not lost on me
at the time nor forgotten afterwards.

I suppose your journey to Asia is inevitable; for you would never want
to put such a distance between yourself and all your nearest and dearest
friends and possessions without very good reason. But you will show your
consideration and your love for your friends by the quickness with which
you return. I am however afraid the attractions of the rhetorician
Clodius and the reputed deep learning of Pituanius, who just now is
devoted to Greek literature, may keep you from returning. But, if you
would prove yourself a good man and true, find your way back to us by
the date you promised. You can live with them when they get safely to
Rome.

You say you are longing for a line of some sort from me. I have written
a letter full of news, with everything described as in a diary, but I
suppose it was never delivered, as you don’t seem to have stopped long
in Epirus. Besides my letters are generally not of a kind that I like to
give to anyone, unless I can be sure he will deliver them to you.

Now I will tell you the news of the town. On the 4th of July Sufenas and
Cato were acquitted, Procilius condemned. That shows us that our lights
of the law care not a straw for bribery, elections, a political
deadlock, treason or the country in general. They prefer one not to
murder a father of a family in his own home; but even that preference
has no overwhelming majority in its favour: for 22 voted for acquittal
against 28 for condemnation. Publius no doubt had awakened the sympathy
of the jury by his eloquent peroration for the prosecution. Hortalus was
retained and behaved as usual. I did not utter

cuius modi solet. Nos verbum nullum; verita est enim pusilla, quae nunc
laborat, ne animum Publi offenderem. His rebus actis Reatini me ad sua
Τέμπη duxerunt; ut agerem causam contra Interamnates apud consulem et
decem legatos, quod lacus Velinus a M’. Curio emissus interciso monte in
Nar defluit; ex quo est illa siccata et umida tamen modice Rosia. Vixi
cum Axio; qui etiam me ad Septem aquas duxit.

Redii Romam Fontei causa a. d. VII Idus Quinct. Veni spectatum primum
magno et aequabili plausu. Sed hoc ne curaris. Ego ineptus, qui
scripserim. Deinde Antiphonti operam. Is erat ante manu missus quam
productus. Ne diutius pendeas, palmam tulit; sed nihil tam pusillum,
nihil tam sine voce, nihil tam.... Verum haec tu tecum habeto. In
Andromacha tamen maior fuit quam Astyanax, in ceteris parem habuit
neminem. Quaeris nunc de Arbuscula. Valde placuit. Ludi magnifici et
grati; venatio in aliud tempus dilata.

Sequere nunc me in campum. Ardet ambitus; [Sidenote: Iliad xxiii, 326]
σῆμα δέ τοι ἐρέω. Faenus ex triente Idibus Quinctilibus factum erat
bessibus. Dices: “Istuc quidem non moleste fero.” O virum! o civem!
Memmium Caesaris omnes opes confirmant. Cum eo Domitium consules
iunxerunt, qua pactione, epistulae committere non audeo, Pompeius
fremit, queritur, Scauro

a word: for my little girl, who is ill, was afraid I might offend
Publius. After all this the people of Reate took me to their “banks and
braes” to plead their cause against the Interamnates before the consul
and ten commissioners, because the Veline lake, drained by the channel
cut by M’. Curius through the mountain,[147] flowed into the Nar. By
this means the famous Rosia has been dried up, though it is still
moderately damp. I stayed with Axius, who took me for a visit to the
Seven Waters too.

For Fonteius’ sake I returned to Rome on the 9th of July. I went to the
theatre and was greeted with loud and unbroken applause—but don’t bother
about that: I am a fool to mention it. Then I gave my attention to
Antiphon. He was granted his freedom before he appeared: and, not to
keep you in suspense, he won his laurels. But there never was such a
little weakling with so little voice and so.... But keep that to
yourself. However in the Andromache he was taller than Astyanax: among
the rest there was no one of his size. You want to know next about
Arbuscula: she pleased me very much. The games were magnificent and much
liked. The wild beast hunt was put off till later.

Now follow me to the election field. There is an outburst of bribery.
More by token, the rate of interest has risen from 4 per cent to 8 per
cent since the 15th of July. You will say: “Well, I can put up with that
at any rate.” And you call yourself a man and a patriot! Memmius is
supported by all Caesar’s influence. The consuls have coupled him with
Domitius in an agreement which I dare not commit to paper. Pompey is
raging and growling and backing

Footnote 147:

  The passage to the waterfall of Terni, opened in 290 B.C.

studet, sed, utrum fronte an mente, dubitatur. Ἐξοχὴ in nullo est;
pecunia omnium dignitatem exaequat. Messalla languet, non quo aut animus
desit aut amici, sed coitio consulum et Pompeius obsunt. Ea comitia puto
fore ut ducantur. Tribunicii candidati iurarunt se arbitrio Catonis
petituros. Apud eum HS quingena deposuerunt, ut, qui a Catone damnatus
esset, id perderet et competitoribus tribueretur.

Haec ego pridie scribebam, quam comitia fore putabantur. Sed ad te,
quinto Kal. Sextil. si facta erunt, et tabellarius non erit profectus,
tota comitia perscribam. Quae si, ut putantur, gratuita fuerint, plus
unus Cato potuerit quam omnes leges[148] omnesque iudices. Messius
defendebatur a nobis de legatione revocatus; nam eum Caesari legarat
Appius. Servilius edixit, ut adesset. Tribus habet Pomptinam, Velinam,
Maeciam. Pugnatur acriter; agitur tamen satis. Deinde me expedio ad
Drusum, inde ad Scaurum. Parantur orationibus indices gloriosi. Fortasse
accedent etiam consules designati. In quibus si Scaurus non fuerit, in
hoc iudicio valde laborabit.

Ex Quinti fratris litteris suspicor iam eum esse in Britannia. Suspense
animo exspecto, quid agat. Illud quidem sumus adepti, quod multis et
magnis

Footnote 148:

  omnes leges _added by Wesenberg_.

Scaurus; but whether ostensibly or in earnest is more than one can say.
None of them is romping ahead: money levels all their ranks. Messalla is
not in the running, not that his heart or his friends have failed him,
but the coalition of the consuls and Pompey are both against him. I
think the elections will have to be postponed. The candidates for the
tribunate have taken an oath to submit their conduct to Cato’s approval,
and have deposited £4,400[149] with him on the condition that any one of
them who is condemned by Cato shall lose it and it shall be given to his
rivals.

I am writing this the day before the elections are expected to come off.
But on the 28th I will give you a full account of them, if they have
taken place and the messenger has not started. If they really are
conducted without bribery, which people think will be the case, then
Cato alone will have done more than all the laws and all the law courts
can do. I am acting for Messius, who has been recalled from his office.
Appius had given him a commission on Caesar’s staff: but Servilius
issued a warrant requiring his presence. The tribes he has to face are
the Pomptine, Veline and Maecian. It is a sharp struggle, however it is
getting on fairly well. Then I have to get ready for Drusus and after
that for Scaurus. These will make grand titles for my speeches. I may
even have the names of the consuls elect to add to the list; and, if
Scaurus is not one of them, he will find himself in serious difficulties
in this trial.

From my brother Quintus’ letters I suspect he is now in Britain, and I
am very anxious to know how he is getting on. One point I have certainly
gained:

Footnote 149:

  500,000 sesterces.

indiciis possumus iudicare, nos Caesari et carissimos et iucundissimos
esse. Dionysium velim salvere iubeas et eum roges et hortere, ut quam
primum veniat, ut possit Ciceronem meum atque etiam me ipsum erudire.


                                  XVI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae ex. m. Iun aut in. Quint. a. 700_]

Occupationum mearum vel hoc signum erit, quod epistula librarii manu
est. De epistularum frequentia te nihil accuso, sed pleraeque tantum
modo mihi nuntiabant, ubi esses: quod erant abs te, vel etiam
significabant recte esse. Quo in genere maxime delectarunt duae fere
eodem tempore abs te Buthroto datae. Scire enim volebam te commode
navigasse. Sed haec epistularum frequentia non tam ubertate sua quam
crebritate delectavit. Illa fuit gravis et plena rerum, quam mihi M.
Paccius, hospes tuus, reddidit. Ad eam rescribam igitur et hoc quidem
primum. Paccio ratione et verbis et re ostendi, quid tua commendatio
ponderis haberet. Itaque in intimis est meis, cum antea notus non
fuisset.

Nunc pergam ad cetera. Varro, de quo ad me scribis, includetur in
aliquem locum, si modo erit locus. Sed nosti genus dialogorum meorum. Ut
in oratoriis, quos tu in caelum fers, non potuit mentio fieri cuiusquam
ab iis, qui disputant, nisi eius, qui illis notus aut auditus esset, ita
hanc ego, de re publica

Caesar has given many strong proofs which assure me of his esteem and
affection. Please pay my compliments to Dionysius, and beg and urge him
to come as soon as possible and undertake the instruction of my son and
of myself too.


                                  XVI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, June or July_, B.C. _54_]

The bare fact that my letter is by the hand of an amanuensis will show
you how busy I am. I have nothing to grumble about as regards the
frequency of your letters, but most of them merely told me where you
were. That they were from you showed, too, that you were well. The two
of this sort which gave me the most pleasure were those dated almost
simultaneously from Buthrotum: for I was anxious to know whether you had
a good crossing. But it is more the regularity of this constant supply
of letters which has pleased me than the richness of their contents. The
one that your guest M. Paccius delivered was of importance and full of
matter: so I will answer that. The first thing is that I have shown
Paccius, both by word and by deed, the weight a recommendation from you
carries. Accordingly he is among my intimate friends now, though I did
not know him before.

Now for the rest. You mention Varro: I will try and get him in
somewhere, if I can find a place. But you know the style of my
Dialogues: just as in those _On the Orator_, which you laud to the
skies, I could not let the interlocutors mention anyone except persons
they had known or heard of, so here too in the dialogue _On the
Republic_ which I have begun, I

quam institui, disputationem in Africani personam et Phili et Laeli et
Manili contuli. Adiunxi adulescentes Q. Tuberonem, P. Rutilium, duo
Laeli generos, Scaevolam et Fannium. Itaque cogitabam, quoniam in
singulis libris utor prohoemiis ut Aristoteles in iis, quos ἐξωτερικοὺς
vocat, aliquid efficere, ut non sine causa istum appellarem; id quod
intellego tibi placere. Utinam modo conata efficere possim! Rem enim,
quod te non fugit, magnam complexus sum et gravem et plurimi otii, quo
ego maxime egeo.

Quod in iis libris, quos laudas, personam desideras Scaevolae, non eam
temere dimovi: sed fecit idem in πολιτείᾳ deus ille noster Plato. Cum in
Piraeum Socrates venisset ad Cephalum, locupletem et festivum senem,
quoad primus ille sermo habetur, adest in disputando senex, deinde, cum
ipse quoque commodissime locutus esset, ad rem divinam dicit se velle
discedere neque postea revertitur. Credo Platonem vix putasse satis
consonum fore, si hominem id aetatis in tam longo sermone diutius
retinuisset. Multo ego magis hoc mihi cavendum putavi in Scaevola, qui
et aetate et valetudine erat ea, qua eum esse meministi, et iis
honoribus, ut vix satis decorum videretur eum plures dies esse in Crassi
Tusculano. Et erat primi libri sermo non alienus a Scaevolae studiis,
reliqui libri τεχνολογίαν habent, ut scis. Huic ioculatorem senem illum,
ut noras, interesse sane nolui.

have put the discussion in the mouths of Africanus, Philus, Laelius and
Manilius, adding the youths Q. Tubero, P. Rutilius and the two
sons-in-law of Laelius, Scaevola and Fannius. So I am thinking of
contriving some way of mentioning him appropriately—for that I think is
what you want—in one of the introductions. I am giving an introduction
to each book, as Aristotle does in the work he called the _Exoterics_.
And I only hope I may manage to get him in. For as you fully comprehend,
I have set my hand to a subject of wide range and of some difficulty,
which requires much leisure; and that is precisely what I have not got.

While praising those books, you miss the character of Scaevola from the
scene. It was not without good reason that I removed him. Our god Plato
did the same in his _Republic_. When Socrates called on that wealthy and
cheery old soul Cephalus in the Piraeus, the old man takes part in the
discussion during the introductory conversation; but after a very neat
speech, he pleads that he wants to go to a divine service, and does not
come back again. I fancy Plato thought it would have been inartistic to
keep a man of that age any longer in so lengthy a discussion. I thought
there was still more reason to be careful in the case of Scaevola, who
was at the age and in the state of health in which you must remember he
was, and was crowned with such honours that it would hardly have been
proper for him to spend several days with Crassus at his villa at
Tusculum. Besides, the talk in the first book was not unconnected with
Scaevola’s pursuits: while the remaining books contained a technical
discussion, as you know. In such I did not like the merry old man, you
remember, to take a part.

De re Piliae quod scribis, erit mihi curae. Etenim est luculenta res
Aureliani, ut scribis, indiciis. Et in eo me etiam Tulliae meae
venditabo. Vestorio non desum. Gratum enim tibi id esse intellego et, ut
ille intellegat, curo. Sed scis, qui. Cum habeat duo faciles, nihil
difficilius.

Nunc ad ea, quae quaeris de C. Catone. Lege Iunia et Licinia scis
absolutum; Fufia ego tibi nuntio absolutum iri neque patronis suis tam
libentibus quam accusatoribus. Is tamen et mecum et cum Milone in
gratiam rediit. Drusus reus est factus a Lucretio. Iudicibus reiciendis
dies est dictus[150] a. d. V Non. Quinct. De Procilio rumores non boni,
sed indicia nosti. Hirrus cum Domitio in gratia est. Senatus consultum,
quod hi consules de provinciis fecerunt, QVICVMQVE POSTHAC—, non mihi
videtur esse valiturum.

[Sidenote: xvii, 2]

De Messalla quod quaeris, quid scribam, nescio. Numquam ego vidi tam
pares candidatos. Messallae copias nosti. Scaurum Triarius reum fecit.
Si quaeris, nulla est magno opere commota συμπάθεια, sed tamen habet
aedilitas eius memoriam non ingratam, et est pondus apud rusticos in
patris memoria. Reliqui duo plebeii sic exaequantur, ut Domitius valeat
amicis, adiuvetur tamen non nihil[151] gratissimo munere, Memmius
Caesaris commendetur militibus, Pompei Gallia nitatur. Quibus si non
valuerit, putant fore aliquem,

Footnote 150:

  dies est dictus, _added by Madvig_.

Footnote 151:

  nihil _added by Wesenberg_.

In Pilia’s business I will be sure to do what you suggest: for, as you
say, the point is quite clear on Aurelianus’ evidence. And it will give
me a chance of glorifying myself in my Tullia’s eyes. I am supporting
Vestorius: for I see you regard it as a favour, and I make him see it
too. But you know the kind of man he is: frightfully difficult to get on
with, even for two such easy-going people.

Now for your questions about C. Cato. You know he was acquitted under
the Junian and Licinian law. The Fufian law will acquit him too, I
assure you, and that as much to the relief of his accusers as of his
supporters. However, he has made his peace with Milo and myself. Drusus
is being prosecuted by Lucretius. The day for challenging the jury is
fixed for the 3rd of July. About Procilius there are sinister rumours:
but you know what juries are. Hirrus is on good terms with Domitius. The
decree which these consuls have carried about the provinces, “whosoever
henceforth,” etc., I do not think will have any effect.

I don’t know what to say to your question about Messalla: I have never
seen candidates more evenly matched. You know Messalla’s support.
Scaurus has been called into court by Triarius; without any great
sympathy for him being aroused, if you want to know. However his
aedileship recalls no unpleasant memories, and their remembrance of his
father has some weight with the country voters. The other two plebeian
candidates are about equal, as Domitius is strong in friends and his
very popular gladiatorial exhibition will count for him too, while
Memmius is popular with Caesar’s soldiers and relies on the support of
Pompey’s Gaul. If that does not avail him,

qui comitia in adventum Caesaris detrudat, Catone praesertim absoluto.

[Sidenote: xvi, 15]

Paccianae epistulae respondi. Nunc te obiurgari patere, si iure. Scribis
enim in ea epistula, quam C. Decimius mihi reddidit Buthroto datam, in
Asiam tibi eundum esse te arbitrari. Mihi mehercule nihil videbatur
esse, in quo tantulum interesset utrum per procuratores ageres an per te
ipsum, ut a tuis[152] totiens et tam longe abesses. Sed haec mallem
integra re tecum egissem, profecto enim aliquid egissem. Nunc reprimam
susceptam obiurgationem. Utinam valeat ad celeritatem reditus tui!

Ego ad te propterea minus saepe scribo, quod certum non habeo, ubi sis
aut ubi futurus sis; huic tamen nescio cui, quod videbatur isti te
visurus esse, putavi dandas esse litteras. Tu, quoniam iturum te in
Asiam esse putas, ad quae tempora te exspectemus, facias me certiorem
velim, et de Eutychide quid egeris.


                              XVII [XVIII]

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae K. Oct. a. 700_]

Puto te existimare me nunc oblitum consuetudinis et instituti mei rarius
ad te scribere, quam solebam; sed, quoniam loca et itinera tua nihil
habere certi video, neque in Epirum neque Athenas neque in Asiam cuiquam
nisi ad te ipsum proficiscenti dedi litteras. Neque enim sunt epistulae
nostrae eae quae si perlatae non sint, nihil ea res nos offensura sit;
quae tantum habent mysteriorum, ut eas ne librariis

Footnote 152:

  ut a tuis _Boot_: mutabis _M_.

it is thought some one will block the elections till Caesar’s return,
especially since Cato’s acquittal.

There, I have answered the letter Paccius brought. Now you must let me
scold you, if you deserve it. In the letter dated from Buthrotum which
was delivered by C. Decimius, you say you think you will have to go to
Asia. For the life of me I cannot see any reason why it should make the
least little bit of difference whether you act by proxy or in person;
nor why you should so often go to such out of the way places. But I wish
I had tackled you about it before you had taken any steps: then I should
certainly have had some influence. As it is, I will keep the rest of my
scolding for another time. I only hope it may prevail on you to return
quickly.

The reason why I write so seldom to you is that I do not know where you
are or are going to be. But as there was some one or other who thought
he might see you, I decided to give him this letter. Since you think of
going to Asia, let me know when we may expect you back and what you have
done about Eutychides.


                              XVII [XVIII]

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, Oct. 1_, B.C. _54_]

I suppose you think I have forgotten my old custom and rule and write
less frequently than I used; but the fact is that I have not given
letters to anyone going to Epirus or Athens or Asia, unless he was going
expressly to you, because there was no certainty where you were or where
you were going. For our letters are not such that it would do no harm to
us, if they are not delivered. They are so full of

quidem fere committamus, lepidum quid ne[153] quo excidat.

Consules flagrant infamia, quod C. Memmius candidatus pactionem in
senatu recitavit, quam ipse et suus competitor Domitius cum consulibus
fecisset, uti ambo HS quadragena consulibus darent, si essent ipsi
consules facti, nisi tres augures dedissent, qui se adfuisse dicerent,
cum lex curiata ferretur, quae lata non esset, et duo consulares, qui se
dicerent in ornandis provinciis consularibus scribendo adfuisse, cum
omnino ne senatus quidem fuisset. Haec pactio non verbis, sed nominibus
et perscriptionibus multorum tabulis cum esse facta diceretur, prolata a
Memmio est nominibus inductis auctore Pompeio. Hic Appius erat idem.
Nihil sane iacturae. Corruerat alter, et plane, inquam, iacebat. Memmius
autem dirempta coitione invito Calvino plane refrixerat, et eo magis
[Sidenote: xvi, 6] nunc totus iacet,[154] quod iam intellegebamus
enuntiationem illam Memmi valde Caesari displicere. Messalla noster et
eius Domitius competitor liberalis in populo valde fuit. Nihil gratius.
Certi erant consules. At senatus decrevit, ut tacitum iudicium ante
comitia fieret ab iis consiliis, quae erant omnibus sortita, in singulos
candidatos. Magnus timor candidatorum. Sed quidam iudices, in his
Opimius,

Footnote 153:

  quid ne _added by Tyrrell_.

Footnote 154:

  totus iacet _Reid_: cociace _M_.

secrets that we cannot even trust an amanuensis as a rule, for fear of
some jest leaking out.

The consuls’ infamy has had a lurid light thrown on it owing to C.
Memmius, one of the candidates, reading out in the Senate an agreement
made by himself and his fellow-candidate Domitius with them. If they
were elected to the consulship, they were both to give the consuls £350
each, if they did not produce three augurs who would depose that they
were present at the carrying of a _lex curiata_—which had never been
passed; and two ex-consuls who would depose to having been present at
the drafting of a decree for the fitting out of the consular
provinces—though there had never been any meeting of the Senate about it
at all. As this compact was alleged not to be a mere verbal compact, but
one properly drawn up with the sums promised on it, drafts on the bank,
and many other documents, Memmius exhibited it, with all the items
entered,[155] on the suggestion of Pompey. It was all the same to
Appius: he had nothing to lose by it. The other has had a sad comedown,
and I may say is quite done for. Memmius, however, having dissolved the
coalition against Calvinus’ will, has sunk out of mind, and his ruin is
all the more irretrievable because we know now that his disclosure
annoyed Caesar very much. Our friend Messalla and his fellow-competitor
Domitius were very liberal to the people, and could not be more popular.
They are certain of election. But the Senate has decreed that a trial
with closed doors should be held before the elections, and each
candidate’s conduct inquired into by the panels chosen by lot for all of
them. The candidates are in a great fright: but some of the jury—among

Footnote 155:

  Or “cancelled.”

Veiento, Rantius, tribunos pl. appellarunt, ne iniussu populi
iudicarent. Res cedit; comitia dilata ex senatus consulto, dum lex de
tacito iudicio ferretur. Venit legi dies. Terentius intercessit.
Consules, qui illud levi brachio egissent, rem ad senatum detulerunt.
Hic Abdera non tacente me. Dices: “Tamen tu non quiescis?” Ignosce, vix
possum. Verum tamen quid tam ridiculum? Senatus decreverat, ne prius
comitia haberentur, quam lex lata esset; si qui intercessisset, res
integra referretur. Coepta ferri leviter, intercessum non invitis, res
ad senatum. De ea re ita censuerunt, comitia primo quoque tempore haberi
esse e re publica.

[Sidenote: xvi, 7]

Scaurus, qui erat paucis diebus illis absolutus, cum ego partem eius
ornatissime defendissem, obnuntiationibus per Scaevolam interpositis
singulis diebus usque ad pr. Kal. Octobr., quo ego haec die scripsi,
sublatis populo tributim domi suae satis fecerat. Sed tamen, etsi
uberior liberalitas huius, gratior esse videbatur eorum, qui occuparant.
Cuperem vultum videre tuum, cum haec legeres; nam profecto spem habes
nullam haec negotia multarum nundinarum fore. Sed senatus hodie fuerat
futurus, id est Kal. Octobribus; iam enim luciscit. Ibi loquetur praeter

them Opimus, Veiento, and Rantius—have appealed to the tribunes to
prevent their being called upon to serve without the sanction of the
people. The affair is going on. A senatorial decree postponed the
elections until an enactment about the trial with closed doors was
carried. The day for that enactment came, and Terentius vetoed it. The
consuls, who were taking the matter very coolly, referred the point to
the Senate. Thereupon there was Bedlam, and I contributed my share of
noise. You will say: “Can you never hold your tongue?” Forgive me: I
hardly can. But could anything be more ridiculous? The Senate had passed
a decree that the elections should not be held before that enactment was
passed: if it was vetoed, then the matter should be brought forward
again. The law was brought forward casually; it was vetoed to the
satisfaction of the proposers; the matter was referred to the Senate:
and they decided that it was to the interest of the State that the
elections should be held as soon as possible.

Scaurus, who was acquitted in the last few days, after a most elaborate
speech from me in his defence, gave the requisite donations to the
people tribe by tribe at his own house, since all the days up to the
last of September, on which I am writing, had been rendered impossible
for the elections by ill omens announced by Scaevola. But though his
liberality exceeded theirs, those who came first won the most
popularity. I should like to see your face as you read this. For of
course you have no hope that the business will be protracted over many
weeks. But there is going to be a meeting of the Senate on the first of
October, to-day, for the day is already breaking. There no one will
speak boldly except Antius and

Antium et Favonium libere nemo; nam Cato aegrotat. De me nihil timueris,
sed tamen promitto nihil.

[Sidenote: vi, 8]

Quid quaeris aliud? Iudicia, credo. Drusus, Scaurus non fecisse
videntur. Tres candidati fore rei putabantur, Domitius a Memmio,
Messalla a Q. Pompeio Rufo, Scaurus a Triario aut a L. Caesare. “Quid
poteris,” inquies, “pro iis dicere?” Ne vivam, si scio; in illis quidem
tribus libris, quos tu dilaudas, nihil reperio.

[Sidenote: xvi, 13]

Cognosce cetera. Ex fratris litteris incredibilia quaedam de Caesaris in
me amore cognovi, eaque sunt ipsius Caesaris uberrimis litteris
confirmata. Britannici belli exitus exspectatur; constat enim aditus
insulae esse muratos[156] mirificis molibus. Etiam illud iam cognitum
est, neque argenti scripulum esse ullum in illa insula neque ullam spem
praedae nisi ex mancipiis; ex quibus nullos puto te litteris aut musicis
eruditos exspectare.

[Sidenote: xvi, 14]

Paulus in medio foro basilicam iam paene refecit isdem antiquis
columnis; illam autem, quam locavit, facit magnificentissimam. Quid
quaeris? nihil gratius illo monumento; nihil gloriosius. Itaque Caesaris
amici, me dico et Oppium, dirumparis licet, in monumentum illud, quod tu
tollere laudibus solebas, ut forum laxaremus et usque ad atrium
Libertatis explicaremus, contempsimus sexcenties HS; cum privatis

Footnote 156:

  muratos _Junius_, _Tyrrell_: miratos _M_: munitos _E_.

Favonius: Cato is ill. You need not be afraid for me, but I won’t
promise anything.

What else do you want to know? Oh! the trials, I suppose. Drusus and
Scaurus are thought to be innocent. Three candidates will probably be
prosecuted, Domitius by Memmius, Messalla by Q. Pompeius Rufus, Scaurus
by Triarius or L. Caesar. What shall I be able to find to say for them,
you will ask. May I die, if I know. Certainly I find no suggestions in
those three books you praise so highly.

Here is the other news. From my brother’s letters I hear that Caesar
shows signs of extraordinary affection for me, and this is confirmed by
a very cordial letter from Caesar himself. The result of the war in
Britain is looked forward to with anxiety. For it is proved that the
approach to the island is guarded with astonishing masses of rock, and
it has been ascertained too that there is not a scrap of silver in the
island, nor any hope of booty except from slaves; but I don’t fancy you
will find any with literary or musical talents among them.

Paulus has almost reached the roof of his colonnade in the Forum. He has
used the same old columns, but has executed most magnificently the part
he put out on contract. It goes without saying that a monument like that
will win for him more popularity and glory than anything. And so we
friends of Caesar—myself and Oppius I mean, though you may explode with
wrath at my confession—have thought nothing of spending half a million
of money[157] for that public work of which you used to speak so
enthusiastically, the extension of the Forum and continuation of it as
far as the Hall of Liberty. We could not

Footnote 157:

  60,000,000 sesterces.

non poterat transigi minore pecunia. Efficiemus rem gloriosissimam; nam
in campo Martio saepta tributis comitiis marmorea sumus et tecta facturi
eaque cingemus excelsa porticu, ut mille passuum conficiatur. Simul
adiungetur huic operi villa etiam publica. Dices: “Quid mihi hoc
monumentum proderit?” At quid id laboramus? Habes res Romanas. Non enim
te puto de lustro, quod iam desperatum est, aut de iudiciis, quae lege
Coctia fiant, quaerere.


                                 XVIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: xvi, 9]

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae ex. m. Oct. a. 700_]

... Nunc ut opinionem habeas rerum, ferendum est. Quaeris, ego me ut
gesserim. Constanter et libere. “Quid? ille,” inquies, “ut ferebat?”
Humaniter meaeque dignitatis, quoad mihi satis factum esset, habendam
sibi rationem putabat. Quo modo ergo absolutus? Omnino γοργεῖα
γυμνά.[158] Accusatorum incredibilis infantia, id est L. Lentuli L. f.,
quem fremunt omnes praevaricatum, deinde Pompei mira contentio, iudicum
sordes. Ac tamen XXXII condemnarunt, XXXVIII absolverunt. Iudicia
reliqua impendent. [Sidenote: xvi, 10] Nondum est plane expeditus.
Dices: “Tu ergo haec quo modo fers?” Belle mehercule et in eo me valde
amo. Amisimus, mi Pomponi, omnem

Footnote 158:

  γοργεῖα γυμνά _Bosius_: ΠΟΡΠΑΠΥΜΝΑ _M_.

satisfy the private owners with less; but we will make it a most
magnificent affair. In the Campus Martius we are going to make
polling-barriers of marble for the tribal assemblies, roof them over,
and surround them with a lofty colonnade a mile in circumference. And at
the same time we shall join this to the Villa Publica. You will ask
“What advantage shall I derive from the work?” But we need not go into
that now. That is all the public news. For I don’t suppose you will want
to hear about the lustration which is given up in despair, or about the
trials which are taking place in accordance with the Coctian law.


                                 XVIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, Oct._, B.C. _54_]

... So now, to give you my opinion on affairs, we have got to put up
with them. You want to know how I behaved. With firmness and boldness.
You will ask how Pompey took things. Quite kindly, evidently thinking he
must consider my dignity until satisfaction had been paid to me. How did
Gabinius come to be acquitted then? It was simply a puppet show: the
behaviour of the accusers—that is to say of L. Lentulus, the younger,
who is being universally accused of collusion—was incredibly infantile:
Pompey exerted his influence energetically: and the jury were a rotten
lot. Still 32 voted for condemnation and 38 for acquittal. Other trials
are hanging over his head: he is not out of the wood yet. You will say:
“How then do you take it?” Quite coolly, upon my word, and I
congratulate myself thereon. The State, my dear Pomponius, has lost not
only its sap and blood,

non modo sucum ac sanguinem, sed etiam colorem et speciem pristinam
civitatis. Nulla est res publica, quae delectet, in qua acquiescam.
“Idne igitur,” inquies; “facile fers?” Id ipsum; recorder enim, quam
bella paulisper nobis gubernantibus civitas fuerit, quae mihi gratia
relata sit. Nullus dolor me angit unum omnia posse; dirumpuntur ii, qui
me aliquid posse doluerunt. Multa mihi dant solacia, nec tamen ego de
meo statu demigro, quaeque vita maxime est ad naturam, ad eam me refero,
ad litteras et studia nostra. Dicendi laborem delectatione oratoria
consolor; domus me et rura nostra delectant; non recordor, unde
ceciderim, sed unde surrexerim. Fratrem mecum et te si habebo, per me
isti pedibus trahantur; vobis ἐμφιλοσοφῆσαι possum. Locus ille animi
nostri, stomachus ubi habitabat olim, concalluit; privata modo et
domestica nos delectant. Miram securitatem videbis; cuius plurimae
mehercule partes sunt in tuo reditu; nemo enim in terris est mihi tam
consentientibus sensibus.

[Sidenote: xvi, 11]

Sed accipe alia. Res fluit ad interregnum, et est non nullus odor
dictaturae, sermo quidem multus; qui etiam Gabinium apud timidos iudices
adiuvit. Candidati consulares omnes rei ambitus. Accedit etiam Gabinius;
quem P. Sulla non dubitans, quin foris esset, postularat contra dicente
et nihil obtinente

but even all its old colour and outward semblance. There is in fact no
Republic to give one a feeling of joy and peace. “And is that what you
find so comfortable?” you may ask. That is the very thing. For I
remember its glory during the little while when I directed it, and the
return that was paid me. It does not cost me a pang to see one man
omnipotent: but those who were annoyed at my small power are bursting
with indignation. There are many things which bring consolation to me
without my stirring from my original position; and I am returning to the
life which suits my nature best, to literature and my studies. For the
labour of pleading I console myself by my delight in oratory. I find
pleasure in my town house and my country houses. I think not of the
height from which I have fallen, but of the depths from which I have
risen. If I have but my brother and you with me, they may be hanged
drawn and quartered for all I care: I can study philosophy with you.
That part of my soul which used to harbour wrath has lost its power of
feeling. Now only my private and personal affairs interest me. You will
find me in a wonderfully peaceful state of mind, and upon my word your
return is a great factor in my peace: for there is no one in the world
whose spirit so harmonizes with my own.

But now I will tell you the other news. Things are drifting towards an
interregnum: and a dictatorship is in the air. There is a great deal of
talk about it, which helped Gabinius with timid jurors. All the
candidates for the consulship are accused of bribery. Gabinius is with
them too. P. Sulla applied for the prosecution of him, suspecting that
he would be too out of pocket to bribe a jury. Torquatus applied too

Torquato. Sed omnes absolventur, nec posthac quisquam damnabitur, nisi
qui hominem Occident. Hoc tamen agitur severius, itaque indicia calent.
M. Fulvius Nobilior condemnatus est; multi alii urbani ne respondent
quidem.

[Sidenote: xvi, 12]

Quid aliud novi? Etiam. Absolute Gabinio stomachantes alii iudices hora
post Antiochum Gabinium nescio quem e Sopolidis pictoribus libertum,
accensum Gabini, lege Papia condemnarunt. Itaque dixit statim resp. lege
maiestatis ΟΥΣΟΙΜΡΙΣΑΜΑΦΙΗΙ. Pomptinus vult a. d. IIII Non. Novembr.
triumphare. Huic obviam Cato et Servilius praetores ad portam et Q.
Mucius tribunus. Negant enim latum de imperio, et est latum hercule
insulse. Sed erit cum Pomptino Appius consul. Cato tamen adfirmat se
vivo illum non triumphaturum. Id ego puto ut multa eiusdem ad nihil
recasurum. Appius sine lege suo sumptu in Ciliciam cogitat.

[Sidenote: xvii, 3]

A Quinto fratre et a Caesare accepi a. d. VIIII Kal. Nov. litteras datas
a litoribus Britanniae proximis a. d. VI Kal. Octobr. Confecta
Britannia, obsidibus acceptis, nulla praeda, imperata tamen pecunia
exercitum ex Britannia reportabant. Q. Pilius erat iam ad Caesarem
profectus. Tu, si aut amor in te est nostri ac tuorum aut ulla veritas,
aut etiam si sapis ac frui

but did not obtain it. But they will all be acquitted, and in future no
one will be condemned except for homicide. That charge is being severely
dealt with and so informers are busy. M. Fulvius Nobilior has been
condemned: and a number of others are polite enough not even to answer
the charge.

Any other news? Yes. An hour after the acquittal of Gabinius another
jury in indignation condemned some one called Antiochus Gabinius, out of
Sopolis’ studio, a freedman and attendant of Gabinius, under the Papian
law. He at once said “So the State will not acquit me of treason as it
did you.”[159]

Pomptinus wants to celebrate his triumph on the 2nd of November. He is
openly opposed by the praetors Cato and Servilius and the tribune Q.
Mucius, who declare that no authority was ever given for a triumph: and
it certainly was given in the most absurd manner. However Pomptinus will
have the consul Appius on his side. Cato declares he shall never triumph
as long as he lives. I fancy it will all come to nothing like most
similar affairs. Appius is thinking of going to Cilicia without
authority and at his own expense.

On the 24th of October I received a letter from my brother Quintus and
from Caesar, dated from the nearest point on the coast of Britain on the
25th of September. Britain is settled, hostages taken, no booty, but a
tribute imposed; and they are bringing back the army from the place. Q.
Pilius was just on his way to Caesar. If you have any affection for me
and your family, if any trust can be put in your word, nay, if you have
any sense and want to enjoy your

Footnote 159:

   The Greek words here are corrupt. The translation follows
  Schuckburgh’s emendation οὐ σοί κεν ἄρ’ ἶσά μ’ ἀφείη.

tuis commodis cogitas, adventare et prope adesse iam debes. Non
mehercule aequo animo te careo; te autem quid mirum, qui Dionysium tanto
opere desiderem? Quem quidem abs te, cum dies venerit, et ego et Cicero
meus flagitabit. Abs te proximas litteras habebam Epheso a. d. V Idus
Sextil. datas.


                               XIX [XVII]

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae ex. m. Nov. a. 700_]

O exspectatas mihi tuas litteras! o gratum adventum! o constantiam
promissi et fidem miram! o navigationem amandam! quam mehercule ego
valde timebam recordans superioris tuae transmissionis δέρρεις. Sed,
nisi fallor, citius te, quam scribis, videbo. Credo enim te putasse tuas
mulieres in Apulia esse. Quod cum secus erit, quid te Apulia moretur?
Num Vestorio dandi sunt dies et ille Latinus ἀττικισμὸς ex intervallo
regustandus? Quin tu huc advolas et invisis illius nostrae rei publicae
germanae imaginem.[160] Disputavi de nummis ante comitia tributim uno
loco [Sidenote: xviii, 3] divisis palam, inde absolutum Gabinium: remp.
in[161] dictaturam ruere[162] iustitio et omnium rerum licentia.
Perspice aequitatem animi mei et lauda meam[163] contemptionem
Seleucianae provinciae et mehercule cum Caesare suavissimam
coniunctionem (haec enim me una ex hoc naufragio tabula delectat); qui
quidem

Footnote 160:

  imaginem _added by Wesenberg_. disputavi _Madvig_: putavi _MSS._

Footnote 161:

  remp. in _added by Madvig_.

Footnote 162:

  ruere _Madvig_: fruere _M_.

Footnote 163:

  lauda meam _Boot_: ludum et _M_.

blessings, you ought to be on your way home and very close at hand too.
Upon my word, I cannot endure your absence. And what wonder that I want
you, when I miss Dionysius so much? Him both I and little Marcus shall
demand from you at the proper time. The last letter I had from you was
posted from Ephesus on the 9th of August.


                               XIX [XVII]

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, Nov._, B.C. _54_]

How I have longed for this letter! And how glad I am to hear of your
arrival! You have kept your promise with marvellous exactitude and
fidelity. What a charming voyage! Of that I was really very much afraid,
remembering the fur-coats of your former crossing. But, unless I am
mistaken, I shall see you earlier than you say. I fancy you think your
ladies are still in Apulia. That is not the case, so there will be
nothing to keep you there. You surely wont throw days away on Vestorius
and have another taste of his Latin Greek after all this interval. Fly
hither rather, and visit the remains of what was once our genuine
Republic. I have discussed the open bribery of the people tribe by tribe
before the elections, and the consequent acquittal of Gabinius. Things
are tending to a dictatorship, what with the deadlock and the general
licence. Observe my placidity and praise my contempt for the Seleucinian
province,[164] and my really delightful association with Caesar. That is
the one plank left in this shipwreck to delight my eyes. Heavens! how he
does load

Footnote 164:

  The whole of this passage is very doubtful, and the reference in
  _Seleucianae provinciae_ is unknown.

Quintum meum tuumque, di boni! quem ad modum tractat honore, dignitate,
gratia! non secus ac si ego essem imperator. Hiberna legionis eligendi
optio delata commodum, ut ad me Quintus scribit. Hunc tu non ames? quem
igitur istorum?

Sed heus tu! scripseramne tibi me esse legatum Pompeio et extra urbem
quidem fore ex Idibus Ianuariis? Visum est hoc mihi ad multa quadrare.
Sed quid plura? Coram, opinor, reliqua, ut tu tamen aliquid exspectes.
Dionysio plurimam salutem; cui quidem ego non modo servavi, sed etiam
aedificavi locum. Quid quaeris? ad summam laetitiam meam, quam ex tuo
reditu capio, magnus illius adventus cumulus accedit. Quo die ad me
venies, fac ut, si me amas, apud me cum tuis maneas.

your and my Quintus with honours and dignities and favours! Just as
though I were a commander-in-chief. The choice of any of the army
winter-quarters has just been given him, as Quintus writes me. If one
does not fall in love with such a man, which of the others could one
fall in love with?

By the bye, had I told you I am on Pompey’s staff, and from the 13th of
January shall not be in Rome? It seemed to me to square with a good many
things. I need not say more. I think I will leave the rest till we meet
to give you something to look forward to. My best respects to Dionysius.
I have not merely kept a place for him; I have built one. In fact his
coming will add a finishing stroke to the great joy I shall find in your
return. The day you arrive, I must insist on you and your company
staying with me.



                           M. TULLI CICERONIS
                         EPISTULARUM AD ATTICUM
                             LIBER QUINTUS


                                   I

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Menturnis III aut prid. Non. Mai. a. 703_]

Ego vero et tuum in discessu vidi animum et meo sum ipse testis. Quo
magis erit tibi videndum, ne quid novi decernatur, ut hoc nostrum
desiderium ne plus sit annuum. De Annio Saturnino curasti probe. De
satis dando vero te rogo, quoad eris Romae, tu ut satis des. Et sunt
aliquot satisdationes secundum mancipium veluti Mennianorum praediorum
vel Atilianorum. De Oppio factum est, ut volui, et maxime quod ¯DCCC¯
aperuisti. Quae quidem ego utique vel versura facta solvi volo, ne
extrema exactio nostrorum nominum exspectetur.

Nunc venio ad transversum illum extremae epistulae tuae versiculum, in
quo me admones de sorore. Quae res se sic habet. Ut veni in Arpinas, cum
ad me frater venisset, in primis nobis sermo isque multus de te fuit. Ex
quo ego veni ad ea, quae fueramus ego et tu inter nos de sorore in
Tusculano locuti. Nihil tam vidi mite, nihil tam placatum, quam tum meus
frater erat in sororem tuam, ut, etiam si qua



                            CICERO’S LETTERS
                               TO ATTICUS
                                 BOOK V


                                   I

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Menturnae, May 5 or 6_, B.C. _51_]

Yes, I did see your feelings when we parted, and to my own I can
testify. That is an additional reason why you should take care that no
new decrees are passed, to prevent this painful separation from lasting
more than one year. You have taken the right steps with Annius
Saturninus. As to the guarantee, please give it yourself, while you are
in town. There are some proofs of ownership, for instance those for
Mennius’ or rather Atilius’ estate. You have done exactly what I wanted
in Oppius’ case, especially in putting the £7,000[165] to his credit. I
must have that paid off without waiting till I’ve got in all my arrears,
even if I have to get into the hands of the Jews[166] over it.

Now I come to the line you wrote crosswise at the end of your letter, in
which you give me a word of advice about your sister. The facts of the
case are that when I reached Arpinum and my brother had come, the first
thing we did was to have a long talk about you. After that I brought the
talk round to the discussion you and I had about your sister at
Tusculum. My brother’s behaviour then to your sister was gentleness and
kindness itself. If there ever was any quarrel about

Footnote 165:

  800,000 sesterces.

Footnote 166:

  _Versuram facere_ = to borrow money to pay off a previous loan.

fuerat ex ratione sumptus offensio, non appareret. Ille sic dies.
Postridie ex Arpinati profecti sumus. Ut in Arcano Quintus maneret, dies
fecit, ego Aquini, sed prandimus in Arcano. Nosti hunc fundum. Quo ut
venimus, humanissime Quintus “Pomponia” inquit, “tu invita mulieres, ego
arcivero viros.” Nihil potuit, mihi quidem ut visum est, dulcius idque
cum verbis tum etiam animo ac vultu. At illa audientibus nobis “Ego ipsa
sum” inquit “hic hospita,” id autem ex eo, ut opinor, quod antecesserat
Statius, ut prandium nobis videret. Tum Quintus “En” inquit mihi “haec
ego patior cotidie.” Dices: “Quid, quaeso, istuc erat?” Magnum; itaque
me ipsum commoverat; sic absurde et aspere verbis vultuque responderat.
Dissimulavi dolens. Discubuimus omnes praeter illam, cui tamen Quintus
de mensa misit. Illa reiecit. Quid multa? nihil meo fratre lenius, nihil
asperius tua sorore mihi visum est; et multa praetereo, quae tum mihi
maiori stomacho quam ipsi Quinto fuerunt. Ego inde Aquinum. Quintus in
Arcano remansit et Aquinum ad me postridie mane venit mihique narravit
nee secum illam dormire voluisse et, cum discessura esset, fuisse eius
modi, qualem ego vidissem. Quid quaeris? vel ipsi hoc dicas licet,
humanitatem ei meo iudicio illo die defuisse.

Haec ad te scripsi fortasse pluribus, quam necesse fuit, ut videres tuas
quoque esse partes instituendi et monendi. Reliquum est, ut, antequam
proficiscare, mandata nostra, exhaurias, scribas ad me omnia, Pomptinum

expense, there were no signs of it. So passed that day. On the next day
we started from Arpinum. A festival caused Quintus to stop at Arcanum,
while I went on to Aquinum: but we lunched together at Arcanum. You know
his place there. Well, when we reached it, Quintus said most politely,
“Pomponia, you invite the ladies, I will ask the men.” Nothing, so far
as I could see, could have been more gentle than his words or his
intention or his expression. But before us all she answered “I’m only a
stranger here”; just because Statius had been sent on in front to get
dinner ready for us, I suppose. Says Quintus to me: “There you are.
That’s what I have to put up with every day.” You may say there surely
was not much in that. But there was a good deal: indeed she upset me
myself; she answered with such uncalled for acrimony in word and look. I
concealed my annoyance. We all took our places except her: but Quintus
sent her something from the table, which she refused. In a word, it
seemed to me that my brother was as good-tempered and your sister as
cross as could be, and I have omitted a lot of things that aroused my
wrath more than Quintus’. Then I went on to Aquinum. Quintus stayed at
Arcanum, and came to me the next morning, and told me that she would not
sleep with him and, when she was leaving, she was as cross as when I saw
her. In fact, I don’t care if you tell her herself, that to my mind she
behaved with a lack of courtesy that day.

I have said perhaps more than necessary about it to show you that it is
your turn to do a little instructing and advising too. It only remains
for you to fulfil all my commissions before you start, and send me an
account of all of them, to rout Pomptinus out,

extrudas, cum profectus eris, cures, ut sciam, sic habeas, nihil
mehercule te mihi nec carius esse nec suavius. A. Torquatum amantissime
dimisi Menturnis, optimum virum; cui me ad te scripsisse aliquid in
sermone significes velim.


                                   II

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Pompeiano VI Id. Mai. a. 703_]

A. d. VI Idus Maias, cum has dabam litteras, ex Pompeiano proficiscebar,
ut eo die manerem in Trebulano apud Pontium. Deinde cogitabam sine ulla
mora iusta itinera facere. In Cumano cum essem, venit ad me, quod mihi
pergratum fuit, noster Hortensius; cui deposcenti mea mandata cetera
universe mandavi, illud proprie, ne pateretur, quantum esset in ipso;
prorogari nobis provincias. In quo eum tu velim confirmes gratumque mihi
fecisse dicas, quod et venerit ad me et hoc mihi, praetereaque si quid
opus esset, promiserit. Confirmavi ad eam causam etiam Furnium nostrum,
quem ad annum tribunum pl. videbam fore. Habuimus in Cumano quasi
pusillam Romam. Tanta erat in his locis multitudo; cum interim Rufio
noster, quod se a Vestorio observari videbat, strategemate hominem
percussit; nam ad me non accessit. Itane? cum Hortensius veniret et
infirmus et tam longe et Hortensius, cum maxima praeterea multitudo,
ille non venit? Non, inquam. “Non vidisti igitur hominem?” inquies. Qui
potui non videre, cum per emporium Puteolanorum iter

and, when you have left, to let me know, believing that there is nothing
I hold dearer than yourself, nothing that gives me more delight. I bade
that good fellow, A. Torquatus, a most affectionate farewell at
Menturnae. I should like you to tell him I mentioned him in a letter.


                                   II

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Pompeii, May 10_, B.C. _51_]

On the 10th of May, the date of this letter, I set out from my villa at
Pompeii, to spend the day with Pontius in his villa at Trebula.
Thereafter I mean to do my day’s journey regularly without delay. While
I was in my villa at Cumae, our friend Hortensius paid me a very welcome
visit. He asked if I had any commissions, and I gave him commissions in
general, and in particular to prevent to the best of his ability
extension of my term of office in my province. Please keep him up to it,
and tell him that I was much gratified at his visit, and at his promises
on that particular point and of any other assistance I might need. I
have bound our friend Furnius, who, I see, will be tribune next year, to
help me in the same matter. My villa at Cumae was a miniature Rome;
there were such a lot of people in the neighbourhood. In the middle of
it all our friend Rufio, seeing that Vestorius was on his tracks,
baffled the man by a ruse; for he did not come to me. You may be
surprised that he did not come, seeing that Hortensius came, who is ill,
lives afar off and is a great man, and crowds of other people came as
well. I repeat he did not come. You may infer I did not see him. How
could I fail to see him when I travelled

facerem? In quo illum agentem aliquid, credo, salutavi, post etiam iussi
valere, cum me exiens e sua villa, numquid vellem, rogasset. Hunc
hominem parum gratum quisquam putet aut non in eo ipso laudandum, quod
audiri non laborarit? Sed redeo ad illud.

Noli putare mihi aliam consolationem esse huius ingentis molestiae, nisi
quod spero non longiorem annua fore. Hoc me ita velle multi non credunt
ex consuetudine aliorum; tu, qui scis, omnem diligentiam adhibebis tum
scilicet, cum id agi debebit, cum ex Epiro redieris. De re publica
scribas ad me velim, si quid erit, quod odorere. Nondum enim satis huc
erat allatum, quo modo Caesar ferret de auctoritate perscripta, eratque
rumor de Transpadanis eos iussos IIII viros creare. Quod si ita est,
magnos motus timeo. Sed aliquid ex Pompeio sciam.


                                  III

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Trebulano V Id. Mai. a. 703_]

A. d. VI Idus Maias veni in Trebulanum ad Pontium. Ibi mihi tuae
litterae binae redditae sunt tertio abs te die. Eodem autem exiens e
Pompeiano

through the market of Puteoli? He was busy about something there I
fancy, when I greeted him. On a subsequent occasion, I bade him a brief
good-bye, when he came out of his villa and asked if I had any commands.
Is one to reckon such a man ungrateful, or does he not rather deserve
praise for not striving to get audience? But I return to my former
point.

Pray don’t imagine that I have any consolation for this tremendous
nuisance beyond a hope that my office will not outlast a year. A number
of people do not believe in this wish of mine, judging me by others.
You, who know my mind, will please use every effort, I mean when the
time comes for action, on your return from Epirus. Please write me on
state politics, and tell me any secrets you may scent out. For at
present we have no sufficient news as to how Caesar takes the recorded
opinion of the Senate on his case, and there was a report too that the
Transpadani were ordered to create a board of four municipal
officers.[167] If that is the case, I fear great disturbance: but I
shall learn some news from Pompey.


                                  III

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Trebula, May 11_, B.C. _51_]

On the 10th of May I came to Pontius’ villa at Trebula. There two
letters from you were delivered to me on the third day after leaving
your hands. On that same day, as I was quitting my place at Pompeii,

Footnote 167:

  Caesar wished to give Transpadane Gaul the full _civitas_; in which
  case they would become a _municipium_ and elect a yearly board of
  _quattuorviri_, instead of _duoviri_.

Philotimo dederam ad te litteras; nec vero nunc erat sane, quod
scriberem. Qui de re publica rumores, scribe, quaeso; in oppidis enim
summum video timorem, sed multa inania. Quid de his cogites et quando,
scire velim. Ad quas litteras tibi rescribi velis, nescio. Nullas enim
adhuc acceperam, praeter quae mihi binae simul in Trebulano redditae
sunt; quarum alterae edictum P. Lentuli habebant (erant autem Nonis
Maiis datae), alterae rescriptae ad meas Menturnenses. Quani vereor, ne
quid fuerit σπουδαιότερον in iis, quas non accepi, quibus rescribi vis!
Apud Lentulum ponam te in gratia.

Dionysius nobis cordi est. Nicanor tuus operam mihi dat egregiam. lam
deest, quod scribam, et lucet. Beneventi cogitabam hodie. Nostra
continentia et diligentia esse satis[168] faciemus satis.

A Pontio ex Trebulano a. d. V Idus Maias.


                                   IV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Beneventi IV Id Mai. a. 703_]

Beneventum veni a. d. V Idus Maias. Ibi accepi eas litteras, quas tu
superioribus litteris significaveras te dedisse, ad quas ego eo ipso die
dederam ex Trebulano a Pontio. Ac binas quidem tuas Beneventi accepi,
quarum alteras Funisulanus multo mane mihi dedit, alteras scriba
Tullius. Gratissima est mihi tua cura de illo meo primo et maximo
mandato; sed tua profectio spem meam debilitat. Ac de illo illuc

Footnote 168:

  _The text here is corrupt._

I gave Philotimus a letter to you: nor have I at present any news. I beg
you write me what reports there are on the political situation. In the
country towns I notice there is much panic: but a great deal is
nonsense. Please let me know your opinion about this and the date of the
impending crisis. I do not know to which of your letters you ask for a
reply. I have received no letter so far, except the two which were
handed me together at my villa in Trebula. One of these contained the
edict of P. Lentulus, and was dated the 7th of May: the other was a
reply to my letter from Menturnae. I fear there may have been some
matter more important in a letter I did not receive, to which you ask
for a reply. I will put you in Lentulus’ good graces.

Dionysius is my bosom friend. Your Nicanor does me excellent service. I
have no more to say, and day is breaking. I think of going to Beneventum
to-day. My continence and diligence shall satisfy....

From the house of Pontius at Trebula, May 11.


                                   IV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Beneventum May 12_, B.C. _51_]

I reached Beneventum on the 11th of May. There I received the note which
you said in your last letter had been despatched. I answered that letter
on the day I received it from Pontius’ villa at Trebula. And indeed two
letters of yours reached me at Beneventum, one of them handed to me by
Funisulanus in the early morning, and the other by my secretary Tullius.
I am very grateful to you for your trouble about my first and most
important commission. But your departure from Rome lessens my

quidem labor,[169] non quo—, sed inopia cogimur eo contenti esse. De
illo altero, quem scribis tibi visum esse non alienum, vereor, adduci ut
nostra possit, et tu ais δυσδιάγνωστον esse. Equidem sum facilis, sed tu
aberis, et me absente res habebit mei rationem?[170] Nam posset aliquid,
si utervis nostrum adesset, agente Servilia Servio fieri probabile.
Nunc, si iam res placeat, agendi tamen viam non video.

Nunc venio ad eam epistulam, quam accepi a Tullio. De Marcello fecisti
diligenter. Igitur, senatus consultum si erit factum, scribes ad me; si
minus, rem tamen conficies; mihi enim attribui oportebit, item Bibulo.
Sed non dubito, quin senatus consultum expeditum sit, in quo praesertim
sit compendium populi. De Torquato probe. De Masone et Ligure, cum
venerint. De illo, quod Chaerippus (quoniam hic quoque πρόσνευσιν
sustulisti), o provincia! etiamne hic mihi curandus est? curandus autem
hactenus, ne quid ad senatum “consule!” aut “numera!” Nam de ceteris—sed
tamen commode, quod cum Scrofa. De Pomptino recte scribis. Est enim ita,
ut, si ante Kal. Iunias Brundisi futurus sit, minus urguendi fuerint M.
Anneius et L. Tullius. Quae de Sicinio audisti, ea mihi probantur, modo
ne illa exceptio in aliquem incurrat bene de nobis meritum. Sed
considerabimus., rem enim probo. De

Footnote 169:

  de illo, illuc quidem labor _Kayser_: me ille illud quod labat
  _Z_^h_N_: me ille illud _M with a marginal variant_ me illud quidem
  labat.

Footnote 170:

  res habebis mirationem _M_. _The text is Tyrrell’s emendation. Many
  others have been made, e.g. Palmer’s_ res haerebit. Habebis mei
  rationem.

hope. As regards the man you mention, I am slipping into your view, not
that——but for want of a better we are compelled to be satisfied with
him. As for the other man who, you say, appears a not unlikely
candidate, I fear my daughter could not be persuaded, and, as you add,
there is not a pin to choose between them. For myself I am reasonable;
but you will be away, and will any account be taken of me in my absence?
For, if either of us were on the spot, a good face might be put on the
matter with Servius through the agency of Servilia. Now, even if it were
a thing I favoured, I see no way of bringing it to pass.

Now I come to that letter which I received from Tullius. You have been
very energetic about Marcellus: so, if a decree should be passed, please
inform me: but, if not, try to carry the matter through: a grant ought
to be made to me and to Bibulus. But I am confident that the decree will
be passed especially as it saves the people’s pocket. That is fine about
Torquatus. As for Maso and Ligur, we can wait till they come. As to
Chaerippus’ request, since you have given me no tip on the matter——hang
the province! Must I trouble about him too? Well, I must take enough
trouble to prevent any debate on the matter or count out in the House.
As for others——however you do well to have spoken with Scrofa. As to
Pomptinus you are right. It comes to this, if Pomptinus will be at
Brundisium before June, M. Anneius and L. Tullius need not hurry out of
Rome. As to your news from Sicinius, I am satisfied, provided this
restriction does not apply to anyone who has obliged me. But I will
think it over, as the plan pleases me. I will let you know

nostro itinere quod statuero, de quinque praefectis quid Pompeius
facturus sit, cum ex ipso cognoro, faciam, ut scias. De Oppio bene
curasti, quod ei de ¯DCCC¯ exposuisti, idque, quoniam Philotimum habes,
perfice et cognosce rationem et, ut agam amplius, si me amas, priusquam
proficiscaris, effice. Magna me cura levaris.

Habes ad omnia. Etsi paene praeterii chartam tibi deesse. Mea captio
est, si quidem eius inopia minus multa ad me scribis. Tu vero aufer
ducentos; etsi meam in eo parsimoniam huius paginae contractio
significat. Dumtaxat rumores, vel etiam si qua certa habes de Caesare,
exspecto. Litteras et aliis et Pomptino de omnibus rebus diligenter
dabis.


                                   V

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Venusiae Id. Mai. a. 703_]

Plane deest, quod scribam; nam, nec quod mandem, habeo (nihil enim
praetermissum est), nec quod narrem (novi enim nihil), nec iocandi locus
est; ita me multa sollicitant. Tantum tamen scito, Idibus Maiis nos
Venusia mane proficiscentes has dedisse. Eo autem die credo aliquid
actum in senatu. Sequantur igitur nos tuae litterae, quibus non modo res

what course I have determined to adopt as regards my route, and also as
to Pompey’s policy about the five prefects,[171] when I have heard from
him. As for Oppius you have done well to explain to him the matter of
the £7,000.[172] Please arrange the business since Philotimus is with
you. Examine the account and, to go further in my request, if you love
me, settle the debt before you leave town. You will relieve me of great
anxiety.

I have replied to all your points. But your want of paper I had almost
forgotten. It is my loss, if for lack of it your letter is shorter. Take
a couple of hundred sheets,[173] though the shortness of this page
betokens my stinginess in paper. In return I look for information and
gossip and any certain news of Caesar. You will write a letter to
Pomptinus, as well as others, about everything.


                                   V

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Venusia, May 15_, B.C. _51_]

I have absolutely nothing to write about. Having forgotten nothing I
have no commission for you. Having no news, I have nothing to relate.
And this is no place for jests considering the number of my cares. Still
you must know that I despatched this letter setting out from Venusia on
the morning of the 15th of May. I believe something has been done in the
Senate to-day. So send a letter after

Footnote 171:

  Five new prefects were to be appointed in each of the Spains.

Footnote 172:

  800,000 sesterces.

Footnote 173:

  Understanding _chartas_, which is used by the older Latin authors as a
  masculine noun, cf. Nonius 196, 17. Others however understand
  _sestertios_.

omnes, sed etiam rumores cognoscamus. Eas accipiemus Brundisi; ibi enim
Pomptinum ad eam diem, quam tu scripsisti, exspectare consilium est. Nos
Tarenti quos cum Pompeio διαλόγους de re publica habuerimus, ad te
perscribemus. Etsi id ipsum scire cupio, quod ad tempus recte ad te
scribere possim, id est quam diu Romae futurus sis, ut aut, quo dem
posthac litteras, sciam, aut ne dem frustra. Sed, antequam proficiscare,
utique explicatum sit illud HS. ¯XX¯ et ¯DCCC¯. Hoc velim in maximis
rebus et maxime necessariis habeas, ut, quod auctore te velle coepi,
adiutore adsequar.


                                   VI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Tarenti XIV K. Iun. a. 703_]

Tarentum veni a. d. XV Kal. Iunias. Quod Pomptinum statueram exspectare,
commodissimum duxi dies eos, quoad ille veniret, cum Pompeio consumere
eoque magis, quod ei gratum esse id videbam, qui etiam a me petierit, ut
secum et apud se essem cotidie. Quod concessi libenter. Multos enim eius
praeclaros de re publica sermones accipiam, instruar etiam consiliis
idoneis ad hoc nostrum negotium.

Sed ad te brevior iam in scribendo incipio fieri dubitans, Romaene sis
an iam profectus. Quod tamen quoad ignorabo, scribam aliquid potius quam
committam, ut, tibi cum possint reddi a me litterae, non reddantur. Nee
tamen iam habeo, quod aut mandem tibi aut narrem. Mandavi omnia; quae
quidem tu,

me, giving not only all the facts but the gossip too. I shall get it at
Brundisium. For it is there that I intend to await Pomptinus up to the
date that you have mentioned. I will write you of the _causeries_ I had
with Pompey at Tarentum about politics. Although there is one thing I
want to know, up to what time I can safely write to you at Rome, that is
how long you will be in town, so that I may have your address after your
removal and may not send letters in vain. Before you go, settle the
business of the £180 and the £7,000.[174] Please count it most important
and most necessary, that with your help I may achieve, what I began to
wish for at your instance.


                                   VI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Tarentum, May 19_, B.C. _51_]

I came to Tarentum on the 18th of May. As I had decided to await
Pomptinus, I thought it most convenient to spend the days before his
arrival with Pompey, the more so because I saw it pleased him. Indeed he
begged me to see him and to be at his house every day; and I am glad to
give him my company. I shall have some grand conversations with him
about the political situation, and shall get useful advice on this
business of mine.

I am beginning to send you shorter letters, as I do not know whether you
are in Rome, or have now started on your journey. However, so long as I
am ignorant of your whereabouts, I will write you a line rather than run
the risk of not sending you a letter, when a letter from me can reach
you. I have no commission for you and nothing to say. I have given

Footnote 174:

  20,000 and 800,000 sesterces.

ut polliceris, exhauries. Narrabo, cum aliquid habebo novi. Illud tamen
non desinam, dum adesse te putabo, de Caesaris nomine rogare ut
confectum relinquas. Avide exspecto tuas litteras et maxime, ut norim
tempus profectionis tuae.


                                  VII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Tarenti XIII K. Iun. a. 703_]

Cotidie vel potius in dies singulos breviores litteras ad te mitto;
cotidie enim magis suspicor te in Epirum iam profectum. Sed tamen, ut
mandatum scias me curasse, quo de ante, ait se Pompeius quinos
praefectos delaturum novos vacationis iudiciariae causa. Ego cum triduum
cum Pompeio et apud Pompeium fuissem, proficiscebar Brundisium a. d.
XIII Kal. Iunias. Civem illum egregium relinquebam et ad haec, quae
timentur, propulsanda paratissimum. Tuas litteras exspectabo, cum ut,
quid agas, tum ut, ubi sis, sciam.


                                  VIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Brundisi IV aut III Non. Iun. a. 703_]

Me et incommoda valetudo, e qua iam emerseram, utpote cum sine febri
laborassem, et Pomptini exspectatio, de quo adhuc ne rumor quidem
venerat, tenebat duodecimum iam diem Brundisi; sed cursum exspectabamus.
Tu, si modo es Romae (vix enim puto), sin es, hoc vehementer
animadvertas velim.

you all my commissions, and please execute them as you promise. I will
send you any fresh news, when I have it. One matter I shall not cease to
request so long as I think you are in town,—that you will leave my debt
to Caesar settled. I await eagerly a letter from you, especially that I
may know the date of your leaving Rome.


                                  VII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Tarentum, May 20_, B.C. _51_]

Daily, or rather more and more every day, I send you shorter letters:
for daily I suspect more than ever that you have started for Epirus.
However, to inform you that I have taken in hand your previous
commission:—Pompey says that he will appoint five new prefects,
exempting them from serving on juries. For myself, after spending three
days with Pompey at his house, I am setting out for Brundisium on the
20th of May. I am leaving behind me a noble citizen, well-prepared to
ward off the dangers we fear. I shall await your letters to inform me of
your actions and whereabouts.


                                  VIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Brundisium, June 2 or 3_, B.C. _51_]

Tiresome indisposition, from which I have recovered, as there was no
fever with my ailment, and also my awaiting Pomptinus, of whom so far no
news has reached me, have detained me now twelve days at Brundisium: but
I am looking for an opportunity to sail. I scarcely imagine that you are
in town; but, if you are, please give your closest attention to

Roma acceperam litteras Milonem meum queri per litteras iniuriam meam,
quod Philotimus socius esset in bonis suis. Id ego ita fieri volui de C.
Duroni sententia, quem et amicissimum Miloni perspexeram et talem virum,
qualem tu iudicas, cognoram. Eius autem consilium meumque hoc fuerat,
primum ut in potestate nostra esset res, ne illum malus emptor alienus
mancipiis, quae permulta secum habet, spoliaret, deinde ut Faustae, cui
cautum ille esse voluisset, ratum esset. Erat etiam illud, ut ipsi nos,
si quid servari posset, quam facillime servaremus. Nunc rem totam
perspicias velim; nobis enim scribuntur saepe maiora. Si ille queritur,
si scribit ad amicos, si idem Fausta vult, Philotimus, ut ego ei coram
dixeram, mihique ille receperat, ne sit invito Milone in bonis. Nihil
nobis fuerat tanti. Sin haec leviora sunt, tu iudicabis. Loquere cum
Duronio. Scripsi etiam ad Camillum, ad Lamiam eoque magis, quod non
confidebam Romae te esse. Summa erit haec. Statues, ut ex fide, fama
reque mea videbitur.


                                   IX

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Acti XVII K. Quint. a. 703_]

Actium venimus a. d. XVII Kal. Quinctiles, cum quidem et Corcyrae et
Sybotis muneribus tuis, quae et Araus et meus amicus Eutychides opipare
et φιλοπροσηνέστατα nobis congesserant, epulati essemus

the following. I have received a letter from Rome, saying that my friend
Milo writes complaining of ill-treatment from me, for allowing
Philotimus to have a hand in the purchase of his property. I acted on
the advice of C. Duronius, a man whom I saw to be most friendly to Milo,
and just such a person as you suppose him to be. His plan and mine was
this, firstly, to keep a hold over Milo’s property for fear some hard
bargainer, a stranger to us, should rob him of his slaves, of whom a
great number were with him; and secondly, that the settlement he
intended to make on Fausta should be respected. There was the further
intention, that we ourselves should have the readiest means of saving
anything that could be saved. Now please review the whole matter, for
letters to me often exaggerate. If Milo complains and writes to his
friends, and, if Fausta wishes, as I told Philotimus and as he agreed, I
would not have him purchase the property against Milo’s wish. Nothing
would compensate for offending Milo. You will judge if the matter has
been exaggerated. Please consult Duronius. I have written also to
Camillus and to Lamia, among other reasons because I do not feel sure
you are in town. To sum up, in deciding be careful of my honour,
reputation and interests.


                                   IX

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Actium, June 14._ B.C. _51_]

I reached Actium on the 14th of June, after feasting like an alderman
both at Corcyra and the Sybota islands, thanks to your gifts which Araus
and my good friend Eutychides heaped on me with lavish

Saliarem in modum. Actio maluimus iter facere pedibus, qui
incommodissime navigassemus, et Leucatam flectere molestum videbatur,
actuariis autem minutis Patras accedere sine impedimentis non satis
visum est decorum. Ego, ut saepe tu me currentem hortatus es, cotidie
meditor, praecipio meis, faciam denique, ut summa modestia et summa
abstinentia munus hoc extraordinarium traducamus. Parthus velim
quiescat, et fortuna nos iuvet, nostra praestabimus.

Tu, quaeso, quid agas, ubi quoque tempore futurus sis, quales res
nostras Romae reliqueris, maxime de ¯XX¯ et ¯DCCC¯ cura ut sciamus. Id
unis diligenter litteris datis, quae ad me utique perferantur,
consequere. Illud tamen, quoniam nunc abes, cum id non agitur, aderis
autem ad tempus, ut mihi rescripsti, memento curare per te et per omnes
nostros, in primis per Hortensium, ut annus noster maneat suo statu, ne
quid novi decernatur. Hoc tibi ita mando, ut dubitem, an etiam te rogem,
ut pugnes, ne intercaletur. Sed non audeo tibi omnia onera imponere;
annum quidem utique teneto.

Cicero meus, modestissimus et suavissimus puer, tibi salutem dicit.
Dionysium semper equidem, ut scis, dilexi, sed cotidie pluris facio, et
mehercule in primis quod te amat nec tui mentionem intermitti sinit.

kindness. From Actium I preferred to travel by land, in view of the
wretched passage we had and the danger of rounding Leucatas. It did not
seem to me quite dignified to go ashore at Patrae in small boats without
my baggage. I will really take care to fulfil this unusual office of
mine with all propriety and honesty, as you have often urged me, nothing
loth; and daily I bethink me of your advice and impress it on my staff.
Please God the Parthians keep quiet and fortune favour me, I will answer
for myself.

I beg that you will let me know what you are doing, your movements from
time to time, how you left my business at Rome, particularly in the
matter of the £180 and the £7,000. Please do this in a letter carefully
addressed to reach me anyhow. You are away at this present moment of
inaction, but you have promised me to be in town for the occasion, and
remember to use your best endeavours and to employ all my friends,
especially Hortensius, that my year of office may conclude without any
extension. This commission should perhaps be accompanied by a request
for you to fight that no extra days may be added to the calendar: but I
hardly like to give you all this trouble. Anyhow insist on the year.

My son, a boy of charming manners, sends greetings to you. I have always
liked Dionysius as you know, but I make more of him every day,
especially because he is your admirer, and lets slip no chance of
mentioning you.


                                   X

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Athenis prid. K. aut K. Quint. a. 703_]

Ut Athenas a. d. VI Kal. Quinctiles veneram, exspectabam ibi iam quartum
diem Pomptinum neque de eius adventu certi quicquam habebam. Eram autem
totus, crede mihi, tecum et, quamquam sine iis per me ipse, tamen acrius
vestigiis tuis monitus de te cogitabam. Quid quaeris? non mehercule
alius ullus sermo nisi de te. Sed tu de me ipso aliquid scire fortasse
mavis. Haec sunt. Adhuc sumptus nec in me aut publice aut privatim nec
in quemquam comitum. Nihil accipitur lege Iulia, nihil ab hospite.
Persuasum est omnibus meis serviendum esse famae meae. Belle adhuc. Hoc
animadversum Graecorum laude et multo sermone celebratur. Quod superest,
elaboratur in hoc a me, sicut tibi sensi placere. Sed haec tum laudemus,
cum erunt perorata. Reliqua sunt eius modi, ut meum consilium saepe
reprehendam, quod non aliqua ratione ex hoc negotio emerserim. O rem
minime aptam meis moribus! o illud verum ἔρδοι τις! Dices: “Quid adhuc?
nondum enim in negotio versaris.” Sane scio et puto molestiora restare.
Etsi haec ipsa fero equidem fronte, ut puto, et voltu bellissime, sed
angor intimis sensibus; ita multa vel iracunde vel insolenter vel in
omni genere stultitiae insulse adrogantur et dicuntur et tacentur
cotidie; quae non, quo te celem, non perscribo, sed quia


                                   X

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Athens, June 29 or July 1_, B.C. _51_]

I came to Athens on the 25th of June, and I have waited three days for
Pomptinus, but have heard nothing certain of his coming. Believe me, you
are with me all the time, and, though it did not need associations to
turn my thoughts towards you, still I was reminded of you more than ever
by treading in your footsteps. Indeed we talk of nothing else but you;
but perhaps you prefer to have news about myself. So far no public body
or private person has spent money on me or on my staff. I have not even
taken the barest necessities allowed by the law of Julius, nor have I
billeted myself on anyone. My staff have made up their minds that they
must uphold my good name. So far everything has gone well: the Greeks
have noted it and are full of outspoken praise. For the rest I am
endeavouring to act as I know you would like. But let us reserve our
praise for the end of the story. In other respects I often blame my
mistake in not having found some method of escape from this flood of
affairs. The business is little suited to my tastes. It is a true
saying, “Cobbler, stick to your last.”[175] You will say: “What,
already? You have not yet begun your work.” Too true, and I fear worse
is to come. I put up with things with cheerful brow and smiling face;
but I suffer in my heart of hearts. There is so much ill temper and
insolence, such stupid folly of every kind, such arrogant talk and such
sullen silence to be put up with every day. I pass over this, not
because I wish to conceal it, but

Footnote 175:

  ἔρδοι τις ἣν ἕκαστος εἰδείη τέχνην (Aristophanes, _Vespae_ 1431).

δυσεκλάλητα sunt. Itaque admirabere meam βαθύτητα, cum salvi redierimus;
tanta mihi μελέτη huius virtutis datur.

Ergo haec quoque hactenus; etsi mihi nihil erat propositum ad
scribendum, quia, quid ageres, ubi terrarum esses, ne suspicabar quidem.
Nec hercule umquam tam diu ignarus rerum mearum fui, quid de Caesaris,
quid de Milonis nominibus actum sit; ac non modo nemo domo, ne Roma
quidem quisquam, ut sciremus, in re publica quid ageretur. Quare, si
quid erit, quod scias de iis rebus, quas putabis scire me velle, per
mihi gratum erit, si id curaris ad me perferendum.

Quid est praeterea? Nihil sane nisi illud. Valde me Athenae delectarunt
urbe dumtaxat et urbis ornamento et hominum amore in te et in nos quadam
benevolentia; sed multa in[176] ea philosophia sursum deorsum, si quidem
est in Aristo, apud quem eram. Nam Xenonem tuum vel nostrum potius
Quinto concesseram, et tamen propter vicinitatem totos dies simul
eramus. Tu velim, cum primum poteris, tua consilia ad me scribas, ut
sciam, quid agas, ubi quoque tempore, maxime quando Romae futurus sis.


                                   XI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Athenis pr. Non. Quint. a. 703_]

Hui, totiesne me litteras dedisse Romam, cum ad te nullas darem? At vero
posthac frustra potius dabo quam, si recte dari potuerint, committam, ut
non dem. Ne provincia nobis prorogetur, per fortunas! dum ades, quicquid
provideri poterit, provide.

Footnote 176:

  multum _M_: multa in _Reid_.

because to explain is difficult. You shall marvel at my self-restraint,
when I return home safe. I have so much practice in the virtue.

Enough of this topic too. Though indeed I have nothing to make me write
to you at all, because I have no idea of what you are doing or where you
are, and I have never been so long ignorant about my own concerns—as to
what has been done about the debt to Caesar and Milo’s money matters:
and there has come no messenger from Rome much less from my house to
inform me of political affairs. So, if you have information you may
think I should like to know, I shall be delighted if you will take care
to send it to me.

I have only one thing to add. Athens pleases me greatly, that is the
material city, its embellishments, your popularity and the kind feeling
shown to me: but its philosophy is topsy-turvy, that is, if it is
represented by Aristus with whom I am staying: for I gave up Xeno your
friend and mine to Quintus. Still we are close neighbours and meet every
day. Please write me as soon as possible of your plans, and tell me what
you are doing, where you are from time to time, and especially when you
will be in town.


                                   XI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Athens, July 6_, B.C. _51_]

What, write so often to Rome, and never a line to you! Well, in future,
rather than do such a thing as not to write a letter that can reach you
safely, I will despatch a letter that may go astray. In the name of
heaven, while you are in town, take every possible precaution against
the term of my office

Non dici potest, quam flagrem desiderio urbis, quam vix harum rerum
insulsitatem feram.

Marcellus foede in Comensi. Etsi ille magistratum non gesserat, erat
tamen Transpadanus. Ita mihi videtur non minus stomachi nostro quam
Caesari fecisse. Sed hoc ipse viderit. Pompeius mihi quoque videbatur,
quod scribis Varronem dicere, in Hispaniam certe iturus. Id ego minime
probabam; qui quidem Theophani facile persuasi nihil esse melius quam
illum nusquam discedere. Ergo Graecus incumbet. Valet autem auctoritas
eius apud illum plurimum.

Ego has pr. Nonas Quinctiles proficiscens Athenis dedi, cum ibi decem
ipsos fuissem dies. Venerat Pomptinus, una Cn. Volusius; aderat
quaestor; tuus unus Tullius aberat. Aphracta Rhodiorum et dicrota
Mytilenaeorum habebam et aliquid ἐπικώπων. De Parthis erat silentium.
Quod superest, di iuvent!

Nos adhuc iter per Graeciam summa cum admiratione fecimus, nec mehercule
habeo, quod adhuc quem accusem meorum. Videntur mihi nosse nostram
causam et condicionem profectionis suae; plane serviunt existimationi
meae. Quod superest, si verum illud est οἵαπερ ἡ δέσποινα, certe
permanebunt. Nihil

being extended. I cannot describe how ardently I long for town, how hard
I find it to bear the stupidity of life here.

Marcellus acted disgracefully over the man from Comum:[177] even if he
had not been a magistrate, still he was a Transpadane. So Marcellus’
action seems to me as likely to anger Pompey as Caesar; but that is his
own look-out. I agree with Varro’s statement, which you quote in your
letter, that Pompey will surely go to Spain. I by no means approve of
the policy, and indeed I convinced Theophanes easily that Pompey’s
presence in Rome was the very best course. So the Greek will put
pressure on Pompey; and his opinion weighs with him a great deal.

I despatch this letter on the 6th of July, being about to leave Athens,
where I have stayed just ten days. Pomptinus has come along with Cn.
Volusius. My quaestor is here. Your friend Tullius is the one absentee.
I have some open boats of Rhodes and two-deckers from Mitylene and a few
despatch boats. There is no news of the Parthians. For the rest, God
help us.

So far our journey through Greece has provoked great admiration, and I
have no fault at all to find with my staff at present. They seem to
understand what my case is, and the terms on which they stand. They do
everything to maintain my good name. For the rest, if the saying be
true, “Like master, like man,”[178] assuredly they will stick to their
good behaviour,

Footnote 177:

  He had ordered him to be flogged, disregarding the fact that Caesar
  had sent 5,000 colonists to Transpadane Gaul. Magistrates of a
  _colonia_ had the full _civitas_.

Footnote 178:

  The proverb ends τοία χἠ κύων (“the dog is like its mistress”)
  according to the Scholiast on Plato _De Repub._, viii, 563.

enim a me fieri ita videbunt, ut sibi sit delinquendi locus. Sin id
parum profuerit, fiet aliquid a nobis severius. Nam adhuc lenitate
dulces sumus et, ut spero, proficimus aliquantum. Sed ego hanc, ut
Siculi dicunt, ἀνεξίαν in unum annum meditatus sum. Proinde pugna, ne,
si quid prorogatum sit, turpis inveniar.

Nunc redeo, ad quae mihi mandas. In praefectis excusatio: iis, quos
voles, deferto. Non ero tam μετέωρος, quam in Appuleio fui. Xenonem tam
diligo quam tu, quod ipsum sentire certo scio. Apud Patronem et reliquos
barones te in maxima gratia posui et hercule merito tuo feci. Nam mihi
Ister dixit te scripsisse ad se mihi ex illius litteris rem illam curae
fuisse, quod ei pergratum erat. Sed, cum Patro mecum egisset, ut peterem
a vestro Ariopago, ὑπομνηματισμὸν tollerent, quem Polycharmo praetore
fecerant, commodius visum est et Xenoni et post ipsi Patroni me ad
Memmium scribere, qui pridie, quam ego Athenas veni, Mitilenas profectus
erat, ut is ad suos scriberet posse id sua voluntate fieri. Non enim
dubitabat Xeno, quin ab Ariopagitis invito Memmio impetrari non posset.
Memmius autem aedificandi consilium abiecerat; sed erat Patroni iratus.
Itaque scripsi ad eum accurate; cuius epistulae misi ad te exemplum.

Tu velim Piliam meis verbis consolere. Indicabo enim tibi, tu illi nihil
dixeris. Accepi fasciculum, in quo erat epistula Piliae. Abstuli,
aperui, legi. Valde scripta est συμπαθῶς. Brundisio quae tibi epistulae

for they will see no excuse for misconduct in any act of mine. If
example be futile, I must try severer means. So far I have been mild and
kind, and I hope I am making headway. But I have looked forward to
playing patience, as the Sicilians say, for one year only. So fight for
me, for fear extension of office might spoil my conduct.

To return to the commissions you have given me. Prefects have exemption
from serving on a jury. Give the office to whom you will. I shall not be
so _difficile_, as I was in the case of Appuleius. I am as fond of Xeno
as you are, and I am sure he knows it. I have put you in well-deserved
favour with Patro and the other blockheads. Ister has told me you have
written to him that you learned from Patro’s letter I was taking an
interest in the point, much to his delight. But when Patro urged me to
ask your Areopagus to cancel the minute they had made when Polycharmus
was praetor, it seemed better to Xeno and afterwards to Patro himself
that I should send a letter to Memmius, who had set out to Mitylenae the
day before I arrived at Athens, asking him to inform his agents that the
minute could be cancelled with his free consent. For Xeno was sure the
Areopagus would refuse to act against his will. Memmius had abandoned
his plan of building a house; but he was angry with Patro. I enclose a
copy of the careful letter I wrote him.

Please convey my condolences to Pilia. I will tell you a secret you are
not to repeat to her: I received the parcel containing her letter, took
it out, opened and read it. It was written in terms of sympathy for
Quintus. Please consider the letters you got from Brundisium without one
from me as having

redditae sunt sine mea, tum videlicet datas, cum ego me non belle
haberem. Nam illam νομαίαν ἀργίας[179] excusationem ne acceperis. Cura,
ut omnia sciam, sed maxime ut valeas.


                                  XII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in medio mari med. m. Quint. a. 703_]

Negotium magnum est navigare atque id mense Quinctili. Sexto die Delum
Athenis venimus. Pr. Nonas Quinctiles a Piraeo ad Zostera vento molesto;
qui nos ibidem Nonis tenuit. Ante VIII Idus ad Ceo iucunde; inde Gyarum
saevo vento, non adverso; hinc Syrum, inde Delum, utroque citius, quam
vellemus, cursum confecimus. Nam nosti aphracta Rhodiorum; nihil, quod
minus fluctum ferre possit. Itaque erat in animo nihil festinare nec me
Delo movere, nisi omnia ἀκρωτήρια Γυρέων vidissem.

De Messalla ad te, statim ut audivi, de Gyaro dedi litteras et—id ipsum
consilium nostrum—etiam ad Hortensium, cui quidem valde συνηγωνίων. Sed
tuas de eius iudicii sermonibus et mehercule omni de rei publicae statu
litteras exspecto πολιτικώτερον quidem scriptas, quoniam meos cum
Thallumeto nostro pervolutas libros, eius modi, inquam, litteras, ex
quibus ego, non quid fiat (nam id vel Helonius, vir gravissimus, potest
efficere, cliens tuus), sed quid futurum sit, sciam.

Cum haec leges, habebimus consules. Omnia perspicere

Footnote 179:

  νομαίαν ἀργίας _Tyrrell_: νομαναρια me _MSS._

been despatched when I was indisposed. I won’t ask you to accept the
lazy man’s stock excuse, my business. Take great care to keep me well
posted up in news, and still greater care to preserve your health.


                                  XII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _At sea, July_, B.C. _51_]

A sea voyage is a big business, especially in the month of July. Six
days after leaving Athens I came to Delos. On the 6th of July I got from
the Piraeus to Zoster with a contrary wind which kept us there on the
7th. On the 8th we reached Ceos in fine weather. From there we came to
Gyaros, with a wind strong, but not contrary: thence to Syros, and from
Syros to Delos; in both cases sailing quicker than we could have wished.
You know by this time what the open boats of Rhodes are like, poor
things in a rough sea. So I have made up my mind not to hurry and not to
stir from Delos until I see “all the peaks of Gyrae” clear.

I sent you a letter about Messalla at once from Gyaros as soon as I
heard, and another on my own initiative to Hortensius, for I felt much
sympathy with him. I await a letter from you to give me the gossip about
the verdict and about the political situation, dealing, if I may say so,
more with public topics, since now, with the aid of Thallumetus, you are
running through my books. I don’t want a letter to tell me what is
actually happening, for that tiresome fellow your client Helonius can do
that: but I want to know what is likely to happen.

By the time you read this, consuls will have been

poteris de Caesare, de Pompeio, de ipsis iudiciis. Nostra autem negotia,
quoniam Romae commoraris, amabo te, explica. Cui rei fugerat me
rescribere, de strue laterum, plane rogo, de aqua, si quid poterit
fieri, eo sis ammo, quo soles esse; quam ego cum mea sponte tum tuis
sermonibus aestimo plurimi. Ergo tu id conficies. Praeterea, si quid
Philippus rogabit, quod in tua re faceres, id velim facias. Plura
scribam ad te, cum constitero. Nunc eram plane in medio mari.


                                  XIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Ephesi VII K. Sext. a. 703_]

Ephesum venimus a. d. XI Kal. Sextiles sexagesimo et quingentesimo post
pugnam Bovillanam. Navigavimus sine timore et sine nausea, sed tardius
propter aphractorum Rhodiorum imbecillitatem. De concursu legationum,
privatorum, et de incredibili multitudine, quae mihi iam Sami, sed
mirabilem in modum Ephesi praesto fuit, aut audisse te puto aut “Quid ad
me attinet?” Verum tamen decumani, quasi venissem cum imperio, Graeci
quasi Ephesio praetori se alacres obtulerunt. Ex quo te intellegere
certo scio multorum annorum ostentationes meas nunc in discrimen esse
adductas. Sed, ut spero, utemur ea palaestra, quam a te didicimus,
omnibusque satis faciemus et eo facilius, quod in nostra provincia
confectae sunt

elected. You will be able to have clear views about Caesar and Pompey
and the trials themselves. And please arrange my affairs, since you are
staying in town. Oh, I forgot to answer one question about the
brickwork: as to the aqueduct, without entering into particulars, please
be as kind as you always are, if anything can be done. To the last item,
my own views as well as your letters lead me to attach very great
importance: so please get it done. Furthermore, if the contractor puts
you any questions, please act as you would in your own case. I will
write a longer letter, when I am on dry land. At present I am far out at
sea.


                                  XIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Ephesus, July 26_, B.C. _51_]

I reached Ephesus on the 22nd of July, the five hundred and sixtieth day
after the battle of Bovillae.[180] The voyage caused me no alarm and no
sickness, but was slow owing to the crankiness of the open boats. I
imagine you have heard about the crowd of legations and of private
suitors and about the astonishing number of people who met me even at
Samos, and even more noticeably at Ephesus; or you may say it does not
interest you. Still the tax-collectors thrust themselves on my notice as
though I had come with an army behind me, and the Greeks as if I were
governor of Asia. You will see that the professions of my life are now
being put to the test. I hope I shall employ the training I have learned
from you and satisfy everybody, the more easily because in my province
the contracts have been settled. But

Footnote 180:

  The murder of Clodius, Jan. 18, B.C. 52.

pactiones. Sed hactenus, praesertim cum cenanti mihi nuntiarit Cestius
se de nocte proficisci.

Tua negotiola Ephesi curae mihi fuerunt, Thermoque tametsi ante adventum
meum liberalissime erat pollicitus tuis omnibus, tamen Philogenem et
Seium tradidi, Apollonidensem Xenonem commendavi. Omnino omnia se
facturum recepit. Ego praeterea rationem Philogeni permutationis eius,
quam tecum feci, edidi. Ergo haec quoque hactenus.

Redeo ad urbana. Per fortunas! quoniam Romae manes, primum illud
praefulci atque praemuni, quaeso, ut simus annui, ne intercaletur
quidem. Deinde exhauri mea mandata maximeque, si quid potest de illo
domestico scrupulo, quem non ignoras, dein de Caesare, cuius in
cupiditatem te auctore incubui, nec me piget. Et, si intellegis, quam
meum sit scire et curare, quid in re publica fiat—fiat autem? immo vero
etiam quid futurum sit, perscribe ad me omnia, sed diligentissime
imprimisque, ecquid iudiciorum status aut factorum aut futurorum etiam
laboret. De aqua, si curae est, si quid Philippus aget, animadvertes.


                                  XIV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Trallibus VI K. Sext. a. 703_]

Antequam aliquo loco consedero, neque longas a me neque semper mea manu
litteras exspectabis; cum autem erit spatium, utrumque praestabo. Nunc
iter conficiebamus aestuosa et pulverulenta via. Dederam

enough of this, especially as Cestius has interrupted my dinner with
news that he is starting to-night.

I attended to your little jobs at Ephesus and although before my arrival
Thermus had given the most lavish promises to all your people, still I
introduced Philogenes and Seius to him, and recommended Xeno of
Apollonis. He undertook to do everything. In addition I submitted to
Philogenes an account of the sum I got from you by negotiating a bill of
exchange. So enough of this too.

I return to town affairs. Since you are staying in Rome, in heaven’s
name, do support and establish my plea to be let off with one year of
office without additions to the calendar. Execute all my commissions;
particularly get over that hitch in my private affairs of which you are
aware, and over the business with Caesar. It was you who led me to try
to pay my debt, and I am glad. If you understand my _penchant_ to know
and trouble about what is happening in public life, or rather what is
going to happen, write to me in full and with accuracy, especially
whether there is any break-down at all in the trials that have been held
or are going to be held. If you are interested about the aqueduct, and
if the contractor is at work, please give it your attention.


                                  XIV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Tralles, July 27_, B.C. _51_]

You must not expect long letters from me nor always letters in my own
handwriting, till I have settled down somewhere. When I have time, I
will guarantee both. I am now engaged on a hot and dusty journey. I
wrote yesterday from Ephesus; to-day

Epheso pridie; has dedi Trallibus. In provincia mea fore me putabam Kal.
Sextilibus. Ex ea die, si me amas, παράπηγμα ἐνιαύσιον commoveto.
Interea tamen haec mihi, quae vellem, adferebantur, primum otium
Parthicum, dein confectae pactiones publicanorum, postremo seditio
militum sedata ab Appio stipendiumque eis usque ad Idus Quinctiles
persolutum.

Nos Asia accepit admirabiliter. Adventus noster nemini ne minimo quidem
fuit sumptui. Spero meos omnes servire laudi meae. Tamen magno timore
sum, sed bene speramus. Omnes iam nostri praeter Tullium tuum venerunt.
Erat mihi in animo recta proficisci ad exercitum, aestivos menses
reliquos rei militari dare, hibernos iuris dictioni.

Tu velim, si me nihilo minus nosti curiosum in re publica quam te,
scribas ad me omnia, quae sint, quae futura sint. Nihil mihi gratius
facere potes; nisi tamen id erit mihi gratissimum, si, quae tibi
mandavi, confeceris imprimisque illud ἐνδόμυχον, quo mihi scis nihil
esse carius. Habes epistulam plenam festinationis et pulveris; reliquae
subtiliores erunt.


                                   XV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Laodiceae III Non. Sext. a. 703_]

Laodiceam veni pridie Kal. Sextiles. Ex hoc die clavum anni movebis.
Nihil exoptatius adventu meo,

I write from Tralles. I expect to be in my province on the 1st of
August. Let that day, if you love me, be notched[181] as the first of my
year of office. Meantime the following welcome news has reached me, that
the Parthians are at peace; secondly that the contracts with the
tax-farmers have been settled, and lastly that Appius has quelled a
mutiny of his soldiers and paid them up to the 15th of July.

Asia has given me an astonishing welcome. My coming has cost no one a
penny. I trust that my staff are cherishing my good name. I am very
nervous: but I hope for the best. All of them have joined me except your
friend Tullius. I intend to go straight to my army, to devote the
remaining summer months to military matters, and the winter to judicial
business.

As you know that I am as interested as you in political business, please
write to me everything that is happening and is likely to happen. You
can do me no greater service, except the greatest service of all, which
is to carry out my commissions, particularly that household matter with
which you know I am greatly concerned. This letter is full of dust and
hurry: others shall be more in detail.


                                   XV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Laodicea, Aug. 3_, _B.C._ _51_]

I reached Laodicea on the 31st of July. So notch that day as the
beginning of my year of office. My arrival has been looked forward to
with desire and longing.

Footnote 181:

  παράπηγμα ἐνιαύσιον corresponds to _clavus anni_ of the next letter.
  The expression arose from the custom of driving a nail into the right
  wall of the Temple of Jupiter on the Ides of September every year to
  keep count of the years.

nihil carius. Sed est incredibile, quam me negotii taedeat, non habeat
satis magnum campum ille tibi non ignotus cursus animi et industriae
meae, praeclara opera cesset. Quippe, ius Laodiceae me dicere, cum Romae
A. Plotius dicat, et, cum exercitum noster amicus habeat tantum, me
nomen habere duarum legionum exilium? Denique haec non desidero, lucem,
forum, urbem, domum, vos desidero. Sed feram, ut potero, sit modo
annuum. Si prorogatur, actum est. Verum perfacile resisti potest, tu
modo Romae sis.

Quaeris, quid hic agam. Ita vivam, ut maximos sumptus facio. Mirifice
delector hoc instituto. Admirabilis abstinentia ex praeceptis tuis, ut
verear, ne illud, quod tecum permutavi, versura mihi solvendum sit. Appi
vulnera non refrico, sed apparent nec occuli possunt. Iter Laodicea
faciebam a. d. III Non. Sextiles, cum has litteras dabam, in castra in
Lycaoniam. Inde ad Taurum cogitabam, ut cum Moeragene signis collatis,
si possem, de servo tuo deciderem.

             “Clitellae bovi sunt impositae; plane non est
             nostrum onus.”

Sed feremus, modo, si me amas, sim annuus. Adsis tu ad tempus, ut
senatum totum excites. Mirifice sollicitus sum, quod iam diu mihi ignota
sunt ista omnia. Quare, ut ad te ante scripsi, cum cetera tum res
publica cura ut mihi nota sit. Plura scribam. Tarde tibi redditu
iri,[182] sed dabam familiari homini ac domestico, C. Andronico
Puteolano. Tu autem

Footnote 182:

  _The text here is uncertain._

You would never believe how sick I am of the business and I cannot find
sufficient scope for the wide interests and energy you know I possess,
and do nothing noticeable. To think that I hold court in Laodicea, while
A. Plotius does so at Rome, and that I have the nominal command of two
skeleton legions, while Caesar has a huge army! However, it is not these
advantages I miss: it is the world, the Forum, the city, my home and
you. I will bear as best I can a year of office: an extension would kill
me. Still we may combat that very easily if only you are at Rome.

You ask what I am doing. Upon my life I am spending a fortune. I am
marvellously pleased with the rule of conduct I have formed: and you
have taught me to be so admirably self restrained that I fear I may have
to borrow to pay off the money I took from you. I avoid opening the
wounds which Appius has inflicted on the province: but they are patent
and cannot be hidden. I travel from Laodicea on the 3rd of August, the
date of this letter, to the camp in Lycaonia. Thence I intend to go to
Taurus, so that I may settle the matter of your slave, if possible, by
pitched battle with Moeragenes.

               “’Tis the ox that bears the load, not I.”

I can endure; but, for heaven’s sake, let it be only for a year. You
must be in town at the proper time to stir up every member of the House.
I am marvellously anxious, because it is so long since I have had news:
so, as I wrote before, give me news of political matters as well as
other things. I will write more fully. [This letter I know] will be a
long time in reaching you: but I am giving it to a trusty and intimate
friend, C. Andronicus of

saepe dare tabellariis publicanorum poteris per magistros scripturae et
portus nostrarum dioecesium.


                                  XVI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in itinere a Synnada ad Philomelium inter a. d. V et
           III Id. Sext. a. 703_]

Etsi in ipso itinere et via discedebant publicanorum tabellarii, et
eramus in cursu, tamen surripiendum aliquid putavi spatii, ne me
immemorem mandati tui putares. Itaque subsedi in ipsa via, dum haec,
quae longiorem desiderant orationem, summatim tibi perscriberem. Maxima
exspectatione in perditam et plane eversam in perpetuum provinciam nos
venisse scito pridie Kal. Sextiles, moratos triduum Laodiceae, triduum
Apameae, totidem dies Synnade. Audivimus nihil aliud nisi imperata
ἐπικεφάλια solvere non posse, ὠνὰς omnium venditas, civitatum gemitus,
ploratus, monstra quaedam non hominis, sed ferae nescio cuius immanis.
Quid quaeris? taedet omnino eos vitae. Levantur tamen miserae civitates,
quod nullus fit sumptus in nos neque in legatos neque in quaestorem
neque in quemquam. Scito non modo nos foenum, aut quod e lege Iulia dari
solet, non accipere, sed ne ligna quidem, nec praeter quattuor lectos et
tectum quemquam accipere quicquam, multis locis ne tectum quidem, et in
tabernaculo manere plerumque. Itaque incredibilem in

Puteoli. You, however, will be able to get the contractors for the
pasture-dues and harbour-duties of my districts to send yours by the
tax-gatherers’ messengers.


                                  XVI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _On the road from Synnada to Philomelium, between Aug. 9 and
           11_, B.C. _51_]

Though the tax-farmers’ messengers are actually on their road and I am
travelling, still I think I must snatch a moment for fear you may
imagine I have forgotten your commission. So I sit down on the high road
to scribble you a summary of what really calls for a long epistle. You
must know that my arrival in this province, which is in a state of
lasting ruin and desolation, was expected eagerly. I got here on the
31st of July. I stayed three days at Laodicea, three at Apamea, and as
many at Synnas.[183] Everywhere I heard the same tale. People could not
pay the poll-tax: they were forced to sell out their investments: groans
and lamentations in the towns, and awful conduct of one who is some kind
of savage beast rather than a man. All the people are, as you may
suppose, tired of life. However, the poor towns are relieved that they
have had to spend nothing on me, my legates, or a quaestor, or anyone.
For you must know that I not only refused to accept pay, or what is a
proper perquisite under the Julian law, but that none of us will take
firewood or anything beyond four beds and a roof; and in many places we
do not accept even a roof, but remain mostly under canvas. So
extraordinary

Footnote 183:

  This name is found in three forms in classical authors—Synnada (neut.
  pl.), Synnada (fem. sing.), as in the superscription to this letter,
  and Synnas, as here.

modum concursus fiunt ex agris, ex vicis, ex domibus omnibus. Mehercule
etiam adventu nostro reviviscunt. Iustitia, abstinentia, dementia tui
Ciceronis itaque opiniones omnium superavit. Appius, ut audivit nos
venire, in ultimam provinciam se coniecit Tarsum usque. Ibi forum agit.
De Partho silentium est, sed tamen concisos equites nostros a barbaris
nuntiabant ii, qui veniebant. Bibulus ne cogitabat quidem etiam nunc in
provinciam suam accedere; id autem facere ob eam causam dicebant, quod
tardius vellet decedere. Nos in castra properabamus, quae aberant bidui.


                                  XVII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in itinere ad castra inter IV Id. et prid. Id. Sext. a.
           703_]

Accepi Roma sine epistula tua fasciculum litterarum; in quo, si modo
valuisti et Romae fuisti, Philotimi duco esse culpam, non tuam. Hanc
epistulam dictavi sedens in raeda, cum in castra proficiscerer, a quibus
aberam bidui. Paucis diebus habebam certos homines, quibus darem
litteras. Itaque eo me servavi. Nos tamen, etsi hoc te ex aliis audire
malo, sic in provincia nos gerimus, quod ad abstinentiam attinet, ut
nullus terruncius insumatur in quemquam. Id fit etiam et legatorum et
tribunorum et praefectorum diligentia; nam omnes mirifice
συμφιλοδοξοῦσιν gloriae meae. Lepta noster mirificus est. Sed nunc
propero. Perscribam ad te paucis diebus omnia. Cicerones nostros
Deiotarus filius, qui rex ab senatu appellatus est

throngs of people have come to meet me from farms and villages and every
homestead. Upon my word my very coming seems to revive them. Your friend
Cicero has won all hearts by his justice and self-restraint and kind
bearing. When Appius heard of my arrival, he betook himself to the
extreme border of the province, right up by Tarsus. There he holds
court. There is no news of the Parthians, but chance arrivals report
that they have cut up our cavalry. Even now Bibulus is not thinking of
coming to his province: people say because he desires to be late in
departing from it. I am hurrying into camp, which is two days’ journey
away.


                                  XVII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _On the same journey, between Aug. 10 and 12_, B.C. _51_]

I got a bundle of letters from Rome without one from you. Supposing you
are well and in town, I imagine the fault was Philotimus’ and not yours.
This letter is dictated as I sit in my carriage on my road to the camp,
from which I am distant two days’ journey. In a few days’ time I have
trusty messengers: so I reserve myself for that time. I should like you
to hear the news from others; but I can’t help saying that I am
conducting myself in the province with such restraint that not a
halfpenny is spent on any of us. For that I have to thank the conduct of
the legates, tribunes and praetors. For all of them take a surprising
pride in maintaining my good name. Our friend Lepta is wonderful. I am
in a hurry now, and will write everything in a few days’ time. The
younger Deiotarus, who was styled king by the Senate, has taken the two
boys to his court. So long

secum in regnum. Dum in aestivis nos essemus, illum pueris locum esse
bellissimum duximus.

Sestius ad me scripsit, quae tecum esset de mea domestica et maxima cura
locutus, et quid tibi esset visum. Amabo te, incumbe in eam rem et ad me
scribe, quid et possit, et tu censeas. Idem scripsit Hortensium de
proroganda nostra provincia dixisse nescio quid. Mihi in Cumano
diligentissime se, ut annui essemus, defensurum receperat. Si quicquam
me amas, hunc locum muni. Dici non potest, quam invitus a vobis adsim;
et simul hanc gloriam iustitiae et abstinentiae fore inlustriorem spero,
si cito decesserimus, id quod Scaevolae contigit, qui solos novem menses
Asiae praefuit.

Appius noster, cum me adventare videret, profectus est Tarsum usque
Laodicea. Ibi forum agit, cum ego sim in provincia. Quam eius iniuriam
non insector. Satis enim habeo negotii in sanandis vulneribus, quae sunt
imposita provinciae; quod do operam ut faciam quam minima cum illius
contumelia. Sed hoc Bruto nostro velim dicas, illum fecisse non belle,
qui adventu meo, quam longissime potuerit, discesserit.


                                 XVIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in castris ad Cybistra Cappadociae XI K. Oct. a. 703_]

Quam vellem Romae esses, si forte non es. Nihil enim certi habebamus
nisi accepisse nos tuas litteras a. d. XIIII Kal. Sextil. datas, in
quibus scriptum esset te in Epirum iturum circiter Kal. Sextil. Sed,
sive Romae es sive in Epiro, Parthi Euphraten transierunt

as I am in my summer camp, I fancied that would be the best place for
them.

Sestius wrote me an account of his conversation with you about my
pressing domestic affairs, and of your opinion. Please devote yourself
to the business and write to me what can be done and what you think.
Sestius told me that Hortensius has said something or other about
extending my term of office. He undertook at Cumae to take good care
that it should not outlast a year. If you have any regard for me, get
that point fixed up squarely. I cannot describe my dislike to being away
from you. Moreover I hope that my justice and restraint may become more
famous, if I leave soon: for it was so in the case of Scaevola, who
governed Asia only nine months.

On seeing that I was about to arrive, our friend Appius left Laodicea
and went up to Tarsus. I am not offended at the slight he has done me by
holding court while I am in the province, for I have enough business to
heal the wounds that he has inflicted on it: and I try to do this with
as little reflection on him as possible. But please tell our friend
Brutus, that his father-in-law has not acted well in going away as far
as he could on my arrival.


                                 XVIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _In camp at Cybistra in Cappadocia, Sept. 20_, B.C. _51_]

If you don’t happen to be in town, I wish to goodness you were. I have
no positive news beyond your letter dated the 19th of July, in which you
said you were going to Epirus about the 1st of August. But whether you
are at Rome or in Epirus, the Parthians have crossed the Euphrates under
the leadership of

duce Pacoro, Orodis regis Parthorum filio, cunctis fere copiis. Bibulus
nondum audiebatur esse in Syria; Cassius in oppido Antiochia est cum
omni exercitu, nos in Cappadocia ad Taurum cum exercitu, ad Cybistra;
hostis in Cyrrhestica, quae Syriae pars proxima est provinciae meae. His
de rebus scripsi ad senatum, quas litteras, si Romae es, videbis putesne
reddendas, et multa, immo omnia, quorum κεφάλαιον, ne quid inter caesa
et porrecta, ut aiunt, oneris mihi addatur aut temporis. Nobis enim hac
infirmitate exercitus, inopia sociorum, praesertim fidelium, certissimum
subsidium est hiems. Ea si venerit, nec illi ante in meam provinciam
transierint, unum vereor, ne senatus propter urbanarum rerum metum
Pompeium nolit dimittere. Quodsi alium ad ver mittit, non laboro, nobis
modo temporis ne quid prorogetur. Haec igitur, si es Romae; sin abes,
aut etiam si ades, haec negotia sic se habent. Stamus animis et, quia
consiliis, ut videmur, bonis utimur, speramus etiam manu. Tuto
consedimus copioso a frumento, Ciliciam prope conspiciente, expedito ad
mutandum loco parvo exercitu, sed, ut spero, ad benevolentiam erga nos
consentiente. Quem nos Deiotari adventu cum suis omnibus copiis
duplicaturi eramus. Sociis multo fidelioribus utimur, quam quisquam usus
est; quibus incredibilis videtur nostra et mansuetudo et abstinentia.
Dilectus habetur

Pacorus, a son of the Parthian king Orodes, with nearly all their
forces. There is no news of the presence of Bibulus in Syria: Cassius is
in the town of Antioch with his whole army. I am in Cappadocia near the
Taurus with my army close to Cybistra. The enemy is in Cyrrhestica, a
district of Syria adjoining my province. I have sent a despatch to the
Senate on the situation. If you are in Rome, please look at the despatch
and say whether you think it ought to be delivered: and so for my other
affairs, chief of which is lest there be, as the saying goes, any slip
between the cup and the lip,[184] I mean that I may not be burdened with
an extension of office. Considering the weakness of my army, my want of
allies, especially faithful allies, my most sure support is the winter
weather. If winter comes and the enemy have not first crossed into my
province, I am afraid the Senate may refuse to let Pompey leave Rome
owing to fear of disturbance at home. But if it sends some one else by
spring, I don’t care, provided that there be no extension of my term of
office. Those are my commissions, if you are in town. If you are out of
town, or even if you are not, the situation is this. I am in excellent
spirits; and I hope, as my plans are well laid, that I am not too
sanguine about my preparations. I have pitched camp in a safe spot, well
supplied on the score of corn, almost within sight of Cilicia,
convenient for change of quarters, with an army small but, I hope, very
loyal to me, which will be doubled by the arrival of Deiotarus with all
his forces. I have found our allies far more loyal than any of my
predecessors have found them. They cannot understand my mildness and
self-abnegation. A levy is

Footnote 184:

  Lit. “Between the slaying and the offering of the victim.”

civium Romanorum; frumentum ex agris in loca tuta comportatur. Si fuerit
occasio, manu, si minus, locis nos defendemus. Quare bono animo es.
Video enim te et, quasi coram adsis, ita cerno συμπάθειαν amoris tui.
Sed te rogo, si ullo pacto fieri poterit, si integra in senatu nostra
causa ad Kal. Ianuarias manserit, ut Romae sis mense Ianuario. Profecto
nihil accipiam iniuriae, si tu aderis. Amicos consules habemus, nostrum
tribunum pl. Furnium. Verum tua est opus adsiduitate, prudentia, gratia.
Tempus est necessarium. Sed turpe est me pluribus verbis agere tecum.

Cicerones nostri sunt apud Deiotarum, sed, si opus erit, deducentur
Rhodum. Tu, si es Romae, ut soles, diligentissime, si in Epiro, mitte
tamen ad nos de tuis aliquem tabellarium, ut et tu, quid nos agamus, et
nos, quid tu agas quidque acturus sis, scire possimus. Ego tui Bruti rem
sic ago, ut suam ipse non ageret. Sed iam exhibeo pupillum neque
defendo; sunt enim negotia et lenta et inania. Faciam tamen satis tibi
quidem, cui difficilius est quam ipsi; sed certe satis faciam utrique.

being held of Roman citizens: corn is being brought from the country
into safe strongholds. Should occasion arise, I should defend myself by
force, but otherwise I shall depend on my position. So be of good cheer.
You are always in my mind’s eye. and I understand your affectionate
sympathy as if you were standing here. But I beseech you, if it can be
arranged and supposing that my case is not debated in the House up to
the first of January, to be in Rome during that month. I shall be
treated fairly, if you are there. The consuls are my friends; Furnius
the tribune of the people is devoted to me: but I want you with your
ingratiating and skilful persistence. It is a critical time. But it
would be a shame for me to press you further.

My son and nephew are staying with Deiotarus. If necessary, they shall
be sent to Rhodes. If you are in Rome, send me a message with your usual
regularity. And even if you are in Epirus, send me one of your
messengers, that you may know my proceedings, and I may know your
present and future plans. I am managing your friend Brutus’ business
better than he could himself. But I now hand my ward[185] over to the
creditors and refuse to set up any plea for him. They are an
impracticable and impecunious lot. However I shall satisfy you, which is
more difficult even than satisfying Brutus. Indeed I will satisfy you
both.

Footnote 185:

  Ariobarzanes, King of Cappadocia, who owed money to Brutus.


                                  XIX

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in castris ad Cybistra XI K. Oct. a. 703_]

Obsignaram iam epistulam eam, quam puto te modo perlegisse scriptam mea
manu, in qua omnia continentur, cum subito Apellae tabellarius a. d. XI
Kal. Octobres septimo quadragesimo die Roma celeriter (hui tam longe!)
mihi tuas litteras reddidit. Ex quibus non dubito, quin tu Pompeium
exspectaris, dum Arimino rediret, et iam in Epirum profectus sis,
magisque vereor, ut scribis, ne in Epiro sollicitus sis non minus, quam
nos hic sumus.

De Atiliano nomine scripsi ad Philotimum, ne appellaret Messallam.
Itineris nostri famam ad te pervenisse laetor magisque laetabor, si
reliqua cognoris. Filiolam tuam tibi caram ac[186] iucundam esse gaudeo,
eamque quam numquam vidi, tamen et amo et amabilem esse certo scio.
Etiam atque etiam vale.

De Patrone et tuis condiscipulis quae de parietinis in Melita laboravi,
ea tibi grata esse gaudeo. Quod scribis libente te repulsam tulisse eum,
qui cum sororis tuae filii patruo certarit, magni amoris signum. Itaque
me etiam admonuisti, ut gauderem, nam mihi in mentem non venerat. “Non
credo,” inquis. Ut

Footnote 186:

  caram ac _Müller_: iam Romae _MSS._: tam moratam _Tyrrell_.


                                  XIX

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _In the camp at Cybistra, Sept. 20_, B.C. _51_]

I had already sealed the letter, which I fancy you must have just read,
written in my own handwriting and containing a full account of events,
when suddenly your letter was delivered to me on September 20th by a
letter carrier of Apelles, who had done a journey express from Rome in
forty-seven days. Ah, what a long way it is! It makes me sure that you
awaited Pompey’s return from Ariminum, and have now set out for Epirus,
and I fear from your tone, that you may be in as great straits in Epirus
as I am here.

I have written to my wife’s steward not to dun Messalla for the money
due from Atilius. I am delighted you have heard reports of my official
progress, and I shall be still more delighted if you hear of my other
good deeds. I am glad that you are pleased with your little daughter. I
have never seen her, but I love her and I am sure she is lovable.
Good-bye, again good-bye.

Talking of Patro and your friends of his school, I am glad you liked my
efforts about the ruins in Melita. It is a sign of great affection on
your part, to rejoice in the defeat of a man[187] who opposed the uncle
of your sister’s son. You have put it into my head to rejoice too. It
had not occurred to me. You need not believe me, if you like: but really
I

Footnote 187:

  Probably C. Hirrus, who had just failed to obtain the curule
  aedileship. He had previously stood for the augurate, when Cicero had
  been successful. Others, however, suggest M. Calidius, who had
  criticized Cicero’s oratorical style and prosecuted Q. Gallius in 64
  B.C., when Cicero defended him.

libet; sed plane gaudeo, quoniam τὸ νεμεσᾶν interest τοῦ φθονεῖν.


                                   XX

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Cilicia a. 703 inter a. d. XII et IV K. Ian._]

Saturnalibus mane se mihi Pindenissitae dediderunt septimo et
quinquagesimo die, postquam oppugnare eos coepimus. “Qui, malum! isti
Pindenissitae qui sunt?” inquies; “nomen audivi numquam.” Quid ego
faciam? num potui Ciliciam Aetoliam aut Macedoniam reddere? Hoc iam sic
habeto, nec hoc exercitu nec hic tanta negotia geri potuisse. Quae
cognosce ἐν ἐπιτομῇ; sic enim concedis mihi proxumis litteris. Ephesum
ut venerim, nosti, qui etiam mihi gratulatus es illius diei
celebritatem, qua nihil me umquam delectavit magis. Inde in oppidis iis,
qua iter erat, mirabiliter accepti Laodiceam pridie Kal. Sextiles
venimus. Ibi morati biduum perillustres fuimus honorificisque verbis
omnes iniurias revellimus superiores, quod idem Colossis, dein Apameae
quinque dies morati et Synnadis triduum, Philomeli quinque dies, Iconi
decem fecimus. Nihil ea iuris dictione aequabilius, nihil lenius, nihil
gravius. Inde in castra veni a. d. VII Kalendas Septembres. A. d. III
exercitum lustravi apud Iconium. Ex his castris, cum graves de Parthis
nuntii venirent, perrexi in Ciliciam per Cappadociae partem eam, quae
Ciliciam attingit, eo consilio, ut Armenius Artavasdes et ipsi Parthi

am glad, because righteous indignation is different from malice.


                                   XX

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _In Cilicia, between Dec. 19 and 27_, B.C. _51_]

On the morning of the 17th of December the Pindenissitae surrendered to
me, on the fifty-seventh day from the commencement of my siege. “The
Pindenissitae!” you will exclaim, “Who the deuce are they? I never heard
the name.” That is not my fault. Could I turn Cilicia into Aetolia or
Macedonia? Take this for granted that with my army and in my position
such a big business was impossible. Here is a synopsis of the affair.
You agreed to that in your last letter. You are aware of my arrival at
Ephesus, for you have congratulated me on the reception I got on the day
of arrival, which delighted me beyond words. Thence, after a marvellous
welcome in the towns on my way, I reached Laodicea on the 31st of July.
I stayed there two days in great state and with nattering speeches took
the sting out of all past injuries. I did the same at Colossae and
during a stay of five days at Apamea, three at Synnada, five at
Philomelus and ten at Iconium. Nothing could be more fair, lenient or
dignified than my legal decisions. From there I came to camp on the 24th
of August. On the 28th I reviewed the army at Iconium. On receipt of
grave news about the Parthians I left camp for Cilicia travelling
through that part of Cappadocia which borders on Cilicia, intending that
the Armenian Artavasdes and the Parthians themselves should realize they
were cut off from entering Cappadocia. After camping five

Cappadocia se excludi putarent. Cum dies quinque ad Cybistra Cappadociae
castra habuissem, certior sum factus Parthos ab illo aditu Cappadociae
longe abesse, Ciliciae magis imminere. Itaque confestim iter in Ciliciam
feci per Tauri pylas. Tarsum veni a. d. III Nonas Octobres. Inde ad
Amanum contendi, qui Syriam a Cilicia in aquarum divertio dividit; qui
mons erat hostium plenus sempiternorum. Hic a. d. III Idus Octobr.
magnum numerum hostium occidimus. Castella munitissiina nocturno
Pomptini adventu, nostro matutino cepimus, incendimus. Imperatores
appellati sumus. Castra paucos dies habuimus ea ipsa, quae contra Darium
habuerat apud Issum Alexander, imperator haud paulo melior quam aut tu
aut ego. Ibi dies quinque morati direpto et vastato Amano inde
discessimus. Interim (scis enim dici quaedam πανικά, dici item τὰ κενὰ
τοῦ πολέμου) rumore adventus nostri et Cassio, qui Antiochia tenebatur,
animus accessit, et Parthis timor iniectus est. Itaque eos cedentes ab
oppido Cassius insecutus rem bene gessit. Qua in fuga magna auctoritate
Osaces dux Parthorum vulnus accepit eoque interiit paucis post diebus.
Erat in Syria nostrum nomen in gratia. Venit interim Bibulus; credo,
voluit appellatione hac inani nobis esse par. In eodem Amano coepit
loreolam in mustaceo quaerere. At ille cohortem primam totam perdidit
centurionemque primi pili, nobilem sui generis, Asinium

days at Cybistra in Cappadocia, I got information that the Parthians
were far distant from that entrance into Cappadocia, and rather were
threatening Cilicia. So I made a forced march into Cilicia by the gates
of Taurus. I reached Tarsus on the 5th of October. Thence I hurried to
Amanus, which divides Syria from Cilicia by its watershed, a mountain
that has always been full of our enemies. Here on the 13th of October we
cut up a large body of the enemy. I captured some strongly fortified
posts by a night assault of Pomptinus and a day assault of my own: and
we burned them. I was hailed as “General.” For a few days I pitched camp
at the very spot near Issus, where Alexander had camped against Darius.
He was rather a better general than you or I. We plundered and
devastated Amanus, and after a stay of five days took our departure.
Meantime (for you know there are such words as “panic” and “the
uncertainties of war”) report of my arrival gave heart to Cassius, who
was shut up in Antioch, and it inspired fear in the Parthians. So, as
the Parthians retreated from the town, Cassius pursued them and scored a
success. In their retreat one of their leaders, Osaces, a man of high
rank, was wounded and died a few days afterwards. I was in high favour
in Syria. Meantime Bibulus came. I fancy he wanted to be my peer in the
matter of that empty title. On this same mountain Amanus he begins his
task of looking for a needle in a bottle of hay.[188] But the whole of
his first squadron was lost as well as Asinius Dento, a centurion of the
first line and of noble

Footnote 188:

  Lit. “a bay leaf in a wedding cake.” They were baked on bay leaves.

Dentonem, et reliquos cohortis eiusdem et Sex. Lucilium, T. Gavi
Caepionis locupletis et splendidi hominis filium, tribunum militum. Same
plagam odiosam acceperat cum re tum tempore. Nos ad Pindenissum, quod
oppidum munitissimum Eleutherocilicum omnium memoria in armis fuit. Feri
homines et acres et omnibus rebus ad defendendum parati. Cinximus vallo
et fossa, aggere maximo, vineis, turre altissima, magna tormentorum
copia, multis sagittariis, magno labore, apparatu, multis sauciis
nostris, incolumi exercitu negotium confecimus. Hilara sane Saturnalia
militibus quoque, quibus equis exceptis reliquam praedam concessimus.
Mancipia venibant Saturnalibus tertiis. Cum haec scribebam in tribunali
res erat ad HS |¯CXX¯|. Hinc exercitum in hiberna agri male pacati
deducendum Quinto fratri dabam; ipse me Laodiceam recipiebam.

Haec adhuc. Sed ad praeterita revertamur. Quod me maxime hortaris et,
quod pluris est quam omnia, in quo laboras, ut etiam Ligurino μώμῳ satis
faciamus, moriar, si quicquam fieri potest elegantius. Nec iam ego hanc
continentiam appello, quae virtus voluptati

blood,[189] and other centurions of the same squadron, and a military
tribune. Sex. Lucilius son of T. Gavius Caepio, who has wealth and
position. It was really a mortifying reverse and inopportune. I was at
Pindenissus, the most strongly fortified town in Eleutherocilicia and
engaged in war so long as men can remember. The inhabitants were keen
warriors, thoroughly prepared to withstand a siege. We compassed it with
a stockade and ditch, with big entrenchments, penthouses, a tall tower,
a large supply of artillery and a number of archers. With much toil and
preparation I settled the business without loss of life, though many
were wounded. I am keeping a festive holiday, as also are my soldiers,
to whom I gave all the spoils except the horses. The captives were sold
on the third day of the festival of Saturn.[190] At the time of writing,
the sum realized at the auction has reached about £100,000.[191] I am
giving my army to my brother Quintus to take into winter quarters in the
more disturbed part of the province, while I am returning myself to
Laodicea.

So much for that. To recur to old topics. As for the point of your
exhortation, which is more important than anything else about which you
are concerned—that I may satisfy even my carping Ligurian
critic[192]—may I die, if conduct could be more fastidious than mine. I
am not going to talk of continence, a quality

Footnote 189:

  Or “noble in his own class” (i.e. a good soldier), or “a noble of his
  own kidney,” with a play on Asinius and _asinus_.

Footnote 190:

  Dec. 19.

Footnote 191:

  12,000,000 sesterces.

Footnote 192:

  Probably P. Aelius Ligur, who sided against Cicero at the time of his
  banishment.

resistere videtur. Ego in vita mea nulla umquam voluptate tanta sum
adfectus, quanta adficior hac integritate, nee me tam fama, quae summa
est, quam res ipsa delectat. Quid quaeris? fuit tanti. Me ipse non noram
nee satis sciebam, quid in hoc genere facere possem. Recte πεφύσημαι.
Nihil est praeclarius. Interim haec λαμπρά. Ariobarzanes opera mea
vivit, regnat; ἐν παρόδῳ consilio et auctoritate et, quod
insidiatoribus. eius ἀπρόσιτον me, non modo ἀδωροδόκητον praebui, regem
regnumque servavi. Interea e Cappadocia ne pilum quidem. Brutum
abiectum, quantum potui, excitavi; quem non minus amo quam tu, paene
dixi, quam te. Atque etiam spero toto anno imperii nostri terruncium
sumptus in provincia nullum fore.

Habes omnia. Nunc publice litteras Romam mittere parabam. Uberiores
erunt, quam si ex Amano misissem. At te Romae non fore! Sed est totum in
eo, quid Kalendis Martiis futurum sit. Vereor enim, ne, cum de provincia
agetur, si Caesar resistet, nos retineamur. His tu si adesses, nihil
timerem.

Redeo ad urbana, quae ego diu ignorans ex tuis iucundissimis litteris a.
d. V Kal. Ianuarias denique cognovi. Eas diligentissime Philogenes,
libertus tuus, curavit perlonga et non satis tuta via perferendas.

connoting resistance of pleasure: for nothing in my life has given me
more pleasure than this rectitude. And it is not so much the enhancement
of my reputation, though that is important, as the exercise of the
virtue that delights me. I can tell you my exile has been worth while,
for I did not understand myself nor realize of what I was capable in
this line. I may well be puffed up. It is splendid. Meantime I have made
a _coup_ in this: it is thanks to me that Ariobarzanes lives and reigns
a king. In my progress through the province I have saved a king and a
kingdom by the weight of my advice and official position and by refusing
to entertain even the visits much less the bribes of conspirators
against him. Meantime from Cappadocia not the value of a hair. I stirred
up Brutus out of his dejection as much as I could. I love him as well as
you do. I had almost said as well as I do you. And I hope that during
the whole of my year of office there will not be a penny’s expense in my
province.

That is the whole story. I am now preparing to send an official despatch
to Rome. It will be richer in detail than if I had sent it from Amanus.
But fancy your not being in town! Everything hangs on what happens on
the 1st of March, for I fear, when the question of the provinces is
under debate, that I may be kept here, if Caesar refuses to give up his
province. Were you there to take part in the matter, I should have no
fears.

To revert to city news, with which I was put in touch only on the 26th
of December from your delightful letter. It was the letter which your
freedman Philogenes brought to me with scrupulous care after a long and
risky journey; for I have not received

Nam, quas Laeni pueris scribis datas, non acceperam. Iucunda de Caesare,
et quae senatus decrevit, et quae tu speras. Quibus ille si cedit, salvi
sumus. Incendio Plaetoriano quod Seius ambustus est, minus moleste fero.
Lucceius de Q. Cassio cur tam vehemens fuerit, et quid actum sit, aveo
scire.

Ego, cum Laodiceam venero, Quinto, sororis tuae filio, togam puram
iubeor dare. Cui moderabor diligentius. Deiotarus, cuius auxiliis magnis
usus sum, ad me, ut scripsit, cum Ciceronibus Laodiceam venturus erat.
Tuas etiam Epiroticas exspecto litteras, ut habeam rationem non modo
negotii, verum etiam otii tui. Nicanor in officio est et a me
liberaliter tractatur. Quem, ut puto, Romam cum litteris publicis
mittam, ut et diligentius perferantur, et idem ad me certa de te et a te
referat. Alexis quod mihi totiens salutem adscribit, est gratum; sed cur
non suis litteris idem facit, quod meus ad te Alexis facit? Phemio
quaeritur κέρας. Sed haec hactenus. Cura, ut valeas, et ut sciam, quando
cogites Romam. Etiam atque etiam vale.

Tua tuosque Thermo et praesens Ephesi diligentissime commendaram et nunc
per litteras ipsumque intellexi esse perstudiosum tui. Tu velim, quod
antea

the letter which you say was entrusted to the slaves of Laenius. It was
glad tidings that you wrote me about Caesar and the decree of the House
and your own hopes. If Caesar falls in with this, I shall be safe from
any extension of office. I am not much concerned that Seius was singed
in Plaetorius’ fire.[193] I want to know why Lucceius was so keen about
Q. Cassias and what has happened.

I am commissioned to celebrate the coming of age of Quintus, your
sister’s son, on arrival at Laodicea. I shall keep a careful hold upon
him. Deiotarus, who has been of great help to me, has written that he
will come to me at Laodicea with the two boys. I am awaiting another
letter from you from Epirus, that I may have an account not only of your
work-a-day life, but of your holiday life. Nicanor is doing his duty by
me, and is being well treated. I think I shall send him to Rome with my
official despatch, that it may be promptly delivered and at the same
time that he may bring me certain news about you and from you. I am
pleased that Alexis so often sends greetings to me; but why cannot he
put them in a letter of his own, as Tiro, who is my Alexis, does for
you. I am searching for a horn for Phemius.[194] But enough now. Keep
your health and let me know when you intend to go to town. Good-bye,
again good-bye.

I have been at pains to recommend your interests and your people to
Thermus, both personally at Ephesus and now by letter, and I have
gathered that he is very solicitous on your behalf. Please execute

Footnote 193:

  M. Plaetorius Cestianus was condemned for extortion, and M. Seius as
  an accessory after the fact.

Footnote 194:

  A musical slave belonging to Atticus.

ad te scripsi, de domo Pammeni des operam, ut, quod tuo meoque beneficio
puer habet, cures, ne qua ratione convellatur. Utrique nostrum honestum
existimo; tum mihi erit pergratum.


                                  XXI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Laodiceae Id. Febr. a. 704_]

Te in Epirum salvum venisse et, ut scribis, ex sententia navigasse
vehementer gaudeo, non esse Romae meo tempore pernecessario submoleste
fero. Hoc me tamen consolor uno, spero te istic iucunde hiemare et
libenter requiescere. C. Cassius, frater Q. Cassi, familiaris tui,
pudentiores illas litteras miserat, de quibus tu ex me requiris, quid
sibi voluerint, quam cas, quas postea misit, quibus per se scribit
confectum esse Parthicum bellum. Recesserant illi quidem ab Antiochia
ante Bibuli adventum, sed nullo nostro εὐημερήματι; hodie vero hiemant
in Cyrrhestica, maximumque bellum impendet. Nam et Orodi, regis
Parthorum, filius in provincia nostra est, nec dubitat Deiotarus, cuius
filio pacta est Artavasdis filia, ex quo sciri potest, quin cum omnibus
copiis ipse prima aestate Euphraten transiturus sit. Quo autem die Cassi
litterae victrices in senatu recitatae sunt, datae Nonis Octobribus,
eodem meae tumultum nuntiantes. Axius noster ait nostras auctoritatis
plenas fuisse, illis negat creditum. Bibuli nondum erant allatae; quas
certo scio plenas timoris fore.

my former commissions to look after Pammenes’ house, so that the boy may
not be robbed of what he owes to your kindness and mine. This I think
will redound to our honour and will please me much.


                                  XXI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Laodicea, Feb. 13_, B.C. _50_]

I am very glad that you have reached Epirus safely, and that you report
a voyage to your liking. But I am rather upset that you are absent from
Rome at a moment so critical for me. However I have one consolation: I
hope you will have a pleasant winter where you are and a nice rest. You
ask me the purport of a letter that C. Cassius, the brother of Q.
Cassius, your friend, sent me. The letter he wrote is more modest than a
subsequent epistle in which he claimed to have ended the Parthian war.
The Parthians to be sure had retired from Antioch before the arrival of
Bibulus: but it was not thanks to any _coup de main_ of our troops.
To-day the enemy is wintering in Cyrrhestica and a serious war is
imminent: for the son of Orodes the king of the Parthians is in a Roman
province, and Deiotarus, to whose son the daughter of Artavasdes is
betrothed, a very competent authority, is positive that the king himself
will cross the Euphrates with all his forces in the early summer. On the
very day on which Cassius’ despatch, dated the 7th of October,
announcing victory was read in the Senate, came mine announcing trouble.
My friend Axius says that Cassius’ despatch gained no belief and mine
was considered worthy of attention. Bibulus’ despatch had not yet
arrived: but I know for a fact that it will express alarm.

Ex his rebus hoc vereor, ne, cum Pompeius propter metum rerum novarum
nusquam dimittatur, Caesari nullus honos a senatu habeatur, dum hic
nodus expediatur, non putet senatus nos, antequam successum sit,
oportere decedere nec in tanto motu rerum tantis provinciis singulos
legates praeesse. Hic, ne quid mihi prorogetur, quod ne intercessor
quidem sustinere possit, horreo, atque eo magis, quod tu abes, qui
consilio, gratia, studio multis rebus occurreres. Sed dices me ipsum
mihi sollicitudinem struere. Cogor, ut velim ita sit; sed omnia metuo.
Etsi bellum ἀκροτελεύτιον habet illa tua epistula, quam dedisti nauseans
Buthroto: “Tibi, ut video et spero, nulla ad decedendum erit mora.”
Mallem “ut video,” nihil opus fuit “ut spero.” Acceperam autem satis
celeriter Iconi per publicanorum tabellarios a Lentuli triumpho datas.
In his γλυκύπικρον illud confirmas, moram mihi nullam fore, deinde
addis, si quid secus, te ad me esse venturum. Angunt me dubitationes
tuae; simul et vides, quas acceperim litteras. Nam, quas Hermonis
centurionis caculae ipse scribis te dedisse, non accepi. Laeni pueris te
dedisse saepe ad me scripseras. Eas Laodiceae denique, cum eo venissem,
III Idus Februar. Laenius mihi reddidit datas a. d. X Kal. Octobres.
Laenio tuas commendationes et statim verbis et reliquo tempore re
probabo. Eae litterae cetera vetera habebant, unum

This makes me fear that the Senate may pay no respect to Caesar’s
demands, refusing to let Pompey quit Rome, when revolution is imminent.
Until this trouble is unravelled, it may decline to allow me to leave
the province before my successor comes, and not be willing to entrust
such important provinces in troublous times to legates. So I shudder to
think that the term of my office may be extended without even any
tribune being able to veto it; and the more so on account of your
absence, when you might interfere in many cases with your advice,
influence and efforts. You will say I am raising imaginary alarms. I am
forced to hope that my alarms may be idle, but everything frightens me.
Though your letter written at Buthrotum in sickness had a charming
_finale_. “As I see and hope, there will be nothing to hinder your
departure,” still I should prefer the phrase “as I see” and there was no
need for the words “and hope.” I have received a letter dated just after
the triumph of Lentulus, which was brought post haste to Iconium by the
tax-farmers’ messengers. In it you repeat that bitter-sweet saying, that
there will be no delay, with a postscript, that, if anything goes wrong,
you yourself will come to me. I am tortured by the doubts you express:
and you may see which of your letters I have received, for I have not
got the letter which you say was handed to Hermo the centurion’s
orderly. You have repeatedly told me you entrusted a letter to the
slaves of Laenius. That letter, which was dated the 21st of September,
was handed to me at last by Laenius on my arrival at Laodicea on the
11th of February. I will show Laenius at once in word and in the future
in deed that your recommendation carries weight. Besides old topics the
letter had

hoc novum de Cibyratis pantheris. Multum te amo, quod respondisti M.
Octavio te non putare. Sed posthac omnia, quae recta non erunt, pro
certo negato. Nos enim et nostra sponte bene firmi et mehercule
auctoritate tua inflammati vicimus omnes (hoc tu ita reperies) cum
abstinentia tum iustitia, facilitate, clementia. Cave putes quicquam
homines magis umquam esse miratos quam nullum terruncium me obtinente
provinciam sumptus factum esse nec in rem publicam nec in quemquam
meorum praeterquam in L. Tullium legatum. Is ceteroqui abstinens, sed
Iulia lege transitans,[195] semel tamen in diem, non, ut alii solebant,
omnibus vicis (praeter eum semel nemo accepit) facit, ut mihi
excipiendus sit, cum terruncium nego sumptus factum. Praeter eum accepit
nemo. Has a nostro Q. Titinio sordes accepimus.

Ego aestivis confectis Quintum fratrem hibernis et Ciliciae praefeci. Q.
Volusium, tui Tiberi generum, certum hominem et mirifice abstinentem,
misi in Cyprum, ut ibi pauculos dies esset, ne cives Romani. pauci qui
illic negotiantur, ius sibi dictum negarent; nam evocari ex insula
Cyprios non licet. Ipse in Asiam profectus sum Tarso Nonis Ianuariis,
non mehercule dici potest qua admiratione Ciliciae civitatum maximeque
Tarsensium. Postea vero quam Taurum transgressus sum, mirifica
exspectatio Asiae nostrarum dioecesium, quae sex mensibus imperii mei
nullas meas acceperat litteras, numquam hospitem

Footnote 195:

  transitans _Manutius_: transitam _M_: pransitans _Peerlkamp_: in
  transitu _Tyrrell_.

one fresh one, the panthers from Cibyra. I am indebted to you for
telling M. Octavius that you thought it would be impracticable. But in
future give a direct “no” to any undesirable requests. Firm fixed in my
own determination and fired by the weight of your opinion, I have
overcome everybody as you will find by my justice, self-abnegation and
easy courtesy. People were never more astonished than to learn that not
a farthing has been spent during my tenure of office, either on public
objects or on any of my staff, except on my legate L. Tullius. He has
behaved well on the whole, but under the Julian law on one occasion _en
passage_ and for the day’s needs, and not as others would at every
hamlet, he did take something. He is the sole offender; and forces me to
add a rider to my remark that not a farthing has been spent upon us.
Besides him no one has taken a penny. That blot I owe to my friend Q.
Titinius.

When the camp was struck at the end of the summer, I put my brother
Quintus in charge of the winter camp and of Cilicia. Q. Volusius,
son-in-law of your friend Tiberius, a safe man and wonderfully
unselfish, I have sent to Cyprus, ordering him to stay a few days, that
the few Roman citizens in business there may not say they have no
facilities for legal process: the inhabitants cannot be summoned to a
court outside the island. I myself set out for Asia from Tarsus on the
fifth of January. I cannot describe how the cities in Cilicia and
especially the people of Tarsus looked up to me. After crossing the
Taurus, I found Asia, that is so far as my district extends, very keen
to welcome me. For during the six months of my administration, there had
been no requisitions and

viderat. Illud autem tempus quotannis ante me fuerat in hoc quaestu.
Civitates locupletes, ne in hiberna milites reciperent, magnas pecunias
dabant, Cyprii talenta Attica cc; qua ex insula (non ὑπερβολικῶς sed
verissime loquor) nummus nullus me obtinente erogabitur. Ob haec
beneficia, quibus illi obstupescunt, nullos honores mihi nisi verborum
decerni sino, statuas, fana, τέθριππα prohibeo, nec sum in ulla re alia
molestus civitatibus—sed fortasse tibi, qui haec praedicem de me.
Perfer, si me amas; tu enim me haec facere voluisti. Iter igitur ita per
Asiam feci, ut etiam fames, qua nihil miserius est, quae tum erat in
haec mea Asia (messis enim nulla fuerat), mihi optanda fuerit. Quacumque
iter feci, nulla vi, nullo iudicio, nulla contumelia, auctoritate et
cohortatione perfeci, ut et Graeci et cives Romani, qui frumentum
compresserant, magnum numerum populis pollicerentur. Idibus Februariis,
quo die has litteras dedi, forum institueram agere Laodiceae Cibyraticum
et Apamense, ex Idibus Martiis ibidem Synnadense, Pamphylium (tum Phemio
dispiciam κέρας), Lycaonium, Isauricum; ex Idibus Maiis in Ciliciam, ut
ibi Iunius consumatur, velim tranquille a Parthis. Quinctilis, si erit,
ut volumus, in itinere est per provinciam redeuntibus consumendus.
Venimus enim in provinciam Laodiceam Sulpicio et Marcello consulibus
pridie Kalendas Sextiles.

not a single case of billeting. Before my time this season had been
devoted every year to the pursuit of gain. The richer states used to pay
large sums to escape from having soldiers billeted on them for the
winter. The people of Cyprus used to pay nearly £50,000,[196] while
under my administration, in literal truth, not a penny will be demanded.
I will take no honours except speechifying in return for these
kindnesses which have so amazed people. I allow neither statues, nor
shrines, nor sculptured chariots: and I don’t annoy the states in any
other respects—but perhaps I may annoy you by my egotism. Bear with it
from your regard for me. It was you who wished me to act as I have. My
tour through Asia was such that even the crowning misery of famine,
which existed in my province owing to the failure of the crops, gave me
a welcome opportunity. Wherever I went, without force, without legal
process, without hard words, by my personal influence and exhortations,
I induced Greeks and Roman citizens, who had stored corn, to promise a
large quantity to the communities. On the 13th of February, the date on
which I despatch this letter, I have arranged to try cases from Cibyra
and Apamea at Laodicea; from the 15th of March, from Synnada, Pamphylia
(when I will look out for a horn for Phemius), Lycaonia and Isaurum at
the same place. After the 15th of May, I set out to spend June in
Cilicia: I hope without being troubled by the Parthians. July, if things
turn out as I hope, is to be spent on my journey back through the
province. I entered the province at Laodicea during the consulship of
Sulpicius and Marcellus on the 31st of

Footnote 196:

  200 Attic talents, which were of the value of £243 15s.

Inde nos oportet decedere a. d. III Kalendas Sextiles. Primum contendam
a Quinto fratre, ut se praefici patiatur, quod et illo et me invitissimo
fiet. Sed aliter honeste fieri non potest, praesertim cum virum optimum,
Pomptinum, ne nunc quidem retinere possim. Rapit enim hominem Postumius
Romam, fortasse etiam Postumia.

Habes consilia nostra; nunc cognosce de Bruto. Familiares habet Brutus
tuus quosdam creditores Salaminiorum ex Cypro, M. Scaptium et P.
Matinium: quos mihi maiorem in modum commendavit. Matinium non novi.
Scaptius ad me in castra venit. Pollicitus sum curaturum me Bruti causa,
ut ei Salaminii pecuniam solverent. Egit gratias. Praefecturam petivit.
Negavi me cuiquam negotianti dare (quod idem tibi ostenderam. Cn.
Pompeio petenti probaram institutum meum, quid dicam Torquato de M.
Laenio tuo, multis aliis?); sin praefectus vellet esse syngraphae causa,
me curaturum, ut exigeret. Gratias egit, discessit. Appius noster turmas
aliquot equitum dederat huic Scaptio, per quas Salaminios coerceret, et
eundem habuerat praefectum; vexabat Salaminios. Ego equites ex Cypro
decedere iussi. Moleste tulit Scaptius. Quid multa? ut ei fidem meam
praestarem, cum ad me Salaminii Tarsum venissent et in iis Scaptius,
imperavi, ut pecuniam solverent. Multa de syngrapha, de Scapti iniuriis.
Negavi me audire; hortatus sum, petivi etiam pro

July. I ought to quit it on the 30th of July. First, however, I must ask
my brother Quintus to be good enough to take charge, which will be
against the grain with us both. But it will be the only fair course,
especially since even now I cannot keep that excellent fellow Pomptinus;
for Postumius is dragging him back to town, and perhaps Mrs Postumius
too.

Those are my plans. Now let me tell you about Brutus. Among his
intimates your friend Brutus has some creditors of the people of Salamis
in Cyprus, M. Scaptius and P. Matinius, whom he recommended to me
warmly. Matinius I have not met: Scaptius came to see me in camp. For
the sake of Brutus I promised that the people of Salamis should settle
their debts to him. The fellow thanked me, and asked for the post of
prefect. I informed him I always refused business men, as I have told
you. This rule Cn. Pompeius accepted when he made a similar request. So
did Torquatus, M. Laenius, and many others. However, I told Scaptius
that if he wanted the post on account of his bond, I would see that he
got paid. He thanked me and took his leave. Our friend Appius had given
him some squadrons to put pressure on the people of Salamis, and had
also given him the office of prefect. He was causing trouble to the
people of Salamis. I gave orders that his cavalry should leave the
island. That annoyed him. In short, to keep faith with him, I ordered
the people, when they came along with Scaptius to see me at Tarsus, to
pay the money. They had a good deal to say about the bond, and about the
harm that Scaptius had done them. I refused to listen. I prayed and
besought them to

meis in civitatem beneficiis, ut negotium conficerent, denique dixi me
coacturum. Homines non modo non recusare, sed etiam hoc dicere, se a me
solvere. Quod enim praetori dare consuessent, quoniam ego non acceperam,
se a me quodam modo dare, atque etiam minus esse aliquanto in Scapti
nomine quam in vectigali praetorio. Collaudavi homines. “Recte,” inquit
Scaptius, “sed subducamus summam.” Interim, cum ego in edicto
translaticio centesimas me observaturum haberem cum anatocismo
anniversario ille ex syngrapha postulabat quaternas. “Quid ais?” inquam,
“possumne contra meum edictum?” At ille profert senatus consultum
Lentulo Philippoque consulibus, VT, QVI CILICIAM OBTINERET, IVS EX ILLA
SYNGRAPHA DICERET. Cohorrui primo; etenim erat interitus civitatis.
Reperio duo senatus consulta isdem consulibus de eadem syngrapha.
Salaminii cum Romae versuram facere vellent, non poterant, quod lex
Gabinia vetabat. Tum iis Bruti familiares freti gratia Bruti dare
volebant quaternis, si sibi senatus consulto caveretur. Fit gratia Bruti
senatus consultum, VT NEVE SALAMINIIS, NEVE QVI EIS DEDISSET, FRAVDI
ESSET. Pecuniam numerarunt. At postea venit in mentem

settle the business in consideration of the good that I had done their
state. Finally, I threatened to compel them. So far from refusing to
settle, the people said that really they would be paying out of my
pocket, in the sense that I had refused to take the present usually
given to the governor, which they admitted would be more than the amount
they owed to Scaptius. I praised their attitude. “Very well,” said
Scaptius; “but let us reckon up the total.” Now in my traditionary
edict[197] I had fixed the rate of interest at 12 per cent compound
interest, reckoned by the year. But Scaptius demanded 48 per cent in
accordance with the terms of the bond. I declared that I could not break
the rule laid down in my edict. But he produced a decree of the Senate,
made in the consulship of Lentulus and Philippus,[198] ordering that the
governor of Cilicia should give judgement according to the bond. At
first I was horror stricken, for it spelled ruin to the community. I
find there are two decrees of the Senate in the same year about this
identical bond. When the people of Salamis wanted to raise a loan in
town to pay off another, they were obstructed by a law of Gabinius which
forbade lending to provincials. Then these intimates of Brutus,
depending on his support, professed willingness to lend at 48 per cent,
if they were protected by a decree of the Senate. Brutus induced the
Senate to make a decree that the transaction between the people of
Salamis and the money-lenders should be exempted from the provisions of
the law. They paid down the money. Afterwards it came into the heads of
the

Footnote 197:

  The edict is called _translaticium_, because it was handed down with
  alterations from governor to governor.

Footnote 198:

  B.C. 56.

faeneratoribus nihil se iuvare illud senatus consultum, quod ex
syngrapha ius dici lex Gabinia vetaret. Tum fit senatus consultum, VT EX
EA SYNGRAPHA IVS DICERETVR, non ut alio iure ea syngrapha[199] esset
quam ceterae, sed ut eodem. Cum haec disseruissem, seducit me Scaptius;
ait se nihil contra dicere, sed illos putare talenta cc se debere. Ea se
velle accipere. Debere autem illos paulo minus. Rogat, ut eos ad ducenta
perducam. “Optime,” inquam. Voco illos ad me remoto Scaptio. “Quid? vos
quantum,” inquam, “debetis?” Respondent CVI. Refero ad Scaptium. Homo
clamare. “Quid? opus est,” inquam, “rationes conferatis?” Adsidunt,
subducunt; ad nummum convenit. Illi se numerare velle, urguere, ut
acciperet. Scaptius me rursus seducit, rogat, ut rem sic relinquam. Dedi
veniam homini impudenter petenti; Graccis querentibus, ut in fano
deponerent, postulantibus non concessi. Clamare omnes, qui aderant,
nihil impudentius Scaptio, qui centesimis cum anatocismo contentus non
esset; alii nihil stultius. Mihi autem impudens magis quam stultus
videbatur; nam aut bono nomine centesimis contentus non[200] erat aut
non bono quaternas centesimas sperabat.

Habes meam causam. Quae si Bruto non probatur, nescio, cur illum amemus.
Sed avunculo eius certe probabitur, praesertim cum senatus consultum
modo factum sit, puto, postquam tu es profectus, in

Footnote 199:

  IVS—syngrapha _is added by Boot_.

Footnote 200:

  non _is added by Ernesti_.

money-lenders that the decree would be futile, because Gabinius’ law
forbade any legal process on the bond. Then the Senate passed a decree
that the bond should be good at law, giving this bond the same validity
as other bonds and nothing more. When I pointed this out, Scaptius took
me aside. He said that he had no objection to my ruling; but that the
people of Salamis imagined they owed him nearly £50,000. That he wanted
to get that sum, but that they owed rather less. He begged me to induce
them to fix it at that amount. “Very well,” said I. I sent Scaptius
away, and summoned the people and asked them the amount of the debt.
They replied something over £25,000. I consulted Scaptius again. He was
loud in his protests. I said that the only plan was for them to check
their accounts. They sat down and made out the account. It agreed to a
penny with their statement. They wanted to pay, and begged him to
receive the money. Again Scaptius led me aside, and asked me to let the
matter stand over. The request was impertinent, but I consented. I would
not listen to the complaints of the Greeks and their demand to deposit
the sum in the temple treasury. The bystanders all declared that the
conduct of Scaptius was outrageous in refusing 12 per cent with compound
interest. Others said he was a fool. He seemed to me to be more of a
knave than a fool: for either he was not content with 12 per cent on
good security, or he hoped for 48 per cent on very doubtful security.

There is my case. If Brutus does not approve, there is no reason why I
should be friendly with him. Certainly his uncle will approve,
especially since a decree of the Senate has been passed (after you left

creditorum causa ut centesimae perpetuo faenore ducerentur. Hoc quid
intersit, si tuos digitos novi, certe babes subductum. In quo quidem,
ὁδοῦ πάρεργον, L. Lucceius M. f. queritur apud me per litteras summum
esse periculum, ne culpa senatus his decretis res ad tabulas novas
perveniat; commemorat, quid olim mali C. Iulius fecerit, cum dieculam
duxerit: numquam rei publicae plus. Sed ad rem redeo. Meditare adversus
Brutum causam meam, si haec causa est, contra quam nihil honeste dici
potest, praesertim cum integram rem et causam reliquerim.

Reliqua sunt domestica. De ἐνδομύχω probo idem quod tu Postumiae filio,
quoniam Pontidia nugatur. Sed vellem adesses. A Quinto fratre his
mensibus nihil exspectaris; nam Taurus propter nives ante mensem Iunium
transiri non potest. Thermum, ut rogas, creberrimis litteris fulcio. P.
Valerium negat habere quicquam Deiotarus rex eumque ait a se sustentari.
Cum scies, Romae intercalatum sit necne, velim ad me scribas certum, quo
die mysteria futura sint. Litteras tuas minus paulo exspecto, quam si
Romae esses, sed tamen exspecto.

Rome, I think) in the matter of money-lenders, that 12 per cent simple
interest shall be the rate. The difference between the two totals you
will already have arrived at, if I do not belie your skill as a
ready-reckoner. _Apropos_ of this, by the way, L. Lucceius, son of
Marcus, writes me a petulant letter that there is great danger of a
general repudiation of debts resulting from these decrees. He recalls
the harm that C. Julius did once when he allowed a little postponement
of the day of payment: public credit never received a worse blow. But to
return to my point. Think over my case against Brutus, if it is a case,
when there are no fair arguments on the other side, especially as I have
left the matter as it stood.

To wind up with family matters. As to my _boudoir_ business, I agree
with you in preferring Postumia’s son,[201] since Pontidia is playing
the fool. But I wish you were there. You must expect no letters from
Quintus at this season. The snows prevent passage of the Taurus until
June. I am supporting Thermus, as you request, by frequent letters. As
for P. Valerius, Deiotarus says that he has nothing and is his
pensioner. When you know whether there are to be additions to the
calendar at Rome or not, please write me positive news as to the date of
the Mysteries. I look forward to your letters rather less eagerly than
if you were in town; still I do look forward to them.

Footnote 201:

  Servius Sulpicius, as a husband for Tullia.



                           M. TULLI CICERONIS
                         EPISTULARUM AD ATTICUM
                              LIBER SEXTUS


                                   I

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Laodiceae VI K. Mart a. 704_]

Accepi tuas litteras a. d. quintum Terminalia Laodiceae; quas legi
libentissime plenissimas amoris, humanitatis, officii, diligentiae. Iis
igitur respondebo [Sidenote: Iliad, vi, 235] non χρύσεα χαλκείων (sic
enim postulas) nec οἰκονομίαν meam instituam, sed ordinem conservabo
tuum. Recentissimas a Cybistris te meas litteras habere ais a. d. X
Kalendas Octobres datas et scire vis, tuas ego quas acceperim. Omnes
fere, quas commemoras, praeter eas, quas scribis Lentuli pueris et
Equotutico et Brundisio datas. Quare non οἴχεται tua industria, quod
vereris, sed praeclare ponitur, si quidem id egisti, ut ego delectarer.
Nam nulla re sum delectatus magis.

Quod meam βαθύτητα in Appio tibi, liberalitatem etiam in Bruto probo,
vehementer gaudeo; ac putaram paulo secus. Appius enim ad me ex itinere
bis terve ὑπομεμψιμοίρους litteras miserat, quod quaedam a se constituta
rescinderem. Ut si medicus, cum aegrotus alii medico traditus sit,
irasci velit ei medico, qui sibi successerit, si, quae ipse in curando
constituerit, mutet ille, sic Appius, cum ἐξ ἀφαιρέσεως provinciam
curarit, sanguinem miserit, quicquid potuit, detraxerit, mihi tradiderit
enectam,



                            CICERO’S LETTERS
                               TO ATTICUS
                                BOOK VI


                                   I

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Laodicea, Feb. 23_, B.C. _50_]

I got your letter on the 5th day before the Terminalia[202] at Laodicea.
I was delighted at its tone of affection, kindness, and obliging zeal. I
will not pay “gold for brass” (for that is what you ask for), nor will I
start an arrangement of my own, but will keep to your order. You say
that the last letter you got from me was from Cybistra dated the 21st of
September, and you want to know which of yours I have received. Almost
all you mention except those which you say were entrusted to Lentulus’
servants at Equotuticus and Brundisium. So your energy is not a dead
loss as you fear, but has been well spent, if you aimed at giving me
pleasure. For nothing has ever given me more pleasure.

I am exceedingly glad that you approve of my reserve in the case of
Appius and my generosity even in the matter of your friend Brutus. I had
feared you might not quite like it. For Appius on his journey sent me
two or three letters showing pique, because I revoked some of his
enactments. It is as if a doctor, when a patient has been placed under
the care of another, should be angry with his successor for changing his
prescription. So Appius, having starved the province, let blood, and
tried every lowering treatment, hands it to me drained of

Footnote 202:

  i.e. the 19th of Feb., the Terminalia being on the 23rd.

προσανατρεφομένην eam a me non libenter videt, sed modo suscenset, modo
gratias agit. Nihil enim a me fit cum ulla illius contumelia; tantum
modo dissimilitudo meae rationis offendit hominem. Quid enim potest esse
tam dissimile quam illo imperante exhaustam esse sumptibus et iacturis
provinciam, nobis eam obtinentibus nummum nullum esse erogatum nec
privatim nec publice? Quid dicam de illius praefectis, comitibus,
legatis etiam? de rapinis, de libidinibus, de contumeliis? Nunc autem
domus mehercule nulla tanto consilio aut tanta disciplina gubernatur aut
tam modesta est quam nostra tota provincia. Haec non nulli amici Appi
ridicule interpretantur, qui me idcirco putent bene audire velle, ut
ille male audiat, et recte facere non meae laudis, sed illius
contumeliae causa. Sin Appius, ut Bruti litterae, quas ad te misit,
significabant, gratias nobis agit, non moleste fero, sed tamen eo ipso
die, quo haec ante lucem scribebam, cogitabam eius multa inique
constituta et acta tollere.

Nunc venio ad Brutum, quem ego omni studio te auctore sum complexus,
quem etiam amare coeperam: sed ilico me revocavi, ne te offenderem. Noli
enim putare me quicquam maluisse, quam ut mandatis satis facerem, nee
ulla de re plus laborasse. Mandatorum autem mihi libellum dedit,
isdemque de rebus tu mecum egeras. Omnia sum diligentissime persecutus.
Primum ab Ariobarzane sic contendi, ut talenta, quae mihi pollicebatur,
illi daret. Quoad mecum rex fuit, perbono loco res erat; post a Pompei
procuratoribus sescentis premi coeptus est.

life and cannot bear to see it being fed up by me. Sometimes he is
angry, sometimes he thanks me; for no act of mine has reflected on his
policy. It is only the difference of my _regime_ that annoys him. There
is a very wide difference between a province worn out by expense and
losses under his rule and not having to pay a penny out of private or
public purse under my administration. I need not mention his prefects,
his staff and his legates, the acts of robbery, of rape and insult. But
now, upon my word, no private house is managed with such judgement or
such economy, or is so well ordered as my whole province. Some friends
of Appius put an absurd construction on my policy and declare that I am
seeking popularity to damage him, and am acting honourably, not for the
sake of my own reputation, but to cause him shame. However, if Appius,
as the letter from Brutus which you forward to me shows, expresses his
thanks, I am content: but the very day on which I write this letter
before dawn I am thinking of annulling many of his wrong enactments and
decisions.

I come now to the matter of Brutus. On your advice I zealously
cultivated his friendship, I had even begun to feel a real liking for
him: but there I pull myself up for fear I should vex you. For do not
imagine that there is anything I should prefer better than to execute
his commission, or anything on which I have taken more pains. He gave me
a volume of commissions, and you spoke to me about his affairs. I have
done my best with all of them; first of all I induced Ariobarzanes to
pay him the money he promised me. So long as his highness was with me
the business was on a good footing: but later the king was dunned by
scores of agents from

Pompeius autem cum ob ceteras causas plus potest unus quam ceteri omnes,
tum quod putatur ad bellum Parthicum esse venturus. Ei tamen sic nunc
solvitur, tricensimo quoque die talenta Attica XXXIII et hoc ex
tributis. Nec inde satis efficitur in usuram menstruam. Sed Gnaeus
noster clementer id fert; sorte caret, usura nec ea, solida contentus
est. Alii neque solvit cuiquam nec potest solvere; nullum enim aerarimn,
nullum vectigal habet. Appi instituto tributa imperat. Ea vix in faenus
Pompei quod satis sit efficiunt. Amici regis duo tresve perdivites sunt,
sed ii suum tam diligenter tenent quam ego aut tu. Equidem non desino
tamen per litteras rogare, suadere, accusare regem. Deiotarus etiam mihi
narravit se ad eum legatos misisse de re Bruti; eos sibi responsum
rettulisse illum non habere. Et mehercule ego ita iudico. nihil illo
regno spoliatius, nihil rege egentius. Itaque aut tutela cogito me
abdicare aut ut pro Glabrione Scaevola faenus et impendium recusare. Ego
tamen, quas per te Bruto promiseram praefecturas, M. Scaptio, L. Gavio,
qui in regno rem Bruti procurabant, detuli; nec enim in provincia mea
negotiabantur. Tu autem meministi nos sic agere, ut, quot vellet
praefecturas, sumeret, dum ne negotiatori. Itaque duas

Pompey. Pompey has more influence than anyone for many reasons and
because it is rumoured that he will come to conduct the war against the
Parthians. Even to him however payment is made on the following terms.
On every thirtieth day some £8,000 is paid and that by tribute imposed
on the king’s subjects. Even such a sum will not cover the amount of
monthly interest. However our friend Gnaeus is an easy-going creditor.
He is willing to forgo his capital and is content with interest, and
that not in full. The king pays no one else and has no means to pay. He
has no treasury and no regular tribute: he levies taxes on the method of
Appius. They are scarcely sufficient to pay the interest on Pompey’s
money. His highness has two or three very wealthy friends, but they look
after their own pockets as well as you or I. Still I do not cease to
write dunning, coaxing and scolding his highness. Deiotarus too has told
me that he has sent messengers to him about his debt to Brutus: and they
came back with the reply that he has no assets. I can quite believe it,
for I have never seen a kingdom more plundered or a king more needy. So
I am thinking of resigning my guardianship, or, as Scaevola did for
Glabrio, of repudiating both capital and interest. However I have
conferred the office of prefect, which I promised Brutus through you, on
M. Scaptius and L. Gavius, who are his agents in the kingdom; for they
were not conducting their business in my province. You will remember
that my principle was that he might have as many offices of prefect at
his disposal as he liked, provided he did not give them to business men:
so I offered him

ei praeterea dederam. Sed ii, quibus petierat, de provincia decesserant.

Nunc cognosce de Salaminiis, quod video tibi etiam novum accidisse
tamquam mihi. Numquam enim ex illo audivi illam pecuniam esse suam; quin
etiam libellum ipsius habeo, in quo est: “Salaminii pecuniam debent M.
Scaptio et P. Matinio, familiaribus meis.” Eos mihi commendat; adscribit
etiam et quasi calcar admovet intercessisse se pro iis magnam pecuniam.
Confeceram, ut solverent centesimis sexennii ductis cum renovatione
singulorum annorum. At Scaptius quaternas postulabat. Metui, si
impetrasset, ne tu ipse me amare desineres; nam ab edicto meo
recessissem et civitatem in Catonis et in ipsius Bruti fide locatam
meisque beneficiis ornatam funditus perdidissem. Atque hoc tempore ipso
impingit mihi epistulam Scaptius Bruti rem illam suo periculo esse, quod
nec mihi umquam Brutus dixerat nec tibi, etiam ut praefecturam Scaptio
deferrem. Id vero per te exceperamus, ne negotiatori; quodsi cuiquam,
huic tamen non. Fuerat enim praefectus Appio et quidem habuerat turmas
equitum, quibus inclusum in curia senatum Salamine obsederat, ut fame
senatores quinque morerentur. Itaque ego, quo die tetigi provinciam, cum
mihi Cyprii legati Ephesum obviam venissent, litteras misi, ut equites
ex insula statim decederent. His de causis credo Scaptium iniquius de me
aliquid ad Brutum scripsisse. Sed tamen hoc sum animo.

two others besides. But the gentlemen for whom he asked them had left my
province.

Now to talk about the people of Salamis, a matter which I see came as a
surprise to you as it did to me. Brutus never told me that that money
was his. Indeed I have his own memorandum stating “The people of Salamis
owe money to M. Scaptius and P. Matinius, my friends.” He recommends
these gentlemen to me, and to spur me adds a postscript that he has gone
security to them for a large sum. I had arranged that they should pay in
compound interest for six years at 12 percent. But Scaptius demanded 48
per cent, I was afraid, if he got his request, that you too would cease
to be my friend, for I should have departed from the terms of my own
edict, and have ruined utterly a state enjoying the protection of Cato
and Brutus himself and distinguished by my attentions. At this very
point Scaptius thrusts a letter of Brutus into my hand, stating what
Brutus had never told me or you, that Brutus himself was the party
concerned, and asking me to give the office of prefect to his agent. But
that was the very proviso I had authorized you to make, that no office
could be given to a business man, above all to such a fellow as
Scaptius. For he had been a prefect of Appius, and indeed had had some
squadrons of cavalry, which he had used to beset the Senate at Salamis
in their own chamber, so that five Members of the House died of
starvation. Accordingly on the day I reached the province, since an
embassy from Cyprus had already met me at Ephesus, I sent orders that
his cavalry should leave the island at once. This, I fancy, had led
Scaptius to write somewhat bitterly about me to Brutus. However, my
attitude

Si Brutus putabit me quaternas centesimas oportuisse decernere, cum tota
provincia singulas observarem itaque edixissem, idque etiam acerbissimis
faeneratoribus probaretur, si praefecturam negotiatori denegatam
queretur, quod ego Torquato nostro in tuo Laenio, Pompeio ipsi in Sex.
Statio negavi et iis probavi, si equites deductos moleste feret,
accipiam equidem dolorem mihi illum irasci, sed multo maiorem non esse
eum talem, qualem putassem. Illud quidem fatebitur Scaptius, me ius
dicente sibi omnem pecuniam ex edicto meo auferendi potestatem fuisse.
Addo etiam illud, quod vereor tibi ipsi ut probem. Consistere usura
debuit, quae erat in edicto meo. Deponere volebant: impetravi a
Salaminiis, ut silerent. Veniam illi quidem mihi dederunt, sed quid iis
fiet, si huc Paulus venerit? Sed totum hoc Bruto dedi; qui de me ad te
humanissimas litteras scripsit, ad me autem, etiam cum rogat aliquid,
contumaciter, adroganter, ἀκοινονοήτως solet scribere. Tu autem velim ad
eum scribas de his rebus, ut sciam, quo modo haec accipiat; facies enim
me certiorem.

Atque haec superioribus litteris diligenter ad te perscripseram, sed
plane te intellegere volui mihi non excidisse illud, quod tu ad me
quibusdam litteris scripsisses, si nihil aliud de hac provincia nisi
illius benevolentiam deportassem, mihi id satis esse. Sit sane, quondam
ita tu vis, sed tamen cum eo, credo, quod

is this. If Brutus thinks that I ought to have allowed 48 per cent, when
throughout my province I have recognized only 12 per cent, and have
fixed this rate in my edict, with the approval of the most grasping
usurers; if he complains of my refusal to give office to a business man,
which I made also to our friend Torquatus in the case of your
acquaintance Laenius, and to Pompey himself in the case of Sex. Statius,
without annoying either of them; if he is angry at the disbanding of his
cavalry, well I shall be sorry that he is angry with me, but I shall be
far sorrier at discovering he is not the man I imagined he was. Scaptius
will admit that he had the opportunity of getting by my decision all the
money allowed by my edict. I will add a point which I fear you may not
like, the interest allowed by my edict ought to have ceased to run.[203]
The people of Salamis wished to deposit the sum in a temple; but I
begged them not to raise the point. They gave way to me: but what will
happen to them if Brutus’ brother-in-law, Paulus, comes here? I allowed
Brutus all this privilege: and he has written very kind letters about me
to you; but to me, even when he asks a favour, he writes in an arrogant,
bold tone and uncivilly. Please write to Brutus about the matter, that I
may know how he takes it. You can inform me.

To be sure, I had given you the full story in a former letter: but I
wanted you to understand clearly that I had not forgotten a remark in
one of your letters, that if I took nothing else away from this province
except Brutus’ good-will, that would be enough. Be it as you wish,
provided it can be so

Footnote 203:

  If the money was deposited in a temple.

sine peccato meo fiat. Igitur meo decreto soluta res Scaptio stat. Quam
id rectum sit, tu iudicabis; ne ad Catonem quidem provocabo. Sed noli me
putare ἐγκελεύσματα illa tua abiecisse, quae mihi in visceribus haerent.
Flens mihi meam famam commendasti; quae epistula tua est, in qua non
eius mentionem facias? [Sidenote: Aristophanes, _Acharnians_, 659]
Itaque irascatur, qui volet; patiar. Τὸ γὰρ εὖ μετ’ ἐμοῦ, praesertim cum
sex libris tamquam praedibus me ipse obstrinxerim, quos tibi tam valde
probari gaudeo. E quibus unum ἱστορικὸν requiris de Cn. Flavio, Anni
filio. Ille vero ante decemviros non fuit, quippe qui aedilis curulis
fuerit, qui magistratus multis annis post decemviros institutus est.
Quid ergo profecit, quod protulit fastos? Occultatam putant quodam
tempore istam tabulam, ut dies agendi peterentur a paucis. Nec vero
pauci sunt auctores Cn. Flavium scribam fastos protulisse actionesque
composuisse, ne me hoc vel potius Africanum (is enim loquitur) commentum
putes. Οὐκ ἔλαθέ σε illud de gestu histrionis. Tu sceleste suspicaris,
ego ἀφελῶς scripsi. De me imperatore scribis te ex Philotimi litteris
cognosse; sed credo te, iam in Epiro cum esses, binas meas de omnibus
rebus accepisse, unas a Pindenisso capto, alteras Laodicea,

without loss of honour to me. So I have given judgement that the payment
of the people of Salamis to Scaptius is good at law. The equity of this
course I will leave to your consideration. I will not even appeal to
Cato: but don’t think I have let slip your exhortations. They are fixed
in my heart. With tears in your eyes, you told me to think of my
reputation. Is there any letter of yours which does not touch on the
topic? So let who will be angry. I can put up with it. “The right is on
my side,” especially since I have bound myself to good conduct, with six
volumes[204] for bail. I am glad you like the books so much, though
there is one point of history which you question, that about Cn.
Flavius, the son of Annius. He did not flourish before the days of the
decemviri, since he held a curule aedileship, which was instituted long
after their time. What good then did he do by publishing the official
calendar? It is thought that at one time the calendar was not exposed in
public, so that a privileged few might be the sole source of information
as to days propitious for business. Moreover, several authorities
maintain that this Cn. Flavius was the first man to publish the calendar
and to draw up a digest of the forms of legal procedure. So don’t think
that I, or rather my spokesman Africanus, invented a fiction. You took
my remark about the actor’s mannerism, and suspected a satirical
meaning:[205] but I wrote in all _naïveté_. You tell me that Philotimus
wrote to you about my being hailed imperator; but I fancy that, now you
are in Epirus, you have got my two letters about the business, one from
Pindenissus after its capture, another from Laodicea, both

Footnote 204:

  The _De Republica_.

Footnote 205:

  That it was a hit at Hortensius.

utrasque tuis pueris datas. Quibus de rebus propter casum navigandi per
binos tabellarios misi Romam publice litteras.

De Tullia mea tibi adsentior scripsique ad eam et ad Terentiam mihi
placere. Tu enim ad me iam ante scripseras: “Ac vellem te in tuum
veterem gregem rettulisses.” Correcta vero epistula Memmiana nihil
negotii fuit; multo enim malo hunc a Pontidia quam illum a Servilia.
Quare adiunges Saufeium nostrum, hominem semper amantem mei, nunc,
credo, eo magis, quod debet etiam fratris Appi amorem erga me cum
reliqua hereditate crevisse; qui declaravit, quanti me faceret, cum
saepe tum in Bursa. Ne tu me sollicitudine magna liberaris.

Furni exceptio mihi non placet; nee enim ego ullum aliud tempus timeo,
nisi quod ille solum excipit. Sed scriberem ad te de hoc plura, si Romae
esses. In Pompeio te spem omnem otii ponere non miror. Ita res est,
removendumque censeo illud “dissimulantem.” Sed enim οἰκονομία si
perturbatior est, tibi assignato. Te enim sequor σχεδιάζοντα.

Cicerones pueri amant inter se, discunt, exercentur, sed alter, uti
dixit Isocrates in Ephoro et Theopompo, frenis eget, alter calcaribus.
Quinto togam puram

delivered to your slaves. For fear of accidents at sea, I sent the
public despatch on my campaign to Rome in duplicate by different
carriers.

As to my daughter Tullia I agree with you, and I have written to her and
her mother giving my consent. For a former letter of yours to me said “I
could wish you had returned to your old associates.” There was no
occasion to alter the letter that came from Memmius: for I much prefer
to accept this candidate from Pontidia than the other from Servilia. So
get our friend Saufeius to help you in this business. He always liked
me, and now I trust he will like me all the more, since he is bound to
have inherited his brother Appius’ liking for me along with the rest of
his inheritance, and Appius often expressed great affection for me,
especially in the trial of Bursa. Indeed you will relieve me of a source
of great anxiety.

I do not like Furnius’ proviso; there is nothing else I fear, except the
point which he makes his sole proviso.[206] I would write to you more
fully on the point, if you were in Rome. I am not surprised that you
depend entirely on Pompey for keeping the peace. That is quite right,
and I think you must delete your phrase “insincere.” If the order of my
paragraphs is muddled, you have yourself to blame, as I am following
your own harum-scarum way.

My son and nephew are fond of one another, learn their lessons and take
their exercise together: but to quote Isocrates’ remark about Ephorus
and Theopompus, one wants the rein and the other the spur.

Footnote 206:

  Apparently a proposal by a tribune that the governors of Syria and
  Cilicia could quit their provinces at the end of the year, provided
  the Parthians were not aggressive.

Liberalibus cogitabam dare; mandavit enim pater. Ea sic observabo, quasi
intercalatum non sit. Dionysius mihi quidem in amoribus est; pueri autem
aiunt eum furenter irasci; sed homo nec doctior nec sanctior fieri
potest nec tui meique amantior. Thermum, Silium vere audis laudari.
Valde honeste se gerunt. Adde M. Nonium, Bibulum, me, si voles. Iam
Scrofa vellem haberet, ubi posset; est enim lautum negotium. Ceteri
infirmant πολίτευμα Catonis. Hortensio quod causam meam commendas, valde
gratum. De Amiano spei nihil putat esse Dionysius. Terenti nullum
vestigium adgnovi. Moeragenes certe periit. Feci iter per eius
possessionem, in qua animal reliquum nullum est. Haec non noram tum, cum
Democrito tuo cum locutus sum. Rhosica vasa mandavi. Sed heus tu! quid
cogitas? in felicatis lancibus et splendidissimis canistris holusculis
nos soles pascere; quid te in vasis fictilibus appositurum putem? Κέρας
Phemio mandatum est; reperietur, modo aliquid illo dignum canat.

Parthicum bellum impendet. Cassius ineptas litteras misit, necdum Bibuli
erant allatae. Quibus recitatis puto fore ut aliquando commoveatur
senatus. Equidem sum in magna animi perturbatione. Si, ut opto, non
prorogatur nostrum negotium, habeo Iunium

I intend to celebrate Quintus’ coming of age[207] on the feast of
Bacchus.[208] His father asked me to do this, and I shall act on the
assumption that there will be no addition to the calendar. Dionysius is
in my good graces: but the boys say he is liable to mad fits of temper.
However one could not get a master of more learning and better character
and more liking for you and me. The praise you hear of Thermus and
Silius is deserved: they conduct themselves in very honourable fashion.
You may praise M. Nonius, Bibulus, and myself too, if you like. I only
wish Scrofa had scope for his tact. He is a fine fellow. The rest do
little credit to Cato’s caucus. I am much obliged to you for
recommending my case to Hortensius. As to Amianus Dionysius says there
is no help. I have met with no trace of Terentius. Moeragenes has
certainly been killed. I made a tour through his district and found not
a living thing. I did not know this, when I spoke to your agent
Democritus. I have ordered the Rhosian ware for you. But what the deuce
will you serve up in porcelain, when you are accustomed to give us
vegetarian fare on fern-pattern plates and in magnificent baskets? I
have ordered a horn for Phemius, and one will be got. I only hope that
his tune will be worthy of the instrument.

A war with the Parthians is imminent. Cassius’ despatch was futile,
Bibulus’ has not yet come. I think the reading of it will stir the House
to action at last. I am very anxious myself. If, as I hope, my tenure of
office is not extended, I have June and July

Footnote 207:

  On coming of age, which took place at about 15 or 16, the Roman boy
  left off the purple-bordered _toga praetexta_ and assumed the pure
  white _toga virilis_.

Footnote 208:

  March 17.

et Quinctilem in metu. Esto; duos quidem menses sustinebit Bibulus. Quid
illo fiet, quem reliquero, praesertim si fratrem? quid me autem, si non
tam cito decedo? Magna turba est. Mihi tamen cum Deiotaro convenit, ut
ille in meis castris esset cum suis copiis omnibus. Habet autem cohortes
quadringenarias nostra armatura XXX, equitum CIↃ CIↃ. Erit ad
sustentandum, quoad Pompeius veniat; qui litteris, quas ad me mittit,
significat suum negotium illud fore. Hiemant in nostra provincia Parthi;
exspectatur ipse Orodes. Quid quaeris? aliquantum est negotii.

De Bibuli edicto nihil novi praeter illam exceptionem, de qua tu ad me
scripseras, “nimis gravi praeiudicio in ordinem nostrum.” Ego tamen
habeo ἰσοδυναμοῦσαν, sed tectiorem, ex Q. Muci P. f. edicto Asiatico,
EXTRA QVAM SI ITA NEGOTIVM GESTVM EST, VT EO STARI NON OPORTEAT EX FIDE
BONA, multaque sum secutus Scaevolae, in iis illud, in quo sibi
libertatem censent Graeci datam, ut Graeci inter se disceptent suis
legibus. Breve autem edictum est propter hanc meam διαίρεσιν, quod
duobus generibus edicendum putavi. Quorum unum est provinciale, in quo
est de rationibus civitatum, de aere alieno, de usura, de syngraphis; in
eodem omnia de publicanis, alterum, quod sine edicto satis commode
transigi non potest, de

to fear. Very good. Bibulus can check them for two months, but what will
happen to the man whom I leave behind, especially if he be my brother?
Or what will be my own fate, if I do not depart so speedily? It is a
great bother. However Deiotarus has decided to join my camp in full
force. He has thirty squadrons of four hundred men each armed in our
fashion, and two thousand cavalry. He can hold out till Pompey comes. A
letter he writes to me presumes that he will conduct the campaign. The
Parthians spend the winter in a Roman province. Orodes is expected in
person. You may take my word it is a big business.

As to Bibulus’ edict there is no new feature, except that proviso of
which you wrote “it is a very grave reflection on our order.”[209]
However I have a similar proviso, in more circumspect language, borrowed
from the Asiatic edict of Q. Mucius, son of Publius, “Provided that the
agreement is not such as contravenes equity.” I have followed Scaevola
in many details, among them in the stipulation which the Greeks hold as
the salvation of their freedom, that Greek cases are to be settled
according to Greek law. The edict is short on account of the division I
have made, as I considered it fell better under two heads. The one
concerns provincial matters and deals with town accounts, debt, the rate
of interest, contracts, and includes all matters referring to the
tax-collectors. The second head, embracing matters which cannot properly
be settled without an

Footnote 209:

  Bibulus had excepted from debts recoverable in his court cases in
  which _vis_ or _dolus malus_ had been used. The clause was directed
  against _publicani_ and _negotiatores_ who belonged to the _equites_.

hereditatum possessionibus, de bonis possidendis, vendendis, magistris
faciendis, quae ex edicto et postulari et fieri solent. Tertium de
reliquo iure dicundo ἄγραφον reliqui. Dixi me de eo genere mea decreta
ad edicta urban a accommodaturum. Itaque curo et satis facio adhuc
omnibus. Graeci vero exsultant, quod peregrinis iudicibus utuntur.
“Nugatoribus quidem,” inquies. Quid refert? tamen se αὐτονομίαν adeptos
putant. Vestri enim, credo, graves habent Turpionem sutorium et Vettium
mancipem.

De publicanis quid agam, videris quaerere. Habeo in deliciis, obsequor,
verbis laudo, orno; efficio, ne cui molesti sint. Τὸ παραδοξότατον,
usuras eorum, quas pactionibus adscripserant, servavit etiam Servilius.
Ego sic. Diem statuo satis laxam, quam ante si solverint, dico me
centesimas ducturum; si non solverint, ex pactione. Itaque et Graeci
solvunt tolerabili faenore, et publicanis res est gratissima, si illa
iam habent pleno modio, verborum honorem, invitationem crebram. Quid
plura? sunt omnes ita mihi familiares, ut se quisque maxime putet. Sed
tamen μηδὲν αὐτοῖς—scis reliqua.

De statua Africani (ὢ πραγμάτων ἀσυγκλώστων sed me id ipsum delectavit
in tuis litteris) ain tu? Scipio hic Metellus proavum suum nescit
censorem non

edict, deals with inheritance, ownership and sale, the appointment of
official receivers, matters where suits are wont to be brought and
settled in accordance with the terms of an edict. A third head dealing
with the rest of judicial procedure I left unwritten. I stated that in
such matters my decrees would be based on those of Rome. I observe this
rule, and so far satisfy everybody. The Greeks are jubilant at having
foreign jurors. You may say that the jurors are wasters: however the
Greeks flatter themselves that they have got home rule, and your own
jurors are men of the lofty standing of Turpio the shoe maker and
Vettius the broker.

You ask how I am dealing with the tax-gatherers. I pet them, indulge
them, praise and honour them: and take care they trouble no one. It is
very odd that the rates of interest specified in their bonds were upheld
even by Servilius. My procedure is this. I name a day fairly remote,
before which, if the debtors pay up, I lay down that I shall allow only
12 per cent. But, if they have not paid, judgement will be according to
the bond. Accordingly the Greeks pay their debts at a fair rate of
interest, and the farmers are gratified, provided they get their fill of
compliments and invitations. In short, they are all so intimate with me
that each man thinks himself my special favourite. But still you know
the old saw.[210]

As to the statue of Africanus (what a medley of topics! but that was the
delightful feature of your letter, to my mind), do you really mean that
Metellus Scipio does not know his great-grandfather

Footnote 210:

  The quotation is incomplete, and the ending of it unknown. Probably it
  contained advice either against trusting or humouring people too much.

fuisse? Atqui nihil habuit aliud inscriptum nisi cos. ea statua, quae ad
Opis nuper[211] posita in excelso est. In illa autem, quae est ad
Πολυκλέους Herculem, inscriptum est CENS;[212] quam esse eiusdem status,
amictus, anulus, imago ipsa declarat. At mehercule ego, cum in turma
inauratarum equestrium, quas hic Metellus in Capitolio posuit,
animadvertissem in Serapionis subscriptione Africani imaginem, erratum
fabrile putavi, nunc video Metelli. O ἀνιστορησίαν turpem! Nam illud de
Flavio et fastis, si secus est, commune erratum est, et tu belle
ἠπόρησας, et nos publicam prope opinionem secuti sumus, ut multa apud
Graecos. Quis enim non dixit Εὔπολιν, τὸν τῆς ἀρχαίας, ab Alcibiade
navigante in Siciliam deiectum esse in mare? Redarguit Eratosthenes;
adfert enim, quas ille post id tempus fabulas docuerit. Num idcirco
Duris Samius, homo in historia diligens, quod cum multis erravit,
inridetur? Quis Zaleucum leges Locris scripsisse non dixit? Num igitur
iacet Theophrastus. si id a Timaeo, tuo familiari, reprensum est? Sed
nescire proavum suum censorem non fuisse turpe est, praesertim cum post
eum consulem nemo Cornelius illo vivo censor fuerit.

Quod de Philotimo et de solutione HS |¯XXDC¯| scribis, Philotimum
circiter Kal. Ianuarias in Chersonesum audio venisse. At mi ab eo nihil
adhuc. Reliqua mea Camillus scribit se accepisse. Ea quae

Footnote 211:

  nuper _Boot_; per te _MSS._

Footnote 212:

  _I have adopted Tyrrell’s transposition of_ COS. (= CONSUL) _and_
  CENS. (= CENSOR) _though with doubts of its correctness_.

was never censor? Certainly the statue which has lately been placed on
high near the temple of Ops has only the inscription COS. But the statue
near the Hercules of Polycles bears the inscription CENS.: and the pose,
the dress, the ring and the likeness prove that it is a statue of the
same person. As a matter of fact, when among the crowd of gilded knights
placed by Metellus on the Capitol, I noticed a likeness of Africanus
with the name Serapio on the pedestal, I thought it was a workman’s
error, but now I see it is Metellus’ mistake. What gross ignorance of
history! For that misconception about Flavius and the calendar, if it is
such, is widely held: and you were quite right in having doubts about
it. I have followed the view which is almost universal, as Greek authors
often do. Every one says that Eupolis, the poet of the old Comedy, was
thrown into the sea by Alcibiades on his voyage to Sicily. Eratosthenes
confutes this, producing plays exhibited by him after that date. But
that is no reason for laughing at Duris of Samos, who is an accurate
historian, because he follows a vulgar error. All historians agree that
Zaleucus drew up laws for the Locrians. It is not therefore fatal to
Theophrastus, if he is called to account for that by your friend
Timaeus. But not to know that one’s great-grandfather was not censor is
shocking, especially as after his consulship no Cornelius was censor
during his lifetime.

As for your remarks about Philotimus and the payment of £182,000,[213] I
hear that Philotimus came to the Chersonese about the beginning of
January, but so far I have heard nothing from him. Camillus writes that
he has received my balance. I don’t know how

Footnote 213:

  20,600,000 sesterces.

sint, nescio et aveo scire. Verum haec posterius et coram fortasse
commodius.

Illud me, mi Attice, in extrema fere parte epistulae commovit; scribis
enim sic: Τί λοιπόν; deinde me obsecras amantissime, ne obliviscar
vigilare et ut animadvertam, quae fiant. Num quid de quo inaudisti? Etsi
nihil eius modi est; πολλοῦ γε καὶ δεῖ. Nec enim me fefellisset nec
fallet. Sed ista admonitio tua tam accurata nescio quid mihi significare
visa est.

De M. Octavio iterum iam tibi rescribo te illi probe respondisse; paulo
vellem fidentius. Nam Caelius libertum ad me misit et litteras accurate
scriptas et de pantheris et civitatibus. Rescripsi alterum me moleste
ferre, si ego in tenebris laterem, nec audiretur Romae nullum in mea
provincia nummum nisi in aes alienum erogari, docuique nec mihi
conciliare pecuniam licere nec illi capere monuique eum, quem plane
diligo, ut, cum alios accusasset, cautius viveret; illud autem alterum
alienum esse existumatione mea, Cibyratas imperio meo publice venari.

Lepta tua epistula gaudio exsultat; etenim scripta belle est meque apud
eum magna in gratia posuit. Filiola tua gratum mihi fecit, quod tibi
diligenter mandavit, ut mihi salutem adscriberes, gratum etiam Pilia,
sed illa officiosius, quod mihi, quem iam pridem numquam vidit. Igitur
tu quoque salutem

much it is, and I should like to know. However, we can discuss this
later and more conveniently when we meet.

That remark at the end of your letter, my dear Atticus, upset me. You
used the phrase, “What more is there to say,” and follow it by a most
affectionate warning not to forget to be on the watch and to keep an eye
on events. Have you heard anything about any of my staff? I am sure
there has been no wrong-doing, _pas du tout_. It could not have escaped
my notice, and it will not. But your earnest entreaty seemed to hint
something.

As for M. Octavius, I repeat that your reply was excellent. I could wish
it had been in more positive terms. For Caelius has sent me a freedman
of his and a carefully worded letter about panthers and an offer from
the townships to furnish contributions. I replied that the second item
is annoying, if my conduct is still a secret and the news has not
reached town that in my province no money is exacted except in
satisfaction of debts: and I have told him that it would be improper for
me to allow payment and for him to take it. I have a sincere regard for
him and have warned him that after his prosecution of other people he
should conduct himself on more careful lines. As to the second point I
have told him it would be a blot on my escutcheon that the people of
Cibyra should have a public hunt during my governorship.

Lepta leaps with joy over your letter: for it was nicely written and
puts me in his good graces. Your tiny daughter has done me a favour in
ordering you earnestly to send me her greetings. It was kind of Pilia
and very dutiful of your daughter to send greetings to one whom as yet
she has never met. So please

utrique adscribito. Litterarum datarum dies pr. Kal. Ianuar. suavem
habuit recordationem clarissimi iuris iurandi, quod ego non eram
oblitus. Magnus enim praetextatus illo die fui. Habes ad omnia. Non ut
postulasti, χρύσεα χαλκείων, sed paria paribus respondimus.

Ecce autem alia pusilla epistula, quam non relinquam ἀναντιφώνητον. Bene
mehercule potuit Lucceius Tusculanum, nisi forte (solet enim) cum suo
tibicine. Et velim scire, qui sit eius status. Lentulum quidem nostrum
omnia praeter Tusculanum proscripsisse audio. Cupio hos expeditos
videre, cupio etiam Sestium, adde sis Caelium; in quibus omnibus est

[Sidenote: Iliad vii, 93]

              Αἴδεσθεν μὲν ἀνήνασθαι, δεῖσαν δ’ ὑποδέχθαι.

De Memmio restituendo ut Curio cogitet, te audisse puto. De Egnati
Sidicini nomine nec nulla nec magna spe sumus. Pinarium, quem mihi
commendas, diligentissime Deiotarus curat graviter aegrum. Respondi
etiam minori.

Tu velim, dum ero Laodiceae, id est ad Idus Maias, quam saepissime mecum
per litteras colloquare, et cum Athenas veneris (iam enim sciemus de
rebus urbanis, de provinciis, quae omnia in mensem Martium sunt
conlata), utique ad me tabellarios mittas. Et heus tu! iamne vos a
Caesare per Herodem talenta Attica L extorsistis? in quo, ut audio,
magnum odium Pompei suscepistis. Putat enim suos nummos vos

give my greetings to both of them in return. The date of your letter,
the last day of December, reminded me pleasantly of the famous and
unforgotten oath I took.[214] I was a Pompey in state robes that day.
There you have my answer to all your points: not as you asked “gold for
copper,” but like for like.

There was another short letter which I will not leave unanswered.
Lucceius to be sure was able to do something for the villa at Tusculum,
unless perhaps there was the old obstacle of the flute player[215]; and
I should like to know its condition. Our friend Lentulus I hear has
advertised all his property except that at Tusculum. I should like to
see these gentlemen free from debt as well as Sestius and you may add
Caelius too. To all of them one may apply the quotation, “ashamed to
refuse, but yet afraid to take.” I suppose you have heard of Curio’s
idea to recall Memmius. As for the debt due from Egnatius of Sidicinum,
I have some hope, but not much. Deiotarus is taking very great care of
Pinarius, whom you recommended to me, in a serious illness. So there is
my answer to your little letter.

While I am at Laodicea, which will be up to the 15th of May, please
correspond with me as often as possible, and on your arrival at Athens
at any rate send me letter carriers, since by that time we shall know
what has been done in town and about the provinces, of which the affairs
are settled in March. By the bye have you yet got Herodes to wring from
Caesar that £12,000? I hear you have excited the animosity of Pompey in
the matter. He thinks that

Footnote 214:

   Cicero refers to the day on which he laid down the consulship. Cf.
  _Ad Fam._ v, 2.

Footnote 215:

   Or “prop.” But the whole passage is uncertain.

comedisse, Caesarem in Nemore aedificando diligentiorem fore. Haec ego
ex P. Vedio, magno nebulone, sed Pompei tamen familiari, audivi. Hic
Vedius mihi obviam venit cum duobus essedis et raeda equis iuncta et
lectica et familia magna, pro qua, si Curio legem pertulerit, HS
centenos pendat necesse est. Erat praeterea cynocephalus in essedo, nec
deerant onagri. Numquam vidi hominem nequiorem. Sed extremum audi.
Deversatus est Laodiceae apud Pompeium Vindullum. Ibi sua deposuit, cum
ad me profectus est. Moritur interim Vindullus; quae res ad Magnum
Pompeium pertinere putabatur. C. Vennonius domum Vindulli venit. Cum
omnia obsignaret, in Vedianas res incidit. In his inventae sunt quinque
imagunculae matronarum, in quibus una sororis amici tui hominis “bruti,”
qui hoc utatur, et illius “lepidi,” qui haec tam neglegenter ferat. Haec
te volui παριστορῆσαι. Sumus enim ambo belle curiosi.

Unum etiam velim cogites. Audio Appium πρόπυλον Eleusine facere. Num
inepti fuerimus, si nos quoque Academiae fecerimus? “Puto,” inquies.
Ergo id ipsum scribes ad me. Equidem valde ipsas Athenas amo. Volo esse
aliquod monumentum; odi falsas inscriptiones statuarum alienarum. Sed,
ut tibi placebit, faciesque me, in quem diem Romana incidant

you have snapped up money which was his, and that it will not lessen
Caesar’s energy in building a palace near the sacred grove of Diana.
This bit of news came to me from P. Vedius, a shady character, but an
intimate of Pompey. The fellow met me on the road with two chariots, a
carriage and horses and a litter and a large following. If Curio carries
his law,[216] he will have to pay £l apiece. Besides other things, there
was a dog-faced baboon in a chariot, and some wild asses. I never met
such a rascal. But listen to the end of the story, At Laodicea Vedius
put up with Pompeius Vindullus, and left his belongings with him, while
he came to meet me. Meantime Vindullus died, and his property is
supposed to go to Pompeius Magnus. C. Vennonius went to the house and,
while sealing all the goods, found Vedius’ baggage. Among this baggage
there were five little busts of Roman married ladies, among them one of
the sister of your friend Brutus—a brute indeed to be acquainted with
the fellow—and one of the wife of Lepidus, whose easy conduct agrees
with the meaning of his name. I wanted to tell you this little tale _en
passant_, for we are both nice gossips.

There is one thing I wish you to consider. I hear that Appius is putting
up a porch at Eleusis. Shall I look a fool, if I do so in the Academy? I
dare say you may think so: say so plainly, if you do. I am very fond of
the city of Athens. I should like it to have some memorial of myself. I
dislike lying titles on the statues of other folk. But as you think
best. And please let me know the date of the

Footnote 216:

  In _Ad Fam._ viii, 6 a _lex viaria_ and a _lex alimentaria_ are
  mentioned. Possibly travellers with a large retinue were taxed under
  the first of these.

mysteria, certiorem, et quo modo hiemaris. Cura, ut valeas. Post
Leuctricam pugnam die septingentesimo sexagesimo quinto.


                                   II

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Laodiceae in. m. Mai. a. 704_]

Cum Philogenes, libertus tuus, Laodiceam ad me salutandi causa venisset
et se statim ad te navigaturum esse diceret, has ei litteras dedi,
quibus ad eas rescripsi, quas acceperam a Bruti tabellario. Et
respondebo primum postremae tuae paginae, quae mihi magnae molestiae
fuit, quod ad te scriptum est a Cincio de Stati sermone; in quo hoc
molestissimum est, Statium dicere a me quoque id consilium probari.
Probari autem? De isto hactenus dixerim, me vel plurima vincla tecum
summae coniunctionis optare, etsi sunt amoris artissima; tantum abest,
ut ego ex eo, quo astricti sumus, laxari aliquid velim. Illum autem
multa de istis rebus asperius solere loqui saepe arbitror. In hac autem
peregrinatione militiave nostra saepe incensum ira vidi, saepe placatum.
Quid ad Statium scripserit, nescio. Quicquid acturus de tali re fuit,
scribendum tamen ad libertum non fuit. Mihi autem erit maxumae curae, ne
quid fiat secus, quam re se quemque praestare, ac maxumae partes istius

mysteries at Rome, and how you are passing the winter. Keep well. I
write this on the seven hundred and sixty-fifth day after the battle of
Leuctra.[217]


                                   II

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Laodicea, May_, B.C. _50_]

Your freedman Philogenes has come to visit me at Laodicea and tells me
that he is on the point of sailing to join you: so I give him this
letter in reply to your letter which I got from Brutus’ letter-carrier.
First I will answer your last page which caused me much concern:—that is
about Cincius’ communication on the talk he had with Statius. I was
particularly concerned at Statius’ remark that the plan had my approval.
Approval indeed! I need only say thus much. I wish the ties of
friendship to be as many and close as possible between us, though none
can be so close as those of our common liking. I am far from wanting the
tie between us to be relaxed. Quintus however to my knowledge will often
use bitter language on his private affairs, and often I have pacified
his anger, as I think you know. On my late tour or military campaign I
have seen him often fly in a temper and often calm again. I don’t know
what he wrote to Statius; whatever he meant to do, he ought not to have
informed a freedman. However I will do my best to prevent any course
contrary to our wishes and to propriety. In a case like this it is not
enough for a man to make himself responsible for his own conduct only:
and

Footnote 217:

  Cicero refers thus to the killing of Clodius on Jan. 18, 52 B.C.,
  comparing it with the defeat of the Spartans by Epaminondas at Leuctra
  in 371 B.C.

officii sunt pueri Ciceronis sive iam adulescentis; quod quidem illum
soleo hortari. Ac mihi videtur matrem valde, ut debet, amare teque
mirifice. Sed est magnum illud quidem, verum tamen multiplex pueri
ingenium; in quo ego regendo habeo negotii satis.

Quoniam respondi postremae tuae paginae prima mea, nunc ad primam
revertar tuam. Peloponnesias civitates omnes maritimas esse hominis non
nequam, sed etiam tuo iudicio probati, Dicaearchi, tabulis credidi. Is
multis nominibus in Trophoniana Chaeronis narratione Graecos in eo
reprendit, quod mare tantum secuti sint, nec ullum in Peloponneso locum
excipit. Cum mihi auctor placeret (etenim erat ἱστορικώτατος et vixerat
in Peloponneso), admirabar tamen et vix adcredens communicavi cum
Dionysio. Atque is primo est commotus, deinde, quod de isto Dicaearcho
non minus bene existumabat quam tu de C. Vestorio, ego de M. Cluvio, non
dubitabat, quin ei crederemus. Arcadiae censebat esse Lepreon quoddam
maritumum; Tenea autem et Aliphera ct Tritia νεόκτιστα ei videbantur,
idque τῷ τῶν νεῶν καταλόγῳ confirmabat, ubi mentio non fit istorum.
Itaque istum ego locum totidem verbis a Dicaearcho transtuli.
“Phliasios” autem dici sciebam, et ita fac ut habeas; nos quidem sic
habemus. Sed primo me ἀναλογία deceperat, Φλιοῦς, Ὀποῦς, Σιποῦς, quod
Ὀπούντιοι, Σιπούντιοι. Sed hoc continuo correximus.

Laetari te nostra moderatione et continentia video.

indeed the principal share of responsibility attaches to the boy, or
young man as he is now, Quintus. This I am always telling him. To me he
seems to love his mother greatly, as he should, and to be extremely fond
of you. He is a lad of high but complex character, and I have enough to
do to guide his conduct.

Having devoted my first page to answering your last, I will now return
to your first. I relied on the maps of Dicaearchus, a writer of no mean
standing and an authority you accept, for the information that all the
states of the Peloponnese bordered on the sea. In the account of the
cave of Trophonius, which he puts into the mouth of Chaeron, he blames
the Greeks on many scores for sticking to the sea coast; and he does not
except a single district in the Peloponnese. He was a very accurate
historian and lived in the Peloponnese, so that his evidence seemed
trustworthy. Still I was surprised and communicated my doubts to
Dionysius. Dionysius was startled at first, but finally accepted his
authority, since he had as good an opinion of Dicaearchus as you have of
C. Vestorius or I of M. Cluvius. Arcadia he agreed had a seaport
Lepreon: but Tenea, Aliphera and Tritia were, he considered, more
modern, a view he supported by the omission of these places from Homer’s
catalogue of the ships. Accordingly I borrowed the passage from
Dicaearchus in so many words. I know that Phliasii is the proper form.
Please make it so in your copy. I read it in mine. But first of all
thinking of Phlious I was misled by a vicious analogy of Opuntii from
Opous and Sipuntii from Sipous. But I altered it at once.

I see that you are pleased at my unselfish moderation.

Tum id magis faceres, si adesses. Atque hoc foro, quod egi ex Idibus
Februariis Laodiceae ad Kal. Maias omnium dioecensium praeter Ciliciae,
mirabilia quaedam effecimus. Ita multae civitates omni aere alieno
liberatae, multae valde levatae sunt, omnes suis legibus et iudiciis
usae αὐτονομίαν adeptae revixerunt. His ego duobus generibus facultatem
ad se aere alieno liberandas aut levandas dedi, uno, quod omnino nullus
in imperio meo sumptus factus est (nullum cum dico, non loquor
ὑπερβολικῶς), nullus, inquam, ne terruncius quidem. Hac autem re
incredibile est quantum civitates emerserint. Accessit altera. Mira
erant in civitatibus ipsorum furta Graecorum, quae magistratus sui
fecerant. Quaesivi ipse de iis, qui annis decem proximis magistratum
gesserant. Aperte fatebantur. Itaque sine ulla ignominia suis umeris
pecunias populis rettulerunt. Populi autem nullo gemitu publicanis,
quibus hoc ipso lustro nihil solverant, etiam superioris lustri
reddiderunt. Itaque publicanis in oculis sumus. “Gratis,” inquis,
“viris.” Sensimus. Iam cetera iuris dictio nec imperita et clemens cum
admirabili facilitate; aditus autem ad me minime provinciales; nihil per
cubicularium; ante lucem inambulabam domi ut olim candidatus. Grata haec
et magna mihique nondum laboriosa ex illa vetere militia. Nonis Maiis in
Ciliciam cogitabam. Ibi cum Iunium

You would be more pleased, if you were here. In this very assize which I
have been holding at Laodicea from the 13th of February to the 1st of
May for all the districts except Cilicia, I have done wonders. See how
many states have been freed from debt and how many have had their burden
lightened. All have revived on acquiring home rule, and using their own
enactments in law. I have given them in two ways the chance of freeing
themselves or relieving themselves from debt. First by causing them no
expense during my administration (and in saying no expense I mean
literally not one farthing), which has helped them astonishingly out of
their trouble. Secondly the states had suffered from surprising
corruption in their own countrymen, that is to say their magistrates. I
questioned the men who had held the office of magistrate during the last
ten years. They concealed nothing. So without exposure they took on
their own backs the repayment of the money: and the communities which
had paid the tax-farmers nothing for the present five years have now
without any complaints paid up arrears for the last five years too. So I
am the apple of their eye to the tax-farmers. “Grateful fellows,” you
exclaim. Yes I have experienced their gratitude. The rest of my judicial
conduct has been enlightened, but mild and marvellously courteous. There
has been none of the difficulty of access so characteristic of
provincial governors; and no backstairs jobbery. Before daybreak I walk
up and down in my house, as I did of yore when a candidate for office.
This is popular and a great boon, and I have not felt it a burden owing
to my old training.

On the 15th of May I intend to go to Cilicia.

mensem consumpsissem (atque utinam in pace! magnum enim bellum inpendet
a Parthis), Quinctilem in reditu ponere. Annuae enim mihi operae a. d.
III Kal. Sextil. emerentur. Magna autem in spe sum mihi nihil temporis
prorogatum iri. Habebam acta urbana usque ad Nonas Martias; e quibus
intellegebam Curionis nostri constantia omnia potius actum iri quam de
provinciis. Ergo, ut spero, prope diem te videbo.

Venio ad Brutum tuum, immo nostrum; sic enim mavis. Equidem omnia feci,
quae potui aut in mea provincia perficere aut in regno experiri. Omni
igitur modo egi cum rege et ago cotidie per litteras scilicet. Ipsum
enim triduum quadriduumve mecum habui turbulentis in rebus, quibus eum
liberavi. Sed et tum praesens et postea creberrimis litteris non destiti
rogare et petere mea causa, suadere et hortari sua. Multum profeci, sed
quantum, non plane, quia longe absum, scio. Salaminios autem (hos enim
poteram coërcere) adduxi, ut totum nomen Scaptio vellent solvere, sed
centesimis ductis a proxuma quidem syngrapha nec perpetuis, sed
renovatis quotannis. Numerabantur nummi: noluit Scaptius. Tu qui ais
Brutum cupere aliquid perdere? Quaternas habebat in syngrapha. Fieri non
poterat, nec, si posset, ego pati possem. Audio omnino Scaptium

After spending the month of June there (and I pray it may be in peace,
for a serious war with the Parthians is certainly coming), July I shall
spend on my journey home. I shall have served my year on July the 30th.
I have great hopes that my tenure of office may not be extended. I have
the city gazette up to the 7th of March. I gather that, thanks to the
persistence of my friend Curio, appointments to the province will be the
last business to be considered. So, as I hope, I shall see you soon.

I come now to Brutus, your friend or rather mine, since you prefer it. I
have done everything that I could accomplish in my own province or
attempt in the kingdom of Cappadocia. I have taken every measure with
the king and still do so daily—by letter. The king himself was in my
company only for three or four days and at a crisis in his affairs, from
which I released him. But both then in person and subsequently in
repeated letters I have continually begged and besought him in my own
name and advised and persuaded him in his own interest. My efforts have
borne fruit: but how much at this distance I cannot tell for certain.
The people of Salamis however, whom I could influence, I have induced to
consent to settle all their debt with Scaptius, but with interest at 12
per cent calculated from the date of the last contract, and not at
simple but compound interest. The money was counted down: but Scaptius
refused to take it. What kind of a figure do you cut, who say that
Brutus will make a sacrifice? Forty-eight per cent was written in the
bond. It was an impossible sum. It could not be paid nor could I have
permitted it. I hear after all that

paenitere. Nam, quod senatus consultum esse dicebat, ut ius ex syngrapha
diceretur, eo consilio factum est, quod pecuniam Salaminii contra legem
Gabiniam sumpserant. Vetabat autem Auli lex ius dici de ita sumpta
pecunia. Decrevit igitur senatus, ut ius diceretur ex ista syngrapha.
Nunc ista habet iuris idem quod ceterae, nihil praecipui. Haec a me
ordine facta puto me Bruto probaturum; tibi nescio; Catoni certe
probabo.

Sed iam ad te ipsum revertor. Ain tandem, Attice, laudator integritatis
et elegantiae nostrae,

                      “ausus es hoc ex ore tuo——,”

inquit Ennius, ut equites Scaptio ad pecuniam cogendam darem, me rogare?
An tu, si mecum esses, qui scribis morderi te interdum, quod non simul
sis, paterere me id facere, si vellem? “Non amplius,” inquis,
“quinquaginta.” Cum Spartaco minus multi primo fuerunt. Quid tandem isti
mali in tam tenera insula non fecissent? Non fecissent autem? immo quid
ante adventum meum non fecerunt? Inclusum in curia senatum habuerunt
Salaminium ita multos dies, ut interierint non nulli fame. Erat enim
praefectus Appi Scaptius et habebat turmas ab Appio. Id me igitur tu,
cuius mehercule os mihi ante oculos solet versari, cum de aliquo officio
ac laude cogito, tu me, inquam, rogas, praefectus ut Scaptius sit? Alias
hoc statueramus, ut negotiatorem neminem, idque Bruto probaramus. Habeat
is turmas? Cur potius quam

Scaptius is sorry. As to his argument from a decree of the Senate
ordering judgement to be given according to the bond, the reason for
that was that in borrowing the money the people of Salamis contravened
the law of Gabinius. Aulus’ law forbade that judgement should be given
for money so borrowed. So the Senate decreed that judgement might be
given on that particular bond. Now the bond in question has the same
validity as other bonds, and no special privilege. I fancy Brutus will
admit that my behaviour has been proper. I do not know if you will take
that view, but certainly Cato will.

Now I come back to yourself. My dear friend, you have praised the nice
honour of my conduct “and can you dare with your own mouth,” as Ennius
says, ask me to give Scaptius cavalry to collect his debts? Or would
you, if you were here,—you who say that you chafe sometimes at not being
with me,—would you suffer me to do such a thing, if I wanted? “Not more
than fifty men,” you say. Spartacus had fewer men than that at first.
The blackguards would have done indescribable damage in such a weak
island. Do you say, they would have refrained? Look at the damage they
did before I came here. They kept the members of the local Senate
prisoners in their Chamber for so long that some died of hunger. For
Scaptius was a prefect of Appius, and was allowed some cavalry. Your
face is always before my eyes, when I think of duty and honour, and can
you, you, I repeat, ask me to give the fellow the office of prefect? I
had settled in other cases never to give the office to a man of
business, a course which had won the approval of Brutus: and is a fellow
like Scaptius to have cavalry? Why should he not be content with a

cohortes? Sumptu iam nepos evadit Scaptius. “Volunt,” inquit,
“principes.” Scio; nam ad me Ephesum usque venerunt flentesque equitum
scelera et miserias suas detulerunt. Itaque statim dedi litteras, ut ex
Cypro equites ante certam diem decederent, ob eamque causam, tum ob
ceteras Salaminii nos in caelum decretis suis sustulerunt. Sed iam quid
opus equitatu? solvunt enim Salaminii; nisi forte id volumus armis
efficere, ut faenus quaternis centesimis ducant. Et ego audebo legere
umquam aut attingere eos libros, quos tu dilaudas, si tale quid fecero?
Nimis, inquam, in isto Brutum amasti, dulcissime Attice, nos vereor ne
parum. Atque haec scripsi ego ad Brutum scripsisse te ad me. Cognosce
nunc cetera.

Pro Appio nos hic omnia facimus, honeste tamen, sed plane libenter. Nec
enim ipsum odimus et Brutum amamus, et Pompeius mirifice a me contendit,
quem mehercule plus plusque in dies diligo. C. Caelium quaestorem huc
venire audisti. Nescio, quid sit: sed Pammenia illa mihi non placent.
Ego me spero Athenis fore mense Septembri. Tuorum itinerum tempora scire
sane velim. Εὐήθειαν Semproni Rufi cognovi ex epistula tua Corcyraea.
Quid quaeris? invideo potentiae Vestori.

Cupiebam etiam nunc plura garrire, sed lucet; urget turba, festinat
Philogenes. Valebis igitur et valere Piliam et Caeciliam nostrum iubebis
litteris et salvebis a meo Cicerone.

company of foot? He is beginning to live in spendthrift style. The
leading people of Salamis insist, he declares. Of course; that is why
they came to me and with tears told me of his men’s atrocities and their
own miseries. Accordingly I sent a letter at once ordering the cavalry
to quit Cyprus by a certain day, and that, as well as other acts of
mine, has caused the people of Salamis to praise me to the skies in
their decrees. There is no need of cavalry now, for the people are ready
to pay,—unless perhaps I want to use force to make them pay 48 per cent
interest. Were I to do such a thing, I could never venture to read or
touch those volumes which you praise. You, my dear fellow, have had far
too much regard for Brutus in the matter. I perhaps not enough. I have
informed Brutus of the drift of your letter. Now for the remaining
topics.

I am pleased to do all I can for Appius here consistently with my
honour. I do not dislike him and I like Brutus: and Pompey, for whom I
have a higher regard every day, is surprisingly importunate. You have
heard that C. Caelius comes here as quaestor. I don’t know why, but I
don’t like that affair of Pammenes. I hope to be at Athens in the month
of September. Please let me know the dates of your travels. I understood
the _naïveté_ of Sempronius Rufus from your letter written in Corcyra. I
am really quite jealous of the influence Of Vestorius.

I should like to keep on chatting, but day dawns, the crowd is pressing
in and Philogenes is in a hurry. Good-bye, give my greetings to Pilia,
when you write, and to your daughter: and accept greetings from my son.


                                  III

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Cilicia m. Iun. ante V K. Quint. a. 704_]

Etsi nil sane habebam novi, quod post accidisset, quam dedissem ad te
Philogeni, liberto tuo, litteras, tamen, cum Philotimum Romam
remitterem, scribendum aliquid ad te fuit. Ac primum illud, quod me
maxume angebat—non quo me aliquid iuvare posses. Quippe, res enim est in
manibus, tu autem abes longe gentium;

                              πολλὰ δ’ ἐν μεταιχμίῳ
                  νότος κυλίνδει κύματ’ εὐρείης ἁλός.

Obrepit dies, ut vides (mihi enim a. d. III Kal. Sextil. de provincia
decedendum est), nec succeditur. Quem relinquam, qui provinciae praesit?
Ratio quidem et opinio hominum postulat fratrem, primum quod videtur
esse honos, nemo igitur potior; deinde quod solum habeo praetorium.
Pomptinus enim ex pacto et convento (nam ea lege exierat) iam a me
discesserat; quaestorem nemo dignum putat; etenim est “levis,
libidinosus, tagax.” De fratre autem primum illud est. Persuaderi ei non
posse arbitror; odit enim provinciam, et hercule nihil odiosius, nihil
molestius. Deinde, ut mihi nolit negare, quidnam mei sit officii? cum
bellum esse in Syria magnum putetur, id videatur in hanc provinciam
erupturum, hic praesidii nihil sit, sumptus annuus decretus sit,
videaturne aut pietatis esse meae fratrem relinquere aut diligentiae
nugarum aliquid relinquere? Magna igitur, ut vides, sollicitudine
adficior, magna inopia consilii. Quid quaeris?


                                  III

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Cilicia, before June 26_, B.C. _50_]

Though I have no fresh news, since I handed a letter for you to your
freedman Philogenes, still I must write you a line, since I am sending
Philotimus back to Rome. First a thing which gives me much anxiety—not
that you can help me at all—for the business is in hand, and you are far
away in a foreign land

               “and by south wind tossed
               Between us rolls the wide estranging sea.”

The days steal on, as you see (for I am due to leave my province on the
30th of July), and no successor is appointed. Whom can I leave in
charge? Policy and public opinion point to my brother: first because it
is right that he should have the honour by preference to anyone else,
and secondly because he is the only officer of praetorian rank that I
have: for Pomptinus, who came out on that condition, has left me already
according to his agreement. My quaestor is notoriously unsuitable; he is
“unsteady, wanton and lightfingered.” There is one objection to my
brother’s appointment,—he will probably refuse, as he hates provincial
life. Certes, it is a hateful bore. Then, supposing he does not like to
refuse, what is my proper course? Seeing that a great war is likely in
Syria, which will apparently break forth into this district, where there
is no protection and only the ordinary supplies have been voted for the
year, it would certainly seem unnatural to leave my brother, and
careless to leave some nincompoop. As you see I am troubled greatly and
badly want advice. In short I

toto negotio nobis opus non fuit. Quanto tua provincia melior! Decedes,
cum voles, nisi forte iam decessisti; quem videbitur, praeficies
Thesprotiae et Chaoniae. Necdum tamen ego Quintum conveneram, ut iam, si
id placeret, scirem, possetne ab eo impetrari: nee tamen, si posset,
quid vellem, habebam. Hoc est igitur eius modi.

Reliqua plena adhuc et laudis et gratiae, digna iis libris, quos
dilaudas, conservatae civitates, cumulate publicanis satis factum,
offensus contumelia nemo, decreto iusto et severo perpauci, nec tamen
quisquam, ut queri audeat, res gestae dignae triumpho; de quo ipso nihil
cupide agemus, sine tuo quidem consilio certe nihil. Clausula est
difficilis in tradenda provincia. Sed haec deus aliquis gubernabit.

De urbanis rebus scilicet plura tu scis; saepius et certiora audis;
equidem doleo non me tuis litteris certiorem fieri. Huc enim odiosa
adferebantur de Curione, de Paulo; non quo ullum periculum videam stante
Pompeio vel etiam sedente, valeat modo; sed mehercule Curionis et Pauli,
meorum familiarium, vicem doleo. Formam igitur mihi totius rei publicae,
si iam es Romae aut cum eris, velim mittas, quae mihi obviam veniat, ex
qua me fingere possim et praemeditari, quo animo accedam ad urbem. Est
enim quiddam advenientem non esse peregrinum atque hospitem. Et, quod
paene praeterii, Bruti tui causa,

made a mistake over the whole matter. Your sphere is far preferable. You
can depart at pleasure; and perhaps you have left already. You can put
Thesprotia and Chaonia[218] in charge of anyone you like. I have not yet
met my brother to know whether he would consent, if I want him to take
it over; nor, should he consent, am I settled in my plans. So much for
that.

The rest so far is full of honour and glory and worthy of the volumes
which you praise. Communities have found salvation, the whole body of
tax-collectors has been satisfied, no one has been annoyed by
ill-considered conduct, very few by the severity of upright justice—none
so that he could dare complain—and a campaign has been conducted in a
way that deserves a triumph, though I shall not seek it greedily, nor
seek it at all without your advice. The conclusion is difficult in the
matter of handing over the province. But some god will direct my course.

About doings in town of course you know more, as your information comes
more frequently and more surely. I am sorry that you do not pass on your
news in a letter, for tiresome tidings have reached me about Curio and
Paulus, not that there would seem anything to fear, if Pompey keeps his
influence or even his inactivity. Only let him recover his health. But I
am annoyed for Curio and Paulus, my friends. So, if you are now in town,
or when you are there, please send me a sketch of the political
situation to meet me on my way, that I may mould my conduct upon it and
bethink me of the proper spirit in which to approach Rome. It is
something not to arrive as a foreigner and a stranger. There was one
point I nearly omitted. As I have said often, I have

Footnote 218:

  The country round Atticus’ house in Epirus.

ut saepe ad te scripsi, feci omnia. Cyprii numerabant; sed Scaptius
centesimis renovato in singulos annos faenore contentus non fuit.
Ariobarzanes non in Pompeium prolixior per ipsum quam per me in Brutum.
Quem tamen ego praestare non poteram; erat enim rex perpauper, aberamque
ab eo ita longe, ut nihil possem nisi litteris; quibus pugnare non
destiti. Summa haec est. Pro ratione pecuniae liberalius est Brutus
tractatus quam Pompeius. Bruto curata hoc anno talenta circiter c,
Pompeio in sex mensibus promissa cc. Iam in Appi negotio quantum
tribuerim Bruto, dici vix potest. Quid est igitur, quod laborem? Amicos
habet meras nugas, Matinium, Scaptium. Qui quia non habuit a me turmas
equitum, quibus Cyprum vexaret, ut ante me fecerat, fortasse suscenset,
aut quia praefectus non est, quod ego nemini tribui negotiatori, non C.
Vennonio, meo familiari, non tuo, M. Laenio, et quod tibi Romae
ostenderam me servaturum; in quo perseveravi. Sed quid poterit queri is,
qui, auferre pecuniam cum posset, noluit? Scaptio, qui in Cappadocia
fuit, puto esse satis factum. Is a me tribunatum cum accepisset, quem
ego ex Bruti litteris ei detulissem, postea scripsit ad me se uti nolle
eo tribunatu.

Gavius est quidam, cui cum praefecturam detulissem Bruti rogatu, multa
et dixit et fecit cum quadam mea contumelia, P. Clodi canis. Is me nec
proficiscentem Apameam prosecutus est, nec, cum postea in castra
venisset atque inde discederet, num quid vellem, rogavit, et fuit aperte
mihi nescio quare

done everything for your friend Brutus. The people of Cyprus were paying
down the money. Scaptius was not content with 12 per cent compound
interest. Ariobarzanes is not more accommodating to Pompey for his own
sake than to Brutus for mine. Still I could not go bail for him, for he
is a very needy monarch and I was such a long way off that I could only
press him on paper, as I did continually. The conclusion is this. In
proportion to the sum lent, Brutus has been treated more liberally than
Pompey: for Brutus there has been got this year about £24,400. To Pompey
has been promised £48,800 within six months. In the business of Appius,
my concessions to Brutus are almost incalculable. I have no reason to
distress myself. Brutus’ friends are men of straw, Matinius, and
Scaptius, who is perhaps angry because he could not get troops to harry
Cyprus as he had done before my time, or because he was not made a
prefect, an office I have not granted to any man of business, not to C.
Vennonius, my friend, nor to your friend M. Laenius. I have persevered
in the course that I told you at Rome I should keep: but a man who
refused to take his money, when he could, cannot grumble. The other
Scaptius who was in Cappadocia I think is satisfied. First of all he
accepted a military tribuneship from me, which a letter from Brutus had
persuaded me to offer him; but he wrote me afterwards that he did not
want to take it up.

There is a person Gavius, who, after I had offered him a post as prefect
at Brutus’ request, said and did a good deal to disparage me. He is
Clodius’ puppydog. He did not condescend to be one of my escort when I
left Apamea, nor, when he came into camp later and was leaving it, did
he ask if I had any commissions. For some unknown reason he was an

non amicus. Hunc ego si in praefectis habuissem, quem tu me hominem
putares? Qui, ut scis, potentissimorum hominum contumaciam numquam
tulerim, ferrem huius adseculae? etsi hoc plus est quam ferre, tribuere
etiam aliquid beneficii et honoris. Is igitur Gavius, cum Apameae me
nuper vidisset Romam proficiscens, me ita appellavit, ut Culleolum vix
auderem: “Unde,” inquit, “me iubes petere cibaria praefecti?” Respondi
lenius, quam putabant oportuisse, qui aderant, me non instituisse iis
dare cibaria, quorum opera non essem usus. Abiit iratus. Huius nebulonis
oratione si Brutus moveri potest, licebit eum solus ames, me aemulum non
habebis. Sed illum eum futurum esse puto, qui esse debet. Tibi tamen
causam notam esse volui et ad ipsum haec perscripsi diligentissime.
Omnino (soli enim sumus) nullas umquam ad me litteras misit Brutus, ne
proxime quidem de Appio, in quibus non inesset adrogans, ἀκοινονόητον
aliquid. Tibi autem valde solet in ore esse:

[Sidenote: Lucilius.]

                                        “Granius autem
              Non contemnere se et reges odisse superbos.”

In quo tamen ille mihi risum magis quam stomachum movere solet. Sed
plane parum cogitat, quid scribat aut ad quem.

Q. Cicero puer legit, ut opinor, et certe, epistulam inscriptam patri
suo. Solet enim aperire idque de meo consilio, si quid forte sit, quod
opus sit sciri. In ea autem epistula erat idem illud de sorore quod ad
me. Mirifice conturbatum vidi puerum. Lacrimans

open enemy of mine. If I had counted such a fellow among my prefects,
you might doubt what kind of creature I am. You know I will not brook
discourtesy from men of power, and should I put up with it from this
hanger-on? Though, to be sure, gracious bestowal of honour is something
more than putting up with a man. So Gavius, when on his road to Rome he
saw me lately at Apamea, addressed me as I should scarcely address
Culleolus. “Where,” said he, “am I to look for my pickings?” I answered
less sternly than those present thought proper, that I was not
accustomed to give pickings to men whose services I had not used. He
went off in a temper. If Brutus listens to the talk of such a shady
customer, you may have him to yourself. I shall not be your rival. But I
think he will behave all right. However I wanted you to know the
circumstances, and I have recounted the matter very fully to Brutus.
Between ourselves Brutus has never sent me a letter, not even lately
about Appius, without a touch of arrogance and intolerance. You often
quote the lines,

                                      “But Granius too
            Has self-conceit and hates the pride of kings.”

However in this business he excites my laughter rather than my rage, and
evidently he does not consider sufficiently what he writes and to whom.

The young Quintus, I fancy, yes I am sure, read your letter addressed to
his father, for he usually opens his father’s letters—and that by my
advice—in case there is anything he ought to know. The letter contained
that same passage about your sister that you wrote to me. The boy was
awfully upset. He

mecum est questus. Quid quaeris? miram in eo pietatem, suavitatem
humanitatemque perspexi. Quo maiorem spem habeo nihil fore aliter, ac
deceat. Id te igitur scire volui.

Ne illud quidem praetermittam. Hortensius filius fuit Laodiceae
gladiatoribus flagitiose et turpiter. Hunc ego patris causa vocavi ad
cenam, quo die venit, et eiusdem patris causa nihil amplius. Is mihi
dixit se Athenis me exspectaturum, ut mecum decederet. “Recte,” inquam;
quid enim dicerem? Omnino puto nihil esse, quod dixit; nolo quidem, ne
offendam patrem, quem mehercule multum diligo. Sin fuerit meus comes,
moderabor ita, ne quid eum offendam, quem minime volo.

Haec sunt; etiam illud. Orationem Q. Celeris mihi velim mittas contra M.
Servilium. Litteras mitte quam primum; si nihil, nihil fieri vel per
tuum tabellarium. Piliae et filiae salutem. Cura, ut valeas.


                                   IV

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in itinere paulo post Non. Iun. a. 704_]

Tarsum venimus Nonis Iuniis. Ibi me multa moverunt, magnum in Syria
bellum, magna in Cilicia latrocinia, mihi difficilis ratio
administrandi, quod paucos dies habebam reliquos annui muneris, illud
autem difficillimum, relinquendus erat ex senatus consulto,

came to me complaining in tears. I saw much good feeling in him, and a
kind and courteous disposition, which increases my hope for a
satisfactory issue to the matter: so I want you to know it.

There is one thing I must not pass over. The young Hortensius, during
the gladiatorial exhibition at Laodicea, behaved in a shameful and
scandalous way. For his father’s sake I invited him to my table on the
day of his arrival, and for the same father’s sake treated him
handsomely.[219] He said that he would await my departure in Athens,
that we might go home together. I could only say, “Very well.” But I
don’t fancy at all that he meant what he said. I hope not, lest I offend
his father, who is my very good friend. But if he comes in my suite, I
will arrange so as to avoid offence to a man I don’t want to offend.

So much for that, there is one thing more. Please send me Q. Celer’s
speech against M. Servilius. Write to me at your first opportunity. If
there is no news, write to say so, or even send a verbal message. Give
my love to your wife and daughter. Keep well.


                                   IV

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _On the road, shortly after June 5_, B.C. _50_]

I came to Tarsus on the 5th of June. There I was upset by many troubles:
a big war in Syria, big cases of robbery in Cilicia, my difficulty in
arranging things, considering there are only a few days left of my year
of office: but the hardest problem of all is that, according to a decree
of the Senate, some one must be left

Footnote 219:

  or “did nothing more for him.”

qui praeesset. Nihil minus probari poterat quam quaestor Mescinius. Nam
de Caelio nihil audiebamus. Rectissimum videbatur fratrem cum imperio
relinquere; in quo multa molesta, discessus noster, belli periculum,
militum improbitas, sescenta praeterea. O rem totam odiosam! Sed haec
fortuna viderit, quoniam consilio non multum uti licet.

Tu, quando Romam salvus, ut spero, venisti, videbis, ut soles, omnia,
quae intelleges nostra interesse, imprimis de Tullia mea, cuius de
condicione quid mihi placeret, scripsi ad Terentiam, cum tu in Graecia
esses; deinde de honore nostro. Quod enim tu afuisti, vereor, ut satis
diligenter actum in senatu sit de litteris meis.

Illud praeterea μυστικώτερον ad te scribam, tu sagacius odorabere. Τῆς
δάμαρτός μου ὁ ἀπελεύθερος (οἶσθα, ὃν λέγω) ἔδοξέ μοι πρώην, ἐξ ὧν
ἀλογευόμενος παρεφθέγγετο, πεφυρακέναι τὰς ψήφους ἐκ τῆς ὠνῆς τῶν
ὑπαρχόντων τοῦ Κροτωνιάτου τυραννοκτόνου. Δέδοικα δή, μή τι νοήσῃς. Εἷς
δήπου τοῦτο δὴ περισκεψάμενος τὰ λοιπὰ ἐξασφάλισαι. Non queo tantum,
quantum vereor, scribere; tu autem fac, ut mihi tuae litterae volent
obviae. Haec festinans scripsi in itinere atque agmine. Piliae et
puellae Caeciliae bellissimae salutem dices.

in charge. The quaestor Mescinius is by no means a suitable person. Of
Caelius I hear nothing. The proper thing seems to be to leave my brother
with military power, but that involves many difficulties—our separation,
risk of war, mutiny in the troops, a thousand other hazards. A hateful
business altogether. But fortune must look to it, since reason serves
our purpose little.

You, having come safe to Rome, as I hope, will as usual look to
everything that concerns me, especially the matter of my daughter, about
whose marriage settlement I have written to Terentia expressing my
intentions, since you were in Greece. Then please look after my triumph.
For as you were absent from town, I fear the Senate hardly paid
sufficient attention to my despatch.

The following point I will write to you in dark phrases: your cleverness
will scent my meaning. My wife’s freedman (you know whom I mean) seemed
to me lately from casual words of his to have cooked his accounts on the
sale of the goods of the Crotonian tyrannicide.[220] I fear you have
noticed something. Look into this matter yourself alone, and secure what
is left. I cannot write all my fears. Take care that your letter flies
to meet me. I write in haste on the march and with my army. Give my love
to your wife and to your very charming little daughter.

Footnote 220:

  T. Annius Milo, who assumed the name Milo in honour of the well-known
  athlete of Croton of that name. The freedman referred to is
  Phylotimus. From v, 8 it appears that he bought for Cicero at the sale
  of Milo’s property.


                                   V

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in castris V K. Quint. a. 704_]

Nunc quidem profecto Romae es. Quo te, si ita est, salvum venisse
gaudeo; unde quidem quam diu afuisti, magis a me abesse videbare, quam
si domi esses; minus enim mihi meae notae res erant, minus etiam
publicae. Quare velim, etsi, ut spero, te haec legente aliquantum iam
viae processero, tamen obvias mihi litteras quam argutissimas de omnibus
rebus crebro mittas, imprimis de quo scripsi ad te antea. Τῆς ξυναόρου
τῆς ἐμῆς οὑξελεύθερος ἔδοξέ μοι θαμὰ βατταρίζων καὶ ἀλύων ἐν τοῖς
ξυλλόγοις καὶ ταῖς λέσχαις ὑπό τι πεφυρακέναι τὰς ψήφους ἐν τοῖς
ὑπάρχουσιν τοῖς τοῦ Κροτωνιάτου. Hoc tu indaga, ut soles, ast hoc magis.
Ἐξ ἄστεως ἑπταλόφου στείχων παρέδωκεν μνῶν κδʹ, μηʹ ὀφειλημα τῷ Καμίλλῳ,
ἑαυτόν τε ὀφείλοντα μνᾶς κδ’ ἐκ τῶν Κροτωνιατικῶν καὶ ἐκ τῶν
Χερρονησιτικῶν μηʹ καὶ μνᾶς κληρονομῆσαι χμʹ, χμʹ. Τούτων δὲ μηδὲ ὀβολὸν
διευθετῆσθαι πάντων ὀφειληθέντων τοῦ δευτέρου μηνὸς τῇ νουμηνίᾳ. Τὸν δὲ
ἀπελεύθερον αὐτοῦ ὄντα ὁμώνυμον τῷ Κόνωνος πατρὶ μηδὲν ὁλοσχερῶς
πεφροντικέναι. Ταῦτα οὖν πρῶτον μέν, ἵνα πάντα σώζηται, δεύτερον δέ, ἵνα
μηδὲ τῶν τόκων ὀλιγωρήσῃς τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς προεκκειμένης ἡμέρας. Ὅσας αὐτὸν
ἠνέγκαμεν, σφόδρα δέδοικα· καὶ γὰρ παρῆν πρὸς ἡμᾶς κατασκεψόμενος


                                   V

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _In camp, June 26_, B.C. _50_]

You must certainly be at Rome now. If you are, I am glad of your safe
arrival. So long as you were away from town, you seemed to me to be
further off than if you were in Rome, for I heard less of my own
business and less of the business of the state. So please send plenty of
chatty letters on every kind of subject to meet me, though I hope, when
you read this, I shall be well on my journey home. Above all write me on
the subject I raised in my former letter. From the stuttering hesitation
of my wife’s freedman in our meetings and talks I infer that he has been
cooking his accounts a little in the matter of the sale of the
Crotonian’s[221] goods. Investigate the matter with your usual care, but
pay still more attention to this. When leaving the city of the seven
hills he tendered an account of debts of some £100 and £200[222] to
Camillus, and put himself down as owing £100 from Milo’s goods and £200
from the property in the Chersonese, and as having inherited two sums of
£2,600,[223] of which not a penny had been paid, though all were due on
the 1st of the second month. Milo’s freedman, Timotheus, the namesake of
Conon’s father, he said, had never given a thought to the matter. Now
first try and secure the whole amount, and secondly don’t overlook the
interest from the afore-mentioned day. All the time I had to endure him,
I was much upset. He came to me to spy out

Footnote 221:

  i.e. T. Annius Milo.

Footnote 222:

  24 and 48 minae, worth a little over £4 each.

Footnote 223:

  640 minae.

καί τι σχεδὸν ἐλπίσας· ἀπογνοὺς δ’ ἀλόγως ἀπέστη ἐπειπών “εἴκω· αἰσχρόν
τοι δηρόν τε μένειν”—meque [Sidenote: Iliad, ii, 298] obiurgavit vetere
proverbio τὰ μὲν διδόμενα—. Reliqua vide et, quantum fieri potest,
perspiciamus.

Etsi annuum tempus prope iam emeritum habebamus (dies enim XXXIII erant
reliqui), sollicitudine provinciae tamen vel maxime urgebamur. Cum enim
arderet Syria bello, et Bibulus in tanto maerore suo maximam curam belli
sustineret, ad meque legati eius et quaestor et amici eius litteras
mitterent, ut subsidio venirem, etsi exercitum infirmum habebam, auxilia
sane bona, sed ea Galatarum, Pisidarum, Lyciorum (haec enim sunt nostra
robora), tamen esse officium meum putavi exercitum habere quam proxume
hostem, quoad mihi praeesse provinciae per senatus consultum liceret.
Sed, quo ego maxime delectabar, Bibulus molestus mihi non erat, de
omnibus rebus scribebat ad me potius. Et mihi decessionis dies λεληθότως
obrepebat. Qui cum advenerit, ἄλλο πρόβλημα, quem praeficiam, nisi
Caldus quaestor venerit; de quo adhuc nihil certi habebamus.

Cupiebam mehercule longiorem epistulam facere, sed nec erat res, de qua
scriberem, nec iocari prae cura poteram. Valebis igitur et puellae
salutem Atticulae dices nostraeque Piliae.

the land, and had some hopes. When he lost them, he left without an
explanation, saying: “I give in, ’Twere shame to tarry long,” and
casting in my teeth the old proverb “take the goods the gods provide
you.”[224] Look after the rest, and let us investigate the matter as
thoroughly as possible.

Though I have nearly served my year (for only thirty-three days remain),
still I am greatly concerned about my province. Syria is ablaze with
war, and Bibulus is burdened with its cares in the midst of his own
great sorrow,[225] and his legates, quaestor and friends write to me to
go to his aid: so, although the army I have is weak—the auxiliaries
certainly are good, Galatians, Pisidians, Lycians, the main strength of
my force—I have thought it my duty to keep an army facing the foe, so
long as I am authorized by the Senate’s decree to be in charge of my
province. But what pleases me greatly is that Bibulus gives no trouble.
He writes to me about any other topic by preference, and the day of my
departure creeps on unnoticed. When it arrives, there is the further
problem of my substitute, unless my quaestor Caldus comes, of whom so
far I have no news.

I should like to write a longer letter, but I have no news, and care
keeps me from jesting; so good-bye, and love to your little daughter and
to your wife.

Footnote 224:

  This proverb is referred to in Plato’s _Gorgias_ 499c, and given in
  full by Olympiodorus in the form τὰ ἐκ τῆς τύχης διδόμενα κόσμει “make
  the best of what fortune gives.”

Footnote 225:

  The murder of his sons in Egypt.


                                   VI

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Rhodi circ. IV Id. Sext. a. 704_]

Ego, dum in provincia omnibus rebus Appium orno, subito sum factus
accusatoris eius socer. “Id quidem,” inquis, “di adprobent!” Ita velim
teque ita cupere certo scio. Sed, crede mihi, nihil minus putaram ego,
qui de Ti. Nerone, qui mecum egerat, certos homines ad mulieres miseram;
qui Romam venerunt factis sponsalibus. Sed hoc spero melius; mulieres
quidem valde intellego delectari obsequio et comitate adulescentis.
Cetera noli ἐξακανθίζειν.

Sed heus tu! πυροὺς εἰς δῆμον Athenis? placet hoc tibi? Etsi non
impediebant mei certe libri. Non enim ista largitio fuit in cives, sed
in hospites liberalitas. Me tamen de Academiae προπύλῳ iubes cogitare,
cum iam Appius de Eleusine non cogitet? De Horterisio te certo scio
dolere; equidem excrucior; decreram enim cum eo valde familiariter
vivere.

Nos provinciae praefecimus Caelium. “Puerum,” inquies, “et fortasse
fatuum et non gravem et non continentem!” Adsentior; fieri non potuit
aliter. Nam, quas multo ante tuas acceperam litteras, in quibus ἐπέχειν
te scripseras, quid esset mihi faciendum de relinquendo, eae me
pungebant; videbam enim, quae tibi essent ἐποχῆς causae, et erant eaedem
mihi.


                                   VI

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rhodes, circa Aug. 10_, B.C. _50_]

While in my province I show Appius every honour, suddenly I find myself
father-in-law of Dolabella his accuser. You invoke heaven’s benison. So
say I, and you I know are sincere. Believe me, it was the last thing I
had expected. Indeed I had even sent trusty agents to Terentia and
Tullia about the suit of Ti. Nero, who had made proposals to me: but
they arrived in town only when the betrothal was over. However I hope
the better course has been taken. I understand that my women folk are
highly pleased with the young man’s obliging and courteous temper. As
for the rest, don’t pick holes in him.

Good gracious! Do you approve of corn doles to Athens? My own books to
be sure do not forbid such a dole, for it was not a largesse to
fellow-citizens, but a graceful present in return for hospitality. Still
do you encourage me in the matter of the porch for the Academy, when
Appius has abandoned his design of a porch at Eleusis? I am sure you are
sorry about the news of Hortensius. Personally I am distracted: for it
had been my intention to live on intimate terms with him.

I have put Caelius in charge of my province. “A mere boy” you will
object, “and perhaps silly, and lacking in dignity and self-control.” I
agree; but there was no alternative. The letter I got from you some time
ago, in which you said you suspended judgement as to what I ought to do
about my substitute, caused me a pang; for I understood the grounds

Puero tradere? fratri autem? Illud non utile nobis. Nam praeter fratrem
nemo erat, quem sine contumelia quaestori, nobili praesertim,
anteferrem. Tamen, dum impendere Parthi videbantur, statueram fratrem
relinquere aut etiam rei publicae causa contra senatus consultum ipse
remanere. Qui posteaquam incredibili felicitate discesserunt, sublata
dubitatio est. Videbam sermones: “Hui, fratrem reliquit! Num est hoc non
plus annum obtinere provinciam? Quid, quod senatus eos voluit praeesse
provinciis, qui non praefuissent? At hic triennium!” Ergo haec ad
populum. Quid, quae tecum? Numquam essem sine cura, si quid iracundius
aut contumeliosius aut neglegentius, quae fert vita hominum. Quid, si
quid filius puer et puer bene sibi fidens? qui esset dolor? quem pater
non dimittebat teque id censere moleste ferebat. At nunc Caelius non
dico equidem “quod egerit—,” sed tamen multo minus laboro. Adde illud.
Pompeius, eo robore vir, iis radicibus, Q. Cassium sine sorte delegit,
Caesar Antonium; ego sorte datum offenderem, ut etiam inquireret in eum,
quem reliquissem? Hoc melius, et huius rei plura exempla, senectuti
quidem nostrae profecto aptius.

of your hesitation and felt them myself. Could I hand it over to a boy?
But ought I to hand it over to my brother? The latter is prejudicial to
my own interests. My brother was the only man it would not be an insult
to prefer to the quaestor, especially as that officer was of noble
birth. Still, while the Parthians seemed threatening, I determined to
leave my brother in charge, or even to run counter to the decree of the
Senate and for the sake of the Republic remain here myself. Their
marvellously opportune retirement removed my doubts. I foresaw the
world’s comment. “So he has left his brother in charge! Is this holding
a province for one year only? And what about the decree of the Senate
that ex-governors should not be eligible? Why, his brother was governor
for three years.” These are the arguments for the public; but for you I
have private reasons. I should have been in constant anxiety as to some
exhibition of temper or overbearingness or negligence; for such things
will happen. Perhaps his son, a mere headstrong lad, would have given me
cause for distress: his father would not send him away, and was annoyed
with you for saying that he ought. As for Caelius, I cannot say that I
am unconcerned about his past behaviour: but still I am far less
concerned. Then there is another point. Pompey (and think of his power
and position) chose Q. Cassius without regard to the lot, and Caesar too
chose Antony. I could not affront Caelius who had been given to me by
lot, and so make him a spy on the actions of my successor. No; my
present course is better, accords well with precedent and is well suited
to my time of life. But,

At te apud eum, di boni, quanta in gratia posui. Eique legi litteras non
tuas, sed librarii tui.

Amicorum litterae me ad triumphum vocant, rem a nobis, ut ego arbitror,
propter hanc παλιγγενεσίαν nostram non neglegendam. Quare tu quoque, mi
Attice, incipe id cupere, quo nos minus inepti videamur.


                                  VII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Tarsi ante III K. Sext. a. 704_]

Quintus filius pie sane me quidem certe multum hortante, sed currentem,
animum patris sui sorori tuae reconciliavit. Eum valde tuae litterae
excitarunt. Quid quaeris? confido rein, ut volumus, esse.

Bis ad te antea scripsi de re mea familiari, si modo tibi redditae
litterae sunt, Graece ἐν αἰνιγμοῖς. Scilicet nihil est movendum; sed
tamen ἀφελῶς percontando de nominibus Milonis et, ut expediat, ut mihi
receperit, hortando, aliquid tu proficies.

Ego Laodiceae quaestorem Mescinium exspectare iussi, ut confectas
rationes lege Iulia apud duas civitates possem relinquere. Rhodum volo
puerorum causa, inde quam primum Athenas, etsi etesiae valde refiant;
sed plane volo his magistratibus; quorum voluntatem in supplicatione sum
expertus. Tu tamen mitte mihi, quaeso, obviam litteras, numquid putes
rei publicae nomine tardandum esse nobis. Tiro ad

heavens, how I have put you in his good books. I read him a letter, not
in your own hand, but in that of your secretary.[226]

Friends write me to come home to my triumph, a matter, I think, in view
of my political renaissance, hardly to be neglected. So I hope, my dear
Atticus, that you will look forward to it too, to make me appear less
foolish.


                                  VII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Tarsus, before July 30_, B.C. _50_]

The boy Quintus has contrived to reconcile his father to your sister. He
showed the proper feeling of a son, and I gave him much encouragement,
which he received nothing loath. He was greatly moved by your letter. I
trust that matters are as we wish.

I have written to you twice about a domestic matter of mine in Greek and
in riddles, if only my letters have reached you. Don’t take decided
steps: but still you may do some good by questioning the man simply
about Milo’s accounts, and urging him to settle the business as he
promised.

I have ordered my quaestor Mescinius to wait at Laodicea, so that in
accordance with the Julian law I may leave copies of my accounts in two
cities. I want to go to Rhodes for the sake of the boys, thence as soon
as possible to Athens, though the Etesian winds are very contrary. But I
wish to reach Rome during the magistracy of men whose good-will I
experienced over that thanksgiving in my honour. However please send a
letter to meet me, saying if you think there can be any political reason
for delay.

Footnote 226:

  Presumably dictated to him by Cicero himself.

te dedisset litteras, nisi eum graviter aegrum Issi reliquissem. Sed
nuntiant melius esse. Ego tamen angor; nihil enim illo adulescente
castius, nihil diligentius.


                                  VIII

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Ephesi K. Oct. a. 704_]

Cum instituissem ad te scribere calamumque sumpsissem, Batonius e navi
recta ad me venit domum Ephesi et epistulam tuam reddidit pridie Kal.
Octobres. Laetatus sum felicitate navigationis tuae, opportunitate
Piliae, etiam hercule sermone eiusdem de coniugio Tulliae meae. Batonius
autem miros terrores ad me attulit Caesarianos, cum Lepta etiam plura
locutus est, spero falsa, sed certe horribilia, exercitum nullo modo
dimissurum, cum illo praetores designates, Cassium tribunum pl.,
Lentulum consulem facere, Pompeio in animo esse urbem relinquere.

Sed heus tu! numquid moleste fers de illo, qui se solet anteferre patruo
sororis tuae filii? at a quibus victus! Sed ad rem.

Nos etesiae vehementissime tardarunt; detraxit XX ipsos dies etiam
aphractus Rhodiorum. Kal. Octobr. Epheso conscendentes hanc epistulam
dedimus L. Tarquitio simul e portu egredienti, sed expeditius naviganti.
Nos Rhodiorum aphractis ceterisque longis navibus tranquillitates
aucupaturi eramus; ita tamen properabamus, ut non posset magis.

Tiro would have written you a letter, but I left him at Issus seriously
ill. However a message has reached me that he is better. Still I am
upset: for he is a model youth and very attentive.


                                  VIII

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Ephesus, Oct. 1_, B.C. _50_]

Just as I had determined to write to you and had taken up my pen,
Batonius came straight from his ship to my house at Ephesus and gave me
your letter on the 29th of September. I am delighted about your good
voyage, and your opportune meeting with your wife and also at her
remarks about the marriage of my daughter. But Batonius brought news
that was simply awful about Caesar, and was even more frank in
conversation with Lepta. I hope his news is false: it was certainly
terrifying. He says that Caesar will refuse to disband his army, that
the officials elect, praetors, Cassius the tribune and Lentulus the
consul take his part, and that Pompey thinks of leaving Rome.

But by the by, are you so sorry for the fellow that thinks himself
superior to the uncle of your sister’s son? What fine opponents to beat
him! But to business.

The Etesian winds have hindered me much: the open Rhodian boats too
caused me a delay of exactly twenty days. On the 1st of October, as I am
embarking from Ephesus, I give this letter to L. Tarquitius, who is
leaving the harbour at the same time, but sailing by a faster boat. I
have had to wait for fair weather owing to the undecked boats and other
war vessels of the Rhodians. However I am hurrying as fast as possible.

De raudusculo Puteolano gratum. Nunc velim dispicias res Romanas,
videas, quid nobis de triumpho cogitandum putes, ad quem amici me
vocant. Ego, nisi Bibulus, qui, dum unus hostis in Syria fuit, pedem
porta non plus extulit quam domi[227] domo sua, adniteretur de triumpho,
aequo animo essem. Nunc vero αἰσχρὸν σιωπᾶν. Sed explora rem totam, ut,
quo die congressi erimus, consilium capere possimus.

Sat multa, qui et properarem et ei litteras darem, qui aut mecum aut
paulo ante venturus esset. Cicero tibi plurimam salutem dicit. Tu dices
utriusque nostrum verbis et Piliae tuae et filiae.


                                   IX

                           CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Athenis Id. Oct. a. 704_]

In Piraeea cum exissem pridie Idus Octobr., accepi ab Acasto, servo meo,
statim tuas litteras. Quas quidem cum exspectassem iam diu, admiratus
sum, ut vidi obsignatam epistulam, brevitatem eius, ut aperui, rursus
σύγχυσιν litterularum, quia solent tuae compositissimae et clarissimae
esse, ac, ne multa, cognovi ex eo, quod ita scripseras, te Romam venisse
a. d. XII Kal. Oct. cum febri. Percussus vehementer nec magis, quam
debui, statim quaero ex Acasto. Ille et tibi et sibi visum et ita se
domi ex tuis

Footnote 227:

  domi _is added by Tyrrell and Purser_.

Many thanks for paying the man of Puteoli[228] his pence. Now please
consider politics, and see what you think I should do about the triumph,
to which my friends invite me. I should have been quite happy, had not
Bibulus been trying for a triumph, though the man never set his foot
outside his house so long as there was one enemy in Syria any more than
he set foot out of his house in town when he was consul. But as it is
“’twere base to hold one’s peace.”[229] But consider the whole matter,
that we may be able to decide something on the day we meet.

That’s enough, considering I am in a hurry and am giving this letter to
a man who will arrive at the same time as myself or just before me. My
son pays you his best respects. Please give the compliments of both of
us to your wife and daughter.


                                   IX

                      CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Athens, Oct. 15_, B.C. _50_]

As soon as I landed in port on the 14th of Oct. I received your letter
from my slave Acastus. I have been looking forward to it so long that I
was surprised at its brevity, as I looked at the letter before breaking
the seal. Again, when I opened it, I was startled at the illegibility of
the scribble, for your hand is generally very fine and legible. In short
I gathered from the style of writing that you had arrived in town, as
you stated, on the 19th of Sept., suffering from an attack of fever.
Much disturbed, as I was bound to be, I questioned my slave. He said
that both he

Footnote 228:

  Vestorius.

Footnote 229:

  Euripides; Frag. αἰσχρὸν σιωπᾶν βαρβάρους δ’ ἐᾶν λέγειν.

audisse, ut nihil esset incommode. Id videbatur approbare, quod erat in
extremo, febriculam tum te habentem scripsisse. Sed te amavi tamen
admiratusque sum, quod nihilo minus ad me tua manu scripsisses. Quare de
hoc satis. Spero enim, quae tua prudentia et temperantia est, et
hercule, ut me iubet Acastus, confido te iam, ut volumus, valere.

A Turranio te accepisse meas litteras gaudeo. Παραφύλαξον, si me amas,
τὴν τοῦ φυρατοῦ φιλοτιμίαν αὐτότατα. Hanc, quae mehercule mihi magno
dolori est (dilexi enim hominem), procura, quantulacumque est, Precianam
hereditatem prorsus ille ne attingat. Dices nummos mihi opus esse ad
apparatum triumphi. In quo, ut praecipis, nec me κενὸν in expetendo
cognosces nec ἄτυφον in abiciendo.

Intellexi ex tuis litteris te ex Turranio audisse a me provinciam fratri
traditam. Adeon ego non perspexeram prudentiam litterarum tuarum?
Ἐπέχειν te scribebas. Quid erat dubitatione dignum, si esset quicquam,
cur placeret fratrem et talem fratrem relinqui? Ἀθέτησις ista mihi tua,
non ἐποχὴ videbatur. Monebas de Q. Cicerone puero, ut eum quidem
neutiquam relinquerem. Τοὐμὸν ὄνειρον ἐμοί. Eadem omnia, quasi conlocuti
essemus, vidimus. Non fuit faciendum aliter, meque ἐπιχρονία ἐποχὴ tua
dubitatione liberavit. Sed puto te accepisse de hac re epistulam
scriptam accuratius.

and you thought that it was nothing serious and that he had gathered as
much from your people. This view seemed to be supported by a remark at
the end of your letter that at the time of writing you had a touch of
fever. However I was greatly surprised and pleased at your writing to me
in your own hand under the circumstances. So I will say no more. For I
hope considering your careful and temperate life—and to be sure Acastus
bids me be confident—that you are now as well as I could wish.

I am glad you got my letter from Turranius. Keep a very strict eye, as
you love me, on the untimely designs of that cooker of accounts
Philotimus. As to this legacy from Precius, which is a great sorrow to
me—for I loved him indeed—don’t let the fellow lay a finger on it, small
as it is. You will say that I want money for the outfit of my triumph.
You shall see that following your advice I will not show foolish vanity
in seeking a triumph, nor be phlegmatic enough to refuse it.

I gather from your letter that you heard from Turranius I had given over
my province to my brother. Do you imagine that I overlooked the cautious
tone of your letter? You wrote that you were doubtful. There could have
been no reason for doubts, if there had been grounds for leaving a
brother and such a brother in charge. I took your doubts for dogmatic
rejection. You warn me on no account to leave the young Quintus. Your
words repeat my dream. The same vision came to us both, as though we had
talked it over. There was nothing else to be done, and your long doubt
has relieved me of hesitation. But I fancy you must have already got a
letter on this topic written in more detail.

Ego tabellarios postero die ad vos eram missurus; quos puto ante
ventures quam nostrum Saufeium. Sed eum sine meis litteris ad te venire
vix rectum erat. Tu mihi, ut polliceris, de Tulliola mea, id est de
Dolabella, perscribes, de re publica, quam praevideo in summis
periculis, de censoribus, maximeque de signis, tabulis quid fiat,
referaturne. Idibus Octobribus has dedi litteras, quo die, ut scribis,
Caesar Placentiam legiones IIII. Quaeso, quid nobis futurum est? In arce
Athenis statio mea nunc placet.


                             END OF VOL. I.

I mean to send letter-carriers to you to-morrow, who I fancy will arrive
before our friend Saufeius: but it was hardly proper that he should come
to you without a letter from me. Please write me fully, as you promise,
about my little daughter, that is about her husband Dolabella, about the
political situation in which I foresee much trouble, about the censors,
and above all about the business of statues and pictures, and whether
the matter will come up before the Senate.[230] The 15th of October is
the date of this letter, a day on which you say Caesar is going to bring
four legions to Placentia. I wonder what will be our fate. My present
quarters on the Acropolis at Athens seem to me the best place.

Footnote 230:

  The censors had fixed a limit on private expenditure on works of art:
  but their edict required the confirmation of the Senate before it
  became law.



                CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF THE LETTERS.[231]


   I. 5 November, 68[232]

      6 November or December, 68

      7 February, 67

      8 February, 67

      9 February, 67

      10 Before July, 67

      11 July or August, 67

      3 Late in 67

      4 Early in 66

      1 July, 65

      2 July, 65

      12 January 1, 61

      13 January 25, 61

      14 February 13, 61

      15 March 15, 61

      16 June, 61

      17 December 5, 61

      18 January 20, 60

      19 March 15, 60

      20 May, 60

  II. 1 June, 60

      2 December, 60

      3 December, 60

      10 March 29, 59

      4 April, 59

      5 April, 59

      6 April, 59

      7 April, 59

      8 April, 59

      9 April, 59

      12 April 18, 59

      11 April, 59

      13 April 23, 59

      14 April, 59

      15 April, 59

      16 May, 59

      17 May, 59

      18 June or July, 59

      19 July-October, 59

      20 July-October, 59

      21 July-October, 59

      22 July-October, 59

      23 July-October, 59

      24 Before October 18, 59

      25 Before November 1, 59

 III. 3 April 5(?),58

      2 April 8, 58

      5 April 10 (?), 58

      4 April 13, 58

      1 April, 58

      6 April 17, 58

      7 April 29, 58

      8 May 29, 58

      9 June 13, 58

      10 June 17, 58

      11 June 27, 58

      12 July 17, 58

      14 July 21, 58

      13 August 5, 58

      15 August 17, 58

      16 August 19, 58

      17 September 4, 58

      18 September, 58

      19 September 15, 58

      20 October 4, 58

      21 October 28, 58

      22 November 25, 58

      23 November 29, 58

      24 December 10, 58

      25 December, 58

      26 January, 57

      27 January, 57

  IV. 1 September, 57

      2 October, 57

      3 November 23, 57

      4 January 28, 56

      4a April or May, 56

      5 April or May, 56

      6 April or May, 56

      7 April or May, 56

      8 April or May, 56

      8a Autumn, 56

      10 April 22, 55

      9 April 27, 55

      11 May, 55

      12 May, 55

      13 November 14, 55

      14 May 10, 54

      16 June or July, 54

      15 July 27, 54

      17 October 1, 54

      18 October, 54

      19 November, 54

   V. 1 May 5 or 6, 51

      2 May 10, 51

      3 May 11, 51

      4 May 12, 51

      5 May 15, 51

      6 May 19, 51

      7 May 20, 51

      8 June 2 or 3, 51

      9 June 14, 51

      10 June 29 or July 1, 51

      11 July 6, 51

      12 July, 51

      13 July 26, 51

      14 July 27, 51

      15 August 3, 51

      16 August, 51

      17 August, 51

      18 September 20, 51

      19 September 20, 51

      20 December, 51

      21 February 13, 50

  VI. 1 February 24, 50

      2 May, 50

      3 June, 50

      4 June, 50

      5 June 26, 50

      7 July, 50

      6 August, 10 (?) 50

      8 October 1, 50

      9 October 15, 50

Footnote 231:

  In many cases the dates and order are only approximate and authorities
  differ about them. I have generally accepted the dates given in the
  Teubner edition.

Footnote 232:

  Some date this letter early in 67, and the next towards the end of
  January, 67.



                            INDEX OF NAMES.


           [_The references are to the pages of Latin text._]

 Abdera, 322

 Academia, 12, 22, 28, 440, 470

 Acastus, 478, 480

 Achaia, 204

 Achaici, 32

 Acidinus, 276

 Acilius Glabrio, 418

 Actium, 354

 Acutiliana controversia, 10;
   -num negotium, 14

 Acutilius, 14, 20

 Aegyptus, 120

 Aelia lex, 62, 136

 Aelius Tubero (Q), 314

 Aemilia tribus, 148

 Aemilius Paulus (L), 188, 302, 324, 422, 456

 Aemilius Scaurus (M), 308, 310, 316

 Aetolia, 388

 Afranius (L), _consul_ 60 B.C., 82, 262.
   _See also_ Auli filius

 Africanus, _see_ Cornelius Scipio Africanus

 Agamemnon, 78

 Ahala, _see_ Servilius Ahala

 Albanum (praedium), 298

 Albanus (mons), 10

 Alcibiades, 434

 Alexander Magnus, 390

 Alexander, _poet_, 184

 Alexandrea, 120

 Alexandrinus rex, _i.e._ Ptolemy Auletes, 154

 Alexis, 396

 Aliphera, 444

 Allobroges, 34, 102, 194

 Amalthea (Ἀμαλθεία), 32, 64, 110, 132, 172

 Amaltheum (Ἀμαλθεῖον), 64

 Amanus (mons), 390, 394

 Amianus, 428

 Andromacha, 308

 Andronicus (C.), 374

 Anicatus, 170

 Anneius (M.), 346

 Anniana domus, 276

 Annius, 424

 Annius Milo Papianus (T.), 276, 278, 290, 302, 316, 354, 360, 474,
    _cf._ 464, 466.
   _See also_ Κροτωνιάτης

 Annius Saturninus, 336

 Antias (praedium), 142

 Antiates, 126

 Antilibanus, 154

 Antiochia, 382, 390, 398

 Antiochus Gabinius, 330

 Antiphon, 308

 Antium, 100, 116, 124, 134, 138, 140, 142, 290, 300

 Antius, 324

 Antonius (C.), _consul_ 63 B.C., 2, 28, 30, 32, 64, 112, 114

 Antonius (M.), _triumvir_, 472

 Apamea, 376, 388, 458, 460

 Apamense forum, 404

 Apelles, 176, 386

 Apenas, 292

 Apollinares ludi, 166

 Apollonidensis, 370

 Apollonius, 288

 Appia (via), 142

 Appi Forum, 140

 Appius, _see_ Claudius Pulcher (Appius)

 Appuleia, 300

 Appuleius, 364

 Apulia, 332

 Aquilius Gallus (C.), 2, 300

 Aquinum, 338

 Arabarches, 160

 Araus, 354

 Arbuscula, 308

 Arcadia, 444

 Arcanum (praedium), 338

 Archias, 64

 Archilochium edictum, 174;
   -a -ta, 178

 Ἄρειος πάγος, 42

 Argiletanum aedificium, 46

 Ariminum, 386

 Ariobarzanes, 394, 416, 458

 Ariopagitae, 52, 364

 Ariopagus, 364

 Aristarchus, 40

 Aristodemus, 132

 Aristus, 360

 Aristoteles, 298, 314

 Aristotelium pigmentum, 100

 Armenii reges, 128;
   -nius, 388

 Arpinas (homo), 58, 290;
   -ates aquae, 58

 Arpinas (praedium), 18, 156, 158, 336, 338

 Arpinum, 134, 140, 148

 Arretini, 84

 Arrius (C.), 148, 150

 Arrius (Q.), 74, 122, 130

 Artavasdes, 388, 398

 Asia, 46, 64, 72, 156, 200, 208, 222, 236, 318, 372, 380, 402, 404

 Asiaticum edictum, 430;
   iter, 306

 Asinius Dento, 390–2

 Astyanax, 308

 Athenae, 14, 22, 102, 204, 206, 208, 318, 358, 360, 362, 366, 438, 440,
    452, 462, 470, 482

 Ἀθηναίων (πολιτεία), 112

 Athenio, 142

 Atiliana praedia, 336;
   -num nomen, 386

 Atilius Serranus (Sex.), 268

 Attica talenta, 404, 418, 438

 Atticula, 468.
   _See also_ Caecilia

 Atticus, _see_ Pomponius Atticus

 Atticus homo, 90

 Aufidius (T.), 2

 Aufidius Lurco, 60

 Auli filius, _i.e._, Afranius (L.) _q.v._, 60, 80, 96, 114

 Auli lex, _see_ Gabinia lex

 Aurelianus, 316

 Autroniana domus, 38

 Autronius Paetus, 196, 202

 Axius (Q.), 28, 308, 398


 Baiae, 58

 Balbus, _see_ Cornelius Balbus

 Batonius, 476

 Beneventum, 344

 Bibulus, _see_ Calpurnius Bibulus

 Bona Dea, 118

 Bovillana pugna, 368

 Βοῶπις, _i.e._, Clodia, 146, 182, 186

 Britannia, 310, 330

 Britannicum bellum, 324

 Brundisina colonia, 260;
   -ni, 260

 Brundisium, 48, 196, 198, 200, 202, 204, 260, 346, 352, 364, 414

 Brutus, _see_ Junius Brutus

 Bursa, _see_ Munatius Plancus Bursa

 Buthrotum, 126, 290, 312, 318, 400


 Caecilia, 452, 464;
   _cf._ Atticula

 Caecilia lex, 136

 Caeciliana fabula, 64

 Caecilius (Q.), 4, 6, 28, 170

 Caecilius (T.), _see_ Eutychides

 Caecilius Bassus (Q.), 134

 Caecilius Metellus (M.), _praetor_ 69 B.C., 100

 Caecilius Metellus Celer (Q.), _consul_ 60 B.C., 74, 76, 80, 82, 86,
    96, 104, 106, 462

 Caecilius Metellus Creticus (Q.), 82

 Caecilius Metellus Nepos (Q.), 122, 142, 244, 246, 254, 276, 278, 290

 Caecilus Metellus Numidicus (Q.), 52

 Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio (P.) (_formerly_ P. Cornelius Scipio
    Nasica _q.v._), 4, 110, 434.
   _See also_ Nasica.

 Caecilius Trypho, 206

 Caelius Caldus (C.), 452, 464, 468, 470, 472

 Caelius Rufus (M.), 436, 438

 Caepio, _see_ Servilius Caepio

 Caesar, _see_ Julius Caesar

 Caesariani terrores, 476

 Caesonius (M.), 2

 Caieta, 10, 12

 Caldus, _see_ Caelius Caldus (C)

 Calliope, 116

 Calpurnius Bibulus (M.), 74, 146, 148, 154, 166, 170, 172, 174, 178,
    188, 190, 346, 378, 382, 390, 398, 428, 430, 468, 478

 Calpurnius Piso (C.), _consul_ 67 B.C., 4, 34, 44, 74

 Calpurnius Piso (L.), _consul_ 133 B.C., 84

 Calpurnius Piso Frugi (C.), 10, 190, 244

 Calvinus, _see_ Domitius Calvinus

 Calvus “ex Nanneianis ille,” 54

 Camillus, _see_ Furius Camillus

 Campana lex, 162

 Campanus ager, 152, 154, 158

 Candavia, 204

 Caninius Satyrus (A.), 4, 6

 Canusinus hospes, 32

 Capena porta, 260

 Capitolinus clivus, 108

 Capitolium, 260, 434

 Cappadocia, 382, 388, 390, 394, 458

 Capua, 166

 Cassius Longinus (C.), 382, 390, 398, 428

 Cassius Longinus (Q.), 396, 39S, 472, 476

 Castricianum mendum, 130

 Catilina, _see_ Sergius Catilina

 Cato, _see_ Porcius Cato

 Catulus, _see_ Lutatius Catulus

 Celer, _see_ Pilius Celer

 Ceos, 366

 Cephalus, 314

 Ceramicus, 22

 Cerialia, 142, 144

 Cermalus, 276

 Cestius, 370

 Chaerippus, 288, 346

 Chaeron, 444

 Chaonia, 456

 Χερρονησιτικά, 466

 Chersonesus, 434

 Cibyratae, 436;
   — pantherae, 402

 Cibyraticum forum, 404

 Cicero, _see_ Tullius Cicero

 Cicero (Cn.), _nickname for Pompey_, 60

 Cicerones, _see_ Tullii Cicerones

 Cicilia, 330, 382, 388, 390, 402, 408, 446, 462

 Cincia lex, 96

 Cincius (L.), 2, 18, 20, 64, 92, 96, 280, 442

 Claudius (Ser.), 96

 Claudius Marcellus (M.), _consul_, 51 B.C., 278, 362, 404

 Claudius Nero (Tib.), 470

 Claudius Pulcher (Appius), 180, 234, 266, 276, 300, 310, 320, 330, 372,
    374, 378, 380, 406, 414, 416, 418, 420, 426, 440, 450, 452, 458,
    460, 470

 Clodia lex, 248

 Clodiana fabula, 78;
   -na religio, 40;
   -nae operae, 42;
   num latrocinium, 276;
   -num negotium, 176

 Clodianus, _i.e._, Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus, _consul_, 72 B.C., 84

 Clodi (C.), filius, _see_ Claudius Pulcher (Appius)

 Clodius Pulcher (P.), 30, 34, 36, 44, 46, 52, 56, 58, 62, 78, 80, 86,
    118, 124, 128, 132, 134, 138, 142, 150, 164, 168, 170, 178, 182,
    190, 192, 228, 234, 246, 248, 266, 268, 274, 276, 278, 290, 306,
    308, 310, 458

 Cluvius (M.), 444

 Coctia lex, 326

 Colossi, 388

 Comensis, 362

 Compitalia, 116;
   -liciae ambulationes, 116

 Considius (Q.), 28

 Considius Gallus (Q.), 192

 Corcyra, 100, 290, 354;
   -aea epistula, 452

 Corinthium aes, 110

 Cornelius (M.), 32

 Cornelius (Q.), 28

 Cornelius Balbus (L), 116, 142

 Cornelius Dolabella (P.), 482

 Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus, 84

 Cornelius Lentulus, _son of Clodianus_, 82

 Cornelius Lentulus Crus (L.), _consul_, 49 B.C., 476

 Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus (Cn.), 268, 276

 Cornelius Lentulus Niger (L.), _flamen_, 284, 288

 Cornelius Lentulus (L.), _son of Niger_, 188, 326

 Cornelius Lentulus Spinther (P.), 244, 246, 254, 344, 400, 408, 414,
    438

 Cornelius Lentulus Sura (P.), 58

 Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemilianus (P.), 314, 424, 432

 Cornelius Scipio Nasica (P.), (_afterwards_ Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius
    Scipio _q.v._), 4, 110, 434

 Cornelius Sulla (L.), _dictator_, 84

 Cornelius Sulla (P.), 276, 328

 Cornelius Sulla Faustus (L.), _son of the dictator_, 296

 Cornicinus, _see_ Oppius Cornicinus

 Cornificius (Q.), _tribune_, 69 B.C., 2, 34

 Cornutus (C.), 46

 Cosconius (C.), 168

 Cossinius (L.), 92, 96, 100

 Crassipes, _see_ Furius Crassipes

 Crassus, _see_ Licinius Crassus

 Crater, 134

 Culleo, _see_ Terentius Culleo

 Culleolus, 460

 Cumanum (praedium), 296, 298, 340, 380

 Curiana πτῶσις, 158

 Curio, _see_ Scribonius Curio

 Curiones, _see_ Scribonii Curiones

 Curius (M’.), 308

 Curius (Q.), 4

 Curtius Postumus (M.), 124

 Cybistra, 382, 390, 414

 Cyprii, 402, 404, 458;
   — legati, 420

 Cyprus, 402, 406, 452, 458

 Cyrea, 298

 Cyrrhestica, 382, 398

 Cyrus, 114

 Cyzicus, 200, 220, 230, 232


 Darius, 390

 Decimius (C.), 318

 Decimus, 274

 Deiotarus, 378, 382, 384, 396, 398, 412, 418, 430, 438

 Delos, 366

 Δημήτηρ, 292

 Demetrius, 298

 Demetrius Magnes, 300

 Democritus, 428

 Demosthenes, 102

 Dicaearchus, 112, 144, 154, 444

 Didia lex, 136

 Diodotus, 174

 Dionysius, 292, 300, 302, 304, 312, 332, 334, 344, 356, 428, 444.
   _See also_ Pomponius (M.)

 Diphilus, 166

 Dodonaea quercus, 120

 Dolabella, _see_ Cornelius Dolabella

 Domitius Ahenobarbus (L.), 6, 62, 190, 228

 Domitius Calvinus (Cn.), 292, 308, 316, 320

 Drusus, _see_ Livius Drusus

 Drusus, _of Pisaurum_, 130

 Duris, _of Samos_, 434

 Duronius (C.), 354

 Dyrrachini, 244

 Dyrrachium, 66, 204, 244, 260


 Egnatius (L.), 300

 Egnatius Sidicinus, 438

 Eleusis, 440, 470

 Eleutherocilices, 392

 Ennius (M.), 450

 Ephesius praetor, 368

 Ephesus, 204, 206, 332, 368, 370, 372, 388, 420, 452, 476

 Ephorus, 426

 Epicharmus, 88

 Epiroticus, 32;
   -ca emptio 16;
   -cae litterae, 396

 Epirus, 32, 120, 150, 196, 200, 202, 204, 218, 222, 232, 236, 238, 240,
    242, 244, 252, 306, 318, 342, 352, 380, 384, 386, 398, 424

 Equus Tuticus, 414

 Eratosthenes, 124, 434

 Ἡρώδης, 112

 Εὐμολπίδαι, 22

 Euphrates, 380, 398

 Eupolis (Εὔπολις), 434

 Eutychides, 304, 318, 354


 Fabius, 106

 Fabius Luscus, 294

 Fadius Gallus (T.), 250

 Fannius (C.), _son-in law of Laelius_, 314

 Fannius (C.), _tribune_ 59 B.C., 190

 Fausta, 354

 Faustus, _see_ Cornelius Sulla Faustus

 Favonius (M.), 44, 110, 264, 324

 Figulus, _see_ Marcius Figulus _and_ Nigidius Figulus

 Firmani fratres 294;
   -nus 294

 Flaccus, _see_ Fulvius Flaccus, Laenius Flaccus _and_ Valerius Flaccus

 Flaminia via, 4;
   -nius circus 40

 Flavius (Cn.), 424, 434

 Flavius (L.), 80, 84

 Fonteius (Fontius) (M.), 18, 308

 Formiae, 146

 Formiani, 146–8

 Formianum (estate), 12, 120, 134, 138, 140, 144, 146, 148, 150, 270,
    272

 Fufia lex, 62, 316

 Fufius Calenus (Q.), 38, 44, 46, 48, 50, 160

 Fulvius Flaccus (Q.), 276, 278

 Fulvius Nobilior (M.), 330

 Funisulanus, 344

 Furius, 170, 172

 Furius Camillus (C.) (Κάμιλλος), 354, 434, 466

 Furius Crassipes, 284, 300

 Furius Philus, 314

 Furnius, 340, 384, 426


 Gabinia lex, 408, 410, 450

 Gabinius, 122, 188, 328, 330, 332

 Galatae, 468

 Galba, _see_ Sulpicius Galba

 Gallia, 4, 82, 96, 110, 316

 Gallicum bellum, 82

 Gallus, _see_ Aquilius Gallus

 Gavius (L.) _of Firmum_, 294, 418, 458

 Gavius Caepio (T.), 392

 Gellius Poplicola, 274

 Glabrio, _see_ Acilius Glabrio

 Gnaeus, _i.e._ Pompeius Magnus (Cn.), _q.v._ 142, 152, 418

 Graecia, 102, 362, 464

 Graecus, 96, 288, 362;
   -a natio, 100;
   -ae litterae, 306;
   -e, 90, 96, 100, 474;
   -i, 156, 282, 358, 368, 410, 430, 432, 434, 444, 446;
   -i cives, 404;
   -i libri, 98, 110;
   -um (commentarium), 90;
   -um poema, 64

 Granius (Q.), 460

 Γυραί, 366

 Gyarus, 366


 Haedui, 82

 Halimetus, 300

 Helonius, 366

 Helvetii, 82

 Hercules, 434

 Herennius (C.), 78, 86

 Herennius (Sex.), 78

 Hermathena, 8, 12

 Hermeraclae, 24

 Hermes, 12;
   -ae, 20, 22

 Hermo, 400

 Herodes, 438

 Hierosolymarius, 136

 Hilarus, _freedman of Cicero_, 30

 Hipparchus, 124

 Hirrus, _see_ Lucilius Hirrus

 Hispania, 296, 362

 Hortalus, _cognomen of Hortensius_, 194, 306;
   _cf._ Hortensius

 Hortensiana, 288

 Hortensius (Q.), _orator_, 34, 44, 48, 50, 52, 114, 210, 340, 356, 366,
    380, 428, 470

 Hortensius (Q.), _son of the orator_, 462

 Hypsaeus, _see_ Plautius Hypsaeus


 Ialysus, 176

 Iconium, 388, 400

 Idaeus pastor, 78

 Ilium, 206

 Interamna, 104

 Interamnates, 308

 Iphicrates, 114

 Isauricum forum, 404

 Isocrates, 100, 426

 Issus, 390

 Italia, 42, 86, 152, 174, 196, 202, 222, 230, 260, 280

 Iulia lex, 162, 358, 402, 474

 Iulius Caesar (C.), _dictator_, 4, 30, 34, 74, 106, 110, 116, 13O, 142,
    154, 162, 166, 178, 188, 190, 236, 304, 308, 310, 312, 316, 318,
    320, 330, 332, 342, 348, 350, 360, 362, 368, 370, 394, 396, 400,
    438, 440, 472, 482

 Iulius Caesar (L.), _consul_ 64 B.C., 2, 8, 324

 Iulius Caesar Strabo Vopiscus (C.), 412

 Iunia lex, 136, 316

 Iunius Brutus (M.), 190, 380, 384, 403, 408, 410, 412, 414, 416, 418,
    420, 422, 442, 448, 450, 452, 456, 458, 460

 Iunius Silanus (D.), 2

 Iuventas, 78

 Iuventius Laterensis (M.), 162, 190

 Iuventius Talna, 56


 Κικέρων (ὁ μικρός), (_i.e._ Tullius Cicero (Q.), son of the orator,
    _q.v._), 138, 150

 Κικέρων ὁ φιλόσοφος, (_i.e._ Tullius Cicero (Q.), the orator, _q.v._),
    144

 Κόνων, 466

 Κορινθίων (πολιτεία), 112

 Κροτωνιάτης, (_i.e._ T. Annius Milo, _q.v._), 464, 466

 Κροτωνιατικά, 466

 Κύρου παιδεία, 114


 Laconicum, 298

 Laelius, 170, 172

 Laelius Sapiens (C.), 314

 Laenius Flaccus (M.), 396, 400, 406, 422, 458

 Λαιστρυγονίη, 146

 Lamia (L. Aelius), 354

 Laodicea, 372, 374, 376, 380, 388, 392, 396, 400, 404, 414, 424, 438,
    442, 446, 462, 474

 Larinum, 300

 Laterensis, _see_ Iuventius Laterensis

 Laterium, 290

 Latinus ἀττικισμός, 332;
   -ae (tribus), 8;
   -ni (libri), 96, 98, 112;
   -num (commentarium), 90

 Lentulus, _ship-owner_, 20, 22

 Lentulus, _see also_ Cornelius Lentulus

 Lepreon, 444

 Lepta (Q.), 378, 426, 476

 Leucata, 356

 Leuctrica pugna, 442

 Liberalia, 428

 Libertas, 266, 324

 Licinia lex, 136, 316

 Licinius Crassus (M.), 12, 40, 42, 72, 80, 116, 120, 122, 146, 176,
    182, 190, 222, 224, 250, 298, 302, 314

 Licinius Lucullus Ponticus (L.), 4, 44, 90, 190

 Licinius Lucullus (M.), _brother of the last_, 78, 268

 Licinius Macer (C.), 12

 Ligur _or_ Ligus (L.), 346

 Ligurinus μῶμος, 392

 Livineius Regulus (L.), 234

 Livineius Trypho (L.), 234

 Livius Drusus, 310, 316, 324

 Locri, 434

 Lollius Palicanus (L.), 2, 80

 Lucceius (L. M. f.), 396, 412, 438

 Lucceius (L. Q. f.), 10, 14, 26, 46, 74, 110, 288, 296, 300

 Lucilius (Sex.), 392

 Lucilius Hirrus (C.), 316

 Lucretius (Q.), 316

 Lucrinenses res, 296

 Luculli, 64

 Lucullus, _see_ Licinius Lucullus

 Lurco, _see_ Aufidius Lurco

 Lutatius Catulus (Q.), _consul_ 78 B.C., 34, 54, 94, 148, 190, 192, 284

 Lutatius Catulus (Q.), _consul_ 102 B.C., 268, 270, 272

 Lycaonia, 374

 Lycaonium forum, 404

 Lycii, 468

 Lycurgei, 36


 Macedonia, 188, 196, 206, 388

 Macer, _see_ Licinius Macer

 Macro, 300

 Maecia tribus, 310

 Magnus, _see_ Pompeius Magnus

 Mallius, 64

 Manilius (M’), 314

 Manlius Torquatus (A.), 340, 346, 406, 422

 Manlius Torquatus (L.), 330

 Marcellinus, _see_ Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus

 Marcellus, _see_ Claudius Marcellus

 Marcius Figulus (C.), 8

 Marcius Philippus (L.), 368, 370, 408

 Martius campus, 78, 326

 Maso, _see_ Papirius Maso

 Matinius (P.), 406, 420, 458

 Megabocchus, 130

 Megarica signa, 20, 22

 Melita, 198, 386

 Memmiana epistula, 426

 Memmius (C.), 78, 142, 144, 308, 316, 320, 364, 438

 Menelaus, 78

 Menniana praedia, 336

 Menophilus, 292

 Menturnae, 340

 Menturnenses (litterae), 344

 Mescinius Rufus (L.), 464, 474

 Messalla (or Messala), _see_ Valerius Messalla

 Messius (C.), 262, 264, 310

 Metellina oratio, 36

 Metellus, _see_ Caecilius Metellus

 Metrodorus, _of Scepsus_, 118

 Milo, _see_ Annius Milo

 Minerva, 12

 Minucius Thermus (Q.), 2, 4, 370, 396, 412, 428

 Misenum, 36

 Mitilenae, 364

 Moeragenes, 374, 428

 Molo, 110

 Mucia, _wife of Pompey_, 30

 Mucius Scaevola (P.), _consul_ 133 B.C., 84

 Mucius Scaevola (Q.), _augur_, 314

 Mucius Scaevola (Q.), _pontifex maximus_, 380, 418, 430

 Mucius Scaevola (Q.), _tribune_ 54 B.C., 322, 330

 Mulviana controversia, 150

 Munatius Plancus Bursa (T.), 426

 Musae (Μοῦσαι,) 52, 118, 124

 Mytilenaei, 362


 Nanneiani, 54

 Nar, 308

 Nares Luc(aniae), 196

 Nasica, 110. _Cf._ Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio

 Natta, 294

 Neapolis, 16, 296

 Nemus, 440

 Nepos, _see_ Caecilius Metellus Nepos (Q.)

 Nero, _see_ Claudius Nero

 Nicanor, 344, 396

 Nigidius Figulus (P.), 112

 Ninnius Quadratus (L.), 248

 Nonius Sufenas (M.), 306, 428

 Numestius (Numerius), 170, 184, 186, 192


 Octavius (C.), _father of Augustus_, 112

 Octavius (M.), 402, 436

 Ὁμηρικῶς, 48

 Opimius, 320

 Oppius (C.), 336, 348

 Oppius Cornicinus (Cn.), 268

 Ὀπούντιοι, 444

 Ὀποῦς, 444

 Ops, 434

 Orodes, 382, 398, 430

 Osaces, 390

 Otho, _see_ Roscius Otho


 Pacciana epistula, 318

 Paccius (M.), 312

 Paciliana domus, 46

 Pacorus, 382

 Paetus, _see_ Papirius Paetus

 Palatina palaestra, 120

 Palicanus, _see_ Lollius Palicanus

 Pammenes, 398

 Pammenia illa, 452

 Pamphylium forum, 404

 Panhormus, 90

 Papia lex, 330

 Papirius Maso (M.), 346

 Papirius Paetus (L.), 96, 98, 110, 296

 Parilia, 134, 298

 Paris, 78

 Parthicum bellum, 398, 418, 428;
   -otium, 372

 Parthus, 356, 378;
   -i, 362, 380, 388, 390, 398, 404, 430, 448, 472

 Patrae, 356

 Patro, 364, 386

 Paulus, _see_ Aemilius Paulus (L.)

 Peducaeus (Sex.), 12, 14

 Pella, 206

 Πελληναίων (πολιτεία), 112

 Peloponnesiae civitates, 444

 Peloponnesus, 444

 Pentelici Hermae, 20

 Phaetho, 206

 Phemius, 396, 404, 428

 Philadelphus, 28

 Philippicae orationes, 102

 Philippus, _king_, 60

 Philippus, _see_ Marcius Philippus

 Philogenes, 370, 394, 442, 452, 454

 Philomelium, 388

 Philotimus, 120, 298, 344, 348, 354, 378, 386, 424, 434, 454

 Philoxenus, 286

 Philus, _see_ Furius Philus

 Phliasii, 444

 Φλιοῦς, 444

 Φωκυλίδης, 296

 Pilia, 282, 300, 316, 364, 436, 452, 462, 464, 468, 476, 478

 Pilius Celer (Q.), 330

 Pinarius (T.), 438

 Pindenissitae, 388

 Pindenissus, 392, 424

 Piraeus, 314, 366, 478

 Pisaurensis Drusus, 130

 Pisidae, 468

 Piso, _see_ Calpurnius Piso _and_ Pupius Piso

 Pituanius, 306

 Placentia, 482

 Plaetorianum incendium, 396

 Plancius (Cn.), 30, 222, 244

 Plancus, _see_ Munatius Plancus

 Plato, 108, 314

 Plautius Hypsaeus, 206

 Plautus, 56

 Plotia lex, 80

 Plotius (A.), 374

 Πολυκλῆς, 434

 Polycharmus, 364

 Pompeianus cistophorus, 126;
   -na laus, 42;
   -ni prodromi, 28;
   -num (praedium), 92, 110, 120, 296, 340

 Pompeius Magnus (Cn.), 4, 28, 30, 38, 40, 42, 60, 74, 80, 84, 86, 88,
    106, 116, 146, 166, 170, 178, 180, 182, 184, 188, 190, 192, 206,
    208, 210, 212, 218, 220, 222, 226, 236, 244, 246, 250, 262, 264,
    270, 284, 296, 298, 308, 310, 316, 318, 326, 334, 342, 348, 350,
    352, 362, 368, 382, 386, 400, 406, 412, 418, 426, 430, 438, 440,
    452, 456, 458, 472, 476.
   _See also_ Cicero (Cn.) _and_ Sampsiceramus

 Pompeius Rufus (Q.), 324

 Pompeius Vindullus, 440

 Pomponia, 14, 18, 110, 116, 118, 120, 338

 Pomponius (M.), 304 (_i.e._, Dionysius _q.v._)

 Pomponius Atticus (T.), 28, 132, 138, 144, 154, 172, 198, 210, 230,
    238, 244, 246, 270, 326, 436, 450, 452, 474

 Pomptina tribus, 310

 Pomptinus (C.), 330, 338–40, 346, 348, 350, 352, 358, 362, 390, 406,
    454

 Pontidia, 412, 426

 Pontius Aquila (L.), 6, 340, 342, 344

 Porcius Cato (C.), 306, 316, 318

 Porcius Cato (M.), 36, 42, 62, 74, 80, 108, 122, 136, 138, 174, 224,
    310, 324, 330, 420, 424, 428, 450

 Posidonius, 100

 Postumia, 406, 412

 Postumius, 406

 Postumus, _see_ Curtius Postumus (M.)

 Πουλυδάμας, 122

 Preciana hereditas, 480

 Procilius, _historian_, 112

 Procilius, 306, 316

 Prognostica, _name of a book_, 110

 Protogenes, 176

 Ptolemaeus, 296

 Publius, _see_ Clodius Pulcher (P.)

 Pulchellus (_i.e._, Clodius Pulcher (P.), _q.v._), 104, 162, 180

 Pulcher, _see_ Clodius Pulcher (P.)

 Pupius Piso Frugi Calpurnianus (M.), _consul_ 61 B.C., 32, 38, 42, 44,
    48, 56

 Puteolanus, 374;
   -na res, 296;
   -ni, 340;
   -num raudusculum, 478

 Puteoli, 36, 296


 Quintus, _see_ Tullius Cicero (Q.)


 Rabiriana domus, 16

 Rabirius (C.), 102

 Rantius, 322

 Reatini, 308

 Regulus, _see_ Livineius Regulus

 Rex, 58

 Rhinton, 94

 Rhodii, 362, 366, 368, 476

 Rhodos, 100, 110, 384, 474

 Rhosica vasa, 428

 Roma, 4, 8, 10, 14, 22, 68, 92, 104, 112, 124, 126, 132, 134, 140, 142,
    144, 148, 150, 156, 158, 180, 186, 208, 212, 256, 258, 266, 290,
    298, 302, 306, 308, 340, 350, 352, 354, 356, 360, 368, 370, 374,
    378, 380, 382, 384, 386, 394, 396, 406, 408, 412, 426, 454, 456,
    460, 464, 466, 470, 478

 Romanus homo, 90;
   populus, 54–6;
   -na mysteria, 440;
   -nae res, 42, 44, 76, 306, 326, 478;
   -ni cives, 384, 402, 404;
   -ni equites, 78, 290

 Romulus, 108

 Roscia lex, 168

 Roscius Otho (L.), 102

 Rosia (rura), 308

 Rufio Vestorianus, 340.
   _See also_ Sempronius Rufus

 Rutilius Rufus (P.), 314


 Sacra via, 274

 Salaminius senatus, 450;
   -nii, 406, 408, 420, 422, 448, 450, 452

 Salamis, 420

 Saliarem in modum, 356

 Sallustius (Cn.), 10, 26

 Salus, 260

 Samius, 434

 Sampsiceramus (_i.e._ Pompeius Magnus), 146, 154, 158, 184

 Samus, 368

 Saturnalia, 388, 392

 Saturninus, _see_ Annius Saturninus

 Satyrus, _see_ Caninius Satyrus

 Saufeius (L.), 10, 134, 286, 426, 482

 Scaevola, _see_ Mucius Scaevola

 Scaptius (M.), 406, 408, 410, 420, 422, 424, 448, 450, 452, 458

 Scaptius (M.), _in Cappadocia_, 418, 458

 Scaurus, _see_ Aemilius Scaurus

 Scepsius, _see_ Metrodorus of Scepsus

 Scipio, _see_ Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio (P.) _and_ Cornelius
    Scipio

 Scribonii Curiones, 190

 Scribonius Curius (C.), _consul_ 76 B.C., 42, 48, 62

 Scribonius Curio (C.), _son of the last_, 130, 132, 142, 160, 166, 168,
    188, 190, 224, 240, 438, 448, 456

 Scrofa, _see_ Tremellius Scrofa

 Sebosus, 148, 150

 Seius (M.), 370, 396

 Seleuciana provincia, 332

 Selicius (Q.), 28

 Sempronius Rufus (C.), 452.
   _See also_ Rufio Vestorianus

 Septem Aquae, 308

 Septimius (C.), 188

 Serapion, _geographer_, 118, 124

 Serapion, _see_ Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapion

 Sergius Catilina (L.), 2, 8, 42, 58, 102, 274

 Serranus, _see_ Atilius Serranus

 Servilia, 346, 426

 Servilius (M.), 462

 Servilius Ahala (C.), 190

 Servilius Caepio Brutus (_i.e._ M. Junius Brutus _q.v._), 188, 190

 Servilius Vatta (P.), 432

 Servilius Vatta Isauricus (P.), _praetor_ 54 B.C., 90, 110, 310, 330

 Servius, _see_ Sulpicius Rufus

 Sestius (P.), 234, 238, 242, 250, 276, 380, 438

 Sicca, 196, 198

 Sicilia, 104, 434

 Sicinius, 346

 Siculus Epicharmus, 88;
   -i, 104, 364

 Sicyon, 32

 Sicyonii, 90, 96, 110, 146, 178

 Sidicinus, _see_ Egnatius Sidicinus

 Silanus, _see_ Iunius Silanus

 Silius Nerva (P.), 428

 Σιπούντιοι, 444

 Σιποῦς, 444

 Socrates, 314

 Σωκρατικῶς, 116

 Solonium, 116, 134

 Sophocles, 130

 Sopolis, 330

 Sositheus, 30

 Σπάρτα, 94, 286

 Spartacus, 450

 Spongia, 56

 Statius, 162, 164, 338, 442

 Statius (Sex.), 422

 Sufenas, _see_ Nonius Sufenas

 Sulla, _see_ Cornelius Sulla

 Sullani homines, 84

 Sulpicius Galba (P.), 2

 Sulpicius Rufus (Ser.), 122, 346, 404

 Sybota, 354

 Synnadense forum, 404

 Synnas (Synneda), 376, 388

 Syria, 56, 296, 382, 390, 454, 462, 468, 478

 Syros, 366


 Tadiana res, 16;
   -num negotium, 20

 Tadius, 16, 20

 Talna, _see_ Juventius Talna

 Tarentinus (ager), 200

 Tarentum, 200, 350

 Tarquitius (L.), 476

 Tarsenses, 402

 Tarsus, 378, 380, 390, 402, 406, 462

 Tauri pylae, 390

 Taurus, 374, 382, 390, 402, 412

 Τέμπη, 308

 Tenea, 444

 Terentia, 8, 16, 28, 116, 120, 132, 138, 144, 150, 200, 208, 210, 236,
    250, 426, 404

 Terentius, 290,, 428

 Terentius, _tribune_ 54 B.C., 322

 Terentius Culleo (Q.), 228

 Terentius Varro (M.), 170, 178, 182, 192, 206, 222, 224, 238, 270, 304,
    312, 362

 Terminalia, 414

 Tettius Damio, 274

 Teucris (Τεῦκρις), 28, 38, 46

 Thallumetus, 366

 Thalna, _see_ Iuventius Thalna

 Theophanes (Θεοφάνης), 122, 144, 158, 362

 Theophrastus (Θεόφραστος), 118, 136, 154, 434

 Theopompium genus, 126

 Theopompus, 426

 Thermus, _see_ Minucius Thermus

 Thesprotia, 456

 Thessalia, 244

 Thessalonica, 68, 206, 208, 212, 214, 218, 222, 230, 236, 242, 244

 Thurium, 200

 Thyillus, 22, 30, 64

 Tiberius, 402

 Tigranes, 118, 128

 Tigranes filius, 206

 Timaeus, 434

 Tiro, _see_ Tullius Tiro

 Titinius (Q.), 118, 402

 Titus (Τίτος Ἀθηναῖος), _see_ Pomponius Atticus

 Torquatus, _see_ Manlius Torquatus

 Tralles, 372

 Transpadanus, 362;
   -ni 342

 Trebonius (C.), 292

 Trebulanum (praedium), 340, 342, 344

 Tremellius Scrofa (Cn.), 346, 428

 Tres Tabernae, 32, 140, 142, 144

 Triarius, _see_ Valerius Triarius

 Tritia, 444

 Tritones piscinarum, 136

 Τρῳάδες, 122

 Τρῶες, 122

 Trophoniana narratio, 444

 Trypho, _see_ Caecilius Trypho

 Tubero, _see_ Aelius Tubero

 Tullia (_or_ Tulliola), 10, 16, 20, 26, 134, 238, 260, 282, 426, 464,
    476, 482

 Tullii Cicerones, 378, 396, 426

 Tullius, _scribe_, 344, 346

 Tullius (L.), _legate of Cicero_, 346, 362, 372, 402

 Tullius Cicero (L.), _cousin of Cicero_, 12

 Tullius Cicero (M.), _the orator_, 378.
   _See also_ Κικέρων ὁ φιλόσοφος

 Tullius Cicero (M.), _his son_, 76, 132, 138, 312, 332, 356, 452, 478;
   _see also_ Κικέρων (ὁ μικρός).

 Tullius Cicero (Q.), _brother of the orator_, 6, 10, 14, 16, 18, 20,
    46, 64, 66, 90, 118, 126, 132, 156, 208, 216, 220, 230, 234, 236,
    238, 244, 250, 256, 260, 264, 274, 288, 290, 296, 304, 310, 314,
    330, 334, 338, 360, 392, 396, 402, 406, 412, 456

 Tullius Cicero (Q.), _son of the last_, 112, 250, 288, 290, 296, 426,
    444, 460, 474, 480

 Tullius Tiro (M.), 474

 Turpio, 432

 Turranius (D.), 18, 480

 Tusculana villa, 270;
   -num aedificium, 46;
   -um (praedium), 12, 16, 18, 22, 110, 134, 138, 272, 302, 314, 336,
      438

 Tyrannio, 124, 280, 282, 292


 Valerius, 114

 Valerius, _interpreter_, 30

 Valerius (P.), 412

 Valerius Flaccus (L.), 82, 194

 Valerius Messalla (M.), 296, 310, 316, 320, 366, 386

 Valerius Messalla Niger (M.), _consul_ 61 B.C., 32, 36, 38, 40, 44, 262

 Valerius Triarius (P.), 316, 324

 Varius (P.), 4

 Varro, _see_ Terentius Varro

 Vatinius (P.), 126, 130, 138, 190

 Vedianae res, 440

 Vedius (P.), 440

 Veiento, 322

 Velinus lacus 308;
   -na tribus, 310

 Vennonius (C.), 440, 458

 Venus, 176

 Venusia, 348

 Vestorius (C.), 288, 304, 316, 332, 340, 444, 452

 Vettius, 284

 Vettius, _a broker_, 432

 Vettius (L.), 188, 190

 Vettius Chrysippus, 120

 Vibius, 174

 Vibo, 198

 Visellius, 250

 Volaterrani, 84

 Volusius (Cn.), 362

 Volusius (Q.), 402


 Xeno, _of Apollonis_, 370

 Xeno, _of Athens_, 360, 364

 Xenocrates, 52


 Zaleucus, 434

 Zoster, 360


       W. H. Smith & Son, The Arden Press, Stamford Street, S.E.

------------------------------------------------------------------------



                          TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES


 1. P. 52, corrected “ὃππως” to “ὅππως”.
 2. P. 88, corrected “ταυτα” to “ταῦτα”.
 3. P. 156, corrected “δε” to “δὲ”.
 4. P. 359, corrected “ἒρδοι τις ἥν ἕκαστος εἰδείη τέχνην” to “ἔρδοι τις
      ἣν ἕκαστος εἰδείη τέχνην”.
 5. Silently corrected typographical errors in punctuation and spelling
      in the index which didn't agree with the text.
 6. Retained anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as
      printed.
 7. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
 8. Superscripts are denoted by a caret before a single superscript
      character, e.g. M^r.





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