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Title: Scarabs - An Introduction to the Study of Egyptian Seals and Signet Rings
Author: Newberry, Percy E. (Percy Edward)
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.
*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Scarabs - An Introduction to the Study of Egyptian Seals and Signet Rings" ***
[Illustration: _Egyptian Antiquities._ _Plate I._ Ring bearing the name
of King Apepŷ. Ring bearing the name of King Nefer-Ka-Ra. Ring of King
Amenhetep II. Ring of King Akhenaten. Ring of King Hor-em-heb.]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL
INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY
EGYPTIAN ANTIQUITIES
SCARABS
AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF EGYPTIAN
SEALS AND SIGNET RINGS
BY
PERCY E. NEWBERRY
_Author of “The Amherst Papyri” “The Life of Rekhmara” “Beni Hasan,”
“El Bersheh,” &c._
WITH
_FORTY-FOUR PLATES AND ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEEN
ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT_
CHEAPER RE-ISSUE.
LONDON
ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND CO LTD
1908
------------------------------------------------------------------------
HARRISON AND SONS,
PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HIS MAJESTY,
ST. MARTIN’S LANE, LONDON.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
TO
MY FRIEND
MRS. E. B. ANDREWS
OF
“THE BEDUÎN.”
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PREFACE.
-------
SINCE the year 1895, when Professor Flinders Petrie’s book on
_Historical Scarabs_ became “out of print,” the want of a comprehensive
work on these interesting little Egyptian antiquities has been much
felt. Two volumes on Egyptian Scarabs, it is true, have been published
since that date, but these works treat of private collections and do not
claim to deal with the subject in its entirety or even in a scientific
manner.
A long residence, extending over several years, at Thebes, the centre of
the Upper Egyptian Scarab market, and the place where the best imitation
Scarabs are now manufactured, has, I may claim, given me exceptional
opportunities for studying this class of Ancient Egyptian antiquities
and its allied forms. For some years it was my custom to pay a weekly
visit to the Luxor antiquity shops, with the object of examining these
and other articles in the dealers’ hands; and, latterly, scarcely a week
has passed during my winter’s sojourn on the banks of the Nile but that
someone, Egyptologist, collector, tourist, or dealer, has consulted me
as to the genuineness, reading, etc., of Scarabs that they have either
purchased or intended to buy. The frequency of these appeals, and the
ignorance so generally displayed by the traveller in speaking of
Egyptian Scarabs, convinced me that I could at least advance a step or
two on what had been previously written on the subject; so, after
classifying my notes and visiting and studying the principal collections
of England and the Continent, I have prepared the following Introduction
to the Study of Egyptian Seals, which will, I venture to hope, be useful
to Students and Collectors.
That I have spared no pains in order to make this book as complete as
possible will, I think, be obvious to anyone who will take the trouble
to read the letterpress and examine the plates. About one thousand three
hundred specimens of Egyptian Seals and Signet-rings are figured, but
these have been selected from drawings of some seven thousand, and from
an examination of over thirty thousand examples. It may be noticed that
the splendid collection preserved in the National Museum at Cairo has
been drawn from but sparingly: this is due to the fact that M. Maspero
had already commissioned me to prepare and publish a separate catalogue
of the unique collection which is in that great savant’s care. The
manuscript of this catalogue is now finished, and it will be published
early in the coming year.
I have to thank the Keepers of Public Museums and many owners of Private
Collections for the courtesy and kindness that they have shown in
allowing me to inspect and draw from the specimens in their possession.
To Prof. Erman and Dr. Schäfer I am indebted for plaster casts of the
Berlin Museum seals; and to Prof. Petrie I am indebted for his
generosity in placing at my disposal the magnificent historical series
which he has gathered together at University College, London. To Mr.
Walter Nash, F.S.A., I also wish to express my grateful thanks for much
kindly help and encouragement in the earlier stages of this work; and in
conclusion I must thank my friends and colleagues Prof. J. M. Mackay and
Mr. John Garstang, for kindly looking through the proofs of this volume,
and to the latter also for placing at my disposal the library of the
Institute of Archæology of the University of Liverpool, wherein the
manuscript has been completed.
PERCY E. NEWBERRY.
INSTITUTE OF ARCHÆOLOGY,
UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL. 1905.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CONTENTS.
-------
PAGE
PREFACE V
INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF EGYPTIAN
SEALS:—
(1) General Remarks 1
(2) Importance of the Seal in Ancient 4
Times
(3) Origin of the Seal 8
(4) The various Uses of the Seal:—
(_a_) For securing property 12
(_b_) For authenticating documents, 22
etc.
(_c_) For transference of authority 26
(5) The Egyptian Officials concerned 29
in the use of the Seal
(6) Seal Engravers and the Technique 40
of Seal Engraving
THE VARIETIES OF EGYPTIAN SEALS:—
(1) Cylinder Seals 43
(2) Button-shaped Seals and 56
Hemi-Cylinders
(3) Beetle-shaped Seals (Scarabs) 61
(4) Miscellaneous forms 85
(5) Signet-rings 92
DESCRIPTION OF THE SPECIMENS ILLUSTRATED 97
IN THE PLATES I-XLV
INDICES:—
To Personal Names 201
To Titles 205
To Royal Names:—
(_a_) Kings 211
(_b_) Queens 216
(_c_) Princes 217
(_d_) Princesses 218
FOOTNOTES 304
------------------------------------------------------------------------
LIST OF PLATES AND ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT.
PLATE I. Some specimens of rings _Frontispiece._
ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT.
FIG. PAGE
1, 2. Two jars of the First Dynasty, to 13
illustrate the ancient method of
sealing
3, 4. Complete jar neck, bearing the stamp of 14
Amasis
5-7. Jars showing method of securing 16
contents. (From paintings in the tombs
at Beni Hasan)
8. A man sealing up a honey jar. (From a 17
tomb at Abusîr)
9. A sealed jar. (From a painting in a tomb 17
at Medûm)
10. A sealed bag. (From a painting in a tomb 17
at Medûm)
11. Sealing of doors 20
12. Securing of folding doors 21
13. Sealing of boxes 22
14. A papyrus roll, tied up and sealed 23
15. The office of the Superintendent of the 35
Seal
16. The working of the bow drill. (From the 42
tomb of Rekhmara)
17. A mounted cylinder-seal. (In the Louvre) 45
18. A Cylinder-seal. (Figured in a tomb at 45
Medûm)
19. Cylinder-seal. (Figured in a tomb at 45
Sakkara)
20. An early cylinder-seal 46
21. A cylinder-seal bearing the name of 46
Merŷ-ra. (In the collection of Mr.
Piers)
22. A cylinder-seal of Amenemhat III 47
23. A cylinder-seal of Khŷan. (Cairo) 47
24. A cylinder-seal of Sen-mut. (Petrie 47
Collection)
25. Impression from a cylinder-seal in the 49
Berlin Museum
26. Impression from a cylinder-seal in the 50
Berlin Museum
27. Cylinder-seal bearing personal name 51
28. Cylinder-seal bearing rude hieroglyphic 52
inscriptions written in vertical
columns
29. Royal seal of Narmer, predecessor of 53
Mena, reproduced in outline
30. Royal seal of Zer, Mena’s successor; 53
gives besides the name a _figure_ of
the monarch
31. Official cylinder-seal, with royal name 55
32. Official cylinder-seal bearing the name 55
and titles of officials
33. Button-shaped seal 56
34. Hemi-cylinder seal 56
35. Button-shaped seal 57
36. Button-shaped seal 57
37. Button-shaped seal 57
38. Button-shaped seal 57
39. Button-shaped seal 58
40. Button-shaped seal 58
41. Button-shaped seal 59
42. Button-shaped seal 59
43. Button-shaped seal 59
44. Button-shaped seal 59
45. Button-shaped seal 59
46. Button-shaped seal 59
47. Hemi-cylinder seal 60
48. Hemi-cylinder seal 60
49. Hemi-cylinder seal 60
50. Hemi-cylinder seal 60
51. Hemi-cylinder seal 60
52. Clay stamp from the _terramare_ of 61
Montale in the Modenese
53. Scarab-shaped seal worn on the finger, 62
attached by a piece of string
54. Scarab-shaped seal mounted as swivel to 62
metal ring
55. Scarab-shaped seal enclosed in metal 62
frame or _funda_
56. Scarab bearing the name of Mer-en-ra 68
57. Scarab bearing the names Thothmes III 68
and Amenhetep II
58. Specimen of a Scarab-beetle (the real 70
_Scarabæus sacer_)
59. Specimens of scarabs from El Mahasna 70
60. Specimen scarabs of the Twelfth Dynasty 71
61. Specimen scarabs of the Twelfth Dynasty 71
62. Specimen scarabs of the Twelfth Dynasty 71
63. Specimen scarabs of the Twelfth Dynasty 71
64. Specimen scarabs of the Thirteenth 72
Dynasty
65. Specimen scarabs of the Hyksos Period 72
66. Specimen scarabs of the Hyksos Period 72
67. Specimen scarabs of the Hyksos Period 72
68. Specimen scarabs of the Hyksos Period 73
69. Specimen scarabs of the Hyksos Period 73
70. Specimen scarabs of the Early Eighteenth 73
Dynasty
71. Specimen scarabs of the Early Eighteenth 73
Dynasty
72. Specimen scarabs of the Early Eighteenth 74
Dynasty
73. Specimen scarabs of the Middle 74
Eighteenth Dynasty
74. Specimen scarabs of the Amenhetep III 74
75. Specimen scarabs of the Nineteenth 74
Dynasty
76. Specimen scarabs of the Nineteenth 75
Dynasty
77. Specimen scarabs of the Nineteenth 75
Dynasty
78. Specimen scarabs of the Nineteenth 75
Dynasty
79. Specimen scarabs of the Nineteenth 75
Dynasty
80. Specimen scarabs of the Ethiopian 76
dominion
81. Specimen scarabs of the Ethiopian 76
dominion
82. Scarab of Usertsen I 80
83. A seal of the Twelfth Dynasty 85
84. A seal of the Eighteenth Dynasty 85
85. A seal of the Eleventh Dynasty 86
86. A seal of the Eleventh Dynasty 86
87. A seal bearing the name of King 87
Mentuhetep
88. Specimen seals of the Eighteenth Dynasty 87
89. Specimen seals of the Eighteenth Dynasty 87
90. Specimen seals of the Eighteenth Dynasty 87
91. Specimen seals of the Eighteenth Dynasty 87
92. Specimen seals of the Eighteenth Dynasty 87
93. A seal bearing the name of King 88
Amenemhat III
94. A stamp seal 88
95. A seal bearing the name of King 89
Seqen-en-ra
96. A seal bearing the name of King Sa-Amen 89
97. A stamp seal 89
98. A seal bearing the name of King Thothmes 90
III
99. A seal bearing the name of the Hyksos 90
Period
100. A seal bearing the name of the Twelfth 90
Dynasty
101. A seal bearing the name of the Twelfth 90
Dynasty
102. A seal bearing the name of the 90
Eighteenth Dynasty
103. A seal bearing the name of Rameses II 90
104. A seal of the Saïte Period 91
105. A seal of Thirtieth Dynasty 91
106. A seal of Nekhtenebo 92
107. A ring of Usertsen III 93
108. A ring of the Thirteenth Dynasty 93
109. A ring of the Thirteenth Dynasty 93
110. A ring of Thothmes III 94
111. A ring of the period of Akhenaten 94
112. A ring of the Twentieth Dynasty 94
113. A ring of the Twentieth Dynasty 94
114. A ring of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty 95
115. A ring of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty 95
116. A ring of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty 95
------------------------------------------------------------------------
LIST OF PLATES.
PLATE
I. Some specimens of rings.
II. Scene representing the Chancellor of
Tût-ankh-Amen investing a Governor of
Ethiopia with the signet-ring of office.
III. Pre-dynastic cylinder-seals.
IV. Impressions of early cylinder-seals.
V. Cylinder-seals of the Fourth to Sixth
Dynasties.
VI. Cylinder-seals of the Twelfth Dynasty.
VII. Cylinder-seals of the Twelfth to Seventeenth
Dynasties.
VIII. Miscellaneous cylinder-seals.
IX. Scarabs bearing royal names. Fourth to
Twelfth Dynasties.
X. Scarabs of the kings of the Thirteenth and
Fourteenth Dynasties.
XI. Scarabs of officials of the Twelfth to
Fourteenth Dynasties.
XII. Scarabs of officials of the Twelfth to
Fourteenth Dynasties—_continued_.
XIII. Scarabs of officials of the Twelfth to
Fourteenth Dynasties—_continued_.
XIV. Scarabs of officials of the Twelfth to
Fourteenth Dynasties—_continued_.
XV. Scarabs of officials of the Twelfth to
Fourteenth Dynasties—_continued_.
XVI. Scarabs of officials of the Twelfth to
Fourteenth Dynasties—_continued_.
XVII. Scarabs of officials of the Twelfth to
Fourteenth Dynasties—_continued_.
XVIII. Decorative Scarabs: Twelfth to Eighteenth
Dynasties.
XIX. Decorative Scarabs: Twelfth to Eighteenth
Dynasties—_continued_.
XX. Decorative Scarabs: Twelfth to Eighteenth
Dynasties—_continued_.
XXI. Scarabs of the Hyksos Kings. (I).
XXII. Scarabs of the Hyksos Kings. (II).
XXIII. Scarabs of royal and other personages of the
Hyksos Period.
XXIV. Miscellaneous scarabs of the Hyksos Period.
XXV. Decorative scarabs, mostly of the Hyksos
Period.
XXVI. Scarabs of kings, etc., mostly of the
Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Dynasties.
XXVII. Scarabs of the Eighteenth Dynasty. (Thothmes
I to Hatshepsut.)
XXVIII. Scarabs of the Eighteenth
Dynasty—_continued_. (Thothmes III and his
family.)
XXIX. Officials of the Eighteenth Dynasty, and
kings, etc., from the tomb of Maket, at
Gurob (_temp._ Thothmes III).
XXX. Scarab of the Eighteenth Dynasty—_continued_.
XXXI. Scarab of the Eighteenth Dynasty—_continued_.
XXXII. Historical scarabs of Amenhetep III:
1. Kirgipa and her Harîm.
2. The Lion Hunts of Amenhetep III.
3. The Parents of Queen Thŷi and the Limits
of the Egyptian Empire.
XXXIII. Historical scarabs of Amenhetep
III—_continued_:
1. The Wild Cattle hunt.
2. The Lake at Zarukha.
XXXIV. Scarabs of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth
Dynasties.
XXXV. Scarabs of the Nineteenth Dynasty (Rameses
II).
XXXVI. Scarabs bearing royal names: Meren-ptah I to
Sa-Amen.
XXXVII. Scarabs of the Twenty-second to Twenty-fifth
Dynasty Kings.
XXXVIII. Royal and private scarabs and rings
(Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Dynasties).
XXXIX. Scarabs bearing mottoes, good wishes, etc.
XL. Scarabs bearing mottoes, good wishes,
etc.—_continued_.
XLI. Scarabs bearing names of figures of gods,
etc.
XLII. Hieroglyphics, flowers, etc.
XLIII. Miscellaneous royal and private scarabs.
XLIV. Miscellaneous royal and private
scarabs—_continued_.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
INTRODUCTION
TO
THE STUDY OF EGYPTIAN SEALS.
-------
1. GENERAL REMARKS.
[Sidenote: General Remarks on Egyptian seals.]
There are few small objects of antiquity which present themselves so
often to the traveller’s notice in Egypt, as the little seals of stone,
pottery and other material, carved in various forms and engraved on
their base, or around their circumference, with an ornamental device or
brief hieroglyphic inscription. These seals are found in a variety of
forms; some of them are cylindrical in shape, others are button-shaped,
but by far the greater number are carved to represent the scarabaeus
beetle standing upon an elliptical base, the under side of which is
engraved with the device or inscription intended to be impressed upon
the sealing clay. The specimens of this last variety of seal are
universally known as “Scarabs.”[1] Like the gems of Greece and Italy,
Egyptian seals are generally found in excellent preservation; other and
larger antiquities usually show on their face the signs of weathering,
or they bear the marks of mutilation by man, but these interesting
little monuments of a long past age often continue to this day as
perfect in their finish and delicate workmanship as when they first left
the hands of the ancient lapidary. The soil of Egypt literally teems
with them. Thousands have been found among the _débris_ of long deserted
and ruined towns and temples; the fellah often turns them up in the soil
whilst ploughing his fields, and rich harvests of these little objects
have been gathered by the antiquary from the myriad tombs that line the
desert edge on both sides of the Nile from Alexandria and El Arîsh to
Aswân. Outside the boundaries of the Nile Valley also, Egyptian seals
are frequently discovered; and in our museums are to be seen specimens
from Italy, Sicily, Cyprus and the Greek Islands, as well as from the
Eastern shores of the Mediterranean, and even from as far afield as
Nineveh and the valley of the Euphrates.
[Sidenote: Clay impressions of seals.]
Besides the actual seals, pieces of fine clay bearing impressions of
them are often brought to light by the excavator; some of these served
as sealings to jars of wine, honey, etc., whilst others had been
affixed, like modern seals of wax, to documents written on papyrus or
leather. The documents to which some of them had been attached have,
unfortunately, too often perished from decay, or they have been consumed
by fire, but in the stamped clay may still nearly always be seen the
holes for the string, or the markings of it, by which the seal was fixed
to the document: in some instances even the string itself remains. These
sealings are usually unearthed in excellent preservation, and they are
consequently as useful for the purposes of study as the seals
themselves.
[Sidenote: Importance of the study of Egyptian seals.]
To the student of the history and civilization of ancient Egypt the
importance of these seals and “sealings” is very great; to him they are
as the coins and gems to the student of Ancient Greece and Rome. Their
range in date is greater than that of any other class of inscribed
monument; the earliest appear as far back as the very dawn of History,
and these little objects present from that period onward an unbroken
series of such length and completeness that they afford a most valuable
illustration of the early history of the Nile Valley. In some cases they
supply the outline of a portion of history that was otherwise almost
wholly lost. To them we owe most of our information regarding the
earliest dynasties. For much of our knowledge of the period intervening
between the end of the Twelfth and the beginning of the Eighteenth
Dynasties we are also indebted to the same class of monument, while
small scarab-shaped seals are as yet the only extant evidence of several
of the Hyksos kings. Their value as corroborative evidence to other
historical data must not be overlooked, nor can certain classes of them
be lightly cast aside as bric-à-brac by the archaeologist who sets
himself the task of solving, or of inquiring into, the many problems
that have lately arisen concerning the early people of the Mediterranean
region. To the student of Ancient Art also they afford a most happy
illustration of the ever-varying styles in vogue in successive reigns,
and their study, as will be seen in the following pages, often enables
us to obtain those glimpses into the manners and customs of the ancient
Egyptian people which so wonderfully help to elucidate our view of
bygone days and men.
2. IMPORTANCE OF THE SEAL IN ANCIENT TIMES.
[Sidenote: Importance of the seal in ancient times.]
It is very difficult for us, especially for those of us who are not
familiar with Eastern civilization, to realize the great importance that
was attached to the seal by the peoples of the Ancient World. It was far
more of a necessity in everyday life to the people of antiquity than are
our seals to us, or locks and keys to a modern householder. We still use
the seal, it is true, for our legal documents, sometimes for our
letters, for our post-bags, and occasionally for sealing up a room. Our
Ministers of State have their Seals of Office, our Corporations and
Companies have their registered official seals, and in our Coronation
ceremonies there is the investiture of the Sovereign with the Royal
Signet Ring. But all these uses of the seal are as ancient as the
pyramid-builders of Memphis. When we use the signet for sealing our
letters or our legal documents, we are but following in the footsteps of
the Ancient Egyptian, who, many hundred years before the time of Moses,
employed the seal for the same purpose. When our Ministers of State
receive from the Sovereign their Seals of Office, they are but following
a custom that prevailed in Egypt as early as the Fourth Millennium
before Christ; and when Edward the Seventh was recently invested with
the Royal Signet Ring at his Coronation, he was but conforming to a
ceremonial act that was recorded by the rulers of the Nile Valley four
thousand years before William the Norman set foot on the shores of
Britain.
But in ancient times the seal was used for many purposes for which later
inventions have proved more convenient. At the present day, when closing
our doors, we generally lock them by a spring-bolt, and only attach a
seal on very rare occasions. Locks and keys, however, are comparatively
modern inventions, for the most ancient in Egypt are not older than the
Roman period; and what locks and keys are to us, seals were to the
people of the Old World. In ancient times, whenever a man left his home
he always sealed up such parts as contained stores or other valuable
property, so that they might be rendered secure from the attacks of
thieves or slaves. In like manner boxes containing clothes or personal
ornaments, and jars containing wine or oils, were kept under seal. The
words meaning “to close” and “to seal” were in Egyptian[2] synonymous;
indeed, to place a thing “under seal” was an ancient expression
equivalent to the modern one of keeping a thing “under lock and key.”
To secure property from theft was, however, only one of the many uses of
the seal; it was employed in other equally important ways. In Western
countries, where writing has now become a universal accomplishment, a
person’s written signature is sufficient to give authority to a
document, but in ancient times a seal or signet was a necessity to
anyone possessed of even the smallest amount of property, for without it
no legal or other writing could be attested. Herodotus (I, 195) mentions
that everyone in Babylonia carried a seal, and the same remark would
apply with equal truth to Egypt. In England, from the Norman Conquest to
the time of the taking effect of the original Statute of Frauds (1677),
the seal was always used to make a writing valid and binding, and in
Scotland every freeholder was required by law to have a registered
seal.[3] At the present day an Eastern, when sealing a letter, smears
the seal, not the document, with the sealing-substance, and illiterate
persons will sometimes use the object nearest at hand, such as their own
finger, which they daub with ink, and press upon the paper therewith. In
Babylonia the finger-nail was sometimes impressed into the clay as a
seal; while in America, in comparatively recent times, the eye-tooth
impressed upon the wax has been used for attesting a document (1 Wash.
Va. 42, quoted in _American Law Review_, Vol. XXVIII, p. 25). The right
hand smeared with ink and impressed upon a parchment was often used in
mediaeval times in place of a signature, and this, with the seal
impressed beside it, gave rise to the modern legal expression, “Witness
my hand and seal.” The Sultan’s cipher, which appears on the coinage and
official documents of the Turks, is said to have originated in this way.
The Republic of Ragusa concluded a commercial treaty with the Ottomans
in 1395, by which it placed itself under their protection, and it is
said that Murad signed the treaty, for lack of a pen, with his open
hand, over which he had smeared some ink, in the manner of Eastern
seals—a veritable sign-manual. (Stanley Lane-Poole, _Turkey_, p. 35.) In
ancient times, however, the document was rolled up and tied with a piece
of string, the knot of which was covered with a pellet of clay and
sealed. It was not only in Egypt that this was so, but in all countries
of the ancient world; in Babylonia and Assyria as well as in Greece and
Italy. A written signature would have been of no avail to attest a
document; a seal had always to be used. Doubtless in the earliest times
only the most powerful persons possessed seals, but as civilization
advanced the officers of the administration came to use, besides their
own personal seals, official ones for government purposes. Thus it was
that the seal, being the real instrument of the power and authority of
an office, came to be used as the symbol of it, and the delivery of an
official or State seal to an individual, gave to that individual the
authority and power to execute the rights and duties of his office.
The various links in the history of the seal which connect its original
employment for securing the contents of jars, to its latest one for
transferring authority from one person to another, are all preserved,
and form a most interesting object lesson in “social evolution.” The
seal is, indeed, so intimately associated with the early history of
civilization, that it is probable that its origin goes back to the very
institution of the right of private property. Its early history is full
of interest. If we turn to any of the literatures of the Old
World—whether it be the Egyptian or Babylonian, the Hebraic or Assyrian,
the Greek or Roman, it is the same; we find in each and all of them
abundant passages concerning the importance of the seal and the various
uses that it was put to. Further, if we study these references, we
discover that the signification of these little objects was everywhere
the same, and if passages were selected from the Egyptian writers
regarding the uses of the seal, it would be easy to parallel them all
from the works of any of the other Old World peoples. We ought, however,
before discussing the various uses of the seal, to inquire into its
origin.
3. ORIGIN OF THE SEAL.
[Sidenote: Origin of the seal.]
In his _Hand-book of Engraved Gems_,[4] King has stated his belief that
the use of the seal was almost coeval with the very institution of the
right of private property, and this seems to be well borne out by what
we actually know of its early history. All the evidence from Babylonia
and Egypt available as to its original use appears to point in one
direction, that it was first employed for securing household stuff and
other moveable property. In the earlier stages of civilization this
consisted mainly of grain, honey, etc., always liable to be pilfered by
the dishonest slave, or by smaller hands addicted to picking and
stealing. If the proprietor, therefore, wished to keep his stores of
food intact, it was necessary that he should adopt some means of
checking the pilferer, and the idea early occurred to him that if he
placed his little store in a jar or other vessel, and covered the mouth
of it with a plaster of mud or clay, it might be protected to a certain
degree against the thief. But merely plastering the mouth with mud or
clay was not enough to preserve the contents from a skilful plunderer,
for he might easily, and without fear of immediate detection, remove a
capping, steal the contents of a jar, put on another plaster of mud, and
leave no trace of his theft until the jar was opened by its owner. It
was obvious therefore that a capping of clay alone was not sufficient.
Now it is probable that the mud used in the process of covering the
mouth of the vessel would often be rolled or smeared flat with a piece
of stick, a joint of a reed, or a flat-bottomed pebble. Many of these
objects must have had natural markings on them which would have left
impressions on the clay, while these impressions, we can hardly doubt,
were early noticed by the primitive store owner, and their condition
served to tell him whether or not his closed jars had been tampered
with. In this connection it is interesting to note that Aristophanes
(Thesmo., 424-428), when referring to the custom of securing doors by
sealing them, alludes to certain [Greek: thripêdesta sphragidia], which
were worm-eaten bits of wood used as rude seals. He speaks of them as
having supplanted the simple seals of olden days, but they ought rather
to be considered as a return to the early type of “reed” seal. (Muller,
_Archäol., I. Kunst._, 97, 2.) From the natural markings upon the
objects employed to smooth the clay, the transition was easy to some
definite device scratched around the circumference of the stick or reed,
or upon the surface of the stone or pebble, by the owner, and
appropriated to himself as his own peculiar mark. But as these markings
or devices would have had little weight with a determined thief, we can
hardly doubt that, in Babylonia at any rate, they became early imbued
with a _magical_ signification: so that their real power would be moral
rather than physical. The reasoning of the lawyers of the Middle Ages
regarding the sealing of contracts was that a _seal_ attracts and
excites caution in illiterate persons, and thereby operates as a
security against fraud.[5]
The simple scratchings that we find on so many of the early Egyptian
pots were the possessors’ marks; indeed, King contends that “this
instinct of possession extending itself to the assumption of exclusive
ownership in certain configurations of lines, or rude delineations of
natural objects, is a universal impulse of man’s nature, and one found
existing amongst all savage nations when first discovered, wheresoever
the faintest trace of social life and polity have begun to develop
themselves.” A great number of these signs Professor Petrie has
preserved in his various records of explorations. (_Cf._ his _Naqada_,
p. 44.) Thus the Red Indian has besides the tribal mark, that of the
individual (his special _totem_), wherewith to identify his own
property, or the game he may kill. The South Sea Islander carries the
tattooed pattern that distinguishes his particular family, imprinted
upon his own skin, and also draws the same upon his credentials like a
regular coat of arms. It is therefore in these markings firstly
scratched on pots, and next on rude seals, that we have the very
beginnings of writing; but a long period probably elapsed before these
primitive signs were combined together to form words. The designs on
these seals were probably at first rough configurations of lines, which
sufficiently served their purpose if they could be readily identified by
the owner; but after a time these primitive figures seem to have given
place to rude delineations of natural objects which expressed the name
of the owner, like the Greek coins of Rhodes (a rose); of Melitaea (a
bee), and were consequently looked upon as his particular mark. We have
not as yet got back in Egypt to such primitive forms, but on Greek gems
and coins this _type parlant_, “figured speech,” is well known.
The original forms of the two great groups of Egyptian seals we have in
the piece of notched reed and in the small scratched pebble; the first
the true prototype of the cylinder, both in form and in mode of
application; the second as clearly the original of the stamp seal.
Simple as the invention of these two forms and the art of sealing may
now appear, the discovery that an impression of a seal could be obtained
by pressing it on clay or other plastic substance was nevertheless one
of the most momentous that has yet been made, and the seal-impression
furthermore suggested the idea of decoration in bas-relief. From the
invention of the simple seal to the complex printing-press with its
moveable types appears a long way to travel, but that we have the germ
of this great invention in the simple seal is obvious when we come to
think of it. The old Egyptian or Babylonian who first took an impression
of his signet on a lump of plastic clay, had discovered the principle of
printing, though it took the human mind many hundred years before the
next great step was made, that of smearing some black or coloured
substance upon the seal and taking a “print” of it on plaster, as in the
tomb of Thothmes IV (_circa_ B.C. 1400), and in ink on a papyrus of the
Ptolemaic age.
4. VARIOUS USES OF THE SEAL.
(_a_) _For securing Property._
It has been suggested in a preceding paragraph that the original use of
the seal was for securing stores of food from dishonest servants; and
this statement is corroborated by the fact that the earliest “sealings”
that have been found in Egypt are from jars that were used for storing
wine, honey, grain, and other food stuffs. Figures 1 and 2 represent two
jars found by M. de Morgan in a First Dynasty cemetery in Upper
Egypt,[6] (_circa_ B.C. 3500), and the general system of sealing jars
and large vessels may be clearly seen from these examples. The mouth of
the jar, it will be observed, was first covered by an inverted plate or
cup of pottery (fig. 1), in order to prevent the wet clay (the [Greek:
gê sêmagtris], “sealing earth,” of the Greeks) used in the process of
closing the mouth from falling into the jar. Upon and around this was
plastered a high cone of clay (fig. 2), mixed with palm fibre, and
carefully smoothed, so as to take easily the impression of the cylinder
seal, which was rolled across it at right angles. Generally two
impressions of the same seal are found on each clay cone, but sometimes
two or more impressions upon the same cone occur from _different_ seals.
This shows the great care that was given in early times to secure the
contents of a vessel from thievish servants, a fact which is emphasised
by our sometimes finding that a jar had often two _separate_ sealings,
one below the other, the outer coat being put on while the inner one was
still damp. “Thus,” writes Professor Petrie of some clay cones of this
kind which he found at Abydos, “often a quite illegible cone may yet
yield a good inscription by carefully knocking away the outer coat.”[7]
[Illustration: Figs. 1 and 2. TWO JARS OF THE FIRST DYNASTY, TO
ILLUSTRATE THE ANCIENT METHOD OF SEALING.]
[Illustration: Figs. 3. and 4.]
This system of sealing large jars with high clay cones apparently lasted
on till the beginning of the sixteenth century B.C.; then another kind
of sealing is met with. In the place of the high clay cone, a clay cap
with flat top was used, the flat top and sometimes the sides being
impressed with a wooden stamp. Later still, at the time of the
Twenty-sixth Dynasty, the early inverted cap or plate gave way to a
pottery cap or bung, which was secured in place by string or linen
bands, and covered with a rounded cap of plaster. There is an
interesting specimen of a complete jar neck bearing the stamp of Amasis,
with clay and plaster sealing still fixed to it, found at Tell Defenneh
(see figs. 3 and 4); it is important as showing the very elaborate
system of sealing jars at that time in vogue. Firstly, a large bung of
pottery (fig. 3), made hollow, was put into the mouth of the jar. This
was then fastened down by linen bands, the ends of which were tied up in
the middle, and a lump of sealing clay fixed upon it and impressed with
six different seals of inspectors. Although this clay had crumbled and
been washed out by rains in the course of ages, it still left a cast in
the plaster showing the seals as they appear in fig. 4. After the six
inspectors had each put his seal on it, the jar was sent out to the
plasterer, who capped the whole top with a head of plaster, and sealed
it with the royal name in its oval-cartouche. Even these elaborate
precautions, it would seem, did not suffice to secure the contents of
this particular amphora from the thief, for the jar neck, as Professor
Petrie remarks, is an instance of a successful attack upon the royal
stores. The cap of plaster has been bored through just at the edge of
the jar, and the large bung inside smashed through, so as to enable the
thief to reach freely the wine. The piece of plaster broken out here is
shown missing in fig. 4, though it was found in the jar; the hole just
shows the edge of the neck, and was filled up with a scrap of the old
plaster and a smear of new of a different quality; no attempt was made
to imitate the missing part of the cartouche, and this probably raised
the cellarer’s suspicion, and made him break off and preserve the whole
jar neck as evidence. (Petrie, _Defenneh_, p. 72.)
This method of securing the contents of large jars and amphorae lasted
on far into Roman times. Horace mentions as a test of a good tempered
house master, that he did not go wild with passion even if he found that
a seal of a wine jar had been broken. And even at the present day the
traveller on the Nile may still see boats, at certain seasons of the
year, floating down stream from Erment, Kûs, and other centres of the
sugar industry, laden with molasses in peculiar jars (_ballalîs_),
secured, in place of the early bung and the earlier inverted plates, by
a plug of sugar cane leaves thrust into the mouth of the vessel, and
plastered over with a thick cap of white clay.
[Illustration: Figs. 5, 6 and 7. JARS SHOWING METHOD OF SECURING
CONTENTS. (From paintings in the tombs at Beni Hasan.)]
For securing the contents of smaller vessels the Egyptians had another
method. This was by stretching over the mouth a piece of skin or beaten
metal, which was then firmly tied down by a cord, the two ends and knot
of which were covered by a pellet of clay, and impressed by a small
stamp or scarab (see figs. 5, 6, and 7).
[Illustration: Fig. 8. A MAN SEALING UP A HONEY JAR. (From a sculpture
at Abusîr.) _A.Z._, Vol. xxxviii, Pl. v.]
An illustration of a man actually engaged in the process of covering up
a jar of honey has been preserved in a tomb at Abusîr; he is fastening
the string around the vase, and above him is the legend, _Khetem bati_,
“sealing honey” (see fig. 8).
The beautiful dolomite marble and carnelian vases found in the tomb of
King Khasekhemui (_circa_ 3300 B.C.) at Abydos are secured in this way.
Each of these has a cover of thick gold foil fitted over the top, and
tied down with a double turn of twisted gold wire, over the tie of which
a small lump of clay is fixed, which in this instance has not been
impressed with a seal, but merely pressed together by the fingers.
Generally the pellet of clay to be “sealed” was placed on the top of the
jar (as in figs. 5 and 7), but sometimes it covered the knot at the side
(as in fig. 9). The same manner of securing the mouth of a jar still
survives in the way our liqueur bottles, etc., are often sealed, and in
the way we close our jam pots, except that in the latter case we no
longer find it necessary to attach a seal.
[Illustration: Fig. 9. A SEALED JAR. (From a painting in a tomb at
Medûm.)]
The contents of bags and sacks were also secured by means of the seal; a
piece of cord was tied round the neck, the knot of which was immersed in
a pellet of clay and “sealed” (see fig. 10). A large number of broken
seals of this kind have been found in Egypt, and sealed bags containing
gold dust and other materials are often figured in the ancient paintings
of the tombs. To the custom of sealing bags Job alludes (xiv, 17). In
the story of Hor-ded-ef we read of certain midwives who had assisted in
bringing into the world a child, being rewarded by the father with “a
bushel of barley,” which is straightway sent to the brewhouse to be kept
under the midwives’ seal. Our modern post bags are rendered secure from
being examined by unauthorised persons in exactly the same manner.
[Illustration: Fig. 10. A SEALED BAG. (From a painting in a tomb at
Medûm.)]
The Ancient Egyptians, it has already been remarked, were unacquainted
with the use of locks and keys, hence we find that they employed their
seals for the purpose of securing the doors of their houses and
storerooms. These latter, indeed, were termed [Egyptian **] _Khetemu_,
“sealed rooms,” and they are frequently alluded to in the ancient
inscriptions:[8] Such storehouses in foreign lands were provision depôts
for the Egyptian troops or garrisons. Government storehouses were, of
course, in charge of officials who kept them under their seals. Nebuaiu
(_circa_ 1500 B.C.), for instance, proudly boasts that the treasury of
the Temple of Osiris was kept “under his signet ring,” and the Vezîr
Rekhmara (_circa_ 1500 B.C.) tells us that it was his duty to “seal up
all the precious things in the temple of Amen,”[9] and that all the bags
of gold dust and other valuables were “under his signet.”[10] When a
storeroom was opened, the official responsible for the things contained
in it appeared in person and sealed it up again when the stores were
taken out.
There are many passages in the papyri which tend to show how great was
the care taken to prevent irresponsible hands from pilfering.[11] The
storehouses of private people were probably in the care of the
housewife, or some other woman of the household, for when scarab seals
are discovered in graves, it has been noticed that they are usually
found at the side of, or near to, the body of a female.[12] Thus it is
probable that in Egypt, as in other countries, it was the matron of the
household who had charge of the grain and other provisions, and her
little string of seals has its direct lineal descendant in our modern
housekeeper’s bunch of keys. “How happy the times,” wrote Pliny, “how
truly innocent, in which no seal was ever put to anything; at the
present day, on the contrary, our very food even and our drink have to
be preserved from theft, through the agency of the ring.” The modern
“wedding ring” originated in the custom of the man presenting his wife,
on her marriage, with a seal, which she was to use for sealing up her
stores of provisions, etc. At first these seals were worn suspended from
a string of beads around the neck. Sometimes they were strung on a cord
which was tied round the wrist, and at a later period they were secured
to the finger by a piece of string or wire. This wire and seal developed
into the signet-ring. Then, with the introduction of locks and keys, it
was the key-ring that was given by the husband to his wife. These
key-rings, however, were soon found to be too cumbersome to be worn with
comfort on the finger, and so a plain band of metal was given to the
bride with a key. “The key,” writes Cicero (Ph. 2. 28), “was given to
the bride on entering her home, to signify that she was appointed
mistress of the house (_mater familias_)”; it was, in fact, used by her
to lock up her store-room, and in case she was divorced it was taken
away from her. At the present day, if the ring is not forthcoming at a
wedding, the key of the chancel door can be used instead.
[Illustration: Fig 11.]
The manner of sealing doors was very simple. In the case of single doors
a wooden peg with projecting head was fixed in the jamb and another in
the door (see fig. 11). When the door was closed the two pegs would be
near to one another, so that a piece of string could be easily tied
round them. This string having been securely fastened by a knot, the
knot was then covered with clay, and the clay impressed by seal, thus
making it impossible to open the door without destroying the seal or
removing the pegs.
Folding doors were secured by a sliding bolt, but such bolts of course
gave no security against a thief, so they also were sealed. They were
shaped as in fig. 12, with a groove running across the centre; a piece
of string was stretched across this groove, and then, after pellets of
clay had been put on the two ends, it was sealed down as shown in the
figure.
[Illustration: Fig. 12.]
An interesting reference to this last method of sealing doors occurs in
the well known inscription of Piankhy preserved in the Cairo Museum.
This Ethiopian king, after his victorious journey through Egypt, goes to
Heliopolis to present offerings of flowers, etc., to Ra, the famous god
of that town. Proceeding to the shrine of the deity, Piankhy relates
that “he stood alone,” that he “broke the seals” and “slid back the door
bolt,” opened “the double doors” and saw his father Ra in the holy
shrine. After performing certain ceremonies therein, he goes on to tell
us that the doors were again shut, “clay was applied” to them, which was
then sealed by the king’s own hand. Herodotus also, it may be
remembered, refers to the Egyptian custom of sealing up doors, in the
story of Rhampsinitus and the clever thief, who succeeded in pilfering
the royal treasury by means of a loose stone in the wall of it. When the
king happened to open the chamber, says the historian, he was astonished
at seeing the vessels deficient in treasure, but he was unable to accuse
anyone, as the seals were unbroken and the chamber well secured.
The sealings to tomb doors, the Egyptian’s “eternal habitation,” being
required to be permanent, were much more elaborate.[13] After the
mourners had retired, and the door had been closed, clay was smeared
round the juncture of it with the lintel, jambs and threshold, and then
stamped all over by the seal of the priest in charge.
As in the case of doors of houses and store-chambers, so also with
boxes, the lids were sealed down to secure their contents.
[Illustration: Fig. 13.]
On nearly all ancient Egyptian boxes that have been found are to be seen
two knobs (or the holes into which they were fastened), one on the lid,
the other on the box itself. Fig. 13 shows how these were placed, and
with a piece of string, a lump of clay and a seal, it was an easy matter
to secure the contents; all that had to be done was to follow the same
process that has already been described for securing doors.
[Illustration: Fig. 14. A PAPYRUS ROLL, TIED UP AND SEALED. (This
hieroglyph was used as a determinative of all abstract words from a very
early period.)]
(_b_) _For authenticating Documents, etc._
With the advance of civilization, and the development of the art and
practice of writing, the seal began to be employed for documents also.
Till very recent times writing has been an accomplishment of few except
professional scribes, hence it was natural that seals which bore the
personal badge or mark of the owner, began to be used by those who could
not write their names for giving that authenticity and authority to a
document which is now more usually conferred by a written signature.
Legal documents were therefore attested by the seal, and a legal
contract was known in Egypt by the name [Egyptian **] _Khetemt_, “the
sealed.”[14] But the method of attaching the seal to the document was
different in ancient times to that of the present day. The old Egyptian,
instead of impressing with his signet the surface of the sheet of
papyrus, used to roll it up,[15] tie it round with string, and then,
after knotting the string in the middle of the roll, he affixed the clay
to the knot and sealed it (see fig. 14). Thus the roll could not be
opened, and consequently the writing of it could not be altered nor new
matter introduced without the seal being first broken, and the mere
breaking of the seal would be legal proof enough to show that the
document had been tampered with. It is not till the Ptolemaïc period
that there is an instance of a document _stamped_ with ink,[16] although
the stamp in paint has been shown to be as early as the Eighteenth
Dynasty.[17] A familiar instance of the use of the seal for legal
documents is given by the prophet Jeremiah. Having bought a field of
Hanameel, he payed the owner seventeen shekels of silver for it; then
subscribed the evidence and sealed it. This being done, he took the
evidence of the purchaser, “both that which was sealed according to the
law and custom and that which was open,” and gave it to Baruch in order
that it might be put in an earthen vessel, and so preserved in case of
any dispute. (Jeremiah xxxii, 9-14.)
But it was not only legal documents that were attested by the signet;
letters also were sealed up by the sender before they left his
hands,[18] and several such letters, with the seals still unbroken, have
been found by the excavator. The aim of the signet in this connection
was of course to afford proof of the identity of the sender, and to
warrant the contents of the letter. The importance attached to the seal
at present in the East is so great, that without one no document is
regarded as authentic.
From the use for authenticating documents, the seal came to be employed
for another purpose—that of authenticating the purity or weight of a
piece of gold or other metal; the stamp upon the coin being the
government guarantee of the fineness and weight of the piece of metal.
It has often been supposed that the specimens of the scarab class of
Egyptian seals were used as tokens of value, that they represented the
small change of the Pharaohs. In support of this interpretation a remark
of Plato, to the effect that “in Ethiopia engraved stones were used as
money,” has often been quoted. It is of course true that the Egyptians
had no coined money of their own before the time of the Macedonian
Conquest; taxes were collected and salaries were paid in kind, and all
trade was done by barter, as in Central Africa at the present day. The
idea, however, that scarabs themselves were used for the purposes of
barter, or as tokens of exchange, is not supported by the inscriptions,
or by any of the scenes depicted on the monuments. But we do find, and
this is very important, that during the Hyksos period (_circa_ 1700
B.C.),[19] and later under Amenhetep III (_circa_ 1400 B.C.),[20] the
_Khetem_ or “seal” is given as a measure of value, although here it is
probable that it was not the seal itself that is meant, but the
_impression_ of it upon another substance. The Athenian General
Timotheus, Polyaemus relates, being in want of money to pay his troops,
“issued his own seal” for coin, and this substitute was accepted by the
traders and market people confiding in his honour. This can only mean
that _impressions_ of his signet on clay, or some other substance, were
put into circulation as representatives of value, and so received by the
sellers. It is in the impression of a seal or stamp upon a piece of gold
or other metal that we have the origin of coined money.
The study of the early history of coined money is a most curious one.
Rude peoples pass from barter to the use of metallic currency; and the
most general article of wealth is taken as the standard to which, either
as a multiple or a fraction, all other possessions are adjusted.[21] In
Greece, as in Italy, the ox was the unit of value, and in Italy[22] a
piece of metal was stamped with the impression of an animal (_nota
pecudum_), whence it was termed _pecunia_,[23] but when and by whom such
a stamp was first placed on “the bar or piece of metal it is, of course,
impossible to say.” The Egyptian inscriptions, fortunately, throw some
light on this subject, for as early at least as B.C. 1700, a [Egyptian
**] _khetem_ is mentioned as a unit of value for metals, while “an ox”
is valued as one seal. Furthermore, the word [Egyptian **] _khetem_,
determined by an ox, actually occurs as a measure of value, and means a
seal with the figure of an ox stamped on it, or an ox skin sealed.[24]
(_c_) _For Transference of Authority._
We have just seen that the affixing of a seal to a document gave to that
document its validity and binding force, and it is now not difficult to
realize that, being the real instrument of the power and authority of an
office, it should have become the symbol of it. The delivery therefore
of the seal or signet either by the king or by his minister, committed
to the individual the authority and power to execute the rights and
duties of his office. The Egyptian monarch himself was invested at his
Coronation[25] with the Royal Signet,[26] upon which his name and titles
were engraved; this was as important a part of the insignia of royalty
as his sceptre or his crown. In an early text (_circa_ 2500 B.C.) it is
said that “Mer-en-Ra maketh his appearance as king, he hath taken
possession of his signet (_sah_) and of his throne.”[27] The word for
signet is here [Egyptian **] _Sah_ (variants [Egyptian **] and [Egyptian
**] _Sah_, note the necklace and cylinder seal as determinative), and
the signet was repeatedly used in ancient Egypt to denote a man of noble
rank, one who was allowed to carry a signet with the royal name engraven
upon it. Osiris is named _Sahu_, “seal bearer” of the gods whom he has
called into existence, and a hymn[28] calls him the glorious _Sahu_
among the _sahus_. The Prince Khnemhetep (2000 B.C.), at Beni Hasan,
says of himself that he was distinguished above all the king’s nobles
_(sahu)_; that is to say, the order of men bearing the signet or sign of
investiture. A mummified person is also called _Sahu_, in virtue of
investiture.[29]
The Great Seals of State were as important in ancient Egypt as they are
in this country, and it was only by the king bestowing his own seal, or
one of the Great Seals of State, on one of his subjects, that he could
delegate his authority. In the Biblical account of Joseph we read, “and
Pharaoh said unto Joseph, see, I have set thee over all the land of
Egypt. And Pharaoh took off his ring from his hand, and put it upon
Joseph’s hand ... and made him ruler over all the land of Egypt.” That
this ceremony was true, and that the giving of the seal or ring of
office by the king, or by one of his ministers, on the appointment of a
high government official, was indeed usual, is proved by several
inscriptions: at the time of the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty,
Amenhetep III (1450 B.C.) places “the two lands” in the “hands” of the
Vezîr Ptahmes, and “the signet rings of the Horus” (_i.e._, the
Sovereign) upon his fingers.[30] In a scene in the tomb of Hûy at
Thebes, which is here (Pl. II) published for the first time, the
Chancellor of King Tutânkhamen, 1350 B.C., presents the gold signet ring
of the office of Royal Son (_i.e._, Viceroy) of Ethiopia “to the Prince
Hûy, in order that the office of the Royal Son of Ethiopia may be made
to flourish.”
5. THE OFFICIALS CONCERNED IN ITS USE.
As the seal was put to such varied and important uses in Ancient Egypt,
it is no wonder that many officials of the Government were concerned in
its employment. There were [Egyptian **] _khetemtiu_,[31] “sealers”
(singular [Egyptian **] _khetemu_, “a sealer”), attached to almost every
department of the public service,[32] as well as to all the religious
institutions of the country; and even wealthy noblemen[33] usually had
one or more of these “sealers” in their household, whose duty it was to
give out from the _khetemu_, “sealed rooms” or “store rooms,” the
provisions and other private property required by the great man or by
his household. So important was it that the process of sealing jars,
boxes, and doors should be done properly, that [Egyptian **]
_seḥez_,[34] “instructors,” in the art were employed.
A scene in a tomb at Sakkara[35] shows one of these officials carrying a
pail of mud with a ladle in it, going to instruct his pupils. These
“sealers” formed a regularly organized body, and served under a
[Egyptian **] _mer_ or “superintendent.”[36]
The reader’s attention has already been drawn to the fact that the
monarch was invested at his coronation with a Royal Signet, upon which
his name and titles were engraved. In the earlier periods of Egyptian
history this Royal Signet was, doubtless, either worn by the monarch
himself or carried in some secure way about his person. We do not read
in the inscriptions of the earliest dynasties of any “Keeper of the
Royal Seal,” as we find so frequently alluded to in the hieroglyphic
texts from the Middle Kingdom onwards, and it would consequently appear
as if the king himself in those early times attended to the business
connected with his Treasury Department.
Two important officials of the oldest period, however, were closely
concerned with the use of the seal, and their titles were derived from
its name. One of these was the “Sealer of the Honey [jars]”; the other
was the “Divine Sealer,” “Sealer of the God.” The first title[37]
[Egyptian **] “the Sealer of the Honey [jars],” was, perhaps, the oldest
of the many hundreds of titles that we find at all periods of Egyptian
history, and from the Third Dynasty onwards there was probably not a man
of less than royal rank who would not have been proud to bear it. It
originally meant, as we have said, “the Sealer of the Honey [jars]”
honey being the greatest of all primitive luxuries, and its use reserved
for the king’s table. This title must therefore be regarded as a relic
of the most extreme antiquity, and it certainly goes back to the time
before the use of wine in the Nile Valley. At the beginning of the
Fourth Dynasty (_circa_ 3000 B.C.), however, its meaning had probably
become already obsolete, and from that period onwards it meant nothing
more than a “Royal Sealer,”[38] or one entitled to use a seal with the
monarch’s name engraven upon it. Doubtless there were several of these
officers employed in the royal palaces to look after the security of the
king’s private property, and it was the duty of some of them to
accompany the sovereign on his various military expeditions.[39]
In contradistinction to this secular title we find the [Egyptian **]
“Divine Sealer,” the priest who had charge of the temple treasure,
furniture, and goods that were kept under the temple seals. This title,
like the one that we have just discussed, occurs also at an early
period, and continued in use till very late times.[40] These “Divine
Sealers” were attached to the service of various gods, or they were
employed by the religious authorities of certain districts. In the first
case they are specified as “of Amen,”[41] “of Horus,” etc.; while in the
second as “of Abydos,”[42] “of Thebes,” etc. It is possible that they
were placed under a _mer_[43] or “Superintendent,” but the title is so
rare that this was not usually the case. It was the Divine Sealer’s duty
to obtain and supervise the transport of stone for the temple
buildings,[44] and to pay for and, if necessary, to collect in far
distant countries precious things for the service of the gods. In order
to obtain stone for statues or for temple buildings, he sometimes led
semi-military expeditions to quarries far in the deserts,[45] and when
it was necessary to convey the huge blocks of granite and other material
down the river, he was usually placed in command of the transport
ships.[46]
From the time of the Middle Kingdom[47] (_circa_ B.C. 2000) onwards the
title [Egyptian **] _mer khetem_,[48] “Superintendent” or “Keeper of the
(Royal) Seal”[49] is constantly occurring in the hieroglyphic
inscriptions. During the first half of the Twelfth Dynasty, while each
province was yet ruled over by semi-independent chieftains, there
appears to have been a Keeper of the (Royal) Seal employed in the
administration of each nome,[50] whose duty it was to collect and
transmit treasure to the central office. Next to the chieftain himself,
he was perhaps the most important personage in the province, for he had
control over its revenues, and all its public works were carried out
under his supervision. Baqt, the Keeper of the (Royal) Seal in the Oryx
nome, supervised the excavation and adornment of Khnemhetep’s
magnificent monument at Beni Hasan.[51] When that great nomarch’s
officials defiled before him, the Keeper of the (Royal) Seal stood in
the place of honour[52] behind the _uhem_ or “Herald,” and in front of
the _mer meshau_ or “General of the Troops.” He was the nomarch’s
trusted friend, and accompanied him on his hunting and fowling[53]
expeditions in the desert and on the river, while in Khnemhetep’s
funeral procession to Abydos, his place was in the State barge at the
side of the deceased prince’s children.[54] A very interesting scene at
Beni Hasan shows the Keeper of the (Royal) Seal seated in his _kha_[55]
or “office,” watching one of his assistants weighing gold, or some other
precious metal, in a balance, while a seated scribe writes down the
weight on a wooden tablet or sheet of papyrus (see fig. 15). The office
here shown was very similar to that of the Vezîr;[56] it was a columned
hall of six columns in two rows, the front being open to the air, while
at the back was a door which gave entrance to the _bêt el mâl_ or
treasury.
[Illustration: Fig. 15. THE OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT OF THE SEAL.
(From a painting in a tomb at Beni Hasan.)]
About the middle of the Twelfth Dynasty a great change appears to have
taken place in the political constitution of Egypt; we no longer hear of
the Chieftains of Nomes or Provinces, and it seems that the Government,
for a short time at least, became much more strictly centralized than it
had ever been before. With this centralization of the administration
several new offices were created, the provincial “Keepers of the (Royal)
Seal” appear to have been suppressed, and _adenus_, “wakîls” or
“deputies” of the Chief Keeper, appointed in their stead. The Treasury
Department, however, was still presided over by a single[57] “Keeper of
the Royal Seal,” who henceforth was one of the most important and
powerful personages in the realm;[58] he became, in fact, the Chancellor
of the Exchequer,[59] an Lord Chancellor, Keeper of the Seal.
Unfortunately we have no long inscription recording this great
official’s duties, as we have in the case of the Vezîr,[60] so it is
only by gathering a fact here and there from many sources that we can
obtain any idea of his multifarious duties. That he had charge of the
Government stores, and supervised everything connected with the _bêt el
mâl_ or Treasury, is certain;[61] he had also to be responsible for the
payment of all Government bills. If any important public monument had to
be erected,[62] or if any government business was to be undertaken, it
was his duty, together with his staff of assistants, to make all
necessary arrangements regarding the payment of the employés, which must
have been a most onerous task, when we remember that the Egyptians
possessed no coined money until after the time of Alexander the Great.
The supervision of the taxation of the country appears also to have been
placed in the Chancellor’s hands, and it was his custom, as it still is
with the heads of the departments of the various services of the
Khedive’s administration, to make an annual tour of inspection
throughout the length and breadth of the country.[63] In time of war a
number of his officers accompanied the military expeditions, and when a
town was plundered by the royal troops, they took possession of the
spoil, some of which was kept for the Treasury, while the rest was given
to the temples as an offering to the gods.[64]
But not only did the Egyptian Chancellor have charge of everything
connected with the Treasury, he seems also to have had a considerable
share of the responsibility of appointing various State officials. We
have already referred to the story of Joseph’s appointment to the
Vezîrate, in which case the Seal or Signet of office was given by the
king personally. With other officials, however, it seems to have been
the custom for the Chancellor to deliver the Seal, and this ceremonial
in a bureaucratic country such as Egypt then was, must have entailed a
vast amount of time. Possessing the authority to appoint high officers,
and also the means of controlling the State Treasury, it is no wonder
that these old Chancellors attained to a great degree of power, and
there seems reason to believe that more than one dynasty had its origin
in a Chancellor’s family.
So many and various were the duties of the Keeper of the (Royal) Seal,
that it is hardly matter for surprise if we find that he employed a
large staff of assistants to help him. Among these the [Egyptian **]
“Deputy of the Keeper of the (Royal) Seal,”[65] appears to have been the
most important. When his chief was absent from the capital on one of the
official tours of inspection through the country, this _adenu_ or
“deputy” was left in charge of the central office, and the duty
naturally devolved upon him of looking after the permanent staff of the
Treasury Department. This staff consisted of:—
(1) A [Egyptian **] “Chief Overseer of the Courtyard of the Keeper of
the (Royal) Seal,”[66] an official who was, I believe, deputed to
personally supervise everything that went in or out of the _Bêt el mal_
or Treasury. There was also
(2) A [Egyptian **] or “Overseer of the Courtyard of the Keeper of the
(Royal) Seal.”[67]
(3) A [Egyptian **] or “Overseer of the Courtyard of the Office of the
Keeper of the (Royal) Seal.”[68]
(4) Several [Egyptian **] “Assistants.”[69]
(5) A [Egyptian **] “Chief Scribe,”[70] and several
(6) [Egyptian **] “Scribes,”[71] who had their own
[Egyptian **] or “men servants?” These scribes of the Chancellor were
very important officials: they were intrusted with official seals, and
allowed to transact on their own responsibility important business
affairs connected with the State. They appear generally with the title
[Egyptian **] “Scribe in Charge of the Seal,” or, more literally, “he
who writes with an Official Seal.” They are found under this title only
towards the end of the Twelfth Dynasty, and their services were retained
by the bureaucratic kings of the Thirteenth Dynasty, but no mention
occurs of them in later times. They were employed in writing official
documents, in keeping accounts, and in fixing prices to be paid for
wages of labourers. From inscriptions that have been preserved, it would
seem that each town[72] had its own “Scribe in Charge of the Seal,” and
we read of a “Scribe in Charge of the Seal of the labour bureau” in a
Thirteenth Dynasty papyrus.[73]
Besides the foregoing officials, who were doubtless paid by the
Government, the Chancellor had also his private staff to manage his own
estates and affairs. Among these may be mentioned[74] a _mer per_, or
“Steward;”[75] a _mer shenti_, or “Superintendent of the Granary;”[76] a
_sesh sha_, or “letter writer;”[77] and an _ari aa_, or
“doorkeeper.”[78]
The profession of the seal engraver was obviously an important one in
Egypt, but we do not find any references to his occupation in the
ancient literature. He was called the _mer kesti_, and the scarab-seal
of one named Amenŷ-ankh is in the possession of Mr. Arthur Evans (see
Pl. XVII, 27).[79]
6. SEAL ENGRAVERS AND THE
TECHNIQUE OF SEAL ENGRAVING.
The process of making a seal out of hard stone was simple enough; a
suitable piece of amethyst, jasper, or other material was taken, cut
into the shape of a cylinder, stamp, or scarabaeus beetle, and polished.
The device or inscription was then engraved in intaglio. In the case of
steatite, schist, and other soft stones, the device was sometimes drawn
in ink[80] before being cut, and the seal was finished by being dipped
into a vitreous glaze in order to harden it.
Pottery and paste scarab seals were moulded in terra-cotta moulds. A
lump of potter’s clay or paste was taken, then pressed into a dusted
mould, and flattened with a knife at the bottom. It was then shaken out
and left to dry. When dry, the scarab was placed in the engraver’s
hands, and the inscription or device was cut on the elliptical base; the
whole was then sometimes coated with vitreous glaze.
The glazes used were of different colours, varying from pale blue to
deep violet, and from pale to dark green. Sometimes red and yellow
glazes were also employed. Often the glazes have changed colour, and
sometimes only faint traces of it remain on a seal. Seals that are now
brown in colour were originally green, while grey or white examples were
generally blue.
The tools used were apparently of four kinds: a knife, a graver, a
simple drill, and a tubular drill.
The knife, perhaps of hardened bronze, was used for cutting the
specimens of the softer materials into shape, while the graver, of flint
or obsidian, was employed for cutting the device or inscription.
Herodotus mentions[81] that the Ethiopians pointed their arrows with the
same sort of hard stone or flint that was used for engraving signets.
The simple drill, used for drilling the soft stone seals and for
engraving those of the hard stone class, consisted of a metal drill with
handle, the butt end of which revolved inside a stone or wooden cap
which the engraver held in his hand, and was thus able to direct the
point to the right place. The drill itself was made to revolve by means
of rapidly moving forwards and backwards by a bow, the string of which
was wound round the stick of the drill. Carpenters and cabinet workers
in the East still use a similar bow drill at the present day.
[Illustration: Fig. 16. WORKING THE BOW DRILL. (From the tomb of
Rekhmara.)]
The tubular drill was also worked in the same way with a bow, but
instead of the drill being pointed as in the simple drill, it was
tubular. With hard stones both these kinds of drill were used, with
emery powder and oil or water.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE VARIETIES OF EGYPTIAN SEALS.
[Sidenote: Varieties of Egyptian seals.]
It has already been remarked that Egyptian seals may be divided into two
great groups: namely (1) those of cylindrical shape, which were _rolled_
over the clay or other substance to be impressed; and (2) those with a
flat base, which were used as _stamps_. Both these types probably
originated in Western Asia. The first group comprises all (_a_) cylinder
seals; to the second belong all (_b_) hemi-cylinder and cone shaped
seals, (_c_) button shaped seals, (_d_) scarab shaped seals, (_e_)
plaques and other miscellaneous forms, and (f) Signet rings.
1. CYLINDER SEALS.
[Sidenote: Cylinder seals.]
The oldest seals that have been discovered in Egypt are of cylindrical
shape, hence their name, cylinders, or more correctly, cylinder-seals.
They range in size from half an inch to three and a half inches in
length, and from a quarter of an inch to three quarters of an inch in
diameter. They are pierced longitudinally with a hole, the diameter of
which varies from a size just sufficient to receive a small thread of
linen, to an aperture in which an ordinary sized finger can be thrust.
The two ends are always quite plain, the engraving, in intaglio, being
confined to the convex surface, which, as a rule, is parallel to the
axis. In some specimens, however, the surface is hollowed in such a way
that the diameter of the cylinder is greater at the ends than in the
middle, but such cylinders are rare, and generally show traces of nearly
erased signs appearing through the engraving; they must therefore be
considered as having had their original inscription ground down in order
to be re-engraved with other characters; they are in fact cylinders that
have been re-used.
[Sidenote: How used.]
When the cylinder seal was required for sealing, it was gently but
firmly rolled over the soft clay or other substance destined to receive
the impression. To make a good and continuous sealing with an unmounted
cylinder is not, however, an easy matter, and consequently we find that
this class of seal was often mounted by inserting a rod of metal through
its aperture, the ends of which rod projected from the cylinder, so that
it could be easily held by the forefinger and thumb, while the rod,
serving as an axle, enabled the operator to keep the seal in place, and
at the same time to preserve an even pressure whilst rolling it over the
clay. This metal rod was sometimes finished off at one end into a kind
of boss, while the other end was coiled round to form a loop, so that
the cylinder might be attached to a necklace or string (fig. 17). The
cylinder seals of kings and nobles had more elaborate mountings, and
their ends were often encased in gold, as in a specimen found by Dr.
Reisner near Girgeh, and as in an example figured in a Fourth Dynasty
tomb at Medûm (fig. 18). Another method of mounting is shown in a
hieroglyph (fig. 19) from a Fifth Dynasty Tomb at Sakkara. Here the
cylinder appears to be mounted on a metal rod, the projecting ends of
which were fixed to either side of a small frame, with a handle in which
the cylinder seal could revolve. By holding the handle and dragging the
cylinder over the clay to be impressed, the seal would revolve as easily
and evenly as a wheel on its axle, and consequently leave a good and
firm impression behind. The greater number of cylinders, however, are
found without any trace of having been mounted, and as many show signs
of wear on the edges inside the hole, we may conclude that they were
generally simply threaded on a cord, which, for security sake, was
either hung by the owner round his neck or waist, or tied to his girdle
or garment. It is possible that sometimes the cylinders were kept in
boxes. (_Abydos_, II, p. 25, 12.) Prof. Petrie has discovered an ivory
panel of a box for King Den engraved with a group of hieroglyphics,
suggesting that the box had contained the gold seal of judgment of the
king.
[Illustration: Fig. 17. A MOUNTED CYLINDER SEAL. (In the Louvre.)]
[Illustration: Fig. 18. CYLINDER SEAL. (Figured in a tomb at Medûm.)]
[Illustration: Fig. 19. CYLINDER SEAL. (Figured in a tomb at Sakkara.
From a drawing by Borchardt, _A.Z._, vol. xxxv, p. 106.)]
[Sidenote: Its history.]
The history of cylinder seals in Egypt covers the period from
prehistoric times to the end of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty, but they were
only in general use down to the end of the Twelfth Dynasty, when they
gave place to the more convenient “scarab” form of seal. They may be
most conveniently classified according to the subjects found engraved
upon them, but it is also an important matter for the student to
carefully note the shape and the size of their perforation, two points
which are often of considerable importance when it is desired to
accurately date a specimen.
[Illustration: Fig. 20. AN EARLY CYLINDER SEAL.]
[Illustration: Fig. 21. A CYLINDER SEAL BEARING THE NAME OF MERŶ RA. (In
the collection of Mr. Piers.)]
[Sidenote: Varieties of shape and perforation.]
The earliest examples that are at present known are of a peculiarly
short thick type, with a narrow hole running through them (fig. 20);
they are almost identical in shape with the Chaldean and early
Babylonian cylinder seals, and consequently may be thought to indicate a
connection at a very remote period between the civilizations of Western
Asia and Egypt—a connection which is still more apparent when we come to
consider the subjects engraved on many of the seals themselves.[82] At a
later period appears another variety, which is long and thick (see fig.
21), but with a much larger perforation than that of the cylinders of
the earliest period. These two varieties have been found together in
tombs of the beginning of the First Dynasty, but the earlier disappears
soon after the reign of King Zet (First Dynasty), while the later one
was in general use down to the end of the Sixth Dynasty.
With the beginning of the Middle Kingdom we have another type of
cylinder seal making its appearance; this resembles more a long
cylindrical bead (fig. 22), with an aperture of only sufficient size to
admit of its being strung on a thin cord or thread. The examples dating
from the time of Amenemhat III and his immediate successors are often of
fairly large size, but with narrow perforation, while those of the
latter part of the Thirteenth Dynasty are always much smaller, and
dwindle down in shape to mere cylindrical beads.
The few cylinder seals of the Hyksos period that are known are of medium
size (fig. 23), with narrow perforation, and are somewhat like those of
the earlier half of the Twelfth Dynasty. The specimens of the Eighteenth
and later Dynasties vary in size considerably, but they always have a
narrow perforation (fig. 24).
[Illustration: Fig. 22. A CYLINDER SEAL OF AMENEMHAT III.]
[Illustration: Fig. 23. A CYLINDER SEAL OF KHŶAN. (Cairo.)]
[Illustration: Fig. 24. A CYLINDER SEAL OF SEN-MUT.]
[Sidenote: Material.]
Although comparatively few specimens have been found in wood, it is
clear from many clay impressions[83] that cylinder seals were generally
made of this material. One example of wood was found at Abydos[84]
having the inscription written upon it in ink, showing that the design
was sketched out on the cylinder by a scribe before it was cut by the
engraver. Next to wood, the commonest material in early times was black
steatite; but a few specimens have been found of hæmatite, green jasper,
and ivory. Copper and bronze examples appear during the Fifth and Sixth
Dynasties, and glazed pottery specimens appear a little later. White or
grey steatite, coated with blue or green glaze, was the favourite
material of the Twelfth Dynasty kings and officials, and this material
was in vogue till the Nineteenth Dynasty. At the beginning of the
Eighteenth Dynasty carnelian cylinder seals make their appearance, and
the latest specimen known is of this hard stone.
[Sidenote: The subjects engraved upon Egyptian cylinder seals.]
The subjects engraved upon Egyptian cylinder seals may be grouped into
three well defined divisions. Firstly, there is a small class the
engraving on which depicts figures of men and animals, sometimes very
beautifully executed. Secondly, a much larger class, represented by
several hundred specimens, which bear true hieroglyphic inscriptions.
Thirdly, a very small class with scroll patterns or other ornamental
devices.
[Sidenote: I. Figures of men and animals.]
The specimens of the first class require to be studied in some detail,
for they contain elements which are of great importance to the
comparative archaeologist. A typical example is given in fig. 25, and a
second will be found in Pl. III, fig. 1. One of the most distinctive
features of these seals is the double-forequartered animal, a feature
which occurs again on the button-shaped seals[85] of the period
intervening between the Sixth and the Twelfth Dynasties. This does not
appear to be an Upper Egyptian _motif_, but one common to the Delta and
to an early civilization of Western Asia.
[Illustration: Fig. 25. IMPRESSION FROM A CYLINDER-SEAL IN THE BERLIN
MUSEUM.]
Another distinctive feature of these early cylinder seals is a curious
bow-legged figure of a man, which is found also on the button-shaped
seals[86] of a later date. “The characteristic form of the lower limbs,”
writes Mr. Evans, who was the first to draw attention to this class of
seal,[87] “shows that we have here to deal with the same grotesque
personage who so often makes his appearance in a secondary position in
Babylonian cylinders[88]” of an extremely archaic type, and Mr. Evans is
of opinion that this figure has been taken direct from the early
cylinders of Babylon.[89] I would suggest, however, that this feature,
like that of the double-headed animals, is but another instance of Delta
and Western Asian influence. It is not, indeed, improbable that in the
cylinders of this class we have relics of a Delta civilization which was
distinct from that of Middle and Upper Egypt. In point of date the
specimens of this group range from prehistoric times to about the end of
the Old Kingdom (_circa_ 2500 B.C.), when they appear to have entirely
died out.
[Illustration: Fig. 26. IMPRESSION FROM A CYLINDER-SEAL IN THE BERLIN
MUSEUM.]
[Sidenote: II. Hieroglyphic inscriptions.]
Of the second group of Egyptian cylinder seals, namely, those bearing
hieroglyphic inscriptions, a large number are figured in the plates, but
a glance at the reproductions of them will show that they are of several
different types, and that they may be more conveniently studied if they
are grouped into subdivisions. The examples of an earlier period than
the First Dynasty may be subdivided into two separate classes.
[Sidenote: Primitive cylinder-seals. Class I.]
In the first may be placed all those bearing any primitive hieroglyphic
signs which appear to give personal names written in a horizontal line
(fig. 26). A remarkable feature of this class is, that on most of the
examples occurs a curious figure of a stork with head turned over its
back.
[Sidenote: Class II.]
To the second class belong all those seals which give personal names,
with a seated figure as determinative, and always written in a
horizontal line (see fig. 27). This seated figure is very unlike that
which occurs in later hieroglyphic inscriptions; it is always
represented as wearing a long wig of hair, which falls behind the head
to some distance below the shoulders, and in front of the figure is
generally shown a table upon which are figured loaves of bread. The
standard-sign _Neith_ is often found on cylinder-seals of this type, and
would perhaps point to the Western Delta as the place of their origin:
the stork, so common on specimens on Class I, seems, however never to
occur in them.
[Illustration: Fig. 27. A CYLINDER-SEAL IN THE COLLECTION OF CAPT.
TIMMINS.]
[Sidenote: Class III.]
With the beginning of the historical period appears another class, which
is characterized by rude hieroglyphic inscriptions written in vertical
columns, which columns are generally divided by lines (see fig. 28)
These are the true prototypes of the Egyptian cylinder-seals of the Old
and Middle Kingdoms.
[Sidenote: Cylinder-seals of Dynastic times.]
Cylinder-seals of Dynastic times which bear hieroglyphic inscriptions
may be divided into groups according to the meaning of their
inscriptions. Thus we have (I) a group which bears the names and titles
of kings and other royal personages; (II) a group of officials which
bear the king’s name and the title of the office or official, but
_never_ the personal name of the latter; and (III) a small group of
private seals which bear the name and titles of the former.
[Illustration: Fig. 28. IMPRESSION OF A CYLINDER-SEAL FROM MR.
MACGREGOR’S COLLECTION.]
[Illustration: Fig. 29. IMPRESSION OF A CYLINDER-SEAL OF NARMER. (From
Petrie’s _Royal Tombs_, II, Pl. XIII, 91.)]
[Illustration: Fig. 30. IMPRESSION OF A CYLINDER-SEAL OF KING ZER. (From
Petrie’s _Royal Tombs_, II, Pl. XV, 108.)]
[Sidenote: Cylinder-seals bearing Royal names.]
One of the earliest Royal seals that we know of is that of Narmer, the
predecessor of Mena; it is reproduced in outline in fig. 29, and gives
merely the Horus-name of the king. The Royal seal of Zer, Mena’s
successor, gives besides the name of the monarch, a _figure_ of him
seated and wearing the two crowns, typical of Upper and Lower Egypt (see
fig. 30). At the time of the Third Dynasty the Royal name is first put
into an oval ring or cartouche, and a little later the name is generally
accompanied by the statement that the king is “beloved of the gods,” or
beloved “of the goddess Hathor.” With Men-kau-ra the title _Sa Ra_, “Son
of Ra,” first appears,[90] but it is not till the Twelfth Dynasty that
we find the full name of a king cut on a single seal. At the time of the
Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties the king’s name is generally given in a
cartouche either with[91] or without[92] his official titles, and then
it is often accompanied by the statement that he is “beloved of
Sebek”[93] of some specified locality. A few cylinder-seals of this
period also bear the names of two or more kings.[94] The only specimens
of the Hyksos period that are known up to the present are those of
Khŷan; one of these is in the Museum at Athens,[95] another is in the
possession of Signor Lanzone,[96] and a third is in the Cairo Museum
(see fig. 23). Two remarkable cylinders of about the same period are
figured in Pl. VII, 2, and VIII, 1; while to the latter half of the
Hyksos period must be placed the cylinder-seal of King Antef
(Nub-kheper-ra), of the early Seventeenth Dynasty, which is figured in
Pl. VII, 12. The Royal cylinder-seals of the Eighteenth Dynasty
generally bear the king’s name in the cartouche without other
decorations,[97] but some have also a figure of the king, or figures of
gods and animals.[98] The large specimen reproduced in outline on Pl.
VIII, 7, is the seal of Sety I of the Nineteenth Dynasty, and is one the
latest specimens of Royal cylinder-seal known.
[Illustration: Fig. 31. IMPRESSION FROM A CYLINDER-SEAL OF PEPŶ I. (In
Mr. Piers’ Collection.)]
[Sidenote: Official cylinder-seals.]
Official cylinder-seals are of two kinds. They either bear (_a_) the
name of the king together with the title of the office or official, but
not the personal name of the latter; or (_b_) simply the title of the
official without the name of the king. The Royal name appears once or
thrice on the seals of the first group, and, if repeated, the rest of
the inscription is placed between the names; the titles and name of the
king are almost always written in a direction contrary to that of the
other words, apparently as a mark of respect (see fig. 31). These
official cylinder-seals range in date from the First Dynasty to the time
of Pepŷ II of the Sixth Dynasty, when they became superseded by the
seals of the stamp form.
[Sidenote: Private cylinder-seals.]
[Illustration: Fig. 32.]
Cylinder-seals bearing the name and titles of officials are also known
(see fig. 32). These appear to have been used as the private seals of
the persons whose names are engraved upon them. They date from the
Twelfth Dynasty into the Twenty-Sixth but are very rare.
[Sidenote: III. Scroll patterns, etc.]
A very small class of cylinder-seal bears scroll patterns or geometrical
devices.[99] These appear for the first time during the intermediate
period between the end of the Sixth and the beginning of the Twelfth
Dynasty, when they are generally made of glazed pottery, and are very
coarsely executed. The specimens of a later time (probably Seventeenth
or early Eighteenth Dynasty) are of glazed steatite, and beautifully
cut.
[Illustration: Figs. 33 and 34.]
2. BUTTON-SHAPED AND HEMI-CYLINDER SEALS.
[Sidenote: Button-shaped seals.]
A small, but very distinctive class of seal, cut in the shape of a
button, with flat circular disc and loop at the back (see fig. 33), has
recently been found in Egypt, and closely akin to this class is another,
but much smaller one, the examples of which are cut in the form of a
hemi-cylinder (sometimes with projecting base), and pierced through
their length by a hole of [Sidenote: Hemi-cylinders.] sufficient size to
admit of a fine piece of string being inserted (see fig. 34). Some of
the button-shaped seals have ornamented backs: instead of the loop being
plain as in fig. 39, it is cut in such a way as to represent two hawks’
heads, or the fore-parts of two lions back to back. Occasionally we also
find specimens in the shape of a hippopotamus’ head (fig. 40).
[Illustration: Figs. 35 and 36.]
[Sidenote: How used and mounted.]
The specimens of these two classes were used as stamps, and they are
generally found either attached to a finger by a flaxen thread, or
threaded to a string of beads, in which case they were worn around the
neck as pendants.[100] Occasionally they have been found without any
attachment, but simply held by the owner in his or her left hand.
[Sidenote: Their history.]
These two classes of seal were in use in Egypt for a limited period
only. They appear for the first time in graves belonging to the end of
the Sixth Dynasty,[101] and during the period intervening between that
time and the beginning of the Middle Kingdom they were the commonest
form of seal in use.[102] Before the end of the Eleventh Dynasty they
seem to have entirely disappeared.
[Illustration: Fig. 39.]
[Illustration: Fig. 40.]
[Sidenote: The subjects engraved on (1) button-shaped seals.]
The patterns[103] that we find engraved upon button-shaped seals are
distinctive, and they are certainly not Upper Egyptian in their origin.
Hieroglyphs very rarely occur (_cf._ fig. 41), and when they do, they
are clearly imitations of Egyptian characters made apparently by
foreigners. The motives for some of the designs are clear; thus a common
type is that which has already been noticed as occurring on a class of
early cylinder-seal—the linked forequarters of gazelles and other
animals symmetrically arranged (_cf._ figs. 39, 40); sometimes also we
find a curious running figure of a man (fig. 42, and _cf._ fig. 35), and
occasionally a tortoise, a lizard (_cf._ fig. 43), or a spider (_cf._
fig. 44). Conventional and geometrical patterns are also found, the
meander[104] and the radiated disc being perhaps the most frequent. See
also figs. 45-6.
[Illustration: Figs. 41, 42 and 43.]
[Sidenote: (2) Hemi-cylinders.]
The patterns occurring on the hemi-cylinder seals are nearly all
geometrical, as shown in figs. 47-57, but the human figure is sometimes
represented, as in fig. 34.
[Illustration: Figs. 44, 45 and 46.]
[Illustration: Figs. 47, 48 and 49.]
[Illustration: Figs. 50 and 51.]
[Sidenote: Historical importance of button-shaped seals.]
The button-shaped seals are of considerable interest to the student of
comparative archaeology, and they are certainly not Upper Egyptian in
their origin. The earlier forms have, moreover, no affinity to the
Mycenaean series of designs, and, as Mr. Petrie[105] has remarked, the
spirals, butterfly, cuttlefish and other characteristic types are
absent. On the other hand, they have several links which connect them to
the Greek Island and Cretan class of seals, and also to some found in
Italy, from which we may perhaps infer that they are of common
origin.[106] An almost exact reproduction of some of these steatite
buttons in clay actually occurs in the Italian _terramare_, and in the
Ligurian cave deposits of neolithic and æneolithic periods. Mr. A. Evans
writes, “The clay stamp from the _terramare_ of Montale in the Modenese,
represented in fig. 52, the top of which is now broken, was probably
once perforated, is not only analogous in form but bears a simple
geometrical design almost identical with that on an early steatite
button-seal from Knossos.”[107]
[Illustration: Fig. 52.]
[Sidenote: Material.]
Specimens of button-seals have been found in gold, amethyst, carnelian,
lapis lazuli, black steatite, steatite glazed blue or green, ivory,
bone, and blue or green glazed pottery. The hemi-cylinders are only as
yet known in steatite glazed blue or green.
3. SCARAB-SHAPED SEALS.
[Sidenote: Scarab-shaped seals.]
By far the commonest form of Egyptian seal was that cut in the shape of
the scarabaeus beetle, hence its name, “Scarab” or “Scarabaeus,” from
the Greek name of the insect, [Greek: skarabos] or [Greek: skarabeios]
(Latin scarabaeus).[108] The beetle is represented standing on an
elliptical base, on which is engraved in intaglio a hieroglyphic
inscription or ornamental pattern. The seals of this class range in size
from a fifth of an inch in length to four or even five inches, but the
commonest size is about three-quarters of an inch, by half-an-inch broad
and a quarter of an inch high. They are nearly always pierced
longitudinally with a hole, the size of which is usually just sufficient
to receive a thread or thin wire.
[Sidenote: How used.]
When the scarab-seal was used for sealing, it was simply pressed upon
the clay destined to receive the impression, just as a signet is used at
the present day. A large number of clay-sealings from scarabs have been
found in different localities in Egypt, and bear witness to the manner
in which this class of seal was used.
[Sidenote: How mounted.]
[Illustration: Fig. 53.]
The greater number of scarabs were probably simply strung on a thread of
string, by which they were secured to the garment or girdle of the
person to whom they belonged. Sometimes they were worn on the finger,
attached by a piece of string (fig. 53), or they were simply mounted as
swivels to metal rings, in which they revolved (fig. 54), or they were
enclosed in a metal frame or _funda_ in order to protect their edges
from injury, and then mounted as swivels to metal rings (fig. 55). Such
mountings often give us a clue to the date of these objects, and will be
found described in detail in the section on signet-rings.
[Illustration: Fig. 54. 1:1. Fig. 55. 2:1.]
[Sidenote: Current ideas regarding scarabs.]
The beetle upon which these little seals are modelled, and from which
they take their name, is the _Scarabaeus sacer_ of entomologists, an
insect which is remarkable not only for the structure and situation of
its hind legs, which give it a singular appearance when walking, but
also for its habit of rolling up balls of excrementitious matter in
which the female encloses her eggs. The balls of dung the insect rolls
about the sand until they become coated with a thick layer of dust, and
grow to a size often as large as the insect itself. The Egyptians, who
were always keen observers of nature, early noticed this remarkable
habit, and selected the scarabaeus as the symbol of their god Khepera,
“he who turns” or “rolls;” for the conception was that Khepera caused
the sun to move across the sky, as the beetle causes its ball to roll
along the sand. There was also another reason for the Egyptian linking
the insect and the god together: as the young beetle came forth from the
ball of clay it was believed that a female beetle did not exist, that it
was consequently the “only-begotten,” because it was a “creature
self-produced and not conceived by a female.” Hence we find that for
this reason it is said to have been taken as the emblem of Khepera, the
“Father of the Gods,” who created all things out of clay. Consequently
we find that several archaeologists attach a sacred meaning to the
myriads of scarabs that have been found in Egypt; they regard them
simply as emblems of the god Khepera.
It is, however, as a “charm” or “amulet” having magical qualities that
the scarab is usually spoken of at the present day, and that a few of
them had a magical signification is proved beyond a doubt by the
inscriptions that are found engraved upon some of them. There is also a
mention of a scarab being employed for the purposes of magic in a
magical receipt book[109] of the period intervening between the end of
the Twelfth and the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty; but it must
here be remarked that in this case the scarab is called a _khetem_ or
“seal,” which clearly shows that the Egyptians regarded these objects
primarily as seals, to whatever other uses they may have put them.
From the fact that scarabs bearing royal names are often found with
mummies in the tombs, it has been conjectured that they were laid with
the dead “to place them under the protection of their former lord in the
next world, and to ensure that they should follow him and share in all
the immunities and privileges that so great a divine being would enjoy
with the gods.”
Another theory regarding Egyptian scarabs is that they were employed as
tokens of value, but, as we have already remarked,[110] the idea that
they were used for the purposes of barter or exchange is not supported
by the inscriptions, or by any of the scenes depicted on the walls of
the ancient tombs or temples. The statement of Plato that engraved
stones were used in Ethiopia as money refers to Ethiopia alone and not
to Egypt, for there was certainly no coined money in the Nile Valley
until the period of the Ptolemies.
Other archaeologists there are who hold that these objects were made and
used for the purpose of personal decoration; but although there is every
reason to believe that they were often, perhaps generally, worn on the
person, it by no means follows that this was their only or even their
principal use. At the present day we often carry our seals on our watch
chains, or we wear our signets as rings on our fingers, but we cannot
rightly say that these articles were made solely for the adornment of
the person.
These are the principal theories regarding the use and signification of
the Egyptian scarab which have been set forth in works hitherto
published on the subject, but archaeologists are beginning to abandon
these views in favour of another and a simpler one, that has not as yet
been discussed at length, but that recognizes in these little objects
nothing more than a simple seal or signet.[111] This use is borne
witness to by the great number of actual impressions of them on bits of
clay that have served as seals to letters and other documents, as well
as to boxes, vases, and bags that have been found in the ruins of
ancient towns; and these impressions include every variety of
scarab—royal, official, and private, as well as those bearing figures of
animals and ornamental patterns. The large number of scarabs which bear
the names of officials and private persons also points to the same
conclusion, for it is impossible to regard the examples of this
extensive group in any other light than as the “direct forerunners of
the private seals which are so universal in the East at the present
day.” A large number of scarabs have also been dug up by excavators
which are mounted in metal bands (_fundae_), showing that they had
served as bezels to rings, and many early rings with scarab bezels may
be seen in our museums; these can hardly be regarded in any other light
than as signet-rings.
It has been urged against this interpretation that the manufacture of
scarabs in such profusion as we find them, precludes the idea that they
were signets and nothing more, but it seems to have been forgotten that
many millions of people must have lived during the several thousand
years of ancient Egyptian history. The fact also that so many bear the
royal superscription of one and the same king has likewise been brought
forward as a serious objection to the theory that royal scarabs were
used as seals; but here again the two kings whose names are most often
found on these objects are the two—Thothmes III and Rameses II—whose
reigns were the longest of all the Egyptian monarchs, and they must have
employed a great number of officials entitled to use the royal seals
during their long administrations. It is in the light of seals,
therefore, that scarabs are considered in the present volume.
[Sidenote: Their history.]
It is difficult to fix the precise period at which the scarab form of
seal first appears in history. It is a noteworthy fact, however, that
not a single specimen has yet been authenticated from a grave of a date
anterior to the Sixth Dynasty. The remarkable tombs discovered by
Petrie, de Morgan and others, at Abydos, Nagada, and Bêt Khalâf, though
they contained not a single scarab or impression of one, produced a
large series of clay sealings used for wine jars, etc., exhibiting
impressions of cylinder seals. It is remarkable also that in the
extensive cemetery of Dendera, where there were many remains of the
Sixth to Eleventh Dynasties, not a single scarab was found which could
be attributed to an earlier period than the Twelfth Dynasty, and a
similar result was obtained from the cemetery at Hu of the same period.
In Mr. Garstang’s excavations at Beni Hasan, out of eight hundred tombs
of the period that were opened and examined, not one inscribed scarab
was found of the Eleventh and early Twelfth Dynasties. These facts would
lead one to suppose that at least scarabs were not in general use in
Egypt until the middle of the Twelfth Dynasty.
[Illustration: Fig. 56.]
A few scarabs, however, bear the names of kings of the Fourth, Fifth,
and Sixth Dynasties, but from the forms of the backs, the glaze and
general technique, they all appear to me to be of a much later period
than that of the monarchs whose names they bear. The names anterior to
the Twelfth Dynasty that occur upon such scarabs are Mena, Khufu,
Kha-ef-ra, Men-kau-ra, Unas, Merŷ-ra (Pepŷ I) and Mer-en-ra. The Mena
scarabs are admitted by Prof. Petrie and other Egyptian archaeologists
to be of a much later date than the Old Kingdom. That scarabs of Khufu,
Kha-ef-ra and Men-kau-ra were made during the Eighteenth and later
dynasties there can be no question. In the Cairo Museum are four
scarabs, all found together by Mariette at Sakkara, which are of exactly
the same modelling, material and glaze: one bears the name of Khufu,
another that of Nefer-ka-ra, the third that of Nefer-ra, while the
fourth is of Amenardes of the Twenty-Fourth Dynasty. In a private
collection in Cairo is a scarab bearing the name of Kha-ef-ra in green
glazed steatite, with cutting, form of back, and glaze exactly similar
to that of a well-known type of Thothmes III. All the Men-kau-ra scarabs
are also undoubtedly not earlier than the period of the Eighteenth
Dynasty. The Unas scarabs bear a great resemblance to a certain class of
the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties: they are generally coarsely cut,
and the glaze has turned a dull brown. The only scarab of Merŷ-ra known
is of the same style as the scarabs of the Thirteenth Dynasty, and
Merŷ-ra was a fairly common personal name at that period. About the
Mer-en-ra example I am inclined to believe that it is perhaps
contemporary with the king whose name it bears, for it is of glazed
pottery, and closely resembles in style and technique a very small and
distinctive class of scarab-seal which has been recently found in
association with button-shaped seals in graves of the intermediate
period between the end of the Old Kingdom and the beginning of the
Twelfth Dynasty.[112] That scarabs sometimes bear the names of two or
more kings, is also another proof that we cannot always treat of them as
contemporary with the kings whose names they bear. Thus scarabs are
known of Thothmes I, III, and Setŷ I, of Thothmes III and Usertsen III,
of Men-kau-ra and Thothmes III.
[Illustration: Fig. 57. SCARAB BEARING THE NAMES THOTHMES III AND
AMENHETEP II. 2:1]
It seems clear, therefore, that scarabs were not employed in Egypt
before the end of the Sixth Dynasty, and then only very rarely. At the
beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty their use was still very restricted,
but at the middle of that dynasty they came into general use very
quickly, and by the time of Amenemhat III they seem to have been
widespread in Egypt. From that time onwards to the end of the
Twenty-sixth Dynasty the history of Egyptian scarab-seals can be traced
in an unbroken line; after the latter period they became very scarce,
and finally disappear early in Roman times.
[Sidenote: Geographical range of Egyptian scarab-seals.]
Many Egyptian scarab-seals have been found in regions other than the
Nile Valley. In Syria they have been turned up in plenty. In Cyprus,
Rhodes, the Aegean Islands and the Greek mainland, numerous examples
have been found. They have also been discovered at Crete, in Italy and
Sardinia, on the north coast of Africa, and in Babylonia,—in all places
in fact that had trade relations with the Egyptians.
[Sidenote: Varieties of Shape.]
The period to which a scarab belongs may often be determined from its
shape and the markings on the back of the beetle; hence it is important
to carefully note the varieties of form which occur. In fig. 58 will be
seen a specimen of a scarab-beetle (the real _Scarabaeus sacer_[113])
with the nomenclature of its various parts described: these names will
be used in later references.
[Sidenote: Pre-Middle Kingdom.]
[Illustration: Fig. 58.]
The earliest examples known are of pottery, glazed, small in size and
somewhat rough in modelling. The lines are coarse, but distinguish the
head, _prothorax_ and body, with _elytra_ marked. The specimens figured,
No. 59, are from El Mahasna, and are now in the museum at Cairo.
Probably they may be dated, the discoverer tells me, to the rise of the
Middle Kingdom, just before the Eleventh Dynasty. The example bearing
the name of Mer-en-ra (fig. 56) is of this class.
[Illustration: Fig. 59.]
[Sidenote: The Twelfth Dynasty.]
Three varieties of form are characteristic of the Twelfth Dynasty. The
earliest, dated approximately to the reigns of Usertsen I and Usertsen
II, show the beetle carefully modelled, with _clypeus_ (fig. 60),
_prothorax_ and _elytra_, as well as the legs, well defined. Just later,
about the time of Amenemhat III, a more decorative and conventional
style appears, in which, while the lines are treated with more freedom,
and small embellishments are introduced for ornamental purposes as in
fig. 61, the form and details of the beetle are nevertheless well
preserved. A common form of this date is shown in fig. 62: it is
noticeable that the _elytra_ are not outlined, but the marking of the
head, eyes, and legs appears as in the previous examples. This type,
with slight variations, perseveres, being traceable through the Hyksos
period, and reflected in specimens of the early Eighteenth Dynasty.
[Illustration: Fig. 60 and 61.]
[Illustration: Fig. 62 and 63.]
The closing years of the royal line of the Middle Kingdom, commonly
called the Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties, are marked by a special
variety of beetle, which has a high back (particularly at the
_prothorax_, where the scarab is thickest) and a narrow waist, produced
by an indent on either side at the point where the _prothorax_ and
_elytra_ adjoin. The head shows _clypeus_ and eyes: the legs are usually
shown in outline only, while the _elytra_ are not marked. There is a
second type, characteristic also of these times, which is in reality a
development from earlier forms, as may be seen by comparing the example
in fig. 64 with that previously illustrated in fig. 60. The tendency to
decorative effect seen in this case is further exemplified by a number
of scarabs which seem to follow the prototype of fig. 61, though failing
to preserve the quality of the lines and cutting.
[Illustration: Figs. 64 and 65.]
[Sidenote: The Hyksos Period.]
As previously mentioned, the type of back in which no _elytra_ are shown
remains the common variety through the Hyksos period. A short notch on
each side indicates the point of division of the _prothorax_ from the
body, and in the example shown in fig. 65 the legs are suggested only.
The head and _clypeus_ are plain; the eye is sometimes represented. A
decorative effect is produced in some instances, as in fig. 66, by
representing hairy legs upon the back of the beetle. A unique example
for the period is illustrated in fig. 67, where the back is scored with
lines diagonally in each direction. Another typical form is shown in
fig. 68, in which the threading holes are supported by a ring carved
with the scarab, while the beetle itself is developed apparently from
the type in fig. 63. In such scarabs the hairy legs upon the back
occasionally may be noted. Another Hyksos type characteristically
represents the human head (fig. 69, and compare the scarab of King Apepŷ
figured in Plate I) upon the body of the scarab with or without the legs
over the back.
[Illustration: Figs. 66 and 67.]
[Illustration: Figs. 68 and 69.]
[Illustration: Fig. 70 and 71.]
[Illustration: Fig. 72 and 73.]
[Illustration: Figs. 74 and 75.]
[Sidenote: The Eighteenth Dynasty.]
With the close of the Hyksos period there is no discontinuity in the
forms of scarab-backs commonly represented, but there is a marked
incoming of new motives. Fig. 70 well shows the survival in the early
Eighteenth Dynasty of the plain-bodied scarab which we have seen
surviving throughout the earlier periods. Marks hitherto naturalistic
are seen to be becoming conventional or decorative, but the form both in
outline and in section is well preserved. In fig. 71, however, there is
seen a new type, characterised by the oval base, the curving of the
lines separating the _prothorax_ from the body, and a superiority of
technique evidenced both by symmetry and firm cutting. Fig. 72
illustrates a development of this tendency in a highly-finished and
decorative specimen, in which ornamental feeling now predominates for
the first time over the naturalistic. The support of the thread-hole
survives in this instance in the decoration, while the legs overspread
upon a broader margin to the base. The date of this example is Amenhetep
I. But the typical form of the middle Eighteenth Dynasty is illustrated
by the example shown in fig. 73, which is dated by the name of
Hatshepsut. The head and back are well shaped in the section, while the
_clypeus_ and head are clearly and exquisitely cut. The _prothorax_ is
rounded at the base, while in the forepart of the _elytra_ a small notch
is indicated in the wing case on each side. The legs are sometimes well
modelled, at other times indicated only in outline. A variation is
illustrated in fig. 74, which dates from the time of Amenhetep III.
[Illustration: Figs. 76 and 77.]
[Illustration: Figs. 78 and 79.]
[Sidenote: The Nineteenth Dynasty.]
With the advent of the Nineteenth Dynasty the tendency to enlarge the
base, and the spreading legs upon it and around the scarab, becomes
typical of the period, as illustrated in figs. 75, 76. Another numerous
class is of pottery, glazed as before, in which the head is elongated
while the _prothorax_ and _elytra_ are not outlined. A downward notch on
either side of the forepart of the wing cases, however, indicates the
separation of the _prothorax_ from the body. The legs stand high, but
project only a little (fig. 77). During the reign of Rameses the Great
an interesting decorative motive is introduced in a few examples, of
which figs. 78, 79 are specimens of interest. The former, in the Amherst
Collection, is of ivory, finely cut. Upon the base is the device of
Rameses in his chariot, while upon the back is the outline of the
beetle, filled in with his cartouche and emblems. During the same period
the human head upon the scarab body makes its reappearance as a device
for decoration.
[Sidenote: The Ethiopian dominion.]
[Illustration: Fig. 80.]
With the Ethiopian dominion a ram’s head (the emblem of Amen-ra)
frequently is found upon the beetle body (fig. 80); while sometimes, as
shown in fig. 81, the body of the scarab is replaced by the familiar
Hathor head with uraei on either side.
[Sidenote: The subjects engraved on scarab-seals.]
The subjects engraved on Egyptian scarab-seals may be divided into
several well-defined groups. Firstly, there are those which bear
hieroglyphic inscriptions. Secondly, there are those which bear figures
of men, animals, or flowers; and thirdly, those which bear geometrical
designs, coil and rope patterns, etc.
[Sidenote: I. Hieroglyphic inscriptions.]
For the purposes of study the first group may be subdivided into: (1)
those which are inscribed with the names of kings and other royal
personages; (2) those which bear the names of officials and private
people; (3) those which have titles without names; (4) those which
represent the names or figures of deities, and (5) those which bear good
wishes, mottoes, and magic formulae.
[Illustration: Fig. 81.]
[Sidenote: (1) Royal names.]
The largest class of these objects bear the names and titles of the
Egyptian kings; they are consequently most valuable for the
illustrations they afford of Egyptian history: some of these names being
scarcely, if at all, known except from these sources. The information
they convey is, of course, usually very laconic, but sometimes the names
are coupled with some facts connected with them, such as that the king
is the son of a certain prince (Pl. X, 2), or that he is born of a queen
(Pl. X, 3), or that he is beloved of some god (Pl. XXX, 22), or that he
has conquered the foreigners (Pl. XXVIII, 10).
[Sidenote: (2) Private names.]
Scarab-seals bearing seals of officials and private persons form the
second largest class. They usually give one or more titles of the
official, together with the personal name. The earliest example known is
one in the Amherst Collection, bearing the name of the “Mayor
Tahutihetep,” from a tomb at El Bersheh, and the date of it is Usertsen
II (Pl. XI, 15). They were common during the late Twelfth Dynasty and
early intermediate period; they occur fairly often during the first half
of the Eighteenth Dynasty, but are rarely found after that date.
Frequently these private scarabs are decorated with a scroll pattern or
other ornament, often very beautifully executed.
[Sidenote: (3) Titles.]
A very small number bear titles without personal names, such as “the
courtier” (Pl. XLI, 20), “the governor of the royal city” (Pl. XLI, 22),
“the priest,” and “the mayor.” These are all of a late date
(Twenty-sixth Dynasty), and are very rare.
[Sidenote: (4) Names or figures of deities.]
Names or figures of deities engraved on scarabs are common, but they are
mostly of the principal gods and goddesses of Egypt, such as Amen,
Amen-Ra (Pl. XLI, 18), Ptah (Pl. XLI, 13), Khensu, Isis, Hathor (Pl.
XLI, 5), Mut, Horus (Pl. XLI, 10), and Set (Pl. XLI, 15). These date
from the beginning of the Eighteenth onwards to the Twenty-sixth
Dynasty.
[Sidenote: (5) Good wishes, mottoes, and magic formulae.]
Scarabs bearing good wishes, mottoes, and magic formulae are numerous.
Some of them not only give the good wishes, but even the names of the
persons from whom they emanated and to whom they were sent. Thus the
inscription on one in the Petrie Collection reads: “May Ptah give a
Happy New Year, from the Prince Shashanq to his mother Ka-ra-ma-ma” (Pl.
XL, 8). Others give simply the words, “A Happy New Year” (Pl. XL, 2), or
“May Bast give a Happy New Year” (Pl. XL, 3). Some read, “If Amen is
behind, there is no fear” (Pl. XXXIX, 27), while a little plaque in the
Hood Collection says, “I am true of heart” (Pl. XL, 21).
[Sidenote: II. Figures of men and animals, etc.]
Many scarab-seals bear the figures of men and animals, the principal
animals figured being the lion, bull, cynocephalus, horse, and gazelle.
Birds are also often engraved, the hawk, the emblem of Horus, being the
commonest. Serpents are very common, and we also occasionally find
combinations of serpents with animals, sphinxes, griffons, and sometimes
beetles and locusts (see Pl. XXV). Flowers, such as the lotus, are
frequently found engraved on these seals.
Hunting scenes on scarab-seals appear for the first time during the
Hyksos period, and a beautifully cut specimen of this date is in the
Ashmolean Museum at Oxford (Pl. XXV, 26). It represents a king clad in a
striped loin-cloth with fringed edge, and wearing a curiously-shaped
head-dress. Armed with a bow and arrows, he hunts three ibex-gazelles
and a lion among bushes of a desert wady. To a later period, probably
not earlier than the Nineteenth Dynasty, belong the common hunt scarabs
of the types figured in Pl. XLII, 33-39. The first and rarest type (Pl.
XLII, 33) shows a hunter with lions and cheetahs chasing a gazelle. The
second and commonest type represents an archer hunting the lion and
other desert animals (Pl. XLII, 35). The third type is more elaborate,
and depicts the hunter riding in a chariot drawn by one or more horses
(Pl. XLII, 37-39), while on other scarabs we sometimes see the huntsman
overtaken by a lion, and lying flat on the ground, apparently slain (Pl.
XLII, 34). The cutting of these Nineteenth Dynasty hunt scarabs is
generally deep, and the subject is always more or less coarsely
rendered: few specimens bear any trace of glazing, and when found it is
always of an inferior kind, which has turned brown.
[Sidenote: Coil and rope patterns.]
Scarabs with ornamental devices, such as coils and twisted rope patterns
engraved upon them, appear first about the reign of Usertsen I, and
continued in use to the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty, after which
period they rarely occur. The date of any single specimen may generally
be determined by the form of the back, but the glazing and general style
of cutting is also important in this connection. Specimens of the late
Twelfth and early Thirteenth Dynasties are often fine examples of
ornamental art: they are generally designed with much care, and executed
with wonderful minuteness and delicacy of touch. Finely worked specimens
are also found of the time of Queen Hatshepsut and Thothmes III. A
representative series of coil and rope-pattern scarabs is given in Pls.
XVIII and XIX. The rope-patterns figured in Pl. XIX, 1-3, are of the
Hyksos period, while those on Pl. XVIII, 1-15, 18, range in date from
the Twelfth to the Eighteenth Dynasties. The coil-patterns given in Pl.
XIX, 4, 5, 9, are certainly of the Hyksos period, while the remainder of
the coil patterns are mainly of the late Twelfth and Eighteenth
Dynasties. Often the continuous loop coil was used to ornament the
scarabs of kings and officials. The earliest example, indeed the
earliest example of any coil-pattern in Egypt, is found on a scarab of
Usertsen I, most exquisitely worked and fully developed (fig. 82).
[Illustration: Fig. 82.]
For a long time past it has been thought that the spiral as a motive in
decoration originated in the Nile Valley, and much misconception seems
to prevail among archaeologists as to its occurrence in Egypt. Prof.
Petrie says[114] that its earliest use in the country was for the
decoration of scarabs, and he would trace the spiral motive back as far
as the Fifth Dynasty. The single scarab that he instances, it is true,
bears the prenomen of Dad-ka-Ra (Assa), but there is not the slightest
reason to make one believe that this particular specimen is
contemporaneous with the king whose name it bears; the whole style of
it, on the contrary, clearly shows that it belongs to no earlier a date
than the Eighteenth Dynasty. Prof. Petrie also attributes a number of
scarabs bearing coil, hook and link ornamentation to the Sixth and
Eighth Dynasties, but these have been conclusively shown by Fraser[115]
and Griffith[116] to be in reality _post_ rather than _pre_ Twelfth
Dynasty. The fact is that the spiral has not yet been found on Egyptian
monuments of an older date than the reign of Usertsen I. It was then
used as a motive for decorating a ceiling in the tomb of a chieftain at
Assiut.[117] Employed architecturally it is not found again until the
beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty, when it was perhaps the most
frequent motive for ceiling decorations in Theban tombs. In these tombs
it is generally coloured yellow, to represent gold, and it is highly
probable that the ornament itself originated in metal wire-work.[118]
At the same time as we find it occurring at Assiut, we also find the
spiral used to decorate a scarab bearing the prenomen of Usertsen I
(fig. 82). On this specimen the ornament is cut with very great care and
regularity, indicating that the design was “a novelty, which had not yet
become stereotyped[119] and reproduced as a matter of course.” The same
exquisite workmanship is found on some scarabs bearing private names of
the time of Amenemhat III or a little later; and here the continuous
coil is combined with the lotus in a most beautiful design—a continuous
coil, with flowers and buds in the spaces (Pl. XIV, figs. 21-26). It is
difficult to believe that such a design sprang into being fully
developed; but nothing has yet been found in Egypt at all like it of a
period anterior to the Twelfth Dynasty; we must therefore search for the
origin and development of the spiral motive in ornament elsewhere than
in the Nile Valley. We do not yet know sufficiently the history of the
Delta to say definitely that it did not originate there, but the
probabilities are that we should look for its earliest employment and
development outside the realm of Egypt.[120] However that may be, the
spiral was one of the most important of the motives of the decorative
art of the ancient world. From very ancient times it was largely used by
the peoples of Western Asia and the Eastern Mediterranean, and in “the
wake of early commerce it was spread afield to the Danubian basin, and
thence in turn by the valley of the Elbe to the Amber coast of the North
Sea; there to supply the Scandinavian Bronze Age population with their
leading decorative designs. Adopted by the Celtic tribes in the Central
European area, it took at a somewhat later date a westerly turn, reached
Britain with the invading Belgae, and finally survived in Irish
art.”[121]
[Sidenote: Material. Hard stones, obsidian, etc.]
Scarabs are made of all kinds of material, from the hardest obsidian and
amethyst, to soft steatite and even wood. In all ages they were made of
hard stones. Obsidian, spotted diorite, beryl, white quartz, hematite,
amethyst, serpentine, green and red jasper, as well as red carnelians,
lapis lazuli, and turquoise were all in use from the end of the Twelfth
Dynasty onwards to the Twenty-sixth. Rarely during the earlier periods
were the bases of the hardest stone specimens engraved; they were
usually covered with a gold plate, upon which the device or inscription
was incised.
[Sidenote: Gold, silver, etc.]
Metal scarabs are very rare: a few of gold, and two or three of silver
are known of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties, while about a
dozen examples of bronze, of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties, are
preserved in our museums.
[Sidenote: Glass and cyanus.]
At the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty glass first appears, and of the
reigns of the Amenheteps III and IV a number of seals have been found of
a beautiful semitransparent deep blue glass. Of the late Eighteenth
Dynasty a few specimens are known of cyanus, an alkaline silicate
coloured a deep blue with carbonate of copper, and this material was
used in increasing quantity till the Twenty-sixth Dynasty.
[Sidenote: Schist and steatite.]
Besides the hard stones enumerated above, shelly-limestone, schist, and
steatite were also employed, and a few scarabs are known that were made
of ivory. Steatite (or soapstone) was used in the manufacture of scarabs
from the Twelfth to the Twentieth Dynasties, and by far the greater
number of specimens are made of this material. It is a silicate of
magnesium, soft, easily cut, and at the same time its superior
compactness secures it from being readily broken or injured, and it is
also capable of receiving a higher finish and much sharper impression of
the subject than porcelain.
[Sidenote: The Glazes.]
The steatite scarabs were nearly always glazed, and the glazing often
helps to indicate the date of a specimen. Only by a careful study of a
large number of specimens can the eye be accustomed to differentiate
between the varieties of glazing used at different periods. A very fine
blue glaze of excellent quality is characteristic of the Twelfth
Dynasty, and green glaze was also often used at this period. Many shades
of blue and green glaze of very hard quality are found on the specimens
of the Thirteenth Dynasty, and the few Hyksos scarabs that yet retain
their colour show that a green glaze of a poorer quality was used at
that period. The characteristic glazes of the early Eighteenth Dynasty
are green, of a slightly greyish tint, generally of a fine surface,
while those of the latter half of the dynasty, though coarser in
quality, are often very brilliant in colour, and show a variety of tints
ranging through all the shades of blue and green. Violet glaze was also
employed at this period. The glazes of the Nineteenth Dynasty are often
poor in quality, and generally of a dark yellowish-green colour, though
sometimes blue and violet. The colour commonest during the Twentieth and
later period are blue of various shades. It should be remarked here that
the greatest number of scarabs are brown or white: the brown ones were
invariably coloured green, and the white specimens blue.
4. MISCELLANEOUS FORMS OF SEALS.
[Sidenote: Miscellaneous forms.]
Besides scarabaei, other forms of seals are met with in Egypt. Many of
them have little models of men or animals on the back, as human-heads,
symbolic eyes, hippopotami, lions, hedgehogs, ducks, fish, frogs, flies,
crocodiles; while not a few are shaped like cowries.
A large number are also cut in geometrical forms, tablet-shaped,
squares, rectangles, ovals, cubes, and cones. Like the scarabs, they are
all pierced, through their long axis or diameter, with a narrow
cylindrical hole, and were similarly mounted.
[Illustration: Figs. 83 and 84.]
[Sidenote: Animals as devices.]
The specimen illustrated in fig. 83, now in the MacGregor Collection,
bears a private name upon the base. The material is steatite,
beautifully carved. The figure is that of a male, squatting in the
familiar attitude, his hands upon his knees, and wearing a full wig. The
date is late in the Twelfth Dynasty. Fig. 84 is another illustration of
the same motive, dating from the Eighteenth Dynasty.
[Illustration: Fig. 85.]
[Illustration: Fig. 86.]
[Illustration: Fig. 87.]
[Illustration: Figs. 88 and 89.]
[Illustration: Fig. 90.]
[Illustration: Figs. 90, 91 and 92.]
Animal forms are illustrated in the figs. 85, 86, 87, 88, 89. The first
represents a naturalistic group, a cow suckling its calf, exquisitely
cut in steatite. It is in the collection of Captain Timmins in Cairo.
The design upon the base is analogous in its symmetry and the devices
employed to the steatite stamp, fig. 94, in the same collection, which
probably dates from about the Eleventh Dynasty. The two stamps, figs. 86
and 87, are very important, one of them being dated by the cartouche of
Mentuhetep of the Eleventh Dynasty, the other by its analogy, and by the
device of a running figure in line frequently employed upon the
button-seals (fig. 42, and _cf._ fig. 28). Hornets are employed upon the
Karnak three-sided seal, fig. 86, which is probably of earlier date,
about the close of the Sixth Dynasty. A further example of this
[Sidenote: Miscellaneous devices.] character, being a ram with horns, is
in the MacGregor Collection: upon the base is an interesting pattern in
coils, dating probably from the end of the Twelfth Dynasty. A great
number of seals with cats (fig. 88), hedgehogs, hippopotami (fig. 89),
and fish (fig. 90), date from the time of Thothmes III in the Eighteenth
Dynasty, while those with ducks (figs. 91, 92), frogs, and flies, seem
to be slightly later, dating from the reign of Amenhetep III.
[Illustration: Fig. 93.]
[Illustration: Fig. 94.]
[Illustration: Fig. 95 and 96.]
[Illustration: Fig. 97.]
[Illustration: Fig. 98.]
[Illustration: Fig. 99, 100 and 101.]
[Illustration: Fig. 102 and 103.]
A number of large seals are oval in form; one of these, with a device of
animals incised upon the back, shown in fig. 93, bears upon the base the
blundered cartouche of Amenemhat III. One of rectangular form (fig. 94)
is rather of the nature of a stamp, being without decoration upon the
back other than the necessary suspension hole in the attachment, while
upon the base is the device previously described as belonging to the
period which precedes the Middle Kingdom—between the Sixth and Eleventh
Dynasties, from its analogy to the button-seals of that time. Other
stamps are illustrated in figs. 95 and 96, having oval bases. They date
from the Seventeenth Dynasty, bearing the names of Seqen-en-ra and
Se-Amen. Another stamp (fig. 97) of larger size, has a simple handle
down the middle of the back. The device in this case represents a number
of captives or votives below the emblem of Anubis. This class of stamp,
used generally for the sealing up of tomb-doors, as in the case of the
tomb of Thothmes IV at Thebes, seems to date from the Eighteenth
Dynasty. Fig. 98 represents another common form of the same period,
itself dating to the reign of the emblem upon it, Thothmes III. A less
usual class, dating from the Twelfth Dynasty, is represented in fig. 99.
The back in this instance is plain, the form of the stamp resembling a
slice from a sphere, with the device upon the plane face. A hole pierces
the thickness. Figs. 100 and 101, represent other objects of this class,
which from its Aegean analogies is of peculiar importance. The former
specimen is dated, from an inscription on its back, to the reign of
Usertsen III; the coil device is employed in each case. Two interesting
examples are shown in figs. 102 and 103, the one being of the Eighteenth
Dynasty, from its cutting and its glaze, the other of the Nineteenth
Dynasty, from the cartouche of Rameses II incised upon it. A late
example is that shown in fig. 104, and is a common type of the period of
the Saïte renaissance in the Twenty-sixth Dynasty. The inscription gives
the name of Tahuti son of Aahmes, chief of the scribes of the temple. It
is of pottery, glazed green, and is in the Collection of Captain
Timmins.
[Illustration: Figs. 104 and 105.]
Two typical stamps of the Thirtieth Dynasty, one in bronze, the other in
pottery, are pictured in figs. 105 and 106. They are both without device
upon the plain handle of suspension. The one fig. 105 bears the name of
the Royal son Za-hapi-amen; the other bears the name of king
Kheper-ka-Ra, otherwise Nekht-neb-ef, with whom the list of Egypt’s
kings comes to a close.
[Illustration: Fig. 106.]
------------------
5. SIGNET-RINGS.
[Sidenote: Signet-rings.]
The signet-ring was called in Egyptian [Egyptian **] _zebat_ (var.
[Egyptian **], pl. [Egyptian **] Coptic [Coptic **] it consisted of
(_a_) a perforated bezel, the part that bears the inscription or device,
and (_b_) a hoop or wire which runs through the bezel and round the
inside of the finger. The bezel was generally a separate piece of stone
or metal, and when that was the case, it was generally encircled by a
metal band (_funda_) and pierced so that it formed a swivel ring.
[Illustration: Fig. 107.]
[Sidenote: Their history.]
The earliest examples that we know of are not older than the middle of
the Twelfth Dynasty, but from that period onwards they are fairly common
in Egypt. A number were found by M. de Morgan, at Dahshûr, of the date
of Usertsen III to Amenemhat III, and these are all of one type: a
scarab threaded on a piece of gold wire, the ends of which are twisted
round several times on the back of the hoop (fig. 107). At a somewhat
later period we find the gold wire thickened in the middle to lend
additional strength, and the two ends thrust into the perforation of the
scarab. The specimen illustrated (fig. 108) dates from the Thirteenth
Dynasty. A second type of this period is shown in fig. 109. Here the
scarab is mounted in a gold _funda_ and the perforation is threaded by a
wire, the ends of which are wound tightly round the hoop, which is made
of a separate piece of metal. The same form survives during the Hyksos
period (_see_ Pl. I, ring of King Apepŷ), and on to the end of the
Eighteenth Dynasty (fig. 110, and the ring of Hor-em-heb, Pl. I). With
the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty another form appears, that of a
plain metal ring with the outer surface of the bezel flat and the inner
curved (fig. 111). This form was rare during the earlier reigns of the
dynasty, but common under Amenhetep III and Akhenaten (_see_ ring of
Akhenaten, Pl. I), and it survives to the present day. At the time of
Thothmes III, a ring consisting of a plain hoop beaten out into a
lozenge shaped plate occurs (Pl. XXIX, 31), but it is a very rare form
until after the Twentieth Dynasty. With the reign of Amenhetep III,
pottery rings of all forms are found, and these are very common till the
beginning of the Nineteenth Dynasty.
[Illustration: Figs. 108 and 109.]
[Illustration: Figs. 110. RING OF THOTHMES III and 111.]
[Illustration: Figs. 112 and 113.]
[Illustration: Figs. 114 and 115.]
Pottery rings, with long bezels, as shown in figs. 112 and 113, appear
first at the end of the Twentieth Dynasty, and continue on till the end
of the Twenty-third. The examples of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty are of
several forms, the commonest being the plain hoop beaten out into a
rectangular or lozenge-shaped plate which bears the inscription. Other
forms give the outer surface of the bezel flat and the inner curved, as
in figs. 114 and 115: the one being a ring of a priest of Khufu, named
Nefer-ab-ra; the other that of a priest of Tahuti, named Hor-se-ast. A
rarer form is that illustrated in fig. 116, where the flat engraved
plate is welded on to a plain hoop.
[Illustration: Fig. 116.]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
DESCRIPTIONS
OF THE
SPECIMENS FIGURED IN THE PLATES.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS.
The following abbreviations are used to denote the collections and works
most frequently quoted in the descriptions of the Plates:—
Alnw. The Duke of Northumberland’s Collection at Alnwick
Castle, Northumberland.
Amh. Lord Amherst of Hackney’s Collection at Didlington
Hall, Norfolk.
Ashm. The Ashmolean Museum at Oxford.
Ath. The Athens Museum.
_A.Z._ _Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache_, Berlin.
Benson Mr. E. F. Benson’s Collection, London.
Berl. The Egyptian Museum, Berlin.
B.M. The British Museum.
Bol. The Museo Civico, Bologna.
B.P. (Delhaes Coll.) Buda Pesth.
C.d.M. The Cabinet des Medailles, Paris.
C.M. The Cairo Museum.
Dat. G. Dattari’s Collection, Cairo.
Davis Mr. Theodore M. Davis’ Collection, Newport, Rhode
Island, U.S.A.
de M. _D._ M. de Morgan’s _Fouilles à Dahchour_.
Dres. The Dresden Museum.
Edw. The Edwards’ Collection, University College,
London.
Evans Col. John Evans’ Collection, London.
Fitzw. The Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge.
F._Sc._ Mr. G. W. Fraser’s book “_Scarabs_.”
Gibs. Mr. Gibson’s Collection, Liverpool.
Gdn. Mrs. Goodison’s Collection, Waterloo, near
Liverpool.
Gr. The late Dr. Grant’s Collection, Liverpool.
Green Mr. F. W. Green’s Collection, Tunbridge Wells.
Har. The Harrow School Museum, Harrow.
Herm. The Museum of the Ermitage, St. Petersburg.
Hood Mrs. Hood’s Collection, Nettleham Hall, Lincoln.
H-P. Mr. Hilton Price’s Collection, London.
L. The Egyptian Museum of the Louvre, Paris.
Leyd. The Leyden Museum.
Liv. The Liverpool Museum.
Luxor Specimens seen in Dealers’ shops at Luxor.
Mars. The Château Borelly Museum, Marseilles.
M. _B._ M. Maspero’s _Guide du visiteur au Musée de
Boulaq_.
M. _Cat. Ab._ Mariette’s _Catalogue général des Monuments
d’Abydos_.
_M.D._ Mariette’s _Monuments Divers_.
M-G. Mr. W. MacGregor’s Collection, Tamworth.
M. _Mast._ Mariette’s _Les Mastabas de l’Ancien Empire_.
Murch Mr. Chauncey Murch’s Collection, Luxor.
Myers The late Major Myers’ Collection, now in the Eton
College Museum, Eton.
Nash Mr. W. Nash’s Collection.
Newb. Scarabs in the possession of the writer.
N.Y. The Abbott Collection at New York.
Piers’ Coll. Mr. Piers’ Collection, New York.
P. Prof. Petrie’s Collection at University College,
London.
P. _I._ Prof. Petrie’s _Illahûn, Kahun and Gurob_.
P. _K._vProf. Petrie’s _Kahun, Gurob and Hawara_.
P. R. T. Prof. Petrie’s volumes on the Royal Tombs of
Abydos.
P. _Sc._ Prof. Petrie’s _Historical Scarabs_.
_P.S.B.A._ _Proceedings_ of the Society of Biblical
Archaeology.
S.K. The South Kensington Museum.
Thomp. Sir Herbert Thompson’s Collection, London.
Timmins’ Coll. Capt. C. Timmins’ Collection, Cairo.
T. The Turin Museum.
Vat. The Egyptian Museum of the Vatican, Rome.
Vien. The Vienna Museum.
v-B. Baron von Bissing’s Collection, Munich.
W. Mr. John Ward’s Collection, Belfast.
W. _S.B._ Mr. John Ward’s volume on _The Sacred Beetle_.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE I.
SOME ROYAL SIGNET-RINGS.
I. Signet-ring of Apepŷ I. In the possession of Mr. Theodore M. Davis.
The bezel is of green-glazed steatite, carved in the shape of a
scarabaeus-beetle with a human head, and mounted in a thin gold
funda. On the base of the bezel is engraved in intaglio, and within
a cartouche, the name of the “Good King Aauser-ra (Apepŷ I), giving
life.” The cartouche is surrounded by a continuous rope-pattern.
The hoop of the ring is of gold, and the bezel is secured to it by
means of a gold wire running longitudinally through the funda and
scarab, and coiled tightly round its two ends.
II. Signet-ring of Amenhetep II. In the Egyptian Museum of the Louvre.
The bezel is of solid gold, in the form of a rectangular plaque. On
one face are engraved, in intaglio, the titles and prenomen of
Amenhetep II: “The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, the Lord of the
Two Lands, Aa-kheperu-ra,” the cartouche being surmounted by two
cobras, and resting on the _nub_-sign. On the other face are the
titles: _Heru_, _ka nekht_, _user pehtet_, “the Horus and Mighty
Bull, strong in power.” The bezel is pierced longitudinally by a
narrow hole, and it is fixed to the hoop of the ring by means of a
rod running through it, and rivetted to the shoulders.
III. Signet-ring of Nefer-ka-ra (Psamtek II). In the possession of Mr.
Walter Nash. A plain hoop of gold, beaten out into a lozenge-shaped
plate, upon which is cut, in intaglio, the prenomen of Psamtek II.
IV. Signet-ring of Neferu-kheperu-ra Setep-en-ra (Akh-en-aten). In
the possession of Mr. Walter Nash. A hoop of silver, with massive
bezel, the inner surface of which is curved, and the outer flat,
with the prenomen of Akh-en-aten engraved upon it.
V. Signet-ring of Zeser-kheperu-ra Setep-en-ra (Hor-em-heb). In the
Egyptian Museum of the Louvre. This is the most remarkable specimen
of an ancient Egyptian signet-ring known. It is formed of a
quadrangular plaque and a thick hoop, swollen in the middle for
strength, both of solid gold; it weighs 125.50 grs. On one face of
the plaque is engraved, in intaglio, the prenomen of Hor-em-heb,
while on the other is a marching lion, emblem of royal power, and
the words _Neb Khepsh_, “Lord of Valiance,” above it. Upon the two
sides are delicately engraved: (1) a scorpion, and (2) a crocodile.
The bezel is pierced longitudinally through its centre, and secured
to the hoop by means of a thick gold wire, which threads the bezel,
and is coiled round the two ends of the hoop.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE II.
Scene representing “the Superintendent of the Seal” (_i.e._, the
Chancellor) of King Tût-ankh-Amen, investing Prince Hûŷ with the
Official Seal of the Governorship of Ethiopia. The inscription above and
between the figures reads: “The giving of the Seal of the Royal Son by
the Superintendent of the Seal, in order to make to flourish the office
of the Royal Son of Ethiopia, Hûŷ; (his boundary) begins at Nekhen
(Hieraconpolis) and (ends) at Kerŷ[122] (Gebel Barkal).” The ring and
bezel are coloured yellow, to represent gold. From a painting in the
tomb of Hûŷ at Kurnet Muraî, Thebes.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE III.
PRE-DYNASTIC CYLINDER SEALS.
1. Three animals in a desert wadŷ (?). M-G.
2-7. Black steatite cylinder-seals, bearing personal names written in
primitive hieroglyphic characters, each name being determined by
the seated figure of a man. These examples are all in the M-G.
Collection, except No. 3, which is in the Amh. Collection.
8 and 9. Black steatite cylinder-seals, bearing personal names (?),
written in primitive hieroglyphic characters, but without a seated
figure determinative. M-G.
10. A personal (?) name reading Asunut. Amh. A fine specimen in wood.
11-13. Three black steatite cylinder-seals, bearing inscriptions of
uncertain meaning. M-G.
14. A beautifully cut ivory cylinder-seal, bearing a personal name
reading Sheden. Murch.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE IV.
IMPRESSIONS OF EARLY CYLINDER-SEALS.[123]
1.* Birds, gazelles, and other desert animals, with traps for capturing
them. This sealing belongs to the pre-Dynastic group, but was found
in a First Dynasty tomb at Abydos. (P. _R.T._ II, xiv, 104.)
2.* “Aha,” the Horus-name of Menes, the founder of the First Egyptian
Dynasty. (P. _R.T._ II, xiv, 98.)
3. A black steatite cylinder-seal, bearing a hieroglyphic inscription of
uncertain meaning. M-G.
4. A personal name (?). Berl. 14594.
5. “The Royal Daughter, Meh-en-pet-tha.” v-B. (F. _Sc._ 1.)
6. A wooden cylinder-seal, bearing a hieroglyphic inscription of
uncertain meaning. M-G.
7.* “The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mer-pa-ba.” (P. _R.T._ I, xxvi,
60.) First Dynasty, found at Abydos.
8.* “Sekhem-ab,” the Horus-name of King Per-ab-sen. (P. _R.T._ II, 165.
See also _infra_, Nos. 12 and 13.)
9.* “Den,” the Horus-name of King Setuî. (P. _R.T._ I, xxii, 39.)
10.* “The Mayor of the Town of Se-ka.” (P. _R.T._ I, xxii, 32.)
11.* “The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Khasekhemui.” (P. _R.T._ II,
xxxiii, 201.)
12.* “The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Per-ab-sen.” (P. _R.T._ II,
xxii, 164.)
13.* “Sekhem-ab,” the Horus-name of King Per-ab-sen. (P. _R.T._ II, xxi,
164.)
14. A black steatite cylinder-seal, bearing a hieroglyphic inscription
of uncertain meaning. Gdn.
15. Fish in a stream. Berl. 15338. This seal should be classed in the
pre-Dynastic group.
16.* “The Mother of Royal Children, Ne-Maat-Hap.” (P. _R.T._ II, xxiv,
210; _cf._ also, Borchardt, Naville and Sethe, in _A.Z._ XXXVI, p.
142.)
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE V.
CYLINDER-SEALS OF THE FOURTH
TO SIXTH DYNASTIES.
1. “Kha-ef-ra, (?) beloved of the Gods.” P.
2. “Men-kau-ra, beloved of the Gods and beloved of Hather.” P.
3. “The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Men-kau-ra, beloved of the Gods
daily and of Hather-duat daily.” Evans. This cylinder-seal gives
the earliest known instance of the king’s title _Sa-Ra_, “Son of
Ra.”
4. “Men-kau-ra.” At the side of the cartouche is a seated figure of the
goddess Hather holding the _uas_-sceptre; before her is the word
_neter_ and the name of Men-kau-ra’s pyramid (?) Men-ab. Murch.
5. “Sahu-ra, beloved of the Gods,” and his Horus-name, Neb-khau. v-B.
(Fr. _Sc._ 12.)
6. “Sahu-ra, beloved of Hather, the beautiful Star and Mistress of the
Sycamore.” Fitzw.
7. “User-ka-ef, beloved of the Gods,” and the Horus-name of this king
_Ar-maat_. Found on the Island of Elephantine. _M.D._ 54 e.
8. “User-ka-ef, beloved of the Gods and beloved of Hather.” B.M. 16774.
9. “Nefer-ar-ka-ra, beloved of the Gods daily, and priest of Hather.” W.
_S.B._ XVI, 331.
10. “The Royal Favourite who executed the orders of his Lord the King of
Upper and Lower Egypt, Pepŷ (I), beloved of Anhur.” The inscription
also gives the Horus-name of Pepŷ: _Merŷ tauï_, and states that the
official for whom this cylinder was cut was “chief over the secret
things of the court,” and that “he made the favours of the court.”
B.M. 29061.
11. “The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Merŷ-tauï (Pepŷ I), the Good
God, and Lord of the Two Lands,” with the Horus-name of Merŷ-tauï.
In the horizontal line at the bottom of the seal the king is said
to be “beloved of Sak, Lord of the Two Rats (?).” Like the specimen
No. 10, this is a seal of the “Royal Favourite, the Regulator of
the Festivals, he who executed the orders and made the favours of
the king,” his master. B.M. 5495
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE VI.
CYLINDER-SEALS OF THE TWELFTH DYNASTY.
1. A steatite cylinder-seal, giving the prenomens of the six consecutive
kings of the Twelfth Dynasty:—
(1) Sehetep-ab-ra (Amenemhat I).
(2) Kheper-ka-ra (Usertsen I).
(3) Nub-kau-ra (Amenemhat II).
(4) Kha-kau-ra (Usertsen III).
(5) Kha-kheper-ra (Usertsen II).
(6) Ne-maat-ra (Amenemhat III). Brocklehurst Collection. (P.
_Sc._ 272.)
2. “Nub-kau-ra (Amenemhat II), beloved of Sebek, Lord of Ref-sam (?).”
B.M. 16408.
3. “Nub-kau-ra (Amenemhat II), beloved of Sebek, Lord of Ha.” C.M. 3657.
4. “Nub-kau-ra (Amenemhat II), beloved of Sebek, Lord of Semenu.” P.
_I._ VIII, 24.
5. “Usertsen, beloved of Sebek, Lord of Semenu.” Amh.
6. “Kha-kheper-ra (Usertsen II), beloved of Sebek, Lord of Re-sehui.”
M-G.
7. “Kha-kheper-ra (Usertsen II), beloved of Sebek, Lord of Semenu.” B.M.
3928.
8. “Kha-kheper-ra (Usertsen II) and Kha-kau-ra (Usertsen III).” P. _I._
VIII. 28.
9. “Kha-kau-ra (Usertsen III).” C.M. 3654.
10. The nomen of Usertsen and the prenomen (Ne-maat-ka) of Amenemhat
III. B.M. 16747.
11. “Kha-kau-ra (Usertsen III) and Ne-maat-ra (Amenemhat III).” P. _K._
X, 11.
12. “The Good God, Lord of the Two Lands, Ne-maat-ra (Amenemhat III).”
B.M. 16746.
13. “Ne-maat-ra (Amenemhat III), beloved of Sebek, Lord of Shediti.”
M-G.
14. “Ne-maat-ra (Amenemhat III), beloved of Sebek, Lord of Shediti.”
Amh. (formerly in the possession of Bonomi: _cf._ Sharpe, _Eg.
Insc._, II, p. 23).
15. “Usertsen and Ne-maat-ra (Amenemhat III).” M-G., said to have been
found at El Bersheh.
16. “Amenemhat, beloved of Sebek, Lord of Ḥent.” Davis.
17. “Amenemhat, beloved of Sebek, Lord of Ref-sam (?).” Amh.
18. “Amenemhat, beloved of Sebek, Lord of Aa-neferu (?).” Leyd. 663.
19. “The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Ne-maat-ra (Amenemhat III), son
of Ra, Amenŷ, the Lord of the Two Lands, the Good God, Amenemhat.”
M-G.
20. “Amenemhat and the Royal Daughter A-ta-ka[-ŷt].” M-G. A-ta-Kayt was
a daughter of Usertsen II. (_A.Z._ XXXVII, 91.)
21. This cylinder-seal bears the full titles and name of Queen
Sebek-shedeti-neferu. B.M. 16581.
22. “The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Maa-kheru-ra (Amenemhat IV),”
with the legend _fu qe es neb tem_, and “beloved of Hather,
Mistress of Re-aat (?).” M-G.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE VII.
CYLINDER-SEALS OF THE
TWELFTH TO SEVENTEENTH DYNASTIES.
1. “The Mayor of Het-kha-Usertsen and Superintendent of the Temple ...
Senba, justified.” Alnw. Het-kha-Usertsen was probably the pyramid
town of Usertsen II (Griffith, _K.P._, p. 58). Other mayors of this
locality are recorded in the tomb of Tehuti-hetep at El Bersheh
(Newberry, _El.B._ I., XXXIII); on a statue at Alnwick Castle
(Birch, _Cat. Alnw._, pp. 60-62), and on a scarab published on Pl.
XIII, 20 of the present work.
2. Cylinder-seal of a king with the Horus-name of Her-tep-tauï,
“Chieftain of the Two Lands,” and “beloved of Sebek, Lord of Sunu.”
Murch. This king certainly belongs to the beginning of the
Thirteenth Dynasty, but his personal name has not as yet been
fixed.
3. The full names and titles of king Amenenhat-senb-ef. Amh. This
beautiful cylinder-seal is of steatite, coated with a fine blue
glaze, and the hieroglyphs are very delicately cut. It was found at
Mohalla (Mualla), opposite Gebelên, and the monarch whose name it
records is otherwise unknown (_cf._ my note in _P.S.B.A._, XXI,
282).
4. “Sekhem-khu-tauï-ra, beloved of Sebek, Lord of Ref-sam (?).” B.M.
3663.
5. “The Good God, Uah-ab-ra (Aa-ab), beloved of Sebek, Lord of Sunu.”
Gr.
6. “The Good God, Se-bak(?)-ka-ra, beloved of Sebek, lord of Sunu.” Amh.
7. “The _Hek Khaskhet_, Ruler of the Mountains,” Khŷran (Khŷan). In the
possession of Signore Lanzone of Turin.
8. A cylinder-seal with decorative coil-pattern. It was found at Nubt
(Petrie, _Naqada_, LXXXI, 79), and belongs to the intermediate
period between the end of the Twelfth and the beginning of the
Eighteenth Dynasty.
9. Cylinder-seal, with interlacing coil-pattern. M-G. Of the early
Intermediate period.
10. “The _Hek nefer_, Good Ruler, Khŷan.” Athens.
11. Cylinder-seal, with human figures and cartouches with hieroglyphic
inscriptions of doubtful reading. P. Hyksos period.
12. A green glazed steatite cylinder-seal, bearing the legend
“Kheper-nub-ra,” the prenomen of Antef V. B.M. 30772. Late
Intermediate period.
13. “The Governor of the (Royal) City (_i.e._, Thebes) and Vezir,
Ankhu.” Figured in the Brit. Mus. _Add. MS._ 29816, f. 193. This
vezir lived under King Khenzer, of the Thirteenth Dynasty (_cf._ my
note in P.S.B.A. XXII, 64).
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE VIII.
MISCELLANEOUS CYLINDER-SEALS.
1. Cylinder-seal, with figures of men and flowers, and a cartouche with
unreadable inscription. v-B. (Fr. _Sc._ 153.) Hyksos period.
2. “Zeser-ka-ra (Amen-hetep I).” B.M. 16579.
3. “Neb-maat-ra (Amen-hetep III) and Queen Thŷï” C.d.M.
4. “The Superintendent of the Garden of Amen, and Chief Steward of the
Queen [Hatshepsut], Sen-mut.” P. Sen-mut was the favourite minister
of Queen Hatshepsut, and the architect of the famous temple at Dêr
el Bahari. (For his biography, see my account of his life in Benson
and Gourlay’s _The Temple of Mut_, pp. 299-312, and a supplementary
note in the _P.S.B.A._ XXII, 63.)
5. “Zeser-ka-ra (Amen-hetep I).” P.
6. “Aa-kheperu-ra (Amen-hetep II),” with figures of Ptah and Khnem, and
a gazelle among bushes. Dat.
7. Cylinder-seal of Setŷ I, with titles. P.
8. “Sahu-ra,” with his Horus and Hor-nub names. In the possession of
Alan Joseph, Esq., of Cairo.
9. “Kha-ef-ra.” Berl.
10. “Kha-ef-ra,” with his Horus-name, _User-ab_. C.d.M.
11. “Nub-kau-ra (Amenemhat II),”[124] beloved of Sebek, Lord of Anu.”
Mr. Nahmann, Cairo.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE IX.
SCARABS BEARING ROYAL NAMES:
FOURTH TO TWELFTH DYNASTIES.
1-9. Scarabs bearing names of kings of the Ancient Kingdom:—
1. “Neb-ka-ra.” B.M. 23296.
2. “Khufu.” B.M. 22949.
3. “Khufu.” Gr.
4. “Kha-ef-ra.” Alnw.
5. “Kha-ef-ra.” M-G.
6. “Unas.” Amh.
7. “Merŷ-ra.” Luxor.
8. “Neb-kha-ra.” H-P. 166.
9. “Men-kau-ra.” Gr.
10-39. Scarabs bearing names of kings and other royal personages of the
Eleventh and Twelfth Dynasties.
10. “Se-ankh-ka-ra” (Mentuhetep [IV ?]). P. For this king’s
personal name, see a monument in the Cairo Museum (No. 31439).
11. “Se-hetep-ab-ra” (Amenemhat I). W. _S.B._ I, 215.
12. “Se-hetep-ab-ra-senb.” Mr. Nahmann, Cairo. The back of this
seal is of the button-type.
13. “Kheper-ka-ra” (Usertsen I). Gr. This scarab-seal has a back of
the “Yabek-her” type (_cf._ fig. 68, p. 73), with a lotus
flower engraved on the right wing.
14. “Kheper-ka-ra” (Usertsen I). M-G.
15. “Usertsen.” Luxor.
16. “Amenemhat.” P.
17. “Kheper-ka-ra” (Usertsen I). Amh.
18. “Kheper-ka-ra” (Usertsen I). Gr.
19. “Kha-kheper-ra” (Usertsen II). C.M.
20. “Kha-kheper-ra” (Usertsen II). Gr.
21. “Nub-ka-ra” (Amenemhat II). M-G.
22. “Kha-kau-ra” (Usertsen III). Davis.
23. “Kha-kheper-ra” (Usertsen II). M-G.
24. “Kha-kau-ra” (Usertsen III). C.M. Found at Dahshûr (_cf._ de M.
_D._ I, vi, 4).
25. “Ne-maat-ra” (Amenemhat III). Gr.
26. “Ne-maat-ra” (Amenemhat III). Ashm.
27. “Ne-maat-ra” (Amenemhat III), with titles. C.M. This scarab is
of lapis-lazuli, set in a gold funda, and was found at
Dahshûr, (de M. _D._ I, fig. 148.)
28. “Ne-maat-ra” (Amenemhat III). C.M. Of emerald stone, and found
at Dahshûr. (de M. _D._ I, fig. 149.)
29. “Ne-maat-ra” (Amenemhat III). Gr.
30. “The Royal Daughter, Merert.” C.M. Of lapis-lazuli, and found
at Dahshûr. (de M. _D._ I, fig. 147.)
31. “The Good God, Lord of two Lands, Nub-ka-ra, Usertsen.” M-G.
This scarab is perhaps a “late issue,” which might account for
the prenomen of Amenemhat II being joined to the nomen of an
Usertsen; or it may be a contemporary specimen, the two names
appearing being due to the co-regency of Amenemhat II and
Usertsen II.
32. “The Royal Wife who is joined to the Beauty of the White
Crown.” C.M. A queen’s scarab, found at Dahshûr. (de M. _D._
I, xx, 48 b.)
33. “The Royal Daughter, Sat-hather.” C.M. Found at Dahshûr. (de M.
_D._ I, fig. 153.)
34. “The Royal Daughter, Merŷt.” C.M. Found at Dahshûr. (de M. _D._
I, fig. 152.)
35. “The Hereditary Chieftainess, the Royal Princess,
Anket-nefret-uben.” v-B. (Fr. _Sc._ 75). Two other scarabs of
this princess are known, one in the v-B. Coll. (Fr. _Sc._ 76),
and the other in the Petrie Coll.
36. “Ne-maat-ra” (Amenemhat III), with titles. L. A similar
specimen is in the Petrie Coll.
37. “Ne-maat-ra” (Amenemhat III). Alnw.
38. “Maa-kheru-ra” (Amenemhat IV). L.
39. “The Hereditary Chieftainess, the Royal Princess, Nub-em-ant.”
v-B. (F. _Sc._ 80.)
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE X.
SCARABS OF THE KINGS OF THE THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH DYNASTIES.
1. “Sekhem-khu-taui-ra.” Murch.
2. “Sekem-se-uaz-taui-ra, Sebekhetep [II], made of the Divine Father
Mentuhetep.” C.M.
3. “Sekem-se-uaz-taui-ra, Sebekhetep [II], born of the Royal Mother
Auhet-abu.” B.M. 30506 (_cf._ _M.D._, 48 i).
4. “Kha-seshes-ra (Neferhetep), made of the Divine Father Ha-ank-ef.”
v-B. (Fr. _Sc._ 46.)
5. “Neferhetep, born of the Royal Mother Kema.” v-B.
6. “Kha-nefer-ra,” Sebekhetep [III]. Nash.
7. “Kha-nefer-ra,” Sebekhetep [III]. Gr.
8. “Kha-nefer-ra (Sebekhetep [III]), made of the Divine Father
Ha-ankh-ef.” C.M.
9. “Kha-nefer-ra (Sebekhetep [III]), born of the Royal Mother Kema.”
B.M. 3934.
10. “Kha-nefer-ra” (Sebekhetep [III]). H-P. 3693.
11. “Kha-nefer-ra” (Sebekhetep [III]). B.M. 25554.
12. “Kha-nefer-ra” (Sebekhetep [III]). L.
13. “Kha-nefer-ra (Sebekhetep [III]), combined with the prenomen of
Kha-ankh-ra (Sebekhetep [IV]).” Ashm.
14. “Kha-ka-ra.” Gr.
15. “Kha-ka-ra.” Amh.
16. “Kha-hetep-ra,” Sebekhetep [V. ] C.M. 3666 (_cf._ _M.D._ 48 p).
17. “Uah-ab-ra’ (Aa-ab).” P.
18 and 19. “Mer-nefer-ra, Aŷ.” Alnw. and C.M. 3668 (for the latter,
_cf._ _M.D._ 48 o).
20. “Mer-nefer-ra” (Aŷ.) Nash (_cf._ _M.D._ 48 q).
21. “Mer-hetep-ra, Ana.” L.
22. “Maa-ra, Sebekhetep [VI ?].” Gr.
23. “Maa-ra (Sebekhetep [VI ?]).” M-G.
24. “Sebek-em-sau-ef.” H-P. 187. This specimen is in dark green basalt,
with a gold covering, upon which the cartouche is incised.
25. “Dedui-ankh-ra” (Mentu-em-sau-ef). P.
26. “Dedui-ankh-ra” (Mentu-em-sau-ef). Murch.
27. “Sebek.” In the possession of Mr. A. H. Sayce. Bought at Luxor. (P.
_Sc._ 281.)
28. “Shens.” Grant Coll. Another specimen is in the B.M. 32392.
29. “Nefer-ded-ra” (Dedu-mes). v-B. (Fr. _Sc._ 62.) For the nomen of
this king, see a stone slab in the Cairo Museum, 20533.
30. “Nefer-ankh-ra.” Found at Defenneh. (Petrie, _Defenneh_, Pl. XLI,
57.)
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XI.
SCARABS OF OFFICIALS OF THE TWELFTH TO FOURTEENTH DYNASTIES.
1. “The Governor of the (Royal) City and Vezîr, Ptah-dedut-senb,
justified.” H-P. 3726. A clay impression of a somewhat similar seal
(of the Vezîr Ŷ-meru) was found by Prof. Petrie at Abydos.
2. “The Governor of the (Royal) City and Vezîr, Auŷ.” Murch. This Vezîr
is mentioned on a stela in Vien. (No. 117; _cf._ _Rec. des trav._,
IX, 62.)
3. “The Scribe of the Vezîr, Ren-ef-senb.” Thomp.
4. “The Superintendent of the Seal, Neb-re-sehui.” L. 6288. Three other
scarabs of this official are known: one is in the v-B. Coll. (Fr.
_Sc._ 90), another is in the Fitzw. Mus. (Budge, _Cat._ 155), and
the third is in Mr. Nahmann’s hands in Cairo.
5. “The Superintendent of the Seal, Up-em-heb.” Gr.
6. “The Superintendent of the Seal, Senba.” Gr. Another scarab of this
official is in the B.M. (24108, P. _Sc._ 445.)
7 and 8. “The Superintendent of the Seal, Senb-su-ma.” (Gr. and M-G.)
Several other scarabs of Senb-su-ma are known. Three are figured by
Petrie (SC. 446-448), from the Louvre, Petrie and Grant Colls.;
other specimens are in the Cairo Mus., the Amh. Coll. and the Edws.
Coll. A beautiful light blue glazed specimen was found at Kahûn (P.
_I._ VIII, 42), its provenance and style pointing to the late
Twelfth Dynasty as the date of this official. Senb-su-ma is named
on several stelae; one, in the Cairo Mus., gives the name of his
father, Sert-taui (M. _Cat. Ab._ 784); another, in the Leyd. Mus.
(V. 106) names his wife, “the Lady Tau-ma;” a third stela, in the
Cairo Mus. (M. _Cat. Ab._ 904) gives the name of his son, the _ari
at abu_, Pepa, whose scarab seal is in the Meux Coll. (Budge,
_Cat._ 455). Senb-su-ma’s name also occurs on stelae in the B.M.
(252); in the Ermitage Mus., St. Petersburg (58); and in the Turin
Mus. (1303). His tomb was at Dahshûr, a slab of stone from it
having been found in the cemetery of that place (M. _Mast._, p.
583).
9. “The Superintendent of the Seal, Yu-senb.” v-B. (Fr. _Sc._ 86.)
10. “The Superintendent of the Seal, Amenhetep.” v-B. (Fr. _Sc._ 91.)
Three other scarabs of this State Officer are known: one, with
continuous loop-pattern around the name, was found at Abydos
(_M.D._ 52 f.), and is figured in Pl. XVI, 3; another is in the
Petrie Coll., and the third is in the v-B. (Fr. _Sc._ 87.)
11. “The Superintendent of the Seal, Herfu.” L.
12. “The Superintendent of the Seal, Erde-ne-Ptah.” B. 17230. Another
specimen is in the Petrie Coll.
13. “The Deputy Superintendent of the Seal, Sehetep-ab-ra.” C.M. From
Abydos. (M. _Cat. Ab._ p. 541; _cf._ _M.D._, pl. 48 m.)
14. “The Scribe of the Superintendent of the Seal, Nehesi.” P.
15. “The Mayor, Tehuti-nekht.” Amh. This scarab was bought in Cairo in
1899, and came with many other antiquities from the tomb of
Tehuti-nekht at El Bersheh. Hence it can be dated to the reign of
Usertsen I, or at latest to the early years of Amenemhat II (see
Griffith and Newberry, _El Bersheh_ II, p. 13); it is consequently
the oldest _absolutely_ dated scarab of an official known.
16. “The Mayor, Amenemhat-senb-ne-Hather-ab.” L. Found in Phoenicia.
17. “The Mayor, Amenemhat.” L.
18. “The Mayor, Auŷ-mes.” B.M. 21906.
19. “The Great _Uartu_ of the (Royal) City, Sa-sebek.” -G. Another
scarab of this official, ornamented with a continuous loop
decoration, is in the v-B. (Fr. _Sc._ 118.)
20. “The _Uartu_ of the Ruler’s Table, Sebekhetep, son of the _Uartu_ of
the Ruler’s Table, Mentuhetep.” Ashm. Several other scarabs of this
official are known; two specimens are in the Louvre (P. _Sc._ 389,
391); another is in the Turin Mus. (1134; Klaproth, _Palin Coll._
1113); a fourth is in the Cairo Mus. (3795; from Abydos, M. _Cat.
Abyd._, p. 541; _cf._ _M.D._ pl. 48 n); and a fifth and well
preserved example is in the Petrie Coll.
21. “The Great General Pehui-ef-hu?” Murch.
22. “The General, Hora.” Ashm.
23. “The Superintendent of the _Mentiu_ (Asiatics), Ren-senb.” Evans.
24. “The Superintendent of the Great Kitchen (?) Herŷt (?)-si-hetep.”
Murch.
25. “The King’s Friend, the Superintendent of the Musicians, Neb-qemiu.”
Murch. A stela of this man, in the Cairo Mus. (M. _Cat. Abyd._
813), gives the names of his father, Hora, and mother, Sefget, and
certainly dates from the period of the Sebekhetep kings.
26. “The Surveyor, Nefer-sebek-dedu.” B.M. 28235.
27. “The Royal Scribe ... Aka-senb-na.” Murch.
28. “The Private Sealer, Sa-hather-aa.” Murch.
29. “The Storekeeper, Neb-seshenu.” Murch.
30. “The Instructor of the Followers, Deda, son of the Instructor of the
Followers, Beba.” Murch.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XII.
SCARABS OF OFFICIALS OF THE
TWELFTH TO FOURTEENTH DYNASTIES—_continued_.
1. “The Royal Son, Antefa.” P. From the style of the cutting and the
back of this scarab, I should be inclined to recognize in this
Antefa one of the princes of the intermediate period between the
Thirteenth and Seventeenth Dynasties, rather than a prince of the
Eleventh Dynasty.
2. “The Royal Son Kha-kau.” L. Formerly in the Palin Coll. (Klaproth,
Pl. VI, 295.) Perhaps this is a scarab of Usertsen III before the
Ra was added to his name (?).
3. “The Royal Son, Sa-hather.” C.M. 3796. (M. _Cat. Abd._ 539.)
Sa-hather was the son of King Neferhetep.
4 and 5. “The Great Royal Wife who is united to the beauty of the White
Crown, Ana.” L. and v-B. Another specimen is in the Petrie Coll.
The style and cutting of these scarabs would point to the period of
the Sebekhetep kings.
6. “The Royal Wife, Sat-sebek.” Davis. A similar scarab of this queen is
in the B.M. 32265.
7. “The Royal Clothier, Nehy.” v-B.
8. “Tehepenkhet-mery (?).” B.M. 4323.
9. “The Scribe of the Great Prison, Sesa.” P.
10. “The Great _Uab_-priest of Hather, Mistress of Tep-ahu,
Khnem-set-heru-sebek (?).” v-B.
11. “The Royal Friend, Dedut.” B.M. 4322.
12. “The Guardian of the Storehouse, Hap-hetepu.” B.M. 17544.
13. “The Great One of the Southern Tens, Tha-ath.” L.
14. “The Royal Friend, Hepu-em-sha.” P.
15. “The Steward Sep, Son of Ankh.” v-B.
16. “The Royal Friend, Sa-sebek.” C. (_cf._ _M.A._ 48 i).
17. “The Doctor and Judge, Ha-ankh-ef.” Ashm.
18. “The Lady, Merŷt.” Gr.
19. “The Lady, Nub-em-sau-es.” T.
20. “The Superintendent of the Interior, the Superintendent of the North
Land, Senb-tefi.” Ashm.
21. “The Royal Friend, Aŷ.” Gr.
22. “The Doctor and Embalmer, Ptah-ur.” B.M. 29226.
23. “The Priest of Sebek in Thebes, Neferhetep.” B.M. 24132.
24. “Sebek-aa-senes.” Murch.
25. “The Royal Friend, Apepa.” W. (W. _S.B._)
26. “The Great Royal Wife who is united to the beauty of the White
Crown, Nub-hetep-tha.”[125] Murch. Another Scarab of this Queen is
given in Pl. XLIV, 13.
27. “The Lady, Nenna.” Murch. A lady of this name is mentioned on a
stela in the C.M. (No. 77).
28. “The Royal Sealer, Chief Steward and Royal Attendant, Tha-tha.”
Davis. Tha-tha is named on a stela in the Fitzw. Mus. (Budge,
_Cat._ 73).
29. “The Royal Sealer, Chief Steward and Royal Attendant, Ren-ef-em-ab.”
B.M. 28226.
30. “The Guardian of the Storehouse, Hor-khent-nefer.” Murch.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XIII.
SCARABS OF OFFICIALS OF THE TWELFTH TO FOURTEENTH DYNASTIES—_continued_.
1. “The Royal Son, Tar (or Ar?).” Murch.
2. “The Steward, Teta-shera.” Berl. 3613.
3. “The Attendant, Antef.” Berl. 9747.
4. “The Steward, Sebek-se-ankh.” Berl. 13618.
5. “The Superintendent of the ... Ar-sa-khet.” Edws. Found at Kahûn (P.
_I._ VIII, 20).
6. “The Superintendent of the District, Mentunesu.” Petrie Coll. Found
at Illâhûn (P. _I._ VIII, 41).
7. “The Lady Hez-uah-mert (?).” Berl. 3618.
8. “May the King give an offering to Ptah-seker for the _ka_ of the
_Uart_ of the Ruler’s Table, Nushu.” Berl. 3664.
9. “The Great One of the Southern Tens, Sebek-ur.” Berl. 7417.
10. “The Royal Sealer and Chief Steward, Aka.” Fitzw. (Budge, _Cat._
157). Another scarab of this official is in the v-B. (Fr. _Sc._
85.)
11. “The Superintendent of the Interior of the _Dep._, Nehŷ.” Fitzw.
(Budge, _Cat._ 154.)
12. “The ankhet[126] of Upper Egypt, Nefer-hetep.”
13. “The Scribe of the Temple of Hetep-Usertsen, Senbu.” Clay-sealing
found at Kahûn. (P. _I._ IX, 26.) Hetep-Usertsen was the name of
the pyramid of Usertsen III at Dahshûr. (Griffith, _K.P._, pp. 89
and 90.)
14. “The _Uartu_ of the Ruler’s Table, Hora.” Chicago Mus.
15. “The Regulator of the Palace, the Superintendent of the Temple,
Hora.” Clay-sealing found at Illâhûn. (P. _I._ IX, 18.)
16. “The Superintendent of the Interior of the _Dep._, Ankha.” Gr.
17. “The Royal Sealer and General, Sa-nab.” P.
18. “The Guardian of the Department of Meat, Hor-ankh.” v-B.
19. “May the King give an offering to Ptah-seker for the _ka_ of the
Guardian of the House of Offerings, Sen-pu.” Found at Illâhûn (P.
_I._ IX, 17). Another scarab of this official is given in Pl. XXIX,
2.
20. “The Scribe in charge of the Seal of Hetep-Usertsen and the Seal of
Ankh-Usertsen, Y-ab.” A clay-sealing found at Illâhûn (P. _I._ IX,
20).
21. “The Mayor and Superintendent of the Temple, Ankh.” Found at
Illâhûn. (P. _I._ IX, 16.)
22. “The Royal Sealer, Chief Steward and Royal Attendant, Erde-en-Ptah.”
Davis. (P. _Sc._ 438.)
23. “Amenemhat.” Berl. 15135.
24. “The Royal Sealer and Superintendent of the Field Labourers,
Surtha.” P.
25. “The Scribe of the Army, Nefer-iu.” Berl. 9519.
26. “The Slave of the Ruler, Sat-Ptah.” Gr.
27. “The Royal Sealer, Chief Steward, _am-as_, Ankh-ef.” This Ankh-ef is
mentioned on a stela in the Cairo Mus. (_Cat. Ab._ 887), and the
names of the officials who served under him are given.
28. “The _ankh_ of the Ruler’s Table, Îu-senb.” Gr.
29. “The Guardian of the Storehouse, Sehetep-ab-ra.” Berl. 15363.
30. “The Royal Wife, Senb-hena-es.” Berl. 10977. Another scarab of this
queen is in the same Coll. (9518), and a third example is in the
Davis Coll.; _cf._ my note in _P.S.B.A._
31. “The Royal Sealer and Superintendent of the Seal-bearers, Sedemŷ.”
Berl. 3667.
32. “The Superintendent of the Interior and of the North Land (_i.e._,
the Delta), Sehetep-ab-ra.” Amh. On this officer, see my note in
Garstang’s _El Arabeh_, p. 32.
33. “The Royal Sealer, Superintendent of the Sealers and Royal
Attendant, Res.” (Tubieres, _Recueil d’Antiquités Égyptiennes_,
Vol. VI, Pl. III, 8.)
34. “The Instructor of the House of Life, Senb.” C.M.
35. “The Guardian of the Bows, Senb-ef.” P.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XIV.
SCARABS OF OFFICIALS OF THE TWELFTH TO FOURTEENTH DYNASTIES—_continued_.
1. “The Mayor and Divine Treasurer, Amen-hetep.” P.
2. “The Chief Scribe of the Superintendent of the Seal, Sa-ptah.” S.K.
(Garstang, _El Arabeh_, Pl. X, p. 34.)
3. “The Uab-priest, Ab-ah(?)-senb-tefi.” v-B. (Fr. _Sc._ 92.)
4. “The Guardian of the Granaries, Seresa.” Ashm.
5. “The Steward of the Accounts of Corn, Aŷ.” H-P. 3719.
6. “The _ser hayt_, Senaa-ab.” B.M. 4316.
7. “The Great One of the Southern Tens, Senaa-ab.” M-G.
8. “The Great One of the Southern Tens, Ptah-*hetep.” Amh.
9. “The Superintendent of the Department of Beer (?) Sat-ab.” For the
title, _cf. infra_, Pl. XVI, 17.
10. “The Royal Sealer and Superintendent of the Domains, Erde-en-ptah.”
P.
11. “The Lector of Nekheb (_i.e._, El Kab), Sebek-*hetep.” Lansing Coll.
(P. _Sc._)
12. “The Attendant of the ... Beba.” B.M. 15706.
13. “The Great One of the Southern Tens, Ankh-tefi.” P.
14. “The Scribe of the Great Prison, Pa-enti-en.” P.
15. “The Lady, Neferu.” B.M. 24094.
16. “The Scribe of the Great Prison, Sezeda.” B.M. 17251. Found at
Kurneh. (Brit. Mus. _Add. MS._ 29857, f, 8.)
17. “The Royal Friend S.... sutekh (?).” Murch.
18. “The Eldest Royal Daughter, Erdet-en-ptah.” Brocklehurst Coll.
19. “The Great Royal Wife who is united to the beauty of the White
Crown, Khensu.” L.
20. “The Divine Father, Sebekhetep.” P.
21. “The Steward, Mŷ.” C.M.
22. “The Great _Uartu_ of the Ruler, Au-su-ankh.” T.
23. “The Chief Scribe of the Great Prison, Sa-sebek.” P.
24. “The Royal Sealer and Superintendent of the Field Labourers, Aŷ.” An
obsidian scarab, v-B. (Fr. _Sc._ 111.)
25. “The Wakil of the Superintendent of the Seal, Nethenu.” B.M. 28223.
26. “The Superintendent of the Labour Bureau, Antef.” B.M. 28240.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XV.
SCARABS OF OFFICIALS OF THE TWELFTH TO FOURTEENTH DYNASTIES—_continued_.
1. “The Guardian of the Storehouse, Kha-kau-ra-senb.” Amh.
2. “The Superintendent of the District and the Scribe of the Gate,[127]
Ren-senb-Usertsen.” B.M. 28232.
3. “Merŷ-ra.” Petrie Coll. Found at Illahûn. (P. _I._ VIII, 40.)
4. “The Royal Sealer and Superintendent of the Sealers, Saubu-sa.” C.M.
(M. _Abydos_, II, Pl. 40 j.) For the reading of the name, see B.M.
Stela, 215, and _cf._ L.C. 43.
5. “The Guardian of the Treasury, Sa-hez-nefer.” M-G.
6. “The Scribe of the Secrets (?), Sa-hather.” L.
7. “The Lady, Zera.” B.M. 17228. For a lady of this name, see a stela in
the Leyd. Mus. (V, 22).
8. “The Lady, Sat-sutekh.” Gr. This lady is named on a stela of the
Thirteenth Dynasty in the Vienna Mus. (91).
9. “The Priest, Dede-nub.” T. From the Palin Coll. (Klaproth, _Palin
Coll._, 56.)
10. “The Doctor and _ari Nekhen_, Auqa.” P.
11. “The Royal Friend, Sebekhetep.” T. From the Palin Coll. (Klaproth,
_Palin Coll._, 876.)
12. “The _ser hayt_, Theti.” Davis.
13. “The Superintendent of the Lake, Khnemsu.” L.
14. “The Mayor of _Reshuu_, Iu-bena.” L.
15. “The Royal Ornament, Mu-nu-ab.” P. For the reading of the name, see
a Thirteenth Dynasty stela at Marseilles, No. 28.
16. “The _Uartu_ of the _Uresh_, Akuu.” L. 6313.
17. “The Superintendent of the Weapons (?), Sper-nef.” P.
18. “The Registrar, Aa-khnem.” B.M. 30552.
19. “The Doctor, Erde-ne-ptah.” Murch.
20. “The Lady, Semi-nefer.” L.
21. “The Lady, Erdet-[en]-ptah.” Ashm.
22. “The Great One of the Southern Tens, Sa-aah.” Ashm.
23. “The Scribe of the Soldiers, Mehti (?).” Murch.
24. “The Attendant of the ... Ankh.” Murch.
25. “The ... (?) Khent-kheti.” Murch.
26. “The Attendant of the ... Keru.” L.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XVI.
SCARABS OF OFFICIALS OF THE TWELFTH TO FOURTEENTH DYNASTIES—_continued_.
1. “The _Uab_-priest (?), Ŷu-senb.” M-G.
2. “The _ahems ne dep_, Amenemhat.” M-G.
3. “The Royal Sealer and Superintendent of the Seal, Amenhetep.” C.M.
(_M.D._ pl. 48 f.) see also _supra_, Pl. XI, 10.
4. “The Regulator of the Palace, Sen-ankh.” Murch.
5. “The _ser hayt_, Mentuhetep.” Alnw.
6. “The Wakil of the Superintendent of the Seal, Neb-sunu.” Found at
Nubt. (Petrie, _Naqada_, Pl. LXXX, 15.)
7. “The Chief of the Sledge (?), Setmes,” P.C. (A scarab of another
person bearing this title is figured in Petrie’s _Naqada_, LVIII,
_q._ 188.)
8. “The Scribe of the Superintendent of the Seal, Îu-senb.” Davis.
9. “The Guardian of the House of Offerings, Khu.” B.M. 17254.
10. “The Attendant of the ... Au-ab.” P.
11. “The _ser hayt_, Senb.” B.M. 17872.
12. “The man of the Scribe of the Altars (?), Nefertûm.” P.
13. “The Mayor and Superintendent of the Temple, Amenŷ-senb.” B.M.
14. “The Superintendent of the District of the Temple, Ka.” B.M. 17254.
15. “The Lady, Neb-tefa.” B.M. 24095.
16. “The Superintendent of the Interior, Teta.” Berl.
17. “The Superintendent of the Department of Beer (?) Sa-hŷ.” C.M. 3042.
M. _Cat. Ab._, p. 540. For the title, cf. _supra_, Pl. XIV, 9.
18. “The Superintendent of the Granary, Apa.” Ashm. A _her ne shent_ of
this name is mentioned on a stela of the Thirteenth Dynasty,
published by Mariette (_Cat. Ab._, p. 879).
19. “The Scribe of the Council, Sebek-her-khenat (?).” Berl. 3620.
20. “The Attendant Senb.” Berl.
21. “The Chief of the Lake, Senba.” (Klaproth, _Palin Coll._, Pl. V,
249.)
22. “The Steward, Neb-pu.” C.M. 3753.
23. “The Chief Steward, Neb-kau.” Berl. 13818.
24. “The Superintendent of the Interior of the _Dep_, Ren-senb.”
25. “The Superintendent of the Interior of the _Dep_ Bu-senba.” P.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XVII.
SCARABS OF OFFICIALS OF THE TWELFTH TO THE FOURTEENTH
DYNASTIES—_continued_.
1. “The Eldest Royal Daughter, Ptah-ur-bau.” Gr.
2. “The Priest and _am-khent_, Sebek-azer.” B.M. 17231.
3. “The man (read _zau_ (?) of the Royal Harîm. Sehetep-ab.” Ashm.
4. “The _enti em sert_, Heru-hetep.” B.M. 29225.
5. “The Guardian of the House of Offerings, Neb-sunu.”
6. “The Brewer, making the favours of Sebek, Usertsen.” Davis.
7. “The Great One of the Southern Tens, Nehŷ.” Murch.
8. “The Royal Daughter, Ren-senb.” B.M. 28126.
9. “The Instructor of the Attendants, Anhur-ankh.” B.M. 24262.
10. “The Lady, Ana.” M-G.
11. “The Lady Sat-spedu.” Edws.
12. “The Superintendent of the Interior and the Superintendent of the
North Land, Se-ankh.” Amh.
13. “The Scribe of the Altar, Auf-er-senb.” v-B.
14. “The _am-khet-apdu_, Anu-enti (?).” v-B.
15. “The Lady, Dede-meti.” Murch.
16. “The Wakil of the Chief Steward, Khent-hetep.” B.M. 28254.
17. “The Guardian of the Treasury, Unnefer.” M-G.
18. “The Under Sealer, Aa-khnem.” Davis.
19. “The Royal Clothier, Neb-sunu.” From the Palin Coll. (Klaproth,
_Palin Coll._ 814.)
20. “The Scribe of the Accounts, Khnems.” B.M. 12801.
21. “The Lector of the Beautiful House, Ankhu.” Murch.
22. “The _Uartu_ of the Oxyrhynchite Oasis, Hetep.” C-M. (_M.D._ 52 h.)
23. “The Guardian of the Storehouse, Hetep.” M-G.
24. “The Superintendent of the Lake, Atef-ef.” Murch.
25. “The Scribe of the Surveyor of the District of Hetka, Ptah-ath.”
M-G.
26. “The Scribe with the Seal of the Treasury, Senbef.” C.M. (_M.D._ 48
g.)
27. “The Superintendent of the Seal-Engravers, Amenŷ-ankh.” In the
possession of Mr. Arthur Evans. (_Cf._ Louvre Stela, C. 85.)
28. “The Lady Nub-khusï, wife of the Mayor, Ren-senb.” v-B. (Fr. _Sc._
78.)
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XVIII.
DECORATIVE SCARABS: TWELFTH TO EIGHTEENTH DYNASTIES.
1-18. Rope patterns. This series ranges in date from the Twelfth
Dynasty onwards to the time of Thothmes III. The evolution of simple to
complex forms is interesting. Scarabs of the types 5-7 and 10 are
common.
1. Benson.
2. B.M.
3. Benson.
4. Benson.
5. H-P. 958.
6. Ashm.
7. Amh.
8. Alnw.
9. Ready.
10. Gr.
11. Amh.
12. Benson.
13. Evans.
14. Gr.
15. Benson.
16. Murch.
17. Newb.
18. P. I. VIII, 84.
19-35. Coil patterns. The variety of coil patterns found on
Egyptian scarabs is almost infinite. This series ranges in date from the
Twelfth onwards to the Eighteenth Dynasty. The type 24 is I believe,
peculiar to the reigns of Thothmes I and Hatshepsut.
19. Evans.
20. B.M. 27013.
21. Newb.
22. P. _I._ VIII, 75.
23. B.M. 27194.
24. Murch.
25. Ashm.
26. Ashm.
27. Newb.
28. H-P. 994.
29. W. (W. _S.B._ XI, 44.)
30. Amh.
31. Ashm.
32. Ashm.
33. Ashm.
34. Benson.
35. M-G.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XIX.
DECORATIVE SCARABS: TWELFTH TO EIGHTEENTH DYNASTIES—_continued_.
1-3. Rope patterns. Types 1 and 2 are very common, and all the
specimens that I have seen of these two types are certainly of the
Hyksos period.
1. Evans.
2. Hood.
3. B.M. 27782.
4-36. Coil and loop patterns. Types 4 and 5 belong to the Hyksos
period; the other types range in date from the Twelfth Dynasty onwards
to the Eighteenth.
4. Benson.
5. Ready.
6. B.M. 26598.
7. Ashm.
8. Alnw. 1232.
9. B.M.
10. Ashm.
11. B.M. 27321.
12. B.M. 3832.
13. Liv.
14. Ashm.
15. H-P.
16. P. _I._ VIII, 85.
17. P. _Koptos_ X, 40.
18. Alnw. 1158.
19. Gr.
20. B.M. 3860.
21. Evans.
22. Ashm.
23. W. (W. _S.B._ XI, 38.)
24. P. _I._ VIII, 68.
25. Leyd.
26. Ashm.
27. P. _I._ X, 168.
28. Benson.
29. P. _I._ X, 148.
30. Amh.
31. Murch.
32. W. (W. _S.B._ XI, 223.)
33. Ashm.
34. Ashm.
35. P. _K._ X, 27.
36. Benson.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XX.
DECORATIVE SCARABS: TWELFTH TO EIGHTEENTH DYNASTIES—_continued_.
1-36. Miscellaneous designs.
1 and 2. Evans.
3. Lord Northampton.
4. P.
5. Gibs.
6. B.M. 17547.
7. Ashm.
8. P. _I._ VIII, 63.
9. Luxor.
10. Gr.
11. Ashm.
12. Evans.
13. Gr.
14. C.M.
15. B.M. 28236.
16. Bol. A gold ring of the period of Akhenaten.
17. C.M. (de M. _D._ I.)
18. B.M. 28187.
19. Mr. Nahmann, Cairo.
20. Thomp.
21. C.M.
22. Gibs.
23. C.M.
24. Newb.
25. Gr.
26. Thomp.
27. Evans.
28. Newb.
29. Gdn.
30. C.M.
31. Newb.
32. C.M.
33. Murch.
34. M-G. This seal is of steatite, and has on the back a frog.
35. Newb.
36. Newb.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXI.
SCARABS OF THE HYKSOS KINGS. (I).
1-8. “The Good God, Maa-ab-ra.”
1. L.
2. Evans.
3. B.M. 32320.
4. M-G.
5. Murch.
6. M-G.
7. B.M. 24132.
8. Gr.
9-18. “The Son of Ra, Shesha.”
9. Gr.
10. M.G.
11. P.
12. Murch.
13. Murch.
14. P.
15. P.
16. Newb.
17. M-G.
18. Murch.
19-22. “The Good God, Se-kha-en-ra.”
19. Gr.
20. Gr.
21. M-G.
22. Gr.
23 and 24. “The Son of Ra, Qar.” Both examples are in the Grant
Collection.
25-29. “The Good God, Kha-user-ra.”
25. P.
26. Gr.
27. P.
28. Gr.
29. Ashm.
30. “The Good God, Kha-mu-ra.” P.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXII.
SCARABS OF THE HYKSOS KINGS (II).
1-3. “The Good God, Aa-hetep-ra.”
1. Davis.
2. P.
3. B.M. 28097.
4-6. “The Son of Ra, Ŷa-mu (?).”
4. B.M. 32441.
5. v-B. (Fr. _Sc._ 182.)
6. Ashm.
7-12. “The Son of Ra, Ŷ-keb.”
7. H-P.
8. P.
9. Gr.
10. Ashm.
11. Gr.
12. P.
13. Perhaps a blundered scarab of Ŷ-keb.
14-18. “The Son of Ra, Aa-mu.”
14. Evans.
15. M-G.
16. P.
17. Gibs.
18. Evans.
19. “The Good God, Nub-taui-ra.” B.M. 30512.
20-26. “The Good God, User-en-ra, Son of Ra, Khŷan.”
20. v-B.
21. Murch.
22. Fr. (see P. _Hist._ I, p. 119).
23-25. Murch.
26. C.M.
27-30. “The Good God, Mer-user-ra, Son of Ra. Ŷ-keb-her.”
27. Gr.
28. H-P.
29. B.M. 30500.
30. P.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXIII.
SCARABS OF ROYAL AND OTHER PERSONAGES OF THE HYKSOS PERIOD.
1-3. “The Good God, Mer-user-ra, Son of Ra, Ŷ-keb-her”—_continued_.
1 and 2. Murch.
3. Found by Mr. Mace at Hû. (P., _Diospolis Parva_, XLI, 12.)
4. “The Eldest Royal Son, Nehesi.” M-G.
5 and 6. “The Son of Ra, Nehesi.”
5. P.
6. Amh.
7-9. “The Good God, Uazed.”
7. Gr. (Stolen, but figured in P. _Sc._, 348.)
8. B.M. 32319.
9. C.M. 3674.
10. “The _Hek khaskhet_, ‘Ruler of the Mountains,’ Sem-ken.” v-B. (Fr.
_Sc._, 179.)
11. “The _Hek khaskhet_, ‘Ruler of the Mountains,’ Ant-her.” v-B. (Fr.
_Sc._ 180.)
12. “The Royal Son (and son of Ra?) Seket.” Murch. (_Cf._ Pl. XLIV, 8.)
13 and 14. “The Eldest Royal Son, Apek.”
13. M-G.
14. Gr.
15 and 16. “The Eldest Royal Son, Ku-pepen.”
15. P.
16. L.
17. “The Royal Wife, Tau-tha.” B.M. 20824. Another specimen is in the
Davis Coll.
18. “The Royal Wife, Uazet.” P.
19. “The Royal Wife ... (?).” Gr.
20-22. “The Royal Sealer and Superintendent of the Seal, Har.”
20. Nash.
21. B.M. 24109.
22. Ashm.
23. “The Royal Son, Sa-ket.” B.M.
24-26. “The Superintendent of the Seal, Per-em-uah.”
24. P.
25. M-G.
26. M-G.
27. “The Superintendent of the Seal, Ra-ha.” B.M. 28228.
28. “Kethuna,” a personal name. Gr.
29. “The Royal Son, Apepa.” Ashm.
30-35. “Aa-user-ra (Apepŷ I).”
30. P.
31. Gibs.
32. P.
33. Murch.
34. Murch.
35. Gr.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXIV.
MISCELLANEOUS SCARABS OF THE HYKSOS PERIOD.
1-29. Scarabs bearing unreadable hieroglyphic inscriptions.
1. Davis.
2. Ashm.
3. Gr.
4-7. M-G.
8. Ashm.
9. M-G.
10 and 11. Gr.
12. Ashm.
13 and 14. Gr.
15. M-G.
16. Gr.
17. Gdn.
18. M-G.
19 and 20. Gr.
21. M-G.
22. C.M.
23. L.
24. Gdn.
25-27. M-G.
28. Evans.
29. Gr.
30 and 31. “Aa-user-ra (Apepy I).”
30. Amh.
31. P.
32. A blundered scarab-seal of “the Royal Sealer and Superintendent of
the Seal, Per-em-uah.” Gr. (_Cf._ Pl. XXIII, 24-26.)
33. “Sa-khet-sa,” a personal name. Gr.
34 and 35. “Aa-user-ra (Apepy I).” Amh.
36 and 37. “Nub-ka-ra.” Murch.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXV.
DECORATIVE SCARABS, MOSTLY OF THE HYKSOS PERIOD.
Nos. 1-30 are all, I believe, of the Hyksos period; Nos. 31 and 32
belong to the Early Eighteenth Dynasty; and the remaining four scarabs
on this plate are of the Late Middle Kingdom or the Early Hyksos period.
1. Gr.
2. Edws.
3. B.M. 28077.
4. Leyd.
5. B.M. 24250.
6. Gr.
7. Gdn.
8 and 9. Gr.
10. Evans.
11. Benson.
12. Gr.
13. Evans.
14. M-G.
15 and 16. Green.
17. Evans.
18. Hood.
19. Evans.
20. Gdn.
21. Evans.
22. Green.
23. B.M. 17472.
24. M-G.
25. B.M. (P. _I._ IX, 151.)
26. Ashm.
27. Gr.
28. B.M. 3635.
29. B.M. 3681.
30. W.
31. Benson.
32. Gr.
33 and 34. Green.
35. Hood.
36. B.M. (Griffith, _Tell el Yahudiyek_, X, 8.)
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXVI.
SCARABS OF KINGS, ETC., MOSTLY OF THE SEVENTEENTH AND EARLY EIGHTEENTH
DYNASTIES.
1. “Uaz-kheper-ra (Kames).” P. This scarab is set in a gold funda, and
was found at Thebes.
2. “Uaz-kheper-ra, Pa-hek-aa (Kames).” P. Found at Thebes.
3. “The Governor of the (Royal) City and Vezîr, Teta-nefer.” This is a
hematite cowroid-shaped seal. P.
4. “The Royal Wife, Aah-hetepu.” B.M. 26981.
5. “Aah-hetep.” A gold ring in the Louvre.
6. “The Eldest Royal Son, Aah-mes.” C.M.
7-10. “Neb-pehti-ra” (Aah-mes).
7. Newb.
8. C.M. 3097.
9. Nash.
10. B.M. 28050.
11. “The _Hek Taui_, ‘Ruler of the Two Lands,’ Aah-mes.” T.
12. “The Divine Wife, Nefret-ari.” Gr.
13 and 14. “Aahmes-nefret-ari.”
13. Davis.
14. M-G.
15. “The Divine Wife, Nefret-ari.” B.M. 32371.
16. “The Royal Mother, Nefret-ari.” B.M. 32450.
17. “Neb-pehti-ra (Aahmes I),” with the name of his daughter,
“Sat-kames,” on the reverse. P. From Thebes.
18. “The Royal Daughter, Tursi.” Set in a gold funda, and found at Hu.
(See Mace, _Diospolis Parva_, XLI, 17.)
19 and 20. “The Great Royal Wife, Merŷt-amen.”
19. W.
20. B.M.
21. “The Divine Wife, Merŷt-amen.” B.M.
22. “The domain of Merŷt-amen.” Amh. A carnelian scarab, from Thebes.
23-30. “Zeser-ka-ra (Amenhetep I).”
23. Alnw.
24. Murch.
25. Brocklehurst Coll.
26. Davis.
27. M-G.
28. L.
29. Murch.
30. Evans.
31. A scarab, with the names of Amenhetep I and his mother, “the Divine
Wife, Nefret-ari.” B.M. 30561.
32. “The Royal Wife, Aah-hetep.” B.M. 28624. (_Cf._ B.M. 28592.)
33. “Zeser-ka-ra (Amenhetep I).” L.
34. “The Royal Son, Amen-mes.” P. (_Cf._ Petrie, _Hist._ II, fig. 23.)
35. “The Royal Son, Tu-re.” P.
36. “The Royal Daughter and Sister, Neb-ta.” Mather Coll. A scarab of
Neb-ta is in the P. Coll. (figured by Petrie, _Hist._ II, fig. 24).
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXVII.
SCARABS OF THE EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY. (THOTHMES I TO HATSHEPSUT.)
1-11. “Aa-kheper-ra (Thothmes I).”
1. Alnw.
2. B.M. 32418.
3. B.M. 32377.
4. B.M. 17774.
5. Luxor.
6. Amh.
7. B.M.
8. Alnw.
9. B.M. 16578.
10. B.M. 30568.
11. B.M. 30570.
12. “Aa-kheper-ra (Thothmes I) and Hatshepsut, the favoured of Amen.” L.
13. “The Great Royal Wife, Aahmes.” In the possession of Mr. F. C. Cole.
14. “The Divine Wife, Aahmes.” Liv.
15-17. “Aa-kheper-en-ra (Thothmes II).”
15. Brocklehurst Coll.
16. Alnw.
17. P.
18. “Usert-kau, nebt taui,” the _ka_-name of Hatshepsut. T.
19. “Uaz renpetu,” the _nebti_-name of Hatshepsut. L.
20-30. “Maa-ka-ra,” the prenomen of Hatshepsut.
20. Gr.
21. Alnw.
22. Liv.
23. Gdn.
24. B.M.
25. B.M. 29230.
26. “The heiress of Ra.” B.M.
27. “Favoured with delicacies.” Berl. 1903.
28. “Rising in the Horizon.” Har.
29. “Sweet of scent to the nostrils of the Gods of Thebes.” In
the possession of Mrs. Wright of Netley.
30. C.M.
31. “Maa-ka-ra, Hatshepsut, the favoured of Amen.” B.M.
32. “Hatshepsut, the favoured of Amen.” B.M. 30572.
33-35 “The Divine Wife, Hatshepsut.”
33. Alnw.
34. B.M. 28438.
35. Berl. 1904.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXVIII.
SCARABS OF THE EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY—_continued_.
(THOTHMES III AND HIS FAMILY.)
1. “Neferu-ra” (Daughter of Hatshepsut). P.
2. “Neferu-ra, the Divine Wife.” Scarab, set in a gold funda. Gr.
3. “The Royal Daughter and Royal Sister, Neferu-ra.” L.
4. “The Divine Wife, Neferu-ra.” L.
5-34. “Men-kheper-ra” (Thothmes III).
5. Gr.
6. L.
7. B.M. 28745.
8. Alnw. 999.
9. B.M. 16789.
10. B.M. 16838.
11. P.
12. Hood.
13. T.
14. Evans.
15. Alnw. 981.
16. Evans.
17. L.
18. Berl. 14427.
19. Gdn.
20. B.M.
21. P.
22. B.M. 16790.
23. In the possession of Mrs. Roller.
24. C.M.
25. C.M.
26. Hood.
27. T.
28. Amh.
29. T.
30. L.
31. P.
32. Berl. 14929.
33. M-G.
34. B.M. 28492.
35. “The Great Royal Wife, Merŷt-ra Hatshepsut.” A lapis-lazuli scarab
set in a gold funda. L.
36. “Hatshepsut Merŷt-amen-ra.” B.M. 29455.
37. “The Great Royal Wife, Sat-aah.” P.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXIX.
OFFICIALS OF THE EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY; AND RINGS, ETC., FROM THE TOMB OF
MAKET,[128] AT GUROB (_temp._ THOTHMES III).
1. “The Superintendent of the Royal Temple, Aahmes.” Murch.
2. “The Keeper of the Storehouse of Offerings, Sen-pu.” Murch. This
scarab probably belongs to the end of the Twelfth Dynasty. (_Cf._
Pl. XIII, 19.)
3. “The Scribe of the Recruits, Ab-ka-user.” M-G.
4. “The Superintendent of the Workmen of Amen, Men-kheper-ra-senb.”
Murch.
5. “The High Priest of Amen, Hapu-senb.” B.M. 29435. Hapu-senb lived
under Thothmes II and Queen Hatshepsut. (For remarks on his life,
see my note on him in _P.S.B.A_. XXII, pp. 31-36.)
6. “The Steward of the Queen, Pe-en-Thebu.” Murch.
7. “The _uab_-priest, Amen-em-heb.” Hood. Mounted in a gold funda.
8. “The Eyes and Ears of the Lord of the Two Lands, the Mayor,
Sen-nefer.” This Mayor (of Thebes) lived under Amenhetep II (see my
notes on him in the _P.S.B.A._ XXII, pp. 52-61).
9. “The _sedem ash_ of the Superintendent of the Seal, Min-nekht.”
Davis.
10. “The Divine Father, beloved of the God (_i.e._, the King), the
Vezîr, Ptahmes.” C.M.
11. “The Chantress of Amen, Maŷ.” Alnw.
12. “The Lady, Art.” B.M. 30639.
13. “The Royal Brother....” B.M. 27790.
14. “The Lady, Apu-ser.” Alnw.
15-46. Rings, etc., from the tomb of Maket at Gurob (_temp._ Thothmes
III).
15, 17, 18, 20-28. Scarabs with ornamental devices.
16. “Ra,” a very common type of scarab, and specimens of it may
generally be dated to the first half of the Eighteenth Dynasty.
19-32. “Amen-ra.” This is another very common type; it is nearly always
of the date of Thothmes III.
29. “The Good God, Lord of the Two Lands, Men-kheper-ra (Thothmes III).”
30, 31, 33. “The Lady, Maket.”
34. “Aa-kheper-ka-ra (Thothmes I),” chosen of Amen.
35-41. “Men-kheper-ra (Thothmes III).”
42. Plaque, with figures of the Gods Tahuti and Ptah.
43. A cylinder-seal, bearing the titles and names of Thothmes II.
44-45. Flat seals, with ornamental devices.
46. Frog in porcelain, with a beetle engraved upon the base.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXX.
SCARABS OF THE EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY—_continued_.
(AMENHETEP II TO AMENHETEP III.)
1-15. “Aa-kheperu-ra (Amenhetep II).”
1. “Born at Memphis.” P.
2. “Beloved of Tahuti.” Luxor.
3. “Firm of heart.” B.M. 4077. This rectangular plaque is a
splendid specimen of the engraver’s art; it is of yellow
jasper, and on the reverse is cut a representation of one of
the horses of the king.
4. B.M.
5. B.M. 16915.
6. “Lord of Glory in the house of Amen.” W. (W., _S.B._ IV, 67.)
7. L.
8. L.
9. Alnw.
10. B.M. 4069.
11. P. _I._, VIII, 39.
12. “Prince of Thebes, Lord of Valiance, and beloved of Amen.” P.
_I._ VIII.
13. Alnw. (plaque).
14. (W. _S.B._ IV, 400.)
15. B.M. 3944.
16. A gold plaque, forming the bezel of a swivel ring, in the Liverpool
Museum. The inscription reads:—“The Good God, son of Amen, Lord of
Valiance, the Son of Ra, Amenhetep (II), the Divine Ruler of
Heliopolis, fighting hundreds of thousands.”
17. “Aa-kheperu-ra, Son of Amen, whom he (Amen) created himself.” P.
_K._ XXIII, 7.
18-25. “Men-kheperu-ra (Thothmes IV).”
18. Brock. A gold plaque, forming the bezel of a swivel-ring.
19 and 20. Gr.
21. “Lord of the sweet wind.” L.
22. “Beloved of Ptah.” B.M.
23. Gr.
24. Ready.
25. L.
26-32. “Neb-maa-ra (Amenhetep III).”
26 and 27. Newb.
28. “Neb-maa-ra (Amenhetep III)” and “the Royal Wife Thyi.” B.M.
29. “Beloved of Amen.” Luxor.
30. “Beloved of Ptah.” Amh.
31. “Lord of the festival, Amenhetep (III), Ruler of Thebes.” T.
32. Gr.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXXI.
SCARABS OF THE EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY—(_continued_).
AMENHETEP III (_continued_) TO AŶ.
1-12, 14-18. Neb-maa-ra (Amenhetep III) and his Queen Thŷi.
1. Newb.
2. B.M. 28314.
3. “Neb-maa-ra and the Royal Wife, Thŷi.” B.M. 29454.
4. “The Great Royal Wife, Thŷi.” B.M. 32351.
5. “Pleasing with Victories.” B.M. 32433.
6. B.M. 28571.
7. B.M. 32304.
8. “The Royal Wife Thŷi.”
9. “Amenhetep (III), Ruler of Thebes.” Newb.
10. “Abounding in things.” B.M. 32405.
11. Newb.
12. B.M. 32348.
13. See below under Amenhetep IV.
14. Amh.
15. “Amenhetep (III), Ruler of Thebes.” B.M. 30446. A gold ring.
16. “Neb-maa-ra and the Royal Wife, Thŷi.” P.
17. “The Royal Wife, Thŷi.” B.M. 30589.
18. “The Great Divine Wife, Thŷi, beloved
of Isis.”
13, 19-25, 27, 28. Nefer-kheperu-ra, ua-en-ra (Amenhetep IV), afterwards
called Akhenaten.
13. “Ruler of Thebes.” B.M. 4097.
19. “Lord of the Sweet Wind.”
20. “Beloved of Hor-akhuti.”
21. “Beloved of Amen and Mut.” Gdn.
22. “Amenhetep (IV), the Divine Ruler of Thebes.” Newb.
23. “Chosen of Amen.” B.M. 29236.
24. A plaque in the Amherst Collection giving the two names of
Amenhetep IV, and on the reverse, “beloved of Sebek-ra, Lord
of Sunu.” Amh.
25. A silver ring in the M-G. Collection.
27. “Pacifying the Aten.” B.M. 30596.
28. “Beloved of the Aten.” B.M. 28417.
26, 29. Kheper-kheperu-ra, ar maat (Aŷ). See also No. 34.
26. “Beloved of Amen.” B.M. 4096.
29. “Beloved of Amen.” Newb.
30. “Nefer-neferu-aten Nefert-iti,” Queen of Akhenaten. Gold ring in the
Louvre.
31. A bronze ring of Ankh-kheperu-ra, in the M-G. Collection.
32. “Neb-kheperu-ra (Tût-ankh-amen), beloved of Ptah, Lord of Heaven.”
P.
33. “Ankh-nes-pa-aten,” Queen of Tut-ankh-amen. P.
34. A gold ring of Kheper-kheperu-ra, ar maat (Aŷ). Leyd.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXXII.
HISTORICAL SCARABS OF AMENHETEP III.
1. KIRGIPA AND HER HARÎM.
Two specimens of this scarab are known, and it is perhaps the most
interesting one of the series. One example is preserved in the Berl.
Mus. (11002), the other was in the possession of Madame Hoffmann. An
elaborate study of the text of the latter example has been published by
Brugsch in the _Ä.Z._, XVIII, 81, and Maspero has given a drawing of the
inscription (by Legrain, from a paper impression) in his _Recueil des
Travaux_, XV, 200. The text given in the Plate is from the Berlin
specimen, restored from Maspero’s published copy.
(a) _Transliteration._ (b) _Translation._
1. _Renpt X kher hen en_ 1. “The tenth year under the
Majesty of
2-5. _Ankh Heru._ (Here follow 2-5. “the Living Horus.” (Here
the usual titles of follow the full titles of
Amen-hetep III and Thŷi.) Amenhetep III and Thŷi.)
6. _ren en tef-ef Ŷuaa; 6. “The name of her father is
ren-en_ Ŷuaa; the name of
7. _met-es Thuaa. Baŷt: anen_ 7. “her mother, Thuaa.
Wonders:—
8. _ŷt hen-ef sat ur ne 8. “His Majesty brought the
Neherina_ daughter of the Prince of
Mesopotamia,
9. _Sa-tha-ri-na Kir-gi-pa_ 9. “Sa-tha-ra-na (the
Princess) Kir-gi-pa
10. _tepu ne khenera-es_ 10. “(and) the head-women of
her harîm
11. _set_, 317. 11. “Women, 317.”
2. THE LION HUNTS OF AMENHETEP III.
Scarabs bearing an inscription recording the lion hunts of Amenhetep III
are common, and about forty specimens are known. Of these, five are in
the British Museum (4095, 12520, 16987, 24169, 29438); four are in the
Louvre (Inv., 787, 788); four in the Berlin Museum (3481, 3482, 8443,
13274); three in the Leyden Museum (O. 83-85); and one each in the Cairo
(M., _Cat. Ab._, 1388), Florence (840), and Bologna (2455) Museums. In
the Cat. des Med., Paris (1021), and in the Amherst, Edwards, Fraser
(_Sc._ 261), Grant, Hertz (_Cat._, p. 112), Kennard, Myers, Meux (1785),
Palin, Petrie, Posno, H-Price (_Cat._ 284), and several smaller
collections, are also one each. The example figured is in the possession
of Mr. Nash. The hieroglyphic text of this scarab has been published,
among others, by Mariette (_Alb. de Boulaq_, Pl. 36, 532), Maspero
(_Histoire_, II, p. 315), Brugsch (_Ä.Z._, XVIII, 81), and Budge
(_Mummy_, p. 241), and a translation of it has been given by Pierret
(_Cat. Salle Hist._, Louvre, 1877, p. 138), by Birch (_Records of the
Past_, XII, p. 40), and many others.
(a) _Transliteration._ (b) _Translation._
1-5. (Full titles and names 1-5. (Full titles and names
1-5. (Full titles and names 1-5. (Full titles and names
of Amenhetep III and of of Amenhetep III and of
Amenhetep III and Thŷi.) Amenhetep III and Thŷi.)
5. _ari-khet mau_ 5. “Number of the lions
6. _anen hen-ef em satet-ef 6. “brought by his Majesty in
zes-ef shaa_ his own shooting, beginning
7. _em renpt I nefrŷt er renpt . “from the year one ending at
X mau_7 the year ten: lions
8. _hesa, 102_ 8. “fierce, 102.”
3. THE PARENTS OF QUEEN THŶI AND THE LIMITS OF THE EGYPTIAN EMPIRE.
Many specimens are known of this historical scarab. In the Louvre there
are two examples (Inv. 787); in the British Museum are three (4096,
16988, 29437, the latter specimen of fine blue-glazed steatite); in the
Cairo Museum, one (3817, figured in Mariette’s _Album de Boulaq_, XXXVI,
541; Maspero, _Struggles of the Nations_, p. 315); in the Bologna
Museum, one (2454); in the Edwards, Petrie, Fraser (Fr., Sc. X, 262),
Nash, Hilton-Price (_Cat._ 283), Dattari and Myers’ Collections, one
each; as well as several others in private hands. The example figured
here is from the Amherst Collection. Birch (_Records of the Past_, XII,
39); Budge (_Mummy_, 242), and Fraser (Fr. _Sc._, X, 56), have published
translations of the text.
(a) _Transliteration._ (b) _Translation._
1. _Ankh Heru._ (Here follow 1. “The Living Horus.” (Here
the full titles of Amenhetep follow the titles of
III and his Queen Thŷi) Amenhetep III and his Queen
Thŷi.)
5. “_ren en tef-es_ 5. “The name of her father is
6. _Ŷuaa, ren en met-es Thuaa_ 6. “Ŷuaa, the name of her
mother is Thuaa;
7. _hemt pu ent seten nekht_ 7. “she is the wife of the
victorious king;
8. _tash ef res er Karŷ_ 8. “his southern boundary is
Karŷ,[129]
9. _mehti er Neha-_ 9. “(and) his northern
boundary is Meso-
10. _rina._ 10. “potamia.”
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXXIII.
HISTORICAL SCARABS OF AMENHETEP III—(_continued_).
1. THE WILD CATTLE HUNT.
Two specimens of this scarab are known, and both are in the MacGregor
Collection at Tamworth. The text of one of these, together with a rough
translation, has been published by Fraser in the _P.S.B.A._, XXI, 156,
and a good photographic facsimile of it has been given by the same
collector in the _Catalogue_ of his Scarab Collection (Frontispiece, and
p. 56). The text given in Pl. #XXXIII"pl-XXXIII#, 1, is from a copy made
by the writer at Tamworth of the example published by Fraser, and some
restorations have been added from the inscription on the second
specimen.
(a) _Transliteration._
1. _Renpt II kher hen ne_
2-4. _Ankh Heru_ (here follow the full titles of Amenhetep III and
Thŷi),
4. _Baat khepert_
5. _ne hen-ef: ŷu-tu er zed ne hen-ef, an un semau her khaset_
6. _ne u ne Shetep (or Shetau): nat hen-ef em khed em seten uaa
“Kha-em-maāt”_
7. _her tra ne khaui, shep uat nefert, sper em hetep er u ne Shetep_ (or
_Shetau_)
8. _her tra ne dua. Khat hen-ef er sesemet meshau-ef tem em khet-ef_
9. _sehent seru ankhu ne meshau er zer-ef ma qed-ef, nekhenu_
10. _ne a (?) er art resu her nan semau. Ast uzu ne hen-ef erdet aŧ-_
11. _h-tu nen semau em sebti hena shedŷ, uzu_
12. _ŷ ne hen-ef er [heseb ?] nen semau er fu sen, ari khet ne ari semau
190 ari khet_
13. _anen hen-ef em behes em heru pen semau 56: uah an hen-ef heru 4,_
14. _em ush erdet seref ne sesemet-ef: khat hen-ef her sesemet_
15. _ari khet nen semau anenef en behes semau 20 +_
16. _20, demd semau 96._
(b) _Translation._
1. “The second year under the Majesty of
2-4. “the Living Horus.” (Here follow the full titles of Amenhetep III
and Queen Thŷi.) ”A wonderful thing happened
5. “to His Majesty. A messenger (lit. ‘one’) came to tell His Majesty
that there were wild cattle upon the desert
6. “of the district of Shetep[130] (or Shetau); His Majesty thereupon
floated down the river in the Royal dahabiyeh, “Kha-em-maat”
(_i.e._, “Shining-in-Truth”),
7. “at the time of evening, and (after) having had a good journey,
arrived in safety at the district of Shetep (or Shetau)
8. “at the time of morning. His Majesty mounted upon a horse, and his
whole army followed him.
9. “The nobles and the _ankhu_[131]-officers of the entire army were
marshalled, and the children
10. “of the quarter (district?) were ordered to keep watch upon these
wild cattle. His Majesty thereupon ordered that they (lit. one)
should surround
11. “these wild cattle with a net(?)[132] and a dyke[133] and
12. “His Majesty then ordered that these wild cattle should be
counted(?) in their entirety, and the number of them amounted to,
wild cattle 190. The number
13. “of wild cattle which His Majesty brought in [his own?] hunting in
this day (was) 56: His Majesty rested four days
14. “in order to give spirit (lit. ‘fire’) to his horses; then His
Majesty mounted (again) upon a horse
15. “and the number of these wild cattle which were brought to him in
hunting (was) wild cattle 20 +
16. “20 (_i.e._, 40): (making) the total number of wild cattle
(captured) 96.”
* * * * *
2. THE LAKE AT ZARUKHA.
Three specimens of this scarab are known; one is in the Egyptian Museum
of the Vatican at Rome; another is in the Golenischeff Collection, and
the third is in the possesion of the Duke of Northumberland at Alnwick
Castle. A fragment of a fourth example is in the Petrie Collection. The
Vatican scarab was first published by Rosellini (Mon. St., Pl. 44, 2,
cf. Vol. III, pt. 1, pp. 263-268), and again by Stern in 1878 (_Ä.Z._,
1877, p. 87). A translation of this text was made by Birch, and
published by him in the _Records of the Past_ (Vol. XII, p. 41). The
text given here is that on the Alnwick Museum specimen.[134]
(a) _Transliteration._ (b) _Translation._
1. _Renpet XI, abd III, 1. “The eleventh year,
shat, heru I, kher_ the third month of the
harvest season, the day
1, under
2-5. _(ankh) Heru._[135] 2-5. the (living) Horus.
(Here follow the full “(Here follow the usual
titles of Amenhetep and titles of Amenhetep and
Thŷi.) Thŷi.)
6. _uzu hen-ef art 6. “His Majesty ordered
mert[136] ne hemt seten that there should be
urt_ made a lake for the
great Royal Wife
7. _Thŷi, ankh tha, em 7. Thŷi, living, in her
demaes en Zaru-_ town of Zaru-
8. _kha[137]; fu-ef meh 8. kha; its length to be
em 3700, usekh-ef 3,700 cubits, its
meh_[138] breadth cubits
9. _700. ar ne hen-ef heb 9. 700. His Majesty made
uba mert_ the festival of the
opening of the lake
10. _em abd III shat, 10. in the third month of
heru 16, khent hen-ef_ the harvest season, on
the sixteenth day
(when) His Majesty
sailed
11. _em seten uaa “Aten-_ 11. in the Royal
dahabiyeh (named)
”Aten-
12. _tahen[139]” em 12. tahen, “in its
khenu-ef._ cabin.”
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXXIV.
SCARABS OF THE EIGHTEENTH AND NINETEENTH DYNASTIES.
1-6. Zezer-kheperu-ra (Horemheb).
1. Luxor.
2. “Ruler of Heliopolis. Chosen of Ra.” Bol. 2528.
3. Newb.
4. Hood.
5. “Ruler of Thebes.” Dattari.
6. “Beloved of Amen. Hor-em-heb.” Alnw.
7 and 8. Mut-nezemt, Queen of Horemheb.
7. Ring, P.
8. “The Great Royal Wife.” A frog on back. Mar. _Abyd._, II, 40
m.
9-13. Men-pehti-ra (Rameses I).
9. B.M. 32474.
10. B.M. 24187.
11. B.M. 32445.
12. v-B. (Fr. Sc. 225.)
13. Gr.
14-21. Men-maat-ra (Setŷ I).
14. Newb.
15. B.M. 17157.
16. B.M. 32406.
17. B.M. 32373.
18. B.M. 30601.
19. “Prince of Truth.” C.M.
20. B.M. 17142.
21. “Beloved of Ptah.” B.M. (Loftie.)
22-36. User-maat-ra setep-en-ra (Rameses II).
22. Luxor.
23. Newb.
24. P.
25. Luxor.
26. P.
27. B.M. 29239.
28. B.M. 30613.
29. B.M. 30614.
30. Amh.
31. B.M. 30615.
32. B.M. 32303.
33. Amh.
34. T.
35. Amh.
36. Amh.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXXV.
SCARABS OF THE NINETEENTH DYNASTY (RAMESES II).
1-6. User-maat-ra setep-en-ra (Rameses II).
1. Liv.
2. Ramesseum.
3. Amh.
4. “Ramessu, beloved of Amen.” Amh.
5. Cairo.
6. “The Great Noble.” L.
7. “Nefret-ari, beloved of Mut,” Queen of Rameses II. L.
8-14. User-maat-ra setep-en-ra (Rameses II).
8. B.M. 20826.
9. Gurob.
10. Alnw.
11. Alnw.
12. B.M. 29443.
13. “Glorious in the House of Amen-ra.” B.M. 32328.
14. L.
15. Plaque. Obverse, the cartouches of Rameses II; reverse, “The Royal
Wife, Ur-maat-neferu-ra, daughter of the Great Chief of the Kheta.”
Found at Tell el Yahudîyeh, and now in the B.M.
16. Plaque. Obverse, the prenomen of Rameses II; reverse, “The
Hereditary Mayor and Priest, the Governor of the (Royal) City, the
Vezîr, Paser.” W. On Paser, see my notice of him in _P.S.B.A._,
Vol. XXII, pp. 62, 63, and _cf._ No. 17.
17. Plaque. “The Judge, the Doctor and _arï Nekhen_, the priest of Maat,
the Governor of the (Royal) City, the Vezîr, Paser.” L. _Cf._ No.
16.
18. Plaque. “User-maat-ra setep-en-ra (Rameses II), The Chieftain of the
Harîm of Isis, Min.” C.M.
19. Plaque. Obverse, Prenomen of Rameses II; reverse, “The Royal son of
his body, his beloved one, Ramessu-user-pehti.” v-B.
20. Plaque, with scarab on back. “The Royal son, born of the Great Royal
Wife, the Chief of the Bowmen, Pa-ra-her-amen-ef.” M-G.
21. Plaque. Obverse, “The High Priest of Amen, Bak-en-khensu; reverse,
Son of the Superintendent of the Recruits of the Temple of Amen,
Amen-em-apt.” Murch. On this celebrated person, see my life of him
in Benson and Gourley’s _The Temple of Mut_, p. 343-347.
22. Plaque. Obverse, Prenomen of Rameses II; reverse, ”Scribe of the
memory of the Lord of the Two Lands, User-maat-ra-nekht.” v-B.
23. Plaque. Obverse, Prenomen of Rameses II; reverse, “The _Sem_-priest
of Ptah, the Governor of the (Royal) City, the Vezîr,
Nefer-renpet.” Amh.
24. Plaque. Obverse, Prenomen of Rameses II; reverse, “Khensu-in-Thebes
Nefer-hetep.” On sides, “The _Sem_-priest of Ptah, Nefer-renpet,”
and “the Governor of the (Royal) Cities, the Vezîr, Nefer-renpet.”
B.M. 4104.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXXVI.
SCARABS BEARING ROYAL NAMES: MEREN-PTAH I TO SA-AMEN.
1 and 2. “Ne-ba-ra mery-Amen, Hetep-her-māat” (Merenptah I).
1. Leyd.
2. T.
3-7. “User-kheperu-ra mery-Amen Setŷ-mer-en-Ptah” (Setŷ II).
3. Gr.
4. Alnw.
5. M-G.
6. M-G.
7. Luxor.
8 and 9. Akh-en-ra Setep-en-ra Mer-en-ptah Sa-ptah (Siptah).
8. P.
9. Alnw.
10. Ta-usert Setep-en-Mut (Queen of Siptah). Newb.
11. Ta-usert akh-en-Mut (Queen of Siptah). v-B.
12. “The Royal Wife Ta-usert (Queen of Siptah). M-G.
13. “Sat-ra mer-en-Amen (Queen Tausert).” Newb.
14. “The Chancellor, Baŷ.” Chancellor of Siptah. Luxor.
15. “User-khau-ra mery-Amen” (Setnekht). Cairo.
16. Setnekht mery-ra. Luxor.
17. User-maat-ra mery-Amen, Rameses, “Ruler of Heliopolis” (Rameses
III). Luxor.
18. “User-maat-ra mery-Amen, the strong lion.” B.M. 17803.
19. B.M. 17130.
20. B.M. 17123.
21. Nash.
22. “User-maat-ra Setep-en-Amen” (Rameses IV). M-G.
23. “Heq-maat-ra sa Amen” (Rameses IV). B.M. 17,147.
24. “Rameses, Prince of Truth” (Rameses IV). B.M. 29241.
25. “User-maat-ra Set kheper-en-ra” (Rameses V), Edw.
26. “Neb-maat-ra mery-Amen” (Rameses VI). Luxor.
27. “User-ra mery-Amen Setep-en-ra” (Rameses VII). B.M. 17134.
28. “Rameses the Divine Prince of Heliopolis” (Rameses VI). Gr.
29. “Rameses mery-Amen, akh-en-ra” (Rameses VIII). Amh.
30. “The great Noble” (Rameses VIII). Amh.
31. “Nefer-ka-ra Setep-en-ra” (Rameses IX). Gr.
32. “User-maat-ra Setep-en-Neith” (Rameses X). M.D. 32.
33. “Sa-Amen.” M-G.
34. “Neter-kheper-ra setep-en-ra” (Smendes). Gr.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXXVII.
SCARABS OF TWENTY-SECOND TO TWENTY-FIFTH DYNASTY KINGS.
1-8. “Hez-kheper-ra setep-en-ra” (Shashanq I).
1. M-G.
2. M-G.
3. M-G.
4. Nash.
5. Amh.
6. M-G.
7. Luxor.
8. Gr.
9. “The Royal Wife, Ka-ra-ma-ma” Ready.
10. “Se-her-ab-ra Pe-de-se-Bast” (Petsubastis). Luxor.
11-13. “Sekhem-kheper-ra setep-en-ra, Osorkon” (Osorkon I).
11. Leyd.
12. Newb.
13. T.
14. “Hez-kheper-ra setep-en-ra, The Divine Ruler of Thebes, Takelethi”
(Takelotis I). Newb.
15. “Mery Amen Se Bast Shashanq” (Shashanq II). L.
16. “User-maat-ra Mery Amen Shashanq” (Shashanq III). Cairo.
17-19. “Aa-kheper-ra” (Shashanq IV).
17. Amh. (ivory).
18. Gr.
19. Gr.
20. Kash-ta and Amenardes. Luxor.
21. Amenardes. B.M. 20855.
22 and 23. Uah-ka-ra (Bokkheris).
22. P.
23. Davis.
24. Shep-en-upt. Hood.
25. “The Governor of the City and Vezîr, Zed-auf-Tahuti” (?).
26 and 27. “The Divine Wife Amenardes.
26. Alnw.
27. Alnw.
28. Pe-ankhy and Taharqa. W.
29 and 30. Nefer-ka-ra (Shabaka).
29. Bologna 2533.
30. Alnw.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXXVIII.
ROYAL AND PRIVATE SCARABS AND RINGS. (TWENTY-FIFTH TO TWENTY-SIXTH
DYNASTIES.)
1. “The Priest of Ra, the Governor of the Two Cities, the Vezîr,
Hor-sa-ast.” P.
2. Ta-har-qa. Hood.
3. Ded-ka-ra. M-G.
4. Ta-har-qa. P.
5. Nefer-ka-ra. M-G.
6. Nefer-ka-ra Shabaka. B.M. 17168.
7. Shabaka. B.M. Found at Nineveh. (Layard, _Nineveh and Babylon_, p.
156.)
8. Ka-ankh-ra. M-G.
9. Psamtek. C.M.
10. Uah-ab-ra. Bologna.
11. Uah-ab-ra. Gr.
12. Ta-har-qa. L.
13. Psamtek. P.
14. Uah-ab-ra. Alnw.
15. Nefer-ab-ra. M-G.
16. “The Priest of Anhur and Shu, son of Ra, Ankh sha-ba-min.” Gold
ring. L.
17. Aahmes sa-Neith. T.
18. Men-nefer-ra. M-G.
19. Haa-ab-ra. Uah-ab-ra. C.M.
20. Heru Aa-ab. Newb.
21. Khnem-ab-ra. C.M. (M. _M.D._ 32.)
22. “Psamtek, beloved of Ptah-anb-res-ef.” C.M. (M. _M.D._ 32.)
23. “The Priest of Hor-pa-khred ... Regulator of the Temples of
Sekhet-hetep, Psamtek-senb.” (Griffith, _Tell el Yahudiyeh_, Pl.
XVIII, 14.)
24. “The Priest ... Hor, son of Horuza.” L.
25. “The Hereditary Mayor, the Priest of Osiris, Lord of Dedu, the Great
Chief, Pa-ma.” M-G.
26. “... The Chief of the Mayors, Nefer.” B.M.; from Naucratis.
27. “The Priest of Her-she-ef.” Gold ring. L.
28. “The Priest of Hather, Lady of the Sycomore ...” Gold ring. L.
29. “The nomarch of the Hermonthite nome, Divine Father of Amen-Ra, King
of the gods (?), Priest, Opener to the Holder of the ..., the
_abh_-priest, Yerhararu.” Gold ring. Luxor.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XXXIX.
SCARABS BEARING MOTTOES, GOOD WISHES, ETC.
The inscriptions on these scarabs are generally extremely difficult to
interpret, but a few will be found translated on p. 78. I give here,
therefore, only references to the collections from which the examples
have been figured.
1 and 2, v-B.
3. M-G. (Common.)
4. B.M. (Common.)
5. B.M.
6. Ashm.
7. Thomp.
8. B.M. 17189.
9. Thomp.
10. Alnw.
11-13. M-G.
14. Gr.
15. Hood.
16 and 17. Gr.
18. M-G.
19. Gr.
20. Hood.
21. Evans. (This plaque is dated by the name of Thothmes III engraved
on its side.)
22. B.M. 4267.
23. B.M. 27219.
24. Alnw.
25. Gr.
26. B.M. 3631.
27. M-G. (Common.)
28. B.M. 3912.
29. Alnw.
30. Alnw. (Very common.)
31. Hood.
32. Ashm.
33. M-G.
34. Hood.
35. Ashm.
36. Gr. (This example has the name of Rameses II cut on the back.)
37. M-G. (Common.)
38. B.M. 29245.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XL.
SCARABS BEARING MOTTOES, GOOD WISHES, ETC.—_continued._
References are only given here to the collections from which the
specimens have been figured. A few of the inscriptions will be
found translated on p. 78.
1. B.M. 3702.
2. Alnw.
3. In the possession of Arthur Evans, Esq.
4. Gr.
5. Hood.
6. B.M. 17270.
7. Bol., 2641.
8. P.
9. B.M. 26596.
10. Ashm.
11. Gr.
12. Luxor.
13 and 14. Amh.
15 and 16. Hood.
17. Luxor.
18. H-P. 4603; _cf._ Pl. XXXIX, 21 and 27.
19. Fitzw. (Common.)
20. B.M. 26618.
21. Hood.
22. Amh.
23. Luxor. (Very common.)
24. Fitzw. (Very common.)
25. Bol. 2770. (Not rare.)
26. Luxor.
27. H-P.
28. Newb.
29 and 30. Amh.
31. In the possession of Mrs. Cox.
32. B.M.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XLI.
SCARABS BEARING NAMES OF FIGURES OF GODS, ETC.
1. “Isis, Lady of Heaven and Mistress of the Gods.” T.
2. Ŷm-hetep. H.P.
3. “Amen-ra, Lord of the Breath of Life.” Alnw.
4. “Amen-ra, abundant in things.” Newb.
5. Head of Hathor. T.
6. Her-she-ef. M-G.
7. “Ra-nefer, Son of Amen.” Gr.
8. Ptah. Cairo.
9. “Shu, Son of Ra.” Amh.
10. Horus and Uraeus. Vat.
11. Horus and Uraeus. T.
12. A king adoring Thoth. C.M.
13. Ptah standing in front of two altars. Alnw.
14. Mentu. C.M.
15. Set. C.M.
16. Bes. Amh.
17. Amen supported by Ra and Pacht. Amh.
18. Amen-ra. Cairo.
19. Maat. Newb.
20. The title “Courtier.” C.M.
21. The title “Hereditary Prince.” Gr.
22. The title “Governor of the City.” C.M.
23. The royal title, “Son of Ra.” Luxor.
24. The royal titles, “The Good God, Lord of the Two Lands.” Luxor.
25. The royal titles, “King of Upper and Lower Egypt.” Newb.
26. A common inscription of doubtful meaning. B.M.
27. Hieroglyphic signs symmetrically arranged. Luxor.
28. M-G.
29. Luxor.
30. Amen-ra. Cairo.
31. B.M.
32. B.M. (A very common inscription.)
33. Luxor.
34. Luxor.
35. Naucratis.
36. Luxor.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XLII.
HIEROGLYPHICS, FLOWERS, ETC.
1. _Ankh_, “Life.” Newb.
2. _Ankh nefer_, “Life and beauty.” Newb.
3. _Nefer maa_, “Beauty and truth.” Newb.
4. Do. do. do.
5. Hieroglyphic signs. Luxor.
6. Two _nefer_ signs. Cairo.
7. _Ankh nefer_, “Life and beauty.” Newb.
8-11. Hieroglyphic signs. C.M.
12. _Nefer_, “Beauty,” surrounded by a coil pattern. C.M.
13. Two feet and an ox’s head (?). M-G.
14. Lotus buds. C.M.
15. Lotus flower and buds. C.M.
16. Papyrus flowers. Newb.
17. A cat, fish, and eye. C.M.
18. An eye. L.
19. A fly. Hood.
20. A beetle, two uraei, and a crocodile. Newb.
21. A cat and fish in an eye. C.M. (see above, No. 17.)
22. A hawk, two uraei, and a crocodile. Newb.
23. A hand. Gr.
24. A King (?) seated. Very common.
25. A fish and a scorpion. Gr.
26. Three uraei. Liv.
27. A man holding two crocodiles. Hood.
28. Two monkeys climbing a palm-tree. Gr.
29. A palm-tree and two crocodiles. Dattari.
30. Two fish. Cairo.
31. Two scorpions. Gr.
32. A gazelle. Newb.
33-39. Hunting scenes. B.M., Newb., and H-P. Colls.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XLIII.
MISCELLANEOUS ROYAL AND PRIVATE SCARABS.
1. “The Royal Sealer and Divine Father, Ha-ankh-ef.” P.
2. “The Steward, Khnems.” Dat. Thirteenth Dynasty.
3. “The son of Ra, Amenemhat-Sebekhetep, beloved of Sebek-ra. Lord of
Shŷteru” (?). Davis. Thirteenth Dynasty. (See _P.S.B.A._, XXIV,
p. 250.)
4. “The Steward, Amenŷ.” P. Late Twelfth Dynasty.
5. “The Scribe of the Army, Nehŷ, born of the Lady Kesen.” C.M.
Thirteenth Dynasty.
6. “Neferui-uah-ra.” Fitzw.
7. “The Royal Friend, Doctor and Scribe, Sa-hather.” C.M. Thirteenth
Dynasty.
8. “The Chief Superintendent of the Office of the Treasury,
Nen-semkhut-ef.” Davis. Thirteenth Dynasty.
9. “The Doctor and _ari Nekhen_, Antef.” Davis. Thirteenth Dynasty.
10. “The Royal Sealer, Royal Friend, and Superintendent of the Seal,
Ab-tau.” Davis. Hyksos period.
11. “Ankhes-en-pa-aten.” Davis. Eighteenth Dynasty (Akhenaten).
12. “The Superintendent of the Cattle of Amen; Sen-nefer.” P. Early
Eighteenth Dynasty.
13. “The Vezîr, Ym-hetep.” Davis. This Vezîr lived under Amenhetep I.
(See _P.S.B.A._, XXIII, p. 250.)
14. “Apepa.” Davis. Hyksos period.
15. “The Mayor and Superintendent of the Granary of Amen, Aahmes.”
Davis. Time of Hatshepsût or early Thothmes III.
16. “The Chantress of Amen, Nefret-ari.” Dat. End of the Eighteenth or
beginning of the Nineteenth Dynasty.
17 and 18. “Shesha.” Mr. Nahmann, Cairo. Hyksos period. (_Cf._ Pl.
XXI, 9-18.)
19. “The Son of Ra, Ambu.” C.M. Hyksos period.
20. A blundered scarab of Se-kha-en-ra. Davis. (_Cf._ Pl. XXI, 19-22.)
Hyksos period.
21. “The Son of Ra, Ŷ-keb.” Davis. Hyksos period. (_Cf._ Pl. XXII,
7-13.)
22. “The Royal Son, Ŷ-kebu.” v-B. Hyksos period. (See _supra_, No.
21.)
23. “The Superintendent of the Unguents, Kheper-ka.” P. Twelfth
Dynasty.
24. “The Superintendent of the Office, Atef.” C.M. Thirteenth or
Fourteenth Dynasty.
25. “The Scribe Teta.” Davis. Middle Eighteenth Dynasty.
26. “The Steward of the House of Prayer, Mesu.” B.M.
27. “The Mayor of Heliopolis, Ben, son of Ma.” v-B. Thothmes III. (Fr.
_Sc._ 81.)
28. “The Guardian of the Storehouse, Aŷ.” T. Thirteenth Dynasty.
29. “The Guardian of the Storehouse, Senb.” C.M. Thirteenth Dynasty.
30. “The Overseer of the Surveyors, Thati.” C.M. Thirteenth Dynasty.
31. “The Chief over the Secrets of the Royal Palace, the Royal Sealer,
and Superintendent of the Seal, Hor.” Philadelphia Museum. (See
my note in Garstang’s _El Arabeh_, p. 32.)
32. “The Guardian of the Unguents, Nub-user.” C.M. Thirteenth Dynasty.
33. “The Superintendent of the (Cattle ?) stalls, Benera.” C.M.
Thirteenth Dynasty.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATE XLIV.
MISCELLANEOUS ROYAL AND PRIVATE SCARABS—_continued_.
1. “The Superintendent of the Interior, Kenem. Timmins’ Coll.
2. “The _Em-a-ast_, Sebeknekht.” Cairo.
3. “The Steward of the Accounts of Cattle, Hora-khent-khetï-hetep.”
Timmins’ Coll.
4. “The Lady Sent.” Timmins’ Coll.
5. “The Scribe Hu-ma-thu.” Timmins’ Coll.
6. “The Son of Ra, Khŷan.” Timmins’ Coll.
7. “The Good God, Kha-user-Ra, giving life.” Piers’ Coll.
8. “The Son of Ra, Seket.” Piers’ Coll.
9. “The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Se-baq-ka-Ra.” Cairo.
10. “The Superintendent of ...? Anna.” Timmins’ Coll.
11. “The Superintendent of the Gold Workers, Haaïu.” Timmins’ Coll.
12. “The Court Under-sealer, Ab-ref.”
13. “The Great (?) Royal Wife, Nub-hetep-tha.” Murch.
14. “The Lady, Y-ȧb.” Cairo.
15. “The Great One of the Southern Tens, Sebek-her-heb.” Timmins’
Coll.
16. “The Chief Steward, Mentu-hetep Zeszes.” Timmins’ Coll.
17. “The Scribe of the Great Prison, Dehenti.” Timmins’ Coll.
18. “The _abu ne at_ ... Sebek-aa.” Cairo.
19. “May the King give an offering to Ptah-seker-Osiris Neb ankh tauï
for the ka of the Great one of the Southern Tens, Sebek-em-heb,
Son of H ... hufi.” Cairo.
20. “The Governor of the city, Ptah (?).” Cairo.
21. “_Ari-at_ of the followers, Yu-senbu.” Cairo.
22. “Royal Sealer. Superintendent of the Peasantmen, Nefer-hetep.”
Cairo.
23. “Royal Sealer. Superintendent of the prison, Senb.” Murch.
24. “The judge and _arï Nekhen_, Ren-ef-res.” Cairo.
25. “Royal daughter, Nebt-tep-ahu.” Murch.
26. “Royal Sealer, Chief Steward, Neb-ankh.” Murch.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
INDEX TO PERSONAL NAMES.
Aahmes, XXIX, 1.
Aa-khnem, XV, 18.
Abh-a-senbtefi, XIV, 3.
Ab-ka-user, XXIX, 3.
Ab-ref, XLIV, 12.
Ab-tau, XLIII, 10.
Aka, XIII, 10.
Aka-senbna, XI, 27.
Akuu, XV, 16.
Amen-em-apt, XXXV, 21.
Amen-em-hat, XI, 17; XIII, 23; XVI, 2.
Amenemhat-senb-ne-Hather, XI, 16.
Amenemheb, XXIX, 7.
Amenhetep, XI, 10; XIV, 1; XVI, 3.
Ameny, XVII, 27; XLIII, 4.
Ameny-senb, XVI, 13.
Ana, XVII, 10.
Ankh, XV, 24; XVII, 9, 21.
Ankh-ef, XIII, 27.
Ankh-sen, XVI, 4.
Ankh-tefi, XIV, 13.
Ankhu, VII, 13; XIII, 16.
Anna, XLIV, 10.
Antef, XIII, 3; XIV, 26; XLIII, 9.
Anu-enti(?), XVII, 14.
Apa, XVI, 18.
Apepa, XII, 25; XLIII, 14.
Apuser, XXIX, 12.
Art, XXIX, 12.
Atef, XLIII, 24.
Atef-ef, XVII, 24.
Au-ab, XVI, 10.
Au-ef-er-senb, XVII, 13.
Au-het-ab, X, 3.
Auqa, XV, 10.
Au su ankh, XIV, 22.
Auŷ, XI, 2.
Auŷ mes, XI, 18.
Aŷ, XII, 21; XIV, 5; XLIII, 28.
Bak en khensu, XXXV, 21.
Baŷ, XXXVI, 14.
Beba, XI, 30; XIV, 12.
Ben, XLIII, 27.
Benera, XLIII, 33.
Bu-sen-ba, XVI, 25.
Deda, XI, 30.
Dede muti, XVII, 15.
Dede nub, XV, 9.
Dedetu, XII, 11.
Dehenti, XLIV, 17.
Erde ne ptah, XI, 12; XIII, 22; XIV, 10; XV, 19.
Erdet ne ptah, XV, 21.
Ha ankh ef, X, 4, 8; XII, 17; XLIII, 1.
Haaïu, XLIV, 11.
Hap-hetepu, XII, 12.
Hapu senb, XXIX, 5.
Har, XXIII, 20-22.
Hepu em sha, XII, 12.
Her ankh, XIII, 18.
Her hetep, XVII, 4.
Hera, Heru, XI, 22; XIII, 14, 15; XLIII, 31.
Herfu, XI, 11.
Hei-khent-kheti-hetep, XLIV, 3.
Hetep, XVII, 23.
Hu-ma-tha, XLIV, 5.
Huŷ, II.
Ka, XVI, 14.
Kema, X, 5, 8.
Kenem, XLIV, 1.
Keru, XV, 26.
Kesen, XLIII, 5.
Kethuna, XXIII, 28.
Kha-kau-ra-senb, XV, 1.
Khent hetep, XVII, 16.
Khent-kheti, XV, 25.
Kheper ka, XLIII, 23.
Khnem-aa, XVII, 18.
Khnem-set-heru-sebek? XII, 10.
Khnems, XV, 13; XVII, 20; XLIII, 2.
Khu, XVI, 9.
Ma, XLIII, 27.
Maket, XXIX, 30, 31, 33.
Maŷ, XXIX, 11.
Mehti, XV, 23.
Men kheper ra senb, XXIX, 4.
Mentuhetep, X, 2; XI, 20; XVI, 5.
Mentu nesu, XIII, 6.
Mery ra, XV, 3.
Merŷt, XII, 18.
Min-ast, XXXV, 18.
Min-nekht, XXIX, 9.
Mu-nu-ah, XV, 15.
Mŷ, XIV, 21.
Neb-ankh, XLIV, 26.
Neb-kau, XVI, 23.
Neb-pu, XVI, 22.
Neb qemiu, XI, 25.
Neb-re-sehui, XI, 4.
Neb-seshen, XI, 29.
Neb-sunu, XVI, 6; XVII, 5; XVII, 19.
Nebt-tep-ahu, XLIV, 25.
Nefer-hetep, XII, 23; XIII, 12; XLIV, 22.
Neferni, XIII, 25.
Nefer renpet, XXXV, 23, 24.
Nefer tum, XVI, 12.
Neferu, XIV, 15.
Nefret ari, XLIII, 16.
Nehesi, XI, 14.
Nehy, XII, 7; XIII, 11; XVII, 7; XLIII, 5.
Nenna, XII, 26.
Nen sem khuft, XLIII, 8.
Nub-em-sa-es, XII, 19.
Nub-hkusi, XVII, 28.
Pa-enti-en, XIV, 14.
Paser, XXXV, 16, 17.
Pe-en-thebu, XXIX, 6.
Pehui-ef-hu?, XI, 21.
Per-em-uah, XXIII, 24-26.
Ptah, XLIV, 20.
Ptah-ath, XVII, 25.
Ptah dedetu senb, XI, 1.
Ptah-hetep, XIV, 8.
Ptah-mes, XXIX, 10.
Ptah ur, XII, 22.
Ptah ur bau, XVII, 1.
Raha, XXIII, 27.
Ren ef-em-ab, XI, 29.
Ren ef senb, XI, 3.
Rensenb, XI, 23; XVI, 24; XVII, 8, 28.
— Usertsen, XV, 2,
Res, XIII, 33.
Sa aah, XV, 22.
Sa buu, XV, 4.
Sa hather aa, XI, 28.
Sa hather, XV, 6; XLIII, 7.
Sa hŷ, XVI, 17.
Sa neb, XIII, 17.
Sa nefer hez, XV, 5.
Sa ptah, XIII, 26; XIV, 2.
Sa sebek, XI, 19; XII, 16; XIV, 23.
Sat ab, XIV, 9.
Sat spedu, XVII, 11.
Sat sutekh, XV, 8.
Se ankh, XIII, 21; XVII, 12.
Sebek-aa, XLIV, 18.
Sebek aa senes, XII, 24.
Sebek an, XVII, 2.
Sebek dedu, XI, 26.
Sebek-em-heb, XLIV, 19.
Sebek-her-heb, XLIV, 15.
? Sebek her ant, XVI, 19.
Sebekhetep, XI, 20; XIV, 11, 20; XV, 11.
Sebek-nekht, XLIV, 2.
Sebek-se-s-ankh, XIII, 4.
Sebek-ur, XIII, 9.
Sedemŷ, XIII, 31.
Sehetep, XVII, 3.
Sehetep-ab, XIII, 32.
Se-hetep-ab-ra-senb, IX, 12.
Sehetep ab ru, XI, 13; XIII, 29.
Semi nefer, XV, 20.
Senaa-ab, XIV, 6, 7.
Senb, XIII, 34; XVI, 11, 20, 21; XLIII, 29; XLIV, 23.
Senba, VII, 1 ; XI, 6.
Senb ef, XIII, 35.
Senb ef nefer ankh, XVII, 26.
Senb-su ma, XI, 7, 8.
Senb tefi, XII, 20.
Sen-mut, VIII, 4.
Sen-nefer, XXIX, 8; XLIII, 12.
Sen-pu, XIII, 19; XXIX, 2.
Sent, XLIV, 4.
? Sep-sa-ankh, XII, 15.
Se resu, XIV, 4.
Sesa, XII, 9.
Set mes, XVI, 7.
Sezedu, XIV, 16.
Spernef, XV, 17.
Surtha, XIII, 24.
Tefta, XVI, 15.
Tehepenkhet mery?, XII, 8.
Tehutinekht, XI, 15.
Teta, XVI, 16; XLIII, 25.
Teta kherd, XIII, 2.
Teta nefer, XXVI, 3.
Tha ath, XII, 13.
Tha tha, XII, 28.
Thati, XLIII, 30.
Theti, XV, 12.
Un nefer, XVII, 17.
Up em heb, XI, 5.
User, XLIII, 32.
Usermaa ra nekht, XXXV, 22.
Usertsen, XVII, 6.
Usertsen senbu, XIII, 13.
Ushu, XIII, 8.
Y-ab, XIII, 20; XLIV, 14.
Y-m-hetep, XLIII, 13.
Yu-benera, XV, 14.
Yu-senb, XI, 9, 28; XVI, 1, 8; XLIV, 20.
Zedau [f] Heru, XXXVII, 25.
Zera, XV, 7.
Zeszes, XLIV, 16.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
INDEX TO TITLES.
_abu ne at_, XLIV, 18.
_adenu ne mer khetem_, see _mer khetem_.
_adenu ne mer per ur_, see _mer per ur_.
_ahems ne dep_, XVI, 2.
_am-as_, XIII, 27.
_am khent ne Sebek_, XVII, 2.
_am khent_, [Egyptian **], XVII, 14.
_ankhet net res-tep_, XIII, 12.
_ankhui ne neb taui_, XXIX, 8.
_ari at_, XI, 29; XII, 12, 30; XIII, 29; XV, 1; XVII, 23; XLIII, 28,
29.
_ari at ne auf_, XIII, 18.
_ari at ne per dedu_, XIII, 19; XVI, 9; XVII, 5; XXIX, 2.
_ari at ne per hez_, XV, 5; XVII, 17.
_ari at ne shemsu_, XLIV, 21.
_ari at ne shent_, XIV, 10.
_ari bes_, XLIII, 32.
_ari Nekhen_, XII, 17; XV, 10; XLIII, 9; XLIV, 24.
_ari pedet_, XIII, 34.
_bakt ne heq_, XIII, 26.
_enti em sert_, XVII, 14.
_erpa_, XI, 18.
_ha_, XI, 15, 16, 17, 18; XIII, 15, 21; XIV, 1; XVI, 13; XVII, 28;
XXIX, 8; XLIII, 15; p. 49, fig. 25.
_ha het Usertsen_, VII, 1.
_ha ne An_, XLIII, 27.
_ha ne Reshuu_, XV, 14.
_hemt neter_, XXVI, 12, 15, 21, 31; XXVII, 14, 33, 34, 35; XXVIII, 4;
XXXVII, 26, 27.
_hemt neter urt_, XXXI, 18; XXXVI, 12; XXXVII, 9.
_hemt seten_, IX, 32; XII, 6; XIII, 30; XXIII, 17, 18, 19; XXVI, 4, 32;
XXXII, 2; XXXV, 15.
_hemt seten urt_, XII, 4, 5, 26; XIV, 19; XXVI, 19, 20; XXVII, 13;
XXVIII, 35, 37; XXXI, 3, 4, 8, 16, 17; XXXII, 1, 3; XXXIII, 1, 2;
XXXIV, 8; XXXV, 20; XLIV, 13.
_hen neter_, XV, 9; XVII, 2.
_hen neter ne Sebek em Uas_, XII, 23.
_hen tep neter ne Amen_, XXIX, 5; XXXV, 21.
_heq ankn khaut_, XIII, 28.
_heq khaskhet_, VII, 7; XXII, 20, 21, 22; XXIII, 10, 11.
_heq neferu_, VII, 10.
_heq ne kenbet_, XLIII, 30.
_her ne tem_, XVI, 7.
_her per_, XLIII, 4; cf. _mer per_.
_her sesheta (ne) per seten_, XLIII, 31.
_her she_, see _mer she_.
_kher heb ne Nekhebet_, XIV, 11.
_kher heb ne per nefer_, XVII, 21.
_kherp aha_, XIII, 15; XIV, 4.
_kherp nesti_, XI, 15.
_khetemu bati_, XI, 4-12, 18, 21, 22, 29; XII, 28; XIII, 10, 16, 21,
24, 27, 31; XIV, 10, 24; XV, 4; XVI, 3; XXIII, 20, 21, 22; XXIV, 32;
XLIII, 1, 10, 31; XLIV, 22, 23, 26.
_khetemu kefa ab_, XI, 28.
_khetemu kher-a_, XVII, 18; XLIV, 12.
_khnemt nefert hez_, IX, 32; XII, 4, 5, 26; XIV, 19.
_mer akhenuti_, XIII, 32; XVI, 16, 25; XVII, 12; XLIII, 24; XLIV, 1.
_mer akhenuti ne dep_, XII, 20; XIII, 11, 16; XVI, 24.
_mer akhenuti ur ne per hez_, XLIII, 8.
_mer aru_ (?), XIII, 5.
_mer ast ne heq_, XIV, 9; XVI, 17.
_mer ast urt_, XI, 24.
_mer besu_ (?), XLIII, 23.
_mer hemt ne Amen_, XXIX, 4.
_mer henu neter_, XI, 15, 18; cf. _hen neter_.
_mer hesu ur_, XI, 25.
_mer het neter_, VII, 1; XI, 17; XIII, 15, 21; XVI, 13.
_mer hetu seten_, XXIX, 1.
_mer khau ne Amen_, XLIII, 12.
_mer khau_, XV, 17.
_mer khent_, XLIV, 23.
_mer khetemtiu_, XI, 9; XIII, 31; XV, 4.
_mer khetemu_, XI, 4-11; XXIII, 20-22, 24-27; XXIV, 32; XXXVI, 14;
XLIII, 10, 31.
—— _adenu ne mer khetemu_, XI, 13; XIV, 25; XVI, 6.
—— _sesh ne mer khetemu_, XVI, 8.
—— _sesh ur ne mer khetemu_, XI, 14; XIV, 2.
—— _setem ash ne mer khetem_, XXIX, 9.
_mer mentiu_, XI, 23.
_mer meshau_, XI, 22; XIII, 17.
_mer meshau ur_, XI, 21.
_mer neferu ne per Amen_, XXXV, 21.
_mer net_, VII, 13; XII, 1, 2; XXVI, 3; XXXV, 16, 17, 23, 24; XXXVII,
25; XLIV, 20.
_mer nubŷ_, XLIV, 11; p. 55, fig. 32.
_mer per_, XII, 15; XIII, 2, 4; XIV, 21; XVI, 22; XLIII, 2.
_mer per heseb ahu_, XLIV, 3.
_mer per heseb ati_, XIV, 5.
_mer per heseb remt_, XIV, 26.
_mer per ne dua_, XLIII, 26.
_mer per ne hemt seten_, XXIX, 6.
_mer per ne shent_, XVI, 18.
_mer per ur_, XII, 28, 29; XIII, 10, 21, 27; XVI, 23; XLIV, 16, 26.
—— _ne seten_; p. 47, fig. 24.
—— _adenu me mer per ur_, XVII, 16.
_mer qesti_, XVII, 27.
_mer qesu_, XIV, 10.
_mer sekhetiu_, XIII, 24; XIV, 24; XLIV, 22.
_mer she_, XV, 13.
—— _sesh ne she_, XV, 6.
_mer shent ne Amen_, XLIII, 15.
_mer ta mehu_, XIII, 6, 32; XVI, 25; XVII, 12.
_mer u_, XIII, 6; XV, 2.
_mer u ne Het-neter_, XVI, 14.
[Egyptian **], XLIII, 33.
_mertui ne neb taui_, XXIX, 8.
_met seten_, IV, 16; X, 3, 5, 8, 9; XXVI, 16.
_nebt per_, XII, 18, 19, 27; XIII, 7; XIV, 15; XV, 7, 8, 20, 21; XVI,
15; XVII, 10, 11, 15; XXIX, 12, 14, 30, 31; XLIII, 5; XLIV, 4, 14.
_neter atef_, X, 2, 4, 8; XIV, 20; XXIX, 10; XLIII, 1.
_neter hemt_, see _hemt neter_.
_neter hen_, see _hen neter_.
_neter khetemu_, XIV, 1.
_neter mert_, XXIX, 10.
_pa ser aa_, XXXV, 6; XXXVI, 30.
_qemat ne Amen_, XXIX, 11; XLIII, 16.
_qenbeti_, XI, 26.
_qesti_, XVII, 6.
_rekh seten_, XI, 25; XII, 11, 14, 16, 21, 25; XIV, 17; XV, 10.
_sa seten_, IX, 30; XII, 1-3; XIII, 1; XVII, 8; XXIII, 4, 12-16, 23,
29; XXVI, 34, 35; XXXV, 19, 20; XLIII, 22.
_sa seten ur_, XXVI, 6.
_sab_, XII, 17, 22; XV, 10; XLIII, 7, 9; XLIV, 24.
_sat seten_, IV, 5; VI, 20; IX, 33, 34, 35, 39; XXVI, 18, 36; XXVIII,
3.
_sat seten aat_, XIV, 18; XVII, 1.
_sat urt ne Neheren_, XXXII, 1.
_seba ne per ankh_, XIII, 35.
_sehez shemsu_, XI, 30; XVII, 9.
_semer uati_, XI, 4-12; XLIII, 7, 10.
_sen seten_, XXIX, 13.
_sent seten_, XXVIII, 3.
_ser hayt_, XIV, 6; XV, 10; XVI, 5, 11.
_sesh_, XLIII, 7, 25; XLIV, 5.
_sesh her khetemu ne Hetep-Usertsen_, XIII, 20.
_sesh her khetemtu ne per hez_, XVII, 26.
_sesh heseb_, XVII, 20.
_sesh het neter ne Hetep-Usertsen_, XIII, 13.
_sesh khaut_, XVII, 13.
_sesh ne kha ne neb taui_, XXXV, 22.
_sesh ne khent urt_, XII, 9; XIV, 14, 16, 23; XLIV, 17.
_sesh ne mer khetemu_, see _mer khetemu_.
_sesh ne meshau_, XIII, 25; XV, 23; XLIII, 25.
_sesh ne neferu_, XIII, 25.
_sesh ne qenbetu ne un me Het-ka_, XVII, 25.
_sesh ne she_, see _mer she_.
_sesh ne ta seba_, XV, 2.
_sesh ne zat_, see _zat_.
_sesh ne zazat_, XVI, 19.
_sesh neferu_, XXIX, 3.
_sesh seten_, XI, 27.
_sesh ur ne mer khetemu_, see _mer khetemu_.
_setem ash ne mer khetemu_, XXIX, 9.
_seten hemt_, see _hemt seten_.
_seten hemt urt_, see _hemt seten urt_.
_seten kekheru_, XV, 15.
_seten sa_, see _sa seten_.
_seten sat_, see _sat seten_.
_seten sat aat_, see _sat seten aat_.
_seten sesh_, see _sesh seten_.
_seten seshemsu_, see _shemsu seten_.
_seten_ [Egyptian **], XII, 7; XVII, 19.
_shemsu_, XIII, 3; XVI, 20.
_shemsu ne remen tep_, XIV, 12; XV, 24, 26; XVI, 10.
_shemsu seten_, XII, 28, 29; XIII, 21.
_sunu_, XV, 19.
_uab_, XIV, 3, 16; XXIX, 7.
_uab aa ne Hather nebt Tep-ahu_, XII, 10.
_uartu aa ne net_, XI, 19; XIV, 22.
_uartu ne hek khaut_, XI, 20; XIII, 8, 14.
_uartu ne Ursh_, XV, 16.
_uartu ne Ut_, XVII, 22.
_uhem_, XV, 18.
_ur res met_, XII, 13; XIII, 9; XIV, 7, 8, 13; XV, 22; XLIV, 15, 19.
_ut_, XII, 22.
_zat_, VII, 13; XI, 1, 2; XXVI, 3; XXIX, 10; XXXV, 16, 17, 23, 24;
XXXVII, 25; XLIII, 13.
—— _sesh ne zat_, XI, 3.
_zau_ (_?_) _seten apt_, XVII, 3.
_zau ne sesh_, [Egyptian **], XVI, 12.
[Egyptian **], XV, 25.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
INDEX TO ROYAL NAMES
--------------
(_a_) KINGS.
Aa-ab (Uah-ab-ra), VII, 5; X, 17.
Aa-hetep-ra, XXII, 1-3.
Aah-mes I (Neb-pehti-ra), XXVI, 6-11, 17.
Aah-mes II (Sa Neith), p. 14, fig. 4; XXXVIII, 17.
Aa-kheper-en-ra (Thothmes II), XXVII, 15-17; XXIX, 43.
Aa-kheper-ka-ra (Thothmes I), XXVII, 1-12; XXIX, 34.
Aa-kheper-ra (Shashanq II), XXXVII, 17-19.
Aa-kheperu-ra (Amenhetep II), p. 68, fig. 57; I, 2; VIII, 6; XXX, 1-17.
Aamu, XXII, 14-18.
Aa-user-ra (Apepŷ I), I, 1; XXIII, 30-35; XXIV, 34, 35.
Aha (Menes), IV, 2.
Akh-en-aten (Amenhetep IV), I, 4.
Akh-en-ra (Siptah), XXXVI, 8, 9.
Ambu (?), XLIII, 19.
Amenemhat, VI, 16-18, 20; IX, 16.
Amenemhat I (Sehetep-ab-ra), VI, 1; IX, 11.
Amenemhat II (Nub-kau-ra), VI, 1-4; VIII, 11.
Amenemhat III (Ne-maat-ra), p. 47, fig. 22; p. 88, fig. 93; VI, 1,
10-15, 19; IX, 25-29, 36, 37.
Amenemhat IV (Maa-kheru-ra), VI, 22; IX, 38.
Amenemhat-sebekhetep, XLIII, 3.
Amenemhat-senbef (Seshes-ka-ra), VII, 3.
Amenhetep I (Zeser-ka-ra), p. 68, fig. 57; VIII, 2, 5; XXVI, 23-31, 33.
Amenhetep II (Aa-kheperu-ra), I, 2; VIII, 6; XXX, 1-17.
Amenhetep III (Neb-maat-ra), VIII, 3; XXX, 26-32; XXXI, 1-12, 14-18;
XXXII, 1-3, XXXIII, 1-2.
Amenhetep IV (Nefer-kheperu-ra), I, 4; XXXI, 13, 19-25, 27, 28.
Amenŷ, VII, 19.
Ana (Mer-hetep-ra), X, 21.
Ankh-kheperu-ra, XXXI, 31.
Anther, XXIII, 11.
Apepŷ I (Aa-user-ra), I, 1; XXIII, 30-35; XXIV, 34, 35.
Aŷ I (Mer-nefer-ra), X, 18-20.
Aŷ II (Kheper-kheperu-ra ar maat), XXXI, 26, 29, 34.
Bak-en-ren-ef (Uah-ka-ra), XXXVII, 22, 23.
Ded-ka-ra, XXXVIII, 3.
Dedui-ankh-ra, X, 25, 26.
Dedu-mes (Nefer-ded-ra), X, 29.
Den, IV, 9.
Hatshepsût (Maa-ka-ra), XXVII, 12, 18-25.
Her tep taui (Horus name), VII, 2.
Hez-kheper-ra (Shashanq II), XXXVII, 1-8, 15.
Hez-kheper-ra (Takelot I), XXXVII, 14.
Hor-em-heb (Zeser-kheperu-ra), I, 5; XXXIV, 1-6.
Ka-mes (Uaz-kheper-ra), XXVI, 1, 2.
Kashta, XXXVII, 20.
Kha-ef-ra, V, 1; VIII, 9, 10; IX, 4, 5.
Kha-hetep-ra (Sehekhetep IV), X, 16.
Kha-ka-ra, X, 14, 15.
Kha-kau-ra (Usertsen III), p. 93, fig. 107; VI, 1, 9, 11; IX, 22, 24.
Kha-kheper-ra (Usertsen II), VI, 1, 6, 7, 8; IX, 19, 20, 23.
Kha-mu-ra, XXI, 30.
Kha-nefer-ra (Sehekhetep III), H, 6-13.
Kha-sekhemui, IV, 11.
Kha-seshes-ra (Neferhetep), X, 4, 5.
Kha-user-ra, XXI, 25-29; XLIV, 7.
Kheper-ka-ra (Usertsen I), p. 80, fig. 82; VI, 1; IX, 13, 14, 17, 18.
Kheper-ka-ra (Nekhtenebo), p. 92, fig. 106.
Kheper-kheperu-ra ar maat (Aŷ II), XXXI, 26, 29, 34.
Kheper-nub-ra, VII, 12.
Khnum-ab-ra (?), XXXVIII, 21.
Khufu, IX, 2, 3.
Khŷan (User-en-ra), p. 47, fig. 23; VII, 7, 10; XXII, 20-26; XLIV, 6.
Maa-ab-ra, XXI, 1-8.
Maa-ka-ra (Hatshepsût), XXVII, 12, 18-35.
Maa-kheru-ra (Amenemhat IV), VI, 22; IX, 38.
Maa-ra (Sebekhetep), X, 22, 23.
Menes (Aha), IV, 2.
Men-kau-ra, V, 2-4; IX, 9.
Men-kheper-ra (Thothmes III), p. 68, fig. 57; p. 90, fig. 98; p. 94,
fig. 110; XXVIII, 5-34; XXIX, 29, 34-41.
Men-kheperu-ra (Thothmes IV), XXX, 18-25.
Men-nefer-ra, XXXVIII, 18.
Men-maa-ra (Setŷ I), XXXIV, 14-21.
Men-pehti-ra (Rameses I), XXXIV, 9-13.
Mentuhetep, p. 87, fig. 87.
Mentuhetep (IV? Se-ankh-ka-ra), IX, 10.
Mer-en-ptah (Ne-ba-ra), XXXVI, 1, 2.
Mer-en-ra, p. 68, fig. 56.
Mer-hetep-ra (Ana), X, 21.
Mer-nefer-ra (Aŷ), X, 18, 19, 20.
Mer-pa-ba, IV, 7.
Mer-user-ra (Ykebher), XXII, 27-30; XXIII, 1-3.
Merŷ-ra (Pepŷ I), p. 46, fig. 21; p. 55, fig. 31; V, 10, 11; IX, 7.
Nar-mer, p. 53, fig. 29.
Ne-ba-ra (Merenptah), XXXVI, 1, 2.
Neb-ka-ra, IX, 1.
Neb-kha-ra, IX, 8.
Neb-kheperu-ra (Tût-ankh-amen), XXXI, 32.
Neb-maa-ra (Amenhetep III), VIII, 3; XXX, 26-32; XXXI, 1-12, 14-18;
XXXII, 1-3; XXXIII, 1, 2.
Neb-maa-ra (Rameses VI), XXXVI, 26, 28.
Neb-pehti-ra (Aahmes I), XXVI, 6-11, 17.
Nefer-ab-ra, XXXVIII, 15.
Nefer-ankh-ra, X, 30.
Nefer-ar-ka-ra, V, 9.
Nefer-ded-ra, X, 29.
Nefer-hetep (Kha-seshes-ra), X, 4, 5.
Nefer-ka-ra (Psamtek II), I, 3.
Nefer-ka-ra (Rameses IX), XXXVI, 31.
Nefer-ka-ra (Shabaka), XXXVIII, 29, 30; XXXVIII, 5-7.
Nefer-kheperu-ra (Akhenaten), I, 4; XXXI, 13, 19-25, 27, 28.
Neferui-uah-ra, XLIII, 6.
Nehesi, XXIII, 4-6.
Nekhtenebo, p. 91, fig. 105.
Ne-maa-ra (Amenemhat III), p. 47, fig. 22; p. 88, fig. 93; VI, 1,
10-15, 19; IX, 25-29, 36, 37.
Neter-kheperu-ra (Smendes), XXXVI, 34.
Nub-ka-ra, IX, 21, 31; XXIV, 36, 37.
Nub-kau-ra (Amenemhat II), VI, 1-4; VIII, 11.
Nub-taui-ra, XXII, 19.
Osorkon I (Sekhem-kheperu-ra), XXXVII, 11-13.
Pe-ankhy, XXXVII, 28.
Pe-de-se-bast (Se-her-ab-ra), XXXVII, 10.
Pepŷ I (Merŷ-ra), p. 46, fig. 21; p. 55. fig. 31; V, 10, 11; IX, 7.
Per-ab-sen, IV, 8, 12, 13.
Psamtek, XXXVIII, 9, 13, 22.
Psamtek II (Nefer-ka-ra), I, 3.
Qar, XXI, 23, 24.
Rameses I (Men-pehti-ra), XXXIV, 9-13.
Rameses II (User-maa-ra), p. 75, figs. 78, 79; p. 90, fig. 103; XXXIV,
22-36; XXXV, 1-6, 8-16, 18, 19, 22-24.
Rameses III (User-maa-ra), XXXVI, 17-21.
Rameses IV (User-maa-ra), XXXVI, 22-24.
Rameses V (User-maa-ra), XXXVI, 25.
Rameses VI (Neb-maa-ra), XXXVI, 26, 28.
Rameses VII (User-ra mery-amen), XXXVI, 27.
Rameses VIII, XXXVI, 29, 30.
Rameses IX (Nefer-ka-ra), XXXVI, 31.
Rameses X (User-maa-ra), XXXVI, 32.
Sa-amen, p. 89, fig. 96; XXXVI, 33.
Sahu-ra, V, 5, 6; VIII, 8.
Se-ankh-ka-ra (Mentuhetep?), IX, 10.
Sebaq-ka-ra, VII, 6; XLIV, 9.
Sebek, X, 27.
Sebek-em-sau-ef, X, 24.
Sebekhetep II (Sekhem-se-uaz-taui-ra), X, 2, 3.
Sebekhetep III (Kha-nefer-ra), X, 6-13.
Sebekhetep IV (Kha-hetep-ra), X, 16.
Sebekhetep (VI ?, Maa-ra), X, 22, 23.
Se-her-ab-ra (Pe-de-se-bast), XXXVII, 10.
Se-hetep-ab-ra (Amenemhat I), VI, 1; IX, 11.
Seket, XXIII, 12; XLIV, 8.
Se-kha-en-ra, XXI, 19-22; XLIII, 20.
Sekhem-ab (Per-ab-sen), IV, 8, 12, 13.
Sekhem-kheperu-ra (Osorkon), XXXVII, 11-13.
Sekhem-khu-taui-ra, VII, 4; X. 1.
Sekhem-se-uaz-taui-ra (Sebekhetep II), X, 2, 3.
Semqen, XXIII, 10.
Seqen-en-ra, p. 89, fig. 95.
Seshes-ka-ra (Amenemhat-senb-ef), VII, 3.
Setnekht (User-maa-ra), XXXVI, 15, 16.
Setŷ I (Men-maa-ra), VIII, 7; XXXIV, 14-21.
Setŷ II (User-kheperu-ra), XXXVI, 3, 7.
Siptah (Akh-en-ra), XXXVI, 8, 9.
Sha-ba-ka (Nefer-ka-ra), XXXVII, 29, 30; XXXVIII, 5-7.
Shashanq II (Hez-kheper-ra), XXXVII, 1-8, 15.
Shashanq III (User-maa-ra), XXXVII, 16.
Shashanq IV (Aa-kheper-ra), XXXVII, 17-19.
Shens, X, 28.
Shesha, XXI, 9-18; XLIII, 17, 18.
Smendes (Neter-kheperu-ra), XXXVI, 34.
Taharqa, XXXVIII, 2, 4, 12.
Takelot (Hez-kheper-ra), XXXVII, 14.
Thothmes I (Aa-kheper-ka-ra), XXVII, 1-12; XXIX, 34.
Thothmes II (Aa-kheper-en-ra), XXVII, 15-17; XXIX, 43.
Thothmes III (Men-kheper-ra), p. 68, fig. 57; p. 90, fig. 98; p. 94,
fig. 110; XXVIII, 5-34; XXIX, 29, 34-41.
Thothmes IV (Men-kheperu-ra), XXX, 18-25.
Tût-ankh-amen, XXXI, 32.
Uah-ab-ra (Aa-ab), VII, 5; X, 17.
Uah-ab-ra (Psamtek I), XXXVIII, 10, 11, 14, 19.
Uah-ka-ra (Bak-en-ren-ef), XXXVII, 22, 23.
Uazed, XXIII, 7-9.
Uaz-kheper-ra (Kames), XXVI, 1, 2.
Unas, IX, 6.
User-en-ra (Khŷan), VII, 7, 10; XXII, 20-26; XLIV, 6.
User-ka-ef, V, 7, 8.
User-khau-ra (Setnekht), XXXVI, 15, 16.
User kheperu ra (Sety II), XXXVI, 3-7.
User-maa-ra (Rameses II), XXXIV, 22-36; XXXV, 1-6, 8-16, 18, 19, 22-24;
p. 75, figs. 78, 79; p. 90, fig. 103.
User-maa-ra (Rameses III), XXXVI, 17-21.
User-maa-ra (Rameses IV), XXXVI, 22-24.
User-maa-ra (Rameses V), XXXVI, 25.
User-maa-ra (Rameses X), XXXVI, 32.
User-maa-ra (Shashanq III), XXXVII, 16.
User-ra Mery-amen (Rameses VII), XXXVI, 27.
Usertsen, VI, 5, 10, 15; IX, 15, 31.
Usertsen I (Kheper-ka-ra), p. 80, fig. 82; VI, 1; IX, 13, 14, 17, 18.
Usertsen II (Kha-kheperu-ra), VI, 1, 6, 7, 8; IX, 19, 20, 23.
Usertsen III (Kha-kau-ra), p. 93, fig. 107; VI, 1, 9, 11; IX, 22, 24.
Yamu, XXII, 4-6.
Ykeb, XXII, 7-13; XLIII, 21, 22.
Ykebher (Mer-user-ra), XXII, 27-30; XXIII, 1-3.
Zeser-ka-ra (Amenhetep I), VIII, 2, 5; XXVI, 23-31, 33.
Zeser-kheperu-ra (Hor-em-heb), I, 5, XXXIV, 1-6.
* * * * *
(_b_) QUEENS.
Aah-hetep, XXVI, 4, 5, 32.
Aahmes, XXVII, 13, 14.
Aahmes-nefret-ari, XXVI, 12-16, 31, 13, 14.
Aah-sat, XXVIII, 37.
Amenardes, XXXVII, 20, 21, 26, 27.
Ana, XII, 4, 5.
Ankhes-pa-aten, XXXI, 33.
Auhet-abu, X, 3.
Hap-en-maat, IV, 15.
Hatshepsut meryt-ra, XXVIII, 35, 36.
Hatshepsut (see under Kings).
Karamama, XXXVII, 9; XL, 8.
Kema, X, 5, 9.
Khensu, XIV, 19.
Maat-neferu-ra, XXXV, 15.
Meryt-amen, XXVI, 19-22.
Mut-nezemt, XXXIV, 7, 8.
Nefer-neferu aten Nefert yti, XXXI, 30.
Nefret-ari, XXVI, 12, 15, 16, 31.
Nefret-ari mer-en-mut, XXXV, 7.
Nub-hetep-tha, XII, 26; XLIV, 13.
Sat-aah, XXVIII, 37.
Sat-sebek, XII, 6.
Sebek-shedeti-neferu, VI, 21.
Senb-hena-es, XII, 30.
Shep-en-upt, XXXVII, 24.
Tausert, XXXVI, 10-12.
Tautha, XXIII, 17.
Thïŷ, VIII, 3; XXX, 28; XXXI, 3, 4, 8, 16-18; XXXII, 1-3; XXXIII, 1, 2.
Uazet, XXIII, 18.
* * * * *
(_c_) PRINCES.
Aahmes, XXVI, 6.
Amenmes, XXVI, 34.
Antef, XII, 1.
Apek, XXIII, 13, 14.
Apepa, XXIII, 29.
Ar, XIII, 1.
Kha-kau, XII 2.
Kupepen, XXIII, 15, 16.
Nehesi, XXIII, 4.
Pa-ra-her-amen-ef, XXXV, 20.
Ramessu-user-pehti, XXXV, 20.
Sa-hathor, XII, 3.
Sa-kat-sa, XXIII, 23.
Sheshemet, XXIII, 12.
Turi, XXVI, 35.
Y-kebu, XLII, 22.
Za-hapi-amen, p. 91, fig. 105.
(_d_) PRINCESSES.
A-ta-kayt, VI, 20.
Erde-ne-Ptah, XIV, 18.
Mehen-pet-tha, IV, 5.
Merŷt, IX, 30, 34.
Meryt-amen, XXVI, 22.
Neb-ta, XXVI, 36.
Neb-tep-ahu, XLIV, 25.
Nefert-ankt-uben, IX, 35.
Neferu-ra, XXVIII, 1-4.
Nub-em-ant, IX, 39.
Ptah-ur-bau, XVII, 1.
Rensenb, XVII, 8.
Sat-Hathor, IX, 33.
Sat-kames, XXVI, 17.
Tursi XXVI, 18.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PLATES.
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate II. P.E.N. Tût-Ankh-Amen’s
Chancellor presents Huŷ with the Signet-Ring of his Office. (From the
Tomb of Huŷ at Thebes.)]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate III. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Pre-dynastic Cylinder-Seals.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate IV. Scale 1:2. P.E.N. Early
Cylinder-Seals.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate V. Scale 1:2. P.E.N.
Cylinder-Seals: Fourth to Sixth Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate VI. Scale 1:2 P.E.N.
Cylinder-Seals: Twelfth Dynasty.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate VII. Scale 1:2. P.E.N.
Cylinder-Seals: Twelfth to Seventeenth Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate VIII. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Miscellaneous Cylinder-Seals.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate IX. Scale 1:1. P.E.N. Scarabs
with Royal Names: Fourth to Twelfth Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate X. Scale 1:1. P.E.N. Scarabs
of Kings of the Thirteenth and following Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XI. Scale 1:1. P.E.N. Scarabs
of Officials of the Twelfth to Fourteenth Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XII. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs of Royal Personages and Officials of the Twelfth to Fourteenth
Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XIII. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs of Officials of the Twelfth to Fourteenth Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XIV. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs of Officials of the Twelfth to Fourteenth Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XV. Scale 1:1. P.E.N. Scarabs
of Officials of the Twelfth to Fourteenth Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XVI. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs of Officials of the Twelfth to Fourteenth Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XVII. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs of Officials of the Twelfth to Fourteenth Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XVIII. Scale 1:1 P.E.N.
Decorative Scarabs: Twelfth to Eighteenth Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XIX. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Decorative Scarabs: Twelfth to Eighteenth Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XX. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Decorative Scarabs: Twelfth to Eighteenth Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXI. Scale 1:1. P.E.N. Hyksos
Kings (1).]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXII. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Hyksos Kings (1).]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXIII. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Royal Persons and Officials of the Hyksos Period.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXIV. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Hyksos Period.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXV. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Figures of Men, Animals, &c., mostly of the Hyksos Period.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXVI. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs of Kings, &c., of the Seventeenth and early Eighteenth
Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXVII. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs of the Eighteenth Dynasty. (Thothmes I. to Hatshepsût.)]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXVIII. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs of the Eighteenth Dynasty. (Thothmes III. and Family.)]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXIX. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
(1-14) Officials of the Eighteenth Dynasty, and (15-46) Rings, &c., from
the Tomb of Maket at Gurob (Thothmes III.).]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXX. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs of the Eighteenth Dynasty. (Amenhetep II.—Amenhetep III.).]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXXI. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs of the Eighteenth Dynasty. (Amenhetep III. (etd.)—Ay.)]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXXII. Scale 1:1. P.E.N. 1.
Kirgipa and her Karêm. 2. The Lion Hunt. 3. The Limits of the Egyptian
Empire. Historical Scarabs of Amenhetep III.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXXIII. P.E.N. 1. The Wild
Cattle Hunt. 2. The Lake at Zarukha. Historical Scarabs of Amenhetep
III.—(ctd.)]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXXIV. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs with Royal Names. (Hor-em-heb to Rameses II.)]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXXV. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Plaques and Scarabs of Rameses II.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXXVI. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs with Royal Names: Mer-en-ptah I. to Sa-amen.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXXVII. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs with Royal Names: Twenty-second to Twenty-fifth Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXXVIII. P.E.N. Scarabs
bearing Royal and other Names: Twenty-fifth to Twenty-eighth Dynasties.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XXXIX. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs bearing Mottoes, Good Wishes, &c.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XL. Scale 1:1. P.E.N. Scarabs
bearing Mottoes, Good Wishes, &c.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XLI. P.E.N. Scarabs bearing
Names and Figures of Gods, &c.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XLII. P.E.N. Hieroglyphs,
Flowers, &c.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XLIII. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs bearing Royal and Private Names.]
[Illustration: Egyptian Antiquities. Plate XLIV. Scale 1:1. P.E.N.
Scarabs bearing Royal and Private Names.]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
FOOTNOTES
-----
Footnote 1:
The reader must understand, however, that not _all_ Egyptian scarabs
were used as seals. Some, but a very small number compared to the seal
class, were used as amulets, and a few, like medals, were cut to
commemorate historical events. The amulet class will be dealt with in
another volume; the medal-like series is included in the present work
(see pp. 170-178.)
Footnote 2:
[Egyptian **] _khetem_, “a seal,” [Egyptian **] _khetem_, “to close,”
or “to seal up.” In Hebrew the word is חֹתָם, which survives in the
Arabic, [Arabic **] _khatim_, “a signet,” or “signet ring.” The
determinatives [Egyptian **] and [Egyptian **] represent a
cylinder-seal, with string for suspension; Petrie, _Medûm_, p. 33;
_cf._ p. 45, figs. 18, 19, of this volume, and Griffith, _Beni Hasan_,
III, p. 15. The intermediate form between these two signs is found in
sculptures in the tomb of Tahutihetep at Bersheh (Newberry, _El
Bersheh_, I, Pl. XX).
Footnote 3:
_American Law Review_, Vol. XXVIII, p. 25.
Footnote 4:
C. W. King. _Hand-book of Engraved Gems_, pp. 4 and 5.
Footnote 5:
_American Law Review_, Vol. XXV, p. 25.
Footnote 6:
De Morgan, _Le tombeau royal de Négadah_, p. 172.
Footnote 7:
Petrie, _Royal Tombs_, I, p. 26.
Footnote 8:
_E.g._, _Boulac Papyrus_, No. 18. A _mer khetemu_, “Superintendent of
the storehouse,” in the land of Zaru is mentioned in the Bologna
Papyrus, No. 1086, l. 11.
Footnote 9:
Newberry, _Rekhmara_, Pl. XII.
Footnote 10:
_Rekhmara_, Pl. VII, l. 3.
Footnote 11:
See, for instance, Griffith, _Kahun Papyri_, Pl. XXXVII, “Drawn out by
the servant there and sealed with the seal of the servant there,” and
_cf._ numerous entries in _Boulac Papyrus_, No. 18.
Footnote 12:
Mace, in Petrie’s _Diospolis Parva_, p. 51; and this has been my own
experience in the graves that I have opened at Thebes.
Footnote 13:
See the description of the sealing up of the sarcophagus chamber of
the tomb of Thothmes IV, in Carter and Newberry, _The Tomb of
Thoutmosis IV_, p. xxx, and _cf._ Wilkinson’s _Manners and Customs of
the Ancient Egyptians_ (ed. Birch), Vol. III, p. 436; Herodotus, II,
121; Matthew xxvii, 66.
Footnote 14:
For a copy of a sealed decree of the Fifth Dynasty, see Petrie’s
_Abydos_, II, Pl. XVIII. On the walls of two tombs at Siut (one
unpublished) are inscribed a number of contracts that were concluded
by the nomarchs in order to ensure certain revenues for religious
services after death (see Griffith, _Siut_, Pls. 7 and 8, and _cf._
Mariette’s _Abydos_, II, 25, and Jeremiah xxxii, 11.
Footnote 15:
_Cf._ Isaiah xxix, 11; Daniel ix, 24, xii, 49. “Written evidence
sealed,” Jeremiah xii, 10, xxxii, 11, 14, 44.
Footnote 16:
See Professor Sayce, in Petrie’s _Hawara, Biahmu and Arsinoe_, p. 29.
Footnote 17:
See above, p. 22, note 1.
Footnote 18:
Compare 1 Kings xxi, 8, and Esther iii, 10-12.
Footnote 19:
_P.S.B.A._, XIV, 436, and XV, 307.
Footnote 20:
Gurob Papyri, in Griffith’s _Kahun Papyri_, XXXIX, 1, 6.
Footnote 21:
Ridgeway, _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, Vol. VIII, p. 158, and Vol.
IX, p. 30 _et seq._
Footnote 22:
_Cf._ Mommsen, _Hist. of Rome_ (English edition), Vol. I, p. 203.
Footnote 23:
The ox being _par excellence_ the _pecus_ of Italy.
Footnote 24:
_Rhind Mathematical Papyrus_, entry No. 67.
Footnote 25:
_Cf._ “Sealing with the Signet of the King,” Daniel vi, 17; Esther
iii, 12; viii, 8, 10; 1 Kings, xxi, 8.
Footnote 26:
Our own sovereigns, as well as those of most other European States,
have been from very early times invested with a ring at their
Coronation (see _Archaeologia_, Vol. III, p. 393), _cf._ _The
Coronation Book of Charles V of France_, edited by E. S. Dewick, pp.
6, 22 and 33.
Footnote 27:
Compare Naville’s _Deir El Bahari_, III, 60.
Footnote 28:
In the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, line 7.
Footnote 29:
_Book of the Dead_, 255.
Footnote 30:
Palette of Ptahmes in the Louvre (No. 3026); _cf._ Pierret, _Rec.
d’inscriptions inédite_, I, p. 93.
Footnote 31:
On the reading, see _supra_, p. 5.
Footnote 32:
We find, for instance, those of the _per seten_, or “Royal domain,”
_A.Z._, 1888, p. 90; of the _per zet_, or wakf, Petrie, _Medûm_, Pl.
XIII; of the _at af_, “department of meat,” Mariette, _Mon. Abyd._,
290, 308; and many others.
Footnote 33:
See L., _D._, II, 4, where he carries a box of linen; _cf._ my _Beni
Hasan_, I, Pl. IV, and II, Pl. XIII, where there is a _khetemu ne
ḥenket_, “Seals of the linen.” In _Beni Hasan_, I, Pl. XXIX, we find
the corresponding feminine title [Egyptian **], a woman who apparently
had charge of the harîm, or perhaps was a confidential female servant.
A title [Egyptian **] also occurs very frequently on Egyptian
monuments (Griffith, _Kahun Papyri_, Pl. XII, l. 1; Mariette, _Mon.
Abyd._, 182, 183, 187; Newberry, _El Bersheh_, I, Pls. XX, XXIX,
_etc._). It seems to mean a kind of “confidential seal,” or “privy
purse.”
Footnote 34:
L., _D._, II, 96.
Footnote 35:
L., _D._, II, 103 a.
Footnote 36:
Mariette, _Cat. Abyd._, 855; _The Story of Sanehat_, l. 300; L., _D._,
II, El Assassif, Grab 25, c.d.
Footnote 37:
This title was formerly believed to signify “Treasurer of the King of
Lower Egypt,” but it must be pointed out that _byty_, in the royal
title, meant “He that belongs to the bee,” or perhaps, “the
Bee-keeper.” Bees were the producers of the chief of primitive
luxuries, and the use of honey and the offering of it instead of wine
ought probably to be considered as a survival from a prehistoric state
of society in which wine was unknown (_cf._ _Journal of Hellenic
Studies_, Vol. XV, p. 21). If this meant “Treasurer of the King of
Lower Egypt,” we should expect to find a corresponding [Egyptian **]
“Treasurer of the King of _Upper_ Egypt,” but this title, so far as I
know, never occurs.
Footnote 38:
In the Twelfth Dynasty and later is found the frequently recurring
variant [Egyptian **]. See _A.Z._, 1890, p. 91.
Footnote 39:
Stele of Kuban, l. 11.
Footnote 40:
Thus we read of a [Egyptian **] “Divine Sealer of Amen” under
Alexander (_Rec. de travaux_, XIV, p. 33); and Plutarch (II, 363 B)
speaks of an Egyptian priest, [Greek: sphragistês], who seems to have
been identical with this old Egyptian official. _Cf._ further on this
title, Revillout, in _A.Z._, 1880, p. 71-3.
Footnote 41:
_Rec. de travaux_, XIV, p. 33 and 57.
Footnote 42:
Louvre, C. 13.
Footnote 43:
_Rec. de travaux_, VII, 115.
Footnote 44:
L., _D._, II, 18, 114, etc.
Footnote 45:
L., _D._, II, 115 _b_, 144 _q_, etc.
Footnote 46:
L., _D._, II, 18, 97 _a_, etc.
Footnote 47:
The earliest instance of this title that I know of occurs at Shût er
Rigal, in the scene of King Antef (Eleventh Dynasty) before
Neb-kheru-Ra Mentu-hetep: here the _mer khetem_ stands immediately
behind his sovereign Antef. The title also occurs in a tomb at Kasr es
Sayyad, the date of which may be perhaps a little earlier than the
Shût er Rigal graffito.
Footnote 48:
This title should not be confounded with the somewhat similar one
[Egyptian **], “Superintendent of the Sealers,” _Beni Hasan_, I, xxx.
Nor is it, of course, the same as the [Egyptian **] “Superintendent
Storehouses” or “depôts” (Pap. Bologna, 1086, I, 2). It ought also
perhaps to be differentiated from [Egyptian **] “Superintendent” or
“Keeper of Contracts” or “Records?” although there appear to be
several instances where [Egyptian **] equals [Egyptian **].
Footnote 49:
_Cf._ the title _mer net_, “Governor of the (Royal) City” (see my
_Rekhmara_, p. 18, and _cf._ my note in Garstang’s _El Arabah_, p.
32); _khetem_ is here probably to be understood as signifying _the_
seal _par excellence_, _i.e._, the Royal Seal.
Footnote 50:
For a _mer khetem_ in (1) the Oryx nome, see Newberry, _Beni Hasan_,
I, Pl. XXX, etc.; (2) the Hare nome, see Newberry, _El Bersheh_, I,
Pl. XXVII; (3) the Siut nome there is a _mer khetem em Saut_ mentioned
in an unpublished tomb; (4) the Antaeopolite nome, on an unpublished
fragment from the tomb of Uah-ka at Gau.
Footnote 51:
See Newberry, _Beni Hasan_, I, Pl. XXVI.
Footnote 52:
_Ibid._, Pl. XXX, _cf._ Pl. XIII.
Footnote 53:
_Ibid._, Pl. XXXIII.
Footnote 54:
_Ibid._, Pl. XXIX.
Footnote 55:
On the word _kha_, see the paper in the _Proceedings_ of the Society
of Biblical Archæology, XXII, pp. 99-105.
Footnote 56:
See Newberry, _Life of Rekhmara_, Pl. IV, and p. 23, where will be
found a plan of the office.
Footnote 57:
It is probable that already at the time of the Eleventh Dynasty there
was a Chief Keeper of the (Royal) Seal, for Mariette found at Karnak a
monument of a certain Khetŷ, who is described as _mer khetem em ta er
zer-ef_, “Keeper of the (Royal) Seal in the whole land.” Mariette,
_Karnak_, pl. 8 j.) Of this Khetŷ there is a statuette in the Leyden
Museum, and he is certainly the same individual as we see represented
behind King Antef on one of the rocks of the Shût er Rigal. Under the
New Empire we find mentioned once a [Egyptian **] “Chief Keeper of the
Seal of the Great Green Sea,” _i.e._, of the Mediterranean. (Capart,
in _Rec. de travaux_, XXII, p. 106.)
Footnote 58:
This is seen from many inscriptions: Notably from the rock inscription
of Mentu-hetep in the Shût er Rigal; the inscription of Nefer-hetep at
Aswan (De Morgan, _Cat._, I, p. 17); the inscriptions of Rekhmara
(Newberry, _Rekhmara_, Pl. III, l. 5, etc.); the scene on a slab from
the tomb of a High Priest of Memphis, where the Chancellor is
represented standing immediately behind the Vezîrs; and from the very
powerful position of the Chancellor Baŷ under Ta-usert and Sa-ptah.
The position of the Chancellors during the Hyksos period was also of
very great importance.
Footnote 59:
He has been described as a kind of “Keeper of the Signet;” but his
rank in the Egyptian State was much higher than that of the Scottish
official. It is a position that appears to have been even greater than
that of the Roman _cura anulis_, or “Keeper of the Imperial Seal”
(Just., _Hist._, XLIII, 5).
Footnote 60:
_Rekhmara_, Pl. II and III.
Footnote 61:
_Ibid._, Pl. II, lines 5 and 6.
Footnote 62:
Stela of Sa-satet at Geneva. (_Mélanges Arch._, 1875, p. 218.)
Footnote 63:
Griffith and Tylor, _The Tomb of Paheri_, Pl. IX, l. 44. For earlier
tours of these officials, see several graffiti on the rocks at Aswân,
published in De Morgan’s _Cat._, I.
Footnote 64:
Stela of Pïankhŷ, l. 81.
Footnote 65:
Louvre, C. 30; Mariette, _Mon. Abydos_, 262, 326, etc. _Cf._ for the
high position of the _Adenu_, _Boulac Papyri_, No. 18, Pl. XIX, 5.
Footnote 66:
Mariette, _Mon. Abydos_, 125, and De Rouge, _Et. Egypt_, LIII.
Footnote 67:
_Rec. de travaux_, XII, p. 50.
Footnote 68:
Louvre, C. 5; Mariette, _Mon. Abydos_, 229.
Footnote 69:
Lepsius, _D._, II, 135 _h_, etc.
Footnote 70:
Schiaparelli, _Cat. Flor._, 282; _cf._ also Pl. XIV, 2, of the present
work.
Footnote 71:
Schiaparelli, _Cat. Flor._, 279.
Footnote 72:
For instance, in Griffith, _Kahun Papyri_, XIII, 21, is named a
“scribe in charge of the Seal of Qesab,” a town in the Delta; _cf._
also Pl. XIII, 20, of this work.
Footnote 73:
Griffith, _K.P._, Pl. XIII, ll. 9-12.
Footnote 74:
In order to make the list complete, we must notice an _am-sa ne mer
khetem_ (Liebl., _N.P._, 1707), and an _ari at ne sa ne per me khetem_
(Brit. Mus. Stela, 215).
Footnote 75:
Papyrus of NU, in the Brit. Mus., No. 10477. A variant
[Egyptian **] of this title occurs in the tomb of Sebekhetep (_temp._
Thothmes IV), at Thebes.
Footnote 76:
Brit. Mus. Stela, 1012.
Footnote 77:
Tomb of Sebekhetep, at Thebes.
Footnote 78:
_Rec. de travaux_, XII, p. 13.
Footnote 79:
The work of seal engraving is mentioned as a distinct occupation in
_Eccles._ xxxviii, 27. In Egyptian there is a verb [Egyptian **]
meaning “to engrave,” “to carve.”
Footnote 80:
See a specimen in the Edward’s Collection at University College,
London.
Footnote 81:
VII, 69.
Footnote 82:
See p. 50.
Footnote 83:
“On some impressions is a raised line running from top to bottom
across the sign, and therefore accidental. This could only be produced
by a split in the seal, and such is very likely to occur in wood.”
Petrie, _R.T._, I, p. 24.
Footnote 84:
Of King Qa. Petrie, _R.T._, II, Pl. XII, 5.
Footnote 85:
See p. 59.
Footnote 86:
See p. 59, fig. 42.
Footnote 87:
_Journal of Hellenic Studies_, 1897, pp. 366-372.
Footnote 88:
_Journal of Hellenic Studies_, 1897, _vide_ p. 366-372.
Footnote 89:
“Allied or perhaps derivative figures may be seen in the pigmy or
embryonic form of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris and its offshoots, and the
Phoenician Pataecus (a parallel but variant type is seen in Bes), but
there can be no question that the type seen on these early cylinders
is the direct reflection of that which appears at a very early date
upon those of Chaldea.” A. J. Evans, _Journal of Hellenic Studies_,
1897, p. 369.
Footnote 90:
See Pl. V, fig. 3.
Footnote 91:
See Pl. VI, figs. 1, 2, etc.
Footnote 92:
See Pl. VI, fig. 13.
Footnote 93:
See Pl. VI, figs. 2, 3, 4, etc.
Footnote 94:
See Pl. VI, figs. 1, 10, etc.
Footnote 95:
See Pl. VII, fig. 7.
Footnote 96:
See Pl. VIII, fig. 10.
Footnote 97:
See Pl. VIII, figs. 2, 3, etc.
Footnote 98:
See Pl. VIII, figs. 5, 6, etc.
Footnote 99:
See Pl. VII, figs. 8 and 9.
Footnote 100:
Garstang’s _Mahâsna_, p. 33.
Footnote 101:
Perhaps even earlier.
Footnote 102:
See Mace, in Petrie’s _Diospolis Parva_, p. 39, and _cf._ Garstang,
_El Mahâsna_, pp. 33 and 34.
Footnote 103:
For specimens beyond those figured here, see Petrie, in the
_Antiquary_, XXXII, p. 136, and Garstang, _El Mahâsna_, Pl. XXXIX.
Footnote 104:
See Arthur Evans, in the _Annual_ of the British School at Athens, No.
VIII, p. 104.
Footnote 105:
_The Antiquary_, XXXII, p. 37.
Footnote 106:
“These stone buttons may eventually prove to have quite an exceptional
interest in the history of Aegean art, as the direct progenitors of
the lentoid beads so much affected by the Mycenaean engravers.” A.
Evans, in _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, XIV, p. 335.
Footnote 107:
_Journal of Hellenic Studies_, XIV, p. 336.
Footnote 108:
The beetle, called in Egyptian _Kheper_, was the sacred emblem of the
god who made all things out of clay.
Footnote 109:
Erman, _Zaubersprüche für Mutter und Kind_, p. 38.
Footnote 110:
P. 25.
Footnote 111:
This interpretation of the scarab was first given by Dr. Birch more
than half a century ago, but has generally been lost sight of by
archaeologists.
Footnote 112:
See later, p. 70, fig. 59.
Footnote 113:
Prof. Flinders Petrie believes that he can recognize, besides the true
scarab, four other varieties of beetle: the _Artharsius_, _Copris_,
_Gymnoplearus_ and _Hypselogenia_.
Footnote 114:
_Egyptian Decorative Art_, pp. 18 and 19. The spiral, it should be
noted, is found on certain upright and squat prehistoric pots of the
sequence dating 39-64, but these are always single, not conjoined or
returning spirals.
Footnote 115:
_Proceedings_ of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Vol. XXI, p.
148.
Footnote 116:
_Ibid._, Vol. XIX, p. 294.
Footnote 117:
A small detail of this ceiling (with wrong colouring) is published in
Wilkinson’s _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_, Vol. I,
Pl. VIII, fig. 7. Identically the same pattern occurs in a
Twenty-sixth Dynasty tomb at Thebes.
Footnote 118:
Milchhöfer, _Die Anfänge der Kunst_, p. 16 _et seqq._; Petrie,
_Egyptian Decorative Art_, p. 29.; Much, _Die Kupferzeit_, p. 55;
Hall, _The Oldest Civilization of Greece_, p. 157; A. C. Haddon,
_Evolution in Art_, p. 141. Dr. Arthur Evans, on the contrary,
believes that the spiral was first used in stonework, and only at a
later date transferred to metal and other materials (_Journal of
Hellenic Studies_, Vol. XIII, p. 329).
Footnote 119:
Petrie, _Egyptian Decorative Art_, p. 22.
Footnote 120:
Among the jewellry discovered by M. de Morgan at Dahshûr (_temp._
Usertsen II) was an exquisite gold ring (certainly _not_ of Egyptian
manufacture), with two spirals worked on its bezel in gold wire-work.
(See De Morgan, _Dahchour_, I, p. 68, fig. 145.) In the Ashmolean
Museum is a black ware vase from Egypt of the style characteristic of
the late Twelfth Dynasty deposits, which has a punctuated returning
spiral ornament round the upper part of its body.
Footnote 121:
A. J. Evans, _Primitive Pictographs_, in _Journal of Hellenic
Studies_, Vol. XIV, p. 328. _Cf._ G. Coffey, _The Origins of
Prehistoric Ornament in Ireland_, in _Journal of the Royal Society of
Antiquaries of Ireland_, 1894, 1895; and A. C. Haddon, _Evolution in
Art_, p. 142. J. Romilly Allen, _Celtic Art in Pagan and Christian
Times_, pp. 51-54.
Footnote 122:
On this place-name, see p. 172, note 1.
Footnote 123:
An asterisk prefixed to these descriptions means an _ancient_
clay-impression or “sealing,” not an actual cylinder.
Footnote 124:
A cylinder-seal of “Amenemhat, beloved of Sebek, Lord of Anu,” is in
the H.-P. Collection (_Cat._ 3813).
Footnote 125:
Nub-hetep-tha-Khred was a daughter of Amenemhat III. (De Morgan,
_Dahchour_, I, p. 128.)
Footnote 126:
On this title, see Newberry, _El Bersheh_, I, p. 8, note 3.
Footnote 127:
_I.e._, the Judge or Chief Justice. See my _Life of Rekhmara_, p. 18.
Footnote 128:
The rings, scarabs, etc., figured from the tomb of Maket have been
drawn from Prof. Petrie’s _Illahun_, pl. XXVI.
Footnote 129:
This is probably the same place-name as the Kerŷ mentioned in the tomb
of Hûŷ at Thebes as the southern boundary of Kush (Ethiopia) at the
time of King Tût-ankh-amen (see Pl. II). It was almost certainly the
modern Gebel Barkal.
Footnote 130:
The position of the “district of Shetau or (Shetep)” is uncertain. The
inscription merely says that the king went down stream, and that the
journey took him a night to accomplish, but the name of the place from
whence Amenhetep and his officers started is not recorded. Mr. Fraser
(_P.S.B.A._, XXI, p. 157) suggests Memphis as the starting place, and
the Wadŷ Tumilât as the scene of the hunt, and he further remarks that
“except the Fayûm, there is no place that I can think of in Upper
Egypt where one can imagine there were ever wild cattle.” I suspect,
however, that it was from Thebes that the royal hunter set out, and
that the district of Shetau (or Shetep) was one of those wadŷs near
Keneh (just a night’s journey from Thebes down stream) which at
certain times of the year contain low, but luxuriant vegetation. I
have visited this district several times (in February 1896, again in
December 1901, and for a third time in March 1904), and was much
struck by the great quantity of vegetation which is to be seen in the
desert to the east of Kuft and Keneh. There is one wadŷ in particular
which extends for some miles in a northerly direction between Legêta
and Keneh that literally abounds in low shrubs and other vegetation,
far more than enough to support vast herds of wild cattle. It may here
be pointed out that the ancient fauna of Egypt differed very greatly
from its present fauna. Before the advent of the camel into Egypt, all
the wadŷs of the Arabian chain of hills were plentifully stocked with
game of all kinds. At Beni Hasan, El Bersheh, and many other places
are represented scenes of hunting wild animals, including the lion,
bubalis, etc.; and the wadŷs east of Keneh were celebrated as hunting
grounds at the time of Thothmes III and Amenhetep II. In more than one
private tomb at Thebes we have scenes of hunting which are expressly
stated to have taken place “in the _Ant_,” _i.e._, the desert to the
east of Kuft, and in the tomb of Men-kheper-ra-senb the superintendent
of the hunting at Kuft is mentioned.
Footnote 131:
On this title, see my note in Garstang’s _El Arabeh_, p. 33.
Footnote 132:
Driving the animals into nets was a favourite method of hunting in
ancient times (_cf._, among many other instances, my _El Bersheh_, I,
pl. VII, and the Vaphio Vase at Athens). Nets are still used for this
purpose in some parts of Africa (Baker’s _Ismailia_, pp. 435-438).
Footnote 133:
Dr. Budge has suggested to me that this dyke may have been a series of
covered pits into which the animals would fall, thus enabling the
huntsmen to capture them easily. He would also identify the _semau_ of
the Egyptians with the _rimi_ of the Assyrian inscriptions, an animal
hunted by Tiglath Pileser and other monarchs.
Footnote 134:
Since this was written, a study of the inscription on this scarab has
been published by Steindorff, from my copy of the Alnwick specimen, in
_Ä.Z._, XXXIX, 62.
Footnote 135:
The Vatican specimen gives _kher hen ne Heru_ for the abbreviated
_kher Heru_ on the Alnwick example.
Footnote 136:
The Vatican scarab gives the determinative of land (the triangle) in
the place of the _t_ on the Alnwick specimen.
Footnote 137:
A mis-reading (Zaru) of this place-name has led to the identification
of the city with Zaru or Zal (perhaps the modern Sele), the eastern
frontier fort of Egypt. Prof. Breasted, Prof. Steindorff, and the
writer, however, all came independently to the conclusion that Zarukha
must be the name of the palace-town of Amenophis III and Thŷi, which
is situated a little to the south of Medinet Habu; the lake mentioned
on this scarab is therefore to be identified with the modern Birket
Habu.
Footnote 138:
The numerals given on the Vatican scarab are blundered, and
consequently difficult to read.
Footnote 139:
Read _tahen_, not _neferu_; this is clear on the Vatican specimen. An
officer of this boat is mentioned on a stela in the Egyptian Museum of
the Louvre (C. 207).
------------------------------------------------------------------------
● Transcriber’s Notes:
○ On page 5 the Arabic خَاتَمٌ is “khatam” not “khatim,” as
described; the latter would be خَاتِمٌ. Both, however, may mean a
ring or signet.
○ Links were added from the LIST OF PLATES to each individual plate.
○ The footnotes were gathered and moved to a separate section of the
book (see Footnotes.)
○ On page 51 there were two sidenotes for “Class II”. The second was
changed to “Class III.”
○ Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected.
○ Typographical errors were silently corrected.
○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only
when a predominant form was found in this book.
○ Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Scarabs - An Introduction to the Study of Egyptian Seals and Signet Rings" ***
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