By Author [ A  B  C  D  E  F  G  H  I  J  K  L  M  N  O  P  Q  R  S  T  U  V  W  X  Y  Z |  Other Symbols ]
  By Title [ A  B  C  D  E  F  G  H  I  J  K  L  M  N  O  P  Q  R  S  T  U  V  W  X  Y  Z |  Other Symbols ]
  By Language
all Classics books content using ISYS

Download this book: [ ASCII ]

Look for this book on Amazon

We have new books nearly every day.
If you would like a news letter once a week or once a month
fill out this form and we will give you a summary of the books for that week or month by email.

Title: Early Voyages to Terra Australis, Now Called Australia: - A Collection of Documents, and Extracts from Early - Manuscript Maps, Illustrative of the History of Discovery - on the Coasts of That Vast Island - , from the Beginning of - the Sixteenth Century to the Time of Captain Cook.
Author: Major, Richard Henry
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.
Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

*** Start of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "Early Voyages to Terra Australis, Now Called Australia: - A Collection of Documents, and Extracts from Early - Manuscript Maps, Illustrative of the History of Discovery - on the Coasts of That Vast Island - , from the Beginning of - the Sixteenth Century to the Time of Captain Cook." ***

This book is indexed by ISYS Web Indexing system to allow the reader find any word or number within the document.

produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive)

                            WORKS ISSUED BY

The Hakluyt Society.


                              M DCCC.LIX.

                             EARLY VOYAGES
                            TERRA AUSTRALIS,
                               NOW CALLED
                             CAPTAIN COOK.

                    Edited, with an Introduction, by
                       R. H. MAJOR, ESQ., F.S.A.

                 “Austrinis pars est habitabilis oris,
     Sub pedibusque jacet nostris.”
                     MANILIUS, _Astronomicon_, lib. i, lin. 237–8.


                  T. RICHARDS, 37, GREAT QUEEN STREET.

                          THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

 Inst. F., Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, &c., &c., PRESIDENT.

     THE MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE.                   }
                                                 } VICE-PRESIDENTS.









     R. W. GREY, ESQ., M.P.




     R. H. MAJOR, ESQ., F.S.A.




                     SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON,
                       G.C.ST.S., D.C.L., F.R.S.,
                            ETC., ETC., ETC.


                        You have kindly permitted me to dedicate to you
this result of my investigations respecting the early explorations of
Australia. To none can a book on such a subject be more appropriately
offered than to yourself. To you geographers are pre-eminently indebted
for the promotion of Australian exploration in recent times, while your
ever-memorable scientific anticipation of the discovery of the
Australian gold fields must connect your name inseparably with the
history of a country, whose future greatness can be foreseen, but cannot
be estimated.

                                I remain,
                                    Dear SIR RODERICK,
                                            With much respect,
                                                  Yours very faithfully,
                                                          R. H. MAJOR.

 British Museum,
       August, 1859.



   OF SPAIN, by Dr. Juan Luis Arias, respecting the exploration,
   colonization, and conversion of the Southern Land, translated
   from the Spanish original                                           1

 RELATION OF LUIS VAEZ DE TORRES, concerning the discoveries of
   QUIROS, as his Almirante. Dated Manila, July 12, 1607. A
   translation, nearly literal, by Alexander Dalrymple, Esq., from a
   Spanish manuscript copy in his possession, reprinted from App. to
   vol. ii of Burney’s “Discoveries in the South Sea”                 31

   January the 15th, 1644, and ending November the 29th following,
   reprinted from Dalrymple’s “Collections Concerning Papua”          43

   “Batavia,” on the coast of New Holland, and his succeeding
   adventures, translated from Thevenot’s “Recueil de Voyages
   Curieux”                                                           59

   Valentyn’s “Beschryvingh van Banda”                                75

   LAND, and the expeditions undertaken, both from Batavia and the
   Cape of Good Hope, in search of the survivors and money and goods
   which might be found on the wreck, and of the small success which
   attended them. Extracted from MS. documents at the Hague, and
   translated from the Dutch                                          77

   Volkersen, of the pink “Waeckende Boey,” which sailed from
   Batavia on the 1st of January 1658, and returned on the 19th of
   April of the same year. Extracted from MS. Documents at the Hague
   and translated from the Dutch                                      89

   Tartarye”                                                          91

   of New Holland, in 1687–88, being an extract from his “New Voyage
   round the World”                                                   99

 EXTRACT FROM SLOAN MS., 3236, entitled “The Adventures of William
   Dampier, with others [1686–87], who left Captain Sherpe in the
   South Seas, and travaled back over land through the country of
   Darien”                                                           108

   New Holland in 1696. Extracted from MS. Documents at the Hague
   and translated from the Dutch                                     112

   LAND, by order of the Dutch East India Company, in the years 1696
   and 1697, by the hooker “De Nyptang,” the ship “De Geelvink,” and
   the galiot “De Wesel,” and the return to Batavia. From MS.
   Documents at the Hague: translated from the Dutch                 120

   of New Holland, in 1699, being an extract from “a Voyage to New
   Holland, etc., in the year 1699”                                  134

   the voyage of the fluyt “Vossenbosch,” the sloop “D’Waijer,” and
   the patsjallang “Nova Hollandia,” despatched by the government of
   India, anno 1705, from Batavia by way of Timor to New Holland.
   From MS. Documents at the Hague: translated from the Dutch        165

 THE HOUTMAN’S ABROLHOS in 1727, translated from a publication
   entitled “De Houtman’s Abrolhos,” by Captain P. A. Leupe, of the
   Dutch Navy                                                        176

                      INSTRUCTIONS TO THE BINDER.

 The Maps to be placed in the following order.

 Jave la Grande                                    _to face_ page xxvii.

 The Londe of Java                                 _to face_ page xxix.

 Tasman’s Track                                    _to face_ page xcvii.

 Coast visited by the Waeckende Boey and Emeloort,
   two maps                                        _to face_ page 81.

 Terra Australis                                   _to face_ page 200.



When, at a period comparatively recent in the world’s history, the
discovery was made that, on the face of the as yet unmeasured ocean,
there existed a western continent which rivalled in extent the world
already known, it became a subject of natural enquiry whether a fact of
such momentous importance could for so many thousands of years have
remained a secret. Nor was the enquiry entirely without response. Amid
the obscurity of the past some faint foreshadowings of the great reality
appeared to be traceable. The poet with his prophecy, the sage with his
mythic lore, and the unlettered seaman who, with curious eye, had peered
into the mysteries of the far-stretching Atlantic, had each, as it now
appeared, enunciated a problem which at length had met with its

In these later days, when the enquiry has assumed gigantic proportions,
and the facilities of investigation have been simultaneously increased,
much has been done towards bringing to light the evidence of various
ascertained or possible visitations from the Old World to the New, which
had previously remained unknown. A summary of them has already been laid
before the members of the Hakluyt Society by the editor of the present
volume, in his introduction to the “Select Letters of Columbus”, and
requires no repetition here.

Of the future results of that momentous discovery, what human
intelligence can foresee the climax? Already the northern half of that
vast portion of the globe is mainly occupied by a section of the
Anglo-Saxon family, earnest and active in the development of its native
energies; and among these, again, are many who look back with eager
curiosity to every yet minuter particular respecting the early history
of their adopted country.

A new field of colonization, second only to that of America, and
constituting, as far as is at present known, the largest island in our
globe, has in far more recent times been opened up by a slow and gradual
progress to a branch of the same expansive family. A future but little
inferior in importance may, without much imaginative speculation, be
assigned to them, and from them likewise may be reasonably expected the
most curious inquiry as to the earliest discoveries by their
predecessors of a land so vast in its dimensions, so important in its
characteristics, and yet so little known or reasoned upon by the
numerous generations of mankind that had passed away before them.

In endeavouring to meet this demand it must be premised, that while the
main object proposed in this volume is to treat of the early indications
of the island now recognized as Australia, anterior to the time of
Captain Cook, it is impossible to deal with the real or supposed
discoveries which may have taken place prior to that date, without
referring at the same time to the discovery of the adjacent island of
New Guinea and of the great southern continent, of both of which what we
now call Australia was in those times regarded as forming a part. The
investigation is one of the most interesting character in all its
stages, but beset with doubts and difficulties arising from a variety of

The entire period up to the time of Dampier, ranging over two centuries,
presents these two phases of obscurity; that in the sixteenth century
(the period of the Portuguese and Spanish discoveries) there are
_indications_ on maps of the great probability of Australia having been
already discovered, but with no written documents to confirm them; while
in the seventeenth century there is documentary evidence that its coasts
were touched upon or explored by a considerable number of Dutch
voyagers, but the documents _immediately_ describing these voyages have
not been found.

That, in so far as regards the Portuguese, this obscurity is mainly due
to a jealous apprehension lest lands of large extent and great
importance in the southern seas might fall into the hands of rival
powers to their own displacement or prejudice, may not only be
suspected, but seems to be affirmable from historical evidence.

It is stated by Humboldt (_Histoire de la Géographie du Nouveau
Continent_, tom. iv, p. 70), upon the authority of the letters of Angelo
Trevigiano, secretary to Domenico Pisani, ambassador from Venice to
Spain, that the kings of Portugal forbad upon pain of death the
exportation of any marine chart which showed the course to Calicut. We
find also in Ramusio (_Discorso sopra el libro di Odoardo Barbosa_, and
the _Sommario delle Indie Orientali_, tom. i, p. 287.b) a similar
prohibition implied. He says that these books “were for many years
concealed and not allowed to be published, for convenient reasons that I
must not now describe.” He also speaks of the great difficulty he
himself had in procuring a copy, and even that an imperfect one, from
Lisbon. “Tanto possono,” he says, “gli interessi del principe.” Again,
in tom. iii of the same collection, in the account of the “Discorso d’un
gran Capitano del Mare Francese del luogo di Dieppa,” etc., now known to
be the voyage of Jean Parmentier to Sumatra in 1529, and in all
probability written by his companion and eulogist the poet Pierre
Crignon, the covetousness and exclusiveness of the Portuguese are
inveighed against. “They seem,” he says, “to have drunk of the dust of
the heart of king Alexander, for that they seem to think that God made
the sea and the land only for them, and that if they could have locked
up the sea from Finisterre to Ireland it would have been done long ago,”

Imputations of a similar nature are thrown on the Dutch East India
Company by so well informed a man as Sir William Temple, ambassador at
the Hague in the reign of Charles II, and who is a very high authority
on all matters concerning the republic of the United Provinces. In his
“Essay upon Ancient and Modern Learning,” he makes the following curious
statement, which we give _in extenso_ as otherwise bearing upon the
subject of which we treat. See vol. iii of Sir William Temple’s _Works_,
p. 457.

“But the defect or negligence [in the progress of discovery since the
invention of the compass] seems yet to have been greater towards the
south, where we know little beyond thirty-five degrees, and that only by
the necessity of doubling the Cape of Good Hope in our East India
voyages: yet a continent has been long since found out within fifteen
degrees to the south, about the length of Java, which is marked by the
name of New Holland in the maps, and to what extent none knows, either
to the south, the east, or the west; yet the learned have been of
opinion, that there must be a balance of earth on that side of the line
in some proportion to what there is on the other; and that it cannot be
all sea from thirty degrees to the south pole, since we have found land
to above sixty-five degrees towards the north. But our navigators that
way have been confined to the roads of trade, and our discoveries
bounded by what we can manage to a certain degree of gain. _And I have
heard it said among the Dutch_, that their East India Company have long
since forbidden, and under the greatest penalties, any further attempts
of discovering that continent, having already more trade in those parts
than they can turn to account, and fearing some more populous nation of
Europe might make great establishments of trade in some of those unknown
regions, which might ruin or impair what they have already in the

Although the statement of so well informed and so impartial a man as Sir
William might almost be considered as conclusive, the Dutch have very
naturally been unwilling to abide by this severe judgment. An indignant
remonstrance against the imputation that they secreted and suppressed
the accounts of their early voyages, was published in August 1824, in
vol. ii of the _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, by Mr. J. van Wijck
Roelandszoon, who attributed the origin of this charge to ignorance of
the Dutch language on the part of those who made it. In vindication of
his assertions he referred to the publication, in 1618, of Linschoten’s
voyages both to the North and to the East Indies, also of Schouten and
Lemaire’s Circumnavigation of the Globe in 1615–18, which was published
in 1646. He referred to the fact that the voyages of Van Noort,
l’Hermite, and Spilbergen had also been published, and stated that,
generally speaking, such had been the case with all the voyages of the
Dutch as early as the year 1646, and that their discoveries were exactly
laid down in the 1660 edition of the maps of P. Goos.

He furthermore announced (in reply to an invitation which had been given
to the learned men of Holland, to fill up the gaps in their history
which had been complained of), that one of the learned societies of
Holland had offered a prize for a careful essay on the discoveries of
the Dutch mariners.[2]

In publishing this remonstrance, the editor of the _Nouvelles Annales
des Voyages_ judiciously observed, that if the reproach of jealousy
which applied to the Portuguese, did not apply to the Dutch, it was at
least true that some sort of carelessness had prevented either the
preservation or the publication of a great number of Dutch narratives,
amongst which he quoted those of De Nuyts, Van Vlaming, etc., to the
coasts of New Holland. We must not, however, lose sight of the fact,
that Sir William Temple’s charge of want of liberality is directed, not
against the Dutch in general, but only against the East India Company;
and further, that it contains two different imputations; first, that the
Company forbade exploration; and secondly, that they prohibited the
publication of those already made.

As to the first of these two charges it may have been just. The
commercial spirit of the seventeenth century had a general character of
narrowness, from which the East India Company was not exempt. The
conduct here imputed to them was in accordance with the regular and
wholesale destruction of spices, by which they tried to keep up the
value of this commodity. Too much importance, however, ought not to be
attached even to Sir William’s testimony, when, as in the present case,
it stands entirely alone. Every hostile statement with regard to the
East India Company made in Sir William’s time, may be regarded as at
least likely to have been dictated by party spirit. The directors of the
East India Company were so closely connected with the ruling but
unpopular party presided over by the De Witts, that the enemies of the
one were also the enemies of the others, and among these enemies there
were a number of the most eminent men, many of them distinguished

As to the second charge, it must be allowed in justice to the Company
that such secrecy as is here imputed to them is not to be traced in
their general conduct. Commelyn, the compiler of the celebrated _Begin
ende Voortgangh_, published in 1646, had undoubtedly access to the
Company’s archives, and he discloses many facts which the Company would
seem much more interested to hide than what meagre knowledge they
possessed of Australia; Godfried, Udemans, Dr. O. Dapper, Witsen,
Valentyn, and besides these a host of map-makers and geographers, were
largely indebted to the Company for geographical materials. If we may
form any judgment from the dedications we find in books of the period,
we must consider their encouragement of the study of their dominions as
almost on a par with that afforded at the present day by the English
East India Company.

The fact that many accounts of Australian voyages which the Company
possessed were never published, may be accounted for in a much simpler
and more honourable manner. The Dutch voyages and travels that were
published were plainly intended for a large circle of readers, and were
got up as cheaply as possible. Thus, though thousands and thousands of
copies were sold, they have all now become scarce. A voyage which did
not contain strange adventures or striking scenes, had no chance of
popularity and remained unpublished. Thus, among other instances, a
picturesque account of Japan was published in the _Begin ende
Voortgangh_, whilst the extremely important account of De Vries’s voyage
to the same part of the world, which is far richer in geographical
materials than in interesting incidents, has remained in manuscript till
recently edited by Captain Leupe, of the Dutch navy.

It is with pleasure that we indulge the hope that the veil which has
thus hung over these valuable materials is likely, before very long, to
be entirely removed. The archives of the Dutch East India Company, a yet
unsifted mass of thousands of volumes, and myriads of loose papers, have
a short time since been handed over to the State Archives at the Hague,
where the greatest liberality is shown in allowing access to the
treasures they possess. Meanwhile the editor of the present volume need
hardly plead any excuse for not having attempted what no foreigner, be
his stay in Holland ever so long, could possibly accomplish; and he must
leave to those who will take up this matter after him, the satisfaction
of availing themselves of materials the importance of which he knows,
and the want of which he deeply deplores.

As has been already stated, in the earlier and more indistinct periods
of Australian discovery, even when some portions of the vast island had
been already lighted on, it remained a doubt whether New Guinea and the
newly seen lands did not form part of a great southern continent, in
which tradition in the first place, and subsequent discoveries, had
already established a belief.

The very existence of the belief in an extensive southern continent at
those early periods presents a twofold cause of doubt. It engendered _at
the time_ the supposition that every island to the south of what was
previously known, and of which the north part only had been seen, formed
a portion of that continent; while _to us_ who, from this distance of
time, look back for evidence, the inaccurate representation of such
discoveries on maps, especially in or near the longitude of Australia
(for longitude could be but laxly noticed in those days) leaves the
doubt whether that continent may not have been visited at the period
thus represented. Hence, manifestly, it will be requisite to bear well
in mind this broadly accepted belief in the existence of a great
southern continent, if we would form a right judgment respecting those
supposed indications of Australia which are presented on maps of the
sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth centuries.

Among the very early writers, the most striking quotation that the
editor has lighted upon in connection with the southern continent, is
that which occurs in the _Astronomicon_ of Manilius, lib. i, lin. 234
_et seq._, where, after a lengthy dissertation, he says:

            “Ex quo colligitur terrarum forma rotunda:
            Hanc circum variæ gentes hominum atque ferarum,
            Aeriæque colunt volucres. Pars ejus ad arctos
            Eminet, _Austrinis pars est habitabilis oris,
            Sub pedibusque jacet nostris_.”

The latter clause of this sentence, so strikingly applying to the lands
in question, has been quoted as a motto for the title-page of this
volume. The date at which Manilius wrote, though not exactly
ascertained, is supposed, upon the best conclusions to be drawn from the
internal evidence supplied by his poem, to be of the time of Tiberius.

Aristotle also, in his _Meteorologica_, lib. ii, cap. 5, has a passage
which, though by no means so distinct as the preceding, speaks of two
segments of the _habitable_ globe, one towards the north, the other
towards the south pole, and which have the form of a drum. Aratus,
Strabo, and Geminus have also handed down a similar opinion, that the
torrid zone was occupied throughout its length by the ocean, and that
the band of sea divided our continent from another, situated, as they
suppose, in the southern hemisphere.[3]

To come down, however, to a later period, the editor is enabled, through
the researches of his lamented friend, the late learned and laborious
Vicomte de Santarem, to show from early manuscript maps and other
geographical monuments, how this belief in the existence of a great
southern continent was entertained anterior to the discoveries of the
Portuguese in the Pacific Ocean. In his _Essai sur l’Histoire de la
Cosmographie et de la Cartographie du Moyen Age_, vol. i, p. 229, the
Vicomte informs us that “Certain cartographers of the middle ages, still
continue to represent the _Antichthone_ in their maps of the world in
accordance with their belief that, beyond the ocean of Homer, there was
an inhabited country, another temperate region, called the “opposite
earth,” which it was impossible to reach, principally on account of the
torrid zone.

“The following are the maps of the world which represent this theory:—

“1. The map of the world in a manuscript of Macrobius, of the tenth
century; 2. The map of the world, in a manuscript of the eighth century
in the Turin library; 3. That of Cecco d’Ascoli, of the thirteenth
century; 4. The small map of the world, in one of the manuscripts of the
thirteenth century, of _l’Image du Monde_, by Gauthier de Metz, MS. No.
7791, Bibliothèque Impériale, Paris; 5. That of an Icelandic manuscript
of the thirteenth century, taken from the _Antiquitates Americanæ_; 6.
That in a manuscript of Marco Polo, of the fourteenth century (1350), in
the Royal Library of Stockholm; 7. That on the reverse of a medal of the
fifteenth century, in the Cabinet of M. Crignon de Montigny.

“The cartographers of the middle ages have admitted that as a reality
which, even to the geographers of antiquity, was merely a theory.”

The earliest _assertion_ of the discovery of a land bearing a position
on early maps analogous to that of Australia has been made in favour of
the Chinese, who have been supposed to have been acquainted with its
coasts long before the period of European navigation to the east.
Thevenot, in his _Relations de Divers Voyages Curieux_, part i, Preface:
Paris, 1663, says: “The southern land, which now forms a fifth part of
the world, has been discovered at different periods. The Chinese had
knowledge of it long ago, for we see that Marco Polo marks two great
islands to the south-east of Java, which it is probable that he learned
from the Chinese.” The statements of Marco Polo, which we quote from
Marsden’s translation, run thus:—

  “Upon leaving the island of Java, and steering a course between
  south and south-west seven hundred miles, you fall in with two
  islands, the larger of which is named Sondur, and the other Kondur.
  Both being uninhabited, it is unnecessary to say more respecting
  them. Having run the distance of fifty miles from these islands, in
  a south-easterly direction, you reach an extensive and rich
  province, that forms a part of the main land, and is named Lochac.
  Its inhabitants are idolaters. They have a language peculiar to
  themselves, and are governed by their own king, who pays no tribute
  to any other, the situation of the country being such as to protect
  it from any hostile attack. Were it assailable, the Grand Khan would
  not have delayed to bring it under his dominion. In this country
  sappan or brazil wood is produced in large quantities. Gold is
  abundant to a degree scarcely credible; elephants are found there;
  and the objects of the chase, either with dogs or birds, are in
  plenty. From hence are exported all those porcelain shells, which,
  being carried to other countries, are there circulated for money, as
  has been already noticed. Here they cultivate a species of fruit
  called berchi, in size about that of a lemon, and having a delicious
  flavour. Besides these circumstances there is nothing further that
  requires mention, unless it be that the country is wild and
  mountainous, and is little frequented by strangers, whose visits the
  king discourages, in order that his treasures and other secret
  matters of his realm may be as little known to the rest of the world
  as possible.

  “Departing from Lochac and keeping a southerly course for five
  hundred miles, you reach an island named Pentam, the coast of which
  is wild and uncultivated, but the woods abound with sweet scented
  trees. Between the province of Lochac and this island of Pentam, the
  sea, for the space of sixty miles, is not more than four fathoms in
  depth, which obliges those who navigate it to lift the rudders of
  their ships, in order that they may not touch the bottom. After
  sailing these sixty miles in a south-easterly direction, and then
  proceeding thirty miles further, you arrive at an island, in itself
  a kingdom, named Malaiur, which is likewise the name of its city.
  The people are governed by a king, and have their own peculiar
  language. The town is large and well built. A considerable trade is
  there carried on in spices and drugs, with which the place abounds.
  Nothing else that requires notice presents itself. Proceeding
  onwards from thence, we shall now speak of Java Minor.”

That this description does not apply to Australia the reader of the
present day may readily conclude. It has received its explanation in the
judicious notes of Marsden, who shows how, from the circumstances, it is
highly probablye that Lochac is intended for some part of the country of
Cambodia, the capital of which was named Loech, according to the
authority of Gaspar de Cruz, who visited it during the reign of
Sebastian, king of Portugal. See Purchas, vol. iii, p. 169. The country
of Cambodia, moreover, produces the gold, the spices, and the elephants
which Marco Polo attributes to Lochac. Pentam is reasonably supposed by
Marsden to be Bintam, and the island and kingdom of Malaiur (Maletur, in
the Basle edition of 1532, included in the Novus Orbis of Grynæus) to be
the kingdom of the Malays.

In the early _engraved_ maps of the sixteenth century, however, we see
the effects of this description exhibited in a form calculated to
startle the inquirer respecting the early indications of Australia. On
these maps we find laid down an extensive development of the great Terra
Australis Incognita trending northward to New Guinea; with which, on
some of these maps, it is made to be continuous, while on others it is
divided from it; and on the northernmost portion of this remarkably
delineated land occur the legends: “Beach provincia aurifera.” “Lucach
regnum.” “Maletur regnum scatens aromatibus.” “Vastissimas hic esse
regiones ex M. Pauli Veneti et Ludovici Vartomanni scriptis
peregrinationibus liquido constat.”

We have already explained from Marsden’s notes the reasonable rendering
of the name of Lucach or Lochac. The name of Beach, or rather Boeach, is
another form of the same name, which crept into the Basle edition of
Marco Polo of 1532, and was blunderingly repeated by the cartographers;
while for Maletur we have the suggestion of the Burgomaster Witsen, in
his _Noord en Oost Tartarye_, fol. 169, that it is taken from Maleto, on
the north side of the island of Timor, a suggestion rendered null by the
fact, apparently unknown to Witsen, that Maletur, as already stated, was
but a misspelling in the Basle edition for Malaiur. The sea in which, on
these early maps, this remarkable land is made to lie, is called Mare
Lantchidol, another perplexing piece of misspelling upon which all the
cartographers have likewise stumbled, and which finds its explanation in
the Malay words Laut Kìdol, or Chìdol, “_the South Sea_.” As, however,
this striking protrusion to the northward of a portion of the Great
Terra Australis Incognita on the early maps in a position so nearly
corresponding with that of Australia, may not have emanated solely from
the description of Marco Polo, the editor proposes to defer further
allusion to these maps until they present themselves in their due
chronological order among the documents and data of which he will have
to speak.

The earliest discovery of Australia to which _claim_ has been laid by
any nation is that of a Frenchman, a native of Honfleur, named Binot
Paulmier de Gonneville, who sailed from that port in June 1503, on a
voyage to the South Seas. After doubling the Cape of Good Hope, he was
assailed by a tempest which drove him on an unknown land, in which he
received the most hospitable reception, and whence, after a stay of six
months, he returned to France, bringing with him the son of the king of
the country. The narrative is given in a judicial declaration made by
him before the French Admiralty, dated the 19th of June, 1505, and first
published in the _Mémoires touchant l’Etablissement d’une Mission
Chrétienne dans la Terre Australe_, printed at Paris by Cramoisy, 1663,
and dedicated to Pope Alexander VII, by an “ecclésiastique originaire de
cette mesme terre.” The author gives his name in no other way than by
these initials, “J. P. D. C., Prêtre Indien.” This priest, as well as
his father and grandfather, was born in France; but his great
grand-father was one of the Australians, or natives of the southern
world, whom Gonneville had brought into France at his return from that
country, and whom he afterwards married to one of his own relations
there, he having embraced Christianity. The author of the account
himself being animated by a strong desire of preaching the gospel in the
country of his ancestors, spent his whole life in endeavouring to
prevail on those who had the care of foreign missions to send him there,
and to fulfil the promise the first French navigator had made, that he
should visit that country again. Unfortunately Gonneville’s journals, on
his return, fell into the hands of the English, and were lost. The
author, however, collected his materials from the traditions and loose
papers of his own family, and the judicial declaration above mentioned.
This account was to have been presented to the Pope, but it never was
printed till it fell into the hands of the bookseller Cramoisy. The
narrative is to the effect that some French merchants, being tempted by
the success of the Portuguese under Vasco de Gama, determined upon
sending a ship to the Indies by the same route which he had sailed. The
ship was equipped at Honfleur. “The Sieur de Gonneville, who commanded
her, weighed anchor in the month of June, 1503, and doubled the Cape of
Good Hope, where he was assailed by a furious tempest, which made him
lose his route, and abandoned him to the wearisome calm of an unknown
sea.” “Not knowing what course to steer, the sight of some birds coming
from the south determined them to sail in that direction in the hope of
finding land. They found what they desired, that is to say, a great
country, which, in their relations, was named the Southern India,
according to the custom, at that time, of applying indifferently the
names of the Indies to every country newly discovered.” They remained
six months at this land; after which the crew of the ship refused to
proceed further, and Gonneville was obliged to return to France. When
near home, he was attacked by an English corsair, and plundered of every
thing; so that his journals and descriptions were entirely lost. On
arriving in port, he made a declaration of all that had happened in the
voyage to the Admiralty, which declaration was dated July the 19th,
1505, and was signed by the principal officers of the ship.

In one part of the relation, this great southern land is said to be not
far out of the direct route to the East Indies. The land of Gonneville
has been supposed by some to be in a high southern latitude, and nearly
on the meridian of the Cape of Good Hope; and Duval and Nolin placed it
on their charts to the south-west from the Cape, in forty-eight degrees
south. The President De Brosses, author of _Histoire des Navigations aux
Terres Australes_, Paris, 1756, 2 vols. conjectured that it was south
from the Moluccas, and that it was, in fact, the first discovery of the
Terra Australis, since named New Holland.

Gonneville, however, is represented as carrying on during his stay a
friendly intercourse with the natives, whom he mentions as having made
some advances in civilization. This account is quite incompatible with
the character for treachery and barbarous cruelty, which we have
received of the natives of North Australia from all the more recent

Let the whole account, says Burney, be reconsidered without
prepossession, and the idea that will immediately and most naturally
occur is, that the Southern India discovered by Gonneville was
Madagascar. De Gonneville having doubled (passed round) the Cape, was by
tempests driven into calm latitudes, and so near to this land, that he
was directed thither by the flight of birds. The refusal of the crew to
proceed to the Eastern India, would scarcely have happened if they had
been so far advanced to the east as New Holland.

A more reasonable claim than the preceding to the discovery of Australia
in the early part of the sixteenth century, may be advanced by the
Portuguese from the evidence of various MS. maps still extant, although
the attempt made recently to attach the credit of this discovery to
Magalhaens in the famous voyage of the _Victoria_ round the world in
1520, is, as we shall endeavour to show, perfectly untenable. The claim
of this honour for Spain is thus asserted in the “Compendio Geografico
Estadistico de Portugal y sus posesiones ultramarinas,” by Aldama Ayala,
8vo, Madrid, 1855, p. 482. “The Dutch lay claim to the discovery of the
continent of Australia in the seventeenth century, although it was
discovered by Fernando Magalhaens, a Portuguese, by order of the Emperor
Charles V, in the year 1520, as is proved by authentic documents, such
as the atlas of Fernando Vaz Dourado, made in Goa in 1570, on one of the
maps in which is laid down the coast of Australia. The said magnificent
atlas, illuminated to perfection, was formerly preserved in the
Carthusian Library at Evora.”

A similar claim was also made for their distinguished countryman, though
the voyage was made in the service of Spain, in an almanack published at
Angra, in the island of Terceira, by the government press, anno 1832,
and composed, it is supposed, by the Viscount Sa’ de Bandeira, the
present minister of marine at Lisbon. In the examination of this
subject, the editor has had the advantage of the assistance of a friend
in Lisbon, who, in his researches among the remaining literary wealth of
that city, has exhibited an earnestness and an amount of care and
thought but too rarely witnessed in delegated investigations. The reader
will not wonder that the zeal of a true lover of literature has been
thrown into these researches, when he learns that they have been made by
Dr. John Martin, the well-known author (for it would be wrong to call
him the editor) in days now long gone by, of that most interesting and
important work, “Mariner’s Tonga Islands.” As will be presently seen,
the whole question of the possibility of the discovery of Australia
having been made by the Portuguese, in the first half of the sixteenth
century, is sufficiently enigmatical to call for a great extent of
inquiry, and the editor’s venerable and honoured friend, though now
grown old in the service of science and literature, has entered into the
subject with a cordiality and ardour, commensurate with the puzzling
nature of the subject.

But first with respect to the claim on behalf of Magalhaéns, as based
upon the map of Vaz Dourado. The following are extracts from Dr.
Martin’s reports upon the map.

  “On inspecting the map and examining the more southern regions, I
  found that the island of Timor was the most southern land laid down
  in lat. 10° S., which is its true situation; while further to the
  south all was blank, excepting certain ornamental devices as far as
  about latitude 17° or 18°, which was the lowest margin of the map.
  To the west and east the map was bordered by a scale of latitude, in
  single degrees; but this map did not occupy the whole sheet of
  vellum, for to the right of the eastern scale of latitude something
  else was laid down, viz., a line of coast running with a little
  southing from west to east, with many rivers and names of places
  upon it, and this notice underneath, ‘Esta Costa Descubrió Fernaō de
  Magalhāes naturall portuges pormandado do emperador Carllos o anno

  “If the whole sheet is meant to constitute one map and referable to
  the same scale of latitude, then the coast in question is not where
  New Holland ought to be, being north of Timor and much too far to
  the eastward. On turning over to the next sheet (in the atlas) there
  is a similar line of coast laid down with precisely the same notice
  (above quoted) at the bottom, and evidently a _continuation_ of the
  same coast and upon the same scale. I send a list of the names,
  which I have made out as well as I could, for they are very small
  and several letters are not very clear.

  “The reasons why I cannot consider this coast as part of New
  Holland, are, 1st. It is at least one thousand five hundred miles in
  length, and nearly straight as a whole, though indented in its
  parts; 2ndly. That it is represented to have numerous rivers, which
  are very rare in New Holland (on the coast); 3rdly. That it is
  considerably distant from its true place to the south of Timor,
  which in the atlas is laid down correctly as to latitude, although,
  4thly. There is plenty of room for it on the map. I have thought it
  might be part of the coast of South America, where Magelhaens was
  long detained, and that it is put down as a sort of memorandum of
  the great extent of coast which he discovered in the first
  circumnavigation of the globe. With indomitable perseverance he
  pushed his way through the straits that bear his name into the
  Pacific, and in this vast ocean he sailed about for three months and
  twenty days (says Pigafetta, who accompanied him and wrote an
  account of the voyage) without discovering anything excepting two
  small desert islands, until he arrived at the Phillippines. Had he
  really discovered so much of the coast of a great southern
  continent, Spain, in whose service he was, might well have boasted
  of the feat, and Portugal, whose native he was, might have defended
  the claims of the man who performed it, and not let so bold and
  noble a discovery (for those times) remain so long in doubt.

                  *       *       *       *       *

  “Now with respect to America: if we examine carefully the list of
  names upon this line of coast, we shall find some that have a
  resemblance to those on the coast of America, along which Magelhaens
  pursued his course. One of these, C. de las Virgines, is found in
  some maps just at the entrance of the Straits of Magellan, on the
  eastern side. I do not see any name like Fromose,[4] but there is
  the name Gaia Fromosa, in or near the Straits of Magellan (in the
  same atlas). In the enclosed list of names we have also Terra de
  Gigätes or Terra de Gigantes, and may not this be the Patagonians?

                  *       *       *       *       *

  “On a closer and more minute examination of Dourado’s map, and
  others, I think it may now be made evident that the coast said to
  have been discovered by Magalhaéns, in 1520, and mistaken by Sa de
  Bandeira and others, for part of the coast of New Holland, is no
  other than the northern coast of New Guinea.

  “Now New Guinea, or part of it, as laid down by Dourado, appears
  under the name of Os Papuos, and extends to the eastward as far as
  the scale of latitude is marked, but beyond that scale there is
  about half an inch of space, and there the coast in question
  commences, and runs a long way towards the east, with a little
  southing, and has many islands bordering upon it; whether this be
  either a continuation or a repetition more extended of Papua, it is
  much in the same latitude, and runs in the same direction. Again, on
  referring to an old map of Mercator, I found some names upon New
  Guinea, similar to those on the coast in question; there I found C.
  de las Virgines; I. de los Cresbos; R. de Bolcados; Buen Puerto,
  answering to C. de las Virgines; I. de los Crespos: Bullcones Puerto
  Bueno, as found among the names on the coast in question; but what
  places the matter still more beyond a doubt is, that the names in
  both run in the same consecutive order from west to east, upon
  several of the islands which border the main land.

 Names of Islands as laid down in    Names of Islands as laid down in
 Dourado’s map along the coast said  Mercator’s map on the coast of New
 to be New Holland, in consecutive   Guinea, in consecutive order from
 order from W. to E.                 W. to E.

 I. de los Martiles                  Y. de los Martyres
 I. dellos Crespos                   Y. de Crespos
 I. Duarati                          Y. Dearti
 I. de Armo                          No such name
 I. de Malagrate                     Y. de Malagente
 I. Dombres brancos                  Y. de Hombres brancos
 Llabasbuda                          La barbade
 Llacuimana                          No such name
 Bullcones (is laid down on the main Los Bulcones.

  “Seeing then that the coast in question, and that of New Guinea are
  in the same latitude, that they greatly resemble each other in
  position, that several names upon them are similar, and that the
  similar names follow each other in both cases in the like
  consecutive order, and the same direction from west to east, I think
  we may safely come to the conclusion that the coast in question is
  identically that of New Guinea, and that the assumption of Viscount
  Sa de Bandeira and others following him, or whom he has followed, is
  an error.”

From these observations of Dr. Martin, the editor forms the following
conclusions; that the tract laid down on Vaz Dourado’s map as discovered
by Magalhaens, is in fact a memorandum or cartographical side-note of
the real discovery by Magalhaens of Terra del Fuego, and that from its
adopted false position on the vellum it was subsequently applied
erroneously to New Guinea by Mercator. But even if this surmise be
incorrect, the only alternative that remains is that the tract laid down
is New Guinea, and clearly not Australia, as assumed by the claimants to
whom we have referred. The editor submits that this claim is alike
untenable from the account of Magalhaens’ voyage and from the evidence
of the map itself on which that claim is founded.

[Illustration: IAVE LA GRANDE]

But we now pass to a more plausible indication of a discovery of
Australia by the Portuguese in the early part of the sixteenth century,
which ranges between the years of 1512 and 1542. It occurs in similar
form on six maps, four of them in England and two in France, on which,
immediately below Java, and separated from that island only by a narrow
strait, is drawn a large country stretching southward to the verge of
the several maps. The earliest in all probability, and the most fully
detailed of these maps, is the one from which we give the annexed
reduction of that portion immediately under consideration. It is a large
chart of the world, on a plane scale, on vellum, 8 ft. 2 in. by 3 ft. 10
in., highly ornamented, with figures, etc., and with the names in
French. At the upper corner, on the left hand, is a shield of the arms
of France, with the collar of St. Michael; and on the right, another
shield of France and Dauphiny, quarterly. It was probably executed in
the time of Francis I. of France, for his son the Dauphin, afterwards
Henry II. This chart formerly belonged to Edward Harley, Earl of Oxford,
after whose death it was taken away by one of his servants. It was
subsequently purchased by Sir Joseph Banks, Bart., and presented by him
to the British Museum in 1790.

The second, in all probability, of these, is contained in an atlas drawn
at Dieppe in 1547, at present in the possession of Sir Thomas Phillipps,
Bart., of Middle Hill, Worcestershire. It contains the name of Nicholas
Vallard, of Dieppe. The editor has been unsuccessful in his efforts to
gain a sight of this atlas, or even of a fac-simile lithograph made by
Sir Thomas Phillipps of the map supposed to contain the representation
of Australia. Hence he has been compelled to rely upon the memory of Sir
Frederick Madden, who had an opportunity of examining the atlas some
years since, and who recollects that though it bore the name of Vallard
and the date of 1547, it was not made by him, and that its date, though
probably earlier than 1547, could be shown from internal evidence to be
not earlier than 1539. A coat of arms appears in the margin of the
volume, _argent_, on a saltire, _gules_, five besants, a mullet,
_sable_, in the fess point. This may lead a future investigator to the
discovery of an earlier possessor of the map than Vallard, although it
should be remarked that the borders on the margin appear to be of a
later date than the maps themselves. It fell into the possession of
Prince Talleyrand at the beginning of this century, and attracting the
attention of the celebrated geographer M. Barbié du Bocage, drew from
him a notice in the _Magasin Encyclopédique_, _douzième année_, tom. iv,
107, which, though lengthy, bears so directly upon the subject of the
present work, that it is proposed in simple justice both to the writer
and the reader, presently to give it in full.

[Illustration: The Londe of Java]

The third and fourth of these maps (if our other inferences as to date
be correct) are contained in one volume in the British Museum; one of
them is a detailed map, and the other an almost skeleton map of the
world in hemispheres, with the latitudes and longitudes marked, and the
names of “the lytel Java” and “the londe of Java” laid down on the great
country in question. It is from this latter map that the annexed extract
is given, on the same scale as the original, the octavo page being
sufficiently large to admit the portion required to be shown. The only
point of difference calling for special remark is, that in the original
hemisphere the line representing the eastern coast does not reach to the
bottom of the map, but terminates abruptly in the same degree of
latitude as represented in the copy, though that degree is here, for
convenience sake, made to coincide with the margin of the map. Indeed
the special interest of this particular map is, that whereas all the
others which represent this remarkable country have the coast line
extended indefinitely to the southern margin; on this both the eastern
and western coast lines stop abruptly at certain points, of which we are
able to take cognizance by the degrees of latitude being shown on the
same map. The volume containing these two important maps bears the date
of 1542, and was made by one Jean Rotz, who had in the first instance
intended to dedicate it to the king of France, but afterwards presented
it to king Henry VIII of England. In this dedication to the king, he
says that the maps are made “au plus certain et vray quil ma esté
possible de faire, tant par mon experience propre, que par la certaine
experience de mes amys et compagnons navigateurs;” and at the close, he
expresses his hope to compose shortly a work in English, which was to be
printed, to the great profit and advantage of all the navigators and
seamen of this prosperous kingdom. It is to be regretted that we do not
possess the work here promised, as much light might thereby have been
thrown upon the mystery in which the question before us is involved. It
has been suggested by Malte Brun, that the author was a Fleming, who
came over to England with Anne of Cleves in 1540. The idea may have
originated in the form of the name, but would hardly have been
maintained had Malte Brun read Rotz’s dedication, in which he speaks of
the king of France as having been “mon souverin et naturel signeur.”
There can be no doubt, then, that he was a French subject.

The fifth in date, if we suppose it to have been made early in the reign
of Henry II, is a map given in fac-simile by M. Jomard, in his
_Monuments de la Géographie, ou Recueil d’Anciennes Cartes_, now in
progress, and is described by him as “Mappemonde peinte sur parchemin
par ordre de Henri II, Roi de France.”

The sixth is a map in a Portolano at the Depôt de la Guerre, Paris,
drawn in 1555 by Guillaume le Testu, a pilot of Grasse, in Provence, or
as others have thought a Norman. André Thevet, cosmographer to Henry II,
boasts of having often sailed with him, and always styles him as
“renommé pilote et singulier navigateur.” The map was drawn for Admiral
Coligny, to whom it is dedicated and whose name it bears. The editor has
succeeded in procuring a tracing of that portion which affects the
present question, and finds it to agree with the other maps of the kind
in the delineation of the coast of “la Grande Java.”

On the reduced tracing of the most fully detailed of these maps given at
p. xxvii, are inscribed some names of bays and coasts which were noticed
in the first instance by Alexander Dalrymple, the late hydrographer to
the Admiralty and East India Company, to bear a resemblance to the names
given by Captain Cook to parts of New Holland which he had himself

In his memoir concerning the Chagos and adjacent islands, 1786, p. 4,
speaking of this map he says:—“The east coast of New Holland, as we name
it, is expressed with some curious circumstances of correspondence to
Captain Cook’s MS. What he names

      Bay of Inlets, is in the MS. called Bay Perdue.
      Bay of Isles                        R. de beaucoup d’Isles.
      Where the Endeavour struck          Coste dangereuse.

So that we may say with Solomon, ‘There is nothing new under the sun.’”

To the discredit of so well informed and laborious a man as Dalrymple,
to whom, perhaps, next to Hakluyt, this country is the most largely
indebted for its commercial prosperity, this passage was but an
invidious insinuation, intended to disparage the credit of Captain Cook,
of whose appointment to the command of the _Endeavour_ he was extremely
jealous. Dalrymple had earnestly desired the command of an expedition to
discover the great southern continent, the existence of which he had
endeavoured to prove by various philosophical arguments, which later
times have shown to be not without foundation; and his observation would
seem to imply that Cook, who had been so successful in his discoveries
on the coast of New Holland, might have been led thereto by an
acquaintance with this pre-existent map. The unworthy insinuation met
with a sensible refutation, we are happy to record, from the pen of a
Frenchman, M. Frederic Metz, in a paper printed at p. 261, vol. 47, of
_La Revue, ou Decade Philosophique, Littéraire et Politique_, Nov.,
1805. For the sake of clearness, the editor avoids here giving the whole
of M. Metz’s paper, in which an attempt is made to disprove that New
Holland was discovered at this time by the Portuguese at all, but will
merely quote those passages which meet Dalrymple’s insinuation. M. Metz

  “It had been generally believed that we were indebted to the Dutch
  for our acquaintance with this vast country, and that the celebrated
  Cook had in his first voyage discovered its eastern coast, which he
  named New South Wales, until the discovery was made in the British
  Museum of a map upon parchment, presumed to be of the sixteenth
  century, on which was observed a large country laid down on the site
  occupied by New Holland. On the eastern coast of this country places
  were found with the names ‘Côte des Herbaiges,’ ‘Rivière de beaucoup
  d’Iles,’ ‘Côte dangereuse,’ names which present a great resemblance
  to those of ‘Botany Bay,’ ‘Bay of Islands,’ and ‘Dangerous Coast,’
  given by Cook to parts of New South Wales.

  “The resemblance of these names struck many persons. Mr. Dalrymple,
  a man of the greatest merit, but a personal enemy of Cook, whom he
  never forgave for having received, in preference to him, the command
  of the _Endeavour_, in the voyage made to observe the passage of
  Venus, and especially for having demolished, beyond of hope of
  recovery, his theories of the existence of the southern lands, and
  of the north-west passage of America: Mr. Dalrymple, I say, took
  occasion therefrom to insinuate in one of his works, that the
  discovery of the east of New Holland was due to some navigator of
  the sixteenth century, and that Cook had only followed in his

  “As to the resemblance of the names—this seems to me to prove
  exactly the contrary of the conclusions which it has been attempted
  to draw from them. If Cook had been acquainted with the maps in
  question, and had wished to appropriate to himself the discoveries
  of another, will any one suppose him so short-sighted as to have
  preserved for his discoveries the very names which would have
  exposed his plagiarism, if ever the sources which he had consulted
  came to be known. The ‘dangerous coast’ was so named because there
  he found himself during four hours in imminent danger of shipwreck.
  We must suppose, then, that he exposed himself and his crew to an
  almost certain death in order to have a plausible excuse for
  applying a name similar to that which this coast had already
  received from the unknown and anonymous navigator who had previously
  discovered it. Moreover, names such as ‘Bay of Islands,’ ‘Dangerous
  coast,’ are well known in geography. We find a Bay of Islands in New
  Holland; and on the east coast of the island of Borneo there is a
  ‘Côte des Herbages.’”

The sound sense of this reasoning, apart from all question of honour on
the part of a man of the high character of Captain Cook, would seem
conclusive, yet this similarity of the names has, to the editor’s own
knowledge, been remarked upon by persons of high standing and
intelligence in this country, though without any intention of
disparaging Captain Cook, as an evidence that this country was identical
with Australia. The similarity of the expression, “Côte des Herbages,”
with the name of Botany Bay, given to a corresponding part of the coast
by Captain Cook, has been particularly dwelt upon, whereas it ought to
be known that this bay, originally called Stingray, but afterwards
Botany Bay, was not so named on account of the fertility of the soil,
but from the variety of plants new to the science of botany which were
discovered on a soil otherwise rather unpromising. It is plain that
early navigators would assign such a designation as “Côte des Herbages”
to a shore remarkable for its rich growth of grass or other vegetation,
rather than from the appreciation of any curious botanical discovery.
Had the similarity of the names “Rivière de beaucoup d’Isles” and “Côte
dangereuse” with Cook’s “Bay of Isles” and the place “where the
_Endeavour_ struck,” names descriptive of unquestionable realities, been
advanced by Dalrymple as evidence of the high probability that the
country represented on the early map was New Holland, without
volunteering an insinuation against the merit of his rival, we should
have accepted the reasonable suggestion with deference and just

That New Holland was the country thus represented, became an argument
supported by a variety of reasonings by more than one of our French
neighbours. Mr. Coquebert Montbret, in a memoir printed in No. 81 of the
_Bulletin des Sciences_, 1804, quotes Dalrymple’s injurious observation,
and silently allows it to have its deceptive effect on the mind of the
incautious reader.

The atlas now in the possession of Sir Thomas Phillipps, which, as we
have stated, is probably next in date to that made for the Dauphin, fell
into the possession of Prince Talleyrand at the beginning of this
century, and attracting the attention of the celebrated geographer M.
Barbié du Bocage, drew from him the following notice in the _Magasin
Encyclopédique_, _douzième année_, tom. iv, 1807, which, though lengthy,
bears so directly upon the subject of the present work, that it is here
given in full.

    _Extract from the notice of a geographical manuscript belonging to
      his Serene Highness the Prince of Benevento_ [better known as
      the Prince Talleyrand], _read at a Public Session of the
      Institute, on the 3rd of July, 1807, by M. Barbié du Bocage._

  This manuscript is an hydrographic atlas, drawn at Dieppe in 1547,
  by a person of the name of Nicholas Vallard, of Dieppe, representing
  the eastern and western coasts of the continent of New Holland. This
  atlas is not the only one upon which these coasts are laid down.
  There are two in England, which came from France, and which we have
  been made acquainted with by the English as well as by some
  Frenchmen. One of the two, which has been for a considerable time in
  the library of the British Museum, was drawn in 1542 by a person of
  the name of Jean Rotz or Roty, who had in the first instance drawn
  it, as he states in the dedication, for the king of France, but
  afterwards presented it to Henry VIII, king of England. The second
  is a large map on one single sheet of parchment, made for the
  Dauphin of France, whose arms it bears. It was formerly in the
  library of the earl of Oxford, where Sir Joseph Banks was acquainted
  with it, and thence it passed to the British Museum, where it is at
  present. The English pretend that none of these charts were
  discovered till after the death of the celebrated Captain Cook, and
  that they had no knowledge of them when this navigator set sail. But
  their prior existence in well-known libraries in England may cause
  this assertion to be doubted. But even if they had made use of them
  to indicate to their countryman the countries which he had to visit,
  it would not the less follow that the skill, the prudence, and the
  resolution with which Captain Cook conducted his operations must
  always secure for him the glory of having made known in detail the
  countries which had hitherto been but faintly indicated.

  The third manuscript atlas which represents the coasts of New
  Holland, is that of which we have now to treat. It is a small folio
  volume, consisting of fifteen hydrographical charts, on vellum,
  which has been recently acquired by his serene highness the Prince
  of Benevento. This atlas, even by the account of persons who have
  seen those which are in England, is the most beautiful of all the
  works of the kind, and for this reason deserves the most particular
  attention. There has since been discovered in France a fourth, which
  is at present in the library of the Dépôt de la Guerre, which was
  drawn in 1555 by a person named Guillaume le Testu, a pilot, of
  Grasse, in Provence, for Admiral Coligny, to whom it is dedicated,
  and whose arms it bears.

  The English geographers, MM. Dalrymple, Major Rennell, and
  Pinkerton; and among the French, MM. Buache, De la Rochette,
  Coquebert de Montbret, and others, recognize on these atlases the
  eastern and western coasts of New Holland. These coasts are bounded
  by the same latitudes as those indicated on recent maps; and if they
  encroach more on longitude it is because, at the time the discovery
  was made, there existed but small means of fixing the boundaries in
  that respect. The names on all the atlases which we have just
  quoted, are, for the most part, in Portuguese, some of them in
  French; that of 1542 alone, which is in England, has some of the
  names in bad English. We must, therefore, come to the conclusion
  that these atlases have been copied from Portuguese maps, and
  consequently that the discovery of the continent of New Holland
  belongs to the Portuguese. This is the opinion of MM. Dalrymple,
  Pinkerton, De la Rochette, and several others; and I do not believe
  that any good reason can be alleged in refutation of an opinion so
  well founded.

  All these atlases call this continent “Great Java”, in
  contradistinction to the island of Java, which is to the north of
  it; yet it is very singular that no mention whatever is made of this
  country in the voyages of the time. As, however, I think I have
  detected from history the period at which it must have been made, I
  shall now endeavour to explain why the Portuguese have kept this
  discovery a secret. I shall then fix the period at which I presume
  it to have been made, and will shew how the knowledge of this
  country has been lost even by those who have discovered it.

  The most ancient of the atlases which represent the coasts of New
  Holland, is that of Rotz or Roty, which is in England, and which
  bears the date of 1542. The discovery of New Holland, therefore, is
  anterior to the year 1542. At that period the Portuguese were
  masters of the Molucca Islands, which they had discovered in 1511,
  and where they had established themselves in 1512, and in one of
  which, Ternate, they had built a fort in 1522. They must have
  discovered New Holland after the Moluccas, and therefore this
  discovery must be limited to the period between the years 1512 and

  Now, after 1516 or 1517, Spain began to dispute with Portugal the
  possession of the Moluccas, as being situated within the hemisphere
  which had been allotted to them by the bull of pope Alexander VI,
  dated the 4th of July, 1493. This pope, in consequence of the
  disputes which had arisen between the courts of Lisbon and Toledo,
  had arranged that all the discoveries which might be made on the
  globe to the east of a meridian one hundred leagues west of the
  Azores and Cape Verde Islands (which he seemed to think lay under
  the same meridian), for the space of a hundred and eighty degrees of
  longitude, should belong to the Portuguese; and that those to the
  westward of the same meridian, for the same space, should belong to
  the Spaniards. This division has been since called the line of
  demarcation of Pope Alexander VI. Don John II, however, who was then
  king of Portugal, being dissatisfied with this bull, which seemed to
  deprive him of considerable possessions in the west, made another
  arrangement in the following year with Isabella and Ferdinand of
  Spain, by which this line was pushed further west, and definitely
  fixed at three hundred and seventy leagues to the westward of the
  Cape Verde Islands. This agreement was signed the 4th of June, 1494;
  and it was arranged that, in the space of ten months, persons should
  be sent out who were well informed in geography, to fix exactly the
  places through which this line should pass.

  This engagement once entered upon, no more consideration was given
  to the sending out competent persons to the places indicated, and
  the two governments continued their discoveries, each on its own
  behalf. Under the guidance of Cabral, the Portuguese, on the 9th of
  March, 1500, discovered Brazil, which lay in their own hemisphere.
  Under the guidance of Vincent Yanez Pinzon, the Spaniards had in
  this same or preceding year, sailed along the whole of this coast as
  far as the embouchure of the Oronoco. After this time the line,
  without further examination, was reckoned to pass by the mouth of
  the Marañon, or river of the Amazons, which had been already
  explored, and it is in this part that it is found traced on the
  Spanish maps of Herrera. The Portuguese, while they took possession
  of Brazil, continued their discoveries towards the east, and reached
  the Moluccas, where they established themselves, as we have said, in
  1512. The proprietorship of the spices which the possession of these
  islands gave them, produced such considerable profits, that it soon
  excited the jealousy of the Spaniards. The latter pretended that the
  Moluccas were in the hemisphere which had been allotted to them.
  This idea was particularly suggested to them by Magellan, who, being
  discontented with the treatment of king Emanuel, in having refused
  him an increase of allowance, took refuge about the year 1516 in
  Spain, and offered his services to the government of Charles V. Not
  only did he assert that the hemisphere belonging to the Spaniards
  comprised the Moluccas, but also the islands of Java and Sumatra,
  and a part of the Malay peninsula. In fact, from the difficulty
  which then existed in determining longitudes, the discoveries of the
  Portuguese appeared to appropriate more than one hundred and eighty
  degrees in this direction, so great was the amount of space given to
  them in their maps: nevertheless, if we examine modern maps we shall
  see that, measuring from the mouth of the Marañon, the Moluccas
  still came within the hemisphere of the Portuguese.

  Cardinal Ximenes, who at that time governed Spain in the absence of
  Charles V., at the outset received Magellan very well, and Charles
  V. himself afterwards entrusted him with the command of a squadron
  of five vessels, which, as we know, sailed from San Lucar on the
  20th of September, 1519, on a western passage in search of the Spice
  Islands or Moluccas. Two of the vessels of this fleet arrived on the
  8th of November, 1521, at the island of Tidore, after having passed
  through the straits since called the Straits of Magellan. That
  navigator was now no more; he had been killed in one of the islands
  of the archipelago of St. Lazaro, since called the Philippines, and
  nearly all his squadron having been destroyed, one vessel only,
  named the _Victoria_, returned to Europe, with eighteen persons, all
  very sick, under the guidance of Sebastian del Cano, who landed on
  the 6th of September, 1522, at the same port of San Lucar de
  Barrameda, from which the fleet had set sail three years before.

  Whether it was from policy, or because the currents which exist in
  the Great Pacific Ocean had carried Magellan’s fleet rapidly down to
  the Philippines and Moluccas, those who returned from this
  expedition always maintained that these latter islands were in the
  hemisphere of the Spaniards, who consequently laid claim to traffic
  there. They were even on the point of sending out a new expedition
  thither, when king John III begged Charles V to have the question
  examined by competent persons, and promised to acquiesce in their
  decision. The two governments appointed twenty-four, or even a
  greater number, both Spaniards and Portuguese, well skilled in
  geography and navigation, who from the commencement of March 1524,
  met alternately in the two cities of Badajos and Elvas, on the
  frontiers of the two states. Three months were allowed them to
  decide definitely to whom these islands belonged.

  These commissioners, among whom was Sebastian del Cano, who had
  brought back the _Victoria_, consumed at the outset a considerable
  time in consulting globes and charts, and in comparing the journals
  of pilots. They examined the distance between the Moluccas and the
  line of demarcation. They disputed much, and came to no conclusion.
  More than two months passed away in this manner; and they reached
  the latter part of May, which had been fixed as the term of the

  The Spanish commissioners then settled the line of demarcation at
  three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape Verde islands, as
  it had been fixed in 1494; and as, on the basis of the charts which
  they had then before them, they made the opposite line, which was to
  be at the distance of a hundred and eighty degrees, pass through the
  Malay peninsula, they included in their own hemisphere not only the
  Moluccas, but also the islands of Java and Borneo, part of Sumatra,
  the coast of China, and part of the Malay peninsula itself. The
  Portuguese did not agree to this limitation, which was too
  disadvantageous for themselves; on the contrary, they went away very
  discontented, storming, and threatning war, which gave occasion to
  the jocose observation of Peter Martyr of Anghiera, a talented man,
  at that time the historiographer of the court of Spain, that the
  commissioners, after having well syllogized, concluded by being
  unable to decide the question except by cannon balls.

  In spite of the unsuccessful issue of this negociation, the two
  courts did not come to a quarrel; they were on the point of forming
  alliances. The question of the marriage of the Infanta Catherine,
  the emperor’s sister, with king John, which was celebrated in 1525,
  was being then entertained. In the following year, 1526, the emperor
  espoused, with great pomp, Isabella, king John’s sister. Charles V,
  however, believing himself in the right, continued to permit his
  subjects to carry on commerce with the Spice Islands; and he himself
  fitted out fleets to dispute the possession of them with the
  Portuguese. Some of these vessels landed at the Moluccas in 1527 and
  1528; but, as these expeditions were generally unsuccessful, and as,
  moreover, he was in need of money for his coronation in Italy, he
  listened to the proposals of king John to purchase his right to
  these islands. He parted with them by a secret treaty, which was
  signed at Saragossa the 22nd of April, 1529, for the sum, it is
  said, of 350,000 golden ducats, against the expressed wish of his
  subjects, who often, but in vain, besought him to retract it. By his
  refusal, it was thought that he had received much more. Thenceforth
  the Spaniards were not permitted to traffic with the Moluccas.

  This termination of the quarrel on the part of Portugal was a
  justification of the claims of the Spaniards, and an acknowledgment
  in some sort that the Moluccas were in their hemisphere. After such
  an arrangement, the Portuguese could not show any discoveries made
  to the eastward, or even under the meridian of these islands. The
  greatest part of New Holland is more to the east than the Moluccas;
  hence it is to be believed that for this reason the Portuguese have
  kept silence respecting their discovery of it.

  This discovery, as we have said, must be comprised between the years
  1512 and 1542. There is, however, no mention made of it in the
  voyages of the time, which would sufficiently prove that the
  Portuguese had suppressed, or at least concealed, the account of it.
  But I propose to endeavour to supply this defect from the narrative
  of two of their historians.

  Castanheda, a Portuguese author, who had been in India, tells us
  that in the beginning of July, 1525, the Portuguese of Ternate, one
  of the Moluccas, dispatched a vessel to the island of Celebes to
  traffic there; that this vessel on its return was driven by violent
  winds and currents into an open sea, between the Straits of Magellan
  and the Moluccas; that the Portuguese found themselves thrown more
  than three hundred leagues out of their route, and were several
  times nearly lost. One night their rudder was carried away, and they
  beat about till the morning, when they discovered an island thirty
  leagues in circumference, on which they landed, with thanks to God
  for affording them this asylum. The islanders gave them an excellent
  reception; they were of a tawny colour, but well made and good
  looking, both men and women. The men had long black beards. The
  Portuguese remained four months in this island, not only for the
  purpose of refitting, but because the winds were contrary for the
  return to the Moluccas. At length they departed, and reached Ternate
  on the 20th of January, 1526.

  Such is the narrative of Castanheda. The Jesuit Maffei, who has
  given us a history of India, has supplied us with less details, but
  his account is not less valuable, inasmuch as he gives us the name
  of the captain who commanded the ship. He says: Some Portuguese of
  the Moluccas, having gone to the islands of Celebes to seek for
  gold, but not having been able to land, were driven by a fearful
  tempest upon an island, which is distant therefrom three hundred
  leagues, when they went ashore. The inhabitants, who were simple
  people, received them very well, and soon became familiar with them.
  They comprehended their signs, and even understood a little of the
  language spoken at the Moluccas. All the inhabitants were
  well-looking, both male and female; they were cheerful, and the men
  wore beards and long hair. The existence of this island was
  previously unknown, but in consideration of the account given of it
  by the captain, whose name was Gomez de Sequeira, and of the map
  which he drew of this island, his name was given to it.

  From the details supplied to us by these two authors, it is evident
  that the island on which Gomez de Sequeira was thrown was to the
  eastward of the Moluccas, because, in returning, the Portuguese had
  to sail westward. Now three hundred Portuguese leagues, starting
  from the Moluccas or the island of Celebes, lead us to within a
  trifle of Endeavour Straits; we may therefore conclude that it was
  upon one of the rocks in this strait that Gomez de Sequeira lost his
  rudder, and that the island on which he landed was one of the
  westernmost of those which lie along its western extremity. The
  Portuguese did not advance far into this strait, for it is plain
  that they met with no obstacle in returning to the Moluccas. I
  think, therefore, that the island on which Gomez de Sequeira landed
  was one of those which were called Prince of Wales’s Islands by
  Captain Cook, and which are inhabited, because this navigator states
  that he saw smoke there. What confirms me in this opinion, is the
  agreement of our two authors in stating that the men of Gomez de
  Sequeira’s Island had long and black hair and beards. We still find
  this characteristic distinguishing the natives of New Holland from
  those of New Guinea, whose hair and beards are crisped. This island,
  therefore, was nearer to New Holland than to New Guinea, which is,
  in fact, the case with the Prince of Wales’s Islands.

  The Portuguese having discovered in 1525 an island so near as this
  to New Holland, we must believe that the discovery of that continent
  followed very soon after that of this island. It was at that time
  that the controversies between the courts of Portugal and Spain were
  at their highest; the Portuguese, therefore, needed to be cautious
  respecting their new discoveries; they were obliged to conceal them
  carefully. It will not, therefore, be surprising that no mention was
  made in their works of the discovery of New Holland.

  But, after having shown how much importance the Portuguese must have
  attached to the concealment of their discoveries, and having
  examined at what period the discovery of New Holland may have been
  made, it will be not less interesting to inquire how this discovery
  may have become known in France, and afterwards in England, so early
  as 1542. There was nothing at that time to induce the court of
  Portugal to disclose their discoveries to the court of France; there
  was nothing to bind these two courts in intimate union; on the
  contrary, their intercourse had for some time been rather cool. As a
  proof of this, the king of Portugal had in 1543 married his daughter
  Mary to Philip the Infant of Spain, without giving notice thereof to
  Francis I, who thereupon showed his vexation in his conduct towards
  Francis de Norough, the ambassador of Portugal, who, to avoid a
  rupture between the two courts, answered with considerable reserve.
  We cannot, therefore, presume that the court of Portugal would ever
  have frankly communicated its discoveries to the court of France.

  For my part, if it is permitted me to offer a conjecture, I think
  that this information may have resulted from the faithlessness of
  Don Miguel de Sylva, bishop of Viseo, and secretary of La Purité, a
  favourite of the king of Portugal, who, according to De la Clede,
  left the kingdom about 1542, carrying with him some papers of
  importance with which the king had intrusted him.[5] This historian
  adds, that Don John was so indignant at the treachery of his
  favourite, that he outlawed him by a public decree, deprived him of
  all his benefices, and degraded him from his nobility. He decreed
  the same penalties against all his followers, and forbad all his
  subjects to hold any intercourse whatever with him, under pain of
  his displeasure. The count of Portalegre, the brother of the
  fugitive, was even confined as prisoner in the tower of Belem for
  having written to him, and kept under strict guard, until the
  Infanta Maria, on the point of her departure to marry Philip II, the
  son of the emperor Charles V, begged his liberation. The king
  granted the request, on condition that the count should go to
  Arzilla to fight against the Moors, and earn by his services the
  forgiveness of his fault.

  The severity which the king Don John exhibited on this occasion,
  sufficiently shows the value which he attached to the papers which
  had been taken away. It is evident that they were of the greatest
  importance. They were secret papers; and may they not have been
  those which gave information of the discoveries of the Portuguese?
  Our atlases, therefore, may have been copied from these stolen
  documents; and it only remains for us to discover what has become of
  the originals.

Now, although the theories to which these maps have given rise have been
so complacently accepted by successive geographical writers, the subject
has never yet been minutely investigated by any English writer, nor,
indeed, have the foregoing arguments of the French been ever before
brought together into a focus. The editor, therefore, first proposes to
answer the hypothesis of M. Barbié du Bocage respecting the voyage he
adduces of Gomez de Sequeira, and then, finally, to deal with the
general question of the suggestive evidence of the maps.

With respect to Gomez de Sequeira’s voyage, it is certainly surprising
that M. Barbié du Bocage should have contented himself with referring to
Castanheda and Maffei for a slight and loose description of this voyage,
when it was equally competent to him to have resorted to the more ample
description of Barros, the most distinguished of all the early
Portuguese historians, who lived in the middle of the sixteenth century,
and who has devoted a whole chapter to the minute description of the
voyage in question. (See Dec. 3, liv. x, cap. 5.) So full and ample is
Barros’ narrative that, with a modern map before us, we can track
Sequeira’s course with a nicety which, so far as the main question is
concerned, is not interrupted even by the accidents of the storm and the
unshipping of his rudder. Let the reader for a moment consult any modern
map of the Moluccas and neighbouring islands, and he will find that the
island of Celebes, to which Sequeira directed his course from Ternate,
presents the northernmost of the three horns of its oddly-shaped outline
at a distance of about sixty leagues from Ternate. This is the distance
which Barros states that he had to sail in order to reach that island.
Had he sailed to the nearest of the two other points his voyage would
have been, instead of sixty leagues, more than twice that distance;
whereas the very nearness of the island was a leading inducement for
undertaking the voyage, as the object was to relieve the immediate
necessities of the settlement at Ternate. Upon landing at the point thus
shown to be the northernmost one, the fact of his having carried with
him stuffs for barter being discovered by the natives, converted the
friendly feeling with which they had at first received him into
hostility, as, having heard of some previous acts of greediness on the
part of the Portuguese, they immediately concluded that the visit was
not made in a spirit of friendship, but from selfish and ulterior
motives. Hence Sequeira and his party were compelled to make their
escape in haste, and proceeded to four or five other small islands in
the neighbourhood, at which they met with a like reception. The map will
show these plainly to the north of Celebes. Resolving after these
rebuffs to return to Ternate, they encountered a terrific storm, which
drove them, to the best of their calculation, three hundred leagues,
_into an open sea_, with not a single island in sight, _but constantly
towards the east_. At length one night they struck upon an island and
unshipped their rudder. They met with a most friendly reception from the
natives, who are described as of a light, rather than a dark, colour,
and clothed. The island is stated to have been large, and the natives
pointed to a mountain to the westward in which they said there was gold.
The Portuguese remained in the island four months, until the monsoon
enabled them to return to Ternate.

Now, had Sequeira been driven by the storm towards Endeavour Strait, as
presumed by M. Barbié du Bocage, a glance at the map will show us that
his course would have been south-east instead of east, and that not
through an open sea in which no island could be seen, but one bestudded
with islands. In fact, so definite is the whole account as given in
detail by Barros, that, as we have shown, his course under the driving
of the tempest may be palpably traced in accordance therewith on modern
maps as due east to the north of the Moluccas, and through an open sea,
and is clearly at variance with the inference of M. Barbié du Bocage,
who seems not to have consulted Barros at all upon the subject. To what
island, the reader will ask, was Sequeira driven? Let the modern map be
consulted, and the course described will bring us to the island Tobi,
otherwise known as Lord North’s Island. A course so clearly defined is
in itself a very strong point in the question, even though we may have
to show some discrepancies between the description of the island on
which Sequeira was thrown and that which we have in recent times
received of Lord North’s Island. Let the reader, however, in connexion
with Barros’ description of the course, take the following remarkable
statement, as quoted in the 6th volume of the _Ethnography and Philology
of the United States Exploring Expedition_, by H. Hale, in which, under
the article “Tobi, or Lord North’s Island,” at p. 78, the following
account is given, and he will perhaps not dissent from the editor in
thinking it possible that this was the island on which Sequeira was

  “Tobi, or Lord North’s Island, is situated in about lat. 3° 2´ N.,
  and long. 131° 4´ E. It is a small low islet, about three miles in
  circumference, with a population of between three and four hundred
  souls. Our information concerning it is derived from an American, by
  name Horace Holden, who, with eleven companions, after suffering
  shipwreck, reached the island in a boat, and was taken captive by
  the natives. He was detained by them two years, from December 6th,
  1832, to November 27th, 1834, when he made his escape and returned
  to America, where he published in a small volume [which is in the
  British Museum], an interesting narrative of his adventures and
  sufferings, with a description of the island and its inhabitants.

  “The complexion of the natives, says Holden in his narrative, is _a
  light copper colour_, much lighter than that of the Malays or Pelew
  Islanders, which last, however, they resemble in the breadth of
  their faces, high cheek bones, and broad flattened noses. Here we
  observe what has been before remarked of the Polynesian tribes, that
  the lightest complexion is found among those who are nearest the

  “According to the native traditions a personage, by name Pita-Ka’t
  (or Peeter Kart),[6] of copper colour like themselves, ‘_Came, many
  years ago, from the Island of Ternate, one of the Moluccas, and gave
  them their religion and such simple arts as they possessed_. It is
  probably to him that we are to attribute some peculiarities in their
  mode of worship, such as their temple, with rude images to represent
  their divinity. The natives wear the Polynesian girdle of barb

  “The houses of the natives are built with small trees and rods, and
  thatched with leaves. They have two stories, a ground floor and a
  loft, which is entered by a hole or scuttle through the horizontal
  partition or upper floor.

  “For ornament they sometimes wear in their ears, which are always
  bored, a folded leaf, and around their necks a necklace made of the
  shell of the cocoa-nut and a small white sea shell.”

With reference to the cruelties detailed in Holden’s narrative, Mr. Hale
goes on to say:

  “It should be mentioned that the release of the four Americans who
  survived (two of whom got free a short time after their capture),
  was voluntary on the part of the natives, a fact which shows that
  the feelings of humanity were not altogether extinct in their
  hearts. Indeed, although the sufferings of the captives were very
  great, it did not appear that they were worse, relatively to the
  condition in which the natives themselves lived, than they would
  have been on any other island of the Pacific. Men who were actually
  dying of starvation, like the people of Tobi, could not be expected
  to exercise that kindness towards others which nature refused to

We have quoted this somewhat long passage respecting Lord North’s
Island, as having an incidental interest in connexion with M. Barbié du
Bocage’s argument; but whatever may really have been the island on which
Sequeira was driven, it seems clear that it could not have been in the
direction of Endeavour Strait as inferred by that geographer.

Having thus shown the surmises which have been suggested by geographers
of good repute with respect to the main question of the discovery of
Australia in the early part of the sixteenth century, and explained, as
he hopes satisfactorily, the errors into which they have fallen in their
attempts at explanation, the editor will now lay before the reader his
own reasons for concluding that Australia is the country which these
maps describe.

The first question that will naturally arise is—how far does the country
thus represented, correspond in latitude, longitude, and outline with
the recognized surveys of Australia as delineated in modern maps? And if
the discrepancies exposed by the comparison do not forbid the
supposition that Australia is the country represented on the early maps,
the inquiry will then suggest itself—how, with any satisfactory show of
reason, may these discrepancies be accounted for? To both these
questions, the editor believes that he can give acceptable answers.

And first as respects latitude. In all of these maps, the latitude of
the north of Java, which is the first certain starting point, is
correct. The south coast of Java, or “the lytil Java,” though separated
from “Java la Grande,” or the “Londe of Java,” by a narrow channel, as
shown in the maps here given, has no names which indicate any pretension
to a survey. There is enough proximity between the two to suggest alike
the possibility of a connection or of a separation of the two countries.
In the absence of so many words, the maps show as plainly as possible
that it was as yet an unsettled question. With this fact, therefore,
before us, implying, as it does, both conscientiousness in the
statements on the maps, and the confession of an imperfect survey of the
whole of the coasts supposed to be laid down, we have no difficulty in
giving credence to the pretension that the great southern land there
represented was, with all its errors, a reality and not a fiction. In
all fairness, therefore, we pass the question of junction between the
little and the great Java, as a point virtually declared to be
unsettled, and supposing the latter to be Australia, test our
supposition by inquiring as to the correctness of the latitude in which
the coast line terminates on the western side. Here again we find exact
correctness. In the one (Rotz’s map), the line ceases altogether at 35°,
the real south-western point of Australia, and in the other at the same
point all description ceases, and a meaningless line is drawn to the
margin of the map, implying that no further exploration had been made.
On the eastern side, we have in every respect greater inaccuracy; but
for the present we deal only with the question of latitude. For the sake
of convenience, our reduction of Rotz’s map is made to terminate at the
point where the eastern coast line of “the londe of Java terminates,”
namely in the sixtieth degree, a parallel far exceeding in its southing
even the southernmost point of Tasmania, which is in 43° 35´; but if we
look to the Dauphin map, we find that about ten degrees of the
southernmost portion of the line is indefinite, and it must not be
forgotten that for the Portuguese this was the remotest point for
investigation, and consequently the least likely to be definite. There
is, however, strong reason for supposing that the eastern side of
Tasmania was included within this coast line.

With respect to longitude, it may be advanced that with all the
discrepancies observable in the maps here presented, there is no other
country but Australia lying between the same parallels, and of the same
extent, between the east coast of Africa and the west coast of America,
and that Australia does in reality lie between the same meridians as the
great mass of the country here laid down. In Rotz’s map we have the
longitude reckoned from the Cape Verde islands, the degrees running
eastward from 1 to 360. The extreme western point of “the Londe of Java”
is in about 126° (102 E. from Greenwich), whereas the westernmost point
of Australia is in about 113° E. from Greenwich. The extreme eastern
points of “the Londe of Java” is in about 207° (or 183° E. from
Greenwich). The extreme eastern point however is on a peak of huge
extent, which is a manifest blunder or exaggeration. The longitude of
the easternmost side, excluding this peak, is in about 187° (or 163° E.
from Greenwich), whereas the easternmost point of Australia is in
something less than 154° E. from Greenwich. The difficulty of
ascertaining the longitude in those days is well known, and the
discoveries which these maps represent were, in all probability, made on
a variety of occasions, and had a continuous line given to them on maps,
not so much as an exact, but as an approximative guide to subsequent
explorers. It were hard indeed, therefore, if sufficient concession were
not made to the pioneers of maritime exploration, for the reconciliation
of these comparatively light discrepancies, when inaccuracies as
striking are observable in surveys made as late as in the eighteenth

Thus in taking a general survey of the outline of this immense country,
we have this one striking fact presented to us, that the western side is
comprised between exactly the same parallels as the corresponding side
of Australia, allowance being made for the conjunction of Java, while
the eastern side presents the same characteristic as the eastern side of
Australia in being by far the longest.

We now proceed to a more minute examination of the contour of the
coasts. It is to be observed that on the north of the Great Java, as
shown in all of these manuscript maps which have met the editor’s eye,
occurs the word “Sumbava,”—a fact which, he thinks, has never been
noticed by any writer upon these interesting documents. Here is another
instance of the discovery of the north of an island of which the south
has remained unexplored. The peak of the Great Java, on which this name
“Sumbava” is laid down, falls into the right position of the now
well-known island of Sumbava, with the smaller islands of Bali and
Lombok, lying between it and Java, and with Flores and Timor duly
described to the eastward. The reason of this south coast of these
islands remaining so long unexplored may be found in the description of
Java by Barros, the Portuguese historian, who wrote in the middle of the
sixteenth century. He says: “The natives of Sunda, in dissecting Java,
speak of it as separated by the river Chiamo from the island of Sunda on
the west, and on the east by a strait from the island of Bali; as having
Madura on the north, and on the south an undiscovered sea; and they
think that whoever shall proceed beyond these straits, will be hurried
away by strong currents, so as never to be able to return, and for this
reason they never attempt to navigate it, in the same manner as the
Moors on the eastern coast of Africa do not venture to pass the Cape of
Currents.” The earliest mention that the editor has noticed of a passage
to the south of Java, is in the account of the “Four Hollanders’ Ships’
Voyage, being the First Voyage of the Dutch to the East Indies.” See
_Oxford Collection of Voyages_, vol. ii, p. 417. Under date of the 14th
March, 1597, it is said: “The wind blew still south-east, sometimes more
southward and sometimes eastward, being under 14°, and a good sharp
gale, holding our course west south-west. There we found that Java is
not so broad nor stretcheth itself so much southward as it is set down
in the card; for, if it were, we should have passed clean through the
middle of the land.” Supposing, then, that the Portuguese navigators
have lighted upon the west coast of Australia, and have regarded it as a
possible extension to the southward of the already known island of Java;
let us proceed to test the correctness of this supposition by the
contour of the coast of the western side. A single glance of the eye
will suffice to detect the general resemblance. It is probable that the
two great indentures are Exmouth Gulf and Shark Bay, and we may fairly
conclude we detect Houtman’s Abrolhos in about their proper parallel of
from 28° to 29° south latitude. To attempt a minute investigation of the
whole coast upon data so indefinite would be of course unreasonable, but
on this western side at least the similarity is sufficient, we think, on
every ground to establish its identity with the west coast of Australia.
On the eastern side the discrepancies are much greater. Having already
spoken of the latitude and longitude, we now speak merely of the outline
of the coast. In the ancient map we see no huge promontory terminating
in Cape York, but let the reader recall the suggestion that the visits
to these coasts were made on various occasions, and naturally less
frequently to the eastern than to the western side, and let the result
of these considerations be that the promontory may have been altogether
unvisited or ignored, and we shall have forthwith an explanation of the
form of the north-east coast line on the early maps. Let a line be drawn
from the southernmost point of the Gulf of Carpentaria to Halifax Bay,
and the form of outline we refer to is detected immediately. Nor is this
conjecture without corroboration from the physical features of the
country. On the ancient map we find several rivers laid down along the
north-east coast. If we examine the corresponding coast in the Gulf of
Carpentaria, those rivers are seen to exist; whereas from Cape York all
along the coast of Australia to the twenty-second or twenty-third
degree, there is not even an indication of a river emptying itself into
the sea. The great number of islands and reefs laid down along the
north-east coast of the early maps coincides with the Great Barrier
reefs, and with the Cumberland and Northumberland islands, and a host of
others which skirt this part of the shores of Australia. “Coste
dangereuse,” “Bay perdue,” and “R. de beaucoup d’Isles,” are names which
we readily concede to be appropriate to portions of such a coast. The
name of “Coste des Herbaiges,” of which we have already spoken as having
been erroneously supposed by many geographers to apply to Botany Bay,
was probably given to that part of the coast where the first symptoms of
fertility were observed in passing southward, the more northern portions
of the shore being for the most part dry and barren. That it is an error
to connect the name with Botany Bay has already been shown, at p. xxxiv,
and the editor must not fail to state that the unanswerable reason there
adduced was derived from a judicious observation made to him by the late
distinguished Dr. Brown, who not only, as Humboldt has described him,
was “Botanices facile princeps,” but himself acquainted with the
locality of which he spoke.

The remainder of the coast southward is too irregularly laid down both
as to latitude and longitude, and consequently as to correctness of
conformation, to admit of any useful conjecture. It must be supposed
from the conscientiousness observable in the delineation of other parts
of the country, that this portion was laid down more carelessly, or with
less opportunity of taking observations. It is by no means improbable,
from the length of this coast line, that “Baye Neufve” is Bass’s
Straits; that “Gouffre” is Oyster Bay in Tasmania; and that the survey
really ceased at the south of that island. That the continuity of the
coast forms no ground of objection to this conjecture, may be shown by
the fact that on “a general chart exhibiting the discoveries made by
Captain Cook, by Lieut. H. Roberts,” the coast is continuous to the
south of Van Diemen’s Land, Bass’s Straits being then of course

It may also be fairly presumed that the islands in the extreme east of
our extract from the Dauphin map, represent New Zealand.

If the above reasons have sufficient weight in them to justify the
supposition that the extensive country thus laid down on these early
maps is really Australia, it becomes a question of the highest interest
to ascertain, as nearly as may be, by whom, and at what date, the
discovery of this country was made.

The maps upon which the supposition of the discovery is alone founded
are all French, and that they are all repetitions, with slight
variations, from one source, is shown by the fact that the inaccuracies
are alike in all of them. But although the maps are in French, there are
indications of Portuguese in some of the names, such as Terre ennegade,
a Gallicized form of “Tierra anegada,” i.e., “land under water,” or
“sunken shoal,” “Graçal,” and “cap de Fromose.” The question then
arises, were the French or the Portuguese the discoverers? In reply, we
present the following statement.

In the year 1529, a voyage was made to Sumatra, by Jean Parmentier of
Dieppe, and in this voyage he died. Parmentier was a poet and a
classical scholar, as well as a navigator and good hydrographer. He was
accompanied in this voyage by his intimate friend the poet Pierre
Crignon, who, on his return to France, published, in 1531, the poems of
Parmentier, with a prologue containing his eulogium, in which he says of
him, that he was “le premier François qui a entrepris à estre pilotte
pour mener navires à la Terre Amérique qu’on dit Brésil, et
semblablement le premier François qui a descouvert les Indes jusqu’à
l’Isle de Taprobane, et, si mort ne l’eust pas prévenu, je crois qu’il
eust été jusques aux Moluques.” This is high authority upon this point,
coming as it does from a man of education, and a shipmate and intimate
of Parmentier himself. The French, then, were not in the South Seas
beyond Sumatra before 1529. The date of the earliest of our quoted maps
is not earlier than 1535, as it contains the discovery of the St.
Lawrence by Jacques Cartier in that year; but even let us suppose it no
earlier than that of Rotz, which bears the date of 1542, and ask, what
voyages of the French in the South Seas do we find between the years of
1529 and 1542? Neither the Abbé Raynal, nor any modern French writer,
nor even antiquaries, who have entered most closely into the history of
early French explorations, as for example, M. Léon Guérin, the author of
the _Histoire Maritime de France_, Paris, 1843, 8vo.; and of _Les
Navigateurs Français_, 8vo., Paris, 1847, offer the slightest pretension
that the French made voyages to those parts, in the early part or middle
of the sixteenth century. Now we do know from Barros and Galvano that,
at the close of 1511, Albuquerque sent from Malacca, Antonio de Breu,
and Francisco Serrano, with three ships to Banda and Malacca: they
passed along the east side of Sumatra to Java, and thence by Madura,
Bali, Sumbava, Solor, etc., to Papua or New Guinea. From thence they
went to the Moluccas and to Amboyna. See _Barros_, d. 3, l. 5, c. 6, p.
131, and _Galvano, translated by Hakluyt_, p. 378. Here we have the very
islands, forming the northern portion of the Grande Jave, at this early
date; but that which is totally wanting between this and 1529, is the
account of the various explorations of the eastern and western coasts of
the vast country described under that name. It is certain, moreover,
that France was at that time too poor, and too much embroiled in
political anxieties, to busy itself with extensive nautical
explorations. Had she so done, the whole of North America and Brazil
might now have belonged to her. At the same time, however, we know that
the Portuguese had establishments before 1529, in the East Indian
Islands, and the existence of Portuguese names on the countries of which
we speak, as thus delineated on these French maps, is in itself an
acknowledgment of their discovery by the Portuguese, as assuredly the
jealousy implied in the sentence quoted at p. vi of this introduction,
from Pierre Crignon’s Prologue, would not only have made the French most
ready to lay claim to all they could in the shape of discovery, but
would have prevented any gratuitous insertion of Portuguese names on
such remote countries, had they themselves discovered them.

But, further, as an important part of the argument, the reader must not
overlook that jealousy of the Portuguese, to which allusion has already
been made (p. v), in forbidding the communication of all hydrographical
information respecting their discoveries in these seas. As regards the
surmises of M. Barbié du Bocage respecting the probable causes of the
suppression or concealment of such documents, his carefulness and
ingenuity entitle them to the best consideration; and if those documents
really exist in France, or Rome, or elsewhere, it is much to be hoped
that they may ere long be brought to light. His Excellency the Count de
Lavradio, ambassador from Portugal to the Court of St. James’s, has
obligingly set on foot inquiries at Rome for the purpose of elucidating
this subject, which have not, however, produced any successful result.

But although we have no evidence to show that the French made any
original discoveries in the South Seas in the first half of the
sixteenth century, we have the evidence that they were good
hydrographers. Crignon describes Parmentier as “bon cosmographe et
géographe,” and says, “par luy ont esté composez plusieurs mapemondes en
globe et en plat, et maintes cartes marines sus les quelles plusieurs
ont navigué seurement.” It is dangerous to draw conclusions from
negatives; but it is both legitimate and desirable that we should give
due weight to evidence of high probability when such fall within our
notice. If all the French maps we have quoted are, as has been shown,
derived from one source, since they all contain the same errors; and if
Parmentier, who was a good hydrographer, was the only French navigator
we find mentioned as having gone so far as Sumatra before the period of
the earliest of these maps; and further, if these maps exhibit
Portuguese names laid down in these maps on a country beyond
Parmentier’s furthest point of exploration, we think the inference not
unreasonable that Parmentier may have laid down, from Portuguese maps,
the information which has been copied into those we have quoted, and
that the descriptions round the coast, which are all (as may be plainly
seen), with the exception of those which bear the stamp of Portuguese,
convertible into French, have been naturally written by French
mapmakers, in that language. We can but throw out this suggestion for
_quantum valeat_. All positive evidence, in spite of laborious research,
is wanting. The Portuguese names are but few, but there they are, and
bear their stubborn evidence. The earliest Portuguese portolani which
have met the editor’s eye are those of Joham Freire, of 1546, and of
Diego Homem, of 1558. Both these are silent on the subject. That of
Lazaro Luis and of Vas Dourado, later in the century, both examined by
Dr. Martin in Lisbon, are equally so. But this has been already
accounted for. It is true that, in a mappemonde of the date of 1526, by
one Franciscus, monachus ordinis Franciscanorum, copied into the atlas
to the “_Géographie du Moyen Age_” of Joachim Lelewel, the great Terra
Australis, extending along the south of the globe from Tierra del Fuego,
is laid down with the words “Is nobis detecta existet,” and “hæc pars
ore nondum cognita;” but this is plainly nothing more than a fanciful
extension of Magellan’s discovery of the north coast of Tierra del
Fuego, combined with the old supposition of the existence of a great
southern continent.

A similar remark occurs in the manuscript portolano of Ioan Martinez, of
Messina, of the date of 1567, in the British Museum; and in the fifth
map of the portolano of the same hydrographer, of the date of 1578, is
laid down “Meridional discoperta novamente,” with no names on it, and
only shewing the north part. The extent of what is seen is twice as long
as Java Major, which seems here to be Sumatra. It is observable that
Petan and Maletur, names occurring on or near the Terra Australis of
other maps of about this date, occur here, but close under Java Minor,
which is a long way to the west of the “Meridional discoperta

In 1526 the Portuguese commander, Don Jorge de Meneses, in his passage
from Malacca to the Moluccas, was carried by currents and through his
want of information respecting the route, to the north coast of Papua,
which we now know as New Guinea; and in the following year we find Don
Alvaro de Saavedra, a Spaniard, and kinsman of the great Cortes,
despatched from New Spain to the Moluccas, and also lighting on New
Guinea, where he passed a month; but nowhere in the allusions to these
voyages do we find reference to the great southern land, which is laid
down with so much detail under the name of “La Grande Jave.”

Our surmises, therefore, lead us to regard it as highly probable that
Australia was discovered by the Portuguese between the years 1511 and
1529, and, almost to a demonstrable certainty, that it was discovered
before the year 1542.

A notion may be formed of the knowledge possessed by the Spaniards in
the middle of the sixteenth century, on the part of the world on which
we treat, from the following extract from a work entitled, “El libro de
las costumbres de todas las gentes del mundo y de las Indias.”
Translated and compiled by the Bachelor Francisco Themara. Antwerp,
1556. “Thirty leagues from Java the Less is Gatigara, nineteen degrees
the other side of the equinoctial towards the south. Of the lands beyond
this point nothing is known, for navigation has not been extended
further, and it is impossible to proceed by land on account of the
numerous lakes and lofty mountains in those parts. It is even said that
there is the site of the Terrestrial Paradise.” Although this was not
originally written in Spanish, but was translated from Johannes Bohemus,
it would scarcely have been given forth to the Spaniards had better
information on such a subject existed among that people.

It has been already stated at pages xvii and xviii of this Introduction,
that in the early engraved maps of the sixteenth century, there occur
apparent indications of Australia, with names and sentences, descriptive
of the country so represented, derived from the narrative of Marco Polo,
with an intimation that some of these representations may not have
emanated solely from that narrative. The earliest of these occurs on a
mappemonde in the third volume of the polyglot bible of Arias Montanus,
and the indication of Australia there given is the more striking that it
stands unconnected with any other land whatever, and bears no kind of
description. It is simply a line indicating the north part of an
unexplored land, exactly in the position of the north of Australia,
distinctly implying an imperfect discovery, but not copied from, or
bearing any resemblance to, any indication of the kind in any previous
map with which the editor is acquainted.

In Thevet’s _Cosmographie Universelle_, Paris, 1575, is a map with
Taprobane, La Grand Jave, Petite Jave, Partie de la Terre Australe; and
in tom. i, liv. 12, the following passage:

  “L’art et pratique du navigage est le plus pénible et dangereux de
  toutes les sciences, que oncques les hommes ayent inventées, veu que
  l’homme s’expose à la mercy des abysmes de ce grand ocean, qui
  environne et abbreuve toute la terre. Davātage, avec ceste Esquille
  lon peult visiter presque toute ce que le monde contient en sa
  rotondité, soit vers la mer glaciale, ou les deux poles, et terre
  Australe, qui n’est encor comme ie croy descouverte, mais selon mon
  opinion d’aussi grande estendue que l’Asie ou l’Afrique, et laquelle
  un iour sera recherchée par le moyen de ce petit instrument
  navigatoire, quelque long voyage qui y peust estre.”

In Dalrymple’s _Hist. Coll. of Voyages in the South Pacific Ocean_, Juan
Fernandez is said to have discovered the southern continent. Burney, who
speaks of his discovery of the southern continent (vol. i, p. 300),
refers to the memorial of Juan Luis Arias for the description. See the
first article in the present collection.

It is needless here to repeat the names and sentences already described
at page xvii as given on early engraved maps from Marco Polo, but it
will be well to notice such peculiarities as distinguish these maps from
those in manuscript, which we have already been speaking of as probably
representing Australia under the name of La Grande Jave. Such notice is
the more interesting as the date of these engraved maps is intermediate
between that of the manuscript documents and the period of the
authenticated discovery of Australia. In the 1587 edition of Ortelius is
a map entitled “Typus Orbis Terrarum,” in which _New Guinea is made an
island_, with the words “Nova Guinea quæ an sit insula aut pars
continentis Australis incertum.” On the Terra Australis, here brought up
far more to the north than elsewhere, and separated from New Guinea only
by a strait, are the words, “Hanc continentem Australem nonnulli
Magellanicam regionem ab ejus inventore nuncupant.” While this sentence
shows how indefinite was the idea of the extent of Australia towards the
south, we think that the entire delineation, which brings the great
Terra Australis so far northward in this longitude into connexion with
New Guinea, goes far to show that Australia had really been discovered.

In various editions of Mercator occur copies of a map entitled, “Orbis
Terræ Compendiosa descriptio quam ex magna universali Gerardi Mercatoris
Rumoldus Mercator fieri curabat aº 1587,” in which similar indications
are given to those in the map of Ortelius just described.

In the map of Peter Plancius, given in the English edition of the
voyages of Linschoten, 1598, similar indications of Australia occur, but
leaving the question of the insular character of New Guinea doubtful.

In the _Speculum Orbis_ of C. de Judæis, Antwerp, 1592, is a map
entitled “Brasilia et Peruvia,” on which occurs, “Chæsdia seu Australis
Terra quam nautarum vulgus Tierra di Fuego vocant, alii Psittacorum
Terram.” In the map of Asia, in the same volume, a tract is laid down
which, by comparison with Ortelius’ map of the Pacific Ocean, is plainly
New Guinea; and on both these maps, on the west coast of said tract, are
the words, “Tierra baixa,” which seems to tally with “Baie Basse,” at
about the corresponding point on the manuscript maps, and is
confirmatory of the conclusion which the editor had formed, as stated on
page xxvi. In the same volume is a map of the Antarctic hemisphere, in
which the Terra Australis incognita is brought high up to the north in
the longitude of Australia: on that part of it opposite the Cape of Good
Hope is the following legend: “Lusitani bonæ spei legentes capitis
promontorium, hanc terram austrum versus extare viderunt, sed nondum
imploravere,” a significant sentence, if allowance be made for the
difficulty at that time of reckoning the longitude.

In the map to illustrate the voyages of Drake and Cavendish by Jodocus
Hondius, of which a fac-simile was given in _The World Encompassed by
Sir Francis Drake_, printed for our Society, New Guinea is made a
complete island, without a word to throw a doubt on the correctness of
the representation; while the Terra Australis, which is separated from
New Guinea only by a strait, has an outline remarkably similar to that
of the Gulf of Carpentaria. These indications give to this map an
especial interest, and the more so that it is shown to be earlier than
the passage of Torres through Torres’ Straits in 1606, by its bearing
the arms of Queen Elizabeth, before the unicorn of Scotland had
displaced the dragon of England.

In the article “Terra Australis,” in Cornelius Wytfliet’s _Descriptionis
Ptolemaicæ Augmentum_, Louvain, 1598, we find the following passage:—

  “The ‘Australis Terra’ is the most southern of all lands, and is
  separated from New Guinea by a narrow strait. Its shores are
  hitherto but little known, since after one voyage and another, that
  route has been deserted, and seldom is the country visited unless
  when sailors are driven there by storms. The ‘Australis Terra’
  begins at two or three degrees from the equator, and is maintained
  by some to be of so great an extent, that if it were thoroughly
  explored, it would be regarded as a fifth part of the world.”

The above significant statement was printed, it will be remembered,
before any discovery of Australia of which we have an authentic account.

But while examining these indications of a discovery of Australia in the
sixteenth century, it will be asked what explorations had been made by
the Spaniards in that part of the world in the course of that century.
From the period of the voyage of Don Alvaro de Saavedra to the Moluccas
in 1527, already alluded to, we meet with no such active spirit of
exploration on the part of the Spaniards in the South Seas. Embarrassed
by his political position, and with an exhausted treasury, the emperor,
in 1529, definitely renounced his pretensions to the Moluccas for a sum
of money, although he retained his claim to the islands discovered by
his subjects to the east of the line of demarcation now confined to the
Portuguese. In 1542 an unsuccessful attempt to form a settlement in the
Philippine Islands was made by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, but its failure
having been attributed to mismanagement, a new expedition in 1564 was
despatched with the like object under Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, which was
completely successful, and a Spanish colony was established at Zebu. It
is not impossible that this settlement gave rise to voyages of discovery
about this time by the Spaniards, of which no accounts have been
published. In 1567 Alvaro de Mendana sailed from Callao on a voyage of
discovery, in which he discovered the Solomon Islands and several
others. There are great discrepancies in the different relations of this
voyage. In 1595 he made a second voyage from Peru, in which he
discovered the Marquesas, and the group afterwards named by Carteret
Queen Charlotte’s Islands. The object of this expedition was to found a
colony on the Solomon Islands, which he had discovered in his previous
voyage, but from the incorrectness of his reckoning he was unable to
find them. In the island of Santa Cruz he attempted to establish a
colony, but without success, and in this island he died. In this second
voyage he had for his chief pilot Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, who may be
regarded as the last of the distinguished mariners of Spain, and whose
name claims especial notice in a work treating of the early indications
of Australia, although he himself never saw the shores of that great
continental island.[7]

The discovery of the island of Santa Cruz suggested to the mind of
Quiros that the great southern continent was at length discovered, and
in two memoirs addressed by him to Don L. de Velasco, viceroy of Peru,
we meet with the first detailed argument upon this great geographical
question, which, though he himself was not destined to demonstrate it by
an actual discovery, may nevertheless be said to have been indirectly
brought to a solution through his instrumentality. It is true that it is
difficult in dealing with these vague surmises respecting the existence
of a southern continent to draw distinctions between Australia itself
and the great continent discovered in the present century, some twenty
or thirty degrees to the south of that vast island. It has been already
stated, p. xxxi, that Dalrymple, nearly two centuries later, earnestly
advocated the same cause as De Quiros had done, and speaking of that
navigator he says: “The _discovery_ of the southern continent,
_whenever_ and by _whomsoever_ it may be completely effected, is in
_justice_ due to this _immortal_ name.” It should be premised that there
are, in fact, three points of ambiguity in connexion with the name of
that navigator, which it is well at once to state, as they might mislead
the judgment of the superficial reader of the history of navigation of
that period as to his connexion with the discovery of Australia. In the
first place, though generally reputed to be a Spaniard, he is described
by Nicolas Antonio, the author of the _Bibliotheca Hispana_, himself a
Spaniard, and not unwilling, it may be supposed, to claim so
distinguished a navigator for his countryman, as “Lusitanus. Eborensis,
ut aiunt Lusitani” (a Portuguese, stated by the Portuguese to be a
native of Evora), and the style of his writings bears out the
supposition. Secondly, Antonio de Ulloa, in his _Resumen_, p. 119,
quotes from an account of the voyage of Quiros, said to be given in the
_Historia de la Religion Serafica of Diego de Cordova_ (a work which the
editor has not met with), the discovery of a large island in
_twenty-eight degrees_ south latitude, which latitude is farther south
than Quiros or his companions are otherwise known to have made in any
voyage. Thirdly, the printed memoirs of Quiros bear the title of Terra
Australis Incognita, while the southern Tierra Austral, discovered by
Quiros himself, and surnamed by him “del Espiritu Santo,” is none other
than the “New Hebrides” of the maps of the present day.

At the same time, to both Quiros and Dalrymple we are indirectly
indebted for the earliest designation which attaches in any sense to the
modern nomenclature connected with Australia, viz., for the name of
Torres Straits. That Quiros, whether by birth a Portuguese or a
Spaniard, was in the Spanish service, cannot be doubted. The viceroy of
Peru had warmly entertained his projects, but looked upon its execution
as beyond the limits of his own power to put into operation. He
therefore urged to Quiros to lay his case before the Spanish monarch at
Madrid, and furnished him with letters to strengthen his application.
Whether Philip III was more influenced by the arguments of De Quiros, as
to the discovery of a southern continent, or rather by the desire to
explore the route between Spain and America by the east, in the hope of
discovering wealthy islands between New Guinea and China, we need not
pause to question. It is possible that both these motives had their
weight, for Quiros was despatched to Peru with full orders for the
carrying out of his plans, addressed to the Viceroy, the Count de
Monterey; and he was amply equipped with two well-armed vessels and a
corvette, with which he sailed from Callao on the 21st of December,
1605. Luis Vaez de Torres was commander of the _Almirante_, or second
ship, in this expedition. The voyage was looked upon as one of very
great importance; and Torquemada, in his account of it in the _Monarquia
Indiana_, says that the ships were the strongest and best armed which
had been seen in those seas. The object was to make a settlement at the
island Santa Cruz, and from thence to search for the Tierra Austral, or
southern continent.

After the discovery of several islands, Quiros came to a land which he
named Australia del Espiritu Santo, supposing it to be a part of the
great southern continent. At midnight of the 11th of June, 1606, while
the three ships were lying at anchor in the bay which they had named San
Felipe and Santiago, Quiros, for reasons which are not known, and
without giving any signal or notice, was either driven by a storm, or
sailed away from the harbour, and was separated from the other two

Subsequently to the separation, Torres found that the Australia del
Espiritu Santo was an island, and then continued his course westward in
pursuance of the exploration. In about the month of August, 1606, he
fell in with a coast in 11½ degrees south lat., which he calls the
beginning of New Guinea; apparently the south-eastern part of the land
afterwards named Louisiade by M. de Bougainville, and now known to be a
chain of islands. As he could not pass to windward of this land, Torres
bore away along its south side, and himself gives the following account
of his subsequent course. “We went along three hundred leagues of coast,
as I have mentioned, and diminished the latitude 2½ degrees, which
brought us into 9 degrees. From hence we fell in with a bank of from
three to nine fathoms, which extends along the coast above one hundred
and eighty leagues. We went over it, along the coast, to 7½ south
latitude; and the end of it is in 5 degrees. We could not go further on
for the many shoals and great currents, so we were obliged to sail
south-west, in that depth, to 11 degrees south lat. There is all over it
an archipelago of islands without number, by which we passed; and at the
end of the eleventh degree the bank became shoaler. Here were very large
islands, and there appeared more to the southward. They were inhabited
by black people, very corpulent and naked. Their arms were lances,
arrows, and clubs of stone ill fashioned. We could not get any of their
arms. We caught, in all this land, twenty persons of different nations,
that with them we might be able to give a better account to Your
Majesty. They give much notice of other people, although as yet they do
not make themselves well understood. We were upon this bank two months,
at the end of which time we found ourselves in twenty-five fathoms, and
5 degrees south latitude, and ten leagues from the coast; and, having
gone four hundred eighty leagues here, the coast goes to the north-east.
I did not search it, for the bank became very shallow. So we stood to
the north.”

The very large islands seen by Torres in the 11th degree of south
latitude, are evidently the hills of Cape York; and the two months of
intricate navigation, the passage through the strait which separates
Australia from New Guinea. A copy of this letter of Torres was
fortunately lodged in the archives of Manilla; and it was not till that
city was taken, in 1762, by the English, that the document was
discovered by Dalrymple; who paid a fitting tribute to the memory of
this distinguished Spanish navigator, by giving to this dangerous
passage the name of Torres’ Straits, which it has ever since retained.
The editor has striven in vain to learn into whose hands Dalrymple’s
copy of this letter has fallen. He has been compelled, therefore, to
reprint it from Dalrymple’s translation, supplied to Admiral Burney, as
inserted at the end of vol. ii of his _Discoveries and Voyages in the
South Sea_.

De Quiros himself reached Mexico on the 3rd of October, 1606, nine
months from his departure from Callao. Strongly imbued with a sense of
the importance of his discoveries, he addressed various memoirs to
Philip III, advocating the desirableness of further explorations in
these unknown regions; but, after years of unavailing perseverance, he
died at Panama in 1614, leaving behind him a name which for merit,
though not for success, was second only to that of Columbus; and with
him expired the naval heroism of Spain. “Reasoning,” as Dalrymple says,
“from principles of science and deep reflection, he asserted the
_existence_ of a southern continent; and devoted with unwearied though
contemned diligence, the remainder of his life to the prosecution of
this sublime conception.” In the first document printed in this
collection, which is from the hand of the Fray Juan Luis Arias, is given
an account of his earnest advocacy of the resuscitation of Spanish
enterprise in the southern seas, and especially with reference to the
great southern continent.

But while the glory of Spanish naval enterprise was thus on the wane,
the very nation which Spain had bruised and persecuted was to supplant
her in the career of adventure and prosperity. The war of independence
had aroused the energies of those provinces of the Netherlands which had
freed themselves from the Spanish yoke; while the cruelties perpetrated
in those provinces which the Spaniards had succeeded in again subduing,
drove an almost incredible number of families into exile. The majority
of these settled in the northern provinces, and thus brought into them a
prodigious influx of activity. Among these emigrants were a number of
enterprising merchants, chiefly from Antwerp,—a town which had for many
years enjoyed a most considerable, though indirect, share in the
transatlantic trade of Spain and Portugal, and was well acquainted with
its immense advantages. These men were naturally animated by the bitter
hatred of exiles, enhanced by difference of faith and the memory of many
wrongs. The idea which arose among them was, to deprive Spain of her
transatlantic commerce, and thus to cripple her resources, and
strengthen those of the Protestants, and by this means eventually to
force the southern provinces of the Netherlands from their oppressors.
This idea, at first vaguely entertained by a few, became general when
the Spaniards forbad Dutch vessels to carry on any traffic with Spain.
This traffic had existed in spite of the wars, and had furnished the
Dutch with the principal means of carrying it on.

Being thus violently thrust out of their share in transatlantic
commerce, the Dutch determined to gain it back with interest. Geography
and hydrography now became the subjects of earnest study and
instruction; and the period was distinguished by the appearance of such
men as Ortelius, Mercator, Plancius, De Bry, Hulsius, Cluverius, etc.,
whom we are now bound to regard as the fathers of modern geography.
Among these the most earnest in turning the resources of science into a
weapon against the oppressors of his country, was Peter Plancius, a
Calvinist clergyman, who opened a nautical and geographical school at
Amsterdam for the express purpose of teaching his countrymen how to find
a way to India, and the other sources whence Spain derived her strength.
We do not here dwell on their efforts to find a northern route to the
east. Their knowledge of the direct route to that wealthy portion of the
world had become greatly increased by the appearance of Jan Huyghen van
Linschoten’s great work. (Amst., 1595–96.) Linschoten had, for fourteen
years, lived in the Portuguese possessions in the East, and had there
collected a vast amount of information. The Dutch East India Company was
established in 1602; and in 1606 we find a vessel from Holland making
the first _authenticated_ discovery of that great south land which in
our own time has been designated—at the suggestion of that worthy
navigator, Matthew Flinders, to whom we are so largely indebted for our
knowledge of the hydrography of that country—by the distinct and
appropriate name of Australia.

Of the discoveries made by the Dutch on the coasts of Australia, our
ancestors of a hundred years ago, and even the Dutch themselves, knew
but little. That which was known was preserved in the _Relations de
divers voyages curieux_ of Melchisedech Thevenot (Paris, 1663–72, fol.);
in the _Noord en Oost Tartarye_ of Nicolas Witsen (Amst., 1692–1705,
fol.); in Valentyn’s _Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien_ (Amst., 1724–26, fol.);
and in the _Inleiding tot de algemeen Geographie_ of Nicolas Struyk
(Amst., 1740, 4to.). We have, however, since gained a variety of
information through a document which fell into the possession of Sir
Joseph Banks, and was published by Alexander Dalrymple, at that time
hydrographer to the Admiralty and the East India Company, in his
collection concerning Papua. This curious and interesting document is a
copy of the instructions to Commodore Abel Jansz Tasman for his second
voyage of discovery. That distinguished commander had already, in 1642,
discovered not only the island now named after him, Tasmania (but more
generally known as Van Diemen’s Land, in compliment to the then governor
of the Dutch East India Company at Batavia), but New Zealand also; and,
passing round the east side of Australia, but without seeing it, sailed
on his return voyage along the northern shores of New Guinea. In January
1644 he was despatched on his second voyage; and his instructions,
signed by the Governor-General, Antonio Van Diemen, and the members of
the council, are prefaced by a recital, in chronological order, of the
previous discoveries of the Dutch. The document is reprinted in the
present volume.

From this recital, combined with a passage from Saris, given in Purchas,
vol. i, p. 385, we learn that, “On the 18th of November, 1605, the Dutch
yacht, the _Duyfhen_ (the Dove), was despatched from Bantam to explore
the islands of New Guinea, and that she sailed along what was thought to
be the west side of that country, to 19¾° of south latitude.” This
extensive country was found, for the greatest part, desert; but in some
places inhabited by wild, cruel, black savages, by whom some of the crew
were murdered; for which reason they could not learn anything of the
land or waters, as had been desired of them; and from want of
provisions, and other necessaries, they were obliged to leave the
discovery unfinished. The furthest point of the land, in their maps, was
called Cape Keer Weer, or “Turn Again.” As Flinders observes, “the
course of the _Duyfhen_ from New Guinea was southward, along the islands
on the west side of Torres’ Strait, to that part of Terra Australis a
little to the west and south of Cape York. But all these lands were
thought to be connected, and to form the west coast of New Guinea.”
Thus, without being conscious of it, the commander of the _Duyfhen_ made
the first _authenticated_ discovery of any part of the great south land
about the month of March 1606; for it appears that he had returned to
Banda in or before the beginning of June of that year.

The second expedition mentioned in the Dutch recital for the discovery
of the great south land, was undertaken in a yacht in the year 1617, by
order of the Fiscal d’Edel, “with little success,” and the journals and
remarks were not to be found; but various ships outward bound from
Holland to the East Indies, in the course of the years 1616, 1618, 1619,
and 1622, made discoveries on the west coast of the great unknown south
land, from 35° to 22° south latitude, and among them the ship _Eendragt_
(the Concord), commanded by Dirk Hartog, Hertoge, or Hartighs, of
Amsterdam, fell in with land in about 25 degrees south, which afterwards
received its name from this ship. The president, De Brosses, has fallen
into the error of describing Dirk Hartog, as a native of Eendragt,
adding that this coast has preserved the name of the vessel, and that of
the country of its commander. The Dutch recital which mentions the
voyage of the _Eendragt_, does not give Hartog’s name, but we learn it
from a MS. chart by Hessel Gerritz, of Amsterdam, 1627, referred to by
Dalrymple in his collection concerning Papua, note, page 6. An important
part of Hartog’s discovery was Dirk Hartog’s Roads, at the entrance of
the sound, afterwards called by Dampier Shark’s Bay, in 25°; and on Dirk
Hartog’s island, one of the islands forming the road, he left a tin
plate, bearing the following inscription: _Aº. 1616 den 25sten October
is hier vangecomen het schip de Endracht van Amsterdam, den Oppercoopmen
Gilles Mibais Van Luyck, Kapitein Dirk Hartog, van Amsterdam, den
27sten. dito t’ zeijl gegaen na Bantam, den Ondercoopman Jan Stoyn,
Opperstiermann Pieter Dockes van Bil Aº. 1616._ Of which the following
is a translation: _On the 25th of October, 1616, arrived here the ship
Endraght, of Amsterdam: the first merchant, Gilles Mibais Van Luyck;
Captain Dirck Hartog, of Amsterdam; the 27th ditto set sail for Bantam;
undermerchant, Jan Stoyn; upper steersman, Pieter Dockes, from Bil. Aº.

In 1697, this plate was found by Wilhem Van Vlaming, Captain of the
_Geelvink_, of whose voyage we shall have to speak in due course, and
was replaced by another on which the inscription was copied, and the
following new inscription added:

_1697. den 4 den Februarij is hier aengecomen het schip de Geelvinck van
Amsterdam, den commandeur schipper Williem de Vlamingh van Vlielandt:
Adsistent Joan van Bremen van Coppenhage; Opperstierman Michiel Blom van
Estight van Bremen._

_De Hoecker de Nijptang, schipper Gerrit Collaert van Amsterdam;
Adsistent Theodorus Heermans van d^o.; d’opper-stierman Gerrit Gerritz
van Bremen._

_’t Galjoot t’ Weseltje, Gezaghebber Cornelis de Vlamigh van Vlielandt;
stierman Coert Gerritsz van Bremen, en van hier gezeilt met ons vloot
den 12 d^o. voorts het Zuijtlandt te ondersoecken en gedestineert voor
Batavia._ [Illustration]

Of which the following is a translation: _On the 4th of February, 1697,
arrived here the ship Geelvinck, of Amsterdam: captain commandant,
Wilhelm van Vlaming of Vlielandt; assistant, Jan van Bremen of
Copenhagen; first pilot, Michéel Bloem van Estight of Bremen; the hooker
the Nyptangh, captain Gerrit Collaert of Amsterdam; assistant, Theodorus
Heermans of the same place; first pilot, Gerrit Gerritz of Bremen; then
the galliot Weseltje; commander, Cornelis van Vlaming of Vlielandt;
pilot, Coert Gerritzs of Bremen. Sailed from here with our fleet on the
12th, to explore the south land, and afterwards bound for Batavia._

In the account of the voyage of discovery made to the south by the
corvettes, _Geographe_ and _Naturaliste_, in the years 1800, 1801, 1802,
1803, and 1804, published by F. Peron, vol. i, chap. 10, p. 193, we
find, that in the month of July 1801, Captain Hamelin, of the
_Naturaliste_, resolved on sailing to the extremity of Shark’s Bay; but
he first dispatched three men to Dirck Hartog’s island, for the purpose
of signalizing the _Geographe_, in case it should heave in sight at the
entrance of the bay. On returning from Dirck Hartog’s island, the
boatswain brought with them the plate of tin above described. It was
about six inches diameter, and the inscriptions were described as
coarsely cut. The plate was found on the north point of the island,
which was named in consequence, the Cape of the Inscription; it was then
half covered with sand, lying near an oaken post, on which it seemed to
have been originally nailed. Having copied the inscriptions, Captain
Hamelin had a new post made, and sent back the plate to be refixed on
the same spot from which it had been taken; he would have looked upon it
as sacrilege to have kept on board this plate, which, for nearly two
centuries, had been spared by nature, and by those who might have
observed it before him. He himself also placed on the north-east part of
this island a second plate, on which were inscribed the name of his
corvette, and the date of his arrival on those shores. In the
translation given in Peron’s work of the earlier of these two
inscriptions, a droll mistake is made by an error in punctuation, as
will be seen by comparing the original inscription, see p. lxxxi, with
the following: “1616. Le 25 Octobre est arrivé ici le navire l’Endraght
d’Amsterdam: premier marchand, Gilles Miebais Van Luck; capitaine, Dirck
Hartighs d’Amsterdam; il remit sous voile le 27 du même mois; Bantum
étoit sous marchand; Janstins premier pilote: Pieter Ecoores Van-Bu ...
Anne 1616.”

Thus it will be seen, that Bantam, in Java, for which they set sail, is
transformed into the undermerchant, and the person who really held that
post is converted into chief pilot, while poor Pieter Dockes, whose
name, perhaps more feebly scratched at the close of the inscription, had
become obliterated by more than a century’s rough usage, is deprived of
the honour of holding any post whatever. Even this rendering of the
inscription is however highly interesting, as giving some indications of
the degree of obliteration effected by the weather in this long space of

In 1617 appeared a work, the title of which renders some mention of it
in this place necessary. It was entitled “_Mundus alter et idem, sive
Terra Australis antehac semper incognita longis itineribus peregrini
academici nuperrime lustrata._ Hanau, 1617.” The book bearing this
delusive title was by Bishop Joseph Hall. It was in reality an invective
against the characteristic vices of various nations, from which it is
said that Swift borrowed the idea of _Gulliver’s Travels_.

A strange blunder has been made by the Abbé Prevost, tom. ii, p. 201, of
his _Histoire des Voyages_, 4to. ed., and by the President de Brosses,
in his _Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes_, tom. i, p. 432;
and copied by Callander in his unacknowledged translation from De
Brosses, to the effect that in the year 1618, one Zeachen, a native of
Arnheim, discovered the land called Arnheim’s Land, and Van Diemen’s
Land on the N. coast of Australia, in about the latitude of 14°. He
proceeds to say that Diemen’s Land owes its name to Anthony Van Diemen,
at that time general of the Dutch East India Company, who returned to
Europe with vast riches in 1631. The blunder is easily demonstrable.
Zeachen, or as it is also given, Zechaen, is a form of word plainly
irreconcileable with the genius of the Dutch language, and is an evident
misspelling for Zeehaen, which is the name not of a man, but of a ship,
the _Sea-hen_.

No such voyage is mentioned in the recital of discoveries which preface
the instructions to Tasman, nor is there any notice of the north coast
of New Holland having been visited by the Dutch in that year. Moreover
Van Diemen, as we learn from the _Vies des Gouverneurs Généraux avec
l’abrégé de l’histoire des établissemens Hollandois_ by Dubois, was not
governor general until January 1st, 1636, and it is observable that one
of the ships employed in Tasman’s voyage in 1642, in which he discovered
the island now known as Tasmania, but to which he, out of compliment,
gave the name of the governor general, Van Diemen, was called the
Zeehaen, from which in all probability, by some complication of
mistakes, the mis-statement here made has originated.

The _Mauritius_, an outward bound ship, appears to have made some
discoveries upon the west coasts, in July 1618, particularly of Willem’s
River, near the north-west cape, but no further particulars are known.

It would seem that another of the outward bound ships referred to in the
Dutch recital, as visiting the coasts of New Holland, was commanded by
Edel, and the land there discovered, which was on the west coast, was
named the land of Edel. From Campbell’s edition of Harris’s voyages, we
learn that this discovery was made in 1619. It appears from Thevenot’s
chart, published in 1663, to have extended from about 29° northward, to
26½, where the land of Eendragt commences, but in Van Keulen’s chart,
published near the close of the century, it is made to extend still more
southward, to 32° 20´, which Thevenot’s chart would attribute rather to
the discovery made three years later (1622) by the ship _Leeuwin_ (_the

The great reef lying off the coast of Edel’s Land, called Houtman’s
Abrolhos, was discovered at the same time. The name was doubtless given
after the Dutch navigator Frederick Houtman, although we find no trace
of his having himself visited this coast. The Portuguese name Abrolhos,
meaning “open your eyes,” was given to dangerous reefs, implying the
necessity of a sharp look out.

The name of the commander of the _Leeuwin_ has not yet appeared in any
published document that has met the editor’s eye. The land to which the
name of that vessel was given, extended from 35° northward, to about
31°; but as we have already stated, in Van Keulen’s and later charts,
the northern portion of this tract has been included in the discovery by

For the nearer discovery of Eendraght’s Land, the Dutch recital informs
us that the governor general, Jan Pietersz Coen, dispatched in
September, 1622, the yachts De Haring and Harewind; but this voyage was
rendered abortive by meeting the ship _Mauritius_, and searching after
the ship _Rotterdam_.

In January 1623, the Dutch recital informs us, the yachts _Pera_ and
_Arnhem_, under the command of Jan Carstens, were despatched from
Amboina by order of his Excellency Jan Pieterz Coen. Carstens, with
eight of the _Arnhem’s_ crew, was treacherously murdered by the natives
of New Guinea; but the vessels prosecuted the voyage, and discovered
“the great islands, Arnhem and the Spult.” Arnhem’s Land forms the
easternmost portion of the north coast of New Holland, lying to the west
of the Gulf of Carpentaria. In a chart inserted in Valentyn’s
_Beschryvingh van Banda_, fo. 36, is laid down the river Spult in
Arnhem’s Land, in about the position of Liverpool River, with which, in
all probability, it is identical; and the country in its vicinity is
probably what is here meant by the Spult.

The ships were then “untimely separated”, and the _Arnhem_ returned to
Amboina. The _Pera_ persisted, and “sailed along the south coast of New
Guinea to a flat cove situate in 10° south latitude, and ran along the
west coast of this land to Cape Keer Weer; from thence discovered the
coast further southwards, as far as 17 degrees, to Staten River. From
this place, what more of the land could be discerned seemed to stretch
westward.” The _Pera_ then returned to Amboina. “In this discovery were
found everywhere shallow water and barren coasts; islands altogether
thinly peopled by divers cruel, poor, and brutal nations, and of very
little use to the Dutch East India Company.”

The first discovery of the south coast of New Holland was made in 1627.
The Dutch recital says: “In the year 1627, the south coast of the great
south land was accidently discovered by the ship the _Gulde Zeepaard_,
outward bound from Fatherland, for the space of a thousand miles.” The
journal of this voyage seems to have been lost. The editor has spared no
pains, by inquiry in Holland and Belgium, to trace its existence, but
without success; and the only testimony that we have to the voyage is
derived from the above passage and Dutch charts, which give the name of
Pieter Nuyts to the immense tract of country thus discovered. Nuyts is
generally supposed to have commanded the ship; but Flinders judiciously
remarks that, as on his arrival at Batavia, he was sent ambassador to
Japan, and afterwards made governor of Formosa, it seems more probable
that he was a civilian—perhaps the Company’s first merchant on
board—rather than captain of the ship. In estimating the _thousand
miles_ described in the recital, allowance must doubtless be made for
the irregularities of the coast, embracing from Cape Leeuwin to St.
Francis and St. Peter’s Islands.

The next discovery upon the western coasts was that of the ship
_Vianen_, one of the seven which returned to Europe under the command of
the Governor-General, Carpenter. In this year, the Dutch recital informs
us that the coast was seen again accidentally, in the year 1628, on the
north side, in the latitude 21° south, by the ship _Vianen_, homeward
bound from India, when they coasted two hundred miles without gaining
any knowledge of this great country; only observing “a foul and barren
shore, green fields, and very wild, black, barbarous inhabitants.”

This was the part called De Witt’s Land; but whether the name were
applied by the captain of the _Vianen_ does not appear. The President De
Brosses, whose account, however, is too full of blunders to follow very
implicitly, says, “William de Witt gave his own name to the country
which he saw in 1628 to the north of Remessen’s River; and which Viane,
a Dutch captain, had, to his misfortune, discovered in the month of
January in the same year, when he was driven upon this coast of De Witt,
in 21° of latitude, and lost all his riches.” The name of De Witt was
subsequently retained on this part of the coast in all the maps.

In Thevenot’s _Recueil de divers Voyages curieux_, 1663, is given an
account, translated from the Dutch, of the shipwreck of the _Batavia_,
Captain Francis Pelsart, in the night of June 4, 1629, on the reef still
known as Houtman’s Abrolhos, lying between 28° and 29° S. lat., on the
west coast of Australia. A loose and incorrect translation of this
account, is given in vol. i, p. 320, of Harris’s _Navigantium atque
Itinerantium Bibliotheca_ (Campbell’s edition), but a new translation is
supplied, in its proper chronological place, in the present volume. At
daylight, the shipwrecked sailors saw an island at about three leagues
distance, and, still nearer, two islets, to which the passengers with
some of the crew were sent. As no fresh water was found on these islets,
Pelsart put to sea on the 8th of June, in one of the boats which he had
had covered with a deck, and sailed to the main land for the purpose of
seeking for water. He found his latitude at noon to be 28° 13´ south.
The coast, which bore N. by W., he estimated to be eight leagues from
the place of shipwreck. It was rocky and barren, and about of the same
height as the coast of Dover. He essayed to put in at a small sandy bay,
but the surf and unfavourableness of the weather compelled him to keep
off the shore. He then steered north, but the abruptness of the shore,
and the breakers which he found along the coast, prevented his landing
for several days, till at length on the 14th of June, being then in 24°
latitude, he saw some smokes at a distance, and steered towards them,
but the shore was still found to be steep and rocky, and the sea broke
high against it; at length six of his men leaped overboard, and with
great exertion reached the land, the boat remaining at anchor in
twenty-five fathoms. The sailors, while busily engaged in seeking for
water, perceived four natives creeping towards them on their hands and
feet; but suddenly, on one of the sailors appearing on an eminence, they
rose up and fled, so that those who remained in the boat could see them
distinctly. They were wild, black, and entirely naked.

The search for water was unsuccessful, and the sailors swam back to the
boat, though much bruised by the waves and the rocks. They then again
set sail, keeping outside of the shoals. On the morning of the 15th,
they discovered a cape, off which lay a chain of rocks, stretching out
four miles into the sea, and beyond this another reef, close to the
shore. Finding here an opening where the water was smooth, they put into
it, but with great risk, as they had but two feet of water with a stony
bottom. Here in the holes of the rocks they found fresh rain water, of
which they collected forty gallons. There were evident traces of the
natives having been there but a short time before. On the 16th of July,
they endeavoured to collect more water but without success. There were
no signs of vegetation on the sandy level country to be seen beyond, and
the ant hills were so large, that they might have been taken for the
houses of the natives. The quantity of flies was so great, that they
could with difficulty free themselves from them. Eight savages, carrying
sticks or spears in their hands, came within musket shot, but fled when
the Dutch sailors moved towards them. When Captain Pelsart found there
was no hope of procuring water, he again weighed anchor, and got outside
of the reef by a second opening more to the north; for having observed
the latitude to be 22° 17´, his intention was to seek for the river of
Jacob Remessens near the north-west cape, but the wind changing to
north-east, he was compelled to quit the coast. Being now four hundred
miles from the place of shipwreck, and having barely water enough for
their own use, he determined to make the best of his way back to Batavia
for assistance.

Meanwhile, by a fortunate accident, one of them who had been left on the
Abrolhos chanced to taste the water in two holes, which water had been
supposed to be salt, as it rose and fell with the tide. To their
inexpressible joy it proved to be fit to drink, and afforded them an
unfailing supply. Captain Pelsart afterwards returned to the Abrolhos in
the yacht _Saardam_, from Batavia; but finding a shameful conspiracy on
foot, he was compelled to execute some, and two men were set on shore on
the opposite main land. In the instructions subsequently given to Tasman
for his voyage in 1644, he was directed “to inquire at the continent
thereabouts after two Dutch men, who, having forfeited their lives, were
put on shore by the Commodore Francis Pelsart, if still alive. In such
case, you may make your enquiries of them about the situation of those
countries; and if they entreat you to that purpose, give them passage

Gerrit Tomaz Pool, or Poel, was sent in April of this year from Banda,
with the yachts _Klyn_, _Amsterdam_, and _Wezel_ upon the same
expedition as Carstens; and at the same place on the coast of New Guinea
he met with the same fate. Nevertheless, “the voyage was assiduously
continued under the charge of the super cargo Pieterz Pietersen; and the
islands Key and Arouw visited. By reason of very strong eastwardly
winds, they could not reach the west coast of New Guinea (Carpentaria);
but shaping their course very near south, discovered the coast of Arnhem
or Van Diemen’s Land, in 11° south latitude; so named from the governor
general Van Diemen, who was sent out this year, and sailed along the
shore for one hundred and twenty miles (thirty mijlen), without seeing
any people, but many signs of smoke.”

A short account of this voyage is given by Valentyn, in his volume on
_Banda_, p. 47, a translation of which will be found at p. 75 of the
present volume.

Abel Janszen Tasman, who, in the year 1642, had made the two great
discoveries of south Van Diemen’s Land—in these days more correctly
named after himself, Tasmania,—and of New Zealand, was again sent out in
1644, for the express purpose of examining the north and north-western
shores of New Holland. His instructions, of which we have already
repeatedly spoken, say, that “after quitting Point Ture, or False Cape,
situate in 8 degrees on the south coast of New Guinea, you are to
continue eastward along the coast to 9 degrees south latitude, crossing
prudently the cove at that place. Looking about the _high islands or
Speults River_, with the yachts for a harbour, despatching the tender
_De Braak_ for two or three days into the cove, in order to discover
whether, within the great inlet, there be not to be found an entrance
into the South Sea. From this place you are to coast along the west
coast of New Guinea, to the furthest discoveries in 17 degrees south
latitude, following the coast further, as it may run west or southward.
But it is to be feared you will meet in these parts with the south-east
trade winds, from which it will be difficult to keep the coast on board,
if stretching to the south-east; but, notwithstanding this, endeavour,
by all means to proceed, that we may be sure whether this land is
divided from the great known south continent or not.” Thus it became
part of Tasman’s duty to explore Torres Straits, then unknown, though
possibly suspected to exist. That they had unconsciously been passed
through by Torres, in 1606, we have already seen. Tasman, however,
failed, as will be presently shewn, in making the desired exploration,
and it was not till 1770 that the separation of New Holland from New
Guinea was established by Captain Cook. In the remaining portion of his
duty, Tasman fully succeeded, viz., in establishing the continuity of
the north-west coast of the land designated generally “the great known
south continent,” as far south as about the twenty-second degree. It is
greatly to be regretted that the account of this interesting voyage has
not been published. The Burgomaster Witsen, in a work on the migrations
of the human race, which appeared in 1705, gives some notes on the
inhabitants of New Guinea and New Holland, in which Tasman is quoted
among those from whom he gained his information; thus showing that
Tasman’s narrative was then in existence. M. Van Wyk Roelandszoon, in a
letter addressed to the editor of the _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_,
dated 26th July, 1825, states, that many _savans du premier ordre_ had
for a long time sought in vain for the original papers of Abel Tasman.
One young, but very able fellow-countryman of his, had even made a
voyage for that express purpose to Batavia, in the hope that they might
be found there, but he unfortunately died shortly after his arrival at
that place. M. Van Wyk continues, “we still live in the hope of
receiving some of these documents.” This hope, however, was not
realized, and the efforts of the editor of the present volume, which
have been exerted in influential quarters for the same object, have been
equally unsuccessful. But, although we have to regret the loss or
non-appearance of any detailed account of this most important voyage,
the _outline_ of the coasts visited by Tasman is laid down, though
without any reference to him or his voyage, on several maps which
appeared within a few years after the voyage was performed. The earliest
representation which the editor has found anywhere mentioned, although
in all probability it was preceded by others published in Holland, was
on the mappemonde of Louis Mayerne Turquet, published in Paris in 1648.
It was also represented on a planisphere, inlaid in the floor of the
Groote Zaal, in the Stad-huys at Amsterdam, a building commenced in
1648. The site adopted for this remarkable map was peculiar, and
scarcely judicious; for though it gratified the eyes of the enterprising
burghers, with the picture of the successful explorations of their
countrymen, it exposed the representation itself to almost unceasing
detrition from the soles of their feet. This outline was also given in
the map entitled Mar di India, in the 1650 edition of Janssen’s Atlas, 5
vol. supplement. It also occurs in a large Atlas in the King’s Library
in the British Museum, by J. Klencke, of Amsterdam, presented to King
Charles the Second, on his restoration in 1660, and also in a chart
inserted in Melchisedech Thevenot’s _Relation de divers voyages
curieux_, 1663. From these maps it is apparent that it was from this
voyage that the designation of New Holland was first given to this great
country. In a map by Van Keulen, published at the close of the
seventeenth century, _a portion_ of Tasman’s track with the soundings is
given, but this also is without reference to Tasman himself. It has,
however, been the good fortune of the editor of the present volume to
light upon a document which, in the absence of Tasman’s narrative, and
his own original chart, is the next to be desired: viz., an early copy,
perhaps from his own chart, with the tracks of his two voyages pricked
thereon, and the entire soundings of the voyage of 1644 laid down. A
reduction of this chart is here given. It forms Art. 12 in a
miscellaneous MS. collection marked 5222 in the department of MSS. in
the British Museum. It bears no name or date, but is written on exactly
the same kind of paper, with the same ink, and by the same hand, as one
by Captain Thomas Bowrey, in the same volume, done at Fort St. George in
1687. It is observable, that in the preface to a work by Captain Bowrey,
on the Malay language, he says, that in 1688, he embarked at Fort St.
George, as a passenger for England, having been nineteen years in the
East Indies, continually engaged in navigation and trading in those
countries, in Sumatra, Borneo, Bantam, and Java. The twofold blunder,
both as to fact and date, contained in the sentence inserted in the
middle of the chart, “This large land of New Guinea was first discovered
_to joyne to y^e south land_ by y^e Yot Lemmen as by this chart Francois
Jacobus Vis. Pilot Major Anno 1643” is self-evidently an independent
subsequent insertion, probably by Bowrey himself, and therefore by no
means impugns the inference that the chart is otherwise a genuine copy.
The soundings verify the track, and show that Tasman regarded the first
point of his instructions as to the exploration of the “great inlet,”
either as of less importance or of greater danger than the subsequent
portion, as to establishing the continuity of the lands on the north and
north-west coasts of “the great known southern continent.”

[Illustration: Tasman’s Track]

It is worthy of remark, that the map by Klencke, already referred to,
leaves the passage towards Torres Strait open, while in the map here
given it is closed. The missing narrative of Tasman alone could explain
this discrepancy, or show us the amount of authenticity to be ascribed
to either of these maps; but it appears to the editor, that the track
laid down with the soundings, gives to the map here given the claim to
preference, while the very depth of the imaginary bight here drawn,
instead of the strait, throws it out of the line of exploration in the
voyage whose track is described. From the notes of the Burgomaster
Witsen (1705), we derive the only fragment of an account of this most
important voyage. From thence we gain the earliest information
respecting the inhabitants. The translation is given by Dalrymple, in
his volume on _Papua_. It is as follows: “In latitude 13 degrees, 8
minutes south, longitude 146 degrees, 18 minutes (probably about 129½
degrees east of Greenwich), the coast is barren. The people are bad and
wicked, shooting at the Dutch with arrows, without provocation, when
they were coming on shore. It is here very populous.”

“In 14 degrees, 58 minutes south, longitude 138 degrees, 59 minutes
(about 125 degrees east) the people are savage, and go naked: none can
understand them. In 16 degrees, 10 minutes south, the people swam on
board of a Dutch ship, and when they received a present of a piece of
linen, they laid it upon their head in token of gratitude. Every where
thereabout all the people are malicious. They use arrows and bows, of
such a length that one end rests on the ground when shooting. They have
also hazegayes and kalawayes, and attacked the Dutch, but did not know
the execution of the guns.

“In Hollandia Nova [a term which seems to imply that the previously
named plans were not supposed by Witsen to be included under the name of
New Holland] in 17 degrees, 12 minutes south (longitude 121 degrees or
122 degrees east), Tasman found naked black people, with curly hair:
malicious and cruel, using for arms bows and arrows, hazeygayes and
kalawayes. They once came to the number of fifty, double armed, dividing
themselves into two parties, intending to have surprised the Dutch, who
had landed twenty-five men; but the firing of the guns frightened them
so much that they took to flight. Their canoes are made of the bark of
trees: their coast is dangerous: there is but little vegetation: the
people have no houses.”

“In 19 degrees, 35 minutes S., longitude 134 degrees (about 120 degrees
apparently), the inhabitants are very numerous, and threw stones at the
boats sent by the Dutch to the shore. They made fires and smoke all
along the coast, which it was conjectured they did to give notice to
their neighbours of strangers being upon the coast. They appear to live
very poorly; go naked; eat yams and other roots.”

This fragment of description is meagre enough; but it is all that we can
boast of possessing. It is further remarkable that those who have spoken
of the part of the coast visited by Tasman in this voyage, have led
their readers into a misconception by attributing the discovery of the
Gulf of Carpentaria to Carpenter, and of the northern Van Diemen’s Land
to the governor so named. So soon after the voyage as the year 1663, we
find Thevenot printing as follows: “We shall, in due course, give the
voyages of Carpenter and Diemen, to whom is due the principal honour of
this discovery. Van Diemen brought back gold, porcelain, and a thousand
other articles of wealth; which at first gave rise to the notion that
the country produced all these things: though it has been since
ascertained that what he brought was recovered from a vessel which had
been wrecked on these coasts. The mystery which the Dutch make of the
matter, and the difficulties thrown in the way of publishing what is
known about it, suggest the idea that the country is rich. But why
should they shew such jealousy with respect to a country which produces
nothing deserving so distant a journey?” La Neuville also, in his
_Histoire de Hollande_ (Paris, 1703, tom. ii, p. 213), speaking of Van
Diemen, says: “This latter not only examined the coasts of this great
land, but had two years previously sailed as far as 43 degrees towards
the antarctic pole, and discovered, on the 24th of November 1642, a new
country in the other continent, which now bears the name of Van Diemen’s
Land.” Here the very details clearly expose the nature of the mistake,
since the maps and the instructions to Tasman shew his second voyage to
have been in 1644, and the discovery of Van Diemen’s Land in 1642 is
known to be his beyond all dispute. The fact is moreover confirmed by
the identity of the names given to the tracts discovered in these two
voyages, viz. those of the principal members of the council and of Marie
van Diemen, to whom Tasman is supposed to have been attached.

Prévost, in his _Histoire des Voyages_ (Paris, 1753, tom. ii, p. 201),
says that Carpentaria was discovered by Carpenter in 1662. We then find
De Brosses correcting this statement (p. 433) by saying, “the Abbé
Prevost ought not to have stated that, in 1662, Carpentaria was
discovered by Pieter Carpenter, since he was Governor-General of the
Company of the Indies, and returned to Europe in June 1628 with five
vessels richly laden.” He then quotes the above passage from Thevenot,
and continues: “Unfortunately Thevenot has not fulfilled his promise
respecting Carpentaria. That learned collector was engaged in preparing,
at the time of his decease, a fifth volume of his collection, of which
some incomplete portions of what he had already published were found in
his cabinet. From amongst these I have extracted the journal of Captain
Tasman, who discovered Van Diemen’s Land. There was, however, nothing
respecting the voyage of Captain Carpenter, nor that of the
Governor-General, Van Diemen, even if he had left one: at least, if the
manuscripts of these voyages were there originally, it is not known what
has become of them.” De Brosses concludes by saying that his researches
in private collections and in printed geographical works had been
unsuccessful in procuring further information on the subject. Subsequent
geographers continued to attribute to Carpenter the discovery of
Carpentaria, and many of them to Van Diemen the discovery of the north
Van Diemen’s Land. In Dubois’ work, _Vies des Gouverneurs Généraux_,
already quoted, which was compiled in Holland from the manuscript
journals and registers from Batavia, he says expressly, p. 82, in
speaking of Carpenter, who was governor between 1623 and 1627: “Some
writers attribute to him personally the honour of the discovery of
Carpentaria, the southern land lying between New Guinea and New Holland;
but this is without any apparent foundation, inasmuch as they fix this
discovery in the year 1628, in which year he returned to Holland, on the
12th of June, with five vessels richly laden, having sailed from Batavia
on the 12th of November of the previous year.” It should, moreover, be
observed, that no evidence has been adduced of his having been on the
coast at all, while there is every reason to believe that the
exploration of the Gulf of Carpentaria was not only “achevé,” as M.
Eyriès suggests (p. 12, art. 1, vol. ii, of _Nouvelles Annales des
Voyages_), by Tasman in 1644, but accomplished by that navigator for the
first time. It might then be asked how comes it that Tasman, who had in
both his voyages so largely complimented the governor Van Diemen, by
giving his name and that of his daughter Maria, to whom he was attached,
to various points of his discovery, should finally give the name of
Carpenter to an important gulf and tract of country, when the governor
bearing that name had left Batavia sixteen years before? The answer is
readily given. The Governor and Company of Batavia formed a local
administration under the presidency of the Company of the Indies at
Amsterdam, which latter consisted of seventeen delegates from the
seventeen provinces of the Netherlands. In the year 1623, in which
Carpenter commenced his governorship in the east, an event occurred in
Amboina which threatened to produce a war between Holland and England.
Some English officials, in concert with some Japanese soldiers, had
formed a conspiracy to kill the Dutch in the island and to gain
possession of the fortress. The conspiracy was discovered, and the
governor had the conspirators put to death. In England the governor’s
conduct was regarded as a piece of heartless cruelty. Mutual
recriminations ensued, and for several years a contest between the two
countries was imminent. After Carpenter’s return to Holland in 1628, he
was sent out as one of a deputation to London on this subject despatched
in the year 1629. He was also appointed president of the Company of the
Indies in Amsterdam, which post he occupied till his death in 1659. It
need, therefore, no longer be subject of surprise that Tasman should
have given the name of Carpenter, the president of the Home Company of
the Indies, to an extensive country and gulf discovered by him in 1644.

We cannot dismiss our notice of this important voyage, which thus gave
the name of New Holland to the great South Land, without quoting the
remark of Thevenot in the _Relation de l’estat présent des Indes_,
prefixed to the second volume of his _Relation de Divers Voyages
Curieux_. He says: “The Dutch pretend to have a right to the southern
land which they have discovered.... They maintain that these coasts were
never known by the Portuguese or the other nations of Europe.... It is
to be noticed that all this extent of country falls within the line of
demarcation of the Dutch _East_ India Company, if we are to believe
their maps, and that this motive of interest has perhaps made them give
a false position to New Zealand, lest it should fall within the line of
demarcation of the Dutch _West_ India Company; for these two companies
are as jealous of each other, as they are of the other nations of
Europe.... It is to be observed, that although the Portuguese possess
many places in the Indies, they are extremely weak, by reason that their
enemies are masters of these seas and of the traffic which they
themselves formerly possessed.”

The observation would seem to imply that Thevenot, a Frenchman, was not
wanting in the belief that these coasts had really been discovered by
the Portuguese before they were visited by the Dutch, while it passes by
in silence any thought of a claim thereto on the part of his own
countrymen, a point worth noticing in connexion with the evidence of the
early French manuscript maps of which we have already so fully treated.

From the voyage of Tasman to the close of the seventeenth century, it is
probable that a considerable number of voyages were made to the west
coasts of New Holland, of which no account has ever been printed. By the
obliging and intelligent assistance of Mr. Frederick Müller, of
Amsterdam, (a rare example of a bookseller who interests himself not
only in obtaining curious early books illustrative of the history of his
country, but in minutely studying that history himself), the editor has
been enabled to procure some documents from the Hague, which have never
before been printed, and one which, although in print, has become
exceedingly scarce, and has never before been rendered into English.

The earliest of these is an account of the ship _De Vergulde Draeck_, on
the Southland, and the expedition undertaken both from Batavia and the
Cape of Good Hope in search of the survivors, etc., drawn up and
translated from authentic MS. copies of the logbooks in the Royal
Archives at the Hague. _De Vergulde Draeck_, which set sail from the
Texel in October 1655, was wrecked on a reef on the west coast, in
latitude 30 degrees, 40 minutes, and a hundred and eighteen souls were
lost. The news was brought to Batavia by one of the ship’s boats,
sixty-eight of the survivors having remained behind, exerting themselves
to get their boat afloat again, that they might send some more of their
number to Batavia. The Governor General immediately dispatched the
flyboat the _Witte Vaclk_, and the yacht the _Goede Hoop_, to the
assistance of those men, and also to help in the rescue of the specie
and merchandize lost in the _Vergulde Draeck_. This expedition was
attended with bad success, as they reached the coast in the winter time.
Similar ill luck attended the flyboat _Vinck_, which was directed to
touch at New Holland, in its voyage from the Cape to Batavia in 1657, to
search for the unfortunate men who had been left behind. The company
next dispatched from Batavia two galliots, the _Waeckende Boey_, and the
_Emeloort_, on the 1st of January, 1658. These vessels also returned to
Batavia in April of the same year, having each of them separated, after
parting company by the way, sailed backwards and forwards again and
again, and landed parties at several points along the coast. They had
also continually fired signal guns night and day, without, however,
discovering either any Dutchmen, or the wreck of the vessel. The only
things seen were some few planks and blocks, with a piece of the mast, a
taffrail, fragments of barrels, and other objects scattered here and
there along the coast, and supposed to be remnants of the wreck. This
account, with a description of the west coast of the South Land, by the
Captain Samuel Volkersen, of the Pink _Waeckende Boey_, is accompanied
by copies of original charts, showing the coast visited by this vessel
and the _Emeloort_, never before printed. These documents are followed
by an extract from the Burgomaster Witsen’s _Noord en Oost Tartarye_,
descriptive of the west coast, a portion of which is plainly derived
from the account of Abraham Leeman, the mate of the _Waeckende Boey_.

We must not here omit to mention, that in the year 1693, appeared a work
bearing the following title: Les Avantures de Jaques Sadeur dans la
découverte et le voyage de la Terre Australe, contenant les coutumes et
les mœurs des Australiens, leur religion, leurs exercises, leurs études,
leurs guerres, leurs animaux, particuliers à ce pays et toutes les
raretez curieuses qui s’y trouvent. À Paris, chez Claude Barbin, au
Palais, sur le second perron de la Sainte Chapelle, 1693. In the Vannes
edition, p. 3, the author’s Christian name is given Nicolas. An English
translation appeared in the same year, entitled “A new discovery of
Terra Incognita Australis, or the Southern World, by James Sadeur, a
Frenchman, who, being cast there by a shipwreck, lived thirty-five years
in that country, and gives a particular description of the manners,
customs, religion, laws, studies and wars of those southern people, and
of some animals peculiar to that place, with several other rarities.
These memoirs were thought so curious, that they were kept secret in the
closet of a late great minister of state, and never published till now,
since his death. Translated from the French copy printed at Paris by
publick authority, April 8. Imprimatur, Charles Hern, London. Printed
for John Dunton, at the Raven, in the Poultry, 1693.” The work is purely
fictitious throughout.

The next Dutch voyage of which we have succeeded in finding an account,
is that of Willem de Vlamingh, in 1696, which also owed its origin to
the loss of a ship, the _Ridderschap van Hollandt_. This vessel had been
missing from the time she had left the Cape of Good Hope in 1684 or
1685, and it was thought probable she might have been wrecked upon the
great South Land, and that some of the crew might, even after this lapse
of time, be still living. The commodore, Willem de Vlaming, who was
going out to India with the _Geelvink_, _Nyptang_, and _Wezel_, was,
therefore, ordered to make a search for them. The account of this
voyage, which was printed at Amsterdam in 1701, 4to, is exceedingly
scarce; and after many years enquiry, the editor deemed himself
fortunate in procuring it through the medium of Mr. Müller, of
Amsterdam, and a translation of it is here given. The search of De
Vlaming was, however, fruitless, and the two principal points of
interest were the finding of the plate already described, with the
inscription commemorating the arrival and departure of Dirk Hartog, in
1616, and the discovery of Swan River, where the embodiment of the
poet’s notion of a _rara avis in terris_ was for the first time
encountered, and two of the black swans were taken alive to Batavia.

Meanwhile, the shores of New Holland had been visited by a countryman of
our own, the celebrated Dampier. In the buccaneering expedition in which
he made a voyage round the world, he came upon the north-west coast in
16 degrees, 50 minutes due south from a shoal, whose longitude is now
known to be 122¼ degrees east. Running along the shore N.E. by E.,
twelve leagues to a bay or opening convenient for landing, a party was
sent ashore to search for water, and surprised some of the natives, some
of whom they tried to induce to help in filling the water casks, and
conveying them to the boat. “But all the signs we could make,” says
Dampier, “were to no purpose; for they stood like statues, staring at
one another, and grinning like so many monkeys. These poor creatures
seem not accustomed to carry burdens; and I believe one of our ship’s
boys, of ten years old, would carry as much as one of their men.” In his
description of the natives, he agrees with Tasman in their being “a
naked black people, with curly hair, like that of the negroes in Guinea;
but he mentions other circumstances which are not mentioned in the note
from Tasman.” He describes them as “the most miserable people in the
world. The Hottentots compared with them are gentlemen. They have no
houses, animals, or poultry; their persons are tall, straight bodied,
thin, with long limbs; they have great heads, round foreheads, and great
brows; their eyelids are always half closed, to keep the flies out of
their eyes, for they are so troublesome here, that no fanning will keep
them from one’s face; so that, from their infancy, they never open their
eyes as other people do, and therefore they cannot see far, unless they
hold up their heads as if they were looking at something over them. They
have great bottle noses, full lips, wide mouths; the two fore teeth of
the upper jaw are wanting in all of them; neither have they any beard.
Their hair is short, black and curled, and their skins coal black, like
that of the negroes in Guinea. Their only food is fish, and they
consequently search for them at low water; and they make little weirs or
dams with stones across little coves of the sea. At one time, our boat
being among the islands, seeking for game, espied a drove of these
people swimming from one island to another, for they have neither boats,
canoes, nor bark logs.” Dampier remained there from January 5 to March
12, 1688, but is silent as to any dangers upon the twelve leagues of
coast seen by him.

In the year 1699, Great Britain being at peace with the other maritime
states of Europe, king William ordered an expedition for the discovery
of new countries, and for the examination of some of those already
discovered, particularly New Holland and New Guinea. Dampier’s graphic
narrative of his buccaneering voyages caused the Earl of Pembroke to
select him to conduct the expedition. The _Roebuck_, a ship belonging to
the royal navy, was equipped for the purpose. After a voyage of six
months, Dampier struck soundings in the night of August 1st, 1699, upon
the northern part of the Abrolhos shoal, in latitude about 27 degrees,
40 minutes S. Next morning he saw the main coast, and ran northward
along it, discovering in 26 degrees, 10 minutes, an opening two leagues
wide, but full of rocks and foul ground. August 6th, he anchored in Dirk
Hartog’s Road, at the entrance of a sound which he named Shark’s Bay:
where he remained eight days examining the sound, cutting wood upon the
islands, fishing, etc., and gives a description of what was seen in his
usual circumstantial manner. His description of the kangaroo, probably
the first ever given of that singular animal, is a curious one. “The
land animals we saw here were only a sort of raccoons, but different
from those of the West Indies, chiefly as to their legs; for these have
very short forelegs, but go jumping, and like the raccoons are very good

Sailing northward along the coast, he found an archipelago extending
twenty leagues in length, which has been more recently examined by
Captain King. He anchored in lat. 20 degrees, 21 minutes, under one of
the largest of the islands, which he named Rosemary Island. This was
near the southern part of De Witt’s Land; but besides an error in
latitude of 40 minutes, he complains that in Tasman’s charts “the shore
is laid down as all along joining in one body or continent, with some
openings like rivers, and not like islands, as really they are.” “By
what we saw of them, they must have been a range of islands, of about
twenty leagues in length, stretching from E.N.E. to W.S.W., and, for
aught I know, as far as to those of Shark’s Bay; and to a considerable
breadth also, for we could see nine or ten leagues in amongst them,
towards the continent or main land of New Holland, _if there be any such
thing hereabouts_: and by the great tides I met with awhile afterwards
more to the north-east, I had a strong suspicion that here might be a
kind of archipelago of islands; and a passage, possibly, to the south of
New Holland and New Guinea, into the great South Sea eastward.

“Not finding fresh water upon such of the islands as were visited that
day, Captain Dampier quitted his anchorage next morning, and ‘steered
away E.N.E., coasting along as the land lies.’ He seems to have kept the
land in sight, in the daytime, at the distance of four to six leagues;
but the shore being low, this was too far for him to be certain whether
all was main land which he saw; and what might have been passed in the
night was still more doubtful.

“August 30th, being in latitude 18 degrees, 21 minutes, and the weather
fair, Captain Dampier steered in for the shore; and anchored in eight
fathoms, about three-and-a-half leagues off. The tide ran ‘very swift
here; so that our nun-buoy would not bear above the water to be seen. It
flows here, as on that part of New Holland I described formerly, about
five fathoms.’

“He had hitherto seen no inhabitants; but now met with several. The
place at which he had touched in the former voyage ‘was not above forty
or fifty leagues to the north-east of this. And these were much the same
blinking creatures (here being also abundance of the same kind of flesh
flies teizing them), and with the same black skins, and hair frizzled,
tall and thin, etc., as those were. But we had not the opportunity to
see whether these, as the former, wanted two of their fore teeth.’ One
of them, who was supposed to be a chief, ‘was painted with a circle of
white paste or pigment about his eyes, and a white streak down his nose,
from his forehead to the tip of it. And his breast, and some part of his
arms, were also made white with the same paint.’

“Neither bows nor arrows were observed amongst these people: they used
wooden lances, such as Dampier had before seen. He saw no houses at
either place, and believed they had none; but there were several ‘things
like haycocks, standing in the savannah; which, at a distance, we
thought were houses, looking just like the Hottentots’ houses at the
Cape of Good Hope; but we found them to be so many rocks.’ These rocks
he could not have examined very closely; for there can be little doubt
that they were the anthills described by Pelsart as being ‘so large,
that they might have been taken for the houses of Indians.’

“The land near the sea coast is described as equally sandy with the
parts before visited, and producing, amongst its scanty vegetation,
nothing for food. No stream of fresh water was seen, nor could any, fit
to drink, be procured by digging.

“Quitting this inhospitable shore, Captain Dampier weighed his anchor on
September 5th, with the intention of seeking water and refreshments
further on to the north-eastward. The shoals obliged him to keep at a
considerable distance from the land, and finally, when arrived at the
latitude of 16 degrees, 9 minutes, to give up his project, and direct
his course for Timor.”

With the voyage of Dampier terminates the information gained of the
western coasts previously to the present century, which does not lie
within the range of our inquiries.

In 1705 another and last voyage was made by the Dutch for the discovery
of the north coast. The expedition consisted of three vessels, the
_Vossenbosch_, the _Wayer_, and the _Nova Hollandia_. The commander was
Martin van Delft. The journals appear to have been lost. At all events
they have not hitherto been found, but a report to the Governor-General
and Council of the discoveries and notable occurrences in the
expedition, was drawn from the written journals and verbal recitals of
the officers on their return, by the Councillors Extraordinary, Hendrick
Swaardecroon and Cornelis Chastelijn. This report is given for the first
time in English in the present collection, from which it appears that
the part of the coast visited was carefully explored, and that the Dutch
had intercourse with the natives, a result in which De Vlaming’s
expedition had entirely failed. In the miscellaneous tracts of Nicholas
Struyck, printed at Amsterdam, 1753, is also given an imperfect account
of this voyage as follows: “March 1st, 1705. Three Dutch vessels were
sent from Timor with order to explore the north coast of New Holland,
better than it had before been done. They carefully examined the coasts,
sand banks, and reefs. In their route to it, they did not meet with any
land, but only some rocks above water, in 11 degrees, 52 minutes south
latitude” (probably, says Flinders, the south part of the great Sahul
Bank, which, according to Captain Peter Heywood, who saw it in 1801,
lies in 11 degrees 40 minutes). “They saw the west coast of New Holland,
four degrees to the eastward of the east point of Timor. From thence
they continued their route towards the north, and passed a point, off
which lies a bank of sand above water, in length more than five German
miles of fifteen to a degree. After which they made sail to the east,
along the coast of New Holland; observing everything with care, until
they came to a gulf, the head of which they did not quite reach. I
(Struyck) have seen a chart made of these parts.”

Flinders remarks upon this account, “What is here called the west must
have been the north-west coast,” and he is right; for in the report here
printed, the country is called “Van Diemen’s Land,” lying, as we know,
on the north-west coast of New Holland, already in this introduction
frequently referred to in distinction from the island more generally so
known, and now called Tasmania. Flinders continues: “which the vessels
appear to have made somewhat to the south of the western Cape Van
Diemen. The point which they passed was probably this same cape itself;
and in a chart, published by Mr. Dalrymple, August 27th, 1783, from a
Dutch manuscript (possibly a copy of that which Struyck had seen), a
shoal, of thirty geographic miles in length, is marked as running off
from it, but incorrectly, according to Mr. M’Cluer. The gulf here
mentioned was probably a deep bay in Arnhem’s Land; for had it been the
Gulf of Carpentaria, some particular mention of the great change in the
direction of the coast would, doubtless, have been made.”

In the year 1718 a Mons. Jean Pierre Purry, of Neufchatel, published a
work entitled, _Mémoire sur le Pays des Caffres et la Terre de Nuyts par
rapport à l’utilité que la Compagnie des Indes Orientales en pourroit
rétirer pour son Commerce_, followed by a second memoir in the same
year. These publications were explanatory of a project he entertained of
founding a colony in the land of Nuyts. The scheme had been submitted to
the Governor-General, Van Swoll, at Batavia, but was discountenanced. It
subsequently met the same fate when laid by its author before the
Directors of the Dutch East India Company at Amsterdam. M. Purry shortly
afterwards brought his proposition before the West India Company, and it
was supposed by some that the voyage of Roggeween to the South Seas in
1721 was a result of this application; but it is distinctly stated by
Valentyn that it was an entirely distinct expedition. In 1699
Roggeween’s father had submitted to the West India Company a detailed
memoir on the discovery of the southern land; but the contentions
between Holland and Spain prevented the departure of the fleet destined
for the expedition, and it was forgotten. Roggeween, however, who had
received his father’s dying injunctions to prosecute this enterprize,
succeeded at length in gaining the countenance of the directors, and was
himself appointed commander of the three ships which were fitted out by
the company for the expedition. According to Valentyn, the principal
object of this voyage was the search for certain “islands of gold,”
supposed to lie in 56 degrees south latitude; but the professed purpose
was distinctly avowed by Roggeween to be directed to the south lands.
Although the expedition resulted in some useful discoveries, it did not
touch the shores of New Holland.

The last document in the collection here printed is a translation from a
little work published in Dutch, in 1857, by Mr. P. A. Leupe, Captain of
Marines in the Dutch Navy, “The Houtman’s Abrolhos in 1727,” detailing
the disasters of which those dangerous shoals had been the cause.

It will be seen that we have been unable to supply any descriptive
account of discoveries on the eastern coast of Australia. That it was
really discovered, and in all probability by the Portuguese, in the
early part of the sixteenth century, we have already endeavoured to
show. During more than two centuries from that period, it was probably
never visited by any European. The honour of exploring that portion of
the great island was reserved for the immortal Cook, who first saw that
coast on April 19th, 1770, but a reference to such well known
explorations certainly does not fall within the scope of antiquarian
investigation. The like may be said of the first visit to Van Diemen’s
Land, subsequent to Tasman’s discovery in 1642, which was made by Marion
a hundred and thirty years later.

In conclusion, it would be inappropriate to omit the remark that it is
to that most able and distinguished voyager, Matthew Flinders, to whose
valuable work, _A Voyage to Terra Australis_, the editor has been
greatly indebted for help in this introduction, that we have to give the
credit for the compact and useful name which Australia now bears. In a
note on page 111 of his introduction, he modestly says, “Had I permitted
myself any innovation upon the original term [Terra Australis], it would
have been to convert it into Australia, as being more agreeable to the
ear, and an assimilation to the names of the other great portions of the

                  *       *       *       *       *

It has been the habit, for the most part, of editors of works for the
Hakluyt Society, to endeavour to elucidate their text by introductions,
which have often reached to a considerable length. A very slight
consideration of the nature of the subjects which the Society professes
to deal with, will show the reasonableness, nay, even the necessity of
such introductions. When the attention of a reader is invited to the
narrative of a voyage, however interesting and curious in itself, which
carries him back to a remote period, it is but reasonable that he should
have explained to him the position which such a narrative, arbitrarily
selected, holds in the history of the exploration of the country treated
of. To do this satisfactorily is clearly a task requiring no little
labour, and although it may necessarily involve a somewhat lengthy
dissertation, certainly calls for no apology. Nevertheless, the simple
fact of an introduction bearing a length at all approaching to that of
the text itself, as is the case in the present volume, does, beyond
question, at the first blush, justly require an explanation. All the
publications of our Society consist of previously unpublished documents,
or are reprints or translations of narratives of early voyages become
exceedingly rare. But it is evidently matter of accident to what length
the text may extend, while it is equally evident that the introductory
matter illustrative of a small amount of text may be, of necessity,
longer than that required to illustrate documents of greater extent.
This is strikingly the case with the subject of the present volume. It
has been matter of good fortune that the editor has been enabled to
bring together even so many documents as are here produced, in
connection with the early discoveries of Australia, while the
enigmatical suggestions of early maps, unaccompanied by any descriptive
matter to be found after diligent research, has necessitated an inquiry
into their merits, which, though lengthy, it is hoped will not be deemed
unnecessary. This so called introduction in fact, in a great measure,
consists of matter, which, if supplied by original documents, would form
a component part of the text itself.

The editor cannot close his labours on this most puzzling subject of the
“Early Indications of Australia,” without expressing an earnest hope
that further researches may yet result in the production of documents,
as yet undiscovered, which may throw a light upon the history of the
exploration of this interesting country in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, and, if possible, solve the great mystery which still hangs
over the origin of the early manuscript maps so fully treated of, and it
is hoped not without some advance towards elucidation, in this

                       INDICATIONS OF AUSTRALIA,

                               A MEMORIAL
                        BY DR. JUAN LUIS ARIAS,

SIRE,—The memorial of the Doctor Juan Luis Arias showeth: That in
consideration of the great advantage which will accrue to the service of
Your Majesty, to the extension of the Catholic Church, and to the
increase of our holy faith, from the conversion of the gentiles of the
southern land, which is the principal obligation to which Your Majesty
and your crown are pledged, he now earnestly begs (great as have been
his former importunities) to solicit Your Majesty’s consideration to
that which is here set forth. At the instance of the fathers of the
Seraphic order of St. Francis, and in particular of the father Fray Juan
de Silva, he has composed a treatise dedicated to his most serene
highness the Infant Don Ferdinand,[8] from which a judgment may be
formed of the temperature, productions, and population of the southern
hemisphere, and every other point desirable to be understood with
respect to its most extensive provinces and kingdoms. He has done this
with a view to its discovery, and the spiritual and evangelical
conquest, and bringing in to our holy faith and Catholic religion of its
numberless inhabitants, who are so long waiting for this divine and
celestial benefit at the hand of Your Majesty. It is a subject upon
which the father Fray Juan de Silva has bestowed the most serious
attention, and for which he is most anxiously solicitous; for all his
order desire to be engaged in this mighty enterprise, which is one of
the greatest that the Catholic Church ever has or ever can undertake,
and the accomplishment of which it is the duty of all us her faithful
sons to pray should be accelerated as much as possible. For the English
and Dutch heretics, whom the devil unites for this purpose by every
means in his power, most diligently continue the exploration, discovery,
and colonization of the principal ports of this large part of the world
in the Pacific Ocean, and sow in it the most pernicious poisons of their
apostasy, which they put forth with the most pressing anxiety in advance
of us, who should put forth the sovereign light of the gospel. This they
are now perseveringly doing in that great continent in which are the
provinces of Florida, and they will afterwards proceed to do the same
with New Spain, and then with New Mexico, the kingdom of Quivira, the
Californias, and other most extensive provinces. For which purpose, and
for other reasons connected with their machinations against our kingdom,
they have already colonized Virginia. To further the same object also,
they have fortified and colonized Bermuda, and continue most zealously
and rapidly sowing the infernal poison of their heresy, and infecting
with it the millions upon millions of excellent people who inhabit those
regions. From Virginia also they are advancing most rapidly inland, with
the most ardent desire to deprive the Catholic Church of the inestimable
treasure of an infinite number of souls; and to found in that land an
empire, in which they will at length possess much better and richer
Indies than our own, and from which position they will be able to lord
it absolutely over all our territories, and over all our navigation and
commerce with the West Indies. This is a most grievous case for us, and
most offensive to our Lord God and His Church, and this kingdom has
reason to dread from so mischievous a state of things very great
injuries from the hands of these enemies, and no less punishment from
the divine indignation for having allowed these basilisks to locate
themselves in such a position; from whence, before we of the Catholic
Church arrive with the preaching of the gospel with which we are
commissioned, they draw to themselves and infect with the depravity of
their apostasy that countless number of gentiles which inhabit the said
provinces, and which cover a greater surface of land than all Europe.

But as the said treatise of the southern hemisphere has not yet been put
into a form to be communicated, which will soon be done, I have resolved
herein to relate to Your Majesty, although very briefly, some of its
contents; in order, meanwhile, to afford the necessary information
concerning these southern lands, whither it is proposed to set on foot
so great and mighty an undertaking as the evangelical and spiritual
conquest of the said hemisphere.

In order to understand the question, it must be premised that the whole
globe of earth and water is divided into two equal parts or halves by
the equinoctial line. The northern hemisphere, which stretches from the
equinoctial to the Arctic Pole, contains all which has been hitherto
discovered and peopled in Asia, Europe, and the chief part of Africa.
The remaining half, or southern hemisphere, which reaches from the
equinoctial to the Antarctic Pole, comprises part of what we call
America, and the whole of that Austral land, the discovery and apostolic
conquest of which is now treated of. Now, if we except from this
southern hemisphere all that there is of Africa lying between the
equinoctial line and the Cape of Good Hope, and all that there is of
Peru from the parallel of the said equinoctial line, which passes near
Quito, down to the straits of Magellan, and that small portion of land
which lies to the south of the strait, all the rest of the firm land of
the said southern hemisphere remains to be discovered. Thus of the whole
globe, there is little less than one entire half which remains to be
discovered, and to have the gospel preached in it; and this discovery
and evangelical conquest forms the principal part of the obligation
under which these kingdoms lie for the preaching of the gospel to the
gentiles, in conformity with the agreement made with the Catholic Church
and its head, the supreme pontiffs Alexander VI and Paul III.

Some one will say, that what has been stated is contradictory to what
the Apostle understands as meant by the Psalmist with reference to the
preaching of the gospel, where he says; “Their sound is gone out into
every land, and their words unto the ends of the world.” For the
Apostle, speaking of the conversion of the gentiles, says thus: “How
shall they call upon Him in whom they have not believed? and how shall
they believe in Him of whom they have not heard? or how shall they hear
without a preacher? and how shall they preach except they be sent? As it
is written, How beautiful are the feet of them that preach the gospel of
peace, and bring glad tidings of good things.” Then shortly after the
Apostle saith: “But I say, Have they not heard? Yes verily, their sound
is gone out into all the earth, and their words unto the ends of the
world.” According to which it seems that it must be affirmed, either
that then or now the preaching of the gospel has already had its course,
and its voice gone out throughout all the world, or that the gospel was
to be only preached for the most part in the northern hemisphere and in
some very small part of the aforesaid lands of Africa and Peru in the
southern, and that in the remainder of the world there is no population
or discovered land-surface uncovered by water where there could be
populations or habitations, and thus that the voice of the gospel has
already run its course as far as it can, and that in the rest of the
southern hemisphere there is no provision for it. To all this I reply,
that these words of the Psalmist were a prophecy of the preaching of the
gospel, speaking out of the past into the future with the infallible
certainty of prophecy. And although the Apostle, in quoting the said
passage of the Psalmist, seems to affirm that already in his time the
preaching of the gospel had had its course throughout the world, it is
to be understood that he speaks in the sense of the aforesaid prophecy;
that the preaching and the voice of the gospel had to run, and not that
it had already run throughout the whole of the globe, since his
quotation of the said passage of the Psalmist was made at so early a
period that the gospel was then preached only in a small part of the
northern hemisphere.

The passage of the Apostle where he so speaks may be also thus
understood: he could not say that the gentiles did not hear the voice or
word of the gospel to their conversion, because already it has gone
forth from the apostolic seminary for the conversion of all the earth;
and in order that it may reach to its boundaries, so that no portion of
the gentiles throughout the whole world should remain to which it should
not reach, and into which it should not penetrate. Moreover it may be
understood in this sense, that he speaks of the gentiles (after the
consummation of the preaching of the gospel) as placed at the divine
tribunal, and as giving to understand that those who would not be
converted should have no remission; and on this point the Apostle puts
the following question: “Haply all have not heard the word of the
gospel, else if they had heard it would they not have embraced it?” and
that they had all heard it is a certain thing, since the sound of the
gospel voice has sounded throughout all the earth; so that in all these
senses this expression of the Apostle may be understood without
opposition in any way to the strictness of its genuine and literal
meaning. And if any one should say that the nearest explanation of the
passage would be, that the sound of the preaching of the gospel might
reach to the ends of the earth in the interval which took place between
the time when the Apostles went forth to preach the gospel, after the
Redeemer had gone up to heaven, and the time when St. Paul said these
words,—the answer is, that although the preaching of the gospel may have
travelled far in the said interval, it did not extend over any great
part even of the northern hemisphere, as is very manifest; and thus the
southern hemisphere still remained, and has remained until now, without
the voice of the gospel being preached or sounded in it, always
excepting those parts of Africa and Peru which are comprehended therein,
but which, when its extent is considered, form a very small part of it.
Moreover, the equinoctial line, which is, as it were, the boundary of
the two hemispheres, may be understood to represent the ends of the
earth, to some parts of which the preaching of the gospel might reach in
the said interval. But this is not contradictory to our proposition, and
if due consideration be given to the subject it will be seen, that
Christ our Redeemer has pointed out to us with much clearness, that this
preaching of the gospel in the southern hemisphere should take place
after that in the north; for in giving charge to His Apostles, and
through them to those apostolic men who should succeed them, that they
should preach the gospel, it appears that He gave them to understand
that that charge was principally and directly given for the northern
hemisphere; for He spoke to them in this manner: “Other sheep I have,
which are not of this fold: them also I must bring, and they shall hear
my voice; and there shall be one fold, and one shepherd.” Now although
some Greek and Latin doctors have understood that by these two folds the
Redeemer meant, firstly, that of the Jews, who were to be brought into
the Church, and who, from the commencement of the preaching of the
gospel, would continue to be converted; and secondly, that of the
gentiles, which He pointed out thus distinctly because it was to be the
principal fold; yet the said passage is not well explained in this
manner, as time and the progress of gospel preaching have since shown;
and inasmuch as it would follow from the said interpretation that, in
some sense, the Redeemer had committed to the Apostles the preaching to
the Jews only, and, as by original intention, reserved to Himself the
preaching to the gentiles; that was not the case, since the preaching to
all the principal of the gentiles of the northern hemisphere was divided
among the Apostles, and, in fact, they continued carrying out the
injunction. The subsequent election also of the Apostle who was the
chosen vessel for preaching to the gentiles, must be understood in the
same manner. Thus our Lord and Redeemer made a distinction in this
passage between the two principal folds which were to be brought into
the pale of the Church. The first, that of all the gentiles of the
northern hemisphere, the immediate preaching to whom was enjoined upon
the Apostles; the other, that of the southern hemisphere, whose
conversion to our holy faith He appears to have reserved to Himself when
He says, that they should take care to bring within the pale of the
Church the sheep of the northern hemisphere, and that He would take upon
Himself the charge of bringing in the others as in His own person. And
it is a very certain fact that that injunction is now in course of being
carried out, from the Franciscan order having gone forth and undertaken
the extension of this great enterprise. For its seraphic and sovereign
chief, the most glorious patriarch St. Francis, possessed in his own
person so express and true an image of the Redeemer, that it might very
well be said that the fold of the southern hemisphere should be brought
in by Him in person, it being that which that exalted patriarch reserved
to himself to bring in to the pale of the Church through the medium of
the faithful sons of his institute and order. Thus it is seen in this
passage in how great esteem the Almighty Lord held this extensive and
precious fold of the southern hemisphere, which His Church hopes for;
since He says that the sheep thereof, as those which are most chosen and
drawn by His hand or by that of His seraphic and sovereign standard
bearer, are to hear His voice with the most singular affection and
devotion, receive His doctrine and faith and be most faithful to Him,
continuing always most constant and firm therein; not like those of the
northern hemisphere, amongst whom there has been so great a defection
and apostasy, so great a number of provinces of the northern hemisphere
having deserted their faith and apostatized. So that the Catholic faith,
in the purity in which the Apostles preached it, may be said to remain
only in that little portion which is governed by the head of the Church
and in these kingdoms of Spain, in which the divine providence by such
great means preserves it as a chosen seminary and as a refined and pure
plantation of religion, from which it should be transplanted to that
southern hemisphere. And thus the sovereign commission to preach the
gospel to the said southern hemisphere appertained as of necessity to
those kingdoms, as those which the Redeemer had distinguished and
preferred to the rest, in order that they should attract that
hemisphere, which is to be the most enlightened of the Catholic and
faithful fold of His Church. Whence it follows, that the principal
compact and agreement into which these kingdoms have entered with the
Church in undertaking to preach the gospel, is directed towards the
preaching to the aforesaid southern hemisphere.

Some one, however, may say in opposition to the above arguments, that
the commission which the Redeemer gave to the Apostles to preach the
gospel should be understood as being general, and therefore applying to
both hemispheres, in accordance with what He said to them before He
ascended into heaven: “Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel
to every creature.” As also relates St. Matthew: “All power is given to
me in heaven and in earth. Go ye therefore, and teach all nations,
baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the
Holy Ghost.” The same also is written by the evangelist St. Luke. The
answer to all this is, that it in no sense contradicts the distinction
which has been made between the two principal folds of the gentiles
which had to be taken from these two hemispheres; for in the passages
quoted, Christ our Redeemer speaks in the persons of the Apostles, with
all the apostolic men and preachers of the gospel who were to succeed
them until the end of the world; but that which He committed to them
bore immediate reference to the northern hemisphere, which was that
which they divided amongst themselves and where they preached, for not
one of the Apostles has been understood to have passed to the southern
hemisphere. The words also which the Redeemer added in the
abovementioned passage: “And there shall be one fold and one shepherd,”
prove that He there speaks of the fold which was to be converted from
the southern hemisphere; because, until that hemisphere be settled, the
preaching of the gospel will not have been consummated, and consequently
the making one fold of the two hemispheres under one shepherd cannot be
verified. Thus the conversion and spiritual and evangelical conquest of
the southern hemisphere has remained to be effected by the Apostolic men
of this kingdom.

Moreover, long ago, the Divine Majesty foretold this same thing by the
prophet Obadiah, who says thus: “The captivity of Jerusalem, which is in
the Bosphorus, shall possess the cities of the south, and Saviours shall
come up on Mount Sion to judge the Mount of Esau.” And where our Vulgate
puts Bosphorus the Hebrew text says Sepharat, which signifies Spain,
according to the Chaldaic paraphrast and the Sederholan of the Hebrews
and Rabbi Zonathas Abenuciel and many other Hebrews. And it is with much
propriety that, in the place of Spain, our interpreter has put
Bosphorus, for that word signifies the passage of an ox, that is to say,
a strait. Now there are in the Mediterranean three straits of this name;
one is called the Thracian Bosphorus, which is that of Constantinople,
which is the passage from the said Mediterranean to the Black Sea;
another is called the Cimmerian Bosphorus, which is the passage from the
Black Sea to the Lake Meotis; the third is the Gaditan Bosphorus, which
is the Strait of Gibraltar. When, therefore, hydrographers speak of the
Bosphorus alone without addition, it is understood to mean the principal
one in the Mediterranean, by which it communicates with the ocean, and
therefore the prophet Obadiah meant the same when he said “the captivity
of Jerusalem which is in the Bosphorus,” that is to say, which is in
Spain. But, as has been said, our translator has with much propriety and
in accordance with the intention of the prophet, given Bosphorus as the
rendering for the word Sepharat; for although the transmigration of
Jerusalem which was in Spain was to possess the cities of the south, its
conquerors had to go forth principally from that part of Spain which is
nearest to the Bosphorus or Strait of Gibraltar, as is seen to be the

The literal meaning of this prophecy therefore is, that the
transmigration of Jerusalem which was in the Bosphorus, that is to say,
the Spaniards who have been the most constant of the faithful, and to
whom was transmitted the perseverance of the faith of Abraham and Jacob,
are to possess the cities of the south, that is to say, the southern
hemisphere, gaining over it a spiritual and apostolical conquest by the
preaching of the gospel. And then the saviours, who are the preachers of
the gospel and who bring salvation to the gentile, shall come up on
Mount Sion to judge the Mount of Esau, which is as much as to say, they
shall ascend to the highest climax of the sovereign virtues, from whence
they shall announce to the gentiles the true knowledge of their Creator
and Redeemer. And thus they shall judge them by condemning and
extirpating their errors, and reducing them to the purity of our holy
faith. After their conversion also, they shall judge them at the divine
tribunal of the sacrament of penitence. The prophet concludes by saying:
“And the kingdom shall be the Lord’s.” For when these Catholic kingdoms
shall have drawn to the faith this southern hemisphere and shall have
proclaimed and sung this glorious victory, the Redeemer will have made
perfect the kingdom of His Church, which now is defective in the
greatest part from not having accomplished this grand object. Hence it
may be gathered how great a service this will be to the Redeemer, and
how blessed will be the prince of this monarchy who shall undertake and
complete it. Thus it has been seen that the prophet Obadiah prophecied
to the letter the conquest and spiritual possession of the southern
hemisphere, through the medium of the preaching of the gospel by the
Spanish nation, which has preserved in its integrity the faith of the
Redeemer and of His Catholic Church.

Some have asked, as already pointed out, whether the southern hemisphere
be not all water, forming, as it were, a great part of the ocean, so as
to leave but little of the surface of the earth in it uncovered. The
reply to this is, that, according to what we are taught by sacred writ
and by philosophical reasoning, there is proportionably as great a
surface of land uncovered in the southern hemisphere as in the northern.
For the fiat of the Creator, that the waters should be collected into
certain hollows of the earth, in order that there should remain
uncovered the portion that was necessary for the production of
vegetation, as where He says in Genesis the 1st: “Let the waters under
the heaven be gathered together into one place, and let the dry land
appear,” supposes this water to have been created an entire orb, which
covered and surrounded the whole of the earth, in the same manner as we
reckon the positions of the elements; the land the lowest, in the middle
of which is the centre of the whole elementary and celestial machine,
then the water, and after that the air and igneous substance or the
fire, which reaches its culmination or convex part in the concave of the
celestial firmament. Then if, when God commanded that the waters should
be gathered together, it was to be understood solely with reference to
the northern hemisphere, the water in the southern hemisphere would
remain as it was, surrounding and covering all, and the whole sphere of
water could not be contained beneath one spherical surface equidistant
to the centre of gravity, which always seeks to be united with the
centre of the whole machine. And thus all the water of the southern
hemisphere would be more remote from the said centre than that of the
other hemisphere, without being contained in any sinus, and thus would
be much higher, and naturally could not contain itself without flowing
towards the other hemisphere, until it placed itself in equilibrium with
the said centre of gravity; as is plainly gathered from the
demonstration of Archimedes, in his work “De Insidentibus Aquæ,” and is
manifestly seen in the ebb and flow of the ocean; in which it is
observed, that when the water rises above the surface of equidistance
from its centre of gravity, it immediately outflows its ordinary limits
until it finds its level with that surface; so that the gathering
together of the waters was proportional in the two halves of the sphere
of earth and water, gathering itself into certain hollows of the earth,
which also have their means of correspondence between the two
hemispheres. For as the quiet and equilibrium of the parts of the earth
and water with respect to the centre of gravity consist in the equal
tendencies of the opposite parts towards the same centre, it follows
that the sinuses or receptacles of water in the one half are nearly
proportioned in their position and other respects to those of the other.
From all which it follows, that in the southern hemisphere there is an
uncovered surface of land correspondent, or nearly so, to that which has
been discovered in the northern hemisphere.

If any one should say in opposition to the above argument, that the
Psalmist appears to assert that the hemisphere opposite to the northern
was entirely covered with water, when he says: “Who stretcheth out the
earth above the waters, for His mercy endureth for ever;”—in which the
real meaning of the royal prophet would seem to be, that that half of
the earth which is between the equinoctial and the Arctic pole was that
which was peopled, and that, as by a miracle, all the earth was
stretched out above the waters, which covered the other half as far as
the Antarctic pole—the answer is, that the Psalmist does not intend to
say absolutely that the earth is stretched out above the waters; for
that is impossible, since these two bodies, earth and water, gravitate
towards the centre of gravity, which is that of the mass or sphere of
land and water, and thus of necessity the water upon the earth is
contained in its hollows; but, as by an allegory, he said that it might
seem to those who inhabit the one hemisphere, that the land was
stretched upon the waters which extended towards the other hemisphere,
as it is our custom in imagination to think that the antipodes are below
those to whom they are antipodes, it being in conformity to the law of
gravitation that both one and the other are alike uppermost, and the
lower part, which is the centre of gravity, towards which both incline,
is common to all.

And thus, in agreement with this, the same prophet, speaking of the
divine foundation of the earth, says also in another place: “Who hath
founded the earth upon its own stability, that it shall not be moved for
ever;” which was as much as to say, that the earth has no other
stability or foundation for its remaining in the position in which it is
but its own stability, which consists in the equal tendencies of its
opposite parts towards the centre of gravity, a law to which the water
also is subjected, and, as it rests upon the earth, it keeps the same
relation to the centre of gravity; from all which results the aforesaid
equalization of the whole mass of earth and water to that centre, and in
this consists its stability. Hence it follows that the Psalmist, in the
passage first quoted, spoke generally of the two hemispheres; since the
inhabitants of each one might imagine to themselves that all the earth
of that hemisphere was kept in its place by the water contained in the
hollows of the other. The expression that the earth never shall move at
any time, implies that it is naturally impossible that its centre of
gravity should be moved from the centre of the entire elementary and
celestial system, for that would be that gravitation should ascend or
move upwards. Hence the statement of the Psalmist in no way opposes what
has been demonstrated, that there is as much surface of land uncovered
and free from water in the southern hemisphere as there is in the

Also, if we recur to the celestial influences which, in regard to
temperature, affect the earth and water with dryness and cold, heat and
moisture, cold and moisture, and heat and dryness, and cause some parts
of the earth to be uncovered by water and to be kept dry, while others
remain under water; these are the influences of the fixed stars, which
are vertical to the southern hemisphere, and as efficacious as those of
the northern hemisphere for keeping the parts of the said southern
hemisphere dry, uncovered, and habitable, as may be proved by observing
the celestial objects which correspond to each hemisphere; when it will
be seen that, of the forty-eight fixed stars, four-and-twenty correspond
to each hemisphere, and also of the twelve signs of the zodiac, six
belong to each; so that it cannot be doubted that there is in the
southern hemisphere at least as great a part of the earth’s surface
uncovered as in the north. Now it is consequently manifest that this
part of the earth is as fertile and habitable as the northern
hemisphere, for the south has of necessity the same distribution of
zones as the north; that is to say, half of the torrid zone from the
equinoctial line to the tropic of Capricorn, then the temperate zone
from that to the Antarctic circle, and then that which lies between the
Antarctic circle and the Antarctic pole; and those zones in the two
hemispheres which correspond to each other, have (allowance being made
for the natural motion of the sun through the ecliptic) the same, or
nearly the same temperature, excepting such differences as are caused by
certain vertical stars and the various form, arrangement, and
temperament of the land, from which it occurs that in the hottest part
of a zone there are some spots very temperate and cool. And thus in
those zones which are generally cold, there are some parts which are
milder and very free from the severity of the cold. And if particular
consideration be given to the influences produced on temperature by the
constellations belonging to the southern hemisphere, it will be found
that there are lands in it, not only as habitable, but much more so than
in the other hemisphere; and it has been seen by experience, from the
discoveries which have been made in that half of the torrid zone which
is south of the equator, that whereas the ancients considered its heat
to be so excessive that it was utterly uninhabitable, there have been
found in it parts as habitable and of as mild a temperature as in the
most temperate and habitable parts of Spain. This has been shown in the
country of the Baia de Sanfelipe y Santiago, discovered by captain Pedro
Fernandez de Quiros, which is very near to the middle of the southern
half of the torrid zone, where, in the month of May, was found the same
mildness of temperature, the same songs of birds in the twilight, the
same agreeableness and delight in the softness of the air, as is found
in Spain in the mildest and most refreshing season of spring. And
although, in the middle of the time that they were in the bay, the sun
went down about twenty degrees to the north, which, together with the
fifteen or twenty minutes of the latitude of the bay, made their
distance from the sun, which was in the south of the zenith, little more
than twenty-five degrees, and thus fifty-five of southern altitude; yet
was the temperature extremely mild for a situation so near to the middle
of the southern half of the torrid zone. But in other islands which they
discovered in the same southern half of the torrid zone, when the sun
stood in southern signs for January, February, and March, being vertical
or very near the vertex or zenith of those islands, there was not felt
greater heat there than in our summer, nor, indeed, did there appear to
have been so much on those occasions when they went on shore for the
purpose of taking in water.

By the same reasoning it is shown, that the land of the southern
hemisphere is greatly stored with metals and rich in precious stones and
pearls, fruits and animals; and from the discoveries and investigations
which have been already made in this southern hemisphere, there has been
found such fertility, so great plenty and abundance of animals, swine,
oxen, and other beasts of different kinds fit for the sustenance of man
as has never been seen in our Europe; also of birds and fishes of
different species, and, amongst them all, those which we most value as
wholesome and delicate on the shores of our own ocean; and fruits, some
of which we already know, and others of different kinds, all which may
well excite the greatest admiration, as has been related in detail in
the treatise referred to at the beginning of this memorial.

It must be observed that, although the arguments we have hitherto
advanced refer to the entire southern hemisphere, yet that which we now
propose to have explored, discovered, and evangelically subdued, is that
part of the said hemisphere which lies in the Pacific Ocean, between the
longitude of the coast of Peru, as far as the Baia de San Felipe y
Santiago and the longitude which remains up to Bachan and Ternate, in
which longitude the following most remarkable discoveries have already
been made. The adelantado Alvaro Mendaña de Meyra first discovered New
Guadalcanal, which is a very large island very near New Guinea; and some
have imagined that what Mendaña called New Guadalcanal was part of New
Guinea, but this is of no consequence whatever. New Guinea belongs also
to the southern hemisphere, and was discovered some time before; and
almost all of it has been since discovered on the outside [the northern
side]. It is a country encompassed with water,[9] and, according to the
greater number of those who have seen it, it is seven hundred leagues in
circuit: others make it much more: we do not give a close calculation
here, because what has been said is sufficient for the intention of this
discourse. The rest will be said in its proper place. The middle of
those great islands are in from thirteen to fourteen degrees of south
latitude. The adelantado Mendaña afterwards discovered the archipelago
of islands which he called the Islands of Solomon, whereof, great and
small, he saw thirty-three of very fine appearance, the middle of which
was, according to his account, in eleven degrees south latitude. After
this he discovered, in the year 1565, the island of San Christobal, not
far from the said archipelago, the middle of which was in from seven to
eight degrees of south latitude. The island was one hundred and ten
leagues in circuit. Subsequently, in the year ’95, the said adelantado
sailed for the last time from Peru, taking with him for his chief pilot
the Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, with the purpose of colonizing the island
of San Christobal, and from thence attempting the discovery of the
southern terra firma. He shortly after discovered, to the east of the
said island of San Christobal, the island of Santa Cruz, in ten degrees
south latitude. The island was more than one hundred leagues in circuit,
very fertile and populous, as, indeed, appeared all those islands which
we have mentioned, and most of them of very beautiful aspect. In this
island of Santa Cruz the adelantado had such great contentions with his
soldiers, that he had some of the chief of them killed, because he
understood that they intended to mutiny, and in a few days after he
died. Whereupon, as the admiral of the fleet had parted company a short
time before they had reached the said island, the whole project was
frustrated, and Pedro Fernandez de Quiros took Doña Isabel Garreto, the
wife of the adelantado, and the remainder of the fleet to Manilla.

Some time afterwards Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, being at Valladolid,
came to this court to petition for the same discovery, and was
dispatched to the viceroy of Peru, who was to supply him with all that
was requisite. He sailed from Lima in January of the year 1605, with
three vessels, the Capitana, the Almiranta, and one Zabra, with Luis
Vaez de Torres for his admiral, in order to colonize the island of Santa
Cruz, and to follow out the intentions of the adelantado Mendaña. After
discovering in this voyage many islands and islets, he put in at the
island of Taumaco, which is from eight to nine leagues in circuit, in
ten degrees south latitude, and about one thousand seven hundred leagues
distant from Lima, which is about eighty leagues to the eastward of the
island of Santa Cruz. The cacique or chief of Taumaco informed him, as
well as he could make himself understood, that if he sought the coast of
the great Terra Firma, he would light upon it sooner by going to the
south than to the island of Santa Cruz; for in the south there were
lands very fertile and populous, and running down to a great depth
towards the said south. In consequence of which Pedro Fernandez de
Quiros abandoned his idea of going to colonize the island of Santa Cruz,
and sailed southward with a slight variation to the south-west,
discovering many islands and islets, which were very populous and of
pleasing appearance, until, in fifteen degrees and twenty minutes south,
he discovered the land of the Baia de San Felipe y Santiago, which, on
the side that he first came upon, ran from east to west. It appeared to
be more than one hundred leagues long; the country was very populous,
and, although the people were dark, they were very well favoured; there
were also many plantations of trees, and the temperature was so mild
that they seemed to be in Paradise; the air, also, was so healthy, that
in a few days after they arrived all the men who were sick recovered.
The land produced most abundantly many kinds of very delicious fruits,
as well as animals and birds in great variety. The bay, also, was no
less abundant in fish of excellent flavour, and of all the kinds which
are found on the coast of the sea in Spain. The Indians ate for bread
certain roots like the batata, either roasted or boiled, which when the
Spaniards tasted they found them better eating and more sustaining than

For certain reasons (they ought to have been very weighty) which
hitherto have not been ascertained with entire certainty, Pedro
Fernandez de Quiros left the Almiranta and the Zabra in the said bay,
and himself sailed with his ship, the Capitana, for Mexico, from whence
he again came to this court to advocate anew the colonization of that
land, and was again sent back to the viceroy of Peru, and died at Panamá
on his return voyage to Lima. The admiral Luis Vaez de Torres being left
in the bay and most disconsolate for the loss of the Capitana, resolved,
with the consent of his companions, to continue the discovery. Being
prevented by stress of weather from making the circuit of the land of
the Baia, to see whether it were an island or mainland as they had
imagined, and finding himself in great straits in twenty-one degrees
south, to which high latitude he had persevered in sailing in about a
south-westerly direction from the fifteen or twenty minutes south in
which lay the aforesaid Baia, he put back to the north-west and
north-east up to fourteen degrees, in which he sighted a very extensive
coast, which he took for that of New Guadalcanal; _from thence he sailed
westwards, having constantly on the right hand the coast of another very
great land, which he continued coasting, according to his own reckoning,
more than six hundred leagues, having it still to the right hand_[10]
(in which course may be understood to be comprehended New Guadalcanal
and New Guinea). Along the same coast he discovered a great diversity of
islands. The whole country was very fertile and populous; he continued
his voyage on to Bachan and Ternate, and from thence to Manilla, which
was the end of this discovery.

There was also a pilot named Juan Fernandez, who discovered the track
from Lima to Chili by going to the westward (which till then had been
made with much difficulty, as they kept along shore, where the southerly
winds almost constantly prevail): he sailing from the coast of Chili
about the latitude of forty degrees, little more or less, in a small
ship, with some of his companions, in courses between west and
south-west, was brought in a month’s time to what was, to the best of
their judgment, a very fertile and agreeable continent, inhabited by a
white and well-proportioned people, of our own height, well clad, and of
so peaceable and gentle a disposition that, in every way they could
express, they showed the greatest hospitality, both with respect to the
fruits and productions of their country, which appeared in every respect
very rich and plentiful. But (being overjoyed to have discovered the
coast of that great and so much desired continent) he returned to Chili,
intending to go back properly fitted, and to keep it a secret till they
and their friends could return on the discovery. It was delayed from day
to day till Juan Fernandez died, when, with his death, this important
matter fell to the ground.

In regard to this subject it must be observed, that many have related
this discovery of Juan Fernandez in the following manner, affirming that
they had it thus from himself, viz.: That going to the westward from
Lima, to discover the track to Chili, waiting their opportunity and
getting off shore (where the winds almost always are southerly), a
certain space of longitude (which he would, at a proper time, declare);
and then standing south, with little deviation to the adjoining points,
he discovered the said coast of the southern continent in the latitude
(which he would also tell when expedient), from whence he made his
voyage to Chili.

Other relations, very worthy of credit, give this discovery as before
described; but whether it happened in this or the other manner, or
whether there were two different discourses, it is a very certain fact
that he did discover the coast of the southern land; for it has been
thus certified by persons of great credit and authority, to whom the
said Juan Fernandez communicated the account, with the above-mentioned
proofs and details of the country and the people thus discovered: and
one of these witnesses, who made a statement thereof here to Your
Majesty, as having heard it from the said pilot, and seen the
description he brought of the said coast, was the Maestre del Campo
Cortes, a man as worthy of credit as any that is known, and who has been
employed in Chili nearly sixty years.

When Pedro Fernandez de Quiros sailed from the coast of Peru, he
followed nearly the same track until he reached the latitude of
twenty-six degrees, when his companions, and especially his admiral,
earnestly advised him to continue on until he reached forty degrees, as
the most reasonable means of finding the continent which they had come
in search of. This, for certain considerations he refused, being
apprehensive of unfavourable weather, as he saw that the sun already
began to decline towards the equinoctial; but in this refusal he made a
great mistake.

That which we have above related, is the most noticeable thing which has
hitherto been effected in the shape of discovery in the southern
hemisphere in the said longitude in the Pacific; and although, with the
exception of the discovery made by the pilot Juan Fernandez, no
satisfactory examination of the coast of the much-sought-for great
southern continent has been effected, yet, doubtless, the aforesaid
voyage failed but little of finding it, and it is either by negligence
or by carelessness, and, it may be said, by the acknowledged blunders of
some of the adventurers that it has not yet been discovered, for in
their explorations they saw very great and manifest signs of a most
extensive continent; and when Pedro Fernandez de Quiros reached the
aforesaid twenty-six degrees they saw to the south very extensive and
thick banks of clouds in the horizon, and other well known signs of
mainland, and also a little islet, in which were various kinds of birds
of very sweet song, which never sing nor are found at any great distance
from the coast of the mainland. They discovered afterwards some islands,
still very remote from the coast of Peru and Mexico, inhabited by races
very different in feature, form, stature, colour, and language from the
Indians of Peru and Mexico, which, apparently, could not have been
peopled but from the coast of the southern continent. And in other
islands which Pedro Fernandez de Quiros discovered in the same voyage,
long before he discovered that of Taumaco, he stated that he saw some
boys as fair and ruddy as Flemings, amongst the natives of the islands
who were almost swarthy, and they said by signs that they brought those
whites from a more southern latitude. Nearly the same thing was met with
by the adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña, in some island which he discovered
before he reached San Christobal and Santa Cruz, as in those which he
called the four Marquesas de Mendoza and others, in which there were the
same reasons for presuming that they could not have been peopled from
the coasts of Peru and Mexico, but from the southern land; not only from
the distance from those countries, but from the great difference of the
natives from the Indians of Peru and Mexico, and because when questioned
by signs they had no knowledge of any land towards Mexico or Peru, and
all seemed to point towards the south.

It is of great importance towards the same argument, to take into
consideration the often confirmed indications given by the Indians of
Taumaco of there being a deep and spacious, populous and fertile
continent towards the south. The land also of the Baia de San Felipe y
Santiago showed very great signs of its being the coast of the southern
continent, as much by its great extent as by there being visible from
it, looming at a great distance, cordilleras of very lofty mountains of
very agreeable aspect; and by the fact of two rivers falling into the
bay, one as large as the Guadalquiver, and the other not quite so broad,
all signs of a continent, or at least of a very spacious and deep
country approaching to a continent.

Many spacious rivers were also seen to discharge themselves along the
coast which the pilot Juan Fernandez discovered, from which and from the
signs of the natives, and from the people being so white, so well clad,
and in all other respects so different from those of Chili and Peru, it
was taken for certain that it was the coast of the southern continent,
and seemed to be far better and richer than that of Peru. Besides all
this, the great number of large islands which, as has been stated, have
been discovered on voyages from the coast of Peru, made with the object
of discovering the southern land, are necessarily the evidences of the
proximity of a very large and not very distant continent, as we see in
the islands of the archipelago of San Lazaro, near which are the
Phillippines, the Moluccas, Amboina, those of Banda,[11] the Javas, and
many others in their neighbourhood, which are the evidences of the
proximity of the great coast of the continent of Asia; I now allude to
India beyond the Ganges, the kingdoms of Siam and Cambodia, that of the
Great Mogul and China, leaving out what lies more to the westward.

From all which it follows how infallibly certain is the greatness,
populousness, fertility, and riches of the southern continent, and how
readily, according to what has been above demonstrated, it may be
discovered and subjected to an evangelical and spiritual conquest, by
which may be attracted to our Mother, the Catholic Church, millions upon
millions of most faithful and sincere sons as the result of this mighty
evangelical conquest. And if the vast extent of the southern continent
of which we have been writing, were not such as it has thus evidently
been shown to be, for planting therein the purity of our holy and
Catholic religion, nevertheless we have in that portion of the southern
hemisphere which we have already seen and visited, if we take into
consideration all the above-mentioned islands, more land than half of
Europe, and as rich, populous, and fertile, in which there is the full
harvest of which Christ our Lord and treasure spoke, to be cultivated by
the holy labourers and preachers of His gospel.

Your Majesty ought to give much consideration to the fact that Christ
our Redeemer and supreme good, when He finished the period of His first
coming, recommended to His Apostles with the greatest strictness the
preaching of His gospel, as the principal means by which the redemption
of the human race, which had cost him so much, was to receive its
consummation. For this cause it was the last charge He gave to them,
that they might understand that it was the principal service they had to
render Him, and for which He had chosen them. Immediately after so doing
He ascended up to heaven, to give to His most holy humanity the seat of
ineffable glory at the right hand of His Father, and receive the crown
of the sovereign and universal empire over heaven and earth, as is shown
by the evangelist St. Mark in the passage quoted above: “And He said
unto them, Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every
creature. He that believeth and is baptised shall be saved.” And after
He “had spoken unto them He was received up into heaven, and sat on the
right hand of God. And they went forth, and preached everywhere, the
Lord working with them.” Thus also should Your Majesty set the eyes of
your heart upon the consummation of the preaching of the gospel in the
southern hemisphere, which this same Lord is now recounting to you, with
the crown of the universal empire of the globe in His hand, ready to
place it upon your head, if you value, as it should be valued, this
Divine commission, and execute it with that zeal and devotion which the
charge enjoins. But if, which God forbid, Your Majesty should not accept
this commission, or withhold the said zeal from the undertaking, it
would doubtless be the greatest disaster that could happen to this
kingdom, and the most certain sign that God is withdrawing his Hand from
us; and even already it seems that this withdrawal has fallen upon us,
in that we are not attempting a task which applies to us so well, and
which so much concerns these kingdoms and all Your Majesty’s
possessions. And we do not seem to bethink ourselves that, in neglecting
and crushing so great an enterprise, our most culpable and persevering
remissness brings upon us this grievous and abiding calamity, which we
shall realize with greater certainty when we have to repair such great
losses, for we shall have to effect all our conversions amidst great
blindness and error.

Meanwhile Your Majesty might not apprehend how that this proposition is
the most important that could be made for the welfare of your crown, and
that its most speedy and faithful execution should be carried out with
the same fervour and zeal as was shown at the commencement by your most
Christian predecessors the Catholic kings, who frequently declared that,
when other means failed, they themselves would go forth to carry it into
effect. By this means will Your Majesty return to find the road which
they followed, and by which they brought their kingdom to so great a
height of prosperity, from which exalted height it has, through the loss
of time and through repeated blunders and hindrances, continued falling,
until we have reached such a point that the most inconsiderable nations
of Europe, whom we formerly held beneath our feet, now look upon us as
an oppressed and afflicted nation and of small account, which is a
horrible fact, and an easily recognizable effect of the divine
indignation for the aforesaid cause, and there is no one who correctly
reasons upon this subject but will come to the same conclusion.

Let me also invite Your Majesty’s attention to the words of the Apostle
in the passage quoted above: “How shall they believe in Him of whom they
have not heard? and how shall they hear without a preacher? and how
shall they preach except they be sent?” And let Your Majesty take into
account that the Apostle is speaking with Your Majesty yourself, and
with your kingdoms, with reference to this very point, in as much as the
charge has been given for preaching to the entire southern hemisphere,
and especially to that which lies in the Pacific Ocean, and without
allowing that any other Christian prince should go or send preachers
hither.[12] If Your Majesty do not send them, how shall they have any
knowledge of their Redeemer and be converted to Him? And as the charge
was given that these gentiles were to be converted, Your Majesty and
your Crown will be principally responsible for their conversion, for you
will be the immediate cause of that infinite number of gentiles not
hearing the word of the gospel or knowing their Redeemer; for as they
should know Him, who is it that, if preachers are not sent, has the
guilt of not sending them, and not allowing others to send them? May
Your Majesty ponder much upon this matter, for it touches nothing less
than your salvation and the final loss of your crown, if we do not
perfectly discharge this most righteous duty, and acquit this most heavy
debt to our Lord and Redeemer, by sending, as speedily as possible to
the southern hemisphere, a sufficient number of preachers of the gospel.

May Your Majesty give no heed to the plausible arguments which some may
perhaps advance, with some show of political consideration, that Your
Majesty is not in a condition to undertake the conquest of new kingdoms
of such great extent and so far off, but will have enough to do to keep
those which you already have. There will also not be wanting men learned
in the scriptures, who will prove from them that Your Majesty may
disregard the fulfilment of an obligation so distinct, and may withdraw
from the contract you have made with the Redeemer, through the medium of
His vicar and the head of His Church. May Your Majesty give no heed to
this, but abominate it as mischievous to your greatness, your
conscience, and to your crown. For this conquest is to be a spiritual
and evangelical one, and by no means entailing, as is supposed, any
considerable expense upon Your Majesty, nor a matter which can divert
you from walking conformably to the dictates of the Apostle. But rather,
in order to secure Your Majesty the restoration and increase of your
royal power to the extent of your desires, may Your Majesty give the
attention of your exalted understanding to the words of the Apostle to
his disciple Timothy, as if he had addressed them personally to Your
Majesty: “For the time will come (please God that it may not be that in
which we live) when they who are under an obligation to follow sound
doctrine so important as this, not only do not receive it, but cannot
endure it, heaping up to themselves the opinions of men with the title
of teachers, who thereby only flatter them and conform to their wishes,
turning away their ears from the truth and changing it into fables.” For
such are the superficial arguments of expediency for reasons of state
which are advanced in opposition to the extension of the Catholic Church
and the increase of our holy faith. The Apostle then says, and we may
reasonably understand him as on the present occasion addressing himself
to Your Majesty: “But do thou (who, as sovereign prince of this Catholic
monarchy, and as having made a contract with the King of kings, art
pledged by promise to the completing of the preaching of the gospel),
abominating those who shall propose to thee the contrary, watch day and
night over the fulfilment of this glorious and important obligation,
labour as much as lieth in you that it may by all possible means be
accomplished, do the work of an evangelist; for as the evangelists wrote
the gospel in order that thou mightest cause it to be preached to the
gentiles, do thou after thy manner perform the same office which they
performed in preaching. Placing great value on the fact that the
Redeemer would not entrust the charge to any other prince but to thy
illustrious house, do thou give all thy strength to the full and perfect
completion of this grand and exalted ministry, so that no gap be left.”
By so doing Your Majesty will be able to say at the day of account, that
which immediately afterwards is said by the Apostle: “Bonum certamen
certavi, cursum consummavi, fidem servavi; in reliquo reposita est mihi
corona justitiæ, quam reddet mihi Dominus in illa die justus judex, non
solum autem mihi, sed his qui diligunt adventum ejus.” I have fought the
good fight gloriously, overcoming the greater power of Lucifer,
liberating from his tyrannical and abominable servitude so great a
number of millions of souls in the southern hemisphere, which would have
been lost and would have lost the Redeemer, who laid upon me the charge
of this great and heroic deed; I have finished most faithfully my
course; I have kept His faith pure in this Catholic seminary of my
kingdom, and have transplanted it with the same purity into the hearts
of the infinite number of gentiles which dwell in that spacious fold;
and thus may I justly hope from the hand of the King Eternal, in the
great day of the universal account, the glorious and blessed crown of
righteousness (which the Apostle hoped for himself) from having rendered
this service, the most acceptable which any king or prince of the world
shall have rendered to the Divine Majesty. The same Apostle afterwards
goes on to say, that not only would it be given to him, but to all those
that love the coming of the just Judge, which are those who hold in such
account the fulfilment of their obligations, and especially of so
heavenly an one as this, that they may justly hope for the reward of
that unspeakably glorious crown. Your Majesty may also entertain a like
security of hope that, if the present proposition and prayer be accepted
and undertaken with the earnest promptitude which, as has been shown, is
enjoined upon you, there will be added to your present enjoyment of
these Catholic kingdoms, and of the other possessions of your monarchy,
every possible exaltation and aggrandisement, which is the most
affectionate desire of Your Majesty’s faithful subjects and servants.

            AS HIS ALMIRANTE. DATED MANILA, JULY 12th, 1607.

 [First printed in Burney’s _Discoveries in the South Sea_. Part 2, p.
                        467. London, 1806. 4to.]

Being in this city of Manila, at the end of a year and a half of
navigation and making discovery of the lands and seas in the southern
parts; and seeing that the Royal Audience of Manila have not hitherto
thought proper to give me dispatches for completing the voyage as Your
Majesty commanded, and as I was in hopes of being the first to give
yourself a relation of the discovery, etc.; but being detained here, and
not knowing if, in this city of Manila, I shall receive my dispatches, I
have thought proper to send Your Majesty Fray Juan de Merlo, of the
order of San Francisco, one of the three religious who were on board
with me, who having been an eye-witness, will give a full relation to
Your Majesty. The account from me is the following.

We sailed from Callao, in Peru, December 21st, 1605, with two ships and
a launch, under the command of Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, and I
for his almirante; and without losing company, we stood W.S.W., and went
on this course 800 leagues.

In latitude 26° S., it appeared proper to our commander not to pass that
latitude, because of changes in the weather: on which account I gave a
declaration under my hand that it was not a thing obvious that we ought
to diminish our latitude, if the season would allow, till we got beyond
30 degrees. My opinion had no effect; for from the said 26 v., we
decreased our latitude in a W.N.W. course to 24½v. In this situation we
found a small low island, about two leagues long, uninhabited and
without anchoring ground.

From hence we sailed W. by N. to 24° S. In this situation we found
another island, uninhabited, and without anchorage. It was about ten
leagues in circumference. We named it San Valerio.

From hence we sailed W. by N. one day, and then W.N.W. to 21⅓° S., where
we found another small low island without soundings, uninhabited, and
divided into pieces.

We passed on in the same course, and sailed twenty-five leagues: we
found four islands in a triangle, five or six leagues each; low,
uninhabited, and without soundings. We named them las Virgines (the
Virgins). Here the variation was north-easterly.

From hence we sailed N.W. to 19° S. In this situation we saw a small
island to the eastward, about three leagues distant. It appeared like
those we had passed. We named it Sta. Polonia.

Diminishing our latitude from hence half a degree, we saw a low island,
with a point to the S.E., full of palms: it is in 18½° S. We arrived at
it. It had no anchorage. We saw people on the beach: the boats went to
the shore, and when they reached it, they could not land on account of
the great surf and rocks. The Indians called to them from the land: two
Spaniards swam ashore: these they received well, throwing their arms
upon the ground, and embraced them and kissed them in the face. On this
friendship, a chief among them came on board the _Capitana_ to converse,
and an old woman; who were cloathed, and other presents were made to
them, and they returned ashore presently, for they were in great fear.
In return for these good offices they sent a heap, or locks of hair, and
some bad feathers, and some wrought pearl oyster shells: these were all
their valuables. They were a savage people, mulattoes, and corpulent:
the arms they use are lances, very long and thick. As we could not land
nor get anchoring ground, we passed on, steering W.N.W.

We went in this direction from that island, getting sight of land. We
could not reach it from the first, on account of the wind being contrary
and strong with much rain: it was all of it very low, so as in parts to
be overflowed.

From this place in 16½° S., we stood N.W. by N. to 10¾° S. In this
situation we saw an island, which was supposed to be that of San
Bernardo, because it was in pieces: but it was not San Bernardo, from
what we afterwards saw. We did not find anchoring ground at it, though
the boats went on shore to search for water, which we were in want of,
but could not find any: they only found some cocoa-nut trees, though
small. Our commander seeing we wanted water, agreed that we should go to
the island Santa Cruz, where he had been with the adelantado Alvaro de
Mendana, saying we might there supply ourselves with water and wood, and
then he would determine what was most expedient for Your Majesty’s
service. The crew of the _Capitana_ at this time were mutinous,
designing to go directly to Manila: on this account he sent the chief
pilot a prisoner on board my ship, without doing anything farther to him
or others, though I strongly importuned him to punish them, or give me
leave to punish them; but he did not choose to do it, from whence
succeeded what Your Majesty knows, since they made him turn from the
course [voyage], as will be mentioned, and he has probably said at Your
Majesty’s court.

We sailed from the above island W. by N., and found nearly a point
easterly variation. We continued this course till in full 10° S.
latitude. In this situation we found a low island of five or six
leagues, overflowed and without soundings: it was inhabited, the people
and arms like those we had left, but their vessels were different. They
came close to the ship, talking to us and taking what we gave them,
begging more, and stealing what was hanging to the ship, throwing
lances, thinking we could not do them any harm. Seeing we could not
anchor, on account of the want we were in of water, our commander
ordered me ashore with two boats and fifty men. As soon as we came to
the shore they opposed my entrance, without any longer keeping peace,
which obliged me to skirmish with them. When we had done them some
mischief, three of them came out to make peace with me, singing, with
branches in their hands, and one with a lighted torch and on his knees.
We received them well and embraced them, and then cloathed them, for
they were some of the chiefs; and asking them for water they did not
choose to shew it me, making signs as if they did not understand me.
Keeping the three chiefs with me, I ordered the sergeant, with twelve
men, to search for water, and having fallen in with it, the Indians came
out on their flank and attacked them, wounding one Spaniard. Seeing
their treachery they were attacked and defeated, without other harm
whatever. The land being in my power, I went over the town without
finding anything but dried oysters and fish, and many cocoa-nuts, with
which the land was well provided. We found no birds nor animals, except
little dogs. They have many covered embarcations, with which they are
accustomed to navigate to other islands, with latine sails made
curiously of mats; and of the same cloth their women are cloathed with
little shifts and petticoats, and the men only round their waists and
hips. From hence we put off with the boats loaded with water, but by the
great swell we were overset with much risk of our lives, and so we were
obliged to go on without getting water at this island. We named it

We sailed in this parallel thirty-two days. In all this route we had
very strong currents, and many drifts of wood and snakes, and many
birds, all which were signs of land on both sides of us. We did not
search for it, that we might not leave the latitude of the island of
Santa Cruz, for we always supposed ourselves near it; and with reason,
if it had been where the first voyage when it was discovered had
represented; but it was much further on, as by the account will be seen.
So that about sixty leagues before reaching it, and 1940 from the city
of Lima, we found a small island of six leagues, very high, and all
round it very good soundings; and other small islands near it, under
shelter of which the ships anchored. I went with the two boats and fifty
men to reconnoitre the people of this island; and at the distance of a
musket shot separate from the island, we found a town surrounded with a
wall, with only one entrance, without a gate. Being near with the two
boats with an intention of investing them, as they did not by signs
choose peace, at length their chief came into the water up to his neck,
with a staff in his hand, and without fear came directly to the boats;
where he was very well received, and by signs which we very well
understood, he told me that his people were in great terror of the
muskets, and therefore he entreated us not to land, and said that they
would bring water and wood if we gave them vessels. I told him that it
was necessary to remain five days on shore to refresh. Seeing he could
not do more with me he quieted his people, who were very uneasy and
turbulent, and so it happened that no hostility was committed on either
side. We went into the fort very safely; and having halted, I made them
give up their arms, and made them bring from their houses their effects,
which were not of any value, and go with them to the island to other
towns. They thanked me very much: the chief always continued with me.
They then told me the name of the country: all came to me to make peace,
and the chiefs assisted me, making their people get water and wood and
carry it on board the ships. In this we spent six days.

The people of this island are of an agreeable conversation,
understanding us very well, desirous of learning our language and to
teach us theirs. They are great cruizers: they have much beard; they are
great archers and hurlers of darts; the vessels in which they sail are
large, and can go a great way. They informed us of more than forty
islands, great and small, all peopled, naming them by their names, and
telling us that they were at war with many of them. They also gave us
intelligence of the island Santa Cruz, and of what had happened when the
adelantado was there.

The people of this island are of ordinary stature: they have amongst
them people white and red, some in colour like those of the Indies,
others woolly-headed blacks and mulattoes. Slavery is in use amongst
them. Their food is yams, fish, cocoa-nuts, and they have hogs and

This island is named Taomaco, and the name of the chief is Tomai. We
departed from hence with four Indians whom we took, at which they were
not much pleased: and as we here got wood and water, there was no
necessity for us to go to the Island Santa Cruz, which, as I have said,
is in this parallel sixty leagues farther on.

So we sailed from hence, steering S.S.E. to 12½° S. latitude, where we
found an island like that of Taomaco, and with the same kind of people,
named Chucupia: there is only one small anchoring place; and passing in
the offing, a small canoe with only two men came to me to make peace,
and presented me some bark of a tree, which appeared like a very fine
handkerchief, four yards long and three palms wide: on this I parted
from them.

From hence we steered south. We had a hard gale of wind from the north,
which obliged us to lye to for two days: at the end of that time it was
thought, as it was winter, that we could not exceed the latitude of 14°
S., in which we were, though my opinion was always directly contrary,
thinking we should search for the islands named by the Indians of
Taomaco. Wherefore sailing from this place we steered west, and in one
day’s sail we discovered a volcano, very high and large, above three
leagues in circuit, full of trees, and of black people with much beard.

To the westward, and in sight of this volcano, was an island, not very
high and pleasant in appearance. There are few anchoring places, and
those very close to the shore: it was very full of black people. Here we
caught two in some canoes, whom we cloathed and gave them presents, and
the next day we put them ashore. In return for this they shot a flight
of arrows at a Spaniard, though in truth it was not in the same port,
but about a musket shot farther on. They are, however, a people that
never miss an opportunity of doing mischief.

In sight of this island and around it are many islands, very high and
large, and to the southward one so large that we stood for it, naming
the island where our man was wounded Santa Maria.

Sailing thence to the southward towards the large island, we discovered
a very large bay, well peopled, and very fertile in yams and fruits,
hogs and fowls. They are all black people and naked. They fight with
bows, darts and clubs. They did not choose to have peace with us, though
we frequently spoke to them and made presents; and they never, with
their goodwill, let us set foot on shore.

This bay is very refreshing, and in it fall many and large rivers. It is
in 15⅔° S. latitude, and in circuit it is twenty-five leagues. We named
it the bay de San Felipe y Santiago, and the land del Espiritu Santo.

There we remained fifty days:[13] we took possession in the name of Your
Majesty. From within this bay, and from the most sheltered part of it,
the _Capitana_ departed at one hour past midnight, without any notice
given to us, and without making any signal. This happened the 11th of
June. And although the next morning we went out to seek for them, and
made all proper efforts, it was not possible for us to find them; for
they did not sail on the proper course, nor with good intention. So I
was obliged to return to the bay, to see if by chance they had returned
thither. And on the same account we remained in this bay fifteen days;
at the end of which we took Your Majesty’s orders, and held a
consultation with the officers of the frigate. It was determined that we
should fulfil them, although contrary to the inclination of many, I may
say, of the greater part; but my condition was different from that of
Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros.

At length we sailed from this bay, in conformity to the order, although
with intention to sail round this island, but the season and the strong
currents would not allow this, although I ran along a great part of it.
In what I saw, there are very large mountains. It has many ports, though
some of them are small. All of it is well watered with rivers. We had at
this time nothing but bread and water: it was the height of winter, with
sea, wind, and ill will [of his crew] against us. All this did not
prevent me from reaching the mentioned latitude, which I passed one
degree, and would have gone farther if the weather had permitted; for
the ship was good. It was proper to act in this manner, for these are
not voyages performed every day, nor could Your Majesty otherwise be
properly informed. Going into the said latitude on a S.W. course, we had
no signs of land that way.

From hence I stood back to the N.W. to 11½° S. latitude: there we fell
in with the beginning of New Guinea, the coast of which runs W. by N.
and E. by S. I could not weather the east point, so I coasted along to
the westward on the south side.

All this land of New Guinea is peopled with Indians, not very white, and
naked, except their waists, which are covered with a cloth made of the
bark of trees, and much painted. They fight with darts, targets, and
some stone clubs, which are made fine with plumage. Along the coast are
many islands and habitations. All the coast has many ports, very large,
with very large rivers, and many plains. Without these islands there
runs a reef of shoals, and between them [the shoals] and the main land
are the islands. There is a channel within. In these ports I took
possession for Your Majesty.

We went along three hundred leagues of coast, as I have mentioned, and
diminished the latitude 2½°, which brought us into 9°. From hence we
fell in with a bank of from three to nine fathoms, which extends along
the coast above 180 leagues. We went over it along the coast to 7½° S.
latitude, and the end of it is in 5°. We could not go farther on for the
many shoals and great currents, so we were obliged to sail out S.W. in
that depth to 11° S. latitude. There is all over it an archipelago of
islands without number, by which we passed, and at the end of the
eleventh degree the bank became shoaler. Here were very large islands,
and there appeared more to the southward: they were inhabited by black
people, very corpulent, and naked: their arms were lances, arrows, and
clubs of stone ill-fashioned. We could not get any of their arms. We
caught in all this land twenty persons of different nations, that with
them we might be able to give a better account to Your Majesty. They
give much notice of other people, although as yet they do not make
themselves well understood.

We went upon this bank for two months, at the end of which time we found
ourselves in twenty-five fathoms, and in 5° S. latitude, and ten leagues
from the coast. And having gone 480 leagues, here the coast goes to the
N.E. I did not reach it, for the bank became very shallow. So we stood
to the north, and in twenty-five fathoms to 4° latitude, where we fell
in with a coast, which likewise lay in a direction east and west. We did
not see the eastern termination, but from what we understood of it, it
joins the other we had left on account of the bank, the sea being very
smooth. This land is peopled by blacks, different from all the others:
they are better adorned: they use arrows, darts, and large shields, and
some sticks of bamboo filled with lime, with which, by throwing it out,
they blind their enemies. Finally, we stood to the W.N.W. along the
coast, always finding this people, for we landed in many places: also in
it we took possession for Your Majesty. In this land also we found iron,
china bells, and other things, by which we knew we were near the
Malucas; and so we ran along this coast above 130 leagues, where it
comes to a termination fifty leagues before you reach the Malucas. There
is an infinity of islands to the southward, and very large, which for
the want of provisions we did not approach; for I doubt if in ten years
could be examined the coasts of all the islands we descried. We observed
the variation in all this land of New Guinea to the Molucas; and in all
of it the variation agrees with the meridian of the Ladrone Islands and
of the Philippine Islands.

At the termination of this land we found Mahometans, who were cloathed,
and had firearms and swords. They sold us fowls, goats, fruit and some
pepper, and biscuit which they called _sagoe_, which will keep more than
twenty years. The whole they sold us was but little; for they wanted
cloth, and we had not any; for all the things that had been given us for
traffic were carried away by the _Capitana_, even to tools and
medicines, and many other things which I do not mention, as there is no
help for it; but, without them, God took care of us.

These Moors gave us news of the events at the Malucas, and told us of
Dutch ships, though none of them came here, although they said that in
all this land there was much gold and other good things, such as pepper
and nutmegs. From hence to the Malucas it is all islands, and on the
south side are many uniting with those of Banda and Amboyna, where the
Dutch carry on a trade. We came to the islands of Bachian, which are the
first Malucas, where we found a _Theatine_, with about one hundred
Christians in the country of a Mahometan king friendly to us, who begged
me to subdue one of the Ternate islands inhabited by revolted
Mahometans, to whom Don Pedro de Acunha had given pardon in Your
Majesty’s name, which I had maintained; and I sent advice to the M. de
Campo, Juan de Esquivel, who governed the islands of Ternate, of my
arrival, and demanded if it was expedient to give this assistance to the
king of Bachian, to which he [Juan de Esquivel] answered that it would
be of great service to Your Majesty if I brought force for that purpose.
On this, with forty Spaniards and four hundred Moors of the king of
Bachian, I made war, and in only four days I defeated them and took the
fort, and put the king of Bachian in possession of it in Your Majesty’s
name, to whom we administered the usual oaths, stipulating with him that
he should never go to war against Christians, and that he should ever be
a faithful vassal to Your Majesty. I did not find these people of so
intrepid a spirit as those we had left.

It must be ascribed to the Almighty that, in all these labours and
victories, we lost only one Spaniard. I do not make a relation of them
to Your Majesty, for I hope to give it at large.

The king being put in possession, I departed for Ternate, which was
twelve leagues from this island, where Juan de Esquivel was, by whom I
was very well received; for he had great scarcity of people, and the
nations of Ternate were in rebellion, and assistance to him was very
unexpected in so roundabout a way.

In a few days afterwards arrived succour from Manila, which was much
desired, for half of the people left by Don Pedro de Acunha were no
more, and there was a scarcity of provisions, for, as I said, the
nations of the island were in rebellion; but by the prudence of the M.
de Campo, Juan de Esquivel, he went on putting the affairs of the island
in good order, although he was in want of money.

I left the _Patache_ here and about twenty men, as it was expedient for
the service of Your Majesty. From hence I departed for the city of
Manila, where they gave me so bad a dispatch, as I have mentioned; and
hitherto, which is now two months, they have not given provisions to the
crew; and so I know not when I can sail from hence to give account to
Your Majesty,

                            Whom may God preserve prosperous,
                                      For sovereign of the world.
                                            Your Majesty’s servant,
                                                    LUIS VAEZ DE TORRES.

 Done at Manila, July 12th, 1607.


                         TO BE FOUND FOLIO 39.

Instructions for the commodore, Captain Abel Jansz Tasman, the skipper
chief-pilot, Franz Jacobsz Visser, and the counsel of the yachts
_Limmen_ and _Zeemeuw_, and the tender _De Brak_, destined for a nearer
discovery of Nova Guinea, and the unknown coasts of the discovered east
and south lands, together with the channels and the islands supposed to
be situated between and near them.

The several successive administrations of India, in order to enlarge and
extend the trade of the Dutch East India Company, have zealously
endeavoured to make an early discovery of the great land of Nova Guinea,
and other unknown east and southerly countries, as you know by several
discourses, and maps, journals, and papers communicated to you. But
hitherto with little success, although several voyages have been

1st. By order of the president, John Williamsson Verschoor, who at that
time directed the company’s trade at Bantam, which was in the year 1606,
with the yacht the _Duyfhen_, who in their passage sailed by the islands
Key and Aroum, and discovered the south and west coast of Nova Guinea,
for about 220 miles (880) from 5° to 13¾° south latitude: and found this
extensive country, for the greatest part desert, but in some places
inhabited by wild, cruel, black savages, by whom some of the crew were
murdered; for which reason they could not learn anything of the land or
waters, as had been desired of them, and, by want of provisions and
other necessaries, they were obliged to leave the discovery unfinished:
the furthest point of the land was called in their map Cape
Keer-Weer,[14] situated in 13¾° S.

The second voyage was undertaken with a yacht, in the year 1617, by
order of the Fiscal D’Edel, with little success, of which adventures and
discoveries, through the loss of their journals and remarks, nothing
certain is to be found.

From this time the further discoveries of the unknown east and south
countries were postponed until the year 1623, on account of there being
no ships to spare; but in the interim, in the year 1619, a ship, named
the _Arms of Amsterdam_, destined to Banda, drove past that place and
touched at the south coast of Nova Guinea, where some of the crew were
murdered by the savage inhabitants, wherefore they acquired no certain
knowledge of the country.

But in the meantime, in the years 1616, 1618, 1619, and 1622, the west
coast of this great unknown south land, from 35° to 22° S. latitude, was
discovered by outward bound ships, and among them by the ship
_Endraght_; for the nearer discovery of which the governor-general, Jan
Pietersz Coen (of worthy memory), in September 1622, dispatched the
yachts _De Haring_ and _Harewind_; but this voyage was rendered abortive
by meeting the ship _Mauritius_, and searching after the ship

In consequence of which, by order of His Excellency, the third voyage
was undertaken in the month of January 1623, with the yachts _Pera_ and
_Arnhem_, out of Amboina, under the command of Jan Carstens; with order
to make a nearer friendship with the inhabitants of the islands Key,
Aroum, and Tenimber, and better to discover Nova Guinea and the south
lands, when an alliance was made with the said islands and the south
coast of Nova Guinea nearer discovered. The skipper, with eight of the
crew of the yacht _Arnhem_, was treacherously murdered by the
inhabitants; and after a discovery of the great islands Arnhem and the
Spult (by an untimely separation) this yacht, with very little success,
came back to Amboina.

But the yacht _Pera_ persisting in the voyage, sailed along the south
coast of Nova Guinea to a flat cove on this coast, situated in 10° south
latitude, and ran along the west coast of this land to Cape Keer-Weer,
from thence discovered the coast farther southward as far as 17° S. to
Staten River (from this place what more of the land could be discerned
seemed to stretch westward), and from thence returned to Amboina.

In this discovery were found everywhere shallow water and barren coast;
islands altogether thinly peopled by divers cruel, poor, and brutal
nations, and of very little use to the Company. The journal of this
voyage is not now to be found; but the discovered countries may be seen
in the maps which were made of them.

Through the little success of this third voyage, but mostly because no
ships could be spared, the discovery was again omitted until 1636; but
in the interim, in the year 1627, the south coast of the great south
land was accidentally discovered by the ship the _Gulde Zeepard_,
outward bound from Fatherland,[15] for the space of 250 miles (1000);
and again accidentally in the year following, 1628, on the north-side,
in the latitude of 21° S., by the ship _Vianen_, homeward bound from
India; when they coasted about 50 miles (200) without gaining any
particular knowledge of this great country, only observing a foul and
barren shore, green fields, and very wild, black, barbarous inhabitants;
all which, by the loss of the ship _Batavia_, and the cruelties and
miseries which followed from that, is fully proved, and was experienced
by the crew of the yacht _Sardam_, in their course along this coast.

At last the fourth voyage was undertaken (in our government) in the
month of April 1636, from Banda, with the yachts _Clyn Amsterdam_ and
_Wesel_, under the command of Gerrit Tomasz Pool, for the discovery of
the east and south lands; when they first discovered the coast of Nova
Guinea in 3½° south latitude, and coasted about 60 miles (240´) to the
eastward to 5° S.; when the commodore Pool, with three of the crew (by
the barbarous inhabitants) was murdered, at the same place where the
skipper of the yacht _Arnhem_ was killed in the year 1623.

Notwithstanding which the voyage was assiduously continued, under the
supercargo Pieter Pietersz, and the islands Key and Aroum visited; by
very strong easterly winds they could not reach the west coast of Nova
Guinea, but shaping their course very near south, descried the coast of
Arnhem or Van Diemen’s Land, in 11° south latitude, and sailed along the
coast for 30 miles (120), without seeing any people, but many signs of
smoke; when, turning towards the north, they visited the unknown islands
of Timor Laut,[16] and the known islands of Tenimber, Kauwer, etc., but
without ever being able to converse with the inhabitants, who were a
very timid people; when, after three months cruising, they returned in
July to Banda, without (in this voyage) having done or discovered
anything of consequence; which may be seen by the journals and maps.

After the little success in these voyages, nothing further was attempted
on discovery to the eastward; but last year (under your direction) the
discovery of the remaining unknown south lands was assiduously
re-attempted; and in that remarkable voyage was that great unknown
Staten[17] and Van Diemen’s Land discovered from 35° to 43° south
latitude, and at the same time the (so long wished for) passage to the
South Sea; but it is unnecessary to relate more here, as you are
perfectly acquainted with all particulars.

But to obtain a thorough knowledge of these extensive countries, the
discovery whereof has been begun (in consequence of the intention of the
Company and the recommendation of our masters), now only remains for the
future to discover whether Nova Guinea is one continent with that great
south land, or separated by channels and islands lying between them; and
also whether that New Van Diemen’s Land is the same continent with these
two great countries, or with one of them; or, if separated from them,
what islands may be dispersed between Nova Guinea and the unknown south
land, when, after more experience and knowledge of all the said known
and unknown countries, we shall be better enabled for further

After considering well what is above related, and by our estimate of the
present strength of the Company’s naval forces, it is found that,
without prejudice to the ordinary trading and warlike expeditions, two
or three yachts could be spared, it is therefore resolved in the Council
of India, to equip the yachts _Limmen_, the _Zeemeuw_, and the _Brak_,
for the further discovery of the east and south lands, to furnish them
well with all necessaries, and to commit them to your conduct, in
confidence that you will with courage, vigilance, prudence, good order,
and the requisite perseverance, skilfully direct this important voyage,
in such a manner as to be capable to give an account, on your return,
fully to our contentment.

1st. You shall early to-morrow morning, after mustering your men,
proceed to sea in company, and steer your course to Macassar, Amboina,
and Banda; as the service of the Company shall require, and by separate
instructions you are commanded, by which you are entirely to regulate
your voyage to the above places.

On your arrival at Amboina and Banda, you shall plentifully stock your
yachts with water, fuel, and all other necessaries; in the time you are
there the crews are to be supplied with all sorts of fresh provisions,
and well provided for the voyage; for which purpose this shall be an
order to the vice-governors[18] Gerrit Demmer and Cornelis Witzen, to
whom you have to communicate your instructions, and demand, in writing,
the further knowledge they may have of the countries situated to the
east of Banda; and particularly the journal of the commodore Carstens,
which we think may still be found there, and be of some service to you
on the voyage.

But by this we by no means intend you shall spend any time unprofitably,
but dispatch everything so assiduously that you may leave Banda in the
latter end of February, when the west monsoon has set in, fixing, with
the advice of the council, instructions for the signals at the beginning
of your voyage, in which particularly is to be inserted by what method
the yachts may join, in case (which God prevent) they by storm or other
accidents were separated, upon which event the good success of the
intended voyage chiefly depends.

After fulfilling your orders at Amboina and Banda, you shall (as is
mentioned) in the latter end of February (or sooner, if possible)
undertake, in the name of God, the voyage you are ordered upon, and
steer your course eastward, between and in view of the islands Tenimber,
Key, and Aroum, to the point Ture, or False Cape, situated in 8° on the
south coast of Nova Guinea: from which place you are to continue
eastward along the coast till 9° south latitude, crossing prudently the
cove at that place; looking about the high islands or Speult’s River
with the yachts for a harbour, and to inspect into the state of the
country; dispatching the tender _Brak_ for two or three days into the
cove, in order to discover whether, within the great inlet, there is not
to be found an entrance into the South Sea; which soon may be determined
by the current of the streams. From this place you are to coast along
the west coast of Nova Guinea, to the farthest discoveries in 170° S.
latitude, following this coast farther as it may run west or southward.

But it is to be feared you will meet in these parts with the S.E. trade
winds, by which it will be difficult to keep the coast on board, if
stretching to the S.E.; but notwithstanding this, endeavour by all means
to proceed, by reason that we may be sure whether this land is divided
from the great known south continent or not, which by the great and slow
swell from the S.E. may well be perceived; in which case you shall try
(if possible) to run so far to the S.E. as the New Van Diemen’s Land,
and from thence to the islands of St. Peter and St. François, to learn
the situation of these to the northward, and at the same time to be
assured (which is much wished for) of a passage to the South Sea,
between them and the known south land, which found (as we presume, and
hope) you ought, returning through the discovered passage, to steer
along the east coast of the known south land, according to its trending;
following its direction to the westward, to De Wit’s Land and William’s
River, in 22° south latitude, when the known south land would be
entirely circumnavigated, and discovered to be the largest island of the

But if (as we presume) the land of Nova Guinea is joined to the south
land, and in consequence is one continent; you will be enabled by the
S.E. trade wind to run along the north coast from 17° to 22° S., and
thus entirely to discover this land, from whence (if wind and weather by
any means will permit) you shall steer along the land of De Endragt to
Houtman’s Abrolhos, and come to an anchor at a fit place thereabout; and
endeavour to find a chest containing eight thousand rixdollars, that
remained in the wreck of the ship _Batavia_, a brass half cartow[19]
having fallen on that chest when it foundered at that place in the year
1629, and which the crew of the yacht _Sardam_ dragged for in vain. At
the same time you shall (if possible) recover that piece, by this you
will render service to the Company, for which reason be not negligent in
the discharge of your duty.

Likewise inquire, at the continent thereabout, after two Dutchmen, who,
having forfeited their lives, were put on shore by the commodore
Francisco Pelsert, if still alive, in which case you may make your
inquiries of them about the situation of those countries; and, if they
entreat you to that purpose, give them passage hither; on this occasion
you ought to search for a good water and refreshing-place, about the 26°
or 28 S. latitude, which would be a desirable thing for the outward
bound ships.

But if the late time of the year and the appearance of storms will not
permit you to reach Houtman’s Shoal, which after experience we leave to
yours and the council’s own judgment, consider how you have to sail
again from William’s River to the east, along the coast of the south
land and from De Wit’s Land, by the help of the S.E. trade wind, to run
across very near eastward to complete the discovery of Arnhem’s and Van
Diemen’s Lands; and to ascertain perfectly whether these lands are not
one and the same island, and what these places produce; likewise what
other islands besides Baly, Sumbava, and Timor, may be situated about
the south land.

After all this (by the help of God) shall be fortunately transacted,
which we hope can be done before the end of the month of June (having
either reached Houtman’s Abrolhos or Van Diemen’s Land), you have to
steer your course to the south coast of Java, and along the coast
through the Strait of Sunda, to return to Batavia: at which place we
shall expect you in July following attended with good success.

Of all the lands, countries, islands, capes, points or coves, inlets,
bays, rivers, shoals, reefs, sands, cliffs, rocks, etc., which you meet
with and pass in this discovery, as well upon the coast of Nova Guinea
and the south land, as in the Indian Ocean and the inland seas, you are
to make accurate maps and circumstantial descriptions, and to draw
perfectly the views and form, for which purpose a draughtsman is to go
along with you.

Be particularly careful about longitude and latitude, in what direction
and at what distances the coasts, islands, capes, points, bays and
rivers are situated from one and other, and what are the marks by which
they may be known, as mountains, hills, trees, or buildings to be seen

Take a thorough survey of the depth of the water near shore, and of the
sunken rocks, the rapid current of the rivers at the points, how and by
what marks they are to be avoided, and if the bottom is hard, soft,
sharp, flat, sloping, or steep, and if they may be approached or not, by
the soundings; upon what marks the best anchoring places in harbours and
bays are to be found, how the inlets and rivers are to be entered, what
winds usually blow in the different parts; the course of the streams,
whether ebb and flood are regulated by the moon or wind; what
alterations of monsoon, rain or dry weather you experience; and observe
farther diligently to remark and note down (which is the duty of all
able pilots) whatever may be of service in future voyages to the
discovered countries.

The time of the year will doubtless not permit, by the shortening of the
days, to lose any time, but carefully and diligently to proceed; for the
above reason it is of consequence to discover as much, and in as short a
time as possible.

Nevertheless, to discover in a proper manner the coasts of the east and
south lands, it will be necessary in good time, now and then, to anchor
in proper places, always looking for and choosing such bays and harbours
as with the least danger may be entered and left, where you may lye in
safety, and which by accidental winds, or for other reasons, you may
soon quit.

But be particularly careful, circumspect and prudent in landing with
small craft, because (as above is mentioned) at several times Nova
Guinea has been found to be inhabited by cruel wild savages, and as it
is uncertain what sort of people the inhabitants of the south lands are,
it may rather be presumed that they are also wild and barbarous savages,
than a civilized people, for which reason you ought always to be upon
your guard and well armed; because in all countries of the globe
experience has taught us no savages are to be trusted, by reason they
always suppose people who appear so unexpectedly and strangely to them,
are only come to invade their country: all which is proved in the
discovery of America and the Indies, by the surprize and murdering many
careless and unwary discoverers, many times to the ruin of their

When you meet and converse with any of these savages, behave well and
friendly to them; do not take notice of little affronts or thefts which
they practise upon you, because resentment might create disgust; but try
by all means to engage their affection to you, the better to learn from
them the state of their country, particularly if any thing for the
service of the Company may be done there.

You are also to inquire, as much as time will permit, into the
productions of their country, the fruits and animals, the buildings, the
shape and faces of the people, their clothing, arms, morals, manners,
food, trade, religion, government, war, and everything worthy of remark;
particularly whether they are peaceable or malicious.

You are to show the samples of the goods which you carry along with you,
to inquire what materials and goods they possess, and what is wanted of
ours; all which you are closely to observe, well to annotate, and
correctly to describe; for which reasons you are to keep a very
circumstantial journal, wherein all particulars may be perfectly
inserted, by which, upon your return, you may give a satisfactory report
to us.

If any country be discovered peopled by a civilized nation (as
apparently will not be the case), you may depend more upon them than
upon the wild savages; try to converse with their governors and
subjects, and to establish an acquaintance; inform them you come there
to trade, show them the goods in proper order; for this purpose laden on
board of both the yachts and the tender, amounting to the sum of 2,809
guilders, 17 stivers, and 3 penningen, of all which the junior merchants
have to keep books in proper order, by which they (when called upon) may
be enabled to give a satisfactory account.

Shewing the samples and goods, you and the junior merchants are
carefully to remark what goods the strange nations most esteem, and to
which they are most inclined; likewise inquire what merchandize and
goods they possess, particularly after gold and silver, and whether
these metals are held in great esteem; to keep them ignorant of the
precious value, seem not greedy after it; if they offer to barter for
your goods, seem not to covet these minerals, but shew them copper,
tutenag,[20] pewter and lead, as if these were of more value to us. If
you find them inclined to trade, keep the goods which they seem most
greedy after at so high a value that none may be sold, nor bartered
without great profit. Likewise take nothing but what you are convinced
will turn out profitable to the Company, which in trading you will
learn. It will be particularly necessary to bring samples of the most
rare things to be found there, and of all the rest exact account, to see
what returns from thence can be made, and for the future may be

You are prudently to prevent all insolences and maltreatment of the
ship’s crew against the discovered nations, and to take care by no means
to insult them, in their houses, gardens, ships, possessions, nor women,
etc. Likewise not to carry away any inhabitants against their will, but
if a few voluntarily should be inclined to go along with you, then you
are permitted to bring them to this place.

We have herein expressed in general our intentions respecting the voyage
you are to undertake, but as upon all that may occur no precise orders
can be given, we leave the rest to your zeal, vigilance and good
conduct, likewise to the council’s prudent dispositions, in a full hope
and confidence you will in this expedition be so vigilant as to succeed
to the service of the Company, when we will not be backward to
recompense your endeavours as you may merit; for if in this voyage are
discovered any countries, islands or passages profitable to the Company,
we promise you by this to reward the conductors and well-behaving ships’
crew, with such premiums as we shall find their good service to have
merited, upon which you all may depend. Likewise you are to fix a
competent premium to those who first shall perceive an unknown country,
island, shoal, rock, or dangerous foul ground, in order to avoid as much
as possible all misfortunes.

To prevent any other European nation from reaping (perhaps) the fruits
of our labour and expences in these discoveries, you are everywhere to
take possession, in the name and by orders of the Dutch East India
Company, of the countries and islands you may arrive at not inhabited by
savages; to put up some signs, for instance, plant trees, sow some fruit
trees, erect a stone or post, and to cut or carve in them the arms of
the Netherlands or of the Company, and in what year and at what time
such a land was discovered and taken in possession, declaring further in
intention by the first opportunity to send people thither from hence,
and to establish a colony, to secure the property nearer to us.

But if it so happeneth (which is not likely) that you discover some
countries or islands that may have a polished government, you are to
endeavour with its chiefs or governors (in the name as above) to make
contract upon the most advantageous terms you possibly can obtain,
including a resignation (if they are inclined to do such); or permission
to frequent the place exclusive of all other nations; or other
advantages for the Company: all which you must note down
circumstantially in your journals, expressing the names and qualities of
those with whom you shall have treated, to serve the Company when it may
be wanted.

In order this dangerous voyage, according to these instructions and our
good intentions, may be well regulated and finished, good order kept
amongst the crew, right and justice administered conformable to the
general articles; and everything (which upon so dangerous and long a
voyage may happen and be required) be done and transacted to the
greatest service of the Company; we appoint by this the Honourable Abel
Jansz Tasman, commodore of the three yachts and the crew which sail with
them: we authorise him to hoist the pendant on board the yacht _Limmen_,
to assemble the council, whereof he is to be constantly president:
command, in consequence, the officers, soldiers, and sailors (no body
excepted) appointed upon the yachts _Limmen_, _De Zeemeuw_, and _De
Brak_, to acknowledge and obey him as their chief and commander; to
support him, by good advice and assiduity, to the forwarding of the
voyage and the ordered discovery of the unknown countries, as is the
duty of vigilant and faithful servants, in such a manner as, upon
return, every one may be able to answer.

The council of the three yachts shall consist of the following persons:—

 The commodore           Abel Jansz Tasman       Constantly President
 The skipper chief pilot François Jacobs         Of the Limmen
 The skipper             Dirk Cornelisz Haan     } Of the Zeemeuw
 Super cargo             Isaac Gissmans          }
 The skipper             Jasper Jansz Koops      Of the Brak
 Cryn Henderiskz         First mate              Of the Limmen
 Carsten Jurjansz[21]    First mate              Of the Zeemeuw
 Cornelis Robol          First mate              Of the Brak
 The junior merchant     Anthony Blauw, as councillor or secretary.

By this council shall all occurring business towards forwarding the
voyage, fulfilling of our orders, and administering of justice, be
concluded upon and transacted: if it so happen there is an equal number
of votes the commodore is to have two votes; but in cases of navigation
and discovery of countries, the second mates shall also assist with
advising votes, all which the commodore shall collect, and determine by
the majority of the concluding votes, taking care to have all
resolutions instantly triply registered and strictly complied with for
the service of the Company.

In the council of each particular yacht, the junior merchant or
bookkeeper and high boatswains, shall be called as directed in the
orders of our masters.

If the commodore Tasman (which God forbid) should decease, such a person
shall succeed him as in our sealed act is nominated, which in every
respect, conformable to this instruction, in manner his predecessor
commanded, and (as is right) he shall be obeyed.

The yachts are manned with 111 persons, and amongst them one officer and
16 soldiers. Namely:—

      In the Limmen,  45 sailors, 11 soldiers; in all  56 persons.
      In the Zeemeuw, 35 sailors,  6 soldiers; in all  41 persons.
      In the Brak,    14 sailors,  0 soldiers; in all  14 persons.
                      ——          ——                   ——
                      94 sailors  17 soldiers:  total 111 persons.

Are well provided with all necessary ammunition, tools and utensils, and
for eight months plentifully victualled. Manage everything well and
orderly, take notice you see the ordinary portion of two meat and two
pork days, and a quarter of vinegar, a half quarter of sweet oil per
week, and a half-quarter of arrack per day, regularly distributed. Each
yacht carries a leaguer and 120 quarts of strong arrack (the _Brak_ is
to be provided from the _Zeemeuw_), which must be carefully distributed
in the cold climate for the health of the people. Notwithstanding you
are plentifully stocked with waterbuts, manage particularly fresh water
and fuel to prevent wanting it; as you would then be obliged to search
after it, to the retarding of your voyage, or return without success, to
your shame and the great detriment of the Company, which has been at
great expense in equipping these yachts; and for these reasons, by
industry and prudence, ought to be prevented from suffering.

We give then no further instructions, and leave to your and the
council’s good conduct and advice what you will have more to do upon
this voyage; only recommending seriously in all emergencies, to use such
prudence as may keep the Company’s valuable ships and people out of all
dangers as much as can be done. For the better to answer this purpose,
we do not approve the commodore much to leave shipboard, but to stay in
the yacht, unless (with advice of the council) the Company’s service may
require the contrary, in order to avoid the object being neglected, by
any unforseen misfortune in this important voyage.

To conclude this instruction, we wish you the protection and blessings
of Omnipotence, which we pray to inspire you with manly courage for the
intended discoveries, and after finishing to return in safety, to the
expanding of His glory, reputation to the mother country, the service of
the Company, our contentment, and to your own everlasting honour.

Out of the castle, Batavia, this 29th day of January, 1644, signed


 _Southland sealed-up Commission for the Successor of the Commodore Abel
                  Jansz Tasman, in case of his Decease._

In consideration of the uncertainty of life in the human race, and the
disorders which many times arise from the loss of those in command, and
to prevent as much as possible all evils, we have found good to order,
as we do by this: that if the skipper, commodore Abel Jansz Tasman, upon
this voyage of discovery should decease (which God forbid), the skipper
of the yacht the _Zeemeuw_, Dirk Cornelisz Haan, shall succeed in his
place, shall be acknowledged and obeyed as chief, and receive and follow
this our instruction given to Tasman as given to himself.

In this case, for the service of the Company, is this our meaning and

Out of the castle, Batavia, day and date as above.


The Directors of the East India Company, encouraged by the successful
return of the five ships of General Carpenter, richly laden, caused
eleven vessels to be equipped the very same year, 1628, for the same
voyage: amongst which, there was one ship called the _Batavia_,
commanded by Captain Francis Pelsart. He sailed from the Texel on the
28th of October 1628; and, as it would be tedious to the reader to give
him a long account of a passage so well known as that to the Cape of
Good Hope, I shall pass over in silence that portion of his journal, and
content myself with observing, that on the 4th of June in the following
year, 1629, this vessel, the _Batavia_, being separated from the fleet
in a storm, was driven on some rocks which lie in the latitude of 28°
south, and which are called by the Dutch the Abrolhos of Frederick
Houtman. Captain Pelsart, who was sick in bed when this accident
happened, perceived at once that his ship had struck. It was night,
indeed; but the moon shone very brightly, and the weather was fair. He
immediately ran upon deck, and found that all the sails were set; their
course was north-east by north; and the sea appeared covered with a
white froth as far as the eye could reach. He summoned the master, and
charged him with the loss of the ship; who excused himself by saying, he
had taken all the care he could; and that, having discerned the froth at
a distance, he asked his shipmate, what he thought of it; who told him,
that this whiteness was occasioned by the rays of the moon. The captain
then asked him, what was to be done; and in what part of the world they
were. The master replied, that God only knew that, and that the ship was
on an unknown reef. They sounded, and found eighteen feet of water
abaft, and much less foreward. They immediately agreed to throw their
cannon overboard, in hopes that, when the ship was lightened, she might
be brought to float again. They dropped an anchor, however; but
meanwhile there arose a storm of wind and rain, which soon convinced
them of the danger they were in; for, being surrounded with rocks and
shoals, the ship was perpetually striking.

They then resolved to cut away the mainmast, which they did, but this
increased the shock; for though they cut the mast close by the board,
they could not get it clear, because it was much entangled with the
rigging. They could see no land, except an island, which, as far as they
could judge, was at about the distance of three leagues, and two smaller
islands, or rather rocks, which lay nearer. The master was sent to
examine them. He returned about nine in the morning, and reported that
the sea, at high water, did not cover them; but that the coast was so
rocky and full of shoals, that it would be very difficult to land upon
them. They resolved, however, to run the risk, and to send most of their
company on shore, to pacify the women, children, sick people, and such
as were out of their wits with fear, whose cries and noise served only
to disturb them. They put these on board their shallop and skiff; and
about ten o’clock in the morning, they perceived that their vessel began
to break. They redoubled their exertions to get up their bread upon
deck, but they did not take the same care of the water, not reflecting,
in the extremity of their danger, that they might be much distressed for
want of it on shore; but what embarrassed them most of all was the
brutal behaviour of some of the crew, who made themselves so drunk with
the wine, upon which no check was now kept, that they were able to make
only three trips that day, in which they landed one hundred and eighty
persons, twenty barrels of bread, and some small casks of water. The
master returned on board towards evening, and told the captain, that it
was of no use to send more provisions on shore, for the crew only wasted
those they had already. Pelsart then went in the shallop to put things
into some order, and discovered that there was no water to be found upon
the island. He endeavoured to return to the ship, in order to bring off
a supply, together with the most valuable part of their cargo; but a
storm suddenly arising, he was forced to return.

The whole of the fifth day of the month was spent in removing the water,
and some of the merchandise, on shore; and afterwards, the captain in
the skiff, and the master in the shallop, endeavoured to return to the
vessel, but found the sea running so high, that it was impossible to get
on board. In this extremity, the carpenter threw himself out of the
ship, and swam to them, in order to inform them to what hardships those
left in the vessel were reduced; and he was sent back, with orders for
them to make rafts, by tying the planks together, and endeavour on these
to reach the shallop and skiff; but before this could be done, the
weather became so rough, that the captain was obliged to return,
leaving, with the utmost grief, his lieutenant and seventy men on the
very point of perishing on board the vessel. Those who had reached the
little island were not in much better condition; for, upon taking an
account of their water, they found they had not above eighty pints for
forty people; and on the larger island, where there were one hundred and
eighty, the stock was still less. Those who were on the little island
began to murmur, and to complain of their officers, because they did not
go in search of water on the neighbouring islands; and they represented
the necessity of this to Captain Pelsart, who yielded to their
remonstrances, but told them that before he went, he wished to
communicate this resolution to the rest of the people. It was with
difficulty that he gained their consent to this, for the master was
afraid that the other party would keep the captain with them. At length
they consented, but not till the captain had declared, that without the
consent of the company on the large island that he should go in search
of water, he would, rather than leave them, perish on board his ship.
When he got near to the island, he who commanded the boat told the
captain, that if he had anything to say, he must call out to the people;
for that they would not suffer him to go out of the boat. The captain
then attempted to throw himself overboard, in order to swim to the
island; but he was prevented, and the order given to pull off from the
shore. Thus he was obliged to return, having first left these words
written on a leaf of a tablet, that he was gone in the skiff to look for
water in the nearest country or islands that he could find.

They first sought along the coasts of the islands, and certainly found
water in the holes of the rocks, but the sea had dashed into it, and
rendered it unfit for use; they therefore determined to seek farther on.
They made a deck to their boat, as it would have been impracticable to
navigate those seas in an open vessel. A few more of the crew joined
themselves to the company for the same purpose; and after the captain
had obtained the signature of his people to that resolution, they
immediately put to sea, having first taken an observation, by which they
found themselves in latitude 28° 13´ south. A short time afterwards,
they had sight of the continent, which appeared, according to their
estimation, to lie about sixteen miles north by west from the place
where they had suffered shipwreck. They found the water about
twenty-five or thirty fathoms deep; and, as night drew on, kept out to
sea, standing in for the land again after midnight. On the morning of
the 9th (of June) they found themselves, according to their reckoning,
about three miles from the shore; this day they made four or five miles
by many tacks, sailing sometimes north, sometimes west, the coast lying
north-quarter-west, the coast appearing low, naked, and excessively
rocky, being nearly of the same height as that near Dover. At last they
saw a little creek, with sandy bottom, into which they were anxious to
enter, but upon approaching it, they found that the sea ran high, and
the weather becoming more threatening, they were obliged to haul off the

On the 10th, they remained in the same parts, tacking first on one side
and then on the other, but the sea being still rough, they determined to
abandon their shallop, and even to throw a part of the bread which
remained in the vessel overboard, since it hindered them from clearing
themselves of the water, which the vessel made upon every side. It
rained much that night, and afforded them hopes that their people who
remained upon the islands would derive great relief therefrom. On the
eleventh day, the wind, which was west-south-west, began to sink, and
they steered their course towards the north, for the sea, which still
ran high, obliged them to keep at a distance from the land. On the 12th,
they made an observation, by which they found themselves in the latitude
of 27°. The wind being south-east, they bordered the coast, but were
unable to land on account of its steepness, there being no creek, or low
land, in advance of the rocks, as is usually found on sea coasts. From a
distance, the country appeared fertile and full of vegetation. On the
13th, they found themselves by observation in the latitude of 25° 40´;
by which they discovered that the current had carried them towards the
north, and over against an opening, the coast lying to the north-east.
This day their course lay towards the north, but the coast presented one
continuous rock of a red colour, and of an equal height, without any
land in advance, and the waves broke against it with such force that it
was impossible for them to land.

The wind blew very fresh on the morning of the 14th, but towards noon it
became calm, the latitude being 24°, and the wind at east, but the tide
still carried them farther north than they desired, for their design was
to make a descent as soon as possible; with which view they sailed
slowly along the coast, till, perceiving smoke at a distance, they rowed
towards the spot from whence it proceeded, hoping to find inhabitants
and consequently water. They found the coast steep, full of rocks, and
the sea very high, which caused them to lose all hope of effecting a
landing. At length, six of the men, trusting to their skill in swimming,
threw themselves into the sea, and at last with much trouble and danger
reached the shore, the boat remaining at anchor in twenty-five fathoms
water. These men passed the entire day in seeking for water; and, whilst
thus employed, they perceived four men, who approached them upon
all-fours; but one of our people advancing towards them upon a rising
ground, they immediately raised themselves and took to flight, so that
they were distinctly seen by those who were in the skiff. These people
were savages, black and quite naked, not having so much even as the
covering worn by nearly all other savage people. The sailors, having no
longer any hope of finding water there, swam on board again, wounded and
bruised by the blows which they received from the waves and rocks. The
anchor being weighed, they continued their course along the shore, in
the hopes of finding some spot more adapted for landing.

On the 15th, in the morning, they discovered a cape, from the point of
which there ran a reef or chain of rocks a mile into the sea, whilst
another reef extended itself along the coast. As the sea there appeared
but little agitated, they ventured between the rocks, but found that
they formed only a _cul-de-sac_, and that there was no place for exit.
About noon, they saw another opening, where the sea was smooth, but it
appeared dangerous to attempt it, there being no more than two feet of
water, and many stones. In front of the whole length of this coast is a
table of sand one mile in breadth. As soon as they landed, they fell to
digging wells in this advanced coast, but the water which they found
there was brackish. At length, they discovered some soft rain-water in
the clefts of the rocks, which was a great relief to them, for they were
dying of thirst, having had for some days previously little more than
half a pint of water apiece. Of this, they collected during the night
that they remained there about twenty gallons. It was evident that some
savages had been there a short time before, as they found the remains of
crayfish and some ashes.

On the morning of the 16th, they resolved to return again to the shore,
in the hopes of being able to collect a greater quantity of water from
the rocks, since there remained no chance of their finding it elsewhere.
But no rain had fallen for some time, for they discovered no more, and
the land which they found beyond the rocks which skirted the coast held
out no promise to them. The country was flat, without vegetation or
trees, with nothing in view but ant-hills, and these so large that, from
a distance, they were taken to be the habitations of the Indians. They
found there such a wonderful quantity of flies, that they were compelled
to defend themselves from them. At some distance they perceived eight
savages, each of whom carried a club in his hand; these came up within
musket shot, but when they saw our people advancing to meet them, they
took to flight. At length, finding that there was no longer hope of
obtaining water, our people determined, about mid-day, to leave the
coast, and accordingly departed by another opening in this reef, more to
the northward. Finding by observation that they were in 22° 17´, they
formed the idea of seeking the river of Jacob Remmessens, but the wind
blowing from the north-east, they found they could no longer follow the
coast; when, taking into consideration that they were distant more than
one hundred miles from the place of shipwreck, and that they had with
difficulty found sufficient water for their subsistance, they resolved
to make the best of their way to Batavia, to inform the governor of
their misfortune, and to solicit assistance for the people they had left
in the islands.

On the 17th, they were prevented by fog from taking an observation at
mid-day. This day they made about fifteen miles, the wind being
north-west by north, fresh, and dry, and their route north-east.

On the 18th, they were still unable to take an observation at mid-day,
but, by their reckoning, they made ten miles upon a wind, west
north-west; the weather rough with much rain and wind, which, towards
mid-day, veered from north-east slightly towards the north, their course
lying to the west. The same weather continued the whole of the 19th, so
that they were again unable to take an observation; but by their
reckoning they made about seven leagues, their course lying north
north-east, and the wind being due west.

On the 20th, they found themselves by an observation in 19° 22´ of
latitude, having made, by reckoning, twenty-two miles, their course
lying northerly, and the wind west south-west, fresh, with a slight

The 21st, they reckoned to have made twenty-three miles in a northerly
direction, the wind varying from south-west to south-east, sometimes
fresh, followed by a calm.

An observation on the 22nd showed them to be in latitude 16° 10´, which
greatly surprised them, as they could not imagine how, in so short a
time, they had been enabled to pass so many degrees; the current
apparently carried them strongly towards the north. By their reckoning
they were found to have made twenty-four miles, the course northerly,
with a fresh breeze at times from the south-east.

They found it impossible to take an observation upon the 23rd, but, by
their reckoning, they had made sixteen miles, their course lying north
by west, the wind this day sometimes veering from east to west, weather
variable, rainy and occasionally calm. In the evening the wind stood at
south south-east.

On the 24th, the weather was dry, fresh, with the wind south-east by
south. About mid-day they found themselves in latitude 13° 10´, the
course twenty-five miles north by west.

On the 25th, the wind blew from the south-east, the weather dry, and
fresh, and the latitude 13° 30´. This day they had advanced by their
reckoning thirty-one miles, north by west, and saw much sea-weed.

The 26th day they were in latitude 9° 56´, the wind south-east, and the
weather dry. This day they advanced twenty-four miles in the same

On the 27th day the wind blew from the south-east, and the weather being
rainy they were unable to take an observation. After mid-day they saw
the land of Java, in latitude 8° according to their calculations, and
distant about four or five miles. They changed their course to west
north-west, hugging the coast until evening, when they discovered a
point beyond which lay an island abounding with trees. Having made for
this point they found, towards dusk, a bay, into which they entered,
following a course towards the north north-west, and casting anchor in
eight fathoms water, with a hard bottom, they passed the night there.

On the morning of the 28th, they weighed anchor, and rowed towards shore
to look for water, for they were reduced to extremity by thirst. Happily
they discovered a spring, at which they quenched their thirst and
refilled their casks, and towards mid-day resumed their course for

After midnight in the second watch of the 29th, they perceived an island
before them, which they left on their starboard or right side, and at
day-break found themselves near the cove which lies upon the west side
thereof, from whence they continued their course towards the west
north-west. By pursuing this route one gives a wide berth to the shore
at the bottom of this cove, but nears it again before the Trowuen
Islands are reached. About mid-day they found themselves in latitude 6°
48´, and that by reckoning they had made thirty miles, the course lying
west north-west, about three o’clock in the afternoon. They passed
between these two islands, and saw upon the more westerly one a great
quantity of cocoa-nut trees. About evening they were still distant one
mile from the south point of Java, and at the third bell of the second
watch found themselves exactly between Java and Prince’s Island. On the
morning of the thirtieth day they were near the coast of Prince’s
Island, and made only two miles that day. Towards evening a slight
breeze sprung up from the land.

The weather moderated on the 1st of July, and at mid-day they were still
full three leagues distant from the island called Dwaers-inden-wegh,[22]
the wind being inconstant. About evening the wind blew from the
north-west, so that they gained the island of which I speak. The night
was calm, and they were constrained to row.

On the morning of the second, being opposite to the island called
Toppers-hoëtien, they were forced to remain at anchor till nigh eleven
o’clock, expecting the sea breeze; but it rose so slightly that they
were compelled to continue rowing, and found by the evening that they
had only advanced two miles. At sunset they perceived a sail astern
opposite to the island Dwaers-inden-wegh, whereupon they reached the
coast and cast anchor there, resolved to await its coming. When the
morning came they boarded this vessel, hoping to obtain assistance and
arms for their defence against the Javanese in case they were at war
with the Dutch. They found the vessel accompanied by two others of the
Company, in one of which was Ramburgh, counsellor to the Company.
Pelsart went on board his vessel, and having recounted to him with grief
the accident that had befallen him, sailed with him to Batavia.

Whilst he is soliciting assistance, I will return to those of the crew
who remained upon the island; but I should first inform you that the
supercargo, named Jerome Cornelis, formerly an apothecary at Harlem, had
conspired with the pilot and some others, when off the coast of Africa,
to obtain possession of the ship and to take her to Dunkirk, or to avail
themselves of her for the purposes of piracy. This supercargo remained
upon the wreck ten days after the vessel had struck, having discovered
no means of reaching the shore. He even passed two days upon the
mainmast, which floated, and having from thence got upon a yard, at
length gained the land. In the absence of Pelsart he became commander,
and deemed this a suitable occasion for putting his original design into
execution, concluding that it would not be difficult to become master of
that which remained of the wreck, and to surprise the commander when he
should arrive with the assistance which he had gone to Batavia to seek,
and afterwards to cruise in these seas with his vessel. To accomplish
this it was necessary to get rid of those of the crew who were not of
his party; but before embruing his hands with blood, he caused his
accomplices to sign a species of compact, by which they promised
fidelity one to another. The entire crew was divided between three
islands; upon that of Cornelis, which they had named the graveyard of
Batavia, was the greatest number of men. One of them, by name Weybehays,
had been dispatched to another island to seek for water, and having
discovered some after a search of twenty days, he made the preconcerted
signal by lighting three fires, but in vain, for they were not seen by
the people of Cornelis’s company, the conspirators having, during that
time, murdered those who were not of their party. Of these they killed
thirty or forty; some few saved themselves upon pieces of wood, which
they joined together, and going in search of Weybehays informed him of
the horrible massacre that had taken place. Having with him forty-five
men he resolved to keep upon his guard, and to defend himself from these
assassins if they should make an attack upon his company, which, in
effect, they designed to do, and to treat the other party in the same
manner; for they feared lest their company, or that which remained upon
the third island, should inform the commander upon his arrival, and thus
prevent the execution of their design. They succeeded easily with the
party last mentioned, which was the weakest, killing the whole of them,
excepting seven children and some women. They hoped to succeed as easily
with Weybehays’ company, and in the meanwhile broke open the chests of
merchandise which had been saved from the vessel. Jerome Cornelis caused
clothing to be made for his company out of the rich stuffs which he
found therein, choosing to himself a body guard, each of whom he clothed
in scarlet, embroidered with gold and silver. Regarding the women as
part of the spoil, he took one for himself, and gave one of the
daughters of the minister to a principal member of his party, abandoning
the other three for public use; he drew up also certain rules for the
future conduct of his men.

After these horrible proceedings, he caused himself to be elected
captain-general by a document, which he compelled all his companions to
sign. He afterwards sent twenty-two men in two shallops to destroy the
company of Weybehays, but they met with a repulse. Taking with him
thirty-seven men he went himself against Weybehays, who received him at
the water’s edge as he disembarked, and forced him to retire, although
he had no other weapons but clubs, the ends of which he had armed with
spikes. Finding force unavailing he had recourse to other means. He
proposed a treaty of peace, the chaplain who remained with Weybehays
drawing up the conditions; it was agreed to with this proviso, that
Weybehays’ company should remain unmolested, who, upon their part,
agreed to deliver up a little boat in which one of the sailors had
escaped from the island where Cornelis was located to that of Weybehays,
receiving in return some stuffs for clothing his people. During the
negotiations, Cornelis wrote to certain French soldiers who belonged to
the company, offering to each six thousand pounds to corrupt them, with
the hope that with this assistance he might easily compass his design.
His letters, which were without effect, were shown to Weybehays, and
Cornelis, who was ignorant of their disclosure, having arrived the next
day with three or four others to find Weybehays and bring him the
apparel, the latter caused him to be attacked, killed two or three of
his company, and took Cornelis himself prisoner. One of them, by name
Wouterlos, who escaped from this rout, returned the following day to
renew the attack, but with little success.

Pelsart arrived during these occurrences in the frigate _Sardam_; as he
approached the wreck he observed smoke from a distance, rising from one
of the islands, a circumstance that afforded him great consolation,
since he perceived by it that his people were not all dead. He cast
anchor, and threw himself immediately into a skiff with bread and wine,
and proceeded to land in one of the islands. Nearly at the same time a
boat came alongside armed with four men. Weybehays, who was one of the
four, ran to him, informed him of the massacre, and advised him to
return as speedily as possible to his vessel, for that the conspirators
designed to surprise him—having already murdered twenty-five persons—and
to attack him with two shallops; adding, that he himself had that
morning been at close quarters with them. Pelsart perceived at the same
time the two shallops coming towards him, and had scarcely got on board
his own vessel before they came alongside. He was surprised to see the
people covered with embroidery of gold and silver, and weapons in their
hands, and demanded of them why they approached the vessel armed. They
replied that they would inform him when they came on board. He commanded
them to cast their arms into the sea, or otherwise he would sink them.
Finding themselves compelled to submit, they threw away their weapons,
and, being ordered on board, were immediately placed in irons. One of
them, named Jan de Bremen, who was the first examined, confessed that he
had put to death, or assisted in the assassination of twenty-seven
persons. The same evening Weybehays brought his prisoner on board.

On the 18th day of September, the captain and the master-pilot, taking
with them ten men of Weybehays’ company, passed over in boats to the
island of Cornelis. Those who still remained thereon lost all courage as
soon as they saw them alongside, and allowed themselves to be placed in
irons. The captain’s first care was to make search for the jewels, which
had been distributed here and there. The whole of these were discovered
at the first search, with the exception of a chain of gold and a ring,
the latter of which was afterwards recovered. The wreck was afterwards
visited. The vessel was broken into a hundred pieces; the keel upon one
side aground upon a sandbank, the forepart of the vessel resting upon a
rock, and other pieces scattered here and there, holding out little hope
to Pelsart of saving any part of the Company’s merchandise. The steward
informed him, that about one month previous, upon the only fine day they
had had during their residence there, having gone out fishing near the
wreck, he had struck against one of the chests filled with silver with
the end of a pike.

On the 19th, they conveyed the other accomplices to the island for the
purpose of examining them.

On the 20th, they sent various necessaries to Weybehays’ company, and
brought away water from them; for, after being ten days upon the island
without discovering any, they thought of tasting some which was in two
wells, but which they had believed to be salt, because it rose and fell
with the tide, but they afterwards found it to be good to drink.

On the 21st, they found the tide very low, and the wind so strong from
the east south-east, that the boat could not go out this day.

On the 22nd, they again wished to examine the wreck, but the sea broke
upon it so roughly that the swimmers themselves did not venture to
approach it.

On the 25th, the master and pilot approached it at a favourable moment,
and those who remained on shore perceiving that there was something that
they were unable to remove therefrom, sent assistance to them, the
captain going in person, and they found that they had discovered a chest
full of silver. A second chest was afterwards found, and the two were
placed on dry land; but they were unable to obtain more that day on
account of the bad weather, although the divers of Guzarat assured them
they had found six other chests which they could easily remove.

On the 26th, after they had dined, the weather being fine and the tide
very low, the master set out for the spot where the chests had been seen
and recovered three, placing an anchor and a piece of artillery to mark
the spot where a fourth remained, which, after great endeavours, they
found themselves unable to move.

On the 27th, the wind blew very cold from the south.

On the 28th, the wind continued from the same quarter, and as it did not
suffer them to work near the wreck, the captain assembled a council to
advise whether he should bring the prisoners to trial there, or carry
them to Batavia, to be there tried by the officers of the Company. The
great number of them, and the temptation offered by the great treasures
which they had recovered from the wreck, and with which the frigate was
loaded, caused the majority to vote for their immediate trial and
execution, which was there and then carried into effect.



On the 26th of March, 1636, there arrived two shallops, the _Amsterdam_
and the _Weasel_, sent from Amboina, with orders to Governor Acoley at
Banda, to give to the commander of these ships, Gerard Thomasz Pool,
such information concerning the South Land as might be necessary for him
to perform a voyage thither, under the orders of the honourable Company.

After he had received the desired instructions, and had been furnished
with sufficient provisions and other necessaries, he sailed with those
vessels on the 17th of April.

On the 30th of June following both these vessels returned, and informed
the governor that, having reached the Flat Point in about 4½ degrees of
south latitude on the 18th of April, they had determined to send some of
their people on shore to take a view of the country. The Commander Pool,
desirous to see everything himself, resolved to be of the party, and
took with him his steward, Andries Schiller, a native of Nuremberg. They
were scarcely landed, when a large body of wild Southlanders, who at
first appeared friendly, but acted afterwards in a hostile manner,
surrounded them, in so much that it was not in their power to escape.
The Commander Pool perceiving the danger greater than he at first
expected, was still in hopes to escape; but he found himself attacked
one of the first, and received a blow with a hazegay, which immediately
brought him to the ground. When he recovered his senses and saw that his
steward was still defending himself, he called out to him that he would
do better to try to make his escape, as otherwise he would not be able
to do it, for the savages were coming on in yet greater numbers. He did
so, but was likewise soon knocked down.

The wild Southlanders, perceiving the hanger which the Commander Pool
had in his hand, forced it from him and cut these two men to pieces, and
carried them into the wood; but it never could be discovered what they
did with them, nor what became of the two sailors who were likewise

The crew could only tell, that these Southlanders have a very black
skin, much like the Caffers of Angola, but with long black hair on their
head, and were much stouter and taller in stature than any Europeans,
and quite naked, with the exception of their middle. They also reported
that one of them, appearing to be a chief, had a rough skin of some wild
beast wrapped round his neck; and that they were armed partly with
hazegays, and a kind of javelins with sharp iron points; and partly with
bows and arrows.

                      SUCCESS WHICH ATTENDED THEM.

 _Drawn up and Translated from Authentic MS. Copies of the Logbooks in
                   the Royal Archives at the Hague._

The ship _De Vergulde Draeck_, equipped by the Chamber of Amsterdam,
having sailed on the 4th of October, 1655, from Tessel to East India,
with a rich cargo, including 78,600 guilders in cash, in eight boxes,
was wrecked very suddenly on the 28th of April, at night, at the
beginning of the first day-watch, on the coast of the Southland, on a
reef stretching out to sea about one mile and a half, latitude 30⅔°. Of
one hundred and ninety-three souls only seventy-five, among whom were
the skipper Pieter Aberts and the under-steersman, reached the shore
alive. Nothing was saved from the ship, which foundered and sunk at
once, except a small quantity of provisions washed on shore by the
waves. The news was brought to Batavia by one of the ship’s boats, with
the above-mentioned steersman and six sailors, after beating about for a
month, on the 7th of June, with the account that the sixty-eight persons
who remained behind were exerting themselves to get their boat afloat
again, which lay deeply embedded in the sand, that they might send it
also with some of their number to Batavia. The General and Council
resolved, for the rescue both of the above-mentioned unfortunate men,
and also of the Company’s specie and merchandise, to get ready without
delay a quick-sailing fly-boat, the _Witte Valck_, provisioned for five
months, with some further supplies for the above-mentioned men at the
Southland; as also some expert divers, with hatchets and other necessary
implements. This they ordered to join company with the yacht the _Goede
Hoop_, then cruizing in the Straits of Sunda, with instructions that
they should both proceed together without loss of time from the Straits
southwards, as far as 32° or 33° latitude, or until they met a strong
westerly trade-wind, in which case they would steer towards the coast of
the Southland. They were, moreover, to explore the said coast with
particular attention, near the part where the ship had been wrecked,
further than it had been already known, and to lay it down on a map,
with its capes, inlets, bays, rocks, sands, and shoals.

The _Witte Valck_ set sail on the 8th of June, in order to join company
with the yacht _Goede Hoop_, in the Sunda Straits. They sailed out
together, but returned without having succeeded in their object; the
former, on the 14th of September, and the yacht a month afterwards,
having been forced by a severe storm to part company on the 18th of
July, on their way out. According to the captain’s journals lying at
Batavia, they had reached the coast just in the winter time, during
which season the sea is so boisterous there, that an approach to the
coast is a matter of extreme danger. Thus, as these documents inform us,
they were compelled, after experiencing great danger and exhausting
every effort, to put off from the coast and to return to Batavia,
leaving behind them eleven men of the yacht _Hoop_, three of them having
wandered too far into the woods and eight having been sent in search of
them, but not one of the number returned. As the boat in which they had
rowed to land was found dashed to pieces on the shore, the whole number,
most probably, came to an untimely end. According to the reports which
were made, some men or some signs of the wreck had been noticed,
although the _Goede Hoop_, which had been at the place where the ship
was supposed to have been wrecked, gave a different statement.

Subsequently the commander at the Cape of Good Hope, according to
instructions sent to him, gave orders in the year 1657 to the fly-boat
_Vinck_, bound thence to Batavia, to touch _en passant_ at the same
place where the above-mentioned disaster had occurred, that search might
be made for the unfortunate men. But his vessel also having arrived at
the unfavourable season, found no means of landing either with fly-boat
or boat, so as to make a proper search. According to its reports,
having, on the 8th of June, 1657, during the daytime, seen signs of land
in 29° 7´ south latitude, and the weather being very favourable, they
anchored at night in twenty-five fathoms water, the bottom being coarse
sand mixed with coral. In the morning, when day dawned, they saw the
surf breaking over the reef at the foot of which they lay, and on one
side of them the Southland, presenting a low sandy shore, on which their
anchor lifted. They continued their course along the coast in order to
observe the land, which was still kept in sight the following day. The
weather, however, became so boisterous, and the breakers rolled all
along the coast with such violence, that they were compelled to put out
a little further to sea, yet, throughout the 10th and 11th of June, they
still followed the coast line in forty or fifty fathoms water. However,
the chance of landing grew gradually less as they proceeded, for the
weather continued stormy, with thunder and lightning, so that it became
necessary to get clear of the coast. They allowed their ship to drive
before the wind under bare poles until the 12th, when they loosened sail
a little, the wind shifting between S., S.S.W., and S.S.E., and stood
out towards Batavia, where they arrived on the 27th.







  _Kell Bro^s. lith^{rs}. Castle St Holborn._

Notwithstanding all this, and although, as the statement of the General
and Council shows, the rescue of these men seemed hopeless, since it was
evident that they must either have perished from hunger and misery, or
been murdered by the barbarous natives; they resolved afterwards, as
there might be still some hope left, however small, to despatch, for a
third time, two galliots, the _Waeckende Boey_ and _Emeloort_, the
former with a crew of forty, the latter of twenty-five men, provisioned
for six months. They set sail from Batavia on the 1st of January, 1658,
with distinct orders both as to how to reach the Southland and as to
their conduct during the voyage: amongst them these; that after passing
the Straits of Sunda they should steer towards the S.W., and as much
further south as the wind would allow, so as to meet the S.E. trade
winds, when they would proceed at once as far southwards as they could
by crowding all sail until the west winds were encountered, when again
they should immediately steer as much south as east, in order that,
without loss of time and before encountering land, they might reach the
latitude of 32° or 33°, when, directing their course eastwards, they
should make the attempt to land at the Southland. It was enjoined that
every possible precaution should be used, as the coast in that quarter
was not much known or properly explored. It was added, that their
arrival would be in summer or the most favourable season of the year;
with other matters, set forth in the instructions given to them by the
General and Council on the last day of December, 1657. On the 19th of
April they returned to Batavia, having each of them separately, after
parting company by the way, sailed backwards and forwards again and
again, and landed parties at several points along the coast. They had
also continually fired signal guns night and day, without, however,
discovering either any Dutchmen or the wreck of the vessel. The only
things seen were some few planks and blocks, with a piece of the mast, a
taffrail, fragments of barrels, and other objects scattered here and
there along the coast, and supposed to be remnants of the wreck. The
crew of the _Emeloort_ also saw at different points five black men of
extremely tall stature, without however daring to land there. Thus of
this expedition again the only result was, that the crew of the
_Waeckende Boey_ abandoned a boat with fourteen of their comrades,
including the upper steersman, and that in a manner but too reckless, as
it afterwards proved and as we shall presently show. The boat having
been sent to land, and not returning within twenty-four hours, they
concluded that it must have been dashed against the cliffs and all hands
perished; the more so as, on returning to the same place five days
afterwards, and firing several signal-guns landwards, no men or signs of
men were seen. But from the report of four of their number who
afterwards arrived at Japara by way of Mataram, it appeared that the
unfortunate men, seeing themselves abandoned by their ship and finding
no other resource left, resolved at last to steer for the coast of Java.
Accordingly having repaired their boat, as best they might, with
sealskins, and provided themselves with a little water and seals’ flesh,
they set out on the 10th of April, and arrived on the 28th of the same
month on the south side of that island. But of their number at that time
eleven only remained, three having perished of thirst on the way, whilst
four others in the first instance, and afterwards two, who had been made
to swim ashore in search of water, had not returned, either from
obstinacy or because they were killed by the natives. On the following
day the boat was dashed to pieces on the beach by a heavy sea, when the
above four men, without having met either with the seven above-mentioned
or any other men, took their way westward along the coast and continued
to march for two months in a very weak and exhausted condition, until
they at last met with men who brought them to Mataram.

Among the number of those who returned was the upper steersman, Abraham
Leeman van Santwigh. Of the remaining seven nothing more was heard.

It afterwards appeared from the diaries of the before-mentioned galliots
that, notwithstanding the strong injunctions to that effect laid down in
their instructions, proper care had not been taken by them to keep
together, so as to render assistance to each other in case of accident,
and to combine in using the most effectual means for landing and
exploring the coast.

The Fiscal of India was ordered to consult further with the Council of
Justice on the subject, but the General and Council were of opinion that
the unfortunate men from the ship _De Draeck_ must one and all have
perished long ago, since no traces of them had been discovered
throughout the whole length of the coast. Consequently all thoughts of
any further special expeditions were given up, the more so as the two
former ones had proved so disastrous. Orders, however, were given that
any galliot or light fly-boat should seize any opportunity of touching
there in favourable weather once more on their way from this country, to
see if any clue to the missing men might perchance be found.

The log-books of the galliots were sent over, together with an extract
from that of the fly-boat _Elburgh_, as far as related to the Southland,
together with the small charts of the coast.

We shall now enter into a few further particulars with a view to the
fuller elucidation of the subject. According to the journal of Aucke
Pietersz Jonck, skipper of the galliot _Emeloort_, they sighted land
while at a distance of four miles from the shore, on the 8th of March,
at 30° 25´ south latitude, the south point lying E.S.E., and the north
point N.E. by N. They also saw smoke rising towards the E.S.E. and E.,
whereupon they fired three guns and hoisted a large flag on the
mainmast. At night a fire was again seen at N.E. by E.

On the 9th, a fire on shore was again seen and answered with a signal of
three guns, and the boat was launched with a crew of nine hardy men and
the steersman, provisioned for eight days; on their approach the smoke
or fire disappeared, whereupon they returned on board. This fire was at
a distance of two miles from the former one. Nine signal-guns were then
fired from the ship, and afterwards three at night. A light was also
hung aloft during the night, but no signs were observed on land.

On the 10th, the boat was again sent ashore, and a large fire again seen
on the beach, at the same place as on the previous day, upon which a gun
was fired every hour from the ship and a flag hoisted. About two hours
elapsed before the boat could reach the shore. Fires at four different
points were again seen from the ship during the night, one of which
continued burning throughout the night, and several musket-shots were

The boat’s crew related that they had come across three huts, and had
encountered five persons of tall stature and imposing appearance, who
made signs to them to approach; this, however, from distrust of their
intentions, they did not venture to do. On their returning again to the
boat these people followed them down to the beach, but were afraid to
enter the boat. Much brushwood was seen on shore by this party, and in
some places crops of growing grain which they set fire to, also portions
of land under cultivation; no fruits, however, were noticed, but merely
a few herbs of an agreeable smell. Further inland they saw neither fresh
water nor trees, but numerous sandy downs; at night also many fires.
After having gone three miles along the shore as well as inland without
meeting any misadventure, they again proceeded with the ship under sail,
but saw no signs of anything remarkable along the coast from latitude
33° 30´ to 30° 25´. There they went again on shore with the same result.
This prolonged investigation proved altogether fruitless with regard
both to the lost ship and the crew. The natives they encountered were
men of stalwart frame, naked, and very dark-skinned; they wore a
headdress forming a kind of crown, but with no covering on any part of
their bodies except their middle. They then returned, the crew beginning
to suffer very much, chiefly from sore eyes. They left the cliff
Tortelduyf on the starboard side. On the 15th of March they saw many
gulls, entirely black but of small size, and on the 17th, several
wag-tails. On the 26th, the point Wynkoopsbergen lay to the W.N.W. of
them, distant three miles. They continued to coast along at a distance
of four, five, six, or seven miles, and would have again touched land
had the weather permitted.

On the 14th of April they made for the west point of Java, and there
fell in again with the _Waeckende Boey_, which had lost its boat and
schuyt and fourteen men, and had got some timber from the _Vergulde
Draeck_ at 31° 15´ south latitude, without having perceived anything

Further, from the journal of the _Waeckende Boey_ it appears, that
having arrived on the 23rd of February 1658, at 31° 40´, they saw land
at a distance of eight miles from them, bore down upon it, and found it
to be an island about three miles distant from the mainland. On the
24th, they came to anchor in seventeen fathoms water and launched the
boat, there being a bar between the ship and the shore. On the 25th,
they still lay at 31° 20´.

On the 26th, on the return of the boat from the shore, the steersman
reported many signs of the lost ship _Draeck_, but neither footpaths nor
any places where traces of human beings had been left were discovered,
notwithstanding they had been in all directions both inland and along
the coast. They further reported that wood and other objects, portions
of boxes, etc., a barrel, and other things had been found; also a number
of pieces of plank, standing upright in a circle. Having weighed anchor
they sailed along the coast, and on that occasion their schuyt was
capsized and lost.

On the 27th, when about two miles from the coast, latitude 31° 14´, the
boat was sent on shore, and returned with the report that nothing had
been observed but a reef about ⅔ [of a mile?] off the coast seawards.

On the 28th, having arrived at 30° 40´, and several fires having been
seen on land, the boat was again sent out. The steersman reported that
nothing had been observed but a great smoke, and that they had been
unable to land with the boat owing to the violence of the surf. Having
descried the _Emeloort_ in the offing, they returned with her.

March 2nd, at 30° 6´, the _Emeloort_ was separated from them in the
night and was lost sight of. On the 5th, they were driven by stormy
weather round the south.

The weather continuing cold and wet, they resolved to serve out extra
rations of rum to each man.

On the 8th, the weather grey and cold. They supposed themselves to be in
31° 47´. The 18th, saw land to the eastward, being about 31° 49´. At
sunset they came to anchor under a north-easterly point of the island,
half a mile from land.

On the 19th, a boat was put off in the direction of the island; the
steersman reported its being well wooded, but that no good landing place
had been met with, the coast being surrounded by rocky reefs. Two seals
were seen there, also one wild cat, and the excrements of other animals.
On the 20th, a boat was sent on shore well manned; the following day
several signal-guns were fired, and in the evening the boat returned to
the ship, bringing with it a piece of the mast of the _Draeck_, and
again returning to land after taking in a supply of provisions, brought
back a part of the round-top, a block, and other trifling objects.

On the 22nd, they again sent to shore. At night it blew hard, the waves
running very high. A gun was fired, and a light hung out as a guide to
the boat on its return. They ran great risk of driving upon the rocks.
At midnight, the cable parting, another anchor was dropped.

On the 23rd, the weather being still boisterous, and they themselves in
great distress and nothing seen of the boat, fears were entertained that
it might have capsized or been dashed against the rocks. They were
afterwards compelled to cut their cable and run out to sea.

On the 27th, they sighted the island again, and ran so near the coast
that they might have been seen by a man on the beach. Several guns were
fired toward the place where the boat had last gone to land, but neither
sign nor sound being observed, it was taken for certain that they had
been lost, and resolved that they should sail along the coast toward
Batavia. The fire was again seen at dusk close to the sea-line, which
they supposed to have been lighted by the crew of the _Draeck_ or the
_Waeckende Boey_, as no such fire had been seen before. A gun was fired,
whereupon another fire close to the first became visible. But having
neither boat nor schuyt, it was impossible to land and equally so to
come to anchor; the bottom being coral-rock.

On the 29th, they found themselves at some distance to the north of the
point where the fire was seen. The coast became more level as they
proceeded, and they sailed along the shore till sunset, when they again
run further out to sea; in the course of the second watch they passed
the Tortelduyf cliff, the surf breaking on it being plainly visible.

On the 30th, the weather not permitting them to run close in, they
remained at some distance off shore. On the 31st, they were distant five
miles from the Dirck Hertogs Reede, and on April 10th, arrived at

From the journal of the above-mentioned Abraham Leeman, steersman of the
_Waeckende Boey_, it appears that they first sighted the Southland on
the 22nd of February, 1656, went several times on shore with the boat,
and on one occasion, on the 20th of March, having again landed, they
went inland in a northerly direction, and in searching along the beach
found there pieces of plank, lids of boxes, staves of water-barrels and
butter-casks, and other objects of trifling importance. The heat on that
day was excessive, so much so that one of the men fainted. They also
found similar planks, staves, etc., in an enclosure. They then
encountered a very heavy sea, which prevented their returning on board
their vessel, and were obliged to sail along the cliffs in the utmost
peril. Owing to the dangerous nature of the coast they were obliged to
keep themselves alive by eating seals’ flesh, gulls, etc., and, from
want of fresh water, they were compelled to supply its place by
sea-water and their own urine. At last they were compelled to undertake
a perilous voyage across the ocean in their little shallop, and at
length reached Batavia by way of Mataram and Japara.

Moreover the General and Council recount, in their general letter of the
14th of December, 1658, that the fly-boat _Elburg_, when on its way
hence, had come upon the Southland in 31½° latitude, and had been
obliged, on account of wind and the heavy sea, to anchor about two miles
and a half off the coast in twenty-two fathoms water, not without great
danger. Twelve days afterwards they again got into open sea, and in
latitude 33° 14´ found a commodious anchorage under a projecting corner
of the island in twenty fathoms water. The skipper, steersman, with the
sergeant and six soldiers went ashore, and found three black men round a
fire, dressed in skins, like the natives of the Cape of Good Hope. They
could not, however, get to speak to them. Three small hammers were also
found there, with wooden handles and heads of hard stone, fastened to
the stem by a sort of gum-lack, strong enough to break a man’s skull. A
little further inland stood some huts, but no more men were seen. In
several places they found fresh water, and here and there a great
quantity of this gum. The small hammer brought here was found, when
rubbed, to be of an agreeable odour and of a reddish colour.

Lastly, we have to notice, that, according to certain printed accounts,
the ship _Batavia_, having sailed hence to Batavia, ran very
unexpectedly, on the 4th of June of the following year, 1659, in the
morning hours, latitude 28⅓°, on the dangerous shoals of the Abrolhos,
commonly called with us Frederick Houtman’s Cliffs, and was wrecked. The
crew, however, reached in safety some small islands which lay near. No
fresh water was found there, but the boat with some men having left the
island, saw, in 24° latitude, smoke rising, and observed black men on
the shore.

                  THE 19TH OF APRIL OF THE SAME YEAR.

   _Translated from a Dutch MS. in the Royal Archives at the Hague._

The South Land has, on its coasts, downs covered with grass and sand so
deep, that, in walking, one’s foot is buried ankle-deep, and leaves
great traces behind it. At about a league from the shore there runs a
reef of rock, on which here and there the sea is seen to break with
great force. In some places there is a depth of from one, one and a
half, to two fathoms, so that a boat can pass, after which the depth
becomes greater up to the shore; but it is everywhere a dangerous coral
bottom, on which it is difficult to find holding for an anchor. There is
only one spot, about nine leagues to the north of the island, and where
three rocks are joined by a reef, that shelter is afforded for a boat,
and there one can effect a landing, but the ground is everywhere rocky.
Further from the coast there is a raised ground, tolerably level, but of
a dry and barren aspect, except near the island, where there is some
foliage. In nearly thirty-two degrees south latitude there is a large
island, nearly three leagues from the continent, with some rather high
mountains, covered with wood and thickets, which render it difficult to
pass across. It is dangerous to land there, on account of the reefs of
rock along the coast; and, moreover, one sees many rocks between the
continent and this island, and also a smaller island somewhat to the
south. This large island, to which I have not chosen to give a name
myself, thinking it right to leave the choice of name to the
governor-general, may be seen from the sea at seven or eight leagues
distance on a clear day. I presume that both fresh water and wood will
be found there in abundance, though not without considerable trouble.

_Two certain signs of the proximity of the west coast of the South

1st. When a variation is perceived in the compass in these countries to
about eleven degrees, it may be taken for certain that the land is not
more than eighteen to twenty leagues distant.

2ndly. When one sees sea-weed floating, soundings will be found in 70,
60, 50, 40, 30 fathoms, or even less.

                                     (_Signed_)       SAMUEL VOLCKERSEN.


                       FOL., AMST., 1705, p. 163.

“The north-west part of New Guinea, in 1½° south latitude, and beyond it
to the south-east, was for the first time rightly explored in the year
1678, by order of the Dutch East India Company, and found almost
everywhere to be enriched with very fine rivers, lakes, bays, etc., but,
judging from its outward aspect, the country itself seems to be barren
and uncultivated, being in few spots either planted or fenced in. In
many parts of the interior there are extremely high mountains, which are
seen by sailors at a great distance at sea as if towering above the
clouds. The air is not very mild, but very often damp and foggy, so much
so that most frequently in the afternoons the land is entirely hidden,
which has caused the Dutch East India Company the loss of many ships.

“About the north-western parts, the natives are in general lean and of
the middle size, jet black, not unlike the Malabars, but the hair of the
head shorter and somewhat less curly than the Caffres. In the black
pupil of their eyes gleams a certain tint of red, by which may in some
measure be observed that bloodthirsty nature of theirs which has at
different times caused us so much grief, from the loss of several of our
young men, whom they have surprised, murdered, carried into the woods,
and then devoured.

“They go entirely naked without the least shame, except their rajahs or
petty kings, and their wives, which are not native Papoos, but mostly
Ceram-Mestizoes, and are richly dressed after the manner of Ceram. Their
weapons are bows of bamboo, with arrows of the same, to whose ends are
fastened sharp pointed fish bones with dangerous barbs, which, when shot
into the body, cannot be extracted without great difficulty. They
likewise use lances, made of certain very heavy wild Penang wood: these
they throw at their mark with great accuracy at a distance of six or
seven fathoms. Some of them, living near the shore, use a certain kind
of swords, sold to them by the people of Ceram, the hilt of which is
tied to their hand by a rattan.

“Of their manners and religion, nothing else can be said than that, in
many respects, they are more like wild beasts than reasonable human
beings. Their women are delivered in the fields, or roads, or wherever
they may happen to be taken in labour. After the birth they instantly
put the infant in a bag, in which they carry their provisions, made of
beaten bark of a tree. The women of the better class rub their faces
with bruised coals, by which they make themselves look more like devils
incarnate than human creatures; though it cannot be denied that they
seem to possess, by the law of nature, a knowledge of the existence of a
God, which they show by pointing with folded hands towards the heavens.
For when any one lands at any place frequented by these people of Ceram,
they require of us to raise our hands as they do: and with a sharp
bamboo they cut both their own arms and those of their visitors. The
mutual sucking of the blood from these wounds constitutes their oath,
and implies a promise to do each other no mischief. Amongst them are
found some letters or characters, written with a sort of red chalk on a
rock. On this rock, also, were still to be seen some skulls and the bust
of a man, looking as if put up as an ornament, with a shield and other
weapons near it, the meaning of all which may be guessed at, but not
fixed with certainty.

Their food consists of roots, tree fruits, herbs, etc., but chiefly
fish, caught by them at low water in holes in the bed of the river, as
we, when lying at anchor thereabouts, could distinctly see by the motion
of the thousands of little lights which they used. They know very little
of cooking or drying their food, but generally eat it raw, except pork,
which they eat when it has been a little smoked, and is less than half

“In about 8° or 9° south latitude, we found a tall, terrible, and
disgusting race of people, whose chiefs have the inside of the upper lip
slit from the nose downwards, the two parts being kept asunder by what
they call a gabbe-gabbe. The two sides of the nose, also, are bored
through with sasappen, or thin awls, which gives their voices a
frightful and hollow sound, as if coming out of a deep cellar.

“It is believed that Nova Guinea is divided from Hollandia Nova, or the
south land, at about the latitude of 10° south. Of the country further
south we have up to the present day no certain information, except that
supplied by Abel Tasman, who sailed round the whole land and the coasts
of the Dutch East India Company’s possessions, and who testifies to have
found trees (beams) in which at intervals footsteps were cut to climb up
by, about seven feet apart, and also with footsteps in the sand about
fourteen or fifteen Dutch inches long, and every footstep six or six and
a half feet from the other. I am informed by a mate who, about thirty or
thirty-four years ago, lost his ship on the most westerly promontory of
the south land, that he with some of the crew reached Batavia in the
ship’s boat, and was despatched from thence to the place where he was
shipwrecked with provisions, and in order to deliver their shipmates
they left these; but they found none of them, though they saw
impressions of large footsteps.[24]

“The Ceramers are subjects, and likewise allies, of the Dutch Company,
and for the most part expert sailors; and by them, and none else, is the
coast of New Guinea visited. The inhabitants of New Guinea have for many
years suffered from the treachery and murders of this people, who, not
by force of arms but by cunning, have subdued the Papoos. Under the
cloak of friendship they take their women (in which they are not very
choice) for wives, and the children thus born, being very carefully
instructed in the Mahomedan faith, are easily able to control these
simple inhabitants of the woods. By this connection, also, the Ceramers,
having gained the attachment of the women, always know how to escape the
evil intentions which, for all that, the Papoos cannot restrain
themselves from trying to put in practice against their visitors.

“The fruits of the country of New Guinea are very few, consisting
chiefly in some few yams, cocoa nuts, betel nuts, and plantain trees,
which are planted here and there, in the neighbourhood of their own
places, by the Ceramers. The land does not seem to bring forth any wild
plants; the inhabitants live on leaf zajor,[25] roots of trees and
herbs, but the bread of the Moluccas, in general called sagou, is not
produced here, as far as I could learn. Only one sort of it is brought
here by the Ceramers for their own provision, and also for barter. Fish
of all sorts is everywhere so plentiful along the shore that they may be
caught with the greatest ease in uncommon abundance; but they want nets
and other fishing tackle, though they supply this defect in a masterly
manner by their art in making their fish baskets, in which, at each
spring tide, numbers of fish are caught. It is not known that any large
animals are found here, except hogs, which are plentiful; but vermin,
and in particular snakes, scorpions, and millepedes, are here in great

“The woods are filled with a variety of birds, making all day such an
uncommon noise that it is really astonishing. They are seldom, if ever,
shot by the inhabitants, as is sufficiently shown by their uncommon
tameness; for, one being shot, the other remains sitting next to it. But
our sportsmen must be careful in not entering too far into the woods,
for the Papoos imitate the birds very accurately, in order to trepan and
murder them, which has happened several times.

“They covet hatchets, cloaths, and beads, which are bartered for slaves.
When a slave is sold, they cut off a lock of his hair, believing that in
doing this they shall have more slaves. Those slaves are either
prisoners of war, or trepanned in the woods; many of them are sold in
Ternate and thereabouts. At the first they are so greedy in their eating
that they would nearly burst, if not checked in their gluttony.

“The heathens of Nova Guinea and Hollandia Nova believe there is some
divinity in the serpent, for which reason they represent them upon their

“The following is an extract from a letter written to me from Amboina,
as an account of New Guinea and Hollandia Nova, otherwise called the
South Land.

“‘The inhabitants of all New Guinea are a tall, ugly, and misshapen
people, not so much by nature as choice; for they cut their nostrils
asunder, that you may nearly see into their throats, from which it may
be conceived what fine faces those must be, after having their
promontories demolished in this manner. They go mostly naked, except
those who live upon the islands, who, by their intercourse with the
Ceram Lauers, are become a little more polished. Of them they get some
little clothing, with which they cover themselves, though but scantily;
but on the continent they are altogether a savage barbarous people, who
can on no account be trusted. They are addicted to thieving and murder,
so that the Ceram Lauers cannot trade with them except at a distance.
They lay their goods down upon the beach, being put up in heaps, when
the most venturesome among the strange traders comes forward and makes
it understood by gestures and signs how much he wants for them. Their
commerce consists in Tamboxe swords, axes to cut the trees down with,
bad cloths, sagoe-bread, rice, and black sugar; but the rice and black
sugar must be given beforehand, to induce them to trade. No traces of
government, order, or religion are discernible amongst them. They live
together like beasts: those upon the islands erect houses, and a kind of
villages, placing their houses commonly upon posts, raised to a
considerable height above the ground. On the continent they have slight
huts, covered with leaves, like hog-styes: in them lie indiscriminately
men, dogs, and hogs, upon the bare sand, otherwise they lie down in any
place where they can but find white sand. They mourn more for the loss
of a dog or hog than for their mothers. They bury their dead hogs and
dogs, but not their deceased relations, whom they lay down upon high
rocks to decay under the rain and sun, till nothing remains but the
white bones, which at length they bury when they think proper. Their
food consists chiefly of fishes, with which their seas abound, and of
yams and plantains. They have no sagoe trees, neither do they know how
to prepare the bread from it if they had any. Their arms are hasagays,
clumsy and long arrows, and also a weapon formed from a sort of blue
stone or slate, pointed at both ends, having a hole in the middle, in
which a stick is put for a handle. With this they attack one another in
such a manner, that with one stroke the skull is crushed to pieces: the
farther you go to the south the more savage, tall, and ugly the people
are, in particular from Lacca-iha to Oero-goba.

“‘A certain shallop from Banda, being on the coast, which stretches
nearly east from Arou, they found there such large people, that one of
our sailors was taken by his sleeve by one of them and shaken like a
little boy; but he was rescued by his shipmates. To the south of this
place a great promontory stretches itself to the west, called in the map
Cape Falso, and again, to the south of this, is laid down the shallow
bight, where it is supposed that Nova Guinea is divided from the South
Land by a strait terminating in the South Sea, though, by reason of the
shallowness, our people could not pass it; and thus it remains uncertain
whether this strait goes through or not, but in the old Portuguese maps
New Guinea is laid down as an island under the name of Ceira.[26]

“‘I must here remark a circumstance which is but little noticed in
European writings, which is, that in some logbooks the sea between Banda
and the South Land is called the Milk Sea; the reason for this is, that
twice a-year the sea thereabouts turns white, and is called by our
people the white water. The so-called _little_ white water comes first,
with a dark or new moon, in the latter end of June; the _great_ or
second white water also comes in with a similar dark moon in August,
sooner or later according as the south-east wind sets in fresh. This
wind at that time brings with it in those parts unsettled rainy weather.
By daytime the sea looks natural, but in the night as white as milk or
snow, and so bright that it is nearly impossible to distinguish the
water from the sky. At that time it is dangerous to navigate here in
small vessels, the sea making, even in calm weather, a great swell,
which, from the brightness of the water, cannot be discovered before
they reach it. This white water comes first entirely from the
south-east, about where lie the islands of Babba, Tenimmer, and Timor
Laut, and, perhaps, wholly from that great bay made by the South Land
and New Guinea. It continues thus till September, when it is gradually
carried by the wind and currents towards the west, in large broad
stripes, passing by Amboina and Boero till about Bouton, when it
gradually loses itself; this water keeps itself always distinct from the
sea water, as if it were divided by a band, a fact which often frightens
inexperienced sailors at night, as they think they are running suddenly
upon a great bank. No one has yet been able to explain this wonder of
nature, nor give the cause of this quality of the water to glitter at
night. It is thought most probable that it arises from sulphurous
exhalations from the bottom of the sea, rising in this rough weather to
the surface; for that it is impregnated with sulphur is shown to be
likely by the number of sulphur mountains and volcanos found every where
in the south-eastern islands, and which, perhaps, exist in greater
number in the South Land. All this, however, is as yet uncertain;
perhaps the chemists might be able to supply some explanation upon the
subject, as they have the art of preparing waters which give light in
the night time.

“‘It may also here be asked, what countries are Lucach, Beach, and
Maletur, names inscribed in some of our maps, on some parts of that
country which we call South Land, or Hollandia Nova. I reply that these
names are, perhaps, taken from the uncertain and ambiguous narratives of
voyages by Marcus Paulus and Vertomannus, who, perhaps, being led astray
by the relations of others, have taken the large island of Timor for the
South Land; for in Timor the traces of the word Maletur remain in
Maleto, situated near Keylako, on the north side of Timor.’ Thus far the
above-mentioned letter.”

                        NEW HOLLAND, IN 1687–88,
                      LOND., 1697, 8vo., pp. 461.

Being now clear of all the islands, we stood off south, intending to
touch at New Holland, a part of Terra Australis Incognita, to see what
that country would afford us. Indeed, as the winds were, we could not
now keep our intended course (which was first westerly and then
northerly) without going to New Holland, unless we had gone back again
among the islands; but this was not a good time of the year to be among
any islands to the south of the equator, unless in a good harbour.

The 31st day we were in latitude 13° 26´, still standing to the
southward, the wind bearing commonly very hard at west, and we keeping
upon it under two courses, and our myen, and sometimes a main-top-sail
rift. About ten a clock at night we tackt and stood to the northward,
for fear of running on a shoal, which is laid down in our drafts in
latitude 13° 50´ or thereabouts: it bearing south by west from the east
end of Timor: and so the island bore from us by our judgments and
reckoning. At three a clock we tackt again, and stood S. by W. and

In the morning, as soon as it was day, we saw the shoal right ahead: it
lies in 13° 50´ by all our reckonings. It is a small spit of land, just
appearing above the water’s edge, with several rocks about it, 8 or 10
feet above high water. It lies in a triangular form, each side being
about a league and a half. We stemm’d right with the middle of it, and
stood within half a mile of the rocks, and sounded; but found no ground.
Then we went about and stood to the north two hours; and then tackt and
stood to the southward againe, thinking to weather it; but could not. So
we bore away on the north side till we came to the east point, giving
the rocks a small berth: then we trimb’d sharp, and stood to the
southward, passing close by it, and sounded again, but found no ground.

This shoal is laid down in our drafts not above sixteen or twenty
leagues from New Holland; but we did runne afterwards sixty leagues due
south before we fell in with it: and I am very confident that no part of
New Holland hereabouts lyes so far northerly by forty leagues as it is
laid down in our drafts. For if New Holland were laid down true, we must
of necessity have been driven near forty leagues to the westward of our
course; but this is very improbable, that the current should set so
strong to the westward, seeing that we had such a constant westerly
wind. I grant that when the monsoon shifts first, the current does not
presently shift, but runs afterwards near a month; but the monsoon had
been shifted at least two months now. But of the monsoons and other
winds, and of the currents, elsewhere, in their proper place. As to
these here, I do rather believe that the land is not laid down true,
than that the current deceived us; for it was more probable we should
have been deceived before we met with the shoal than afterward: for on
the coast of New Holland we found the tides keeping their constant
course, the flood running N. by E. and the ebb S. by W.

The 4th day of January, 1688, we fell in with the land of New Holland,
in the latitude of 16° 50´, having, as I said before, made our course
due south from the shoal that we past by the 31st day of December. We
ran in close by it, and finding no convenient anchorage, because it lies
open to the N.W., we ran along shore to the eastward, steering N.E. by
E., for so the land lies. We steered thus about twelve leagues; and then
came to a point of land, from whence the land trends east and southerly
for ten or twelve leagues: but how afterwards I know not. About three
leagues to the eastward of this point there is a pretty deep bay, with
abundance of islands in it, and a very good place to anchor in or to
hale ashore. About a league to the eastward of that point we anchored
January the 5th, 1688, two miles from the shore, in twenty-nine fathom,
good hard sand and clean ground.

New Holland is a very large tract of land. It is not yet determined
whether it is an island or a main continent; but I am certain that it
joyns neither to Asia, Africa, nor America. This part of it that we saw
is all low even land, with sandy banks against the sea, only the points
are rocky, and so are some of the islands in this bay.

The land is of a dry sandy soil, destitute of water, except you make
wells: yet producing divers sorts of trees: but the woods are not thick,
nor the trees very big. Most of the trees that we saw are dragon-trees
as we supposed; and these, too, are the largest trees of any where. They
are about the bigness of our large apple trees, and about the same
height: and the rind is blackish, and somewhat rough. The leaves are of
a dark colour; the gum distils out of the knots or cracks that are in
the bodies of the trees. We compared it with some gum dragon, or
dragon’s blood, that was aboard; and it was of the same colour and
taste. The other sorts of trees were not known by any of us. There was
pretty long grass growing under the trees, but it was very thin. We saw
no trees that bore fruit or berries.

We saw no sort of animals, nor any track of beast, but once, and that
seemed to be the tread of a beast as big as a great mastiff dog. Here
are a few small land-birds, but none bigger than a blackbird: and but
few sea-fowls. Neither is the sea very plentifully stored with fish,
unless you reckon the manatee and turtle as such. Of these creatures
there is plenty, but they are extraordinarily shy, though the
inhabitants cannot trouble them much, having neither boats nor iron.

The inhabitants of this country are the miserablest people in the world.
The Hodmadods of Monomatapa, though a nasty people, yet for wealth are
gentlemen to these; who have no houses and skin garments, sheep,
poultry, and fruits of the earth, ostrich eggs, etc., as the Hodmadods
have; and setting aside their human shape, they differ but little from
brutes. They are tall, straight-bodied, and thin, with small long limbs.
They have great head, round foreheads, and great brows. Their eyelids
are always half closed, to keep the flies out of their eyes, they being
so troublesome here that no fanning will keep them from coming to ones
face; and without the assistance of both hands to keep them off, they
will creep into ones nostrils, and mouth, too, if the lips are not shut
very close. So that, from their infancy, being thus annoyed with these
insects, they do never open their eyes as other people do; and therefore
they cannot see far, unless they hold up their heads as if they were
looking at somewhat over them.

They have great bottle-noses, pretty full lips, and wide mouths. The two
fore-teeth of their upper jaw are wanting in all of them, men and women,
old and young: whether they draw them out I know not: neither have they
any beards. They are long-visaged, and of a very unpleasing aspect,
having no one graceful feature in their faces. Their hair is black,
short, and curl’d, like that of the negroes; and not long and lank, like
the common Indians. The colour of their skins, both of their faces and
the rest of their body, is coal black, like that of the negroes of

They have no sort of clothes, but a piece of the rind of a tree ty’d
lyke a girdle about their waists, and a handful of long grass, or three
or four small green boughs, full of leaves, thrust under their girdle to
cover their nakedness.

They have no houses, but lye in the open air without any covering, the
earth being their bed and the heaven their canopy. Whether they cohabit
one man to one woman, or promiscuously, I know not; but they do live in
companies, twenty or thirty men, women and children together. Their only
food is a small sort of fish, which they get by making wares of stone
across little coves or branches of the sea; every tide bringing in the
small fish, and there leaving them for a prey to these people, who
constantly attend there to search for them at low water. This small fry
I take to be the top of their fishery: they have no instruments to catch
great fish, should they come, and such seldom stay to be left behind at
low water, nor could we catch any fish with our hooks and lines all the
while we lay there. In other places at low water they seek for cockles,
mussels, and periwincles. Of these shell-fish there are fewer still, so
that their chiefest dependance is upon what the sea leaves in their
wares, which, be it much or little, they gather up, and march to the
places of their abode. There the old people, that are not able to stir
abroad by reason of their age, and the tender infants, wait their
return; and what Providence has bestowed on them, they presently broil
on the coals and eat it in common. Sometimes they get as many fish as
makes them a plentiful banquet, and at other times they scarce get every
one a taste; but, be it little or much that they get, every one has his
part, as well the young and tender as the old and feeble, who are not
able to go abroad as the strong and lusty. When they have eaten they lie
down till the next low water, and then all that are able march out, be
it night or day, rain or shine, ’tis all one; they must attend the wares
or else they must fast, for the earth affords them no food at all. There
is neither herb, root, pulse, nor any sort of grain for them to eat that
we saw; nor any sort of bird or beast that they can catch, having no
instruments wherewithal to do so.

I did not perceive that they did worship anything. These poor creatures
have a sort of weapon to defend their ware or fight with their enemies,
if they have any that will interfere with their poor fishery. They did
endeavour with their weapons to frighten us, who, lying ashore, deterr’d
them from one of their fishing places. Some of them had wooden swords,
others had a sort of lances. The sword is a piece of wood, shaped
somewhat like a cutlass. The lance is a long strait pole, sharp at one
end, and hardened afterwards by heat. I saw no iron, nor any other sort
of metal; therefore it is probable they use stone hatchets, as some
Indians in America do, described in chapter iv.

How they get their fire I know not, but probably, as Indians do, out of
wood. I have seen the Indians of Bon-Airy do it, and have myself tryed
the experiment. They take a flat piece of wood, that is pretty soft, and
make a small dent in one side of it; then they take another hard round
stick, about the bigness of one’s little finger, and sharpening it at
one end like a pencil, they put that sharp end in the hole or dent of
the flat soft juice, and then rubbing or twirling the hard piece between
the palms of their hands, they drill the soft piece till it smokes, and
at last takes fire.

These people speak somewhat through the throat, but we could not
understand one word that they said. We anchored, as I said before,
January the 5th, and seeing men walking on the shore, we presently set a
canoe to get some acquaintance with them, for we were in hopes to get
some provisions among them. But the inhabitants, seeing our boat coming,
run away and hid themselves. We searched afterwards three days, in hopes
to find their houses; but found none; yet we saw many places where they
had made fires. At last, being out of hopes to find their habitations,
we searched no farther; but left a great many toys ashore, in such
places where we thought that they would come. In all our search we found
no water, but old wells on the sandy bays.

At last we went over to the islands, and there we found a great many of
the natives: I do believe there were forty on one island, men, women,
and children. The men, at our first coming ashore, threatened us with
their lances and swords; but they were frighted by firing one gun, which
we fired purposely to scare them. The island was so small that they
could not hide themselves; but they were much disordered at our landing,
especially the women and children, for we went directly to their camp.
The lustiest of the women snatching up their infants ran away howling,
and the little children run after squeaking and bawling, but the men
stood still. Some of the women, and such people as could not go from us,
lay still by a fire, making a doleful noise as if we had been coming to
devour them; but when they saw that we did not intend to harm them they
were pretty quiet, and the rest that fled from us at our first coming
returned again. This, their place of dwelling, was only a fire, with a
few boughs before it, set up on that side the wind was of.

After we had been here a little while the men began to be familiar, and
we cloathed some of them, designing to have some service of them for it;
for we found some wells of water here, and intended to carry two or
three barrels of it aboard. But being somewhat troublesome to carry to
the canoes, we thought to have made these men to have carried it for us,
and therefore we gave them some cloathes; to one an old pair of
breeches, to another a ragged shirt, to a third a jacket that was scarce
worth owning, which yet would have been very acceptable at some places
where we had been, and so we thought they might have been with these
people. We put them on them, thinking that this finery would have
brought them to work heartily for us; and our water being filled in
small long barrels, about six gallons in each, which were made purposely
to carry water in, we brought these our new servants to the wells, and
put a barrel on each of their shoulders for them to carry to the canoa.
But all the signs we could make were to no purpose, for they stood like
statues, without motion, but grinned like so many monkeys, staring one
upon another; for these poor creatures seem not accustomed to carry
burthens, and I believe that one of our ship-boys of ten years old would
carry as much as one of them. So we were forced to carry our water
ourselves, and they very fairly put the cloathes off again and laid them
down, as if cloathes were only to work in. I did not perceive that they
had any great liking to them at first, neither did they seem to admire
anything that we had.

At another time, our canoa being among these islands seeking for game,
espy’d a drove of these men swimming from one island to another; for
they have no boats, canoes, or bark-logs. They took up four of them and
brought them aboard; two of them were middle aged, the other two were
young men about eighteen or twenty years old. To these we gave boiled
rice, and with it turtle and manatee boiled. They did greedily devour
what we gave them, but took no notice of the ship or any thing in it,
and when they were set on land again they ran away as fast as they
could. At our first coming, before we were acquainted with them or they
with us, a company of them who lived on the main came just against our
ship, and standing on a pretty high bank, threatened us with their
swords and lances by shaking them at us; at last the captain ordered the
drum to be beaten, which was done of a sudden with much vigour,
purposely to scare the poor creatures. They hearing the noise ran away
as fast as they could drive, and when they ran away in haste they would
cry, _Gurry, Gurry_, speaking deep in the throat. Those inhabitants also
that live on the main would always run away from us, yet we took several
of them. For, as I have already observed, they had such bad eyes that
they could not see us till we came close to them. We did always give
them victuals and let them go again, but the islanders, after our first
time of being among them, did not stir for us.

When we had been here about a week, we hal’d our ship into a small sandy
cove, at a spring-tide, as far as she would float; and at low water she
was left dry, and the sand dry without us near half a mile, for the sea
riseth and falleth here about five fathoms. The flood runs north by
east, and the ebb south by west. All the neep-tides we lay wholly
aground, for the sea did not come near us by about a hundred yards. We
had therefore time enough to clean our ship’s bottom, which we did very
well. Most of our men lay ashore in a tent, where our sails were
mending; and our strikers brought home turtle and manatee every day,
which was our constant food.

While we lay here, I did endeavour to perswade our men to go to some
English factory, but was threatened to be turned ashore and left here
for it.

This made me desist, and patiently wait for some more convenient place
and opportunity to leave them than here; which I did hope I should
accomplish in a short time, because they did intend, when they went from
hence, to bear down towards Cape Comorin. In their way thither they
design’d to visit also the Island Cocos, which lieth in latitude 12° 12´
north, by our drafts: hoping there to find of that fruit, the island
having its name from thence.


[Sidenote: December 1687–88.]

Wee stood away to the southward, intending to see New Holland, and mett
nothing worth observing till the first day of December, and then, being
in latit. 13° 50´, wee were close aboard a showle, which wee lay by for
in the night; it lyes S. by W. from the N.W. end of Timore about seventy
leagues. Wee steered to weather it but could not, therefore bore away to
the eastward of it; it lyes in a triangle, with many sharp rocks about
water, and on the south side is a small spitt of land.

This showle is laid downe within twenty leagues of New Holland due
south, but wee made our course south, yett run into latitude 16° 50´
before wee made land, which is forty odd leagues; so that by our runn,
except wee had a current against us, which wee did not perceive, New
Holland is laid downe nearer then it should be to those islands in the
south seas by forty leagues.

The fourth day of January 1687–88 wee fell in with the land of New
Holland in latitude 16° 50´, the land low and a deepe sandy bay, but no
shelter for us, therefore wee runn downe along the shore which lyes N.E.
by E., about twelve leagues; then wee came to a point with an iland by
it, but soe neare the maine that wee could not goe within it a league;
to the westward of this pointe is a showle a league from the maine.

From this pointe the land runs more easterly and makes a deepe bay with
many ilands in it; the sixth day wee came into this bay, and anchored
about foare miles to the eastward of the forementioned pointe, in
eighteen fathome water, a mile from the shoare, good clean sand.

I drew a drafte of this land and the bay where we road, but at the
Necquebar,[27] when we oversett our prows, I lost it and some others
that were not in my book; those that I had placed in my book were all
preserved, but all wett.

Wee sent our boate ashoare to speak with the natives, but they would not
abide our comeing, soe wee spent three dayes in seekeing their houses,
being in hopes to allure them with toyes to a comerce.

For wee begun to be scarce of provision, and did not question but these
people could relieve us; but after all our search neare the sea side and
in the country wee found ourselves disapointed, for the people of this
country have noe houses nor any thing like a house, neither have they
any sorte of graine or pulse; flesh they have not, nor any sorte of
cattle, not soe much as catt or dog, for, indeed, they have noe occasion
of such creatures unless to eat them, for of that food which they have
they leave no fragments. They have noe sorte of fowle, neither tame nor
wild, for the latter I saw very few in the country, neither did wee see
any kind of wilde beast in the country, but the track of one.

I believe there are not any of the natives in the country farr from the
sea, for they gett their living out of sea without nett or hooke; but
they build wares with stones cross the bays, and every low water,
whether night or day, they search those wares for what the sea hath left
behinde, which is all that they have to depend on for a livelyhood; some
times they are bountyfully rewarded for their paines, and at other times
providence seemes to be nigardly, scarce giving them a taste instead of
a belly full. The fish which they take they carry home to their
famelyes, whoe lye behinde a few boughs stuck up to keepe the wind from
them. All that are of age to search those wares goe downe at the time of
low water, leaving only the old sicke weake people and children at home,
who make a fire against the coming of their friends to broyle their
fish, which they soone devoure without salt or bread. Their habitations
are neare those wares and remove as occasion serves, for they are not
troubled with household goods nor clothes, all that they weare is only a
piece of rine [rind] about their wastes, under which they thrust either
a hand full of long grasse or some small boughs before to cover their

They are people of good stature, but very thin and leane, I judge for
want of foode. They are black, yett I believe their haires would be long
if it was comed out, but for want of combs it is matted up like a
negroes haire. They have, all that I saw, two fore teeth of their upper
jaw wanting, both men, women, and children.

They swim from one iland to the other or toe and from the maine, and
have for armes a lance sharpned at one end and burned in the fire to
harden it, and a sword made with wood, which is sharpe on one side;
these weapons, I judge, are cutt with stone hatchetts, as I have seene
in the West India.

The country is all low land, with sand hills by the sea side; within it
is a wood, but not extraordinary thicke; the chiefest trees are dragon
trees, which are bigger then any other trees in the woods: wee found
neither river, brooke, nor springs, but made wells in the sand, which
aforded as good water, where wee watered our ships.

The first spring after wee came hither wee hail’d our ship into a sandy
bay, where shee lay dry all the neepe tides, for it flows there right up
and downe above five fathome; the flood setts north by east, and the ebb
setts S. by W.

There are many turtle and manatoe in this bay, which our strikers
supplyed us with all the time we lay here, and one time they mett some
of the natives swimming from one iland to the other, and tooke up foure
of them and brought aboard, whoe tooke noe notice of any thing that wee
had noe more than a bruite would; wee gave them some victualls, which
they greedily devoured, and being sett out of the ship ran away as fast
as their leggs (for the ship was now dry on the sand) could carry them.
Wee mett divers of them on the ilands, for they could not run from us
there, but the women and children would be frighted at our approach.

Wee tarried here till the twelfth day of February, in which time wee
cleaned our ship, mended our sailes, and filled our water; and when our
time drew neare to depart from thence, I motioned goeing to Fort St.
George, or any settlement where the English had noe fortification, and
was threatened to be turned a shoare on New Holland for it; which made
me desist, intending, by God’s blessing, to make my escape the first
place I came neare, for wee were now bound into India for Cape Comorin,
if wee could fetch it.

                            HOLLAND IN 1696.

              _Extracted from MS. Documents at the Hague._

Of this expedition, which owes its origin to the loss of the ship _De
Ridderschap van Hollandt_, between the Cape of Good Hope and Batavia, in
the year 1685, reports are to be found in various works, as in Witsen,
Valentijn, the _Historische Beschrijving der Reizen_, perhaps also in
some others. No coherent account, however, appears to exist, although we
read in the last-mentioned work that a narrative of the voyage was
published in 1701, at Amsterdam.[28]

The project originally formed was, that the expedition should set out
from Batavia, and the Directors of the Council of the Seventeen write on
this understanding in their dispatch of November 10th, 1695, to the
Governor-General and Council of India; but in the assembly of December
8th and 10th of that year[29] that plan was abandoned, and it was
resolved that, “for various reasons,” the expedition should be
undertaken from the Cape of Good Hope, under the command of William de
Vlamingh, with orders to land at the islands of Tristan d’Acunha, on
this side of the Cape, and also at the islands of St. Paul and
Amsterdam, to examine and to survey them.

For this purpose three ships were fitted out: the frigate _De
Geelvinck_, commodore Willem de Vlamingh; the hooker _De Nijptang_,
Captain Gerrit Collaert; and the galiot _Weseltje_, Captain Cornelis de
Vlamingh, son of the commodore.

“On Thursday, the 3rd of May, 1696, at one o’clock in the morning, the
noble Burgomaster Hinlopen sent the Company’s boat, having on board the
Commander Barent Fockesz, with orders that we should put to sea at
daybreak.” They accordingly weighed anchor, and set sail northwards
towards England.

On the result of this expedition the Governor-General and Council of
India report to the Directors of the Council of Seventeen as follows:—

“For the result of the voyage of the three above-mentioned ships, which,
according to the order of the Gentlemen Seventeen of the 10th of
November 1695, and 16th of March 1696, and according to your instruction
of the 23rd of April of the same year, have prosperously completed their
journey over the islands of Tristan d’Acunha, the Cape, islands of
Amsterdam and St. Paulo, and have also arrived here, both crew and
vessels in a tolerably good condition, we shall principally have to
refer you to their journals and notes, together with their maps and some
drawings of those places; all of which, with the draughtsman himself,
the overseer of the infirmary Victor Victorsz, will reach you by the
ship’s _Lants Welvaren_; the drawings, packed up in one box, consisting
of eleven pieces, viz.:—

                 7 of several places on the South Land.
                 1 of the island Tristan d’Acunha.
                 1 of the island Amsterdam.
                 1 of the island St. Paulo, and
                 1 of the island Mony.

In addition to these we also enclose some big and small chips of wood,
brought by Willem de Vlamingh from the before mentioned South Land, and
described in his journal under the 30th and 31st of December 1696, also
2nd of January 1697, as a kind of scented wood. Upon this we have not
been able to come to any distinct decision; we have, however, had a
portion of it distilled, and forward a small bottle of the oil for your
examination by Commander Bichon. Likewise we send a little box
containing shells, fruits, plants, etc., gathered on the coast; these
specimens, however, are of less importance, and such as are to be found
in a better condition elsewhere in India. So that, generally speaking,
with respect to the South Land, along which, in conformity with their
instructions, they have coasted, and to which their accurate
observations have been devoted, nothing has been discovered but a
barren, bare, desolate region; at least along the coast, and so far as
they have penetrated into the interior. Neither have they met with any
signs of habitation, some fires excepted, and a few black naked men,
supposed to have been seen on two or three occasions at a distance;
whom, however, they could neither come up with nor speak to. Neither,
again, were any remarkable animals or birds observed, except principally
in the Swan River, a species of black swans, three of which they brought
to us alive, and should have been sent to Your Nobilities, had they not
died one by one shortly after their arrival here. Neither, so far as we
know, have any traces been discovered of the missing ship _De
Ridderschap van Holland_ or of other vessels, either there or at the
islands Amsterdam and St. Paul. Consequently in this voyage and
investigation nothing of any importance has been discovered. A singular
memorial, however, was seen by them. On an island situated on or near
the South Land, in 25° latitude, was found a pole, nearly decayed, but
still standing upright, with a common middle-sized tin plate, which had
been beaten flat and attached to the pole, and which was still lying
near it. On this plate the following engraved words were still legible:—

“Anno 1616, the 25th of October, arrived here the ship _De Eendraght_,
from Amsterdam, the upper-merchant Gilles Mibais from Luijck, Captain
Dirck Hartog from Amsterdam; the 27th ditto set sail for Bantam,
under-merchant Jan Hijn, upper-steersman Pieter Dockes from Bil. Anno

This old plate, brought to us by Willem de Vlamingh, we have now handed
over to the commander, in order that he might bring it to Your
Nobilities, and that you may marvel how it remained there through such a
number of years unaffected by air, rain, or sun. They erected on the
same spot another pole, with a flat tin plate as a memorial, and wrote
on it as to be read in the journals.[30]

And since we are desirous to afford Your Nobilities all possible
information and satisfaction with respect to this voyage, we have given
permission to its former chief, Captain Willem de Vlamingh the elder,
with his upper-steersman Michel Blom, to return with the last return
ships. As they have not come back yet from Bengal with their vessels the
_Geelvinch_ and _Nijptang_, but are expected daily, we shall leave this
for the present and refer you for further information to their own
verbal reports.

We also found recorded in the notes of the above-mentioned skipper,
Willem de Vlamingh, that on the island of Mony, lying 10° south latitude
and 60–70 miles without Sunda Strait, by which he steered on his way
from the South Land hither, trees are to be found fit for masts of
ships. No further explanation, however, being given as to their
abundance or scarcity, or the kind of the wood,—a small piece only,
about two spans in length and less than a finger’s breadth in thickness,
having been brought to us, and the skipper of the _Nijptang_, and the
gezaghebber of the _Weseltje_, son of the old Vlamingh, knowing nothing
whatever about the subject, we, in order to settle the point once for
all, thought it not unadvisable to set on foot a further investigation,
and accordingly once more despatched the galiot _Weseltje_ on the 11th
of May, in order that a more minute survey might be taken of the island,
adding at the same time a reinforcement of eight native soldiers, with
such instructions for the steersman Cornelis de Vlamingh, as are to be
found in the letter-book under that date, and also under Batavia.
According to the diary of the same steersman from May 12 to June 17,
kept in the journey, in which they nearly got wrecked, and owing to the
heavy breakers could nowhere effect a landing, and from the vessel and
boat could not perceive anything else but thick brushwood and a few
small crooked trees, none of which was either straight or more than
three fathoms long; so that no expectation remained of finding there
anything useful.

                              APPENDIX I.


                                           Thursday, December 8th, 1695.

The Commissioners of the Chamber of Amsterdam have reported, how the
said Chamber, in accordance with and to fulfil what their Nobilities
have by resolution of the 10th of last month been ordered to do,
concerning the sending of a ship to the South Land, or the land of
d’Eendracht, having examined and also heard and taken the advice of
Commander Hendrich Pronck and Skipper Willem de Vlamingh, is of opinion;
firstly, as regards the South Land, that for certain reasons it should
not be undertaken from Batavia, as previously thought proper, and in
favour of which this Assembly has declared itself by its missive of Nov.
10 last, to the General and Council, but from the Cape of Good Hope, and
on the 1st of Oct. next year; that for this purpose should be equipped
and prepared, in order to go to sea next March, a frigate and two
galiots, under command of and accompanied by the before-mentioned
skipper De Vlamingh, with such instructions as should be deemed
necessary. That the said frigate should be provided with a Greenland
shallop—supposed to be better adapted for putting into harbour and
landing than the ordinary shallops in the use of the Company. Secondly,
that De Vlamingh should be directed in his instructions to touch at the
islands of St. Paul and Amsterdam, as lying directly on his track, on
his way from the cape to the South Land, to examine their situation, and
also, whether any traces of the crew of missing vessels, especially of
the _Ridderschap van Hollandt_, are to be found.

After deliberation, the resolution was passed:—That all the above
written shall be further examined by Commissioners, and report be made
of their considerations and resolutions; and for which hereby are
requested and commissioned: from the Chamber Amsterdam, Messrs. Hooft,
Geelvinck, Fabritius, and Velsen; from the Chamber Zeelandt, Messrs.
Boddart and Schorer; and from the other Chambers, those who shall be
commissioned by them; with the addition of Mr. van Spanbrock from the
principal participators.

                              APPENDIX II.

                                          Saturday, December 10th, 1695.

Touching the report of the Commissioners, who, in compliance with the
Commissarial resolution of the 8th c., have given due attention to the
subject of the search and inquiry after the ship _De Ridderschap van
Hollandt_, and to the inquiry to be connected therewith, viz., as to the
nature of the South Land, and of the islands of St. Paul and Amsterdam,
and matters connected therewith, together with the sending of an
expedition thither for the purpose of the inquiry;—on deliberation and
in conformity with the advice of the above-mentioned Commissioners, it
has been resolved and found good:—that the said voyage shall be
undertaken not from Batavia, as has been heretofore thought good, and in
favour of which this Assembly had given instructions in its missive to
the General and Council from the 10th of last month, and which is hereby
altered in so far—but from the Cape of Good Hope, and in the beginning
of October next; that for this purpose the Chamber Amsterdam shall equip
and get ready for sea by March next, a suitable frigate, 110–112 feet
long, to be built by the said Chamber, and which is to have the name of
_Geelvinck_, together with two sailing galiots, under the command of and
accompanied by the skipper Willem de Vlamingh, provided with such
necessaries as shall be thought proper.

That furthermore, the said De Vlamingh shall, if he can do so without
much loss of time, and as it were _en passant_, touch at the islands of
Tristan d’Acunha, on this side of the Cape, in 37´ south latitude, to
examine them as much as he can, and under such instructions as shall be
handed over to him. The Chamber Amsterdam being hereby once more
requested and authorized, to arrange and carry into execution what has
been said above with regard to the South Land and Tristan d’Acunha, and
to prepare such instructions as shall be thought proper.

Lastly, that De Vlamingh shall in his instructions be ordered to touch
on the islands St. Paul and Amsterdam, lying directly on his track
in ... degrees south latitude, and to examine their situations; also,
whether any signs of men from wrecked ships are to be found, especially
from the _Ridderschap van Hollandt_.

                       AND THE RETURN TO BATAVIA.

                      PRINTED AT AMSTERDAM, 1701.

On the morning of the 29th December (1696) at half-past two o’clock, we
discovered the South Land, to east north-east of us at from four to five
miles distance. We found the country low, the main coast stretching from
south to north. Our people observed a remarkable fish here, about two
feet long, with a round head and a sort of arms and legs and even
something like hands. They found also several stems of plants. They cast
anchor in from fourteen to fifteen fathoms. At nearly half a league from
the island on the south side they had good holding ground. The wind
south-west by south.

On the 30th December we took counsel, and then with our guns on our arms
put the shallop afloat and with the chief pilot I went on shore to look
round the island. We rowed round to the east corner of the island about
a cannon shot distance from the coast, and found there two fathoms water
with muddy bottom, filled with shells, and occasionally a sandy bottom.
Proceeding a little further, we sounded the little island bearing to the
south of us, and the westernmost point of the large one bearing
north-west of us; and we found five fathoms, and good and bad bottom by
turns. We afterwards sounded north, the westernmost point bearing N. W.
and by W. of us, and the little island S. W., and had as before five
fathoms. At nearly a gun shot from the shore we found on the south-east
coast of the island seven or eight great rocks, the island being on this
side of a rocky and stony aspect, bearing north-east from us; then we
had eight fathoms both good and bad ground; with here and there a gulf,
where was a straight bank stretching from the coast up to the nearest
rock nearly three quarters of a mile from the coast. Along the east side
there are many capes and gulfs, with white sand, which is found also
round the greater part of the island. It stretches lengthwise from east
to west nearly four leagues, and is about nine leagues in circumference.

On the 31st of December I again put on shore with our skipper, and
directing my steps into the interior of the island, I found several
sorts of herbs, the greater part of which were known to me, and some of
which resembled in smell those of our own country. There were also a
variety of trees, and among them one sort, the wood of which had an
aromatic odour nearly like that of the Lignum Rhodii. The ground is
covered with little or no soil, but chiefly with white and rocky sand,
in my opinion little adapted for cultivation. There are very few birds
there and no animals, except a kind of rat as big as a common cat, whose
dung is found in abundance over all the island. There are also very few
seals or fish, except a sort of sardine and grey rock bream. In the
middle of the island, at about half an hour’s distance, we found several
basins of excellent water, but brackish, and six or seven paces further
a fountain of fresh water fit to drink. In returning to the shore, the
crew found a piece of wood from our own country, in which the nails
still remained. It was probably from a shipwrecked vessel, and three or
four leagues from us some smoke was seen to rise at different points of
the main land. The country has the appearance of being higher than it
really is. The coast is like that of Holland.

On the 1st of January, 1697, the crew went to seek for fuel, and again
saw smoke rising at different points on the mainland. They observed also
the flow and ebb; and our sail-master found on the shore a piece of
planed wood about three feet long and a span broad.

On the 2nd I again went on shore, with our skipper, to examine the
island on the west side, which we found similar to the last. It is to be
avoided for about a league, on account of the great numbers of rocks
along the coast; otherwise it is easily approachable, as from six to
seven leagues from the shore there are soundings at a hundred fathoms.
On the mainland we again saw smoke arising.

On the 3rd, after sunset, we saw a great number of fires burning, the
whole length of the coast of the mainland.

On the 4th, De Vlaming’s boat made sail for the mainland. On its return
a council was held with the view of making an expedition on shore on the
morrow. _N.B._—Here we have the headlands inaccurately indicated.

At sunrise on the morning of the 5th, the resolution which had been
taken was put into execution; and I, in company with the skipper, pushed
off to the mainland with the boats of the three South Land navigators.
We mustered, what with soldiers and sailors, and two of the blacks that
we had taken with us at the Cape, eighty-six strong, well armed and
equipped. We proceeded eastwards; and, after an hour’s march, we came to
a hut of a worse description than those of the Hottentots. Further on
was a large basin of brackish water, which we afterwards found was a
river; on the bank of which were several footsteps of men, and several
small pools, in which was fresh water, or but slightly brackish. In
spite of our repeated searches, however, we found no men. Towards
evening we determined to pass the night on shore, and pitched our camp
in the wood, in a place where we found a fire which had been lighted by
the inhabitants, but whom, nevertheless, we did not see. We fed the fire
by throwing on wood, and each quarter of an hour four of our people kept

On the morning of the 6th, at sunrise, we divided ourselves into three
companies, each taking a different route, to try if we could not, by
this means, find some men. After three or four hours we rejoined each
other near the river, without discovering anything beyond some huts and
footsteps. Upon which we betook ourselves to rest. Meanwhile they
brought me the nut of a certain fruit tree, resembling in form the
_drioens_,[31] having the taste of our large Dutch beans; and those
which were younger were like a walnut. I ate five or six of them, and
drank of the water from the small pools; but, after an interval of about
three hours, I and five others who had eaten of these fruits began to
vomit so violently that we were as dead men; so that it was with the
greatest difficulty that I and the crew regained the shore, and thence,
in company with the skipper, were put on board the galliot, leaving the
rest on shore.

On the 7th the whole of the crew returned on board with the boats,
bringing with them two young black swans. The mouth of the said river
lies in 31 degrees 46 minutes; and at eleven, nine, and seven gunshots
from the mainland, are five and a half fathoms of water on good bottom.
Between the river and Rottenest Island, which is at nearly five leagues
distance, Captain De Vlaming had the misfortune to break his cable.

On the 9th, De Vlaming made sail for the mainland.

On the 10th we followed him with the galliot, and cast anchor off the
mainland, in thirteen fathoms. A council was immediately held, and
orders forthwith given to proceed to explore the river with two of the
galliot’s boats. The galliot remained in the neighbourhood before the
river, while we went up it with three boats well supplied with guns and
ammunition. We found, at the mouth, from five to six feet of water. We
remained a little time on the shore, and put ourselves on the alert, not
to be surprised by the natives. After sunset we ascended the river, and
overcame the current with our oars; seeing several fires, but no men.
About midnight we threw out our kedge, as we saw no opening although it
was moonlight.

On the 11th, at break of day, we again ascended the river, and saw many
swans (our boat knocked over nine or ten), some rotganzen, geese, some
divers, etc.; also a quantity of fish, which were frisking on the water.
We also heard the song of the nightingale. Here we thought we saw a
crowd of men; but after rowing on shore we found none, but lighted on a
little pool of fresh water, and within it, at the bottom, a certain herb
smelling like thyme; which was, perhaps, put into it by the inhabitants,
to give the water a more agreeable taste, and make it more wholesome.
All around we saw many footsteps of men, and the impression of a hand on
the sand; the marks of the thumb and fingers shewing plainly that it was
quite recently done. Proceeding further, we found a fire which had been
just lighted, and three small huts, one of which was made with a
quantity of bark of a tree known in India under the name of _liplap_,
which, I think, was intended for a battery. For want of water, we could
not go any further south, and being nearly high and dry with the boats
in the sand, we resolved to return, having already ascended the river
six or seven leagues (some thought it was ten) without having discovered
anything of importance. Towards the evening we again went on shore to
see if, towards midnight, we could take the inhabitants by surprise; but
not having been able to attain our object, and the moon meanwhile
rising, we allowed ourselves to glide gently along the river.

On the 12th, two hours before sunrise, seeing several fires, I again
went on shore with our chief pilot, some sailors, and the two blacks
above mentioned. We observed eight, and around each of them a heap of
branches of trees, but no men. As it was, therefore, evident that there
was no good to be done here, we returned to our vessel, which we reached
about noon. As regards the country, it is sandy, and in the place where
we were had been planted with a good many shrubs, among which were some
quite three and four fathoms (vademen) thick, but bearing no fruit,—in
short, full of prickles and thorns. Several of these yielded a gum
nearly like wax, of a brownish red colour. The men, the birds, the
swans, the rotganzen, koopganzen, the geese, the cockatoos, the
parroquets, etc., all fled at the sight of us. The best of it is that no
vermin is found there; but in the day time one is terribly tormented
with the flies.

On the 13th, in the morning before daybreak, we held a council; and in
order to be able to take soundings nearer the coast, the galliot and two
boats made sail at about three o’clock in the morning watch. We took our
course, therefore, along the coast most frequently N.N.W., sometimes a
little north and west. We were in 31 degrees 43 minutes latitude, and
sounded generally at a cannon-shot or a cannon-shot and a half from the
coast. Here and there we came to several large rocks, and had fifteen,
twelve, nine, and eight fathoms water. Towards noon we passed an opening
which might well have been a river; and towards sunset we again made
sail for the coast.

On the morning of the 14th we again made sail for the coast, and found
the same depth as before, but principally fifteen fathoms of brackish
water; being then in 30 degrees and 40 minutes latitude.

On the 15th, after having held a council, we made sail along the coast,
and found the latitude 30 degrees 17 minutes. In different places
towards the south we saw a great smoke and vapour arising, and we went
with our two boats on shore, and found, nearly a league from the shore,
a rock; and a gunshot from thence two fathoms water, and from that to
the coast four, five, six, three, two and a half, three, five, eight,
five, three, and two fathoms; mostly foul bottom, not adapted for
anchoring; and on the south-west side there are generally breakers.
These two corners extend south and north from the gulf; the soil dry and
sandy, and but little adapted for the habitation of animals, still less
of men. We had nearly proceeded a league and a half inland; but we saw
no men nor fresh water, but several footsteps of men, and steps like
those of the dog and of the cassowary. Nor did we see any trees, but
only briars and thorns. One of our people said that he had seen a red
serpent. Some others said that as soon as we reached the shore, they saw
a yellow dog leaping from the wild herbage, and throwing itself into the
sea, as if to amuse himself with swimming. What truth there was in these
statements, I do not know. At all events I did not see either of these
things myself. At two o’clock we returned with our chief pilot on board.

On the 16th my companion went with the boats ashore, and marched onwards
with his crew in order for one hour and a half; but returned on board in
the evening without having made any discovery.

On the 17th the boats returned on shore, and directed their course then
more towards the south than they had hitherto done, and brought on board
from an island a quantity of sea-mews. The latitude 30 degrees 42
minutes. Nothing new.

The 20th, returning to the shore, I found nothing but a great plain very
barren; many rocks on the coast; and the depth sixteen, fourteen,
eleven, eight, six, five, three, and two fathoms; the anchorage

On the 21st our boat once more went on shore, but without learning
anything new. The latitude was 29 degrees 47 minutes. Along the coast,
the wind south; the course N. and N.N.W. Towards evening we saw breakers
ahead, and sounded twenty-six, twenty, sixteen, and suddenly three
fathoms. We held close on the wind, and immediately got greater depth.
It was a reef, which stretched four or five leagues from the coast.

On the 22nd I started for the shore with our under-pilot. Being nearly
three leagues from the coast, and sailing along it for some leagues, we
found, close under the shore, ten and nine fathoms; a steep coast with
constant breakers. On landing we found, at two hundred paces from the
shore, a brackish stream, along which we walked landwards for a quarter
of an hour. The middle was rather deep, and the fish pretty plentiful.
We should have followed it further, but, the time being too short, we
returned, and on the road saw many footprints like those of a dog; but
saw no men, nor animals, nor trees, the country here being twice as
barren as what we had before seen. Towards evening we returned together
on board.

On the 21st (_sic_) our boat again made sail for the land, and keeping
along the shore, we found that here, in between 28 and 29 degrees,
tolerably good anchorage might be found. The land is tolerably high. Our
chief pilot returning on board after dinner, informed us that he had
seen on the shore three or four men, and several more on the little
downs beyond, all quite naked, black, and of our own height; but that he
had not been able to get near them on account of the current; that
afterwards, rowing a little further, they had landed and found a lake,
which extended far into the country like a river. It was of brackish
taste, and though white had a reddish tinge caused by the bottom, which
was of red sand and mud. At noon we were in latitude 28 degrees 16
minutes; and at five o’clock, after dinner, we anchored in a gulf, in
eighteen fathoms water, good holding ground, sand and mud, at about a
cannon’s-shot from the shore.

On the 25th, early in the morning, I landed with nine of our crew, our
under pilot, together with the commandant of De Vlaming’s soldiers, his
Dardewaak, and thirty-one soldiers. On reaching the shore, we found a
good many oysters; we put ourselves in marching order, but from the
fatigue occasioned by the excessive heat, and the obstructions on the
road from brushwood, we were obliged occasionally to rest ourselves,
till we reached the mountains, where we took our rest. But if the road
had been difficult, a greater trouble was yet in store for us; for,
finding no fresh water, we thought we should have fainted with thirst.
From this point we could see our vessels, and wished a thousand times
over that we were on board again. However, the commandant of the
soldiers, with two men, went down, and soon came up to us again, with a
look of satisfaction, bringing news that he had discovered some fresh
water, and also a little hut, and about an hour’s distance from our
camp, some footsteps, of the length of eighteen inches; upon which we
resolved, although it was beginning to be dark, to bend our steps in
that direction, an effort which, from the quantity of brushwood and the
approach of night, could not be made without much difficulty. On
arriving at the drinking place, we found a great pool, but the water was
slightly brackish. We encamped there, and having arranged that there
should be a soldier constantly on the watch as sentry, we passed the
night there in the best manner we could.

On the 26th, in the morning before sunrise, we continued our journey,
and shortly reached the aforesaid little hut, which had a good many
egg-shells around it, but the eighteen inch footsteps changed into
ordinary ones. This night also we remained on shore, and encamped again
near the pool. Although we were divided, we met with no men nor cattle,
but nothing but wild brushwood.

On the 27th, at the point of day, we betook ourselves to the shore, and
thence to our vessels, which we reached near noon: the crew complained
greatly of sore eyes.

On the 28th, having held a council before sunrise, we braced our sails,
and put to sea an hour and a half after dinner, the wind being S.S.W.
quarter W. in latitude, in 27 degrees 50 minutes. Shortly after, we
again steered for the coast N.E., and by N. to N.W. and N.N.W., hugging
the shore.

The 29th we still kept along the shore, the land high and rocky.
Latitude 27 degrees 40 minutes.

The 30th the land rather high, until five o’clock in the afternoon
watch, when we cast anchor in an extensive gulf, which probably must
have been that named “Dirk Hartog’s Reede.”

On the 31st, two boats entered the gulf to explore it, and two others to
go fishing, which brought back in the evening a good quantity. The same
evening the chief pilot reported that they had been in the gulf, but had
seen nothing further to shew whether the part to the north of the gulf
were an island or not. They saw there a number of turtles.

On the 1st of February, early in the morning, our little boat went to
the coast to fish: our chief pilot, with De Vlaming’s boat, again went
into the gulf, and our skipper went on shore to fix up a commemorative

On the 2nd, we took three great sharks, one of which had nearly thirteen
little ones, of the size of a large pike. The two captains (for De
Vlaming had also gone on shore) returned on board late in the evening,
having been a good six or seven leagues up the country. Our captain
brought with him a large bird’s head, and related that he had seen two
nests, made of boughs, which were full three fathoms in circumference.

On the 3rd, Vlaming’s chief pilot returned on board; he reported that he
had explored eighteen leagues, and that it was an island. He brought
with him a tin plate, which in the lapse of time had fallen from a post
to which it had been attached, and on which was cut the name of the
captain, Dirk Hartog, as well as the names of the first and second
merchants, and of the chief pilot of the vessel _De Eendragt_, which
arrived here in the year 1616, on the 25th October, and left for Bantam
on the 27th of the same month.

On the 4th of February, before daylight, we set sail, steering our
course along the island, and at half-past two in the afternoon, we cast
anchor in sixteen fathoms on the N.E. of Dirk Hartog’s Reede, the gulf
above mentioned in the latitude of 25 degrees 40 minutes. The two boats
took soundings all along the coast, N.E. and by N., and N.W., but could
not see the country for the fog.

On the 5th, we took five turtles on the island, and having then held a
council, and prepared and provisioned our vessel and that of De Vlaming,
we, that is, our captain, under-pilot, and myself, and De Vlaming with
his Dardewaak and under-master and oarsmen, with close-reefed sails, the
wind being at south and rather high, set sail, steering along the
island, where we landed at nightfall at nearly four or five leagues
distance from our vessels.

The 6th, still a good deal of wind. This day we made but little progress
and returned on shore at night. We saw a great many turtles, and in the
corner of a rock a very large nest, made like a stork’s nest.

On the 7th, a good wind. In the evening we took a fish of immense size,
of which twenty-four of us partook. It had exactly the natural taste of
the ray. There remained enough for thirty more persons to feed on. We
slept on shore.

The 8th, in the morning, fair weather. We set sail for what the chief
pilot had pointed out to us as a river, and up which we proceeded full
three leagues, but found it to be different from what it appeared. There
were, in fact, two rivers, which, for some time invisible, afterwards
reappeared and formed an island eastwards, a full half league from the
coast, in three, two, and one feet of water, surrounded on all sides by
rocks, and sand, and stones. We presently returned, being prevented by
the drought from approaching within half a league of the shore. We had a
heavy storm, and received the first rain of the South Land. In the
evening we returned on shore and encamped in a very unpropitious spot,
at once barren and wild.

On the 9th we steered for the mainland, which we reached near noon. This
coast extends with a winding N.E. to N. and S.W. to S. The coast is
steep, the sand of a reddish colour, rocky, dry and forbidding. In order
to get some good water, we made the crew dig several holes, but the
water was so salt that it could not be drunk without injury to health.
We saw several ducks. Sailing along the coast, we reached a basin of
water, like a river, which gave us great hope of getting some fresh
water. Therefore with the flow we weathered the cape, and after sailing
half-an-hour reached a basin of round form, but in which we only found
salt water. All round it we dug several holes, but, in spite of all our
labour, we could find no fresh water. This night we spent in the boat
and De Vlaming on shore. Thunder, lightning, and rain.

On the 10th of February, after midnight, with the high tide, we set sail
from the above-mentioned basin of water, and then, as before, kept along
the coast at the distance of three or four leagues. Again we went
ashore, ascended a mountain, saw a valley, and beyond it a water course.
Two men immediately ran in haste to dig, but nowhere found fresh water,
although they saw all about several footprints of men. Setting sail from
hence we returned on board three hours after sunset, and learned that on
Friday, the 8th of the month, our vessels had been compelled by the
driving of the sea to put out a league and a half from the shore, and
had cast anchor in seventeen fathoms; the shallop of the galliot had
upset and the carpenter was drowned, and De Vlaming’s boat damaged. From
De Vlaming’s vessel two dead men had been cast into the sea on the same

On the 11th, De Vlaming came on board in the morning. Having passed all
the night in a stormy sea, in latitude 25 degrees 22 minutes, and being
unable to cast anchor, we were compelled to make sail.

On the 12th we held a council; and before noon made sail, holding our
course toward the north north-east and north along the coast, and in the
evening giving it a wide berth.

On the morning of the 13th we made sail for the coast, which bore off us
S. and N., and before noon saw a cape and three islands, two of which
were but small. Turning the cape, we held close on the wind in a great
winding of the coast, on the southward tack, and on various tacks 17,
15, 12, and 9 to 4 fathoms water. At five o’clock in the afternoon we
made our course W. to S. with a south wind, latitude 24 degrees, 40
minutes. In the evening we cast anchor.

During the 14th we tacked continually all day, and in the evening cast

On the morning of the 15th, in weighing anchor our cable would not hold,
but we saved our anchor. We set sail and cast anchor in the evening.

On the 16th we were tacking till the afternoon, steering towards the
north with a south wind, the shore bearing from us to the west, but we
kept afloat that night.

On the 17th we again neared the coast, which we held close, sailing
smartly with a south wind. The coast stretched south and north. We were
in 24 degrees latitude, and the compass was laid at 5 degrees.

On the 18th, in the morning, we braced our sails and steered along the
coast N.N.W. and N.W. Towards noon we saw breakers ashore. We were in
latitude 22 degrees, 26 minutes, and we were tacking the whole day.

On the 19th, in the morning, we again kept along the coast, the land
more or less steep, but very low towards the south. Our course N.E. We
saw a considerably larger cape, from which a bank stretched out into the
sea. We kept close on to the wind, which was at S.W., and found
ourselves in latitude 21 degrees, 34 minutes. When we had passed the
cape we came to the end of the coast, and reached the river known as
William’s River, and sailing up it, found ground but little suited for
anchoring. We therefore put out again for the sea.

On the 20th we tacked towards De Vlaming, and in the evening cast anchor
near him. Latitude 21 degrees, 28 minutes. We held a council.

On the 21st, in the morning, we put to sea towards the N.W. Latitude 21
degrees. Held once more a council. Received from De Vlaming three half
barrels of water. Half-an-hour after sun-rise, our captain came from on
board De Vlaming’s vessel, from which five cannon shot were fired and
three from our vessel, as a signal of farewell to the miserable South
Land; and we steered our course N.N.W., in 135 degrees of longitude from
the South Land.

                  *       *       *       *       *

From the date of the 22nd February to the 10th March inclusive, the
journal only gives the points of the wind, the time and course of the
ship towards Java.

                         NEW HOLLAND, IN 1699,
                  VOL. III, 3RD ED., 1729, pp. 75–107.

Having fair weather, and the winds hanging southerly, I jog’d on to the
eastward to make the Cape. On the third of June we saw a sail to leeward
of us, shewing English colours. I bare away to speak with her, and found
her to be the _Antelope_, of London, commanded by Captain Hammond, and
bound for the Bay of Bengal, in the service of the New East India
Company. There were many passengers aboard, going to settle there under
Sir Edward Littleton, who was going chief thither: I went aboard, and
was known by Sir Edward and Mr. Hedges, and kindly received and treated
by them and the commander, who had been afraid of us before, though I
had sent one of my officers aboard. They had been in at the Cape, and
came from thence the day before, having stock’d themselves with
refreshments. They told me that they were by reckoning sixty miles to
the west of the Cape. While I was aboard them, a fine small westerly
wind sprang up; therefore I shortned my stay with them, because I did
not design to go into the Cape. When I took leave I was presented with
half a mutton, twelve cabbages, twelve pumpkins, six pound of butter,
six couple of stock-fish, and a quantity of parsnips; sending them some
oatmeal, which they wanted.

From my first setting out from England I did not design to touch at the
Cape, and that was one reason why I touch’d at Brazil, that there I
might refresh my men, and prepare them for a long run to New Holland. We
had not yet seen the land; but about two in the afternoon, we saw the
Capeland bearing east, at above sixteen leagues distance: and Captain
Hammond being also bound to double the Cape, we jog’d on together this
afternoon and the next day, and had several fair sights of it; which may
be seen [Table iii, No. 6, 7, 8.]

To proceed: having still a westerly wind, I jog’d on in company with the
_Antelope_, till Sunday, June the 4th, at four in the afternoon, when we
parted, they steering away for the East Indies, and I keeping an E.S.E.
course, the better to make my way for New Holland. For tho’ New Holland
lies north-easterly from the Cape, yet all ships bound towards that
coast, or the streights of Sundy, ought to keep for a while in the same
parallel, or in a latitude between 35 and 40, at least a little to the
south of the east, that they may continue in a variable winds way; and
not venture too soon to stand so far to the north, as to be within the
verge of the trade wind, which will put them by their easterly course.
The wind increased upon us; but we had yet sight of the _Antelope_, and
of the land too, till Tuesday, the sixth of June. And then we saw also
by us an innumerable company of fowls of divers sorts; so that we look’d
about to see if there were not another dead whale, but saw none.

The night before, the sun set in a black cloud, which appeared just like
land; and the clouds above it were gilded of a dark red colour. And on
the Tuesday, as the sun drew near the horizon, the clouds were gilded
very prettily to the eye, tho’ at the same time my mind dreaded the
consequences of it. When the sun was now not above 2 degrees high, it
entered into a dark smoaky-coloured cloud that lay parallel with the
horizon, from whence presently seem’d to issue many dusky blackish
beams. The sky was at this time covered with small hard clouds (as we
call such as lye scattering about, not likely to rain), very thick one
by another; and such of them as lay next to the bank of clouds at the
horizon, were of a pure gold colour, to 3 or 4 degrees high above the
bank. From these, to about 10 degrees high, they were redder, and very
bright; above them they were of a darker colour still, to about 60 or 70
degrees high, where the clouds began to be of their common colour. I
took the more particular notice of all this, because I have generally
observed such colour’d clouds to appear before an approaching storm. And
this being winter here, and the time for bad weather, I expected and
provided for a violent blast of wind, by reefing our topsails, and
giving a strict charge to my officers to hand them or take them in, if
the wind should grow stronger. The wind was now at W.N.W. a very brisk
gale. About twelve o’clock at night we had a pale whitish glare in the
N.W., which was another sign, and intimated the storm to be near at
hand; and the wind increasing upon it, we presently handed our
top-sails, furled the main-sail, and went away only with our fore-sail.
Before two in the morning, it came on very fierce, and we kept right
before wind and sea, the wind still increasing. But the ship was very
governable, and steered incomparably well. At eight in the morning we
settled our fore-yard, lowering it four or five foot, and we ran very
swiftly; especially when the squalls of rain or hail, from a black
cloud, came over head, for then it blew excessive hard. These, tho’ they
did not last long, yet came very thick and fast one after another. The
sea also ran very high; but we running so violently before wind and sea,
we ship’d little or no water, tho’ a little wash’d into our upper
deck-ports; and with it a scuttle or cuttle-fish was cast upon the
carriage of a gun.

The wind blew extraordinary hard all Wednesday, the 7th of June, but
abated of its fierceness before night; yet it continued a brisk gale
till about the 16th, and still a moderate one till the 19th day; by
which time we had run about six hundred leagues: for the most part of
which time the wind was in some point of the west, namely, from the
W.N.W. to the S. by W. It blew hardest when at W., or between the W. and
S.W., but after it veered more southerly the foul weather broke up. This
I observed at other times also in these seas, that when the storms at
west veered to the southward they grew less; and that when the wind came
to the east of the south we had still smaller gales, calms, and fair
weather. As for the westerly winds on that side the Cape, we like them
never the worse for being violent, for they drive us the faster to the
eastward; and are therefore the only winds coveted by those who sail
towards such parts of the East Indies as lye south of the equator, as
Timor, Java, and Sumatra; and by the ships bound for China, or any other
that are to pass through the Streights of Sundy. Those ships having once
passed the Cape, keep commonly pretty far southerly, on purpose to meet
with those west winds, which in the winter season of these climates they
soon meet with; for then the winds are generally westerly at the Cape,
and especially to the southward of it: but in their summer months they
get to the southward of 40 degrees, usually ere they meet with the
westerly winds. I was not at this time in a higher latitude than 36
degrees, 40 minutes, and oftentimes was more northerly, altering my
latitude often as winds and weather required; for in such long runs ’tis
best to shape one’s course according to the winds. And if, in steering
to the east, we should be obliged to bear a little to the N. or S. of
it, ’tis no great matter; for ’tis but sailing two or three points from
the wind, when ’tis either northerly or southerly; and this not only
easeth the ship from straining, but shortens the way more than if a ship
was kept close on a wind, as some men are fond of doing.

The 19th of June, we were in latitude 34 degrees, 17 minutes S., and
longitude from the Cape 39 degrees, 24 minutes E., and had small gales
and calms. The winds were at N.E. by E., and continued in some part of
the east till the 27th day. When, it having been some time at N.N.E. it
came about at N., and then to the W. of the N., and continued in the
west-board (between the N.N.W. and S.S.W.) till the 4th of July; in
which time we ran seven hundred and eighty-two miles; then the winds
came about again to the east, we reckoning ourselves to be in a meridian
1100 L. east of the Cape; and, having fair weather, sounded, but had no

We met with little of remark in this voyage, besides being accompanied
with fowls all the way, especially pintado-birds, and seeing now and
then a whale; but as we drew nigher the coast of New Holland, we saw
frequently three or four whales together. When we were about ninety
leagues from the land we began to see sea-weeds, all of one sort; and as
we drew nigher the shore we saw them more frequently. At about
thirty-leagues distance we began to see some scuttle-bones floating on
the water, and drawing still nigher the land we saw greater quantities
of them.

July 25th, being in latitude 26 degrees, 14 minutes S., and longitude
east from the Cape of Good Hope 85 degrees, 52 minutes, we saw a large
gar-fish leap four times by us, which seemed to be as big as a porpose.
It was now very fair weather, and the sea was full of a sort of very
small grass or moss, which, as it floated in the water, seem’d to have
been some spawn of fish; and there was among it some small fry. The next
day the sea was full of small round things like pearl, some as big as
white peas; they were very clear and transparent, and upon crushing any
of them a drop of water would come forth: the skin that contain’d the
water was so thin that it was but just discernable. Some weeds swam by
us, so that we did not doubt but we should quickly see land. On the 27th
also some weeds swam by us, and the birds that had flown along with us
all the way almost from Brazil now left us, except only two or three
shear-waters. On the 28th we saw many weeds swim by us, and some whales
blowing. On the 29th we had dark cloudy weather, with much thunder,
lightning, and violent rains in the morning, but in the evening it grew
fair. We saw this day a scuttle-bone swim by us, and some of our young
men a seal, as it should seem by their description of its head. I saw
also some bonetas and some skipjacks, a fish about eight inches long,
broad, and sizeable, not much unlike a roach, which our seamen call so
from their leaping about.

The 30th of July, being still nearer the land, we saw abundance of
scuttle-bones and sea-weed, more tokens that we were not far from it;
and saw also a sort of fowls, the like of which we had not seen in the
whole voyage, all the other fowls having now left us. These were as big
as lapwings, of a grey colour, black about their eyes, with red sharp
bills, long wings, their tails long and forked like swallows, and they
flew flapping their wings like lapwings. In the afternoon we met with a
ripling like a tide or current, or the water of some shoal or over-fall;
but were past it before we could sound. The birds last mention’d and
this were further signs of the land. In the evening we had fair weather,
and a small gale at west. At eight a clock we sounded again, but had no

We kept on still to the eastward, with an easy sail, looking out sharp;
for, by the many signs we had, I did expect that we were near the land.
At twelve a clock in the night I sounded, and had forty-five fathom,
coarse sand and small white shells. I presently clapt on a wind and
stood to the south, and the wind at W., because I thought we were to the
south of a shoal call’d the Abrohles (an appellative name for shoals, as
it seems to me), which in a draught I had of that coast is laid down in
27 degrees, 28 minutes latitude, stretching about seven leagues into the
sea. I was the day before in 27 degrees, 38 minutes by reckoning. And
afterwards steering E. by S. purposely to avoid it, I thought I must
have been to the south of it: but sounding again at one a clock in the
morning, August the 1st, we had but twenty-five fathom, coral rocks; and
so found the shoal was to the south of us. We presently tack’d again,
and stood to the north, and then soon deepned our water; for at two in
the morning we had twenty-six fathom, coral still: at three, we had
twenty-eight, coral ground: at four, we had thirty fathom, coarse sand,
with some coral: at five, we had forty-five fathom, coarse sand and
shells; being now off the shoal, as appear’d by the sand and shells, and
by having left the coral. By all this I knew we had fallen into the
north of the shoal, and that it was laid down wrong in my sea-chart: for
I found it lye in about 27 degrees latitude, and by our run in the next
day I found that the outward edge of it, which I sounded on, lies
sixteen leagues off shore. When it was day we steered in E.N.E. with a
fine brisk gale, but did not see the land till nine in the morning, when
we saw it from our topmast head, and were distant from it about ten
leagues, having then forty fathom water and clear sand. About three
hours after we saw it on our quarter-deck, being by judgment about six
leagues off, and we had then forty fathom, clean sand. As we ran in,
this day and the next, we took several sights of it, at different
bearings and distances. This morning, August the 1st, as we were
standing in we saw several large sea fowls, like our gannets on the
coast of England, flying three or four together; and a sort of white
sea-mews, but black about the eyes, and with forked tails. We strove to
run in near the shore to seek for a harbour to refresh us after our
tedious voyage; having made one continued stretch from Brazil hither of
about 114 degrees, designing from hence also to begin the discovery I
had a mind to make on New Holland and New Guinea. The land was low, and
appear’d even, and as we drew nearer to it, it made (as you see in Table
iv, No. 3, 4, 5)[32] with some red and some white clifts; these last in
latitude 26 degrees, 10 minutes south, where you will find fifty-four
fathom within four miles of the shore.

About the latitude of 26 degrees south we saw an opening and ran in,
hoping to find a harbour there; but when we came to its mouth, which was
about two leagues wide, we saw rocks and foul ground within, and
therefore stood out again: there we had twenty fathom water within two
mile of the shore. The land every where appear’d pretty low, flat and
even, but with steep cliffs to the sea; and when we came near it there
were no trees, shrubs, or grass to be seen. The soundings in the
latitude of 26 degrees south, from about eight or nine leagues off till
you come within a league of the shore, are generally about forty fathom;
differing but little, seldom above three or four fathom. But the lead
brings up very different sorts of sand, some coarse, some fine, and of
several colours, as yellow, white, grey, brown, blueish and reddish.

When I saw there was no harbour here, nor good anchoring, I stood off to
sea again, in the evening of the second of August, fearing a storm on a
lee-shore, in a place where there was no shelter, and desirous at least
to have sea-room; for the clouds began to grow thick in the western
board, and the wind was already there, and began to blow fresh almost
upon the shore, which at this place lies along N.N.W. and S.S.E. By nine
a clock at night we had got a pretty good offin, but the wind still
increasing I took in my main top-sail, being able to carry no more sail
than two courses and the mizen.

At two in the morning, August 3rd, it blew very hard, and the sea was
much raised, so that I furled all my sails but my main-sail. Tho’ the
wind blew so hard, we had pretty clear weather till noon; but then the
whole sky was blackned with thick clouds, and we had some rain, which
would last a quarter of an hour at a time, and then it would blow very
fierce while the squalls of rain were over our heads; but as soon as
they were gone the wind was by much abated, the stress of the storm
being over. We sounded several times, but had no ground till eight a
clock, August the 4th, in the evening, and then had sixty fathom water,
coral ground. At ten, we had fifty-six fathom, fine sand. At twelve, we
had fifty-five fathom, fine sand, of a pale blueish colour. It was now
pretty moderate weather, yet I made no sail till morning; but then, the
wind veering about to the S.W., I made sail and stood to the north; and
at eleven a clock the next day, August 5th, we saw land again, at about
six leagues distance. This noon we were in latitude 25 degrees, 30
minutes, and in the afternoon our cook died, an old man, who had been
sick a great while, being infirm before we came out of England.

The 6th of August, in the morning, we saw an opening in the land, and we
ran into it, and anchored in seven and a half fathom water, two miles
from the shore, clean sand. It was somewhat difficult getting in here,
by reason of many shoals we met with, but I sent my boat sounding before
me. The mouth of this sound, which I call’d Shark’s Bay, lies in about
twenty-five degrees south latitude, and our reckoning made its longitude
from the Cape of Good Hope to be about 87 degrees; which is less by
about one hundred and ninety-five leagues than is usually laid down in
our common draughts, if our reckoning was right, and our glasses did not
deceive us. As soon as I came to anchor in this bay, I sent my boat
ashore to seek for fresh water; but in the evening my men returned,
having found none. The next morning I went ashore myself, carrying
pick-axes and shovels with me to dig for water, and axes to cut wood. We
tried in several places for water, but finding none after several
trials, nor in several miles compass, we left any farther search for it,
and spending the rest of the day in cutting wood, we entered aboard at

The land is of an indifferent height, so that it may be seen nine or ten
leagues off. It appears at a distance very even; but as you come nigher
you find there are many gentle risings, though none steep nor high. ’Tis
all a steep shore against the open sea, but in this bay or sound we were
now in, the land is low by the sea side, rising gradually within the
land. The mould is sand by the sea side, producing a sort of sampier,
which bears a white flower. Farther in the mould is reddish, a sort of
sand, producing some grass, plants, and shrubs. The grass grows in great
tufts, as big as a bushel, here and there a tuft; being intermix’d with
much heath, much of the kind we have growing on our commons in England.
Of trees or shrubs here are divers sorts, but none above ten feet high:
their bodies about three foot about, and five or six foot high before
you come to the branches, which are bushy and composed of small twigs
there spreading abroad, tho’ thick set and full of leaves, which were
mostly long and narrow. The colour of the leaves was on one side
whitish, and on the other green; and the bark of the trees was generally
of the same colour with the leaves, of a pale green. Some of these trees
were sweet scented and reddish within the bark, like sassafras, but
redder. Most of the trees and shrubs had at this time either blossoms or
berries on them. The blossoms of the different sort of trees were of
several colours, as red, white, yellow, etc., but mostly blue; and these
generally smelt very sweet and fragrant, as did some also of the rest.
There were also beside some plants, herbs, and tall flowers, some very
small flowers growing on the ground, that were sweet and beautiful, and
for the most part unlike any I had seen elsewhere.[33]

There were but few land fowls; we saw none but eagles, of the larger
sorts of birds, but five or six sorts of small birds. The biggest sort
of these were not bigger than larks, some no bigger than wrens, all
singing with great variety of fine shrill notes; and we saw some of
their nests with young ones in them. The water fowls are ducks (which
had young ones now, this being the beginning of the spring in these
parts), curlews, galdens, crab-catchers, cormorants, gulls, pelicans,
and some water fowl, such as I have not seen any where besides.

The land animals that we saw here were only a sort of raccoons,
different from those of the West Indies, chiefly as to their legs; for
these have very short fore legs, but go jumping upon them as the others
do (and like them are very good meat); and a sort of guanos, of the same
shape and size with other guanos, describ’d (vol. i, p. 57), but
differing from them in three remarkable particulars: for these had a
larger and uglier head, and had no tail, and at the rump, instead of the
tail there, they had a stump of a tail, which appear’d like another
head; but not really such, being without mouth or eyes: yet this
creature seem’d by this means to have a head at each end, and, which may
be reckon’d a fourth difference, the legs also seem’d all four of them
to be fore-legs, being all alike in shape and length, and seeming by the
joints and bending to be made as if they were to go indifferently either
head or tail foremost. They were speckled black and yellow, like toads,
and had scales or knobs on their backs like those of crocodiles, plated
on to the skin, or stuck into it as part of the skin. They are very slow
in motion, and when a man comes nigh them they will stand still and
hiss, not endeavouring to get away. Their livers are also spotted black
and yellow, and the body when opened hath a very unsavoury smell. I did
never see such ugly creatures any where but here. The guanos I have
observ’d to be very good meat, and I have often eaten of them with
pleasure; but tho’ I have eaten of snakes, crocodiles, and allegators,
and many creatures that look frightfully enough, and there are but few I
should have been afraid to eat of if prest by hunger, yet I think my
stomach would scarce have serv’d to venture upon these New Holland
guanos, both the looks and the smell of them being so offensive.[34]

The sea fish that we saw here (for here was no river, land or pond of
fresh water to be seen), are chiefly sharks. There are abundance of them
in this particular sound, that I therefore give it the name of Shark’s
Bay, There are also skates, thornbacks, and other fish of the ray kind
(one sort especially like the sea devil), and gar-fish, bonetas, etc. Of
shell fish we got here muscles, periwinkles, limpits, oysters, both of
the pearl kind and also eating oysters, as well the common sort as long
oysters, beside cockles, etc. The shore was lined thick with many other
sorts of very strange and beautiful shells, for variety of colour and
shape, most finely spotted with red, black, or yellow, etc., such as I
have not seen any where but at this place. I brought away a great many
of them; but lost all except a very few, and those not of the best.

There are also some green turtle, weighing about two hundred pounds. Of
these we caught two, which the water ebbing had left behind a ledge of
rock, which they could not creep over. These served all my company two
days, and they were indifferent sweet meat. Of the sharks we caught a
great many, which our men eat very savourily. Among them we caught one
which was eleven foot long. The space between its two eyes was twenty
inches, and eighteen inches from one corner of his mouth to the other.
Its maw was like a leather sack, very thick, and so tough that a sharp
knife could scarce cut it; in which we found the head and bones of a
hippopotamus, the hairy lips of which were still sound and not
putrified; and the jaw was also firm, out of which we pluckt a great
many teeth, two of them eight inches long, and as big as a man’s thumb,
small at one end, and a little crooked; the rest not above half so long.
The maw was full of jelly, which stank extremely: however, I saved for a
while the teeth and the shark’s jaw. The flesh of it was divided among
my men, and they took care that no waste should be made of it.

’Twas the 7th of August when we came into Shark’s Bay, in which we
anchor’d at three several places, and stay’d at the first of them (on
the west side of the bay), till the 11th. During which time we searched
about, as I said, for fresh water, digging wells, but to no purpose.
However, we cut good store of fire wood at this first anchoring place,
and my company were all here very well refreshed with raccoons, turtle,
shark, and other fish, and some fowls; so that we were now all much
brisker than when we came in hither. Yet still I was for standing
farther into the bay, partly because I had a mind to increase my stock
of fresh water, which was began to be low, and partly for the sake of
discovering this part of the coast. I was invited to go further, by
seeing from this anchoring place all open before me, which therefore I
designed to search before I left the bay. So on the 11th, about noon, I
steer’d farther in, with an easy sail, because we had but shallow water:
we kept therefore good looking out for fear of shoals, sometimes
shortning, sometimes deepning the water. About two in the afternoon we
saw the land a-head that makes the S. of the bay, and before night we
had again sholdings from that shore: and therefore shortned sail and
stood off and on all night, under two topsails, continually sounding,
having never more than ten fathom, and seldom less than seven. The water
deepned and sholdned so very gently, that in heaving the lead five or
six times we should scarce have a foot difference. When we came into
seven fathom either way, we presently went about. From this S. part of
the bay, we could not see the land from whence we came in the afternoon:
and this land we found to be an island of three or four leagues long;
but it appearing barren, I did not strive to go nearer it; and the
rather, because the winds would not permit us to do it without much
trouble, and at the openings the water was generally shoal. I therefore
made no farther attempts in this S.W. and S. part of the bay, and
steered away to the eastward, to see if there was any land that way, for
as yet we had seen none there. On the 12th, in the morning, we pass’d by
the N. point of that land, and were confirm’d in the persuasion of its
being an island, by seeing an opening to the east of it, as we had done
on the W. Having fair weather, a small gale, and smooth water, we stood
further on in the bay, to see what land was on the E. of it. Our
soundings at first were seven fathom, which held so a great while, but
at length it decreas’d to six. Then we saw the land right a-head, that
in the plan makes the E. of the bay. We could not come near it with the
ship, having but shoal water; and it being dangerous lying there, and
the land extraordinary low, very unlikely to have fresh water (though it
had a few trees on it, seemingly mangroves), and much of it probably
covered at high water, I stood out again in that afternoon, deepning the
water, and before night anchored in eight fathom, clean white sand,
about the middle of the bay. The next day we got up our anchor, and that
afternoon came to an anchor once more near two islands, and a shoal of
coral rocks that face the bay. Here I scrubb’d my ship; and finding it
very improbable I should get out to sea again, sounding all the way; but
finding by the shallowness of the water that there was no going out to
sea to the east of the two islands that face the bay, nor between them,
I return’d to the west entrance, going out by the same way I came in at,
only on the east instead of the west side of the small shoal to be seen
in the plan: in which channel we had ten, twelve, and thirteen fathom
water, still deepning upon us till we were out at sea. The day before we
came out I sent a boat ashore to the most northerly of the two islands,
which is the least of them, catching many small fish in the meanwhile
with hook and line. The boat’s crew returning, told me that the isle
produces nothing but a sort of green, short, hard, prickly grass,
affording neither wood nor fresh water; and that a sea broke between the
two islands, a sign that the water was shallow. They saw a large turtle,
and many skates and thornbacks, but caught none.

It was August the 14th, when I sail’d out of this Bay or Sound, the
mouth of which lies, as I said, in 25° 5´ designing to coast along to
the N. E. till I might commodiously put in at some other part of N.
Holland. In passing out we saw three water-serpents swimming about in
the sea, of a yellow colour, spotted with dark brown spots. They were
each about four foot long, and about the bigness of a man’s wrist, and
were the first I saw on this coast, which abounds with several sorts of
them. We had the winds at our first coming out at N., and the land lying
north-easterly. We plied off and on, getting forward but little till the
next day: when the wind coming at S. S. W. and S., we began to coast it
along the shore to the northward, keeping at six or seven leagues from
the shore; and sounding often, we had between forty and forty-six fathom
water, brown sand, with some white shells. This 15th of August, we were
in lat. 24° 41´. On the sixteenth day at noon, we were in 23° 22´. The
wind coming at E. by N., we could not keep the shore aboard, but were
forc’d to go farther off, and lost sight of the land. Then sounding, we
had no ground with eighty fathom line; however, the wind shortly after
came about again to the southward, and then we jogg’d on again to the
northward, and saw many small dolphins and whales, and abundance of
scuttle-shells swimming on the sea; and some water-snakes every day. The
17th we saw the land again, and took a sight of it.

The 18th, in the afternoon, being three or four leagues off shore, I saw
a shoal-point, stretching from the land into the sea, a league or more.
The sea broke high on it; by which I saw plainly there was a shoal
there. I stood farther off, and coasted along shore, to about seven or
eight leagues distance; and at 12 a clock at night we sounded, and had
but twenty fathom, hard sand. By this I found I was upon another shoal,
and so presently steered off W. half an hour, and had then forty fathom.
At one in the morning of the 18th day, we had eighty-five fathom: by two
we could find no ground; and then I ventured to steer along shore again,
due N., which is two points wide of the coast (that lies N. N. E.) for
fear of another shoal. I would not be too far off from the land, being
desirous to search into it wherever I should find an opening, or any
convenience of searching about for water, etc. When we were off the
shoal-point I mention’d where we had but twenty fathom-water, we had in
the night abundance of whales about ship, some a-head, others a-stern,
and some on each side blowing and making a very dismal noise; but when
we came out again into deeper water they left us. Indeed, the noise that
they made by blowing and dashing of the sea with their tails, making it
all of a breach and foam, was very dreadful to us, like the breach of
the waves in very shoal-water, or among rocks. The shoal these whales
were upon had a depth of water sufficient, no less than twenty fathom,
as I said; and it lies in latitude 22° 22´. The shore was generally bold
all along; we had met with no shoal at sea since the Abrohlo-shoal, when
we first fell on the New Holland coast in the latitude of 28°, till
yesterday in the afternoon, and this night. This morning also, when we
expected by the draught we had with us, to have been eleven leagues off
shore, we were but four; so that either our draughts were faulty, which
yet hitherto and afterwards we found true enough as to the lying of the
coast; or else here was a tide unknown to us that deceived us; tho’ we
had found very little of any tide on this coast hitherto. As to our
winds in the coasting thus far, as we had been within the verge of the
general trade (tho’ interrupted by the storm I mentioned) from the
latitude of 28°, when we first fell in with the coast: and by that time
we were in the latitude of 25°; we had usually the regular trade-wind
(which is here S. S. E.), when we were at any distance from shore: but
we had often sea and land breezes, especially when near shore, and when
in Shark’s Bay; and had a particular N. west wind, or storm, that set us
in thither. On this 18 of August, we coasted with a brisk gale of the
true trade-wind at S.S.E., very fair and clear weather; but haling off
in the evening to sea, were next morning out of sight of land; and the
land now trending away N. easterly, and we being to the northward of it,
and the wind also shrinking from the S. S. E. to the E. S. E. (that is,
from the true trade-wind to the sea-breeze, as the land now lay); we
could not get in with the land again yet a-while, so as to see it, tho’
we trim’d sharp and kept close on a wind. We were this 19th day, in
latitude 21° 42´. The 20th, we were in latitude 19° 37´, and kept close
on a wind to get sight of the land again, but could not get to see it.
We had very fair weather; and tho’ we were so far from the land as to be
out of sight of it, yet we had the sea and land-breezes. In the night we
had the land-breeze at S. S. E. a small gentle gale; which in the
morning about sun-rising would shift about gradually (and withal
increasing in strength), till about noon we should have it at E. S. E.
which is the true sea-breeze here. Then it would blow a brisk gale, so
that we could scarce carry our top-sails double rift; and it would
continue thus to three in the afternoon, when it would decrease again.
The weather was fair all the while, not a cloud to be seen; but very
hazy, especially nigh the horizon. We sounded several times this 20th
day, and at first had no ground; but had afterwards from fifty-two to
forty-five fathom, coarse brown sand, mixt with small brown and white
stones, with dints besides in the tallow.

The 21st day, also, we had small land-breezes in the night, and
sea-breezes in the day: and as we saw some sea-snakes every day, so this
day we saw a great many, of two different sorts or shapes. One sort was
yellow, and about the bigness of a man’s wrist, about four foot long,
having a flat tail about four fingers broad. The other sort was much
smaller and shorter, round and spotted, black and yellow. This day we
sounded several times, and had forty-five fathom, sand. We did not make
the land till noon, and then saw it first from our top-mast head. It
bore S. E. by E. about nine leagues distance, and it appeared like a
cape or head of land. The sea-breeze this day was not so strong as the
day before, and it veered out more; so that we had a fair wind to run in
with to the shore, and at sunset anchored in twenty fathom, clean sand,
about five leagues from the bluff point; which was not a cape (as it
appear’d at a great distance, but the easternmost end of an island,
about) five or six leagues in length and one in breadth. There were
three or four rocky islands about a league from us, between us and the
bluff point; and we saw many other islands both to the east and west of
it, as far as we could see either way from our topmast-head: and all
within them to the S. there was nothing but islands of a pretty heighth,
that may be seen eight or nine leagues off. By what we saw of them they
must have been a range of islands of about twenty leagues in length,
stretching from E. N. E. to W. S. W. and for ought I know, as far as to
those of Shark’s Bay; and to a considerable breadth also (for we could
see nine or ten leagues in among them) towards the continent or main
land of New Holland, if there be any such thing hereabouts: and by the
great tides I met with a while afterwards, more to the N. east; I had a
strong suspicion that here might be a kind of archipelago of islands,
and a passage possibly to the S. of New Holland and New Guinea into the
great S. sea eastward; which I had thoughts also of attempting in my
return from new Guinea (had circumstances permitted), and told my
officers so: but I could not attempt it at this time, because we wanted
water, and could not depend upon finding it there. This place is in the
latitude of 20° 21´, but in the draught that I had of this coast, which
was Tasman’s, it was laid down in 19° 50´, and the shore is laid down as
all along joining in one body or continent, with some openings appearing
like rivers; and not like islands, as really they are. See several
sights of it. This place lies more northerly by 40´ than is laid down in
Mr. Tasman’s draught: and beside its being made a firm continued land,
only with some openings like the mouths of rivers, I found the soundings
also different from what the prick’d line of this course shows them, and
generally shallower than he makes them; which inclines me to think that
he came not so near the shore as his line shews, and so had deeper
soundings, and could not so well distinguish the islands. His meridian
or difference of longitude from Shark’s Bay agrees well enough with my
account, which is two hundred and thirty-two leagues tho’ we differ in
latitude. And to confirm my conjecture that the line of his course is
made too near the shore, at least not far to the east of this place, the
water is there so shallow that he could not come there so high.

But to proceed; in the night we had a small land breeze, and in the
morning I weighed anchor, designing to run in among the islands, for
they had large channels between them, of a league wide at least, and
some two or three leagues wide. I sent in my boat before to sound, and
if they found shoal water to return again; but if they found water
enough, to go ashore on one of the islands, and stay till the ship came
in: where they might in the mean time search for water. So we followed
after with the ship, sounding as we went in, and had twenty fathoms,
till within two leagues of the Bluff head, and then we had shoal water,
and very uncertain soundings: yet we ran in still with an easy sail,
sounding and looking out well, for this was dangerous work. When we came
abreast of the Bluff head, and about two mile from it, we had but seven
fathom: then we edg’d away from it, but had no more water; and running
in a little farther, we had but four fathoms; so we anchored
immediately; and yet when we had veered out the third of a cable, we had
seven fathom water again; so uncertain was the water. My boat came
immediately aboard, and told me that the island was very rocky and dry,
and they had little hopes of finding water there. I sent them to sound,
and bade them, if they found a channel of eight or ten fathom water, to
keep on and we would follow with the ship. We were now about four
leagues within the outer small rocky islands, but still could see
nothing but islands within us; some five or six leagues long, others not
above a mile round. The large islands were pretty high; but all appeared
dry, and mostly rocky and barren. The rocks look’d of a rusty yellow
colour, and therefore I despaired of getting water on any of them; but
was in some hopes of finding a channel to run in beyond all these
islands, could I have spent time here, and either get to the main of New
Holland, or find out some other islands that might afford us water and
some other refreshments: besides, that among so many islands, we might
have found some sort of rich mineral, or ambergreece, it being a good
latitude for both of these. But we had not sailed above a league farther
before our water grew shoaler again, and then we anchored in six fathom
hard land.

We were now on the inner side of the island, on whose outside is the
Bluff-point. We rode a league from the island, and I presently went
ashore, and carried shovels to dig for water, but found none. There grew
here two or three sorts of shrubs, one just like rosemary; and therefore
I called this Rosemary Island. It grew in great plenty here, but had no
smell. Some of the other shrubs had blue and yellow flowers; and we
found two sorts of grain like beans: the one grew on bushes; the other
on a sort of a creeping vine that runs along on the ground, having very
thick broad leaves, and the blossom like a bean blossom, but much
larger, and of a deep red colour, looking very beautiful. We saw here
some Cormorants, Gulls, Crabcatchers, etc., a few small land birds, and
a sort of white Parrots, which flew a great many together. We found some
shell fish, viz., limpits, perriwinkles, and abundance of small oysters
growing on the rocks, which were very sweet. In the sea we saw some
green turtle, a pretty many sharks, and abundance of water snakes of
several sorts and sizes. The stones were all of rusty colour, and

We saw a smoak on an island three or four leagues off; and here also the
bushes had been burned, but we found no other sign of inhabitants: ’twas
probable that on the island where the smoak was there was inhabitants,
and fresh water for them. In the evening I went aboard, and consulted
with my officers whether it was best to send thither, or to search among
any other of these islands with my boat; or else go from thence, and
coast along shore with the ship, till we could find some better place
than this was to ride in, where we had shoal water, and lay exposed to
winds and tides. They all agreed to go from hence; so I gave orders to
weigh in the morning as soon as it should be light, and to get out with
the land breeze.

Accordingly, August the 23rd, at five in the morning, we ran out, having
a pretty fresh land breeze at S.S.E. By eight o’clock we were got out,
and very seasonably, for before nine the sea breeze came on us very
strong, and increasing, we took in our topsails and stood off under two
courses and a mizen, this being as much sail as we could carry. The sky
was clear, there being not one cloud to be seen; but the horizon
appeared very hazy, and the sun at setting the night before, and this
morning at rising, appeared very red. The wind continued very strong
till twelve, then it began to abate: I have seldom met with a stronger
breeze. These strong sea breezes lasted thus in their turns three or
four days. They sprung up with the sunrise; by nine a clock they were
very strong, and so continued till noon, when they began to abate; and
by sunset there was little wind, or a calm till the land breezes came;
which we should certainly have in the morning about one or two a clock.
The land breezes were between the S.S.W. and S.S.E. In the night while
calm, we fish’d with hook and line, and caught good store of fish, viz.,
snappers, breams, old wives and dog fish. When these last came we seldom
caught any others; for if they did not drive away the other fish, yet
they would be sure to keep them from taking our hooks, for they would
first have them themselves, biting very greedily. We caught also a
monk-fish, of which I brought home the picture.

On the 25th of August, we still coasted along shore, that we might the
better see any opening; kept sounding, and had about twenty fathom clean
sand. The 26th day, being about four leagues off shore, the water began
gradually to sholden from twenty to fourteen fathom. I was edging in a
little towards the land, thinking to have anchored; but presently after
the water decreas’d almost at once, till we had but five fathoms. I
durst therefore adventure no farther, but steer’d out the same way that
we came in; and in a short time had ten fathom (being then about four
leagues and a half from the shore) and even soundings. I steer’d away
E.N.E. coasting along as the land lies. This day the sea breezes began
to be very moderate again, and we made the best of our way along the
shore, only in the night edging off a little for fear of sholes. Ever
since we left Shark’s Bay we had fair clear weather, and so for a great
while still.

The 27th day we had twenty fathom water all night, yet we could not see
land till one in the afternoon, from our topmast-head. By three we could
just discern land from our quarter deck; we had then sixteen fathom. The
wind was N. and we steer’d E. by N. which is but one point in on the
land; yet we decreas’d our water very fast; for at four we had but nine
fathom; the next cast but seven, which frighted us; and we then tackt
instantly and stood off: but in a short time the wind coming at N.W. and
W.N.W. we tackt again and steer’d N.N.E. and then deepned our water
again, and had all night from fifteen to twenty fathom.

The 28th day we had between twenty and forty fathom. We saw no land this
day, but saw a great many snakes and some whales. We saw also some
boobies, and noddy-birds; and in the night caught one of these last. It
was of another shape and colour than any I had seen before. It had a
small long bill, as all of them have, flat feet like ducks’ feet; its
tail forked like a swallow, but longer and broader, and the fork deeper
than that of the swallow, with very long wings; the top or crown of the
head of this noddy was coal black, having also black streaks round about
and close to the eyes; and round these streaks on each side, a pretty
broad white circle. The breast, belly, and under-part of the wings of
this noddy were white; and the back and upper-part of its wings of a
faint black or smoak colour. Noddies are seen in most places between the
tropicks, as well as in the East Indies, and on the coast of Brazil, as
in the West Indies. They rest ashore a nights, and therefore we never
see them far at sea, not above twenty or thirty leagues, unless driven
off in a storm; when they come about a ship they commonly perch in the
night, and will sit still till they are taken by the seamen. They build
on cliffs against the sea, or rocks, as I have said.

The 30th day, being in latitude 18° 21´, we made the land again, and saw
many great smoaks near the shore; and having fair weather and moderate
breezes, I steer’d in towards it. At four in the afternoon I anchor’d in
eight fathom water, clear sand, about three leagues and a half from the
shore. I presently sent my boat to sound nearer in, and they found ten
fathom about a mile farther in; and from thence still farther in the
water decreased gradually to nine, eight, seven, and two mile distance
to six fathom. This evening we saw an eclipse of the moon, but it was
abating before the moon appear’d to us; for the horizon was very hazy,
so that we could not see the moon till she had been half an hour above
the horizon: and at two hours, twenty-two minutes after sunset, by the
reckoning of our glasses, the eclipse was quite gone, which was not of
many digits. The moon’s center was then 33° 40´ high.

The 31st of August betimes in the morning, I went ashore with ten or
eleven men to search for water. We went armed with muskets and cutlasses
for our defence, expecting to see people there; and carried also shovels
and pickaxes to dig wells. When we came near the shore we saw three tall
black naked men on the sandy bay a-head of us: but as we row’d in, they
went away. When we were landed, I sent the boat with two men in her to
lie a little from the shore at an anchor, to prevent being seized; while
the rest of us went after the three black men, who were now got on the
top of a small hill, about a quarter of a mile from us, with eight or
nine men more in their company. They seeing us coming, ran away. When we
came on the top of the hill where they first stood, we saw a plain
savannah, about half a mile from us, farther in from the sea. There were
several things like hay cocks, standing in the savannah; which at a
distance we thought were houses, looking just like the Hottentots’
houses at the cape of Good Hope: but we found them to be so many rocks.
We searched about these for water, but could find none, nor any houses;
nor people, for they were all gone. Then we turned again to the place
where we landed, and there we dug for water.

While we were at work, there came nine or ten of the natives to a small
hill a little way from us, and stood there menacing and threatning of
us, and making a great noise. At last one of them came towards us, and
the rest followed at a distance. I went out to meet him, and came within
fifty yards of him, making to him all the signs of peace and friendship
I could; but then he ran away, neither would they any of them stay for
us to come nigh them, for we tried two or three times. At last I took
two men with me, and went in the afternoon along by the sea side
purposely to catch one of them, if I could, of whom I might learn where
they got their fresh water. There were ten or twelve of the natives a
little way off, who seeing us three going away from the rest of our men,
followed us at a distance. I thought they would follow us; but there
being for a while a sandbank between us and them, that they could not
then see us, we made a halt, and hid ourselves in a bending of the
sandbank. They knew we must be thereabouts, and being three or four
times our number, thought to seize us. So they dispers’d themselves,
some going to the sea shore, and others beating about the sand hills. We
knew by what rencounter we had had with them in the morning that we
could easily outrun them; so a nimble young man that was with me, seeing
some of them near, ran towards them, and they for some time ran away
before him. But he soon overtaking them, they faced about and fought
him. He had a cutlass and they had wooden lances, with which, being many
of them, they were too hard for him. When he first ran towards them, I
chas’d two more that were by the shore; but fearing how it might be with
my young man, I turn’d back quickly and went up to the top of a
sandhill, whence I saw him near me closely engaged with them. Upon their
seeing me one of them threw a lance at me, that narrowly miss’d me. I
discharg’d my gun to scare them, but avoided shooting any of them; till
finding the young man in great danger from them, and myself in some; and
that tho’ the gun had a little frighted them at first, yet they had soon
learnt to despise it, tossing up their heads and crying “Pooh, pooh,
pooh,” and coming on afresh with a great noise; I thought it high time
to charge again and shoot one of them, which I did. The rest seeing him
fall made a stand again, and my young man took the opportunity to
disengage himself and come off to me; my other man also was with me, who
had done nothing all this while, having come out unarm’d; and I returned
back with my men, designing to attempt the natives no farther, being
very sorry for what had happened already. They took up their wounded
companion, and my young man, who had been struck through the cheek by
one of their lances, was afraid it had been poison’d, but I did not
think that likely. His wound was very painful to him, being made with a
blunt weapon; but he soon recover’d of it.

Among the N. Hollanders whom we were thus engaged with, there was one
who by his appearance and carriage, as well in the morning as this
afternoon, seem’d to be the chief of them, and a kind of prince or
captain among them. He was a young brisk man, not very tall, nor so
personable as some of the rest, tho’ more active and couragious: he was
painted (which none of the rest were at all) with a circle of white
paste or pigment (a sort of lime, as we thought) about his eyes, and a
white streak down his nose from his forehead to the tip of it. And his
breast and some part of his arms were also made white with the same
paint; not for beauty or ornament one would think, but as some wild
Indian warriors are said to do, he seem’d thereby to design the looking
more terrible; this his painting added very much to his natural
deformity, for they all of them have the most unpleasant looks and the
worst features of any people that ever I saw, tho’ I have seen great
variety of savages. These New Hollanders were probably the same sort of
people as those I met with on this coast in my voyage round the world
(see vol. i, p. 464, etc.); for the place I then touched at was not
above forty or fifty leagues to the N.E. of this: and these were much
the same blinking creatures (here being also abundance of the same kind
of flesh-flies teizing them), and with the same black skins, and hair
frizled, tall and thin, etc., as those were: but we had not the
opportunity to see whether these, as the former, wanted two of their

We saw a great many places where they had made fires, and where there
were commonly three or four boughs stuck up to the windward of them; for
the wind (which is the sea breeze) in the daytime blows always one way
with them, and the land breeze is but small. By their fireplaces we
should always find great heaps of fish shells of several sorts; and ’tis
probable that these poor creatures here lived chiefly on the shell fish,
as those I before describ’d did on small fish, which they caught in
wires or holes in the sand at low water. These gather’d their shell fish
on the rocks at low water, but had no wires (that we saw) whereby to get
any other sorts of fish: as among the former I saw not any heaps of
shells as here, though I know they also gather’d some shell fish. The
lances also of those were such as these had; however, they being upon an
island, with their women and children, and all in our power, they did
not there use them against us as here on the continent, where we saw
none but some of the men under head, who come out purposely to observe
us. We saw no houses at either place; and I believe they have none,
since the former people on the island had none, tho’ they had all their
families with them.

Upon returning to my men I saw that tho’ they had dug eight or nine foot
deep, yet found no water. So I return’d aboard that evening, and the
next day, being September 1st, I sent my boatswain ashore to dig deeper,
and sent the sain with him to catch fish. While I staid aboard I
observed the flowing of the tide, which runs very swift here, so that
our nun-buoy would not bear above the water to be seen. It flows here
(as on that part of N. Holland I described formerly) about five fathom;
and here the flood runs S.E. by S. till the last quarter; then it sets
right in towards the shore (which lies here S.S.W. and N.N.E.) and the
ebb runs N.W. by N. When the tides slackned we fish’d with hook and
line, as we had already done in several places on this coast, on which
in this voyage hitherto we had found but little tides; but by the
heighth, and strength, and course of them hereabouts, it should seem
that if there be such a passage or streight going through eastward to
the great South Sea, as I said one might suspect, one would expect to
find the mouth of it somewhere between this place and Rosemary Island,
which was the part of New Holland I came last from.

Next morning my men came aboard and brought a rundlet of brackish water,
which they got out of another well that they dug in a place a mile off,
and about half as far from the shore; but this water was not fit to
drink. However we all concluded that it would serve to boil our oatmeal
for burgoo, whereby we might save the remains of our other water for
drinking, till we should get more; and accordingly the next day we
brought aboard four hogsheads of it: but while we were at work about the
well we were sadly pester’d with the flies, which were more troublesome
to us than the sun, tho’ it shone clear and strong upon us all the
while, very hot. All this while we saw no more of the natives, but saw
some of the smoaks of some of their fires at two or three miles

The land hereabouts was much like the part of New Holland that I
formerly described (vol. i, p. 463); ’tis low, but seemingly barricado’d
with a long chain of sandhills to the sea, that lets nothing be seen of
what is farther within land. At high water, the tides rising so high as
they do, the coast shows very low; but when ’tis low water it seems to
be of an indifferent heighth. At low water-mark the shore is all rocky,
so that then there is no landing with a boat; but at high water a boat
may come in over those rocks to the Sandy Bay, which runs all along on
this coast. The land by the sea for about five or six hundred yards is a
dry sandy soil, bearing only shrubs and bushes of divers sorts. Some of
these had them at this time of the year, yellow flowers or blossoms,
some blue and some white, most of them of a very fragrant smell. Some
had fruit-like peascods, in each of which there were just ten small
peas: I opened many of them, and found no more nor less. There are also
here some of that sort of bean which I saw at Rosemary Island, and
another sort of small, red, hard pulse, growing in cods also, with
little black eyes like beans. I know not their names, but have seen them
used often in the East Indies for weighing gold; and they make the same
use of them at Guinea as I have heard, where the women also make
bracelets with them to wear about their arms. These grow on bushes; but
here are also a fruit like beans, growing on a creeping sort of
shrub-like vine. There was great plenty of all these sorts of cod fruit
growing on the sandhills by the sea side, some of them green, some ripe,
and some fallen on the ground; but I could not perceive that any of them
had been gathered by the natives, and might not probably be wholesome

The land farther in, that is lower than what borders on the sea, was, so
much as we saw of it, very plain and even, partly savannahs, and partly
woodland. The savannahs bear a sort of thin coarse grass. The mould is
also a coarser sand than that by the sea side, and in some places ’tis
clay. Here are a great many rocks in the large savannah we were in,
which are five or six foot high, and round at the top like a haycock,
very remarkable, some red and some white. The woodland lies farther in
still, where there were divers sorts of small trees, scarce any three
foot in circumference; their bodies twelve or fourteen foot high, with a
head of small knibs or boughs. By the sides of the creeks, especially
nigh the sea, there grow a few small black mangrove trees.

There are but few land animals. I saw some lizards, and my men saw two
or three beasts like hungry wolves, lean like so many skeletons, being
nothing but skin and bones: ’tis probable that it was the foot of one of
those beasts that I mention’d as seen by us in N. Holland (vol. i, p.
463). We saw a rackoon or two, and one small speckled snake.

The land fowls that we saw here were crows (just such as ours in
England), small hawks, and kites, a few of each sort; but here are
plenty of small turtledoves, that are plump, fat, and very good meat.
Here are two or three sorts of smaller birds, some as big as larks, some
less; but not many of either sort. The sea fowl are pelicans, boobies,
noddies, curlews, sea-pies, etc., and but few of these neither.

The sea is plentifully stock’d with the largest whales that I ever saw,
but not to compare with the vast ones of the northern seas. We saw also
a great many green turtle, but caught none; here being no place to set a
turtle net in; here being no channel for them, and the tides running so
strong. We saw some sharks and paracoots, and with hooks and lines we
caught some rock fish and old wives. Of shell fish here were oysters,
both of the common kind for eating and of the pearl kind; and also
wilks, conchs, muscles, limpits, perriwinkles, etc.; and I gather’d a
few strange shells, chiefly a sort not large, and thick-set all about
with rays or spikes growing in rows.

And thus, having ranged about a considerable time upon this coast,
without finding any good fresh water or any convenient place to clean
the ship, as I had hop’d for; and it being, moreover, the heighth of the
dry season, and my men growing scorbutick for want of refreshments, so
that I had little incouragement to search further; I resolved to leave
this coast, and accordingly in the beginning of September set sail
towards Timor.

                     PATSJALLANG “NOVA HOLLANDIA,”

My Lords.—Before entering into a detail of matters of note occurring on
the abovementioned voyage, it may not perhaps be superfluous to offer a
few preliminary observations, in order to throw a clearer light upon the
subject; briefly these:—that the above mentioned vessels having, in
accordance with the instructions delivered to their crew by your
excellency, on the twentieth of January of this year, weighed anchor
from the port of Batavia on the 23rd of the same month, heard on their
way, at Rembang on the east coast of Java, how the sloop _Doriados_,
which had been destined for this voyage instead of the _Waijer_, had
been disabled, but has been helped on its way by friendly vessels to
Timor, and thence to New Holland.

They arrived on the twelfth of February before Copang, on the island of
Timor, where they were obliged, by bad weather, to remain for twenty
days, until the second of March. A month later, namely, on the second of
April, they explored the north-west corner of Van Diemen’s land, without
having so far observed anything remarkable on this voyage, except that
for fifty or sixty miles straight north and south from this point, the
land is elevated, and along the whole of this coast there was
continually found from fifty to twenty, and fewer fathoms’ water;
besides, that on the passage from Timor, the compasses were on the sixth
of March affected by the thunder and lightning to such a degree, that
the north-end of the needle pointed due south, and was brought home in
that position.

This point of Van Diemen’s land having been thus explored, they occupied
themselves, from the second of April to the twelfth of July, in visiting
the bays, head lands, islands, rivers, etc., to the best of their
ability according to their instructions. But not being sufficiently
provided with fresh provisions for so long a voyage, many men on board
began to suffer and also to die, from severe sickness, principally
fever, acute pains in the head and eyes, and above all, dropsy, so that
they were compelled to resolve upon returning, and to direct their
course to Banda; the patsjallang however alone arrived there; the fluit
_Vossenbosch_, and the sloop _Waijer_, being forced by unfavourable
weather and the weakness of the crew, to pass that government, and to
hold on towards Macassar, as your nobilities will have already learnt by
the papers from Banda and Macassar. The skipper, upper and under
steersman, with most of the petty officers and sailors of the
_Vossenbosch_ being already dead, and their incomplete journals alone
having reached us, the new maps moreover, made by the direction of the
skipper Martin van Delft, having been improperly detained at Macassar,
we are not at present in a position to forward the same complete
information on the subject, which the arrival of these maps would have
enabled us to give, as they contain many new names, which could not
possibly be found in the limited compass of the Company’s former charts.
According to their own accounts, they have only been able to visit a
strip of land of about sixty miles along the coast E. and W., including
merely a very small portion of that great bay, which it was recommended
to them to sail over and explore as much as possible.

The daily courses, winds, currents, depths, reefs, soundings, variations
of the compass, and the like observations, more especially depending
upon the art of the steersman, are to be found in the above-mentioned
journals, and shall here be passed over as out of place, in a
compendious report like the present. We shall here principally follow
the logbook of the skipper Martin van Delft, of the _Vossenbosch_, and
that of the under steersman Andries Roseboom, of the sloop _Waijer_, as
the journals of the captain of the patsjallang, Pieter Fredericks of
Hamburg, and of the steersman of the _Vossenbosch_, notwithstanding
their general usefulness, do not afford any additional information, as
they merely describe the same subject.

Besides the journals, some depositions and other papers of the same kind
have reached us, referring to the loss of anchors, ropes, sails, the
courses and bearings of the ship as recorded on board the _Vossenbosch_,
none of them however of a nature to call for further observation here.
At the same time we cannot omit to mention two papers, written by the
captain of the patsjallang, and entered in the register of Banda, under
the letters D. E., containing brief notes of the ship’s course, the
names of, and dates of departure from, the places visited during the
voyage, together with the currents encountered, which documents could be
forwarded to you, if desired, together with the above-mentioned journals
of the skipper of the _Vossenbosch_, and the captain of the _Waijer_,
and the new maps, should they arrive here from Macassar, since the maps
of the patsjallang have not been drawn up with due regard to the proper
soundings, distances and other requisites, and are, therefore, not to be
depended upon.

Continuing our summary of the voyage, we would observe, that from the
commencement of the exploration of Van Diemen’s land, they noticed at
several points on the strand signs of men, such as smoke and the like.
The first inlet within the north point of that land, which was visited
by them and called the Roseboom’s Bay, runs dead inland, throwing out
several branches on both sides. No fresh water is found here. At that
time they saw no men, but merely some signs of inhabitants. However, on
their leaving the bay, some of the natives were caught sight of, running
away with their children and dogs, as soon as they perceived our
countrymen; and no opportunity was obtained of getting speech of any of

The coast here is level. The names Casuaris and Varckenshoek, were given
to the points E. and W. of this bay; of two other projecting points on
the W. side, which turned out to be islands, one was named the Goede
Hoop, and the other the Kuijle Eijland; they found on the former of them
a little water, but brackish, and in small quantity.

Between these two islands or headlands, some natives were met by the men
on the thirty-first of April, who did not retire, but ran hastily
towards an eminence, and with signs and gestures attempted to drive them
away. No one was able to understand their language, which, according to
the skipper Martin van Delft, seems to resemble in some respects that of
Malabar; but even this is by no means clear. The colour and stature of
these men, appears from the description given to resemble most that of
the Indians of the east; but they go stark naked, without any regard to
age or sex, as was constantly observed by our sailors from the
above-mentioned date, until their departure. The only exception to this
rule were the women who had children with them, these alone wearing a
slight covering of leaves or such-like over their middle. The whole
number of these islanders did not exceed fourteen or fifteen men; seeing
that our people could not be induced by their grimaces, violent
gestures, yelling and flourishing of assegais, and all kinds of weapons,
to retreat from the shore, they were imprudent enough to throw some of
their assegais, or rather sharpened sticks, at our men, with the
intention of wounding and intimidating them; but their chief, or one who
at least appeared to be so, being hit by a ball from the single musket
which was fired at them in return, the rest began to run quickly away,
being very agile and well made.

The women are tall and slim, with very large mouth and small eyes; the
head of both sexes is curly, like that of the Papuan islanders, and a
yellow or red ointment, prepared with turtle fat, seems to be used as an
ornament. The nature of these tribes is foul and treacherous, as was
apparent at the last moment, when our people were on the point of
departing. Eight islanders attacked and wounded two sailors, with the
hope of seizing upon their clothes, and that after having conversed with
these men for weeks, eaten and drunk with them, visited them on board,
and being allowed to examine everything to their great admiration, after
having received presents, and also on their part regaled our people with
fish and crabs. Besides this, their bad disposition came to light in the
case of the man who had been previously wounded by our party as before
mentioned; when he afterwards was assisted and bandaged, and had every
possible attention shown him by our men, he tore the linen to pieces and
threw it away into a corner; notwithstanding that at other times these
natives appeared particularly greedy after linen, knives, beads, and
such toys.

They however possess nothing which is of value themselves, and have
neither iron nor anything like mineral ore or metal, but only a stone
which is ground and made to serve as a hatchet. They have no
habitations, either houses or huts; and feed on fish, which they catch
with harpoons of wood, and also by means of nets, putting out to sea in
small canoes, made of the bark of trees, which are in themselves so
fragile, that it is necessary to strengthen them with cross-beams.

Some of them had marks on their body, apparently cut or carved, which,
as it seemed to our people, were looked upon by them as a kind of
ornament. They eat sparingly and moderately, whereby they grow up always
active and nimble; their diet seems to consist of fish, and a few roots
and vegetables, but no birds or wild animals of any kind are used as
food, for though animal food exists, and was found by our men in
abundance, the natives appeared to be indifferent to it.

According to the notes of the captain of the sloop _Waijer_, from the
14th of June, about five hundred people with women and children, were
met on one occasion about two miles inland; at night also they were
descried sitting round several fires among the bushes; nothing however
was seen in their possession of any value. Our men might also easily
have taken and brought over to Batavia with them, two or three of the
natives who daily came on board, but the skipper of the _Vossenbosch_,
following out his instructions to the letter, would not allow them to be
taken without their full consent, either by falsehood or fraud, and as
no one understood their language, nothing was to be done in the matter;
consequently they remained in their own country.

The country here is for the most part level, and no mountains are to be
seen, except a remarkable eminence, which at a distance has the
appearance of three mountains, as noted in the journal of the skipper,
under date May the 25th. The soil seems productive, if cultivated, but
the whole extent of the coast is bordered by sands or downs. In no part
were any remarkable trees noticed, much less any of an aromatic and
spice kind.

The second bay after the Rooseboom’s Bay just described, between Tigers
and Wolfs-point, visited by our countrymen, has the appearance of a wide
river, but is salt; as however nothing remarkable was found there, we
shall let the journal of the skipper, on the date May 12th, speak for
itself, it being described in the account of the commander of the
_Waijer_, under the name of the Bessia River.

The third inlet visited by the expedition is rather large, its E. point
being named Kaijmans, and its W. Oranjes-hoek. The tide flows here with
great force, and the _Patsjallang_ sailed between eight and ten miles
inland, without finding any diminution in the saltness of the water. As
the bottom, and the general aspect still remain the same, it was
supposed by our people, that this inlet runs right through to the south
side of New Holland, and not only this, but also others both E. and W.
of the angle of Van Diemen’s land.

From this it seems to follow, that the South Land in a great measure
consists of islands,—a supposition not at all improbable, considering
how on its south side, from the point called Leeuwin, or the land
visited by the Leeuwin in the year 1622, to Nuyts-land, discovered in
1627, it is entirely girt and surrounded by innumerable islands,
although these things had better be left to a more accurate examination
of the country, and a more matured judgment. But there is another
consideration in favour of this supposition, namely, the rude and
barbarous character, and malicious disposition of the above-mentioned
islanders, as it has been frequently remarked, that such serious defects
are much more generally found among islanders, than among the
inhabitants of continents. However, be this as it may, we shall only
further remark, that the _Patsjallang_, owing to the strength of the
current, was not able to proceed, but was obliged to return to the
_Vossenbosch_, having first discovered within this inlet an island, five
miles in circumference, on which was found very good drinking-water and
a tiger was met with; a number of snipes also were seen on another
island, which lay at the entrance of this strait, and of which more is
said in the journal of the sloop _Waijer_, under the date of the
eighteenth and nineteenth of May. The weather here was observed to
become much colder.

The fourth inlet of those visited by the expedition, called Delft Bay,
runs five or six miles inland, and demands little further notice than as
to its position and depths, both which are to be found clearly stated in
the journals and maps, also that it is called on one side of its mouth,
Rustenburg, and on the other side in the old maps, it is known under the
name of Maria’s land, in which district the inhabitants were so stupid,
that they attempted to tow the patsjallang, while lying at anchor, with
three little canoes, but seeing that no progress was made, they tried to
effect their object by tugging at the anchor. This also proving
ineffectual, they returned to the shore. Our men employed themselves
daily in fishing, the fish here being plentiful, but of no great size,
and attempted to arrest the increasing sickness on board.

The fifth and last inlet E. visited by our people, is bounded on one
side by the promontory of Lonton, on the other side by the point of
Callemore, (names given to them by the crew), although the last
mentioned point may rather be called an island than a promontory, since
the inlet runs round it and again joins the sea. In front of the point
Lonton, also an island was found, called by them Schildpads island;
nothing remarkable is to be recorded of this place, except that at night
by moonlight, an immense number of black birds, as large as pigeons,
were met by the patsjallang _Hollandia Nova_, which flock continued to
pass for half an hour; also that the inhabitants became so much
accustomed to our people, that they assisted them in procuring and
carrying water; but afterwards they could not conceal their malicious
disposition, as we have already narrated.

This last inlet is called Vossenbosch Bay, and also has before the
promontory of Calice a small island, where stands a solitary tree, by
which it may be recognized.

Thus, thinking we have briefly stated the origin, the adventures, the
results, and the return of this expedition, so far as they could be
investigated, we shall here conclude.

                                           We are, etc.,
                                                       HK. SWAARDECROON,
                                                       CS. CHASTELIJN.
                                             (S.)      J. S. CRAINE.

 Batavia Castle, Oct. 6, 1705.

                        “DE HOUTMAN’S ABROLHOS,”

The ten years which elapsed between 1720 and 1730 were a period replete
with disaster to the East India Company, arising from the losses they
experienced of ships and men, both on their passage out to India and on
their return.[35] Among the number is the Zeeland ship _Zeewyk_, which,
built in 1725, sailed from the roads of Rammekens to Batavia, under
command of the skipper Jan Hijns, on the 7th of November, 1726. After
peculiar mishaps the _Zeewyk_ came to anchor on the 22nd of March, 1727,
before the fort of Good Hope in Table Bay, and, after taking in fresh
provisions there, pursued her voyage on the 21st of April, until, on the
9th of June, when by the carelessness of the skipper, she was wrecked on
the Houtman’s Abrolhos.

By the instructions[36] for the sailing in the autumn from the
Netherlands to Java, amongst other things it is also enjoined: “The Cape
of Good Hope being doubled, it is thought good that you sail in an E.
direction between 36° and 39° S. lat., until you have reached a point
eight hundred miles E. of the Cape of Good Hope; that you then direct
your course as much N. as E., in such a manner that, on reaching 30° S.
lat., you should find yourself about 950 or 1000 m. from the Cape of
Good Hope.

“These 950 or 1000 m. from the Cape being attained, it is advisable—wind
and weather permitting—that you bear down upon the land Eendraght at 27°
S. lat., or more to the N., so as to take thence such a course as will
enable you to clear the Tryals Shoals,[37] lying about 20° S. lat.,
without danger, and to touch at the south coast of Java with ease, in
order to have the weather-gage of the Straits of Sunda, and thus reach
these straits without loss of time. It must be understood that this is
about the time when the east monsoon blows south of the line, and that
the said 900 or 1000 miles E. of the Cape may be reached between the
beginning of March and the end of September. Observe, that the distance
between the Cape and the land of Eendraght is, in reality, much shorter
than the chart shows; and it may happen, by the aid of currents, that
the route may be found even shorter than it really is, so that the land
might be reached in much less time than we are led to expect. Remember,
also, that the land of Eendraght has, south of 27° lat., many perilous
sandbanks, and that the soundings are of sharp rocks. Consequently
extreme caution, and the constant use of the lead at night and in stormy
weather is indispensably necessary, as at seven, six, or five miles from
the coast the soundings are found to be one hundred, eighty, or seventy

To these “perilous sandbanks and soundings of sharp rocks” belong also
the Frederick Houtman Abrolhos, which, according to Horsburgh,[38] lie
at 29° 10´ S. lat., and 113° 57´ E. long., and upon which many a ship of
the company will have perished; since, in addition to the _Batavia_ in
1629, the _Vergulde Draeck_ in 1656, the _Ridderschap van Holland_ in
1693, and the _Zuysdorp_ in 1711, two others occur in the list here
subjoined as lost between the Cape of Good Hope and Batavia.

The Englishmen who visited these sandbanks in 1840 found several remains
of wrecked ships; thus writes Mr. Crawford Pako:[39]

“I will relate a few circumstances which were of great interest to us,
as marking the position of ancient voyagers, who two hundred years
before were similarly engaged to ourselves, and undergoing trial and
probation such as we were then exposed to.

“Finding anchorage for our ship at the S.E. part of the southern group,
near to a narrow strip of sand on the edge of the reef, which was
scarcely large enough to be called an island, we found on it some
remains of large timber, evidently a beam of a ship, through it an iron
bolt of considerable dimensions; but corrosion had gone on steadily so
many years, that the slightest touch reduced it to the size of small
wire. Near this were found various other fragments, which most probably
had been parts of the same vessel; but the most remarkable item was a
copper coin of the East India N. Company, a doit bearing date 1620 (I
think), which was good evidence that these were some of the remains of
commodore Pelsart, in the ship _Batavia_. So the anchorage which we
occupied was named by us Batavia Roads, and that particular group
Pelsart’s Group. On another island at the west side of the same group we
found many other relics of more recent date, among which another doit,
which was dated 1700, which we concluded marked the position of the loss
of the _Zeewijk_ in 1720. On this island we found a large number of
small glass bottles, about the size and form of Dutch cheeses, very
orderly arranged in rows on the ground; a few very large glass bottles
of similar form; some large brass buckles, which had been gilded, and
much of the gilt still existed. Numerous small clay pipes, which served
to solace our crew with the help of tobacco, as doubtless they had done
long ago for former owners. And one brass gun, of about three-pounds
calibre, with an iron swivel, the iron, however, was diminished by
corrosion to nearly nothing; it had a movable chamber for loading it,
which was fitted for a square hole, on the upper part of the gun near
the breech. But what was most remarkable about it was that vermilion
paint was still on the muzzle. The island on which this was found we
called Gun Island, and the passage between Pelsart Group and the middle
one was called Zeewyk Channel.”

I have had the good fortune to find among the papers of the late East
India Company, what was written by the government of Batavia about the
loss of the ship _Zeewijk_ to the directors at home, together with a map
made by the skipper Jan Steyns, while on these shoals.

       “_To the Directors of the Assembly of the Seventeen, etc._

“On the 26th of April a letter[40] unexpectedly came to hand by the
patchialang _De Veerman_, from the late skipper and under-merchant of
the Zeeland ship _Zeewyk_, Jan Steyns and Jan Nibbens, written from the
Straits of Sunda, but without date, communicating the fact that this
vessel, after leaving the Cape of Good Hope on the 21st of April, had
been wrecked, on the 9th of June, on the reef lying before the islands
Frederick Houtman’s Abrolhos, situated near the Southland, in S. lat.
29°, and otherwise called the Tortelduyff’s Islands. The crew had, in
favourable weather, succeeded in recovering all kinds of necessaries
from the wreck, and had constructed from the fragments of the ship a
vessel, on which, setting out on the 22nd of March, they arrived in the
above straits on the 21st of April, numbering eighty-two souls, and
bringing with them the moneys of the Company contained in ten chests to
the value of Fl. 315,836:1:8. All this will more clearly appear from the
subjoined copy of the letter (together with a list of the survivors,
their names and rank on board before the wreck), to which we
respectfully refer you, as also to an extract from the resolution passed
on that day. From this will also be seen the care shown by us for the
recovery of the money, in our despatching at once to the distressed
vessel (which was suffering from want of fresh water) the advocat-fiscal
of India, Mr. Jacob Graafland, with two commissioners from the Council
of Justice, assisted by the secretary and usher of the court, provided
with the necessary vessels, together with one sergeant, two corporals,
and twelve private soldiers. There was also found a small slip,[41]
without signature, written by the skipper, in which he complains of the
outrageous and thievish behaviour of the crew, so that we could not but
conclude that some of the company’s chests must have been broken open,
and the contents stolen, as it very frequently happens under such
unfortunate circumstances. Wherefore the above-mentioned commissioners
were duly instructed to take means to prevent the concealment of the
company’s moneys. But the precaution proved unnecessary, as they arrived
here happily on the 30th, to the great relief of the company’s heavy
losses of money, with the above-mentioned vessel and the ten money
chests, which were found to be complete according to the invoice. In
addition to this was also received a small bag, containing two hundred
and seven pieces of Spanish reals, handed over by the Directors of the
Chamber, Middelburg, in Zeeland, to the officers of this ship, for the
purchase of fresh provisions, which also was saved. Moreover various
sums in silver ducats, as specified in the memorial, a copy of which is
subjoined, were found upon the crew. On that same day, namely, the 30th
April, the advocat-fiscal was instructed to report to the government as
to whether an action could be brought by it against the pretended
owners, who had fetched that money out of the wreck, the fact of their
having it in their possession being in our opinion a violation of the
law, which forbids the export of coined money to private persons. His
answer is to be found in a copy subjoined. But afterwards he was
obliged, as a matter of official duty, to put the law in force, and an
indictment was accordingly issued against the claimants before the
Council of Justice, whose decision is still pending. We are nevertheless
at the same time of opinion that salvage ought to be allowed to the men
who, at no inconsiderable danger to themselves, brought the money from
the wreck. The journals kept on the voyage, as far as they were saved
and brought over, were, in accordance with the resolution of the 30th of
April, handed over to the Equipagemeester, Coenrad Mels, and a committee
of skippers, under the presidency of the above-mentioned fiscal, as it
appeared to us rather doubtful whether the ship had not been wrecked in
an inexcusable manner. And, indeed, it was subsequently proved by the
report of the committee, that the former skipper, Jan Steyns, had not
only run too near the Southland, contrary to his orders, and in
opposition to the protests of the steersmen, and thereby caused that
disaster; but had also contemplated deceiving the government by altered
and falsified journals, in order to hide as much as possible his
indefensible conduct. Whereupon, on the 17th of August, it was
determined to indict the said Jan Steyns before the Court of Justice,
and he has since been placed under arrest.[42]

“The position of the islands against the most outlying reef of which the
_Zeewyk_ was wrecked, is shown by the accompanying maps. They lie out of
sight of the Southland, and are partly overgrown with some edible wild
plants. On them were found not only some excavated wells, but also some
signs of a Dutch ship, probably wrecked against the above-mentioned
reef, which might have been the _Fortuyn_ or _Aagtekerke_, whose crew
may have died or perished at sea on their way hither. This also seems to
have been the fate of the boat of the _Zeewyk_, which, under command of
the uppersteersman Pieter Langeweg, with eleven common sailors and the
papers of the Company, had set out for this port shortly after the wreck
of the ship, in order to give information of the mishap and to ask for
assistance. Up to this time nothing has been heard of it.

“We cannot without painful feelings think of the heavy misfortunes, from
which the company has been a sufferer during the last nine or ten years,
especially in the loss of many ships and treasures, which mishaps have
to our great concern been considerably increased in number, not only by
the disaster which befell the ship _Luchtenberg_, on the Wielingen, on
the Zeeland Banks, shortly after leaving port, as communicated to us by
the Directors of several Chambers, and particularly by the letter from
Amsterdam of the 8th of January; but also by the misfortunes which
befell the other ships that had sailed for this country in company with
that ship on the 2nd of November, 1727, and were obliged to put into
several harbours in a disabled state. Again, by the stranding on the 3rd
of July, in Table Bay, of the ships _Middenrack_, _Stabroeck_, and
_Haarlem_, of which the _Middenrack_ was dashed to pieces and lost all
hands, except the few who were on shore at the time, while the two
others were driven so close on shore that all hope of safety was
abandoned, but succeeded so far as to run their prow aground, whereby
the crew and money were saved, and the remainder of the cargo was
recovered from the ship undamaged by the sea water. The cargos of these
two stranded ships, together with three boxes containing amber from the
_Middenrack_, which had been washed ashore, have already been brought
over by the ships _Meyenberg_ and _Nieuwvliet_, they having, through
God’s blessing, happily ridden through this awful storm from the N.W.,
not without extreme danger. The ship _Hillegonde_ also lost its rudder
and _goodgings_, and had to be helped into Saldanha Bay. Thus we shall
not be able to make use of it here for some time to come, any more than,
as we fear, of the ships _Berkenrode_ and _Heenhoven_, which had not yet
appeared at the Cape on the 18th of July. This is the more alarming, as
the _Heenhoven_, on the 9th of February, in the north, at about 57° L.,
parted through stress of weather from the consorts _Meyenberg_ and
_Haerbroeck_, in whose company it had left Zeeland on the 24th of
January. However, we hope soon to welcome the arrival of the
above-mentioned two ships, under the blessing of the Most High, who also
is besought henceforth to ward off all disasters from the ships and the
establishment of the company, and to make them prosperous in all things;
so that the crew of the outward-bound ships may not be afflicted so
severely by sickness and death, as has been the case of late with
several ships, to such an extent, that it has been necessary to
reinforce them one from the other at the Cape; whereby, since the
departure of the ship _Meerlust_, in sixteen ships from Holland, only
1375 sailors, 575 soldiers, and 40 artisans, in all 1990 paid servants,
including the sick, have come over.”

  Castle, Batavia, Oct. 30th, 1728.

                               APPENDIX I


We take the liberty of informing you, that, in sailing from the Cape of
Good Hope to Batavia with the company’s late ship _Zeewyck_, we were
wrecked on a reef on the ninth of June, 1727, at seven o’clock in the
evening, in the first watch.

The reef against which the vessel struck, is surrounded by a very high
and heavy surf, and runs in the shape of a half moon. On the inner side
lie many small islands, called Frederick Houtman’s Ambrollossen
(Abrolhos), which we gained on the eighteenth of June, and upon which we
remained from that day, until we had fetched from the wreck everything
that seemed to us necessary for the preservation of our life, spars,
ropes, timber and provisions. As soon as we had got these materials on
shore, our carpenter at once set to work with his men, by order of the
officers, and by the help of the common people, to build a vessel, so
that we might save our lives, if it pleased God. We called it the
_Sloepie_, that is, the little sloop, made up from the wreck of the
_Zeewyck_. When it was ready for sea, we made sail with a south wind and
fair weather on the twenty-sixth of March, having with us the money
chests of the company, as well as provisions for the voyage. We
continued to enjoy favourable weather throughout the voyage, and so
arrived by God’s blessing, on the twenty-first of April, 1728, in the
Straits of Sunda, eighty-two souls, of whom, we herewith subjoin a list
for the information of your nobility and council. We beg to wish you and
the council from the bottom of our heart, every prosperity and
happiness, and present respectfully our humble services.

                                                  Your etc.,

                                                      (S.) JAN. STEYNS,
                                                           JAN. NOBBENS.

                              APPENDIX II.

My High Excellency, together with the Council of the Netherlandish
India, I pray of you most urgently to send me help and assistance
against these robbers of the money and goods from the wreck _Zeewyk_,
who have divided the money and goods among themselves. I am stark naked;
they have taken every thing from me. O, my God! They have behaved like
wild beasts to me, and everyone is master. Worse than beasts do they
live; it is impossible that on board a pirate ship things can be worse
than here, because every one thinks that he is rich, from the highest to
the lowest of my subordinates. They say among themselves, “Let us drink
a glass to your health, ye old ducats!” I am ill and prostrate from

                             APPENDIX III.


                                               Monday, April 26th, 1728.

At five o’clock this afternoon we received a letter by the patchialang
_De Veerman_, very unexpectedly and fortunately, from the former skipper
and under-merchant of the ship _Zeewyk_, bound for these parts, written
in the Straits of Sunda, but undated, reporting the wreck of the ship on
the reef lying before the Islands Frederick Houtman’s Abrolhos, near the
Southland, at 28° L., on the 9th of June of last year. The crew having
afterwards fetched several necessaries from the wreck, made from the
timber a sloop or vessel, on board of which eighty-two souls have
reached these straits, together with the money taken out by the ship,
consisting of three tuns, according to the double invoice received. But,
besides that letter, there also came to hand a little card, unsigned,
apparently in the handwriting of the skipper, in which he complains in
unmistakeable terms of the behaviour and dishonesty of the crew; so that
we cannot but suppose that the money chests have been broken open, in
order that so splendid a booty might be divided. Therefore on the motion
of the Governor-General, it was resolved to send out at once to the
assistance of the suffering vessel and crew, who were obliged, in
default of fresh water, to put up with salt water for some time.
Accordingly the brigantine _De Hoop_, the sloop _De Olyftack_, and the
patchialangs _De Snip_ and the before-named _Veerman_, being made ready
by order of his excellency, the advocat-fiscal of India, Mr. Jacob
Graafland, with two commissioners from the Council of Justice, assisted
by the secretary and usher, together with one sergeant, two corporals,
and twelve private soldiers, was dispatched, in order that the ready
money might be secured without any delay, as much of it, that is, as
might still be found. Further; a thorough search was to be made after
the remainder, both among the crew and in all the corners and nooks of
the sloop, which has been put together by them.

This said sloop no other vessels shall be allowed to approach, with the
sole exception of that on board of which the commissioners are; so that
all possibility may be removed of any clandestine transfer of the stolen
booty to another crew, and of the noble company’s being thus injured by
a complot of a gang of expert thieves. The guilty ones shall be seized
and subjected to an exemplary punishment, as a warning to all other evil
doers in similar lamentable and fatal occurrences.

                                                J. J. HENDRICKS, _Secr._

                              APPENDIX IV.

The Trials. About two hundred years have elapsed since the instructions
here mentioned were drawn up, and still these cliffs belong to the
“doubtfuls.” To what is this to be attributed? Do they in reality not
exist at all? The Governor-General, Antonio Van Diemen, to whom the
science of geography is so deeply indebted, did not doubt their
existence. He thus writes to the governor of Mauritius, Adrian van der
Hael, on the 2nd of September, 1643.

“The yacht _Cleen Mauritius_ has, like the former ships bound for these
parts, not seen anything of the Trials. This, however, proves nothing.
Those who would discover those shoals (as they are usually called) in
coming from your country, must be ordered to touch at the Southland at
about 27° S. L., or Dirk Hartog’s Reede; they must then sail as far
north as 20°, when they would find themselves about fifty miles E. of
the Trials. They then have to sail W., as there is no doubt that they
lie in 20° S. L.”

It may also not be unnecessary to quote in full the following statement,
taken from the “Vertooninge van Eylanden, Custen, Havens, en Bayen aº
1757, door den E. Capiteyn D. van Schilde en Schipper P. Hoogendorp (H.

                  *       *       *       *       *

  _Extract from the journal of the skipper Franchoys Buscop, on his
    voyage out in the ship ’t Vaderland Getrouw, under date July 21st,
    1707,[43] about his falling in with the Trials._

In the morning, at seven o’clock, in the day watch, we saw the little
islands of the Trials’ Shoals, at E. by E. well E., about five miles
from us, being three in number, the most southerly of them running up to
a sharp point and hanging over towards the S.E., being at its top a
little rounder than the one in the middle, but lower than the north one,
and a little more pointed. We also saw a high pointed cliff south of the

Shortly afterwards we saw the surf breaking E.N.E. ½ N. a short mile
from us, and four from the island. We at once turned away towards the
S.W., heaved the lead, and found fifty-seven fathoms water, with a
bottom of fine sand and rocks.

Shortly afterwards we encountered a storm with rain from the S.W. and
S.S.W. by S. Turned again to the W., ran in that direction till noon,
then put our course N.W.; heaved the lead and found sixty-five fathoms,
bottom as before. Took the bearings of the pointed island, lying E.N.E.,
at five and a half to six miles distance from us, and found the
longitude to be 124° 34´; I had calculated it at 123° 6´, so that by the
position of these islands we were 1° 28´ more to the E. than we
imagined. S. L. 20° 34´. I then corrected my reckonings. Afternoon wind
S. and S.S.E., blowing at top-sail and top-gallant-sail breeze, with fog
and drizzle. In the evening again heaved the lead, but found no bottom.
Shortened sail in order to heave the lead during the night. First watch,
water of a pale tint. Heaved the lead several times, but no bottom
found. Held on at N.W. to the beginning of the day-watch; steered N.;
wind at night S.S.E. and S.E., top-sail and top-gallant-sail breeze.[44]

According to a letter in the _Nautical Magazine_ of the year 1843, p.
392, the Trials were also seen by the Dutch ship _Jacobus_, captain
Louwerens. It is worthy of remark, that this observer places them in the
same longitude, whilst the latitude differs by about 1°.

The late veteran captain C. Brandligt has assured me that he saw them;
but he could not find the journals by which he wished to prove the
statement to me.

“Rocks and shoals in the ocean have been frequently seen and their true
positions given, but on further search could not be found. Now,
scientific men may dream, but I am under a strong impression that they
do exist; but, from some unknown causes, the ocean has its rise and
fall, and they are seen at the lowest ebb only.”


 Aagtekerke, perhaps wrecked off the Houtman’s Abrolhos, 182

 Aberts, Pieter, skipper, one of the survivors of the “Vergulde Draeck,”

 Abrolhos, _v._ Houtman’s Abrolhos

 Albuquerque, in 1511 sent A. de Breu and F. Serrano, with three ships
    to Banda and Malacca, lx

 Alexander VI, Pope, Bull on the discoveries, xxxvii

 Alvaro de Mendana, discovers the Solomon Islands, the Marquesas, Queen
    Charlotte’s Islands, attempts to establish a Colony on Santa Cruz,

 Ambrollossen, Frederic Houtman, _v._ Houtman’s Abrolhos

 Amsterdam, island, drawing of, brought back by Vlamingh, in 1696, 113

 Amsterdam, shallop, expedition to the South Land under the command of
    G. T. Pool, 75

 Antelope, of London, under the command of Captain Hammond, met by
    Dampier, 13

 Ant-hills, taken for habitations, 65

 Aratus, speaks of a southern continent, xiii

 Arias, Dr. Juan Luis, memorial to Philip III, urges the necessity of
    the discovery of the southern hemisphere, for the sake of converting
    the natives before the English and Dutch heretics might do it, 1;
   extract from De Silva’s treatise, 3;
   prophecies, 4;
   the southern hemisphere not all water, 12;
   fertile, habitable, 15;
   rich in metals, pearls, animals, fruits, 16;
   A. Mendana de Meyra’s discoveries, 17;
   P. F. de Quiros, 18;
   J. Fernandez, 20;
   Indians of Taumaco indicate a continent southwards, 23;
   portion of the South Land already visited, larger than Europe, 24;
   the decline of Spain, caused by the neglect of exploration, 25;
   final loss of the crown threatened, 28

 Arms of Amsterdam, ship, touched at the south coast of New Guinea, in
    1619, part of the crew murdered by the natives, 44

 Aristotle, speaks of a southern continent, xiii

 Arnhem, island, discovery, 45

 Arnhem, yacht, voyage to New Guinea, 44;
   skipper and eight of the crew murdered, 45

 Atlantis, island of, described by Plato, ii

 Aucke, Pietersz Jonck, _v._ Jonck

   Regarded as forming part of New Guinea and the great southern
      continent, iv-xi;
   indications on maps in the sixteenth century, iv, xii, lxv;
   its coasts touched by the Dutch in the seventeenth, v;
   secrecy of the Portuguese, _ib._;
   of the Dutch East India Company vi;
   statement of Sir W. Temple, _ib._;
   quotations from early writers, xii;
   early maps with indications, xiv;
   assertion of the discovery by the Chinese, _ib._;
   Binot Paulmier de Gonneville the supposed first discoverer, xx;
   the Portuguese claim to the discovery, xxi;
   the Spanish claim, xxii;
   Magalhaens’ claim, xxii;
   Dr. Martin on the map of Dourado, xxiii;
   the tract laid down is either Tierra del Fuego or New Guinea, xxvi;
   other indications on maps of its discovery by the Portuguese, _ib._;
   Dalrymple’s disparagement of Captain Cook, xxxi;
   its refutation by Metz, xxxii;
   account, by Barbié de Bocage, of a hydrographic atlas which he
      supposed to be drawn by N. Vallard, of Dieppe, in 1547, xxxv;
   Gomez de Sequeira, xliii, xlvi;
   Barros’ narrative, xlvi;
   Sequeira driven to Tobi or Lord North’s Island, xlviii;
   account of the island, xlix;
   Australia shown to be the country described in those maps, li;
   the “Londe of Java,” lii;
   P. Crignon on J. Parmentier’s voyage, lix;
   the Portuguese, not the French, the real discoverers, lx;
   the quoted French maps copied after Parmentier, lxi;
   Parmentier’s information derived from the Portuguese, lxii;
   the discovery before 1542, lxiv;
   explorations by the Spanish in the sixteenth century, lxx;
   P. Fernandez de Quiros, lxx;
   Australia del Espirito Santo, lxxiv;
   first authenticated discovery made by a vessel from Holland in 1606,
   the Duyfhen, lxxix;
   the Eendraght, under Dirk Hartog, lxxx;
   plates on Dirk Hartog’s Island, lxxxii;
   Bishop Hall’s “Terra Australis,” lxxxiv;
   Zeachen, erroneously described as “the discoverer of Arnheim’s Land”,
   the Land of Edel, lxxxvi;
   Houtman’s Abrolhos, _ib._;
   Eendraght Land, lxxxvii;
   the Pera and Arnhem, _ib._;
   the south discovered in 1627 by the Gulde Zeepard, lxxxviii;
   De Witt’s Land, lxxxix;
   a foul and barren shore, inhabitants wild, black, _ib._;
   wreck of the Batavia on the Houtman’s Abrolhos, _ib._;
   account of the natives, xci;
   G. T. Pool’s, P. Pietersen’s expedition, xciii;
   A. J. Tasman’s expedition and instructions, _ib._;
   narrative missing, xciv;
   outline of Tasman’s voyage inlaid in the floor at the Stadhuis at
      Amsterdam, xcv;
   on maps, cxvi;
   fragment of the account in Witsen’s notes, xcviii;
   description of the natives, xcix;
   Carpentaria not discovered by Carpenter, Van Diemen’s Land not
      discovered by Van Diemen, c;
   the great south land called New Holland, ciii;
   wreck of the Vergulde Draeck, cv;
   Waeckende Boey and Emeloort sent to the rescue, description and chart
      of the west coast, cvi;
   J. Sadeur’s “Terre Australe,” cvii;
   W. de Vlamingh’s voyage, cviii;
   Dampier’s description of the natives, _ib._;
   expedition in the Roebuck, cx;
   last Dutch voyage under Martin v. Delft, cxiii;
   accounts of the discoveries of the eastern coast entirely wanting
      before Cook, cxvii;
   name Australia given by Flinders, _ib._;
   memorial of Arias to Philip III respecting the exploration of the
      Southern Land, 1;
   treatise of Fray Juan da Silva, _ib._;
   necessity proved from the scripture, obligation from the agreement
      with the Catholic Church, 4;
   physical proofs of the existence and habitability, 14;
   richness in metals and stones, 16;
   discoveries already made, 17;
   all tends to prove the greatness, populousness, and richness of the
      southern continent, 24;
   Luis Vaez de Torres on Quiros’ discoveries, 31;
   San Valerio, las Virgines, Santa Polonia, 32;
   Matanza, skirmish with the natives, 34;
   Taomaco, inhabitants white and red, some coloured, others black and
      mulattoes, agreeable people, slavery in use amongst them; they
      name more than forty islands, 36;
   Chucupia islands, _ib._;
   Santa Maria island, 37;
   possession taken of the Ray San Felipe y Santiago, and the land del
      Espirito Santo, _ib._;
   people black and naked, _ib._;
   departure of the Capitana, 38;
   pass an archipelago of islands, 39;
   description of the inhabitants, 40;
   find Mahometans at the termination of this land, _ib._;
   instructions for the new expedition by the yachts Limmen, Zeemeuw,
      and Brak under Tasman, 43;
   former voyages towards New Guinea and the South Land undertaken for
      the Dutch East India Company, 44;
   Staten and Van Diemen’s Land found, also the passage to the South
      Sea, 47;
   Voyage and shipwreck of F. Pelsart in the Batavia, 59;
   people on shore savages, black, and quite naked, 64;
   country flat without vegetation, very large ant-hills only in view,
   quantities of flies, _ib._;
   see eight savages with clubs, _ib._
   T. G. Pool’s voyage, 75;
   description of the natives, their weapons, etc., 76–88;
   wreck of the Vergulde Draeck and expeditions undertaken, 67;
   seen by the “Pinck,” 85;
   headdress of the natives a kind of crown, 87;
   a wild cat and two seals seen, 84;
   natives use small hammers with wooden handles, and heads of hard
      stone, 88;
   description of the west coast by Volkersen, 89;
   the natives believe in some divinity in the serpent, 95;
   Australia supposed to be divided from New Guinea by a strait
      terminating in the South Sea, 97;
   sea between N. and Banda, called “Milk Sea,” on account, of its
      turning white, 97;
   Dampier’s account, 99;
   in his time unknown whether an island or a continent, 101;
   dry soil, yet producing trees, mostly dragon trees, 101;
   no animals, or beasts, few birds, few fish, but manatee and turtle;
      description of inhabitants, 102;
   their habits, etc., 103;
   no particular worship; weapons; no metal; language not known, 104;
   unsuccessful attempt to make them carry water; indifferent to cloth,
   Dampier took several of them, 107;
   W. Dampier’s adventures, from a Sloan MS., 108;
   W. de Vlamingh’s voyage, 112;
   a kind of scented wood found, 113;
   description of country and natives, 114;
   the inscription plate of the Eendraght, 115;
   expedition by the Nijptang, Geelvinck and Wesel, 120;
   a remarkable fish with a kind of arms and legs, 121;
   aromatic trees, rats as big as cats, 121;
   coast like that of Holland, easily approachable; smoke and fires seen
      on the main land, 122;
   nut of a certain tree causing vomiting; two black swans, 123;
   swans, rotganzen, geese, divers, 125;
   no trees, but briars and thorns, 126;
   two nests three fathoms in circumference, 129;
   Dampier’s voyage in 1699, 134;
   first signs of the land, 138;
   curious birds, scuttle-bones, sea-weeds, 139;
   soundings show coral ground, 140;
   landing attempted, 141;
   trees very short, 143;
   birds, animals, raccoons, curious guanos, 144;
   fish, 145;
   turtle weighing two hundred pounds, water serpents, 148;
   sea snakes, 151;
   Bluff-point, Rosemary Island, 154;
   fight with some natives, 158;
   account of them, 160;
   further description of the coast and its produce, 163;
   want of water, 164;
   discoveries of the Vossenbosch, D’ Waijer and Nova Hollandia, 165;
   description of the islanders, 169;
   about five hundred met with, 170;
   the supposition of Australia being an island, strengthened by the
      natives’ rude and barbarous character, 171;
   natives of Maria’s Land try to tow the patsjallang, 172;
   the Houtman’s Abrolhos, 176

 Bachian islands, king of, assisted by Quiros’ force, 41

 Bandeira, Viscount Sa’ de, claim for the discovery of Australia by
    Magalhaens, xxii

 Barbié de Bocage, notice of a hydrographical atlas of New Holland,
    drawn by N. Vallard, xxxv

 Barros, on Gomez de Sequeira’s voyage, xlvi

 Bass’s Straits, “Baye neufve,” in the old maps, lviii

 Batavia, book of dispatches, _v._ Book

 Batavia, under Francis Pelsart, wrecked on the coast of New Holland,
   a chest with money to be recovered, 50;
   remains found 178;
   account of the wreck, and in Thevenot, lxxxix;
   in Harris, xc

 Bay perdue, on the old maps, lvii

 Baye neufve, perhaps Bass’s Straits, lviii

 Beach _v._ Boeach

 Berkenrode, ship, uncertainty about her fate, 183

 Bessia river, name given to the second bay after Rooseboom’s Bay, 171

 Binot Paulmier de Gonneville, supposed discovery of Australia, xviii;
   journals lost, xix

 Bocage, Barbié de _v._ Barbié

 Boeach, misspelt for Lucach or Lochac, xvii

 Book of dispatches, from Batavia, extract; instructions for the
    expedition for the discovery of New Guinea, 43

 Bosphorus (Sepharat), meaning Spain, 10

 Botany Bay, originally called Stingray, afterwards from the variety of
    plants, Botany Bay; not the Coste des Herbaiges on the early maps,

 Bowrey, captain, a copy of Tasman’s map in his handwriting, xcvi

 Brak, equipped for the expedition to New Guinea, 47

 Breu, Antonio, going to Banda, in 1511, lx

 Brosses, de, correcting Prévost’s misstatement on the discovery of
    Carpentaria, c

 Brazil, discovery by the Portuguese, xxxviii

 Buscop, Franchoys, skipper, extract from his journal, on the “Trials,”

 Cabral, discovery of Brazil, xxxviii

 Callemore, point of, on the South Land, 172

 Calice, promontory, on the South Land, 172

 Cambodia, the Lochac of Marco Polo, xvi

 Cano, Sebastian de, one of the commissioners appointed to decide about
    the right of possession of the Moluccas, xl

 Cape Keer Weer, (turn again), the furthest point of New Guinea reached
    by the Duyfhen, lxxx

 Cape York, the very large islands, seen by Torres, in 11° S. L., lxxv

 Capitana, expedition under Quiros, 31;
   crew mutinous, 34;
   departs suddenly and treacherously, 38

 Carpentaria, discovery falsely attributed to Carpenter, xcix;
   misstatement corrected, c;
   Dubois on Carpenter, cii

 Carpenter, the supposed discoverer of Carpentaria, c

 Carstens, Jan, despatched by J. P. Coen with the Pera and Arnhem from
    Amboina, murdered by the natives of New Guinea, lxxxvii, 44

 Castanheda, narrative of the discovery of New Guinea, xlii

 Casuaris, name of the east point in the Roseboom’s Bay, 168

 Cecco d’Ascoli, map of, xiv

 Ceira, name of New Guinea on the old Portuguese maps; mistake for
    Ceram, 97

 Ceram Lauers, trade with the natives of New Guinea, 96

 Ceramers _v._ Ceram Lauers

 Charles V. sells his right to the Moluccas to John II, xli

 Chastelijn, Cornelis, account of the discoveries, 165

 Chinese, supposed to have been acquainted with Australia before the
    Europeans, xiv

 Chucupia, island, 36

 Clyn Amsterdam, expedition to New Guinea, 46

 Coen, Jan Pietersz, dispatches the Pera and Arnhem, lxxxvii

 Collaert, Gerrit, captain of the Nijptang, 113

 Cook, captain Dalrymple’s insinuations, xxxi:
   established the separation between New Holland and New Guinea, xciv

 Cornelis, Jerome, super cargo of the Batavia, conspiracy, 69;
   taken prisoner, 71;
   executed, 74

 Côte dangereuse, in the old maps, xxxii, lvii

 Côte des Herbaiges, in the old maps, xxxiv, lviii

 Crawford, Pako, _v._ Pako

 Crignon, Pierre, on Parmentier, lix, lxii

 Dalrymple, Alexander, on Thevenot’s map, xxxi;
   translation of Torres relation of Quiros’ discoveries, 31

 Dangerous coast, so called by Captain Cook, supposed to be the Côte
    dangereuse of the maps, xxxii, lvii

 Dampier’s voyage, cviii, cix, 99, 108, 134

 De Brosses, _v._ Brosses

 De Breu, Antonio, _v._ Breu

 De Bandeira, Sa’, Viscount, _v._ Bandeira

 De Gonneville, B. Paulmier, _v._ Gonneville

 De Legaspi, Lopez, _v._ Legaspi

 Del Espiritu Santo, discovery, 37

 Delft Bay, on the coast of New Holland, 172

 Delft, Martin van, voyage, cxiii;
   extract from his logbook, 167

 De Mendana, _v._ Mendana

 De Meneses, _v._ Meneses

 De Metz, Gauthier, _v._ Metz

 De Saavedra, _v._ Saavedra

 De Santarem, Vicomte, _v._ Santarem

 De Silva, Fray Juan, _v._ Silva

 De Sequeira, Gomez, _v._ Sequeira

 De Torres, Luis Vaez, _v._ Torres

 De Villalobos, Ruy Lopez, _v._ Villalobos

 De Vlamingh, _v._ Vlamingh

 De Witt’s Land, coasted by the Vianen, lxxxix

 Dirk Hartog’s Island, plate, lxxxi

 Dirk Hartog’s Roads, lxxxi

 Dispatches, Book of, from Batavia, _v._ Book of Dispatches

 Doriados, sloop, destined for the expedition to New Holland, disabled,

 Dourado’s map, xxiii

 Draeck, _v._ Vergulde Draeck

 Du Bocage, Barbié, _v._ Barbié

 Dubois, “Vies des Gouverneurs Généraux,” on Carpentaria, cii

 Dutch discoveries on the coast of Australia, lxxvii

 Dutch East India Company, charged with exclusiveness, vi;
   defended, ix

 Dutchmen, two, exposed by Pelsart, to be looked after, 50

 Duyfhen, yacht, expedition to New Guinea; first authenticated discovery
    of the South Land, lxxix;
   discovery of the south and west coast of New Guinea, 43

 Dwaers-inden-wegh, island, 68

 D’Waijer, sloop, discoveries, 165

 Edel, commander of a ship visiting the coast of New Holland; discovery
    of Edel’s Land on the west coast, lxxxvi

 Eendraght, ship, discoveries, lxxxi, 44;
   pole with tin plate of the Eendraght, found by Vlamingh, 115

 Eendraght, land, 177

 Elburgh, flyboat, touches the South Land, 87

 Emeloort, galiot, sent in search of the Vergulde Draeck, 80;
   separated from the Waeckende Boey, 85

 Esquivel, Juan de, assisted by Quiros and his force on one of the
    Ternate islands, 41

 Ferdinand and Isabella, of Spain, agreement with Don John II, about the
    line of demarcation, xxxviii

 Fernandez, Juan, said to have discovered the southern continent, lxvi;
   discovers the track from Lima to Chili, 20

 Fish, a remarkable, with a sort of arms and legs, 121

 Flinders, Matthew, suggested the name of Australia, lxxviii, xcvii;
   on the account of Delft’s voyage, cxv

 Fortuyn, perhaps wrecked on the Abrolhos, 182

 Four Hollanders’ ships voyage; first voyage of the Dutch to the East
    Indies, lv

 Franciscan order, undertakes the conversion of the southern hemisphere,

 Franciscus, Monachus, Mappemonde, lxiii

 Frederick Houtman’s Abrolhos, _v._ Houtman’s Abrolhos

 French merchants send a ship to the Indies, xix

 Geminus, speaks of a southern continent, xiii

 Goede Hoop, yacht, joins the Witte Valck for the rescue of the wreck of
    the Vergulde Draeck, 78

 Gonneville, Binot Paulmier de, the supposed first discoverer of New
    Holland, xx

 Gouffre in the old maps, perhaps Oyster Bay in Tasmania, lviii

 Guanos with apparently two heads, 144

 Gulde Zeepard, ship, discovery, 45

 Gun island, off the Houtman’s Abrolhos, 179.

 Haarlem, wreck of, in Table Bay, 182

 Hale, H. on Tobi island, xlviii

 Hall, Bishop, Mundus alter and idem, lxxxiv

 Hamelin, Captain of the Naturaliste, finds the tin plate of Vlamingh on
    Dirk Hartog’s island, lxxxiii

 Hammond, Captain of the Antelope, 134

 Harewind, yacht, dispatched for New Guinea, 44

 Haring, yacht, dispatched for New Guinea, 44

 Hartog, Dirk, discoveries, lxxxi

 Hasagays, arms of the natives of New Guinea, 96

 Heenhoven, ship, uncertainty about its destiny, 183

 Hillegonde, ship, accident, 183

 Holden, Horace, driven to the Isle of Tobi, xlix

 Hondius, Jodocus, map, to illustrate the discoveries of Drake and
    Cavendish, lxviii

 Hoop, brigantine, sent to the wreck of the Zeewijk, 186

 Houtman, Frederick, gives the name to the Houtman’s Abrolhos, lxxxvi

 Houtman’s Abrolhos, discovery, lxxxvi;
   the Houtman’s Abrolhos in 1727, by Leupe, 176

 Instructions for the expedition for the discovery of New Guinea, 43

 Isabella and Ferdinand of Spain, agreement with Don John II, about the
    line of demarcation, xxxviii

 Jacobus, Dutch ship, sees the Trials, 188

 Jan de Bremen, of Pelsart’s crew, confesses to have caused the
    assassination of twenty-seven persons, 72

 Jave, la Grande, on the old maps, supposed to be Australia, lii

 John II, agreement with Isabella and Ferdinand of Spain, about the line
    of demarcation, xxxviii

 John II buys the right to the Moluccas from Charles V, xli

 Jonck, Aucke Pietersz, skipper of the Emeloort, account, 82

 Judæis, C. de, Speculum Orbis, lxviii

 Kangaroo, first described by Dampier, cx

 Kart, Pieter _v._ Pita Ka’t

 Kaijmans-hoek, eastern point of the third inlet on the coast of New
    Holland, visited by the expedition in 1705, 171

 Keer Weer, Cape, (turn again), furthest point reached on New Guinea, by
    the Duyfhen in 1606, 44

 Kondur, island, described by Marco Polo, xv

 Kuijle Eijland, projecting point on the west side of New Holland, 168

 Lacca-iha, New Guinea, particularly ugly people, 97

 Lants Welvaren, carries drawings, etc., from the expedition of
    Vlamingh, to the directors of the council, 113

 Leeman, Abraham van Santwigh, upper steersman of the Vergulde Draeck,
   journal, 87

 Leeuwin, ship, discovery, lxxxvi

 Legaspi, Miguel Lopez de, established a Spanish colony at Zebu, lxx

 Le Testu, Guillaume, map, xxxvi

 Leupe, P. A., description of the Houtman’s Abrolhos in 1727, 176

 Lima, track to Chili, discovered by J. Fernandez, 20

 Limmen, yacht, destined for a nearer discovery of New Guinea, 43;
   equipped for the expedition, 47

 Lochac, described by Marco Polo, xv

 Londe of Java, _v._ Jave

 Lonton, promontory on the fifth inlet on the E. coast of New Holland,
    visited by the Vossenbosch etc., in 1705, 172

 Lopez de Legaspi, _v._ Legaspi

 Lopez de Villalobos, Ruy, _v._ Villalobos

 Lord North’s island, the island on which Sequeira was driven, xlviii;
   description of the natives, xlii, xlix, l

 Louisiade, Torres touching at, lxxiv;
   description of the inhabitants, lxxv

 Louwerens, Captain of the Jacobus, sees the Trials, 188

 Lucach, _v._ Lochac

 Luchtenberg, wreck on the Wielingen, 182

 Macrobius, map of the world, tenth century, xiv

 Magalhaens, Fernando, not the discoverer of Australia, xxi;
   offers his services to Spain, sails in search of the Moluccas, xxxix

 Magellan, F. _v._ Magalhaens

 Malaiur, island, supposed to be the kingdom of the Malays, xvi

 Maleto, _v._ Maletur

 Maletur, misspelt for Maleto, xvii;
   occurs on maps of the sixteenth century on or near the Terra
      Australis, lxiv, 98

 Manilius, mentions the southern continent, xii

 Marco Polo, map, xiv;
   account, supposed to refer to Australia, xv

 Mare Lantchidol, misspelt for Laut Kìdol, or Chidol, “South Sea,” xvii

 Maria, Santa, island, _v._ Santa Maria

 Maria’s Land, point at the Delft Bay; inhabitants very stupid, 172

 Martin, Dr., on the map of Dourado, xxiii

 Martinez, Joan, Portolano, lxiii

 Matanza island, discovered by Torres, 35

 Mauritius, ship, discoveries, lxxxvi;
   met by the expedition to New Guinea in 1622, 44

 Meerlust, ship, 183

 Mendaña de Meyra, Alvaro de, discoveries of New Guadalcanal, San
    Christobal, etc., 17

 Meneses, Jorge de, carried to New Guinea, lxiv

 Mercator, Indications of Australia, lxvii

 Metz, Frederic, refutes Dalrymple’s insinuations against Cook, xxxi

 Metz, Gauthier de, _v._ Gauthier

 Meyenberg, ship, brings the cargo of the Middenrack and Stabroeck over
    to Batavia, 183

 Mibais van Luyck, Gilles, first merchant of the Eendraght, lxxxi

 Middenrack, wrecks against the Table Bay, 182

 Milk-Sea, between Banda and the South Land, 97

 Moluccas, dispute between the Portuguese and Spanish, xxxviii;
   commission appointed to, xxxix;
   right to them sold by Charles V to John II. xli

 Monterey, Count of, vice-king of Peru, lxxii

 Montbret, Coquebert, memoir in the “Bulletin de Sciences,” xxxiv

 Montanus, Arias, Mappemonde, lxv

 Necquebar, _v._ Nicobar

 New Guadalcanal, discovered by Mendana, 17

 New Hebrides, the Terra Australis of Quiros, lxxii

 New Guinea, discovery, iv;
   New Guinea and New Holland supposed to form parts of a southern
      continent, xi;
   made an island in Ortelius’s 1587 edition, lxvii;
   expedition under Tasman, instructions, 43;
   the inhabitants, 52;
   description of the country and the natives, 91;
   their weapons, manners, etc., 92;
   the Ceramers, Papoos; further description of the country and its
      inhabitants, 95 seqq.
   New Guinea supposed to be divided from the South Land by a strait
      terminating in the South Sea; New Guinea in the old maps, under
      the name of Ceira (Ceram), 97

 New Holland, _v._ Australia

 Nibbens, Jan, communication about the Zeewijk, 179, 184

 Nicobar, island, Dampier’s canoe upsetting, all papers lost, 109

 Nieuwvliet, carries the cargo of the wrecked Middenrack and Stabroeck
    to Batavia, 183

 Nobbens, _v._ Nibbens

 Nova Hollandia, patsjallang, discoveries, 165

 Nuyts, land of, colony projected, cxv

 Nuyts, Pieter, supposed commander of the Guide Zeepard; country called
    after him, lxxxviii

 Nijptang, hooker, under Captain Collaert, forms part of Vlamingh’s
    expedition in 1696, 113

 Obadiah; imputed prophecy concerning the conquest of the southern
    hemisphere by Spain, 9

 Oero-goba, in New Guinea; inhabitants particularly ugly, 97

 Olyftack, sloop, sent to the wreck of the Zeewijk, 186

 Oranjes, Hoek, point at the inlet of the coast of New Holland visited
    by the expedition in 1705, 171

 Os Papuos, _v._ New Guinea

 Oyster bay, in Tasmania, lviii

 Papoos, at New Guinea, 94

 Parmentier, Jean, of Dieppe, voyage to Sumatra, lix

 Paulmier de Gonneville, _v._ Gonneville

 Pelsart, Francis, Captain of the Batavia, lxxxix;
   shipwreck, 59

 Pelsart’s group, off the Houtman’s Abrolhos, 178

 Pentam, island, xv;
   supposed to be Bintam, xvi

 Pera, yacht, voyage to New Guinea, 44

 Petan, occurring on the old maps on or near the Terra Australis, lxiv

 Philip III memorial to, by Arias, 1

 Philippine islands, settlements attempted by the Spanish, lxx

 Pietersen Pieters, _v._ Pietersz

 Pietersz, Pieter, super cargo, takes the command of the expedition to
    New Guinea after Pool’s death, discovers the coast of Arnhem or Van
    Diemen’s Land, xciii, 46

 Pinzon, Vincent Yanez, discoveries on behalf of Spain, xxxviii

 Pita Ka’t, gave the natives of Tobi island their form of religion, 1

 Plancius, Peter, opens a school for the purpose of teaching the way to
    India, lxxviii

 Poel, Gerrit Tomaz, _v._ Pool

 Polonia, Sta., _v._ Santa Polonia

 Pool, Gerrit Tomaz, expedition to New Guinea, killed by the natives,
    xcii, 46

 Portuguese, conceal their discoveries, v, xlii;
   discover Brazil, xxxviii;
   their claim to the discovery of Australia, xxi, xxvi seqq.;
   had establishments in the East Indian Islands before 1529, lxi

 Portuguese kings, prohibit the exportation of marine charts, v, vi

 Portuguese names on the old French maps of New Holland, lix

 Pronck, Hendrich, opinion on the expedition to New Holland, 117

 Purry, J. P. Mémoire sur le Pays des Caffres, etc.; project of founding
    a colony in Nuyts-land, cxv

 Quiros, Pedro Fernandez, chief pilot of Alvaro de Mendana, lxx;
   memoirs to L. de Velasco, lxxi;
   his Terra Australis is New Hebrides, lxxii;
   separated from the other two ships, reaches Mexico, lxxiv;
   addresses Philip II on account of further explorations, lxxvi;
   discoveries, 18;
   death, lxxvi, 19

 Ramusio, on the secrecy of the Portuguese with respect to their
    discoveries, v

 Ridderschap van Holland, de, loss of, causes Vlamingh’s expedition in
    1696, 112, 114

 Rivière de beaucoup d’Iles, xxxii, lvii

 Roebuck, Dampier’s expedition, cx

 Roelandszoon, J. van Wijck, repudiates the charge of covetousness
    against the Dutch, vii

 Roggeveen, expedition, cxvi

 Roggeween, Jakob, passenger of the Vaderland Getrouw, 187

 Roseboom, Andries, of the Waijer, logbook, 167

 Roseboom’s Bay, visited by the Vossenbosch, etc., 168

 Rosemary Island, recently examined by Captain King, cxi;
   name given by Dampier, 154

 Rotterdam, ship, searched after, 44

 Roty, Jean, _v._ Rotz

 Rotz, Jean, maps, xxix

 Rustenburg, point at the fourth inlet on the coast of New Holland,
    visited by the expedition in 1705, 172

 Saavedra, Don Alvaro de, lights on New Guinea, lxiv

 Sadeur, Jacques (or Nicolas), “Avantures dans la découverte de la Terre
    Australe,” cvi

 Sago, biscuits made of, sold to the crew of Torres by Mahometans, 40

 Sahul Bank, seen by P. Heywood, cxiv

 Sambava, occurs on all the MS. maps of the Great Java, liv

 San Christobal island, discovered, 17

 Sandy Bay, 162

 San Felipe y Santiago, showing signs of being the coast of a southern
    continent, 23;
   discovered, 37

 Santa Cruz, discovered by Mendana de Meyra, 18

 Santa Maria, discovered and named by Torres, 37

 Santa Polonia, island, 32

 Santarem, Vicomte de, “Essai sur l’histoire de la Cosmographie ... du
    Moyen Age,” xiii

 San Valerio, island, 32

 Sardam, frigate, 71

 Schildpads island, 172

 Schiller, Andries, steward of Pool, 75;
   killed by the Southlanders, 76

 Sea snakes seen by Dampier, 151

 Sea, turning white, twice a-year, between Banda and the South Land, 97

 Sequeira, Gomez de, voyage, xlvi

 Serpent, a divinity of the heathens of New Guinea and New Holland, 95

 Serrano, Francisco, goes to Banda in 1511, lx

 Silva, Fray Juan de, treatise on the southern hemisphere, 1;
   extract, 2

 Snip, patsjallang, sent to the wreck of the Zeewijck, 186

 Solomon islands, discovered by Mendaña, lxx

 Sondur island, xv

 South Land, _v._ Australia

 Southern continent, existence of, believed anterior to Portuguese
    discoveries, xiii

 Southern India, of Gonneville, being Madagascar, xxi

 Spain, claim to the discovery of Australia, xxi

 Spult, island, discovery, 45

 St. Brandan, island, ii

 St. Paul, island, Vlamingh’s expedition was to land there, 113

 Sta. Maria, _v._ Santa Maria

 Stabroeck, wreck, 182

 Steyns, Jan, communication about the wreck of the Zeewijck, 179, 180;
   indicted before the court, 181

 Strabo, speaks of a southern continent, xiii

 Struyck, Nicholas, tract, containing an account of Dampier’s voyage,

 Swans, black, cviii, 114

 Taomaco, island, 36

 Tasman, Abel Janszen, discovers Tasmania, explores Torres Straits,
   his lost papers quoted by Witsen, xciv;
   outlines of the coasts visited by him, represented on the floor of
      the Stadhuis at Amsterdam, xcv;
   maps, xcvi;
   notes of his voyage by Witsen, xcviii;
   instructions for the expedition to New Guinea, 43;
   map found wrong by Dampier, 152

 Temple, Sir William, on the secrecy of the Dutch about their
    discoveries, vi

 Ternate, on the Moluccas, fortified, xxxvii

 Testu, Guillaume le, _v._ Le Testu

 Themara, Francisco, Libro de las costumbres, lxiv

 Theopompus, mentions an island beyond the then known world, ii

 Thevet, “Cosmographie Universelle,” 1575, lxvi

 Tierra baixa, lxviii

 Tierra del Fuego, discovered by Magelhaens, xxvi;
   mistaken for New Guinea, _ib._

 Tin plate, with the names of Dirk Hartog and others of the Eendraght,
    found by Vlamingh’s expedition, 130

 Toppers-hoëtien, island, 68

 Tomai, the chief of Taomaco, 36

 Tobi island, _v._ Lord North’s island

 Torres, Luis Vaez de, commander of the Almirante, lxxiii;
   discoveries, 20;
   relation of the discoveries of Quiros, 31

 Torres’ Straits, name, lxxii;
   passed by Tasman, xcii

 Trial Rocks, opinions on, 186

 Tristan d’Acunha, drawing of;
   Vlamingh’s expedition was to land there, 113, 119

 Turtledove, shoal, 177

 Vaderland Getrouw, extract from the skipper’s journal, 187

 Valerio, San, _v._ San Valerio

 Vallard, Nicholas, MS. Atlas with his name, xxxv

 Van Diemen, Antonio, on the Houtman’s Abrolhos, 187

 Van Diemen’s Land, so named from the governor-general, xciii;
   north-west corners explored by the Vossenbosch expedition, 166

 Van Keulen, map, xcvi

 Van Wijck Roelandszoon, _v._ Roelandszoon

 Varckenshoek, west point of Rooseboom’s Bay, 168

 Vaz Dourado, map, xxiii

 Veerman, sent to the wreck of the Zeewijck, 186

 Vergulde Draeck, expedition, cv;
   wreck, 77

 Vianen, ship, discovery, lxxxix, 45

 Villalobos, Ruy Lopez de, attempting a settlement on the Philippine
    islands, lxx

 Vinck, flyboat, in search of the Vergulde Draeck, 79

 Virgines, islands, 32

 Visser, chief pilot with Tasman, instructions, 43

 Vlamingh, Cornelis de, captain of the Weseltje, 113

 Vlamingh, Willem de, voyage, cviii, 111;
   inscription on the plate on Dirk Hartog’s island, lxxxi

 Volckersen, Samuel, captain of the Waeckende Boey, account, 89

 Vossenbosch Bay, on the coast of New Holland, 172

 Vossenbosch, fluyt, discoveries, 165 seqq.

 Waeckende Boey, sent in search of the wreck of the Vergulde Draeck, cv,
   loses boat, schuyt, and fourteen men, 84

 Water serpents, seen by Dampier, 148

 Wesel, yacht, expedition to New Guinea, 46

 Weseltje, galiot, unsuccessful expedition to the island of Mony, 116

 Weasel, shallop, 75

 Weybehays, fighting against Cornelis, 70;
   takes him prisoner, 71

 Wielingen, the, on the Zeeland Bank, 182

 Witsen, Burgomaster, his notes the only account of Tasman’s voyage,
   extract from his “Noord en Oost Tartarye,” 91

 Witte Valck, sent to the rescue of the men and specie of the Vergulde
    Draeck, 78

 Wytfliet, Cornelius, on “Australis Terra,” lxix

 Wijck J. Roelandszoon, van, _v._ Roelandszoon

 Zeachen, (ship Zeehaen), supposed native of Arnheim made discoverer of
    Arnheim’s Land, lxxxv

 Zebu, Spanish colony founded at, lxx

 Zeehaen, ship, lxxxv

 Zeemeuw, yacht, destined for the discovery of New Guinea, 43, 47

 Zeewijck, wreck, 176;
   remains found, 179;
   communication respecting the wreck, 179

 Zeewijk, channel, 179

 Zuysdorp, wreck, 178

                  T. RICHARDS, 37, GREAT QUEEN STREET.


  Outline Chart


                                 ON THE


                       R. H. MAJOR, ESQ., F.S.A.



  _Extract from a letter addressed to_ SIR HENRY ELLIS, K.H., “_On the
    Discovery of Australia by the Portuguese in 1601, five years before
    the earliest discovery hitherto recorded; communicated to the
    Society of Antiquaries, by_ RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, ESQ., F.S.A.,” _now
    distributed to the Members of the Hakluyt Society for insertion as a
    Supplement to the Volume of “Early Voyages to Terra Australis,” by
    the same author_.

                 _From the_ ARCHÆOLOGIA. VOL. XXXVIII.

                Discovery of Australia by the Portuguese
                                IN 1601.


                                               _British Museum,
                                                       March 1st, 1861._


                  *       *       *       *       *

Of the discoveries made by the Dutch on the coasts of Australia, our
ancestors of a hundred years ago, and even the Dutch themselves, knew
but little. That which was known was preserved in the “Relations de
divers Voyages Curieux” of Melchisedech Thevenot (Paris, 1663–72, fol.);
in the “Noord en Oost Tartarye” of Nicholas Witsen, (Amst. 1692–1705,
fol.); in Valentyn’s “Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien” (Amst. 1724–26, fol.);
and in the “Inleiding tot de algemeen Geographie” of Nicolas Struyk,
(Amst. 1740, 4to.). We have, however, since gained a variety of
information, through a document which fell into the possession of Sir
Joseph Banks, and was published by Alexander Dalrymple (at that time
hydrographer to the Admiralty and the East India Company), in his
collection concerning Papua. This curious and interesting document is a
copy of the instructions to Commodore Abel Jansz Tasman for his second
voyage of discovery. That distinguished commander had already, in 1642,
discovered not only the island now named after him Tasmania, but New
Zealand also; and, passing round the east side of Australia, but without
seeing it, sailed on his return voyage along the northern shores of New
Guinea. In January, 1644, he was despatched on his second voyage; and
his instructions, signed by Governor-General Antonio Van Diemen and the
members of the council, are prefaced by a recital, in chronological
order, of the previous discoveries of the Dutch.

From this recital, combined with a passage from Saris, given in Purchas,
vol. i, p. 385, we learn that, “On the 18th of November, 1605, the Dutch
yacht, the Duyfhen (the Dove), was despatched from Bantam to explore the
island of New Guinea, and that she sailed along what was thought to be
the west side of that country, to 19¾ degrees of south latitude.” This
extensive country was found, for the greatest part, desert; but in some
places inhabited by wild, cruel, black savages, by whom some of the crew
were murdered; for which reason they could not learn anything of the
land or waters, as had been desired of them; and for want of provisions,
and other necessaries, they were obliged to leave the discovery
unfinished. The furthest point of the land, in their maps, was called
Cape Keer Weer, or “Turn again.” As Flinders observes, “The course of
the Duyfhen from New Guinea was southward, along the islands on the west
side of Torres Strait, to that part of Terra Australis a little to the
west and south of Cape York. But all these lands were thought to be
connected, and to form the west coast of New Guinea.” Thus, without
being conscious of it, the commander of the Duyfhen made the first
authenticated discovery of any part of the great Southern Land about the
month of March, 1606; for it appears that he had returned to Banda in or
before the beginning of June of that year.

The honour of that first authenticated discovery, as hitherto accepted
in history, I am now prepared to dispute. Within the last few days I
have discovered a MS. Mappemonde in the British Museum, in which on the
north-west corner of a country, which I shall presently show beyond all
question to be Australia, occurs the following legend: “Nuca antara foi
descuberta o anno 1601 por mano (_sic_) el godhino de Evedia (_sic_) por
mandado de (_sic_) Vico Rey Aives (_sic_) de Saldaha,” (_sic_) which I
scarcely need translate, “Nuca Antara was discovered in the year 1601,
by Manoel Godinho de Eredia, by command of the Viceroy Ayres de

The misfortune is that this map is only a copy, but I think I shall be
able to answer from internal evidence any doubt that might be thrown
upon the authenticity of the information which it contains. The original
was made about 1620, after the discovery of Eendraght’s Land, on the
west coast of Australia, by the Dutch in 1616, but before the discovery
of the south coast by Pieter Nuyts in 1627. So far from its author
suspecting the existence of a south coast, he continues the old error
which had obtained throughout the sixteenth century, of representing the
Terra Australis as one vast continent, of which the parts that had been
really discovered were made to protrude to the north as far as the
parallel in which these discoveries respectively lay. Thus in this map
we have Australia, as already described, on the right side of the map;
and the _Island of Santa Cruz_ in the New Hebrides, there called Nova
Jerusalem, discovered by Quiros, on the left side; but both connected
and forming part of the one great Southern Continent.

Now, it may be objected that this map, being only a copy made at the
beginning of the present or close of the last century, the statement
which forms the subject of the present paper may have been fraudulently
inserted. But to give such a suggestion weight, a motive must be shown,
the most reasonable one being that of assigning the honour of the first
authenticated discovery to Portugal instead of to Holland. For this
purpose we must suppose the falsifier to have been a Portuguese. To this
I reply, that while all the writing of the map is in Portuguese, the
copy was made by a person who was not only not a Portuguese himself, but
who was ignorant of the Portuguese language. For example, the very
legend in question, short as it is, contains no less than five blunders,
all showing ignorance of the language: thus, the words “por Manoel” are
written “por mano el,” “Eredia” is written “Evedia,” “do” is written
“de,” “Ayres” is written “Aives,” “Saldanha” is written “Saldaha”
without the circumflex to imply an abbreviation.

But further, if we attribute to such supposed falsification, the
ulterior object of claiming for the Portuguese the honour of a prior
discovery, whence comes it that that object has never been carried out?
It is not till now that the fact is made known, and those most
interested in the ancient glory of the Portuguese nation are ignorant of
the discovery which this map declares to have been made. That it never
became matter of history, may be explained by the comparatively little
importance which would at the time be attached to such a discovery, and
also by the fact that the Portuguese, being then no longer in the
fulness of their prosperity, were not keeping the subject before their
attention by repeated expeditions to that country, as the Dutch shortly
afterwards really began to do.

Again, the speculation might be hazarded that, as this map is a copy,
the date of the discovery may have been carelessly transcribed; as, for
example, 1601 may easily have been written in the original 1610 and
erroneously copied. Fortunately, the correctness of the date can be
proved beyond dispute. It is distinctly stated that the voyage was made
by order of the Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha, the period of whose
viceroyalty extended only from 1600 to 1604, thus precluding the
possibility of the error suggested, and terminating before the period of
the earliest of the Dutch discoveries.

But yet, again, it may be objected that a country so vaguely and
incorrectly laid down may not have been Australia. The answer is equally
as indisputable as that which fixes the date. Immediately below the
legend in question is another to the following effect: “Terra descuberta
pelos Holandeses a que chamaraō, Enduacht, (_sic_) au Cōcordia” (land
discovered by the Dutch, which they called Endracht or Concord).
Eendraghtsland, as we all know, was the name given to a large tract on
the western coast of Australia, discovered by the Dutch ship the
Eendraght, in 1616.

Moreover, if the legend in question were not a genuine copy from a
genuine ancient map, how came the modern falsifier to be acquainted with
the name of a real cosmographer who lived at Goa at a period which
tallies with the state of geographical discovery represented on the map,
but none of whose manuscript productions had been put into print at the
time when the supposed fictitious map was made or the legend
fictitiously inserted?

I think these arguments are conclusive in establishing the legitimacy of
the modern copy from the ancient map. As regards the discoverer, Manoel
Godinho de Eredia (or rather Heredia, as written by Barbosa Machado and
by Figaniere), I find the following work by him; “Historia do Martyrio
de Luiz Monteiro Coutinho que padeceo por ordem do Rey Achem Raiamancor
no anno de 1588, e dedicada ao illustrissimo D. Aleixo de Menezes,
Arcebispo de Braga;” which dedication was dated Goa, 11th of November,
1615; fol. MS. with various illustrations.

Barbosa Machado calls him a distinguished mathematician; and Figaniere,
a cosmographer resident at Goa. It follows as a most likely consequence
that the original map was made by himself. The copy came from Madrid,
and was purchased by the British Museum in 1848, from the Señor de
Michelena y Roxas. It will be matter of interest to discover at some
future day the existence of the original map, but whether that be in the
library at Madrid, or elsewhere, must be a subject for future inquiry.

In a scarce pamphlet entitled “Informacāo de Aurea Chersoneso, ou
Peninsula e das Ilhas Auriferas, Carbunculas e Aromaticas, ordenada por
Manoel Godinho de Eredia, Cosmographo,” translated from an ancient MS.
and edited by Antonio Lourenço Caminha, in a reprint of the “Ordenacōes
da India, do Senhor Rei D. Manoel,” Lisbon, Royal Press, 1807, 8vo.,
occurs a passage which may be translated as follows:—

“_Island of Gold._ While the fishermen of Lamakera in the Island of
Solor[45] were engaged in their fishing, there arose so great a tempest
that they were utterly unable to return to the shore, and thus they
yielded to the force of the storm, which was such, that, in five days,
it took them to the Island of Gold, which lies in the sea on the
opposite coast, or coast outside of Timor, which properly is called the
Southern Coast. When the fishermen reached the Land of Gold, not having
eaten during those days of the tempest, they set about seeking for
provisions. Such happy and successful good fortune had they, that, while
they were searching the country for yams and batatas, they lighted on so
much gold, that they loaded their boat so that they could carry no more.
After taking in water and the necessary supplies for returning to their
native country, they experienced another storm, which took them to the
Island of Great Ende;[46] there they landed all their gold, which
excited great jealousy amongst the Endes. These same Endes therefore
proposed, like the Lamacheres fishermen, to repeat the voyage; and, when
they were all ready to start, both the Endes and Lamacheres, there came
upon them so great a trepidation that they did not dare, on account of
their ignorance, to cross that Sea of Gold.

“Indeed it seems to be a providential act of Almighty God, that Manoel
Godinho de Eredia, the cosmographer, has received commission from the
Lord Count-Admiral, the Viceroy of India within and beyond the Ganges,
that the said Eredia may be a means of adding new patrimonies to the
Crown of Portugal, and of enriching the said Lord Count and the
Portuguese nation. And therefore all, and especially the said Lord,
ought to recognise with gratitude this signal service, which, if
successful, will deserve to be regarded as one of the most happy and
fortunate events in the world for the glory of Portugal. In any case,
therefore, the discoverer ought for many reasons to be well provided for
the gold enterprize. First, On account of the first possession of the
gold by the crown of Portugal. Secondly, For the facility of discovering
the gold. Thirdly, Because of the gold mines being the greatest in the
world. Fourthly, Because the discoverer is a learned cosmographer.
Fifthly, That he may at the same time verify the descriptions of the
Southern Islands. Sixthly, On account of the new Christianity.
Seventhly, Because the discoverer is a skilful captain who proposes to
render very great services to the King of Portugal, and to the most
happy Dom Francisco de Gama, Count of Vidigueira, Admiral and Viceroy of
the Indies within and beyond the Ganges, and possessor of the gold,
carbuncle, and spices of the Eastern Sea belonging to Portugal.”

Short of an actual narrative of the voyage in which the discovery, which
is the main subject of this paper, was made, we could scarcely ask for
fuller confirmation of the truth of that discovery than that which is
supplied by the above extract. Manoel Godinho de Eredia is there
described as a learned cosmographer and skilful captain, who had
received a special commission to make explorations for gold mines, and
at the same time to verify the descriptions of the Southern Islands. The
Island of Gold itself is described “as on the opposite coast, or coast
outside of Timor, which properly is called the Southern Coast.” It is
highly probable from this description that it is the very Nuca Antara of
our MS. map, which does lie on the southern coast opposite to Timor. It
is still further most remarkable that, by the mere force of facts, the
period of the commission here given to Eredia is brought into proximity
with the date of his asserted discovery of Australia. The viceroy
Francisco de Gama, who gave that commission, was the immediate
predecessor of Ayres de Saldanha. His viceroyalty extended only from
1597 to 1600, and the asserted discovery was made in 1601, though we
know not in what month. A more happy confirmation of a discovery,
unrecorded except in a probably unique map, could scarcely have been
hoped for.

In laying this letter before a Society of Antiquaries, who venerate the
past, I would not close without one word of reverent tribute to the
ancient glories of a once mighty nation. The true heroes of the world
are the initiators of great exploits, the pioneers of great discoveries.
Such were the Portuguese in days when the world was as yet but a half
known and puny thing. To Portugal, in truth, we owe not only a De Gama,
but, by example, a Columbus, without whom the majestic empire of her on
whose dominions the sun never sets might now have been a dream, instead
of a reality. England whose hardy mariners have made a thoroughfare of
every sea, knows best how to do justice to the fearlessness of their
noble predecessors, who, in frail caravels and through an unmeasured
wilderness of ocean, could cleave a pathway, not only to the glory of
their own nation but to the civilization and the prosperity of the
entire world.

                                          I remain,
                                              My dear Sir Henry,
                                                      Yours very truly,
                                                            R. H. MAJOR.

     &c.  &c.  &c.


Footnote 1:

  Reference is here made, 1stly, to that most remarkable and often
  quoted passage from the _Medea_ of Seneca:

                            “Venient annis
                      Sæcula seris, quibus Oceanus
                      Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens
                      Pateat tellus, Tiphysque novos
                      Detegat Orbes, nec sit terris
                      Ultima Thule.”

  2ndly, to the island of Atlantis, described by Plato, in the Timæus,
  as lying in the Atlantic, opposite the Pillars of Hercules, and
  exceeding in size the whole of Africa and Asia.

  And 3rdly, to the imaginary island of St. Brandan, seen at intervals
  far out in the Atlantic by the inhabitants of the Canary Islands.

  It may not be unacceptable here to mention that there is one passage
  among the writings of the ancients far more minute and affirmative in
  its description than any of the foregoing, which has been thought by
  various learned commentators to refer to America, but which the editor
  has not found hitherto quoted, in that light, by any English author.
  In a fragment of the works of Theopompus, preserved by Ælian, is the
  account of a conversation between Silenus and Midas, king of Phrygia,
  in which the former says that Europe, Asia, and Africa, were lands
  surrounded by the sea; but that beyond this known world was another
  island, of immense extent, of which he gives a description. The
  account of this conversation, which is too lengthy here to give in
  full, was written three centuries and a half before the Christian era.
  Not to trouble the reader with Greek, we give an extract from the
  English version by Abraham Fleming, printed in 1576, in the amusingly
  quaint but vivid language of the time.

                  “THE THIRDE BOOKE OF ÆLIANUS. PAGE 37.

     ¶ Of the familiaritie of Midas the Phrigian, and Selenus, and of
           certaine circumstances which he incredibly reported.

  “Theopompus declareth that Midas the Phrygian and Selenus were knit in
  familiaritie and acquaintance. This Selenus was the sonne of a nymphe
  inferiour to the gods in condition and degree, but superiour to men
  concerning mortalytie and death. These twaine mingled communication of
  sundrye thinges. At length, in processe of talke, Selenus tolde Midas
  of certaine ilandes, named Europia, Asia, and Libia, which the ocean
  sea circumscribeth and compasseth round about; and that without this
  worlde there is a continent or percell of dry lande, which in
  greatnesse (as hee reported) was infinite and unmeasurable; that it
  nourished and maintained, by the benefite of the greene medowes and
  pasture plots, sundrye bigge and mighty beastes; that the men which
  inhabite the same climats exceede the stature of us twise, and yet the
  length of there life is not equall to ours; that there be many and
  diuers great citties, manyfold orders and trades of living; that their
  lawes, statutes, and ordinaunces, are different, or rather clean
  contrary to ours. Such and lyke thinges dyd he rehearce.”

  The remainder of this curious conversation, however apparently
  fabulous, deserves attention from the thoughtful reader.

Footnote 2:

  With respect to the essay for which the learned society referred to
  (the Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen of Utrecht) had offered
  a prize, it was published in that society’s _Transactions_ in 1827,
  under the title of “Bennet and Van Wijck’s Verhandeling over de
  Nederlandsche Ontdekkingen.” The editor, who has examined this work
  carefully, can state that it supplies no information in addition to
  that which we had already possessed.

Footnote 3:

  See Aratus, Phœnom., 537; Strabo, l. 7, p. 130, and l. 17; Crates apud
  Geminum, Elementa Astronomica, c. lxiii, in the Uranologia, p. 31.

Footnote 4:

    This apparently Gallicized Portuguese name is here referred to by
    Dr. Martin in allusion to its occurrence on certain early French
    maps to be treated of hereafter.

Footnote 5:

    Since the reading of this memoir at the Institute, M. Correa da
    Serra, to whom I had previously read it, has had the goodness to
    inform me of some researches which he has made upon this subject.
    He discovered that Don Miguel de Sylva left the kingdom of
    Portugal in 1542, that he only arrived in Italy in 1543 to receive
    the cardinal’s hat, and he thinks that he could only have reached
    that country by passing through France, where he had formerly
    studied, and that he doubtless there left the originals from which
    our charts were copied.

Footnote 6:

    This name, from the Dutch form which it bears, might suggest the
    idea that the visitor was a Dutchman; but it must be remembered
    that the Dutch were not in those seas till the end of the
    sixteenth century, and that the Synod of Dort was held in the
    years 1618 and 1619, which renders the suggestion at the close of
    the paragraph as to “the images to represent their divinity”
    unreasonable as coming from a native of that country. It is more
    probable that, from the lapse of time, a mistake was made in the
    repetition of the name by a savage, and that a Portuguese, and not
    a Dutchman, suggested the use of images to represent a divinity.

Footnote 7:

  For the account of this voyage see a letter from Quiros to Don Antonio
  de Morga, cap. vi, p. 29, of De Morga’s _Sucesos en las Islas
  Filipinas_, Mexico, 1609, 4to.; and Figueroa’s _Hechos de Don Garcia
  Hurtado de Mendoza, quarto Marques de Cañete_, Madrid, 1613, 4to., l.
  6, p. 238.

Footnote 8:

  In the collective volume in the British Museum which contains the
  original of the present memorial, are several memorials to the king
  from the Fray Juan de Silva, advocating the same cause on general
  religious and political grounds; but the editor has been unable to
  find the treatise here referred to as dedicated to the Infant Don
  Ferdinand, nor is any mention made of it by Nicolas Antonio or Leon
  Pinelo, both of whom speak of the memorials addressed to the king.

Footnote 9:

  Dalrymple, in quoting this passage, thinks that the word “Aislada”,
  here translated according to its general meaning, “encompassed with
  water”, in this place rather signifies “separated into islands”. This
  suggestion is, however, entirely arbitrary, and even in contradiction
  to the context, which states the supposed circuit of the island. Even
  in maps anterior to the voyage of Torres, as, for example, Hondius’s
  Mappemonde, showing Drake’s track round the world, published in the
  Hakluyt Society’s edition of Drake’s _World Encompassed_, New Guinea
  is laid down as an island, although it is true that in much later maps
  the point is spoken of as doubtful. Meanwhile, the editor sees no
  reason to deviate from the recognized rendering of the word “Aislada”.

Footnote 10:

  It is from this sentence that Dalrymple observed the passage of Torres
  through these dangerous straits, and consequently gave to them the
  name of that navigator.

Footnote 11:

  Printed in the original thus, “Bandalaizavas”, probably misprinted for
  Banda, las Zavas, or Javas.

Footnote 12:

  We presume that the eccentric argument here advanced, is based upon
  the inference deduced by the writer at the commencement of this
  memorial, from the peculiar use in sacred writ of the word “Sepharat,”
  rendered in Latin “Bosphorus,” the especial meaning is there
  discussed. See page 10.

Footnote 13:

  This includes the time Torres remained in the bay after the separation
  from Quiros.

Footnote 14:

  Cape Turn-again.

Footnote 15:

  The expressive epithet both of the Dutch and the Germans for their
  native country.

Footnote 16:

  The word “laut” means south, but is erroneously spelt in the original
  translation “landt.” A similar blunder has been abundantly repeated on
  the maps of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in the name of
  “Laut Chidol,” the Southern Sea, there spelt constantly Lantchidol.

Footnote 17:

  New Zealand.

Footnote 18:

  At that time the governor-general, in instructions or issuing orders,
  styled all the other governors, _vice-governors_.

Footnote 19:

  Or 24–pounder. (Note in Dalrymple.)

Footnote 20:


Footnote 21:

  Jurjansz signifies George’s son, as Jansz signifies John’s son;
  Cornelisz, Cornelius’s son, etc.

Footnote 22:

  “Dwaers-inden-wegh,” signifies the island which lies across the path,
  _i.e._, Thwart-the-way Island.

Footnote 23:

  From another extract from these MS. logbooks at the Hague, which was
  made at the editor’s request, there was an additional observation of
  importance which is here omitted. Three times Captain Jonck speaks of
  a southern current running along the coast, which struck his attention
  in these seas. Among other passages he speaks of it in these terms:
  “We had deviated from our course fifteen minutes to the south, and
  this we attributed to a southern current, which we have observed
  several times on this coast, which is a strange thing, the being drawn
  by the current in spite of the wind and the waves.” Elsewhere he
  estimates the force of this current at ten miles in the twenty-four

Footnote 24:

  In another place Witsen says this happened in 1658, and that eighty
  persons were so left behind, evidently from the crew of the _Waeckende
  Boey_, see _ante_, p. 81.

Footnote 25:

  So in the Dutch. The editor has been unable to identify this plant.

Footnote 26:

  Clearly a mistake. The word means Ceram.

Footnote 27:

  Nicobar. The circumstance of their canoe upsetting off this island,
  and their books and drafts being all wetted and some of them lost, is
  also mentioned in the printed editions of Dampier’s voyage.

Footnote 28:

  This exceedingly scarce printed narrative, which had been zealously
  sought for by the editor for several years, and had eluded the search
  of previous writers, reached his hands at the very critical moment to
  admit of its being translated and inserted in its proper place in the
  volume, the next in sequence to the present paper. Although of no
  great interest except as an original account of the voyage, it is
  important to know of what it consists, and it is the editor’s grateful
  duty to state that it is solely to the zeal, intelligence, and
  kindness of Mr. Frederick Müller, of Amsterdam, that he is indebted
  for the good fortune of procuring the use of the document.

Footnote 29:

  Appendix I and II.

Footnote 30:

  “Further: ‘1697, February 4th. Arrived here the ship _Geelvinck_, of
  Amsterdam: captain commandant, Wilhem van Vlaming, of Vlielandt;
  assistant, Jan van Bremen, of Copenhagen; first pilot, Michéel Bloem
  van Estight, of Bremen; the hooker the _Nyptangh_: captain Gerrit
  Collaert, of Amsterdam; assistant, Theodorus Heermans, of the same
  place; first pilot, Gerrit Gerritz, of Bremen; then the galliot
  _Weseltje_: commander, Cornelis van Vlaming, of Vlielandt; pilot,
  Coert Gerritzs, of Bremen. Sailed from here with our fleet on the
  12th, to explore the south land, and afterwards bound for Batavia.’”

Footnote 31:

  This word, which is perhaps misspelt, does not occur in Nemnick’s
  polyglot _Lexicon der Naturgeschichte_.

Footnote 32:

  It has not been deemed necessary for the present purpose to reproduce
  these plates.

Footnote 33:

  In Dr. Brown’s _Prodromus Floræ Novæ Hollandiæ et Insulæ Van Diemen_,
  occurs the following under the family of Goodenoviæ: “Genus Scævolæ et
  Diaspasi propinquum, sed ab iisdem sat distinctum, dixi in memoriam
  Gulielmi Dampier, navarchi et peregrinatoris celeberrimi, in variis
  suis itineribus naturæ semper assidui observatoris, nec botanicem
  negligentis, qui oram occidentalem Novæ Hollandiæ bis visitavit, cujus
  regionis plantæ aliquæ depictæ in relatione itineris extant, et inter
  ineditas secum reportatas (quarum plures nunc in Museo Oxoniensi
  asservantur) _Dampiera incana_ fuit.”

Footnote 34:

  Trachydosaurus rugosus. Family of lizards Scincidæ.

Footnote 35:

  Appendix V.

Footnote 36:

  Given in the Assembly of the Seventeen, on the 7th December, 1619.

Footnote 37:

  Appendix IV.

Footnote 38:

  The western limit of these dangerous shoals, in long. 113° 20´ E., and
  the south-easternmost patch called Turtle Dove, is in lat. 29° 10´,
  long. 113° 57´. _Horsburgh_, London, 1838.

Footnote 39:

  _Sic_ in original. The editor does not find this name in the English
  navy. There is, in all probability, a mistake in the transcript of the
  word given as Pako. The passage quoted is stated in a note to have
  occurred in a letter dated March 31st, 1853, addressed to Captain
  Wipff of the Dutch navy, then commanding the corvette _Sumatra_ off

Footnote 40:

  Appendix I and III.

Footnote 41:

  Appendix II.

Footnote 42:

  These papers have not been sent over.

Footnote 43:

  On board of this ship, Mr. Jacob Roggeveen was a passenger, who, a few
  years later, became celebrated by his voyage round the world, and was
  afterwards made a Counsel of Justice at Batavia.

Footnote 44:

  The Zeeland ship _Vaderland Getrouw_, sailed from Rammekens on the 6th
  of January, 1707, arrived on the 5th of May at the Cape, left Table
  Bay on the 31st of the same month, and came to anchor before Batavia
  on the 5th of August.—_U. S. Nautical Magazine and Naval Journal_,
  1856, No. 4.

Footnote 45:

  The inhabitants of the coast of Solor are specially mentioned as
  fishermen by Crawfurd, in his “Dictionary of the Indian Islands.”

Footnote 46:

  This is the Island of Flores. In a “List of the principal gold mines
  obtained by the explorations (curiosidade) of Manoel Godinho de
  Heredea, Indian cosmographer, resident in Malaca for twenty years and
  more,” also published with the “Ordenaçōes da India,” Lisbon, 1807,
  the same story is told, but the Island Ende is there called Ilha do


                          TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

 1. P. liv, changed “comparatively and light” to “comparatively light”.
 2. Pp. lxxviii and 3, changed “Inleidning” to “Inleiding”.
 3. P. lxxxi, changed “den Oppercoopmen Gilles Mibais van Amsterdam,
      den” to “den Oppercoopmen Gilles Mibais Van Luyck, Kapitein Dirk
      Hartog, van Amsterdam, den” to agree with English translation.
 4. Silently corrected variations in spelling in the contents and index.
 5. Retained anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as
 6. Footnotes have been re-indexed using numbers and collected together
      at the end of the book.
 7. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.

*** End of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "Early Voyages to Terra Australis, Now Called Australia: - A Collection of Documents, and Extracts from Early - Manuscript Maps, Illustrative of the History of Discovery - on the Coasts of That Vast Island - , from the Beginning of - the Sixteenth Century to the Time of Captain Cook." ***

Doctrine Publishing Corporation provides digitized public domain materials.
Public domain books belong to the public and we are merely their custodians.
This effort is time consuming and expensive, so in order to keep providing
this resource, we have taken steps to prevent abuse by commercial parties,
including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.

We also ask that you:

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Doctrine Publishing
Corporation's ISYS search for use by individuals, and we request that you
use these files for personal, non-commercial purposes.

+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort
to Doctrine Publishing's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a
large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the use of
public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.

+ Keep it legal -  Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for
ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just because
we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States,
that the work is also in the public domain for users in other countries.
Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we
can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of any specific book is
allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Doctrine Publishing
ISYS search  means it can be used in any manner anywhere in the world.
Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.

About ISYS® Search Software
Established in 1988, ISYS Search Software is a global supplier of enterprise
search solutions for business and government.  The company's award-winning
software suite offers a broad range of search, navigation and discovery
solutions for desktop search, intranet search, SharePoint search and embedded
search applications.  ISYS has been deployed by thousands of organizations
operating in a variety of industries, including government, legal, law
enforcement, financial services, healthcare and recruitment.