The Scottish Highlands, Highland Clans and Highland Regiments, Volume I (of 2) - On the Basis of Browne's "History of the Highlands and Clans," but Entirely Re-Modelled and to a Large Extent Re-Written

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Title: The Scottish Highlands, Highland Clans and Highland Regiments, Volume I (of 2) - On the Basis of Browne's "History of the Highlands and Clans," but Entirely Re-Modelled and to a Large Extent Re-Written
Author: Sir John Scott Keltie, - To be updated
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Scottish Highlands, Highland Clans and Highland Regiments, Volume I (of 2) - On the Basis of Browne's "History of the Highlands and Clans," but Entirely Re-Modelled and to a Large Extent Re-Written" ***

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CLANS AND HIGHLAND REGIMENTS, VOLUME I (OF 2)***

available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org)

This volume originally was printed as four separate books
(see transcriber's note below). Images of the original
pages are available through Internet Archive.
Book 1, pages 1-208:
https://archive.org/details/historyofscottis001kelt
Book 2, pages 209-416:
https://archive.org/details/historyofscottis002kelt
Book 3, pages 417-608:
https://archive.org/details/historyofscottis003kelt
Book 4, pages 609-776:
https://archive.org/details/historyofscottis004kelt

Transcriber’s note:

This is Volume I of a two-volume set. The second volume can

This 1875 edition originally was published in eight separate
books as a subscription publication. The Preface, Title
pages, Tables of Contents and Lists of Illustrations (the
Front Matter) were published in the final eighth book, and
referenced books 1-4 as Volume I, and books 5-8 as Volume II.
This etext follows the same two-volume structure. The
relevant Front Matter has been moved to the front of each
volume, and some illustrations have been moved to where the
two Lists of Illustrations indicate they should be. No text
was added or changed when the books were seamlessly joined
to make Volume I and Volume II.

The Index, at the end of Volume II in the original books, has
been copied and placed at the end of this first volume as well.

Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes
have been placed at the end of each chapter.

A caret character is used to denote superscription. A
single character following the caret is superscripted
(example: 93^D). Multiple superscripted characters are
enclosed by curly brackets (example: 71^{ST}).

Some tables in the original book had } or { bracketing in
some cells. These brackets are not helpful in the etext
tables and in most cases have been removed to improve
readability and save table space.

Many minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the
book.

SUPPLIED TO SUBSCRIBERS ONLY.

PROSPECTUS.

A HISTORY OF
THE SCOTTISH HIGHLANDS,
HIGHLAND CLANS, AND HIGHLAND REGIMENTS;
ON THE BASIS OF BROWNE’S “HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS AND CLANS,” BUT
ENTIRELY RE-MODELLED AND TO A LARGE EXTENT RE-WRITTEN.

WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THE GAELIC LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
WRITTEN FOR THE WORK,

BY THE REV. THOMAS MACLAUCHLAN, LL.D., F.S.A.S.,
One of the Editors of the “Dean of Lismore’s Book,” Author of
“The Early Scottish Church,” &c.;

AND AN ESSAY ON HIGHLAND SCENERY,
BY THE LATE PROFESSOR JOHN WILSON.

EDITED BY JOHN S. KELTIE, F.S.A.S.

During the last thirty years, the patriotic labours of the various
Scottish book-clubs,--The Abbotsford, The Bannatyne, The Iona, The
Maitland, The Spalding Clubs--the works of the various eminent
Scottish antiquaries and historians, not to mention many valuable
papers and pamphlets, have not only subjected everything connected
with the history of the Highlands to an unsparing and searching
criticism, but have also brought to light many new facts, and opened
up formerly unthought-of tracks of inquiry. Such a flood of light
has thus been thrown on all matters connected with the Highlands,
that the publishers feel BROWNE’S _History of the Highlands and
Clans_,--the work on which this publication is to a certain extent
based,--has fallen behind the age, and that, to keep pace with the
advanced state of historical research, a NEW WORK IS DEMANDED.
Therefore, in preparing the work now presented to the public, it
has been found necessary to make such extensive alterations and
additions, that the publishers feel justified in calling it a NEW
WORK.

The work is divided into three sections:--

I. THE GENERAL HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS, including RELIGION,
LITERATURE, and ANTIQUITIES.

II. THE HISTORY OF THE HIGHLAND CLANS.

III. THE HISTORY OF THE HIGHLAND REGIMENTS.

PART I.--THE GENERAL HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS.

The whole of this part has been THOROUGHLY REVISED, RE-MODELLED,
and to a great extent RE-WRITTEN. All the introductory chapters
relating to the PRIMITIVE HISTORY of the Highlands, are NEW, and in
them are treated the much controverted questions as to the PICTS
and SCOTS, their RACE and LANGUAGE--the EARLY RACES OF KINGS, all
points connected with the early SOCIAL and POLITICAL CONDITION of the
Highlanders, their ORIGINAL RELIGION and the SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY.
The most RECENT INVESTIGATIONS bearing on the ANTIQUITIES of
the Highlands, the ANCIENT MANNERS and CUSTOMS of their people,
their PECULIAR DRESS, their SOCIAL and POLITICAL RELATIONS, their
SUPERSTITIONS, and other interesting antiquarian matters, have been
taken advantage of.

As to the rest of this portion of the work, while whatever had no
connection with Highland history has been expunged, much new matter
has been added in order to make the general narrative COMPLETE and
AUTHENTIC. When, at a later period of their history, the Highlanders
become a potent element in the settlement of many great disputes,
it has been sought to make the reader understand clearly the part
they thus took in the stirring and momentous transactions of the
times. As examples of these we need only mention here the CIVIL WARS
in which MONTROSE so often led on the Highland army to victory: the
Revolution disputes, culminating in KILLIECRANKIE: the unfortunate
insurrections of ’15 and ’45, which, but for the romantic enthusiasm
of the Highlanders, would never have been even commenced.

In writing these chapters ample use has been made of the various
club-publications above referred to, the latest of which, THE BOOK OF
DEER, issued by the Spalding Club, edited by Dr. Stuart, has proved
of great service in throwing light on the EARLY SOCIAL AND POLITICAL
CONDITION of the Highlands, as well as on the STATE and CONSTITUTION
of the EARLY SCOTTISH CHURCH. Among modern Scottish historians and
antiquarians whose labours have been taken advantage of in this
part of the work, we may mention the names of George Chalmers, W.
F. Skene, Joseph Robertson, Daniel Wilson, Mr. Gregory, John Hill
Burton, E. W. Robertson, James Logan, Cosmo Innes, George Grub, Dr.
Maclauchlan, and Colonel Forbes-Leslie: this last gentleman has been
kind enough to place at our disposal some of the cuts which adorn his
valuable work, _The Early Races of Scotland_. Besides these, books
and documents, ancient and modern, too numerous to detail here, have
been consulted.

To the GAELIC LANGUAGE and LITERATURE, which, in the old work,
possibly from lack of material, were treated in rather a summary
manner, a prominent place has been given. Since the publication of
_The Dean of Lismore’s Book_, and other works on this interesting
subject, there can be no complaint of lack of material; and so
much importance do the publishers attach to the literature of the
Highlands, that they have entered into an arrangement with the Rev.
Thomas Maclauchlan, LL.D., F.S.A.S.--one of the editors of _The
Dean of Lismore’s Book_, and one of the most eminent living Gaelic
scholars--to write an entirely new account of this subject, into
which will be introduced copious examples of genuine old GAELIC
POETRY.

In the course of the work will be given the late PROFESSOR WILSON’S
celebrated ESSAY ON HIGHLAND SCENERY, of which the copyright belongs
to the publishers.

PART II.--THE HISTORY OF THE HIGHLAND CLANS.

In any history of the Highlands, an account of the CLANS ought to
occupy a place of the first importance, and in the present work,
the GREATER PART OF THE SECOND VOLUME is devoted to this part of
the subject. Every point of interest connected with this peculiar
social system has been noticed:--the ORIGIN OF THE CLAN-SYSTEM, the
relation of the chief to the general body of the clan, the various
CLAN-DIGNITIES and OFFICES and the duties which belonged to each,
the PECULIAR CUSTOMS to which the system gave rise, the difference
between CLANSHIP and the FEUDAL SYSTEM, and the influence it had
on the progress of the Highlands and on the rest of Scotland. In
short, no pains have been spared to enable the reader to form a clear
idea of all the ‘outs and ins’ of this primitive system of social
government.

After this introductory matter, a DETAILED ACCOUNT is given of EACH
SEPARATE CLAN which has any claim to be considered Highland. THE
ORIGIN OF EACH CLAN, as far as possible, has been traced back to its
FOUNDER, and its claim to be considered purely Gaelic discussed; its
history is traced through all its branches and offshoots down to the
present day; the part it took in the various clan strifes, in the
disputes between the Highlands and Lowlands, and in the general wars
of Scotland, is set forth. Every link in the genealogical chain has
been carefully traced, and those chiefs and other members of a clan
who took a more prominent part in the affairs of the time, have their
lives given in considerable detail. Appended to the account of each
clan are its ARMORIAL BEARINGS, a description of its CLAN-TARTAN,
the name of its BADGE, its peculiar war-cry or SLOGAN, its estimated
STRENGTH, and its PRINCIPAL SEAT. In addition to the authorities
above referred to, the works of Smibert, Logan, Stewart, and others,
as well as the separate histories of those clans that are fortunate
enough to have such, this division of the work is greatly indebted
to the original researches of the late Mr. Anderson, author of the
_Scottish Nation_, whose examination of many ANCIENT MANUSCRIPTS and
FAMILY RECORDS brought to light many facts connected with the history
of the Highland clans, never before made public.

PART III.--HISTORY OF THE HIGHLAND REGIMENTS.

The HISTORY OF THESE REGIMENTS is to a great extent the HISTORY
OF BRITAIN’S BATTLES for more than a century past; and the great
military glory which our country has acquired, has been owing, in no
small degree, to their UNSURPASSED BRAVERY, PERFECT DISCIPLINE, and
HIGH MORALE. In the part of the work devoted to this subject, it has
been sought faithfully to record not only the noble services rendered
to its country in past times by each regiment in every engagement
in which it took part, but also the brave deeds performed by many
individual Highland soldiers.

With regard to the later history of the Highland regiments, it
has been sought to render this complete and perfectly reliable by
applying, for direct information, to the COLONEL OF EACH EXISTING
REGIMENT; and in every case the publishers have met with the greatest
courtesy and willingness to lend all assistance. In addition to
this, of course, every accessible published work on the subject
has been consulted, including the host of books called forth by the
Crimean War and the Indian Mutiny.

* * * * *

From the above statements it will be seen that in no other single
publication is it possible to obtain SUCH VARIED and VALUABLE
INFORMATION on ALL POINTS OF INTEREST connected with the Scottish
Highlands--their HISTORY, their ANTIQUITIES, their CLANS, their
LITERATURE, their MILITARY ANNALS. No pains have been spared to make
the work ACCURATE, EXHAUSTIVE, INTERESTING, and CONSISTENT with the
MOST RECENT INVESTIGATIONS.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Besides clan-tartans, the work will be richly embellished with
autographs, seals, armorial bearings, objects of antiquarian
interest, and many views and portraits on wood and steel, all taken
from original or other authentic sources, and executed in the first
style of art.

The publishers have spared no pains to obtain original and genuine
portraits, and to have them faithfully and beautifully reproduced;
and they owe their sincere thanks to those noblemen and gentlemen
connected with the Highlands who have allowed them access to their
valuable family collections, in order to obtain copies of such
original portraits as were required for the work. Many of these
portraits have never before been engraved. The publishers would
especially mention here the valuable miniature portrait of Prince
Charles Edward Stuart in Highland costume, which has been in
possession of the Lochiel family for generations, and which has been
kindly placed at their disposal by the present representative of the
family, Donald Cameron, Esq., M.P. for Inverness-shire. It has the
merit of being a faithful likeness, and will be engraved by Holl of
London.

Many of the views, illustrative both of the events narrated in the
history and of the rich and romantic Highland scenery, are from
photographs and drawings taken specially for the work. Others,
consisting chiefly of views of towns and fortresses taken at or
near the time of the events they are intended to illustrate, are
copied from the rare and valuable work of John Slezer, entitled
_Theatrum Scotiæ_, published at the end of the 17th century. The
facts that Slezer was a military engineer, and that he was appointed
by government to survey the chief towns and strongholds of Scotland,
are sufficient guarantees of the faithfulness of these views.

CONDITIONS.

This work will be published in Twenty-five parts, price Two
Shillings each, size super-imperial 8vo. It will also be issued
in Eight Divisions, rich cloth, price 7s. 6d. each. It will form,
when completed, Two handsome Volumes, with Thirty specimens of
authentic Clan-Tartans, beautifully executed in colour, and
Twenty other page plates, including Map of Clan Territories,
besides about Two Hundred illustrative wood engravings.

A. FULLARTON & Co.,
STEAD’S PLACE, LEITH WALK, EDINBURGH; AND 18 NEWGATE STREET, LONDON.

[Illustration: PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD STUART.

COPIED BY PERMISSION FROM THE MINIATURE IN POSSESSION OF DONALD
CAMERON, ESQR. OF LOCHIEL.]

HISTORY

OF THE

SCOTTISH HIGHLANDS

HIGHLAND CLANS

AND

HIGHLAND REGIMENTS

WITH AN ACCOUNT OF
THE GAELIC LANGUAGE, LITERATURE, AND MUSIC
BY THE REV. THOMAS MACLAUCHLAN, LL.D., F.S.A. SCOT.

AND AN ESSAY ON HIGHLAND SCENERY
BY THE LATE PROFESSOR JOHN WILSON

EDITED BY
JOHN S. KELTIE, F.S.A. SCOT.

Illustrated
WITH A SERIES OF PORTRAITS, VIEWS, MAPS, ETC., ENGRAVED ON STEEL,
CLAN TARTANS, AND UPWARDS OF TWO HUNDRED WOODCUTS,
INCLUDING ARMORIAL BEARINGS

VOL. I.

A. FULLARTON & CO.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON
1875

PREFACE.

No apology is deemed necessary for bringing this History of the
Scottish Highlands before the public. A work under a similar title
was brought out by the present publishers upwards of thirty years
ago, under the care of Dr. James Browne, and met with a sale so
extensive and sustained as to prove that it supplied a real want.

Since the publication of Browne’s History, which it is only the
simple truth to say had no rival, research has brought to light
so much that is new connected both with the general history of
the Highlands and the history of the various clans, and so many
new laurels have been added to those already won by the Highland
regiments during the past century, and the early part of the present,
that the publishers believed the time had come for the preparation
and issue of a new work.

In preparing it, the editor has done all in his power to make it
complete and accurate. The object of Dr. Browne’s work was to
present in one book all that is interesting and valuable concerning
the Highlands and Highlanders, a great deal of information on this
subject having lain scattered in various quarters inaccessible to
the general public. In the preparation of the present work this
object has been kept steadily in view; and it may be said of it,
with even more force than of Browne’s, that it is a _collectanea_ of
information concerning the Scottish Highlands of an extent and kind
to be met with in no other single publication.

The general plan of Dr. Browne’s work has been adhered to. In the
First Part, that dealing with the General History of the Highlands,
which, from the nature of the case, is more a chronicle of clan
battles than a homogeneous history, it has been found possible, as
might have been expected, to retain much of Browne’s text. This,
however, has been subjected to a careful revision and comparison with
the original authorities, as well as with the many new ones that
have been brought to light during the past thirty years. Moreover,
many portions throughout this section have been rewritten, and
considerable additions made. One of the largest and most important
of these is the continuation of the General History from 1745 down
to the present day. The editor felt that, so far as the social
history of the Highlands is concerned, the period embraced in the
past hundred years was of even more importance than any previous
time; he has therefore attempted to do what, so far as he knows, has
not been done before, to present a sketch of the progress of the
Highlands during that period. For this purpose he has had to consult
a multitude of sources, and weigh many conflicting statements, his
aim being simply to discover and tell the truth. Such matters have
been gone into as Depopulation, Emigration, Agriculture, Large and
Small Farms, Sheep and Deer, Fishing, Manufactures, Education, &c. It
is hoped, therefore, that the First Part of the work will be found to
contain a complete account of the Highlands, historical, antiquarian,
and social.

An original and important feature of this part of the work is a
history of the Gaelic Language and Literature, by the well known
Celtic scholar, the Rev. T. Maclauchlan, LL.D., F.S.A. Scot.

In the Second Part, relating to the History of the Highland Clans,
it will be found that, in the case of every clan, modifications and
additions have been made. In some instances the histories have been
entirely rewritten, and several border clans have been included that
were not noticed in Browne’s work. The history of each clan, has,
as far as possible, been traced from its founder through all the
branches and offshoots down to the present day; the part it took in
the various clan strifes, in the disputes between the Highlands and
Lowlands, and in the general wars of Scotland, being set forth. In
the case of most of the clans, gentlemen who have made a special
study of particular clan histories have kindly revised the proofs.

The Third Part, the History of the Highland Regiments, occupies a
prominent place in the present work. Of these regiments one-half have
had their complete history published now for the first time, and in
the case of the others so many changes and additions have been made,
that this part of the work may be considered as entirely new. The
history of each of the nine regiments which now rank as Highland
has been gone into from its embodiment, and the trustworthiness of
this unique body of military history may be inferred from the fact,
that, in the case of every regiment, it is founded upon the original
Regimental Record, supplemented in many instances by the diaries
and recollections of officers; and in two cases, at least, as will
be seen, by materials collected by officers who have made a special
study of their regimental histories. The general reader will find
this part of the work of very great interest.

With regard to the Illustrations, the publishers feel justified in
alluding to them with considerable pride. No attempt has been made
to make the present work a mere picture-book; it will be invariably
found that the numerous plates, woodcuts, and clan-tartans either
add interest to the text, or throw light upon it. Every effort has
been made to secure authentic portraits and original views, and to
have every illustration executed in a thoroughly artistic style; and
it is hoped that, in these respects, the exertions of the editor
and publishers have been crowned with success. The specimens of
clan-tartans represent in every case those recognised by the heads of
the various clans. The illustrations, therefore, will be found both
historically and artistically valuable.

Throughout this work the editor has endeavoured to acknowledge the
authorities which he has in any way made use of. Were he to mention
the names of the numerous individuals to whom he has been indebted
for assistance during its preparation, it would add very considerably
to the length of this preface; in his own name and that of the
publishers, he expresses sincere gratitude to all who have in any
way lent a helping hand. Special thanks, however, are due to the
Duke of Athole for assistance in various ways, and particularly for
permission to engrave the portrait of Lord George Murray; to Lady
Elizabeth Pringle for the portrait of the first Earl of Breadalbane,
and to Mrs. Campbell of Monzie for that of the “Gentle Lochiel,”--all
published in this work for the first time. As mentioned in the text,
the beautiful miniature of “Prince Charlie” is copied from the
original in possession of Donald Cameron, Esq. of Lochiel, who has
also lent assistance in other ways. The originals of other valuable
illustrations, as will be seen, have been kindly placed at the
publishers’ service by the Duke of Sutherland, the Duke of Richmond,
the Earl of Strathmore, the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres, The
Mackintosh, The Chisholm, Duncan Forbes, Esq. of Culloden, David
Laing, Esq., LL.D., James Drummond, Esq., R.S.A., and many others.

The editor has in the proper place in the text referred to the
assistance given him in connection with the important history of
“Clan Chattan” by Alexander Mackintosh Shaw, Esq., whose own history
of the clan is nearly completed; the narrative in the present work
owes its value almost entirely to his kindness. For assistance in the
history of this clan the editor was also indebted to the late Rev. W.
G. Shaw of Forfar.

To the Colonels-commanding of all the Highland regiments special
thanks are due for hearty co-operation in procuring material for the
Third Part of the work. Many other officers have, with the greatest
readiness, either volunteered assistance or given it when asked. In
this connection special mention must be made of Lieutenant-Colonels
Wheatley, Clephane, and Sprot, Captain Colin Mackenzie, and Captain
Thackeray.

The large and increasing demand for this work during its publication,
and the extremely favourable notices of the press, afford good
grounds for believing that it will be found to fulfil the purpose for
which it has been compiled. May it ever meet with a kindly welcome
from all who are in any way interested in the romantic Highlands of
Scotland.

JOHN S. KELTIE.

LONDON, FEBRUARY 1875.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.

PAGE

REMARKS ON THE SCENERY OF THE HIGHLANDS. By Professor WILSON, xiii

PART FIRST.--GENERAL HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS, 1

CHAPTER

I. B.C. 55.-A.D. 446.--Highlands defined--Ancient
Scotland--Transactions of the Romans in the North of
Scotland--Roman Remains--Roads--Camps, 1

II. B.C. 55.-A.D. 446.--Early Inhabitants--Roman
Writers--Aristotle--Tacitus--Internal History of the
Highlands during the Time of the Romans, 16

III. A.D. 446-843.--Early History--Settlement of the Scots
in Scotland--Conversion of Picts--Druidism--St Columba
--Iona--Spread of Christianity, 32

IV. A.D. 843-1107.--Norse Invasions--Danes--Effect of
Norwegian Conquest--Influx of Anglo-Saxons--Table of
Scottish Kings, A.D. 843 to 1097, 48

V. A.D. 1107-1411.--Insurrections--Intestine Feuds
--Expedition of Haco--Battle of Largs--Robert Bruce
--Lord of the Isles invades Scotland--Battle of Harlaw, 59

VI. A.D. 1424-1512.--Policy of James I. to the Highland
Chiefs--Disturbances in Sutherland and Caithness--Wise
Policy of James IV.--Battle of Flodden, 71

VII. A.D. 1516-1588.--Doings in Sutherland--Dissensions
among the Clan Chattan--The “Field of Shirts”--The
Queen-Regent visits the Highlands--Queen Mary’s
Expedition against Huntly--Unruly State of North, &c., 80

VIII. A.D. 1588-1601.--Strife between Earls of Caithness
and Sutherland--Clan Feuds, 102

IX. A.D. 1602-1613.--Feud between the Colquhouns and
Macgregors--Lawless Proceedings in Sutherland--Other
Clan Feuds, 113

X. A.D. 1613-1623.--Clan Feuds--Reduction and Pacification
of Caithness, 128

XI. A.D. 1624-1636.--Insurrections--Disputes--Feuds--First
Marquis of Huntly, 148

XII. A.D. 1636-1644.--Charles I. attempts to introduce
Episcopacy into Scotland--Doings in the North--Earl of
Montrose--Covenanters--Battle of Tippermuir, 165

XIII. A.D. 1644 (September)-1645 (February).--Montrose
crosses the Tay, and his movements in the North, till
Battle of Inverlochy, 186

XIV. A.D. 1645 (February-September).--Montrose’s movements
in the North--at Inverness, Elgin, Banff, Aberdeen,
Stonehaven, Perth, Dundee, &c.--Montrose enters Glasgow
--Submission of Edinburgh--Battle of Philiphaugh, 200

XV. A.D. 1645-1649.--Huntly refuses to join Montrose
--Executions by the Covenanters--Meeting of the
Covenanting Parliament--Montrose disbands his Army
--Proceedings of General Leslie--Leslie in the Western
Isles--Cromwell arrives in Edinburgh--Execution of
Charles I., 234

XVI. A.D. 1649-1650.--Negotiations with Charles II.
--Proceedings of Montrose--Pluscardine’s Insurrection
--Montrose defeated at Carbisdale--Captured, and sent
to Edinburgh--Trial and Execution, 260

XVII. A.D. 1650-1660.--Charles II. in Scotland--Cromwell
invades Scotland--Battle of Dunbar--Flight of the
King--Insurrections in the Highlands--Proceedings of
Cromwell--Battle of Worcester--Operations of Monk in
Scotland--Cameron of Lochiel--State of the Country
--Restoration of Charles II, 278

XVIII. Character of Ancient Highlanders, Manners, Customs, &c.
Appendix to Chapter XVIII.--Highland Dress and Arms, 298

XIX. A.D. 1660-1689.--Execution of the Marquis of Argyll
--Argyll and Monmouth’s Invasion--Execution of Earl
of Argyll--Designs of the Prince of Orange--Proceedings
of King James--State of feeling in Scotland--Viscount
Dundee, 331

XX. A.D. 1689 (March-July).--General Hugh Mackay--Details
of Dundee’s Insurrection till his Death at
Killiecrankie--His Character, 350

XXI. A.D. 1689-1691.--General Mackay’s movements--Colonel
Cannon--The Cameronians at Dunkeld--Erection of
Fort-William--Cessation of Hostilities, 378

XXII. A.D. 1691-1702.--Negotiations with the Highland Chiefs
--Massacre of Glencoe--Master of Stair--King William III.
--Subsequent enquiry--State of Highlands during
William’s reign--Simon Fraser, Lord Lovat, 394

XXIII. A.D. 1695-1714.--The Darien Bubble--Death of James II.
--Death of King William--The Union--Proceedings of the
Jacobites--Death of Queen Anne, 407

XXIV. A.D. 1714-1715.--Proceedings of the Whigs--The Chevalier
de St George--Arrival of George I. in England--Jacobite
Intrigues--The Earl of Mar, 420

XXV. A.D. 1715.--Measures of the Government--Attempt to
surprise Edinburgh Castle--Duke of Argyll appointed to
the command of the Government forces--Proceedings of
Mar--Rebels march into England--Battle of Preston, 431

XXVI. A.D. 1715-1716.--Earl of Mar--Battle of Sheriffmuir
--Dispersion of the Insurgents, 456

XXVII. A.D. 1716-1737.--Trial and Execution of Rebels
--Proceedings of General Cadogan in the Highlands--Act
of Grace--Disarming of the Highlanders--New Jacobite
Conspiracy--Bolingbroke--The Disarming Act--Disgrace
of the Earl of Mar--The Chevalier’s Domestic affairs
--Death of George I., 476

XXVIII. A.D. 1739-1745.--Foreign Intrigues--Edinburgh
Association--Jacobite Intrigues--Prince Charles Edward
resolves to invade Scotland, 502

XXIX. A.D. 1745.--Prince Charles’ landing--He raises his
standard--Manifesto, 511

XXX. A.D. 1745.--Conduct of the Government--Sir John Cope
--Prince Charles at Perth--The Prince marches South
--Alarm in Edinburgh--Municipal Intrigues, 527

XXXI. A.D. 1745.--Highlanders Capture Edinburgh--Prince
Charles at Holyrood--The Chevalier de St George
proclaimed--Battle of Prestonpans, 540

XXXII. A.D. 1745.--Prince Charles’ proceedings at Edinburgh
--Resolves to invade England, 566

XXXIII. A.D. 1745.--Plan of the march of the Rebels into
England--Composition of the Highland Army--March of
Prince Charles into England--Proceedings there
--Consternation at London--Retreat into Scotland, 584

XXXIV. A.D. 1745-1746.--Highland Army returns to Scotland
--Proceedings of the Jacobites in the North
--Proceedings till Battle of Falkirk, 611

XXXV. A.D. 1746.--Duke of Cumberland sent to Scotland
--Highland Army’s Retreat to the North--Expedition of
Lord George Murray into Athole, 630

XXXVI. A.D. 1746.--Duke of Cumberland marches North--Battle
of Culloden--Apprehension of Lord Lovat and others
--Suppression of the Rebellion, 648

XXXVII. A.D. 1746.--Prince Charles’ Wanderings and Narrow
Escapes--Arrives in France, 683

XXXVIII. A.D. 1746-1747.--Trial of Prisoners--Execution of
Lords Kilmarnock, Cromarty, Balmerino, and Lovat--Act
of Indemnity, 722

XXXIX. A.D. 1747-1748.--Prince Charles’ arrival in Paris--His
Treatment of Lord George Murray--His Advisers,
Difficulties, and Plans, 738

XL. A.D. 1748-PRESENT TIME.--Charles visits London--Arrest
and Execution of Dr Cameron--Death of the Chevalier
--Marriage of Charles--His death--Death of Cardinal
York--Descendants of the Stewarts, 753

XLI. Proceedings which followed Culloden--Influence of Clan
feeling--Disarming Act--The Old Jacobites--Queen
Victoria--Jacobitism at the Present Day, 762

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

VOLUME I.

Subject. Painted by
Engraved by Page

PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD STUART, From Lochiel’s Original Miniature,
W. Holl, To face title.

THE GREAT MARQUIS OF MONTROSE, From a Rare Contemporary Print,
W. Holl, 271

VIEW OF KILLIECRANKIE, D. O. Hill,
W. Forrest, 369

ARMOUR WORN BY VISCOUNT DUNDEE }
AT KILLIECRANKIE, } Original Drawing,
J. R. Collie, 376

VIEW OF THE BATTLEFIELD OF }
SHERIFFMUIR, } J. C. Brown,
John Smith, 464

JAMES STUART, “THE CHEVALIER,” From an Original Painting,
W. Holl, 469

JOHN ERSKINE, 11TH EARL OF MAR, Sir G. Kneller,
S. Freeman, 498

VIEW OF LOCH SHIEL, with Monument }
on the spot where Prince }
Charles Edward first raised his }
Standard, 19th August 1745, } John Fleming,
W. Forrest, 523

WILLIAM, DUKE OF CUMBERLAND, Sir Joshua Reynolds,
J. Le Conte, 631

VIEW OF BALMORAL, Sam Bough,
W. Forrest, 775

TARTANS.

MACINTYRE, 58
MACNEILL, see page 162 Vol. II., 74
ROSS, ” 235 ” 78
MACLEAN, ” 223 ” 99
MACLEOD, }
MACKENZIE,} ” 191 ” 112
STUART, ” 297 ” 186
MUNRO, ” 232 ” 258
SUTHERLAND, see page 272 Vol. II., 266
CAMERON OF LOCHIEL, ” 217 ” 296
MACPHERSON (full dress), ” 210 ” 380
ROBERTSON, ” 169 ” 411
MACFARLANE, ” 173 ” 527
FRASER, ” 302 ” 606
MACKINNON, ” 256 ” 702
CHISHOLM, ” 307 ” 713

WOODCUTS IN THE LETTERPRESS.

1. Representation of an ancient Caledonian on Sculptured Stone
in the Church of Meigle, 4
2. Representation of an ancient Caledonian on Sculptured Stone
found at St Andrews, 4
3. Ancient British War-chariot, 6
4. Map and Profile of Antonine’s Wall, 10
5. Sculptured Stone, with inscription, from Antonine’s Wall, 11
6. Sketch Plan of the Roman Camp at Ardoch in 1755, 15
7. Stonehenge, 36
8. Circle of Callernish in Lewis, 37
9. Ruins of Ancient Monastery, Iona, 38
10. Seal of King Edgar (1097-1107), 56
11. Alexander III., 62
12. Effigy of the “Wolf of Badenoch” in Dunkeld Cathedral, 68
13. James I. (of Scotland), 73
14. Old Castle of Dunrobin, as in 1712, 83
15. Castle Duart, 98
16. Dornoch, showing the Cathedral, &c., 117
17. Stornoway Castle, 120
18. Castles Sinclair and Girnigo, 125
19. Dunyveg Castle, Islay, 130
20. Frendraught House, 156
21. First Marquis of Huntly, 163
22. First Marchioness of Huntly, 163
23. First Marquis of Argyll, 178
24. Inverlochy Castle, 199
25. Dunnottar Castle in the 17th Century, 205
26. Perth in the 17th Century, 220
27. Old Aberdeen in the 17th Century, 246
28. Second Marquis of Huntly, 254
29. General David Leslie, 264
30. Castle of Ardvraick, 269
31. William, Ninth Earl of Glencairn, 292
32. Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel, 296
33. The Scottish “Maiden,” devised by Regent Morton, 333
34. Ninth Earl of Argyle, 339
35. John Graham, Viscount Dundee, 351
36. General Hugh Mackay of Scourie, 361
37. Pass of Killiecrankie in the 18th Century, 375
38. Dunkeld in the 17th Century, 384
39. First Earl of Breadalbane, 394
40. View of Glencoe, 400
41. Edinburgh Castle in 1715, 432
42. Inverness in the 17th Century, 456
43. Dunblane about 1715, 460
44. Second Duke of Argyll, 472
45. Fort Augustus, 485
46. Lieutenant General Wade, 491
47. Donald Cameron of Lochiel, “The Gentle Chief,” 1745, 519
48. Autograph of Sir John Cope, 531
49. Holyrood House in 1745, 550
50. Plan of the Battle of Prestonpans, 21st Sept. 1745, 561
51. Colonel James Gardiner, 563
52. Colonel Gardiner’s House, near Prestonpans, 566
53. The Duke of Perth, 586
54. Carlisle in 1745, 604
55. Stirling about A.D. 1700, 616
56. Plan of the Battle of Falkirk, 17th January 1746, 624
57. Lady Anne Mackintosh, 1745, 637
58. Blair Castle, as it stood in 1745-6 before being dismantled, 643
59. Old Culloden House as in 1746, 657
60. Plan of the Battle of Culloden, 16th April 1746, 661
61. Lord George Murray, 672
62. Duncan Forbes of Culloden, Lord President, 679
63. Flora Macdonald (with her autograph), 1747, 690
64. Loch Arkaig, with view of Achnacarry, the seat of Cameron
of Lochiel, 709
65. Dr. Archibald Cameron, 1745, 718
66. Simon, Lord Lovat, 1747, 734
67. A Representation of the Execution of Lord Lovat, 737
68. Henry, Cardinal Duke of York, 745
69,}
70.} Medal, Prince Charles and his Wife Louisa, 753
71. Prince Charles Edward Stuart as in 1776, 758
72,}
73.} Medal of Henry, Cardinal Duke of York, 760

REMARKS

ON THE

SCENERY OF THE HIGHLANDS.

PROFESSOR WILSON.

In no other country does Nature exhibit herself in more various
forms of beauty and sublimity than in the north of England and the
Highlands of Scotland. This is acknowledged by all who, having
studied their character, and become familiar with the feelings it
inspires, have compared the effects produced on their minds by our
own mountainous regions, with what they have experienced among the
scenery of the Alps. There, indeed, all objects are on so vast a
scale, that we are for a while astonished as we gaze on the gigantic;
and all other emotions are sunk in an overwhelming sense of awe that
prostrates the imagination. But on recovering from its subjection to
the prodigious, that faculty everywhere recognises in those mighty
mountains of dark forests, glittering glaciers, and regions of
eternal snow--infinite all--the power and dominion of the sublime.
True that all these are but materials for the mind to work on, and
that to its creative energy Nature owes much of that grandeur which
seems to be inherent in her own forms; yet surely she in herself is
great, and there is a regality belonging of divine right to such a
monarch as Mont Blanc.

Those are the very regions of sublimity, and if brought into
immediate comparison with them in their immense magnitude, the most
magnificent scenery of our own country would no doubt seem to lose
its character of greatness. But such is not the process of the
imagination in her intercourse with Nature. To her, sufficient for
the day is the good thereof; and on each new glorious sight being
shown to her eyes, she employs her God-given power to magnify or
irradiate what she beholds, without diminishing or obscuring what
she remembers. Thus, to her all things in nature hold their own due
place, and retain for ever their own due impressions, aggrandized and
beautified by mutual reaction in those visionary worlds, which by a
thought she can create, and which, as they arise, are all shadowy
representations of realities--new compositions in which the image of
the earth we tread is reflected fairer or greater than any realities,
but not therefore less, but more true to the spirit of nature. It
is thus that poets and painters at once obey and control their own
inspirations. They visit all the regions of the earth, but to love,
admire, and adore; and the greatest of them all, native to our soil,
from their travel or sojourn in foreign lands, have always brought
home a clearer insight into the character of the scenery of their
own, a profounder affection for it all, and a higher power of imaging
its attributes in colours or in words. In our poetry, more than in
any other, Nature sees herself reflected in a magic mirror; and
though many a various show passes processionally along its lustre,
displaying the scenery of “lands and seas, whatever clime the sun’s
bright circle warms,” among them all there are none more delightful
or elevating to behold than those which genius, inspired by love, has
framed of the imagery, which, in all her pomp and prodigality, Heaven
has been pleased to shower, through all seasons, on our own beautiful
island. It is not for us to say whether our native painters, or the
“old masters,” have shown the greatest genius in landscape; but if
the palm must be yielded to them whose works have been consecrated
by a reverence, as often, perhaps, superstitious as religious, we do
not fear to say, that their superiority is not to be attributed in
any degree to the scenery on which they exercised the art its beauty
had inspired. Whatever may be the associations connected with the
subjects of their landscapes--and we know not why they should be
higher or holier than those belonging to innumerable places in our
own land--assuredly in themselves they are not more interesting or
impressive; nay, though none who have shared with us the spirit of
the few imperfect sentences we have now written, will for a moment
suppose us capable of instituting an invidious comparison between our
own scenery and that of any other country, why should we hesitate to
assert that our own storm-loving Northern Isle is equally rich in all
kinds of beauty as the Sunny South, and richer far in all kinds of
grandeur, whether we regard the forms or colouring of nature--earth,
sea, or air--

“Or all the dread magnificence of heaven.”

What other region in all the world like that of the Lakes in the
north of England! And yet how the true lover of nature, while he
carries along with him its delightful character in his heart, and
can so revive any spot of especial beauty in his imagination, as
that it shall seem in an instant to be again before his very eyes,
can deliver himself up, after the lapse of a day, to the genius of
some savage scene in the Highlands of Scotland, rent and riven by
the fury of some wild sea-loch! Not that the regions do not resemble
one another, but surely the prevailing spirit of the one--not so of
the other--is a spirit of joy and of peace. Her mountains, invested,
though they often be, in gloom--and we have been more than once
benighted during day, as a thunder-cloud thickened the shadows that
for ever sleep in the deepest dungeons of Helvellyn--are yet--so it
seems to us--such mountains as in nature ought to belong to “merry
England.” They boldly meet the storms, and seen in storms you might
think they loved the trouble; but pitch your tent among them, and
you will feel that theirs is a grandeur that is congenial with the
sunshine, and that their spirit fully rejoices in the brightness of
light. In clear weather, verdant from base to summit, how majestic
their repose! And as mists slowly withdraw themselves in thickening
folds up along their sides, the revelation made is still of more
and more of the beautiful--arable fields below, then coppice woods
studded with standard trees--enclosed pastures above and among the
woods--broad breasts of close-nibbled herbage here and there adorned
by rich dyed rocks, that do not break the expanse--till the whole
veil has disappeared; and, lo! the long lofty range, with its wavy
line, rising and sinking so softly in the blue serenity, perhaps,
of an almost cloudless sky. Yet though we have thus characterised
the mountains by what we have always felt to be the pervading spirit
of the region, chasms and ravines, and cliffs and precipices, are
there; in some places you see such assemblages as inspire the fear
that quakes at the heart, when suddenly struck in the solitude with
a sense of the sublime; and though we have called the mountains
green--and during Spring and Summer, in spite of frost or drought,
they are green as emerald--yet in Autumn they are many-coloured, and
are girdled with a glow of variegated light, that at sunset sometimes
seems like fire kindled in the woods.

The larger Vales are all serene and cheerful; and among the sylvan
knolls with which their wide levels, highly cultivated, are
interspersed, cottages, single or in groups, are frequent, of an
architecture always admirably suited to the scenery, because in a
style suggested not by taste or fancy, which so often disfigure
nature to produce the picturesque, but resorted to for sake of the
uses and conveniences of in-door life, to weather-fend it in storms,
and in calm to give it the enjoyment of sunshine. Many of these
dwellings are not what are properly called cottages, but statesmen’s
houses, of ample front, with their many roofs, over-shadowed by a
stately grove, and inhabited by the same race for many generations.
All alike have their suitable gardens, and the porches of the poorest
are often clustered with roses; for everywhere among these hills,
even in minds the most rude and uncultivated, there is a natural love
of flowers. The villages, though somewhat too much modernised in
those days of improvement--and indeed not a few of them with hardly
any remains now of their original architecture--nothing old about
them but the church tower, perhaps the parsonage--are nevertheless
generally of a pleasing character, and accordant, if not with the
great features of nature, which are unchanged and unchangeable, with
the increased cultivation of the country, and the many villas and
ornamented cottages that have risen and are rising by every lake and
river side. Rivers indeed, properly so called, there are none among
these mountains; but every vale, great and small, has at all times
its pure and undefiled stream or rivulet; every hill has its hundreds
of evanescent rills, almost every one its own perennial torrent
flowing from spring, marsh, or tarn; and the whole region is often
alive with waterfalls, of many of which, in its exquisite loveliness,
the scenery is fit for fairy festivals--and of many, in its horrid
gloom, for gatherings of gnomes revisiting “the glimpses of the
moon” from their subterraneous prisons. One lake there is, which
has been called “wooded Winandermere, the river lake;” and there is
another--Ulswater--which you might imagine to be a river too, and to
have come flowing from afar; the one excelling in isles, and bays,
and promontories, serene and gentle all, and perfectly beautiful; the
other, matchless in its majesty of cliff and mountain, and in its old
forests, among whose hoary gloom is for ever breaking out the green
light of young generations, and perpetual renovation triumphing over
perpetual decay. Of the other lakes--not river-like--the character
may be imagined even from that we have faintly described of the
mountains; almost every vale has its lake, or a series of lakes; and
though some of them have at times a stern aspect, and have scenes
to show almost of desolation, descending sheer to the water’s edge,
or overhanging the depth that looks profounder in the gloom, yet
even these, to eyes and hearts familiar with their spirit, wear a
sweet smile which seldom passes away. Witness Wastwater, with its
huge single mountains, and hugest of all the mountains of England,
Scawfell, with its terrific precipices--which, in the accidents of
storm, gloom, or mist, has seemed, to the lonely passer-by, savage
in the extreme--a howling or dreary wilderness--but in its enduring
character, is surrounded with all quiet pastoral imagery, the deep
glen in which it is embedded being, in good truth, the abode of
Sabbath peace. That hugest mountain is indeed the centre from which
all the vales irregularly diverge; the whole circumjacent region may
be traversed in a week; and though no other district of equal extent
contains such variety of the sublime and beautiful, yet the beautiful
is so prevalent that we feel its presence, even in places where it is
overpowered; and on leaving “The Lakes,” our imagination is haunted
and possessed with images, not of dread, but of delight.

We have sometimes been asked, whether the north of England or the
Highlands of Scotland should be visited first; but, simple as the
question seems, it is really one which it is impossible to answer,
though we suspect it would equally puzzle Scotchman or Englishman
to give a sufficient reason for his wishing to see any part of any
other country, before he had seen what was best worth seeing in his
own. His own country ought to be, and generally is, dearest to every
man. There, if nothing forbid, he should not only begin his study of
nature, but continue his education in her school, wherever it may
happen to be situated, till he has taken his first degree. We believe
that the love of nature is strong in the hearts of the inhabitants of
our island. And how wide and profound may that knowledge of nature
be, which the loving heart has acquired, without having studied her
anywhere but within the Four Seas! The impulses that make us desire
to widen the circle of our observation, are all impulses of delight
and love; and it would be strange indeed, did they not move us, first
of all, towards whatever is most beautiful belonging to our own land.
Were it otherwise, it would seem as if the heart were faithless to
the home affections, out of which, in their strength, spring all
others that are good; and it is essential, we do not doubt, to the
full growth of the love of country, that we should all have our
earliest imaginative delights associated with our native soil. Such
associations will for ever keep it loveliest to our eyes; nor is
it possible that we can ever as perfectly understand the character
of any other; but we can afterwards transfer and transfuse our
feelings in imagination kindled by our own will; and the beauty, born
before our eyes, among the banks and braes of our childhood, and
then believed to be but there, and nothing like it anywhere else in
all the world, becomes a golden light, “whose home is everywhere,”
which if we do not darken it, will shine unshadowed in the dreariest
places, till “the desert blossom like the rose.”

For our own parts, before we beheld one of “the beautiful fields of
England,” we had walked all Scotland thorough, and had seen many a
secret place, which now, in the confusion of our crowded memory,
seem often to shift their uncertain ground; but still, wherever
they glimmeringly re-appear, invested with the same heavenly light
in which long ago they took possession of our soul. And now that
we are almost as familiar with the fair sister-land, and love her
almost as well as Scotland’s self, not all the charms in which she is
arrayed--and they are at once graceful and glorious--have ever for a
day withdrawn our deeper dreams from the regions where,

“In life’s morning march when our spirit was young,”

unaccompanied but by our own shadow in the wilderness, we first heard
the belling of the red deer and the eagle’s cry.

In those days there was some difficulty, if not a little danger,
in getting in among some of the noblest regions of our Alps. They
could not be traversed without strong personal exertion; and a
solitary pedestrian excursion through the Grampians was seldom
achieved without a few incidents that might almost have been called
adventures. It is very different now; yet the _Genius Loci_, though
tamed, is not subdued; and they who would become acquainted with the
heart of the Highlands, will have need of some endurance still, and
must care nothing about the condition of earth or sky. Formerly, it
was not possible to survey more than a district or division in a
single season, except to those unenviable persons who had no other
pursuit but that of amusement, and waged a weary war with time. The
industrious dwellers in cities, who sought these solitudes for a
while to relieve their hearts from worldly anxieties, and gratify
that love of nature which is inextinguishable in every bosom that
in youth has beat with its noble inspirations, were contented with a
week or two of such intercommunion with the spirit of the mountains,
and thus continued to extend their acquaintance with the glorious
wildernesses, visit after visit, for years. Now the whole Highlands,
western and northern, may be commanded in a month. Not that any one
who knows what they are will imagine that they can be exhausted in a
lifetime. The man does not live who knows all worth knowing there;
and were they who made the trigonometrical survey to be questioned
on their experiences, they would be found ignorant of thousands of
sights, any one of which would be worth a journey for its own sake.
But now steam has bridged the Great Glen, and connected the two seas.
Salt water lochs the most remote and inaccessible, it has brought
within reach of a summer day’s voyage. In a week a joyous company
can gather all the mainland shores, leaving not one magnificent bay
uncircled; and, having rounded St Kilda and

“the Hebride Isles,
Placed far amid the melancholy main,”

and heard the pealing anthem of waves in the cave-cathedral of
Staffa, may bless the bells of St Mungo’s tolling on the first
Sabbath. Thousands and tens of thousands, who but for those smoking
sea-horses, had never been beyond view of the city spires, have seen
sights which, though passing by almost like dreams, are not like
dreams forgotten, but revive of themselves in memory and imagination;
and, when the heart is weary with the work of the hand, quicken its
pulses with a sudden pleasure that is felt like a renovation of youth.

All through the interior, too, how many hundreds of miles of roads
now intersect regions not long ago deemed impracticable!--firm on the
fen, in safety flung across the chasm--and winding smoothly amidst
shatterings of rocks, round the huge mountain bases, and down the
glens once felt as if interminable, now travelled almost with the
speed of the raven’s wing!

In the Highlands now, there is no _terra incognita_. But there are
many places yet well worth seeing, which it is not easy for all men
to find, and to which every man must be his own guide. It is somewhat
of a selfish feeling, indeed, but the pride is not a mean one, with
which the solitary pedestrian sits down to contemplate some strange,
or wild, or savage scene, or some view of surpassing sweetness and
serenity, so far removed from the track of men, that he can well
believe for a time that his eyes have been the first to behold it,
and that for them alone it has now become a visible revelation.
The memory of such places is sometimes kept as a secret which we
would not communicate but to a congenial friend. They are hallowed
by those mysterious “thoughts that, like phantoms, trackless come
and go;” no words can tell another how to find his way thither; and
were we ourselves to seek to return, we should have to trust to some
consciousness mysterious as the instinct of a bird that carries it
through the blind night to the place of its desire.

It is well to have in our mind the conception of a route; but without
being utterly departed from--nay, without ceasing to control us
within certain bounds--it admits of almost any degrees of deviation.
We have known persons apparently travelling for pleasure who were
afraid to turn a few miles to the right or the left, for fear of
subjecting themselves to the reproach of their own conscience for
infirmity of purpose. They had “chalked out a route,” and acted as
if they had sworn a solemn oath to follow it. This is to be a slave
among the boundless dominions of nature, where all are free. As the
wind bloweth wherever it listeth, so move the moods of men’s minds,
when there is nought to shackle them, and when the burden of their
cares has been dropt, that for a while they may walk on air, and feel
that they too have wings.

“A voice calls on me from the mountain depths,
And it must be obeyed.”

The voice was our own--and yet though but a whisper from the heart,
it seemed to come from the front of yon distant precipice--sweet and
wild as an echo.

On rising at dawn in the shieling, why think, much less determine,
where at night we are to lay down our head? Let this be our thought:

“Among the hills a hundred homes have I:
My table in the wilderness is spread:
In these lone spots one honest smile can buy
Plain fare, warm welcome, and a rushy bed.”

If we obey any powers external to our own minds, let them be the
powers of Nature--the rains, the winds, the atmosphere, sun, moon and
stars. We must keep a look out--

“To see the deep, fermenting tempest brewed,
In the grim evening sky;”

that next day we may cross the red rivers by bridges, not by fords;
and if they roll along unbridged, that we may set our face to the
mountain, and wind our way round his shoulder by sheep-tracks, unwet
with the heather, till we behold some great strath, which we had not
visited but for that storm, with its dark blue river streaked with
golden light,--for its source is in a loch among the Eastern Range;
and there, during the silent hours, heather, bracken, and greensward
rejoiced in the trembling dews.

There is no such climate for all kinds of beauty and grandeur as
the climate of the Highlands. Here and there you meet with an old
shepherd or herdsman, who has beguiled himself into a belief, in
spite of many a night’s unforeseen imprisonment in the mists, that he
can presage its changes from fair to foul, and can tell the hour when
the long-threatening thunder will begin to mutter. The weather-wise
have often perished in their plaids. Yet among a thousand uncertain
symptoms, there are a few certain, which the ranger will do well
to study, and he will often exult on the mountain to feel that
“knowledge is power.” Many a glorious hour has been won from the
tempest by him before whose instructed eye--beyond the gloom that
wide around blackened all the purple heather--“far off its coming
shone.” Leagues of continuous magnificence have gradually unveiled
themselves on either side to him, as he has slowly paced, midway
between, along the banks of the River of Waterfalls; having been
assured by the light struggling through the mist, that it would not
be long till there was a break-up of all that ghastly dreariment,
and that the sun would call on him to come forth from his cave of
shelter, and behold in all its pride the Glen affronting the Sea.

Some Tourists--as they call themselves--are provided with map and
compass; and we hope they find them of avail in extremities, though
we fear few such understand their use. No map can tell--except very
vaguely--how the aspect of the localities, looked at on its lines, is
likely to be affected by sunrise, meridian, or sunset. Yet, true it
is, that every region has its own happy hours, which the fortunate
often find unawares, and know them at once to be so the moment they
lift up their eyes. At such times, while “our hearts rejoice in
Nature’s joy,” we feel the presence of a spirit that brings out the
essential character of the place, be it of beauty or of grandeur.
Harmonious as music is then the composition of colours and of forms.
It becomes a perfect picture in memory, more and more idealised by
imagination, every moment the veil is withdrawn before it; its aërial
lineaments never fade; yet they too, though their being be but in the
soul, are mellowed by the touch of time--and every glimpse of such a
vision, the longer we live, and the more we suffer, seems suffused
with a mournful light, as if seen through tears.

It would serve no good purpose, supposing we had the power, to
analyse the composition of that scenery, which in the aggregate so
moves even the most sluggish faculties, as to make “the dullest wight
a poet.” It rises before the mind in imagination, as it does before
the eyes in nature; and we can no more speak of it than look at it,
but as a whole. We can indeed fix our mental or our visual gaze on
scene after scene to the exclusion of all beside, and picture it
even in words that shall be more than shadows. But how shall any
succession of such pictures, however clear and complete, give an idea
of that picture which comprehends them all, and infinite as are its
manifestations, nevertheless is imbued with one spirit?

Try to forget that in the Highlands there are any Lochs. Then the
sole power is that of the Mountains. We speak of a sea of mountains;
but that image has never more than momentary possession of us,
because, but for a moment, in nature it has no truth. Tumultuary
movements envelope them; but they themselves are for ever steadfast
and for ever still. Their power is that of an enduring calm no
storms can disturb--and is often felt to be more majestical, the more
furious are the storms. As the tempest-driven clouds are franticly
hurrying to and fro, how serene the summits in the sky! Or if they be
hidden, how peaceful the glimpses of some great mountain’s breast!
They disregard the hurricane that goes crashing through their old
woods; the cloud-thunder disturbs not them any more than that of
their own cataracts, and the lightnings play for their pastime.
All minds under any excitation more or less personify mountains.
When much moved, that natural process affects all our feelings, as
the language of passion awakened by such objects vividly declares;
and then we do assuredly conceive of mountains as indued with
life--however dim and vague the conception may be--and feel their
character in their very names. Utterly strip our ideas of them of all
that is attached to them as impersonations, and their power is gone.
But while we are creatures of imagination as well as of reason, will
those monarchs remain invested with the purple and seated on thrones.

In such imaginative moods as these must every one be, far more
frequently than he is conscious of, and in far higher degrees,
who, with a cultivated mind and a heart open to the influences of
nature, finds himself, it matters not whether for the first or the
hundredth time, in the Highlands. We fancy the Neophyte wandering,
all by himself, on the “longest day;” rejoicing to think that the
light will not fail him, when at last the sun must go down, for
that a starry gloaming will continue its gentle reign till morn. He
thinks but of what he sees, and that is--the mountains. All memories
of any other world but that which encloses him with its still
sublimities, are not excluded merely, but obliterated: his whole
being is there! And now he stands on table-land, and with his eyes
sweeps the horizon, bewildered for a while, for it seems chaos all.
But soon the mighty masses begin arranging themselves into order;
the confusion insensibly subsides as he comprehends more and more of
their magnificent combinations; he discovers centres round which are
associated altitudes towering afar off; and finally, he feels, and
blesses himself on his felicity, that his good genius has placed him
on the very centre of those wondrous assemblages altogether, from
which alone he could command an empire of realities, more glorious
far than was ever empire of dreams.

It is a cloudy, but not a stormy day; the clouds occupy but portions
of the sky,--and are they all in slow motion together, or are they
all at rest? Huge shadows stalking along the earth, tell that there
are changes going on in heaven; but to the upward gaze, all seems
hanging there in the same repose; and with the same soft illumination
the sun to continue shining, a concentration rather than an orb of
light. All above is beautiful, and the clouds themselves are like
celestial mountains; but the eye forsakes them, though it sees them
still, and more quietly now it moves along the pageantry below that
endures for ever--till chained on a sudden by that range of cliffs.
’Tis along them that the giant shadows are stalking--but now they
have passed by--and the long line of precipice seems to come forward
in the light. To look down from the brink might be terrible--to look
up from the base would be sublime--but fronting the eye thus, horrid
though it be, the sight is most beautiful;--for weather-stains, and
mosses, and lichens, and flowering-plants--conspicuous most the
broom and the heather--and shrubs that, among their leaves of light,
have no need of flowers--and hollies, and birks, and hazels, and
many a slender tree besides with pensile tresses, besprinkle all the
cliffs, that in no gloom could ever lose their lustre; but now the
day though not bright is fair, and brings out the whole beauty of the
precipice--call it the hanging garden of the wilderness.

The Highlands have been said to be a gloomy region, and worse gloom
than theirs might well be borne, if not unfrequently illumined
with such sights as these; but that is not the character of the
mountains, though the purple light in which, for usual, they are so
richly steeped, is often for a season tamed, or for a short while
extinguished, while a strange night-like day lets fall over them all
a something like a shroud. Such days we have seen--but now in fancy
we are with the pilgrim, and see preparation making for a sunset. It
is drawing towards evening, and the clouds that have all this time
been moving, though we knew it not, have assuredly settled now, and
taken up their rest. The sun has gone down, and all that unspeakable
glory has left the sky. Evening has come and gone without our knowing
that she had been here; but there is no gloom on any place in the
whole of this vast wilderness, and the mountains, as they wax dimmer
and dimmer, look as if they were surrendering themselves to a repose
like sleep. Day had no voice here audible to human ear--but night
is murmuring--and gentle though the murmur be, it filleth the great
void, and we imagine that ever and anon it awakens echoes. And now it
is darker than we thought, for lo! one soft-burning star! And we see
that there are many stars; but not theirs the light that begins again
to reveal object after object as gradually as they had disappeared;
the moon is about to rise--is rising--has arisen--has taken her
place high in heaven; and as the glorious world again expands around
us, faintly tinged, clearly illumined, softly shadowed, and deeply
begloomed, we say within our hearts,

“How beautiful is night!”

There are many such table-lands as the one we have now been
imagining, and it requires but a slight acquaintance with the country
to conjecture rightly where they lie. Independently of the panoramas
they display, they are in themselves always impressive; perhaps a
bare level that shows but bleached bent, and scatterings of stones,
with here and there an unaccountable rock; or hundreds of fairy
greensward knolls, fringed with tiny forests of fern that have almost
displaced the heather; or a wild withered moor or moss intersected
with pits dug not by men’s hands; and, strange to see! a huge log
lying half exposed, and as if blackened by fire. High as such places
are, on one of them a young gorcock was stricken down by a hawk close
to our feet. Indeed, hawks seem to haunt such places, and we have
rarely crossed one of them, without either seeing the creature’s
stealthy flight, or hearing, whether he be alarmed or preying, his
ever-angry cry.

From a few such stations, you get an insight into the configuration
of the whole Western Highlands. By the dip of the mountains, you
discover at a glance all the openings in the panorama around you into
other regions. Follow your fancies fearlessly wherever they may lead;
and if the blue aërial haze that hangs over a pass winding eastward,
tempt you from your line of march due north, forthwith descend in
that direction, and haply an omen will confirm you--an eagle rising
on the left, and sailing away before you into that very spot of sky.

No man, however well read, should travel by book. In books you find
descriptions, and often good ones, of the most celebrated scenes,
but seldom a word about the vast tracts between; and it would seem
as if many Tourists had used their eyes only in those places where
they had been told by common fame there was something greatly to
admire. Travel in the faith, that go where you will, the cravings
of your heart will be satisfied, and you will find it so, if you be
a true lover of nature. You hope to be inspired by her spirit, that
you may read aright her works. But such inspiration comes not from
one object or another, however great or fair, but from the whole
“mighty world of eye and ear,” and it must be supported continuously,
or it perishes. You may see a thousand sights never before seen by
human eye, at every step you take, wherever be your path; for no
steps but yours have ever walked along that same level; and moreover,
never on the same spot twice rested the same lights or shadows. Then
there may be something in the air, and more in your own heart, that
invests every ordinary object with extraordinary beauty; old images
affect you with a new delight; a grandeur grows upon your eyes in the
undulations of the simplest hills; and you feel there is sublimity
in the common skies. It is thus that all the stores of imagery are
insensibly gathered, with which the minds of men are filled, who
from youth have communed with Nature. And it is thus that all those
feelings have flowed into their hearts by which that imagery is
sanctified; and these are the poets.

It is in this way that we all become familiar with the Mountains. Far
more than we were aware of have we trusted to the strong spirit of
delight within us, to prompt and to guide. And in such a country as
the Highlands, thus led, we cannot err. Therefore, if your desire be
for the summits, set your face thitherwards, and wind a way of your
own, still ascending and ascending, along some vast brow, that seems
almost a whole day’s journey, and where it is lost from your sight,
not to end, but to go sweeping round, with undiminished grandeur,
into another region. You are not yet half-way up the mountain, but
you care not for the summit now; for you find yourself among a number
of green knolls--all of them sprinkled, and some of them crowned,
with trees--as large almost as our lowland hills--surrounded close
to the brink with the purple heather--and without impairing the
majesty of the immense expanse, embuing it with pastoral and sylvan
beauty;--and there, lying in a small forest glade of the lady-fern,
ambitious no longer of a throne on Benlomond or Bennevis, you dream
away the still hours till sunset, yet then have no reason to weep
that you have lost a day.

But the best way to view the mountains is to trace the Glens. To find
out the glens you must often scale the shoulders of mountains; and in
such journeys of discovery, you have for ever going on before your
eyes glorious transfigurations. Sometimes for a whole day one mighty
mass lowers before you unchanged; look at it after the interval of
hours, and still the giant is one and the same. It rules the region,
subjecting all other altitudes to its sway, though many of them
range away to a great distance; and at sunset retains its supremacy,
blazing almost like a volcano with fiery clouds. Your line of journey
lies, perhaps, some two thousand feet above the level of the sea,
and seldom dips down to one thousand; and these are the heights from
which all above and all below you look most magnificent, for both
regions have their full power over you--the unscaleable cliffs, the
unfathomable abysses--and you know not which is the more sublime. The
sublimity indeed is one. It is then that you may do well to ascend to
the very mountain top. For it may happen to be one of those heavenly
days indeed, when the whole Highlands seem to be reposing in the
cloudless sky.

But we were about to speak of the Glens. And some of them are best
entered by such descents as these--perhaps at their very head--where
all at once you are in another world, how still, how gloomy, how
profound! An hour ago and the eye of the eagle had not wider command
of earth, sea, and sky than yours--almost blinded now by the
superincumbent precipices that imprison you, and seem to shut you out
from life.

“Such the grim desolation, where Ben-Hun
And Craig-na-Torr, by earthquake shatterings
Disjoined with horrid chasms prerupt, enclose
What superstition calls the Glen of Ghosts.”

Or you may enter some great glen from the foot, where it widens into
vale, or strath--and there are many such--and some into which you can
sail up an arm of the sea. For a while it partakes of the cultivated
beauty of the lowlands, and glen and vale seem almost one and the
same; but gradually it undergoes a strange wild change of character,
and in a few miles that similitude is lost. There is little or
no arable ground here; but the pasture is rich on the unenclosed
plain--and here and there are enclosures near the few houses or huts
standing, some of them in the middle of the glen, quite exposed, on
eminences above reach of the floods--some more happily placed on the
edge of the coppices, that sprinkle the steep sides of the hills,
yet barely mountains. But mountains they soon become; and leaving
behind you those few barren habitations, you see before you a wide
black moor. Beautiful hitherto had been the river, for a river you
had inclined to think it, long after it had narrowed into a stream,
with many a waterfall, and in one chasm a cataract. But the torrent
now has a wild mountain-cry, and though there is still beauty on its
banks, they are bare of all trees, now swelling into multitudes of
low green knolls among the heather, now composed but of heather and
rocks. Through the very middle of the black moor it flows, yet are
its waters clear, for all is not moss, and it seems to wind its way
where there is nothing to pollute its purity, or tame its lustre.
’Tis a solitary scene, but still sweet; the mountains are of great
magnitude, but they are not precipitous; vast herds of cattle are
browsing there, on heights from which fire has cleared the heather,
and wide ranges of greensward upon the lofty gloom seem to lie in
perpetual light.

The moor is crossed, and you prepare to scale the mountain in front,
for you imagine the torrent by your side flows from a tarn in yonder
cove, and forms that series of waterfalls. You have been all along
well pleased with the glen, and here at the head, though there is a
want of cliffs of the highest class, you feel nevertheless that it
has a character of grandeur. Looking westward, you are astounded to
see them ranging away on either side of another reach of the glen,
terrific in their height, but in their formation beautiful, for
like the walls of some vast temple they stand, roofed with sky. Yet
are they but as a portal or gateway of the glen. For entering in
with awe, that deepens as you advance almost into dread, you behold
beyond mountains that carry their cliffs up into the clouds, seamed
with chasms, and hollowed out into coves, where night dwells visibly
by the side of day; and still the glen seems winding on beneath a
purple light, that almost looks like gloom; such vast forms and such
prodigious colours, and such utter stillness, become oppressive
to your very life, and you wish that some human being were by, to
relieve by his mere presence the insupportable weight of such a
solitude.

But we should never have done were we to attempt to sketch, however
slightly, the character of all the different kinds of glens. Some
are sublime in their prodigious depth and vast extent, and would
be felt to be so, even were the mountains that enclose them of no
great majesty; but these are all of the highest order, and sometimes
are seen from below to the very cairns on their summits. Now we
walk along a reach, between astonishing ranges of cliffs, among
large heaps of rocks--not a tree--scarcely a shrub--no herbage--the
very heather blasted--all lifelessness and desolation. The glen
gradually grows less and less horrid, and though its sides are
seamed with clefts and chasms, in the gloom there are places for
the sunshine, and there is felt to be even beauty in the repose.
Descends suddenly on either side a steep slope of hanging wood, and
we find ourselves among verdant mounds, and knolls, and waterfalls.
We come then into what seems of old to have been a forest. Here and
there a stately pine survives, but the rest are all skeletons; and
now the glen widens, and widens, yet ceases not to be profound,
for several high mountains enclose a plain on which armies might
encamp, and castellated clouds hang round the heights of the glorious
amphitheatre, while the sky-roof is clear, and, as if in its centre,
the refulgent sun. ’Tis the plain called “The Meeting of the Glens.”
From the east and the west, the north and the south, they come like
rivers into the sea.

Other glens there are as long, but not so profound, nor so grandly
composed; yet they too conduct us nobly in among the mountains, and
up their sides, and on even to their very summits. Such are the
glens of Athole, in the neighbourhood of Ben-y-gloe. From them the
heather is not wholly banished, and the fire has left a green light
without quenching the purple colour native to the hills. We think
that we almost remember the time when those glens were in many places
sprinkled with huts, and all animated with human life. Now they are
solitary; and you may walk from sunrise till sunset without seeing
a single soul. For a hundred thousand acres have there been changed
into a forest, for sake of the pastime, indeed, which was dear of old
to chieftains and kings. Vast herds of red deer are there, for they
herd in thousands; yet may you wander for days over the boundless
waste, nor once be startled by one stag bounding by. Yet may a herd,
a thousand strong, be drawn up, as in battle array, on the cliffs
above your head. For they will long stand motionless, at gaze, when
danger is in the wind; and then their antlers to unpractised eyes
seem but boughs grotesque, or are invisible; and when all at once,
with one accord, at signal from the stag, whom they obey, they wheel
off towards the corries, you think it but thunder, and look up to the
clouds. Fortunate if you see such a sight once in your life. Once
only have we seen it; and it was, of a sudden, all by ourselves,

“Ere yet the hunter’s startling horn was heard
Upon the golden hills.”

Almost within rifle-shot, the herd occupied a position, high up
indeed, but below several ridges of rocks, running parallel for a
long distance, with slopes between of sward and heather. Standing
still, they seemed to extend about a quarter of a mile; and, as with
a loud clattering of hoofs and antlers they took more open order,
the line at least doubled its length, and the whole mountain side
seemed alive. They might not be going at full speed, but the pace was
equal to that of any charge of cavalry; and once and again the flight
passed before us, till it overcame the ridges, and then deploying
round the shoulder of the mountain, disappeared, without dust or
noise, into the blue light of another glen.

We question if there be in the Highlands any one glen comparable with
Borrowdale in Cumberland. But there are several that approach it,
in that combination of beauty and grandeur, which perhaps no other
scene equals in all the world. The “Gorge” of that Dale exhibits the
finest imaginable assemblage of rocks and rocky hills, all wildly
wooded; beyond them, yet before we have entered into the Dale, the
Pass widens, with noble cliffs on one side, and on the other a sylvan
stream, not without its abysses; and we see before us some lovely
hills, on which--

“The smiling power of cultivation lies,”

yet leaves, with lines defined by the steeps that defy the
ploughshare, copses and groves; and thus we are brought into
the Dale itself, and soon have a vision of the whole--green
and golden fields--for though most are in pasture, almost all
seem arable--sprinkled with fine single trees, and lying in
flats and levels, or swelling into mounds and knolls, and all
diversified with every kind of woods; single cottages, with their
out-buildings, standing everywhere they should stand, and coloured
like the rocks from which in some lights they are hardly to be
distinguished--strong-roofed and undilapidated, though many of them
very old; villages, apart from one another a mile--and there are
three--yet on their sites, distant and different in much though
they be, all associated together by the same spirit of beauty that
pervades all the Dale. Half way up, and in some places more, the
enclosing hills and even mountains are sylvan indeed, and though
there be a few inoffensive aliens, they are all adorned with their
native trees. The mountains are not so high as in our Highlands,
but they are very majestic; and the passes over into Langdale, and
Wastdalehead, and Buttermere, are magnificent, and show precipices in
which the Golden Eagle himself might rejoice.

No--there is no glen in all the Highlands comparable with Borrowdale.
Yet we know of some that are felt to be kindred places, and their
beauty, though less, almost as much affects us, because though
contending, as it were, with the darker spirit of the mountain, it
is not overcome, but prevails; and their beauty will increase with
years. For while the rocks continue to frown aloft for ever, and the
cliffs to range along the corries, unbroken by trees, which there
the tempests will not suffer to rise, the woods and groves below,
preserved from the axe, for sake of their needful shelter, shall
become statelier till the birch equal the pine; reclaimed from the
waste, shall many a fresh field recline among the heather, tempering
the gloom; and houses arise where now there are but huts, and every
house have its garden:--such changes are now going on, and we have
been glad to observe their progress, even though sometimes they had
removed, or were removing, objects dear from old associations, and
which, had it been possible, but it was not, we should have loved to
see preserved.

And one word on those sweet pastoral seclusions into which one
often drops unexpectedly, it may be at the close of day, and finds
a night’s lodging in the lonely hut. Yet they lie, sometimes,
embosomed, in their own green hills, among the most rugged mountains,
and even among the wildest moors. They have no features by which you
can describe them: it is their serenity that charms you, and their
cheerful peace; perhaps it is wrong to call them glens, and they are
but dells. Yet one thinks of a dell as deep, however small it may be;
but these are not deep, for the hills slope down gently upon them,
and leave room perhaps between for a little shallow loch. Often they
have not any visible water at all, only a few springs and rivulets,
and you wonder to see them so very green; there is no herbage like
theirs; and to such spots of old, and sometimes yet, the kine are
led in summer, and there the lonely family live in their shieling
till the harvest moon.

We have all along used the same word, and called the places we have
spoken of--glens. A fine observer--the editor of _Gilpin’s Forest
Scenery_--has said: “The gradation from extreme width downwards
should be thus arranged--strath, vale, dale, valley, glen, dell,
ravine, chasm. In the strath, vale, and dale, we may expect to
find the large, majestic, gently flowing river, or even the deeper
or smaller lake. In the glen, if the river be large, it flows
more rapidly, and with greater variety. In the dell, the stream
is smaller. In the ravine, we find the mountain torrent and the
waterfall. In the chasm, we find the roaring cataract, or the rill,
bursting from its haunted fountain. The chasm discharges its small
tribute into the ravine, while the ravine is tributary to the dell,
and thence to the glen; and the glen to the dale.”

These distinctions are admirably expressed, and perfectly true to
nature; yet we doubt if it would be possible to preserve them in
describing a country, and assuredly they are very often indeed
confused by common use in the naming of places. We have said nothing
about straths--nor shall we try to describe one--but suggest to your
own imagination as specimens, Strath-Spey, Strath-Tay, Strath-Earn.
The dominion claimed by each of those rivers, within the mountain
ranges that environ their courses, is a strath; and three noble
straths they are, from source to sea.

And now we are brought to speak of the Highland rivers, streams,
and torrents; but we shall let them rush or flow, murmur or
thunder, in your own ears, for you cannot fail to imagine what
the waters must be in a land of such glens, and such mountains.
The chief rivers possess all the attributes essential to
greatness--width--depth--clearness--rapidity--in one word, power.
And some of them have long courses--rising in the central heights,
and winding round many a huge projection, against which in flood we
have seen them dashing like the sea. Highland droughts are not of
long duration; the supplies are seldom withheld at once by all the
tributaries; and one wild night among the mountains converts a calm
into a commotion--the many-murmuring voice into one roar. In flood
they are terrible to look at; and every whirlpool seems a place of
torment. Winds can make a mighty noise in swinging woods, but there
is something to our ears more appalling in that of the fall of
waters. Let them be united--and add thunder from the clouds--and we
have heard in the Highlands all three in one--and the auditor need
not care that he has never stood by Niagara. But when “though not
o’er-flowing full,” a Highland river is in perfection; far better do
we love to see and hear him rejoicing than raging; his attributes
appear more his own in calm and majestic manifestations, and as he
glides or rolls on, without any disturbance, we behold in him an
image at once of power and peace.

Of rivers--comparatively speaking, of the second and third order--the
Highlands are full--and on some of them the sylvan scenery is beyond
compare. No need there to go hunting the waterfalls. Hundreds of
them--some tiny indeed, but others tall--are for ever dinning in the
woods; yet, at a distance from the cataract, how sweet and quiet is
the sound! It hinders you not from listening to the cushat’s voice;
clear amidst the mellow murmur comes the bleating from the mountain;
and all other sound ceases, as you hearken in the sky to the hark
of the eagle--rare indeed anywhere, but sometimes to be heard as
you thread the “glimmer or the gloom” of the umbrage overhanging
the Garry or the Tummel--for he used to build in the cliffs of
Ben-Brackie, and if he has shifted his eyrie, a few minutes’ waftage
will bear him to Cairn-Gower.

In speaking of the glens, we but alluded to the rivers or streams,
and some of them, indeed, even the great ones, have but rivulets;
while in the greatest, the waters often flow on without a single
tree, shadowed but by rocks and clouds. Wade them, and you find they
are larger than they seem to be; for looked at along the bottom of
those profound hollows, they are but mere slips of sinuous light
in the sunshine, and in the gloom you see them not at all. We do
not remember any very impressive glen, without a stream, that would
not suffer some diminution of its power by our fancying it to have
one; we may not be aware, at the time, that the conformation of the
glen prevents its having any waterflow, if but we feel its character
aright, that want is among the causes of our feeling; just as there
are some scenes of which the beauty would not be so touching were
there a single tree.

Thousands and tens of thousands there are of nameless perennial
torrents, and “in number without number numberless” those that seldom
live a week--perhaps not a day. Up among the loftiest regions you
hear nothing, even when they are all aflow; yet, there is music in
the sight, and the thought of the “general dance and minstrelsy”
enlivens the air, where no insect hums. As on your descent you come
within hearing of the “liquid lapses,” your heart leaps within you,
so merrily do they sing; the first torrent-rill you meet with you
take for your guide, and it leads you perhaps into some fairy dell,
where it wantons awhile in waterfalls, and then, gliding along a
little dale of its own with “banks of green bracken,” finishes its
short course in a stream--one of many that meet and mingle before
the current takes the name of river, which in a mile or less becomes
a small woodland lake. There are many such of rememberable beauty;
living lakes indeed, for they are but pausings of expanded rivers,
which again soon pursue their way, and the water-lilies have ever a
gentle motion there as if touched by a tide.

It used, not very long ago, to be pretty generally believed by our
southern brethren, that there were few trees in the Lowlands of
Scotland, and none at all in the Highlands. They had an obscure
notion that trees either could not or would not grow in such a soil
and climate--cold and bleak enough at times and places, heaven
knows--yet not altogether unproductive of diverse stately plants.
They know better now; nor were we ever angry with their ignorance,
which was nothing more than what was to be expected in persons living
perpetually at home so far remote. They rejoice now to visit, and
sojourn, and travel here among us, foreigners and a foreign land
no more; and we rejoice to see and receive them not as strangers,
but friends, and are proud to know they are well pleased to behold
our habitation. They do us and our country justice now, and we
have sometimes thought even more than justice; for they are lost in
admiration of our cities--above all, of Edinburgh--and speak with
such raptures of our scenery, that they would appear to prefer it
even to their own. They are charmed with our bare green hills, with
our shaggy brown mountains they are astonished, our lochs are their
delight, our woods their wonder, and they hold up their hands and
clap them at our cliffs. This is generous, for we are not blind to
the fact of England being the most beautiful land on all the earth.
What are our woods to hers! To hers, what are our single trees!
We have no such glorious standards to show as her indomitable and
everlasting oaks. She is all over sylvan--Scotland but here and
there; look on England from any point in any place, and you see she
is rich, from almost any point in any place in Scotland, and you
feel that comparatively she is poor. Yet our Lowlands have long
been beautifying themselves into a resemblance of hers; as for our
Highlands, though many changes have been going on there too, and most
we believe for good, they are in their great features, and in their
spirit unalterable by art, stamped and inspired by enduring Nature.

We have spoken, slightly, of the sylvan scenery of the Highlands. In
Perthshire, especially, it is of rare and extraordinary beauty, and
we are always glad to hear of Englishmen travelling up the Tay and
the Earn. We desire that eyes familiar with all that is umbrageous
should receive their first impressions of our Scottish trees at
Duneira and Dunkeld. Nor will those impressions be weakened as they
proceed towards Blair Athole. In that famous Pass they will feel
the power possessed by the sweet wild monotony of the universal
birch woods--broken but by grey crags in every shape--grotesque,
fantastical, majestic, magnificent, and sublime--on the many-ridged
mountains, that are loth to lose the green light of their beloved
forests, retain it as long as they can, and on the masses of living
lustre seem to look down with pride from their skies.

An English forest, meaning thereby any one wide continuous scene of
all kinds of old English trees, with glades of pasture, and it may
be of heath between, with dells dipping down into the gloom, and
hillocks undulating in the light--ravines and chasms too, rills,
and rivulets, and a haunted stream, and not without some melancholy
old ruins, and here and there a cheerful cottage that feels not the
touch of time--such a forest there is not, and hardly can be imagined
to be in Scotland. But in the Highlands, there once were, and are
still, other forests of quite a different character, and of equal
grandeur. In his _Forest Scenery_, Gilpin shows that he understood
it well; all the knowledge, which as a stranger, almost of necessity
he wanted, Lauder has supplied in his annotations; and the book
should now be in the hands of every one who cares about the woods.
“The English forest,” says Gilpin, “is commonly composed of woodland
views, interspersed with extensive heaths and lawns. Its trees are
oak and beech, whose lively green corresponds better than the gloomy
pine with the nature of the scene, which seldom assumes the dignity
of a mountain one, but generally exhibits a cheerful landscape. It
aspires, indeed, to grandeur; but its grandeur does not depend,
like that of the Scottish forest, on the sublimity of the objects,
but on the vastness of the whole--the extent of its woods and the
wildness of its plains. In its inhabitants also the English forest
differs from the Scottish; instead of the stag and the roebuck, it
is frequented by cattle and fallow-deer, and exchanges the scream of
the eagle and the falcon for the crowing of pheasants and the melody
of the nightingale. The Scottish forest, no doubt, is the sublimer
scene, and speaks to the imagination in a loftier language than
the English forest can reach. The latter, indeed, often rouses the
imagination, but seldom in so great a degree, being generally content
with captivating the eye. The scenery, too, of the Scottish forest
is better calculated to last through ages than that of the English.
The woods of both are almost destroyed. But while the English forest
hath lost all its beauty with its oaks, and becomes only a desolate
waste, the rocks and the mountains, the lakes and the torrents, of
the Scottish forest make it still an interesting scene.”

The tree of the Highlands is the pine. There are Scotch firs,
indeed, well worth looking at, in the Lowlands, and in England; but
to learn their true character you must see them in the glen, among
rocks, by the river side, and on the mountain. “We, for our parts,”
says Lauder, very finely, “confess that when we have seen it towering
in full majesty in the midst of some appropriate Highland scene,
and sending its limbs abroad with all unrestrained freedom of a
hardy mountaineer, as if it claimed dominion over the savage region
round it, we have looked upon it as a very sublime object. People
who have not seen it in native climate and soil, and who judge of
it from the wretched abortions which are swaddled and suffocated in
English plantations, among dark, heavy, and eternally wet clays, may
well be called a wretched tree; but when its foot is among its own
Highland heather, and when it stands freely in its native knoll of
dry gravel, or thinly-covered rock, over which its roots wander afar
in the wildest reticulation, whilst its tall, furrowed, and often
gracefully-sweeping red and grey trunk, of enormous circumference,
rears aloft its high umbrageous canopy, then would the greatest
sceptic on this point be compelled to prostrate his mind before it
with a veneration which perhaps was never before excited in him by
any other tree.” The colour of the pine has been objected to as
murky, and murky it often is, or seems to be; and so then is the
colour of the heather, and of the river, and of the loch, and of the
sky itself thunder-laden, and murkiest of all are the clouds. But a
stream of sunshine is let loose, and the gloom is confounded with
glory; over all that night-like reign the jocund day goes dancing,
and the forest revels in green or in golden light. Thousands and
tens of thousands of trees are there; and as you gaze upon the whole
mighty array, you fear lest it might break the spell, to fix your
gaze on any one single tree. But there are trees there that will
force you to look on themselves alone, and they grow before your
eyes into the kings of the forest. Straight stand their stems in
the sunshine, and you feel that as straight have they stood in the
storm. As yet you look not up, for your heart is awed, and you see
but the stately columns reddening away into the gloom. But all the
while you feel the power of the umbrage aloft, and when thitherwards
you lift your eyes, what a roof to such a cathedral! A cone drops at
your feet--nor other sound nor other stir--but afar off you think you
hear a cataract. Inaudible your footsteps on the soft yellow floor,
composed of the autumnal sheddings of countless years. Then it is
true that you can indeed hear the beating of your own heart; you
fear, but know not what you fear; and being the only living creature
there, you are impressed with a thought of death. But soon to that
severe silence you are more than reconciled; the solitude, without
ceasing to be sublime, is felt to be solemn and not awful, and ere
long, utter as it is, serene. Seen from afar, the forest was one
black mass; but as you advance, it opens up into spacious glades,
beautiful as gardens, with appropriate trees of gentler tribes, and
ground-flowering in the sun. But there is no murmur of bee--no song
of bird. In the air a thin whisper of insects--intermittent--and
wafted quite away by a breath. For we are now in the very centre of
the forest, and even the cushat haunts not here. Hither the red deer
may come--but not now--for at this season they love the hill. To such
places the stricken stag might steal to lie down and die.

And thus for hours may you be lost in the forest, nor all the
while have wasted one thought on the outer world, till with no
other warning but an uncertain glimmer and a strange noise, you
all at once issue forth into the open day, and are standing on the
brink of a precipice above a flood. It comes tumbling down with a
succession of falls, in a mile-long course, right opposite your
stance--rocks, cliffs, and trees, all the way up on either side,
majestically retiring back to afford ample channel, and showing an
unobstructed vista, closed up by the purple mountain, that seems to
send forth the river from a cavern in its breast. ’Tis the Glen of
Pines. Nor ash nor oak is suffered to intrude on their dominion.
Since the earthquake first shattered it out, this great chasm, with
all its chasms, has been held by one race of trees. No other seed
could there spring to life; for from the rocks has all soil, ages
ago, been washed and swept by the tempests. But there they stand
with glossy boles, spreading arms, and glittering crest; and those
two by themselves on the summit, known all over Badenoch as “the
Giants”--“their statures reach the sky.”

We have been indulging in a dream of old. Before our day the
immemorial gloom of Glenmore had perished, and it ceased to be a
forest. But there bordered on it another region of night or twilight,
and in its vast depths we first felt the sublimity of lonesome
fear. Rothiemurchus! The very word blackens before our eyes with
necromantic characters--again we plunge into its gulphs desirous of
what we dread--again “in pleasure high and turbulent,” we climb the
cliffs of Cairngorm.

Would you wish to know what is now the look of Glenmore? One now
dead and gone--a man of wayward temper, but of genius--shall tell
you--and think not the picture exaggerated--for you would not, if you
were _there_. “It is the wreck of the ancient forest which arrests
all the attention, and which renders Glenmore a melancholy--more
than a melancholy--a terrific spectacle. Trees of enormous height,
which have escaped alike the axe and the tempest, are still standing,
stripped by the winds even of the bark, and like gigantic skeletons,
throwing far and wide their white and bleached bones to the storms
and rains of heaven; while others, broken by the violence of the
gales, lift up their split and fractured trunks in a thousand shapes
of resistance and of destruction, or still display some knotted and
tortuous branches, stretched out, in sturdy and fantastic forms of
defiance, to the whirlwind and the winter. Noble trunks also, which
had long resisted, but resisted in vain, strew the ground; some
lying on the declivity where they have fallen, others still adhering
to the precipice where they were rooted, many upturned, with their
twisted and entangled roots high in air; while not a few astonish us
by the space which they cover, and by dimensions which we could not
otherwise have estimated. It is one wide image of death, as if the
angel of destruction had passed over the valley. The sight, even of
a felled tree, is painful: still more is that of the fallen forest,
with all its green branches on the ground, withering, silent, and at
rest, where once they glittered in the dew and the sun, and trembled
in the breeze. Yet this is but an image of vegetable death. It is
familiar, and the impression passes away. It is the naked skeleton
bleaching in the winds, the gigantic bones of the forest still erect,
the speaking records of former life and of strength still unsubdued,
vigorous even in death, which renders Glenmore one enormous charnel
house.”

What happened of old to the aboriginal forests of Scotland, that
long before these later destructions they had almost all perished,
leaving to bear witness what they were, such survivors? They were
chiefly destroyed by fire. What power could extinguish chance-kindled
conflagrations when sailing before the wind? And no doubt fire
was set to clear the country at once of Scotch firs, wolves, wild
boars, and outlaws. Tradition yet tells of such burnings; and, if we
mistake not, the pines found in the Scottish mosses, the logs and the
stocks, all show that they were destroyed by Vulcan, though Neptune
buried them in the quagmires. Storms no doubt often levelled them by
thousands; but had millions so fallen they had never been missed, and
one element only--which has been often fearfully commissioned--could
achieve the work. In our own day the axe has indeed done wonders--and
sixteen square miles of the forest of Rothiemurchus “went to the
ground.” John of Ghent, Gilpin tells us, to avenge an inroad, set
twenty-four thousand axes at work in the Caledonian Forest.

Yet Scotland has perhaps sufficient forest at this day. For more has
been planted than cut down; Glenmore will soon be populous as ever
with self-sown pines, and Rothiemurchus may revive; the shades are
yet deeper of Loch Arkaig, Glengarry, Glenmoriston, Strathglass,
Glen Strathfarrar, and Loch-Shiel; deeper still on the Findhorn--and
deepest of all on the Dee rejoicing in the magnificent pine woods of
Invercauld and Braemar.

We feel that we have spoken feebly of our Highland forests. Some
perhaps, who have never been off the high roads, may accuse us of
exaggeration too; but they contain wondrous beauties of which we have
said not a word; and no imagination can conceive what they may be in
another hundred years. But, apparently far apart from the forests,
though still belonging to them--for they hold in fancy by the tenure
of the olden time--how many woods, and groves, and sprinklings of
fair trees, rise up during a day’s journey, in almost every region of
the North! And among them all, it may be, scarcely a pine. For the
oak, and the ash, and the elm, are also all native trees; nowhere
else does the rowan flush with more dazzling lustre; in spring, the
alder with its vivid green stands well beside the birk--the yew was
not neglected of yore, though the bow of the Celt was weak to that of
the Saxon; and the holly, in winter emulating the brightness of the
pine, flourished, and still flourishes on many a mountain side. There
is sufficient sylvan scenery for beauty in a land of mountains. More
may be needed for shelter--but let the young plants and seedlings
have time to grow--and as for the old trees, may they live for ever.
Too many millions of larches are perhaps growing now behind the Tay
and the Tilt; yet why should the hills of Perthshire be thought to be
disfigured by what ennobles the Alps and the Apennines?

Hitherto we have hardly said a word about Lochs, and have been doing
our best to forget them, while imagining scenes that were chiefly
characterised by other great features of Highland Landscape. A
country thus constituted, and with such an aspect, even if we could
suppose it without lochs, would still be a glorious region; but its
lochs are indeed its greatest glory; by them its glens, its mountains
and its woods are all illumined, and its rivers made to sing aloud
for joy. In the pure element, overflowing so many spacious vales
and glens profound, the great and stern objects of nature look even
more sublime or more beautiful, in their reflected shadows, which
appear in that stillness to belong rather to heaven than earth. Or
the evanescence of all that imagery at a breath may touch us with the
thought that all it represents, steadfast as seems its endurance,
will as utterly pass away. Such visions, when gazed on in that
wondrous depth and purity they are sometimes seen to assume, on a
still summer day, always inspire some such faint feeling as this; and
we sigh to think how transitory must be all things, when the setting
sun is seen to sink beneath the mountain, and all its golden pomp at
the same instant to evanish from the lake.

The first that takes possession of the imagination, dreaming of the
Highlands as the region of lochs, is the Queen of them all, Loch
Lomond. Wordsworth has said, that “in Scotland, the proportion of
diffused water is often too great, as at the Lake of Geneva, for
instance, and in most of the Scottish lakes. No doubt it sounds
magnificent, and flatters the imagination, to hear at a distance of
masses of water so many leagues in length and miles in width; and
such ample room may be delightful to the fresh-water sailor, scudding
with a lively breeze amid the rapidly shifting scenery. But who ever
travelled along the banks of Loch Lomond, variegated as the lower
part is by islands, without feeling that a speedier termination
of the long vista of blank water would be acceptable, and without
wishing for an interposition of green meadows, trees, and cottages,
and a sparkling stream to run by his side. In fact, a notion of
grandeur as connected with magnitude has seduced persons of taste
into a general mistake upon this subject. It is much more desirable
for the purposes of pleasure, that lakes should be numerous and small
or middle-sized than large, not only for communication by walks and
rides, but for variety and for recurrence of similar appearances. To
illustrate this by one instance: how pleasing is it to have a ready
and frequent opportunity of watching, at the outlet of a lake, the
stream, pushing its way among the rocks, in lively contrast with
the stillness from which it has escaped; and how amusing to compare
its noisy and turbulent motions with the gentle playfulness of the
breezes that may be starting up, or wandering here and there over the
faintly-rippled surface of the broad water! I may add, as a general
remark, that in lakes of great width, the shores cannot be distinctly
seen at the same time; and therefore contribute little to mutual
illustration and ornament; and if the opposite shores are out of
sight of each other, like those of the American and Asiatic lakes,
then unfortunately the traveller is reminded of a nobler object;
he has the blankness of a sea prospect without the grandeur and
accompanying sense of power.”

We shall not be suspected of an inclination to dissent, on light
grounds, from any sentiments of Wordsworth. But finely felt and
expressed as all this is, we do not hesitate to say that it is
not applicable to Loch Lomond. Far be it from us to criticise
this passage sentence by sentence; for we have quoted it not in a
captious, but in a reverent spirit, as we have ever done with the
works of this illustrious man. He has studied nature more widely and
profoundly than we have; but it is out of our power to look on Loch
Lomond without a feeling of perfection. The “diffusion of water”
is indeed great; but in what a world it floats! At first sight of
it, how our soul expands! The sudden revelation of such majestic
beauty, wide as it is and extending afar, inspires us with a power
of comprehending it all. Sea-like, indeed, it is--a Mediterranean
Sea--enclosed with lofty hills and as lofty mountains--and these,
indeed, are the Fortunate Isles! We shall not dwell on the feeling
which all must have experienced on the first sight of such a
vision--the feeling of a lovely and a mighty calm; it is manifest
that the spacious “diffusion of water” more than conspires with the
other components of such a scene to produce the feeling; that to it
belongs the spell that makes our spirit serene, still, and bright as
its own. Nor when such feeling ceases so entirely to possess, and so
deeply to affect us, does the softened and subdued charm of the scene
before us depend less on the expanse of the “diffusion of water.” The
islands, that before had lain we knew not how--or we had only felt
that they were all most lovely--begin to show themselves in the order
of their relation to one another and to the shores. The eye rests on
the largest, and with them the lesser combine; or we look at one or
two of the least, away by themselves, or remote from all a tufted
rock; and many as they are, they break not the breadth of the liquid
plain, for it is ample as the sky. They show its amplitude; as masses
and sprinklings of clouds, and single clouds, show the amplitude of
the cerulean vault. And then the long promontories--stretching out
from opposite mainlands, and enclosing bays that in themselves are
lakes--they too magnify the empire of water; for long as they are,
they seem so only as our eye attends them with their cliffs and woods
from the retiring shores, and far distant are their shadows from
the central light. Then what shores! On one side, where the lake
is widest, low-lying they seem and therefore lovelier--undulating
with fields and groves, where many a pleasant dwelling is embowered,
into lines of hills that gradually soften away into another land. On
the other side, sloping back, or overhanging, mounts beautiful in
their barrenness, for they are green as emerald; others, scarcely
more beautiful, studded with fair trees--some altogether woods. They
soon form into mountains--and the mountains become more and more
majestical, yet beauty never deserts them, and her spirit continues
to tame that of the frowning cliffs. Far off as they are, Benlomond
and Benvoirlich are seen to be giants; magnificent is their retinue,
but the two are supreme, each in his own dominion; and clear as the
day is here, they are diademed with clouds.

It cannot be that the “proportion of diffused water is here too
great;” and is it then true that no one “ever travelled along the
banks of Loch Lomond, variegated as the lower part is by islands,
without feeling that a speedier termination to the long vista
of blank water would be acceptable, and without wishing for an
interposition of green meadows, trees and cottages, and a sparkling
stream to run by his side?” We have travelled along them in all
weathers, and never felt such a wish. For there they all are--all
but the “sparkling stream to run by our side,” and we see not how
that well could be in nature. “Streams that sparkle as they run,”
cross our path on their own; and brighter never issued from the
woods. Along the margin of the water, as far as Luss--ay, and much
farther--the variations of the foreground are incessant; “had it no
other beauties,” it has been truly said, “but those of its shores,
it would still be an object of prime attraction; whether from the
bright green meadows sprinkled with luxuriant ash-trees, that
sometimes skirt its margin, or its white pebbled shores on which its
gentle billows murmur, like a miniature ocean, or its bold rocky
promontories rising from the dark water rich in wild-flowers and
ferns, and tangled with wild roses and honey-suckles, or its retired
bays where the waves dash, reflecting, like a mirror, the trees
which hang over them, an inverted landscape.” The islands are for
ever arranging themselves into new forms, every one more and more
beautiful; at least so they seem to be, perpetually occurring, yet
always unexpected, and there is a pleasure even in such a series
of slight surprises that enhances the delight of admiration. And
alongside, or behind us, all the while, are the sylvan mountains,
“laden with beauty;” and ever and anon open glens widen down upon us
from chasms; or forest glades lead our hearts away into the inner
gloom--perhaps our feet; and there, in a field that looks not as if
it had been cleared by his own hands, but left clear by nature, a
woodsman’s hut.

Half-way between Luss and Tarbet the water narrows, but it is still
wide; the new road, we believe, winds round the point of Firkin, the
old road boldly scaled the height, as all old roads loved to do;
ascend it, and bid the many-isled vision, in all its greatest glory,
farewell. Thence upwards prevails the spirit of the mountains. The
lake is felt to belong to them--to be subjected to their will--and
that is capricious; for sometimes they suddenly blacken it when
at its brightest, and sometimes when its gloom is like that of
the grave, as if at their bidding, all is light. We cannot help
attributing the “skiey influences” which occasion such wonderful
effects on the water, to prodigious mountains; for we cannot look on
them without feeling that they reign over the solitude they compose;
the lights and shadows flung by the sun and the clouds imagination
assuredly regards as put forth by the vast objects which they colour;
and we are inclined to think some such belief is essential in the
profound awe, often amounting to dread, with which we are inspired
by the presences of mere material forms. But be this as it may, the
upper portion of Loch Lomond is felt by all to be most sublime. Near
the head, all the manifold impressions of the beautiful which for
hours our mind had been receiving, begin to fade; if some gloomy
change has taken place in the air, there is a total obliteration, and
the mighty scene before us is felt to possess not the hour merely,
but the day. Yet should sunshine come, and abide a while, beauty will
glimpse upon us even here, for green pastures will smile vividly,
high up among the rocks; the sylvan spirit is serene the moment it
is touched with light, and here there is not only many a fair tree
by the water-side, but yon old oak wood will look joyful on the
mountain, and the gloom become glimmer in the profound abyss.

Wordsworth says, that “it must be more desirable, for the purposes of
pleasure, that lakes should be numerous, and small or middle-sized,
than large, not only for communication by walks and rides, but for
variety, and for recurrence of similar appearances.” The Highlands
have them of all sizes--and that surely is best. But here is one
which, it has been truly said, is not only “incomparable in its
beauty as in its dimensions, exceeding all others in variety as it
does in extent and splendour, but unites in itself every style of
scenery which is found in the other lakes of the Highlands.” He
who has studied, and understood, and felt all Loch Lomond, will be
prepared at once to enjoy any other fine lake he looks on; nor will
he admire nor love it the less, though its chief character should
consist in what forms but one part of that of the Wonder in which all
kinds of beauty and sublimity are combined.

We feel that it would be idle, and worse than idle, to describe any
number of the Highland lochs, for so many of the finest have been
seen by so many eyes, that few persons probably will ever read these
pages to whom such descriptions would be, at the best, more than
shadowings of scenery that their own imaginations can more vividly
recreate.

We may be allowed, however, to say, that there cannot be a greater
mistake than to think, as many we believe do who have only heard of
the Highland lochs, that, with the exception of those famous for
their beauty as well as their grandeur, beauty is not only not the
quality by which they are distinguished, but that it is rarely found
in them at all. There are few, possessing any very marked character,
in which beauty is not either an ingredient or an accompaniment; and
there are many “beautiful exceedingly” which, lying out of the way
even of somewhat adventurous travellers, or very remote, are known,
if even by that, only by name. It does not, indeed, require much,
in some situations, to give a very touching beauty to water. A few
trees, a few knolls, a few tufted rocks, will do it, where all around
and above is stern or sterile; and how strong may be the gentle
charm, if the torrent that feeds the little loch chance to flow into
it from a lucid pool formed by a waterfall, and to flow out of it
in a rivulet that enlivens the dark heather with a vale of verdure
over which a stag might bound--and more especially if there be two or
three huts in which it is perceived there is human life! We believe
we slightly touched before on such scenes; but any little repetition
will be excused for the sake of a very picturesque passage, which
we have much pleasure in quoting from the very valuable _Guide to
the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_, by the brothers Anderson. We
well remember walking into the scene here so well painted, many long
years ago, and have indeed, somewhere or other, described it. The
Fall of Foyers is the most magnificent cataract, out of all sight
and hearing, in Britain. The din is quite loud enough in ordinary
weather--and it is only in ordinary weather that you can approach
the place, from which you have a full view of all its grandeur.
When the Fall is in flood--to say nothing of being drenched to the
skin--you are so blinded by the sharp spray smoke, and so deafened
by the dashing and clashing, and tumbling and rumbling thunder, that
your condition is far from enviable, as you cling, “lonely lover of
nature,” to a shelf by no means eminent for safety, above the horrid
gulf. Nor in former times was there any likelihood of your being
comforted by the accommodations of the General’s Hut. In ordinary
Highland weather--meaning thereby weather neither very wet nor very
dry--it is worth walking a thousand miles for one hour to behold
the Fall of Foyers. The spacious cavity is enclosed by “complicated
cliffs and perpendicular precipices” of immense height; and though
for a while it wears to the eye a savage aspect, yet beauty fears
not to dwell even there, and the horror is softened by what appears
to be masses of tall shrubs, or single shrubs almost like trees. And
they are trees, which on the level plain would look even stately; but
as they ascend ledge above ledge the walls of that awful chasm, it
takes the eye time to see them as they really are, while on our first
discernment of their character, serenely standing among the tumult,
they are felt on such sites to be sublime.

“Between the Falls and the Strath of Stratherrik,” says the book
we were about to quote, “a space of three or four miles, the river
Foyers flows through a series of low rocky hills clothed with birch.
They present various quiet glades and open spaces, where little
patches of cultivated ground are encircled by wooded hillocks, whose
surface is pleasingly diversified by nodding trees, bare rocks,
empurpled heath, and bracken bearing herbage.” It was the excessive
loveliness of some of the scenery there that suggested to us the
thought of going to look what kind of a stream the Foyers was above
the Fall. We went, and in the quiet of a summer evening, found it

“Was even the gentlest of all gentle things.”

But here is the promised description of it:--“Before pursuing our
way westward, we would wish to direct the traveller’s attention to
a sequestered spot of peculiar beauty on the river Foyers. This
is a secluded vale, called Killean, which, besides its natural
attractions, and these are many, is distinguished as one of the few
places where the old practice of resorting to the ‘shieling’ for
summer grazing of cattle is still observed. It is encompassed on
all sides by steep mountains; but at the north end there is a small
lake, about a mile and a half in length, and from one-third to half
a mile in breadth. The remainder of the bottom of the glen is a
perfectly level tract, of the same width with the lake, and about
two miles and a half in length, covered with the richest herbage,
and traversed by a small meandering river flowing through it into
the lake. The surface of this flat is bedecked with the little huts
or bothies, which afford temporary accommodation to the herdsmen and
others in charge of the cattle. This portion of the glen is bordered
on the west by continuous hills rising abruptly in a uniformly
steep acclivity, and passing above into a perpendicular range of
precipices, the whole covered with a scanty verdure sprouted with
heath. At the bend of the lake near its middle, where it inclines
from a northernly course towards the west, a magnificent rounded
precipice, which, like the continuous ranges, may be about 1200 feet
in height, rises immediately out of the water; and a few narrow
and inclined verdant stripes alone preserve it from exhibiting a
perfectly mural character. To this noble rock succeeds, along the
rest of the lake, a beautiful, lofty, and nearly vertical hill-side,
clothed with birch, intermingled with hanging mossy banks, shaded
over with the deeper tinted bracken. The eastern side of the plain,
and the adjoining portion of the lake, are lined by mountains
corresponding in height with those opposed to them; but their lower
extremities are, to a considerable extent, strewed with broken
fragments of rock, to which succeeds an uninterrupted zone of birch
and alder, which is again overtopped in its turn by naked cliffs. An
elevated terrace occupies the remainder of this side of the lake;
above the wooded face of which is seen a sloping expanse of mingled
heath and herbage. About half a mile from the south end, Mr. Fraser
of Lovat, the proprietor, has erected a shooting lodge; viewed from
which, or from either end, or from the top of the platform on the
north-east side of the lake, fancy could scarcely picture a more
attractive and fairy landscape than is unfolded by this sequestered
vale, to which Dr. Johnson’s description of the ‘Happy Valley’ not
inaptly applies. The milch cows, to the number of several hundreds,
are generally kept here from the beginning of June to the middle of
August, when they are replaced by the yeld cattle. The river sweeps
to the northward from Loch Killean through richly birch-clad hills,
which rise in swelling slopes from its banks. A large tarn which
immediately joins it from the east is crossed at its mouth by a
rustic bridge, from which a single footpath conducts across the brow
of the hill to Whitebridge, a small public-house or inn, four miles
distant.”

There is a loch of a very different character from Killean, almost
as little known (a view of it is given at page 708), equal to
anything in the Highlands, only two miles distant from Loch Lochy, in
the great glen--Loch Arkaig. We first visited it many years since,
having been induced to do so by a passage in John Stoddard’s _Remarks
on the Local Scenery and Manners of Scotland_; and it was then a
very noble oak and pine forest loch. The axe went to work and kept
steadily at it; and a great change was wrought; but it is still a
grand scene, with a larger infusion of beauty than it possessed of
old. The scenery of the valley separating it from Loch Lochy is very
similar to that of the Trossachs; through it there are two approaches
to the loch, and the _Mile-Dubh_, or the dark mile, according to
our feeling, is more impressive than any part of the approach to
Loch Katrine. The woods and rocks are very solemn, and yet very
sweet; for though many old pines, and oaks and ashes are there,
and the wall of rocks is immense, young trees prevail now on many
places, as well along the heights as among the knolls and hillocks
below, where alders and hawthorns are thick; almost everywhere the
young are intermingled with the old, and look cheerful under their
protection, without danger of being chilled by their shade. The loch,
more or less sylvan from end to end, shows on its nearer shores some
magnificent remains of the ancient forest, and makes a noble sweep
like some great river. There may be more, but we remember but one
island--not large, but wooded as it should be--the burying-place of
the family of Lochiel. What rest! It is a long journey from Loch
Lochy to Kinloch Arkaig--and by the silent waters we walked or sat
all a summer’s day. There was nothing like a road that we observed,
but the shores are easily travelled, and there it is you may be
almost sure of seeing some red deer. They are no better worth looking
at from a window than Fallow--no offence to Fallow, who are fine
creatures; indeed, we had rather not see them so at all; but on the
shores or steeps of Loch Arkaig, with hardly a human habitation
within many, many miles, and these few rather known than seen to
be there, the huts of Highlanders contented to cultivate here and
there some spot that seems cultivatable, but probably is found not
to be so after some laborious years--there they are at home; and
you, if young, looking on them feel at home too, and go bounding,
like one of themselves, over what, did you choose, were an evitable
steep. Roe, too, frequent the copses, but to be seen they must be
started; grouse spring up before you oftener than you might expect
in a deer forest; but, to be sure, it is a rough and shaggy one,
though lovelier lines of verdure never lay in the sunshine than we
think we see now lying for miles along the margin of that loch. The
numerous mountains towards the head of the loch are very lofty, and
glens diverge in grand style into opposite and distant regions. Glen
Dessary, with its beautiful pastures, opens on the Loch, and leads
to Loch Nevish on the coast of Knoidart--Glen Pæan to Oban-a-Cave on
Loch Morer, Glen Canagorie into Glenfinnan and Loch Shiel; and Glen
Kingie to Glengarry and Loch Quoich. There is a choice! We chose Glen
Kingie, and after a long climb found a torrent that took us down to
Glengarry before sunset. It is a loch little known, and in grandeur
not equal to Loch Arkaig; but at the close of such a day’s journey,
the mind, elevated by the long contemplation of the great objects of
nature, cannot fail to feel aright, whatever it may be, the spirit of
the scene, that seems to usher in the grateful hour of rest. It is
surpassing fair--and having lain all night long on its gentle banks,
sleeping or waking we know not, we have never remembered it since but
as the Land of Dreams.

Which is the dreariest, most desolate and dismal of the Highland
lochs? We should say Loch Ericht. It lies in a prodigious wilderness
with which perhaps no man alive is conversant, and in which you may
travel for days without seeing even any symptoms of human life. We
speak of the regions comprehended between the Forest of Athole,
and Bennevis, the Moor of Rannoch, and Glen Spean. There are many
Lochs--and Loch Ericht is their grisly Queen. Herdsmen, shepherds,
hunters, fowlers, anglers, traverse its borders, but few have been
far in the interior, and we never knew anybody who had crossed it
from south to north, from east to west. We have ourselves seen
more of it, perhaps than any other Lowlander; and had traversed
many of its vast glens and moors before we found our way to the
southern solitude of Loch Ericht. We came into the western gloom of
Ben Alder from Loch Ouchan, and up and down for hours dismal but
not dangerous precipices that opened out into what might almost
be called passes--but we have frequently to go back for they were
blind--contrived to clamber to the edge of one of the mountains
that rose from the water a few miles down the Loch. All was vast,
shapeless, savage, black, and wrathfully grim; for it was one of
those days that keep frowning and lowering, yet will not thunder;
such as one conceives of on the eve of an earthquake. At first the
sight was dreadful, but there was no reason for dread; imagination
remains not longer than she chooses the slave of her own eyes, and
we soon began to enjoy the gloom, and to feel how congenial it was
in nature with the character of all those lifeless cliffs. Silence
and darkness suit well together in solitude at noonday; and settled
on huge objects make them sublime. And they were huge; all ranged
together, and stretching away to a great distance, with the pitchy
water, still as if frozen, covering their feet.

Loch Ericht is many miles long--nearly twenty; but there is a loch
among the Grampians not more than two miles round--if so much, which
is sublimer far--Loch Aven. You come upon the sight of it at once,
a short way down from the summit of Cairngorm, and then it is some
two thousand feet below you, itself being as many above the level
of the sea. But to come upon it so as to feel best its transcendent
grandeur, you should approach it up Glenaven--and from as far down
as Inch-Rouran, which is about half-way between Loch Aven and
Tomantoul. Between Inch-Rouran and Tomantoul the glen is wild, but
it is inhabited; above that house there is but one other--and for
about a dozen miles--we have heard it called far more--there is
utter solitude. But never was there a solitude at once so wild--so
solemn--so serene--so sweet! The glen is narrow; but on one side
there are openings into several wider glens, that show you mighty
coves as you pass on; on the other side the mountains are without a
break, and the only variation with them is from smooth to shaggy,
from dark to bright; but their prevailing character is that of
pastoral or of forest peace. The mountains that show the coves belong
to the bases of Ben-Aven and Ben-y-buird. The heads of those giants
are not seen--but it sublimes the long glen to know that it belongs
to their dominion, and that it is leading us on to an elevation that
erelong will be on a level with the roots of their topmost cliffs.
The Aven is so clear--on account of the nature of its channel--that
you see the fishes hanging in every pool; and ’tis not possible to
imagine how beautiful in such transparencies are the reflections of
its green ferny banks. For miles they are composed of knolls, seldom
interspersed with rocks, and there cease to be any trees. But ever
and anon, we walk for a while on a level floor, and the voice of the
stream is mute. Hitherto sheep have been noticed on the hill, but
not many, and red and black cattle grazing on the lower pastures;
but they disappear, and we find ourselves all at once in a desert.
So it is felt to be, coming so suddenly with its black heather on
that greenest grass; but ’tis such a desert as the red-deer love.
We are now high up on the breast of the mountain, which appears to
be Cairngorm; but such heights are deceptive, and it is not till
we again see the bed of the Aven that we are assured we are still
in the glen. Prodigious precipices, belonging to several different
mountains, for between mass and mass there is blue sky, suddenly
arise, forming themselves more and more regularly into circular
order, as we near; and now we have sight of the whole magnificence;
yet vast as it is, we know not yet how vast; it grows as we gaze,
till in a while we feel that sublimer it may not be; and then so
quiet in all its terrific grandeur we feel too that it is beautiful,
and think of the Maker.

This is Loch Aven. How different the whole regions round from
that enclosing Loch Ericht! There, vast wildernesses of more than
melancholy moors--huge hollows hating their own gloom that keep them
herbless--disconsolate glens left far away by themselves, without any
sign of life--cliffs that frown back the sunshine--and mountains, as
if they were all dead, insensible to the heavens. Is this all mere
imagination--or the truth? We deceive ourselves in what we call a
desert. For we have so associated our own being with the appearances
of outward things, that we attribute to them, with an uninquiring
faith, the very feelings and the very thoughts, of which we have
chosen to make them emblems. But here the sources of the Dee seem
to lie in a region as happy as it is high; for the bases of the
mountains are all such as the soul has chosen to make sublime--the
colouring of the mountains all such as the soul has chosen to make
beautiful; and the whole region, thus imbued with a power to inspire
elevation and delight, is felt to be indeed one of the very noblest
in nature.

We have now nearly reached the limits assigned to our _Remarks on
the Character of the Scenery of the Highlands_; and we feel that
the sketches we have drawn of its component qualities--occasionally
filled up with some details--must be very imperfect indeed, without
comprehending some parts of the coast, and some of the sea-arms that
stretch into the interior. But even had our limits allowed, we do
not think we could have ventured on such an attempt; for though we
have sailed along most of the western shores, and through some of its
sounds, and into many of its bays, and up not a few of its reaches,
yet they contain such an endless variety of all the fairest and
greatest objects of nature, that we feel it would be far beyond our
powers to give anything like an adequate idea of the beauty and the
grandeur that for ever kept unfolding themselves around our summer
voyagings in calm or storm. Who can say that he knows a thousandth
part of the wonders of “the marine” between the Mull of Cantire and
Cape Wrath? He may have gathered many an extensive shore--threaded
many a mazy multitude of isles--sailed up many a spacious bay--and
cast anchor at the head of many a haven land-locked so as no more to
seem to belong to the sea--yet other voyagers shall speak to him of
innumerable sights which he has never witnessed; and they who are
most conversant with those coasts, best know how much they have left
and must leave for ever unexplored.

Look now only at the Linnhe Loch--how it gladdens Argyle! Without
it and the sound of Mull how sad would be the shadows of Morven!
Eclipsed the splendours of Lorn! Ascend one of the heights of Appin,
and as the waves roll in light, you will feel how the mountains are
beautified by the sea. There is a majestic rolling onwards there
that belongs to no land-loch--only to the world of waves. There is
no nobler image of ordered power than the tide, whether in flow or
in ebb; and on all now it is felt to be beneficent, coming and going
daily, to enrich and adorn. Or in fancy will you embark, and let the
“Amethyst” bound away “at her own sweet will,” accordant with yours,
till she reach the distant and long-desired loch.

“Loch-Sunart! who, when tides and tempests roar,
Comes in among these mountains from the main,
’Twixt wooded Ardnamurchan’s rocky cape
And Ardmore’s shingly beach of hissing spray;
And, while his thunders bid the sound of Mull
Be dumb, sweeps onwards past a hundred bays
Hill-sheltered from the wrath that foams along
The mad mid-channel,--All as quiet they
As little separate worlds of summer dreams,--
And by storm-loving birds attended up
The mountain-hollow, white in their career
As are the breaking billows, spurns the Isles
Of craggy Carnich, and Green Oronsay
Drench’d in that sea-born shower o’er tree-tops driven
And ivied stones of what was once a tower
Now hardly known from rocks--and gathering might
In the long reach between Dungallan caves
And point of Arderinis ever fair
With her Elysian groves, bursts through that strait
Into another ampler inland sea;
Till lo! subdued by some sweet influence,--
And potent is she though so meek the Eve,--
Down sinketh wearied the old Ocean
Insensibly into a solemn calm,--
And all along that ancient burial-ground,
(Its kirk is gone,) that seemeth now to lend
Its own eternal quiet to the waves,
Restless no more, into a perfect peace
Lulling and lull’d at last, while drop the airs
Away as they were dead, the first risen star
Beholds that lovely Archipelago,
All shadow’d there as in a spiritual world,
Where time’s mutations shall come never more!”

These lines describe but one of innumerable lochs that owe their
greatest charm to the sea. It is indeed one of those on which
nature has lavished all her infinite varieties of loveliness; but
Loch Leven is scarcely less fair, and perhaps grander; and there is
matchless magnificence about Loch Etive. All round about Ballachulish
and Invercoe the scenery of Loch Leven is the sweetest ever seen
overshadowed by such mountains; the deeper their gloom, the brighter
its lustre; in all weathers it wears a cheerful smile; and often
while up among the rocks the tall trees are tossing in the storm, the
heart of the woods beneath is calm, and the vivid fields they shelter
look as if they still enjoyed the sun. Nor closes the beauty there,
but even animates the entrance into that dreadful glen--Glencoe. All
the way up its river, Loch Leven would be fair, were it only for her
hanging woods. But though the glen narrows, it still continues broad,
and there are green plains between her waters and the mountains, on
which stately trees stand single, and there is ample room for groves.
The returning tide tells us, should we forget it, that this is no
inland loch, for it hurries away back to the sea, not turbulent, but
fast as a river in flood. The river Leven is one of the finest in the
Highlands, and there is no other such series of waterfalls, all seen
at once, one above the other, along an immense vista; and all the
way up to the farthest there are noble assemblages of rocks--nowhere
any want of wood--and in places, trees that seem to have belonged to
some old forest. Beyond, the opening in the sky seems to lead into
another region, and it does so; for we have gone that way, past some
small lochs, across a wide wilderness, with mountains on all sides,
and descended on Loch Treag,

“A loch whom there are none to praise
And very few to love,”

but overflowing in our memory with all pleasantest images of pastoral
contentment and peace.

Loch Etive, between the ferries of Connel and Bunawe, has been seen
by almost all who have visited the Highlands but very imperfectly;
to know what it is you must row or sail up it, for the banks on
both sides are often richly wooded, assume many fine forms, and are
frequently well embayed, while the expanse of water is sufficiently
wide to allow you from its centre to command a view of many of the
distant heights. But above Bunawe it is not like the same loch. For
a couple of miles it is not wide, and it is so darkened by enormous
shadows that it looks even less like a strait than a gulf--huge
overhanging rocks on both sides ascending high, and yet felt to
belong but to the bases of mountains that sloping far back have
their summits among clouds of their own in another region of the sky.
Yet are they not all horrid; for nowhere else is there such lofty
heather--it seems a wild sort of brushwood; tall trees flourish,
single or in groves, chiefly birches, with now and then an oak--and
they are in their youth or their prime--and even the prodigious
trunks, some of which have been dead for centuries, are not all dead,
but shoot from their knotted rhind symptoms of life inextinguishable
by time and tempest. Out of this gulf we emerge into the Upper
Loch, and its amplitude sustains the majesty of the mountains, all
of the highest order, and seen from their feet to their crests.
Cruachan wears the crown, and reigns over them all--king at once of
Loch Etive and of Loch Awe. But Buachaille Etive, though afar off,
is still a giant, and in some lights comes forwards, bringing with
him the Black Mount and its dependents, so that they all seem to
belong to this most magnificent of all Highland lochs. “I know not,”
says Macculloch, “that Loch Etive could bear an ornament without an
infringement on that aspect of solitary vastness which it presents
throughout. Nor is there one. The rocks and bays on the shore, which
might elsewhere attract attention, are here swallowed up in the
enormous dimensions of the surrounding mountains, and the wide and
ample expanse of the lake. A solitary house, here fearfully solitary,
situated far up in Glen Etive, is only visible when at the upper
extremity; and if there be a tree, as there are in a few places on
the shore, it is unseen; extinguished as if it were a humble mountain
flower, by the universal magnitude around.” This is finely felt and
expressed; but even on the shores of Loch Etive there is much of the
beautiful; Ardmatty smiles with its meadows, and woods, and bay,
and sylvan stream; other sunny nooks repose among the grey granite
masses; the colouring of the banks and braes is often bright; several
houses or huts become visible no long way up the glen; and though
that long hollow--half a day’s journey--till you reach the wild
road between Inveruran and King’s House--lies in gloom, yet the
hillsides are cheerful, and you delight in the greensward, wide and
rock-broken, should you ascend the passes that lead into Glencreran
or Glencoe. But to feel the full power of Glen Etive you must walk
up it till it ceases to be a glen. When in the middle of the moor,
you see far off a solitary dwelling indeed--perhaps the loneliest
house in all the Highlands--and the solitude is made profounder, as
you pass by, by the voice of a cataract, hidden in an awful chasm,
bridged by two or three stems of trees, along which the red-deer
might fear to venture--but we have seen them and the deer-hounds
glide over it, followed by other fearless feet, when far and wide the
Forest of Dalness was echoing to the hunter’s horn.

* * * * *

We have now brought our Remarks on the _Scenery of the Highlands_ to
a close, and would fain have said a few words on the character and
life of the people; but are precluded from even touching on that most
interesting subject. It is impossible that the minds of travellers
through those wonderful regions can be so occupied with the
contemplation of mere inanimate nature, as not to give many a thought
to their inhabitants, now and in the olden time. Indeed, without
such thoughts, they would often seem to be but blank and barren
wildernesses in which the heart would languish, and imagination
itself recoil; but they cannot long be so looked at, for houseless as
are many extensive tracts, and at times felt to be too dreary even
for moods that for a while enjoyed the absence of all that might tell
of human life, yet symptoms and traces of human life are noticeable
to the instructed eye almost every where, and in them often lies
the spell that charms us, even while we think that we are wholly
delivered up to the influence of “dead insensate things.” None will
visit the Highlands without having some knowledge of their history;
and the changes that have long been taking place in the condition
of the people will be affectingly recognised wherever they go, in
spite even of what might have appeared the insuperable barriers of
nature.

PART FIRST.

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS.

CHAPTER I.

B.C. 55--A.D. 446.

Highlands defined--Ancient Scotland--Roman Transactions--Agricola
--Caledonians--Contest at Loch Ore--Galgacus--Mons Grampius--Battle
--Agricola superseded--Lollius Urbicus--Antonine’s Wall--Ulpius
Marcellus--Severus--Constantius Chlorus--Picts--Scots--Attacots
--Attack Roman Provinces--Romans abandon Britain--Influence of
Romans--Roman Remains--Roads--Camps--Ardoch.

As it is generally acknowledged that the physical character of
a country influences in a great degree the moral and physical
character of its inhabitants, and thus to a certain extent determines
their history, it may not be deemed out of place to define here
the application of the term _Highlands_, so far as Scotland is
concerned, and briefly to describe the general physical aspect of
that part of our native land. If it hold good at all that there
subsists a relation between a people and the country which they have
inhabited for centuries, the following history will show that this is
peculiarly the case with the Scottish Highlanders.

Most of those who have thought of the matter at all, have doubtless
formed to themselves a general notion of the northern half of
Scotland as a

“Land of brown heath and shaggy wood,
Land of the mountain and the flood,”

and of its inhabitants as a brawny, rugged, indomitable, impulsive
race, steadfast in their friendship and loyalty, and relentless but
generous in their enmity. Although the popular and poetic notion of
the country is on the whole correct, and although the above epithets
may express the main features of the character of the people, still
it requires a close acquaintance with this interesting race, both
historically and by personal intercourse, to form an adequate notion
of their character in all its aspects.

To speak roughly, nearly the whole of the country north of a line
connecting the heads of the estuaries of the Clyde, Forth, and Tay,
may be included under the designation of the Highlands, and, in fact,
popularly is so. Indeed, at the time at which the northern half of
Scotland--the ancient and proper Caledonia--emerges from its pristine
gloom, and for the first time glimmers in the light of history, the
line indicated by the forts of Agricola, and afterwards by the wall
of Antonine, marked the southern boundary of the region which was
then, and for centuries afterwards, regarded by the Romans, and also,
probably, by the southern Britons, as occupying the same position
in relation to the rest of the country as the Highlands proper did
at a subsequent period. In course of time the events which fall to
be recorded in the following pages gradually altered this easily
perceived boundary, so that for centuries before the present day, a
much more intricate but still distinct line has marked the limits
of what is now strictly and correctly regarded as the Highlands of
Scotland.

The definition of this territory which best suits the purposes of
history, and in all respects most nearly accords with those of
political and social geography, is one which makes it commensurate
with the country or locations of the ancient Highland clans. This
definition assigns to the Highlands all the continental territory
north of the Moray frith, and all the territory, both insular and
continental, westward of an easily traceable line from that frith
to the frith of Clyde. The line commences at the mouth of the river
Nairn: thence, with the exception of a slight north-eastward or
outward curve, the central point of which is on the river Spey, it
runs due south-east till it strikes the river Dee at Tullach, nearly
on the third degree of longitude west of Greenwich; it then runs
generally south till it falls upon Westwater, or the southern large
head-water of the North Esk; thence, over a long stretch, it runs
almost due south-west, and with scarcely a deviation, till it falls
upon the Clyde at Ardmore in the parish of Cardross; and now onward
to the Atlantic ocean, it moves along the frith of Clyde, keeping
near to the continent, and excluding none of the Clyde islands except
the comparatively unimportant Cumbraes. All the Scottish territory
west and north-west of this line is properly the Highlands. Yet
both for the convenience of topographical description, and because,
altogether down to the middle of the 13th century, and partially down
to the middle of the 16th, the Highlands and the Western Islands were
politically and historically distinct regions, the latter are usually
viewed apart under the name of the Hebrides. The mainland Highlands,
or the Highlands after the Hebrides are deducted, extend in extreme
length from Duncansby Head, or John o’ Groat’s on the north, to the
Mull of Kintyre on the south, about 250 miles; but over a distance of
90 miles at the northern end, they have an average breadth of only
about 45 miles,--over a distance of 50 or 55 miles at the southern
end, they consist mainly of the Clyde islands, and the very narrow
peninsula of Kintyre,--and even at their broadest part, from the
eastern base of the Grampians to Ardnamurchan Point on the west,
they do not extend to more than 120 miles. The district comprehends
the whole of the counties of Caithness, Sutherland, Ross, Cromarty,
Inverness, and Argyle, large parts of Nairn, Perth, Dumbarton, and
Bute, and considerable portions of Elgin, Banff, Aberdeen, Forfar,
and Stirling. Considerable parts of this district, however, such as
Caithness-shire, the island of Bute, and some large tracts of moor or
valley or flanking plain, do not exhibit the physical features which
are strictly Highland.

A district so extensive can be but faintly pictured in a general and
rapid description. Mountains, chiefly covered with heath or ling,
but occasionally, on the one hand, displaying sides and summits
of naked rock, and on the other, exhibiting a dress of verdure,
everywhere rise, at short intervals, in chains, ridges, groups,
and even solitary heights. Their forms are of every variety, from
the precipitous and pinnacled acclivity, to the broad-based and
round-backed ascent; but, in general, are sharp in outline, and wild
or savagely grand in feature. Both elongated ridges, and chains or
series of short parallel ridges, have a prevailing direction from
north-east to south-west, and send up summits from 1,000 to upwards
of 4,000 feet above the level of the sea. Glens, valleys, and
expanses of lowland stretch in all directions among the mountains,
and abound in voluminous streams, and large elongated lakes of
picturesque appearance,--nearly all the inland lakes extending in
stripes either north-eastward and south-westward, or eastward and
westward. Along the whole west coast, at remarkably brief intervals,
arms of the sea, long, narrow, and sometimes exceedingly rugged in
outline, run north-eastward or south-eastward into the interior, and
assist the inland fresh water lakes in cleaving it into sections.
The rivers of the region are chiefly impetuous torrents, careering
for a while along mountain-gorges, and afterwards either expanding
themselves into beautiful lakes and flowing athwart delightful
meadows, or ploughing long narrow valleys, green and ornate with
grasses, trefoils, daisies, ranunculi, and a profuse variety of
other herbage and flowers. Native woods, principally of pine and
birch, and occasionally clumps and expanses of plantation, climb the
acclivities of the gentler heights, or crowd down upon the valley,
and embosom the inland lakes. On the east side, along the coast to
the Moray frith, and towards the frontier in the counties of Nairn,
Elgin, and Perth, gentle slopes and broad belts of lowland, fertile
in soil and favourable in position, are carpeted with agricultural
luxuriance, and thickly dotted with human dwellings, and successfully
vie with the south of Scotland in towns and population, and in the
pursuit and display of wealth. But almost everywhere else, except in
the fairyland of Loch Fyne, and the southern shore of Loch Etive, the
Highlands are sequestered,--sinless of a town,--a semi-wilderness,
where a square mile is a more convenient unit of measurement than an
acre.

A district characterized by such features as we have named
necessarily exhibits, within very circumscribed limits, varieties
of scenery of the most opposite descriptions; enabling the admirer
of nature to pass abruptly from dwelling on the loveliness of an
extensive marine or champaign landscape into the deep solitude of an
ancient forest, or the dark craggy fastnesses of an alpine ravine;
or from lingering amid the quiet grassy meadows of a pastoral strath
or valley, watered by its softly-flowing stream, to the open heathy
mountain-side, whence ‘alps o’er alps arise,’ whose summits are often
shrouded with mists and almost perennial snows, and their overhanging
precipices furrowed by foaming cataracts. Lakes and long arms of
the sea, either fringed with woods or surrounded with rocky barren
shores, now studded with islands, and anon extending their silvery
arms into distant receding mountains, are met in every district;
while the extreme steepness, ruggedness, and sterility of many of the
mountain-chains impart to them as imposing and magnificent characters
as are to be seen in the much higher and more inaccessible elevations
of Switzerland. No wonder, then, that this ‘land of mountain and of
flood’ should have given birth to the song of the bard, and afforded
material for the theme of the sage, in all ages; and that its
inhabitants should be tinctured with deep romantic feelings, at once
tender, melancholy, and wild; and that the recollection of their own
picturesque native dwellings should haunt them to their latest hours.
Neither, amid such profusion and diversity of all that is beautiful
and sublime in nature, can the unqualified admiration of strangers,
from every part of Europe, of the scenery of the Highlands fail of
being easily accounted for; nor can any hesitate in recommending them
to visit the more remote or unknown solitudes.[1]

Such are the main features of the Highlands of Scotland at the
present day, and, to a considerable extent, the description might
have applied to the country at the time of the Roman invasion.
Still, in the graphic words of Stuart,[2] “To form an idea of the
general aspect of Scotland, as it was some eighteen hundred years
ago, we must, in imagination, restore to its now varied surface the
almost unbroken gloom of the primeval forest; her waving mantle of
sombre hue, within which the _genius loci_ may be supposed to have
brooded over the seclusion and the poverty of ‘ancient Caledon.’ In
a bird’s-eye view, if such a thought may be indulged, the greatest
part of the country presented, in all probability, the appearance of
one continuous wood; a mass of cheerless verdure resting on hill and
dale--the sameness of its dark extent broken only where some lake
or green-clad morass met the view, or where the higher mountains
lifted their summits above the line of vegetation. In some districts,
considerable tracks of open moorland might, doubtless, be seen clad
in the indigenous heather of the North; while, in others, occasional
spots of pasture-land would here and there appear;--but, on the
whole, these must have formed a striking contrast to the wide expanse
of the prevailing forest.”

As the present work is concerned only with the Highlands of Scotland,
it would of course be out of place to give any minute account of the
transactions of the Romans in the other parts of the island. Suffice
it to say that from the time, B.C. 55, when Julius Cæsar first
landed on the coast of South Britain, until A.D. 78, when, under
the Emperor Vespasian, Cnæus Julius Agricola assumed the command in
Great Britain, the greater part of midland and south England had been
brought under the sway of the Romans. This able commander set himself
with vigour and earnestness to confirm the conquests which had been
already made, to reduce the rest of the country to subjection, to
conciliate the Britons by mild measures, and to attach them to the
Roman power by introducing among them Roman manners, literature,
luxuries, and dress.

Agricola was appointed to the command in Britain in the year 78 A.D.,
but appears not to have entered Scotland till his third campaign
in the year 80. He employed himself in the years 80, 81, and 82, in
subduing the country south of the friths of Forth and Clyde,--the
_Bodotria_ and _Glotta_ of Tacitus,--erecting, in 81, a series of
forts between these two estuaries. Having accomplished this, Agricola
made preparations for his next campaign, which he was to open beyond
the friths in the summer of 83, he in the meantime having heard that
the Caledonians--as Tacitus calls the people north of the Forth--had
formed a confederacy to resist the invader.

[Illustration: Fig. 1. Sculptured Stone in the Church of Meigle.

Fig. 2. From a Sculptured Stone found at St. Andrews.]

These Caledonians appear to have been divided into a number of tribes
or clans, having little or no political connection, and almost
constantly at war among themselves. It was only when a foreign foe
threatened their much-prized freedom that a sense of danger forced
them to unite for a time under the command of a military leader.
Some writers, on the authority of Ptolemy of Alexandria, but chiefly
on that of the pseudo-Richard of Cirencester,[3] give a list of
the various tribes which, during the Roman period, inhabited North
Britain, and define the locality which each occupied with as much
exactness as they might do a modern English county. “There was one
thing,” says Tacitus, “which gave us an advantage over these powerful
nations, that they never consulted together for the advantage of the
whole. It was rare that even two or three of them united against the
common enemy.” Their whole means of subsistence consisted in the milk
and flesh of their flocks and the produce of the chase. They lived in
a state almost approaching to nudity; but whether from necessity or
from choice cannot be satisfactorily determined. Dio represents the
Caledonians as being naked, but Herodian speaks of them as wearing a
partial covering. They appear, at all events, if the stone dug up at
Blackness in the year 1868 (see p. 11), be taken as an authority, to
have gone naked into battle. Their towns, which were few, consisted
of huts covered with turf or skins, and for better security they were
erected in the centre of some wood or morass. “What the Britons call
a town,” says Cæsar, “is a tract of woody country surrounded by a
vallum and ditch, for the security of themselves and cattle against
the incursions of an enemy; for, when they have enclosed a very
large circuit with felled trees, they build within it houses for
themselves, and hovels for their cattle.”[4] Notwithstanding, perhaps
owing to the scantiness of their covering, which left their bodies
exposed to the rigour of a cold and variable climate, the Caledonians
were a remarkably hardy race, capable of enduring fatigue, cold, and
hunger to an extent which their descendants of the present day could
not encounter without risk of life. They were decidedly a warlike
people, and are said, like the heroes of more ancient times, to have
been addicted to robbery. The weapons of their warfare consisted of
small spears, long broadswords, and hand daggers; and they defended
their bodies in combat by a small target or shield,--all much of
the same form and construction as those afterwards used by their
posterity in more modern times. It would appear from the stone above
referred to that the shields of the Caledonians were oblong, with a
boss in the centre, and their swords short and pointed,--not long
and blunt, as represented by Tacitus. The use of cavalry appears not
to have been so well understood among the Caledonians as among the
more southern tribes; but in battle they often made use of cars, or
chariots, which were drawn by small, swift, and spirited horses; and
it is conjectured that, like those used by the southern Britons,
they had iron scythes projecting from the axle. It is impossible to
say what form of government obtained among these warlike tribes.
When history is silent, historians should either maintain a cautious
reserve or be sparing in their conjectures; but analogy may supply
materials for well-grounded speculations, and it may therefore be
asserted, without any great stretch of imagination, that, like most
of the other uncivilized tribes we read of in history, the Northern
Britons or Caledonians were under the government of a leader or chief
to whom they yielded a certain degree of obedience. Dio, indeed,
insinuates that the governments of these tribes were democratic; but
he should have been aware that it is only when bodies of men assume,
in an advanced state of civilization, a compact and united form that
democracy can prevail; and the state of barbarism in which he says
the inhabitants of North Britain existed at the period in question
seems to exclude such a supposition. We have no certain information
from any contemporary, and conjecture is therefore groundless. Later
fable-loving historians and chroniclers, indeed, give lists of Kings
of Scotland--or, rather, of Pictland--extending back for centuries
before the Christian era, but these by general consent are now
banished to the realm of myths. It is probable, as we have already
said, that the Caledonians were divided into a number of independent
tribes, and that each tribe was presided over by a chief, but how
he obtained his supremacy it is impossible to say. We have one
instance, at least, of a number of tribes uniting under one leader,
viz., at the battle of _Mons Grampius_, when the Caledonians were
commanded by a chief or leader called by Tacitus, Galgacus, “inter
plures duces virtute et genere præstans.”[5] “The earliest bond of
union may probably be traced to the time when they united under one
common leader to resist or assail the Roman legionaries; and out
of the _Dux_ or _Toshach_ elected for the occasion, like Galgacus,
and exercising a paramount though temporary authority, arose the
_Ardrigh_ or supreme king, after some popular or ambitious chieftain
had prolonged his power by successful wars, or procured his election
to this prominent station for life.”[6]

Whatever may have been the relation of the members of the different
tribes, and the relation of the tribes to each other, it is certain,
from the general tone of the works of Tacitus and other Roman
historians in which those early inhabitants of the Scottish Highlands
are mentioned, that they offered a far more formidable resistance
to the Roman arms than had hitherto been done by any other of the
British tribes.

In personal stature, the natives of Caledonia, like those of other
parts of Britain, appear to have excelled their Roman invaders, and
from Tacitus we learn that those with whom his father-in-law came
into contact were distinguished by ruddy locks and lusty limbs. It
is also certain that for the sake of ornament, or for the purpose of
making their appearance more terrible in war, they resorted to the
barbarous practice of tattooing their bodies. Indeed it may be taken
as a proof of their never having to any great extent come under the
power and influence of Rome and Roman customs, that they retained
this practice for long after the other Britons had abandoned it, and
on this account, in all probability, afterwards acquired the name of
_Picts_.

[Illustration: British War-Chariot.]

The people whom Agricola encountered in Scotland cannot have been
otherwise than tolerable proficients in the common branches of art;
how else can we suppose them to have been supplied with all that
_matériel_ of war with which they are said to have appeared before
him? Indolent and uninformed as were the bulk of the people, they
must have had among them artificers both in wood and in iron, not
unskilled in their respective trades--able to construct the body of
a car--to provide for it axles of great strength--above all, able to
construct the wheels and arm them with those sharp-edged instruments
that were destined to cut down whatever opposed their course.[7]

Agricola, in the summer of 83, after having obtained information
as to the nature of the country and the aspect of its inhabitants
from exploring parties and prisoners, transported his army across
the Frith of Forth to the shores of Fife by means of his fleet,
and marched along the coast eastwards, keeping the fleet in sight.
It cannot with certainty be ascertained at what part of the Forth
this transportation of the forces took place, although some bold
antiquarians assert that it must have been not far from Queensferry.
The fleet, Tacitus tells us,[8] now acting, for the first time,
in concert with the land-forces, proceeded in sight of the army,
forming a magnificent spectacle, and adding terror to the war. It
frequently happened that in the same camp were seen the infantry and
cavalry intermixed with the marines, all indulging their joy, full of
their adventures, and magnifying the history of their exploits; the
soldier describing, in the usual style of military ostentation, the
forests which he had passed, the mountains which he climbed, and the
barbarians whom he put to the rout; while the sailor had his storms
and tempests, the wonders of the deep, and the spirit with which he
conquered winds and waves.

The offensive operations of the sixth campaign were commenced by the
Caledonian Britons, who, from the higher country, made a furious
attack upon the trans-Forthan fortifications, which so alarmed some
of Agricola’s officers, who were afraid of being cut off from a
retreat, that they advised their general to recross the Forth without
delay; but Agricola resisted this advice, and made preparations for
the attack which he expected would soon be made upon his army. As
Agricola had received information that the enemy intended to fall
upon him from various quarters, he divided his army into three bodies
and continued his march. Some antiquarians have attempted to trace
the route taken by each division, founding their elaborate theories
on the very slender remains of what they suppose to have been Roman
fortifications and encampments. As it would serve no good purpose
to encumber our pages with these antiquarian conjectures, detailed
accounts of which will be found in Chalmers, Stuart, Roy, and
others, we shall only say that, with considerable plausibility, it
is supposed that the Ninth Legion encamped on the north side of Loch
Ore, about two miles south of Loch Leven in Kinross-shire. Another
legion, it is said, encamped near Dunearn Hill, about a mile distant
from Burntisland, near which hill are still to be seen remains of
a strength called _Agricola’s camp_. At all events the divisions
do not seem to have been very far apart, as will be seen from the
following episode.

The enemy having watched the proceedings of the Roman army made
the necessary preparations for attack, and during the night made
a furious assault on the Ninth Legion at Loch Ore. They had acted
with such caution that they were actually at the very camp before
Agricola was aware of their movements; but with great presence of
mind he despatched a body of his lightest troops to turn their flank
and attack the assailants in the rear. After an obstinate engagement,
maintained with varied success in the very gates of the camp, the
Britons were at length repulsed by the superior skill of the Roman
veterans. This battle was so far decisive, that Agricola did not
find much difficulty afterwards in subduing the surrounding country,
and, having finished his campaign, he passed the winter of 83 in
Fife; being supplied with provisions from his fleet in the Forth,
and keeping up a constant correspondence with his garrisons on the
southern side.

By this victory, according to Tacitus, so complete and glorious, the
Roman army was inspired with confidence to such a degree, that they
now pronounced themselves invincible, and desired to penetrate to the
extremity of the island.

The Caledonians now began to perceive the danger of their situation
from the proximity of such a powerful enemy, and a sense of this
danger impelled them to lay aside the feuds and jealousies which had
divided and distracted their tribes, to consult together for their
mutual safety and protection, and to combine their scattered strength
into a united and energetic mass. The proud spirit of independence
which had hitherto kept the Caledonian tribes apart, now made them
coalesce in support of their liberties, which were threatened with
utter annihilation. In this eventful crisis, they looked around them
for a leader or chief under whom they might fight the battle of
freedom, and save their country from the dangers which threatened
it. A chief, named Galgacus by Tacitus, was pitched upon to act as
generalissimo of the Caledonian army; and, from the praises bestowed
upon him by that historian, this warrior appears to have well
merited the distinction thus bestowed. Preparatory to the struggle
they were about to engage in, they sent their wives and children
into places of safety, and, in solemn assemblies in which public
sacrifices were offered up, ratified the confederacy into which they
had entered against their common enemy.

Having strengthened his army with some British auxiliaries from the
south, Agricola marched through Fife in the summer of 84, making for
a spot called by Tacitus _Mons Grampius_; sending at the same time
his fleet round the eastern coast, to support him in his operations,
and to distract the attention of the Caledonians. Various conjectures
have been broached as to the exact line of Agricola’s march and the
exact position of the Mons Grampius. The most plausible of these
is that of General Roy,[9] who supposes that the march of Agricola
was regulated by the course of the Devon; that he turned to the
right from Glendevon through the opening of the Ochil hills, along
the course of the rivulet which runs along Gleneagles; leaving the
braes of Ogilvie on his left, and passing between Blackford and
Auchterarder towards the Grampian hills, which he saw at a distance
before him as he debouched from the Ochils. By an easy march he
reached the moor of Ardoch, from which he descried the Caledonian
army, to the number of 30,000 men, encamped on the declivity of the
hill which begins to rise from the north-western border of the moor
of Ardoch. Agricola took his station at the great camp which adjoins
the fort of Ardoch on the northward. If the Roman camp at Ardoch does
mark the spot where the disastrous engagement about to be noticed
took place between these brave and determined Caledonians and the
invincible Roman legions, it is highly probable that Agricola drew
out his army on the neighbouring moor, having a large ditch or trench
of considerable length in front, the Caledonian host under Galgacus
being already disposed in battle array on the heights beyond. The
Roman army is supposed to have numbered about 20,000 or 30,000, the
auxiliary infantry, in number about 8,000,[10] occupying the centre,
the wings consisting of 3,000 horse. The legions were stationed in
the rear, at the head of the entrenchments, as a body of reserve to
support the ranks, if necessary, but otherwise to remain inactive,
that a victory, obtained without the effusion of Roman blood, might
be of higher value. Previous to the commencement of this interesting
light, according to “the fashion of historical literature at that
time,” a speech is put into the mouth of each general by the
historian Tacitus. “How much more valuable would it have been to us
had Tacitus deigned to tell us something about the tongue in which
the leader of the barbarians spoke, or even his name, and the name of
the place where he fought, as the natives uttered it! Yet, for the
great interests of its day, the speech of Galgacus was far removed
from a mere feat of idle pedantry. It was a noble rebuke on the
empire and the Roman people, who, false to the high destiny assigned
to them by Virgil, of protecting the oppressed and striking down
the oppressors, had become the common scourge of all mankind. The
profligate ambition, the perfidy, the absorbing pride, the egotism,
and the cruelty of the dominant people--how could all be so aptly
set forth as in the words of a barbarian chief, ruling over the free
people who were to be the next victims.”[11]

The narrative of the battle we give mainly in the words of the
Roman commander’s son-in-law, Tacitus, who no doubt had the story
from Agricola’s own mouth.[12] The battle began, and at first was
maintained at a distance. The Britons wanted neither skill nor
resolution. With their long swords, and targets of small dimension,
they had the address to elude the missive weapons of the Romans, and
at the same time to discharge a thick volley of their own. To bring
the conflict to a speedy decision, Agricola ordered three Batavian
and two Tungrian cohorts to charge the enemy sword in hand. To
this mode of attack those troops had been long accustomed, but to
the Britons it was every way disadvantageous. Their small targets
afforded no protection, and their unwieldy swords, not sharpened to
a point, could do but little execution in a close engagement. The
Batavians rushed to the attack with impetuous fury; they redoubled
their blows, and with the bosses of their shields bruised the enemy
in the face, and, having overpowered all resistance on the plain,
began to force their way up the ascent of the hill in regular order
of battle. Incited by their example, the other cohorts advanced with
a spirit of emulation, and cut their way with terrible slaughter.
Eager in pursuit of victory, they pressed forward with determined
fury, leaving behind them numbers wounded, but not slain, and others
not so much as hurt.

The Roman cavalry, in the mean time, was forced to give ground. The
Caledonians, in their armed chariots, rushed at full speed into the
thick of the battle, where the infantry were engaged. Their first
impression struck a general terror, but their career was soon checked
by the inequalities of the ground, and the close embodied ranks of
the Romans. Nothing could less resemble an engagement of the cavalry.
Pent up in narrow places, the barbarians crowded upon each other,
and were driven or dragged along by their own horses. A scene of
confusion followed. Chariots without a guide, and horses without a
rider, broke from the ranks in wild disorder, and flying every way,
as fear and consternation urged, they overwhelmed their own files,
and trampled down all who came in their way.

Meanwhile the Britons, who had hitherto kept their post on the
hills, looking down with contempt on the scanty numbers of the Roman
army, began to quit their station. Descending slowly, they hoped,
by wheeling round the field of battle, to attack the victors in the
rear. To counteract their design, Agricola ordered four squadrons
of horse, which he had kept as a body of reserve, to advance to the
charge. The Britons poured down with impetuosity, and retired with
equal precipitation. At the same time, the cavalry, by the directions
of the general, wheeled round from the wings, and fell with great
slaughter on the rear of the enemy, who now perceived that their own
stratagem was turned against themselves.

The field presented a dreadful spectacle of carnage and destruction.
The Britons fled; the Romans pursued; they wounded, gashed, and
mangled the runaways; they seized their prisoners, and, to be ready
for others, butchered them on the spot. Despair and horror appeared
in various shapes; in one part of the field the Caledonians, sword
in hand, fled in crowds from a handful of Romans; in other places,
without a weapon left, they faced every danger, and rushed on certain
death. Swords and bucklers, mangled limbs and dead bodies, covered
the plain. The field was red with blood. The vanquished Britons had
their moments of returning courage, and gave proofs of virtue and of
brave despair. They fled to the woods, and, rallying their scattered
numbers, surrounded such of the Romans as pursued with too much
eagerness.

Night coming on, the Romans, weary of slaughter, desisted from the
pursuit. Ten thousand of the Caledonians fell in this engagement:
on the part of the Romans, the number of slain did not exceed three
hundred and forty.

The Roman army, elate with success, and enriched with plunder, passed
the night in exultation. The Britons, on the other hand, wandered
about, uncertain which way to turn, helpless and disconsolate. The
mingled cries of men and women filled the air with lamentations. Some
assisted to carry off the wounded; others called for the assistance
of such as escaped unhurt; numbers abandoned their habitations, or,
in their frenzy, set them on fire. They fled to obscure retreats,
and, in the moment of choice, deserted them; they held consultations,
and, having inflamed their hopes, changed their minds in despair;
they beheld the pledges of tender affection, and burst into tears;
they viewed them again, and grew fierce with resentment. It is a fact
well authenticated, that some laid violent hands upon their wives and
children, determined with savage compassion to end their misery.

After obtaining hostages from the Horestians, who in all probability
inhabited what is now the county of Fife, Agricola garrisoned the
stations on the isthmus and elsewhere, recrossed the Forth, and
took up his winter-quarters in the north of England, about the Tyne
and Solway. In the meantime he gave orders to the fleet, then lying
probably in the Frith of Forth or Tay, to proceed on a voyage
of discovery to the northward. The enterprise appears to have
been successfully accomplished by the Roman navy, which proceeded
coastwise as far as the Orkneys, whence it sailed by the Western
Islands and the British Channel _ad Portum Trutulensem_, Richborough
in Kent, returning to the point from which it started. This is the
first voyage on record that determined Britain to be an island.

The Emperor Domitian now resolved to supersede Agricola in his
command in North Britain; and he was accordingly recalled in the
year 85, under the pretence of promoting him to the government of
Syria, but in reality out of envy on account of the glory which
he had obtained by the success of his arms. He died on the 23d of
August, 93, some say, from poison, while others attribute his death
to the effects of chagrin at the unfeeling treatment of Domitian. His
countrymen lamented his death, and Tacitus, his son-in-law, preserved
the memory of his actions and his worth in the history of his life.

During the remainder of Domitian’s reign, and that of Hadrian his
successor, North Britain appears to have enjoyed tranquillity; an
inference which may be fairly drawn from the silence of the Roman
historians. Yet as Hadrian in the year 121 built a wall between the
Solway and the Tyne, some writers have supposed that the Romans had
been driven by the Caledonians out of North Britain, in the reign of
that Emperor. But if such was the case, how did Lollius Urbicus, the
Roman general, about nineteen years after Hadrian’s wall was erected,
penetrate without opposition to Agricola’s forts between the Clyde
and the Forth? May we not rather suppose that the wall of Hadrian was
built for the purpose of preventing incursions into the south by the
tribes which inhabited the country between that wall and the Friths?
But, be this as it may, little is known of the history of North
Britain from the time of Agricola’s recall till the year 138, when
Antoninus Pius assumed the imperial purple. That good and sagacious
emperor was distinguished by the care which he took in selecting the
fittest officers for the government of the Roman provinces; and his
choice, for that of Britain, fell on Lollius Urbicus.

The positive information concerning the transactions of this general
in North Britain is as meagre as could possibly be, the only clearly
ascertained fact in connection with his command being that he built
a wall between the Forth and Clyde, very nearly on a line with
the forts established by Agricola. “The meagreness of all ancient
record,” says Burton,[13] “of the achievements of Lollius Urbicus is
worthy of emphatic mention and recollection, because his name has
got into the ordinary abridged histories which speak of it, and of
‘his campaign in the north’ as well-known events, of which people
naturally expect fuller information elsewhere. The usual sources for
reference regarding him will however be found utterly dumb.” The
story commonly given is that he proceeded north as far as the Moray
Frith, throwing the extensive country between Forth and Clyde and the
Moray Frith into the form of a regular Roman province, which, on the
worthless authority of the pseudo-Richard, was named Vespasiana. All
this may have been the case, and the remains[14] of Roman stations
found throughout the wide tract just mentioned give some plausibility
to the conjecture; but there is only the most slender grounds for
connecting them with any northern expedition of Lollius Urbicus. At
all events we may very safely conclude, from the general tone of
the records which remain of his and of subsequent expeditions, as
well as from the fact that they found it necessary to divide the
Lowlands from the Highlands by a fortified wall, that the Romans
considered the Caledonians of their time very troublesome, and found
it exceedingly difficult if not impossible to bring them under their
otherwise universal yoke.

[Illustration: Map and Profile of Antonine’s Wall.]

It may not be out of place to give here some account of the wall of
Antonine. The wall or rampart extended from Carriden on the Forth,
two miles west from Blackness, and about the same distance east from
Bo’ness, to West Kilpatrick on the Clyde. The date, which may be
depended on, assigned to the building of the wall is between 138 and
140 A.D. Taking the length of this wall from Kilpatrick on the Clyde
to Caeridden or Carriden on the Forth, its extent would be 39,726
Roman paces, which exactly agrees with the modern measurement of
36 English miles and 620 yards. This rampart, which was of earth,
and rested on a stone foundation, was upwards of twenty feet high
and four and twenty feet thick. Along the whole extent of the wall
there was a vast ditch or _prætentura_ on the outward or north
side, which was generally twenty feet deep and forty feet wide, and
which, there is reason to believe, might be filled with water when
occasion required.[15] This ditch and rampart were strengthened at
both ends, and throughout its whole extent, by about twenty forts,
three being at each extremity, and the remainder placed between at
the distance of about two English miles from one another; and it is
highly probable that these stations were designedly placed on the
previous fortifications of Agricola. The following, going from east
to west, are the names and sites of some of the stations which have
been identified:--Rough Castle, Castlecary, Westerwood, Bunhill,
Auchindinny, Kirkintilloch, Bemulie, East Kilpatrick, Castlehill,
Duntocher, West Kilpatrick. It will be seen that to a certain extent
they are on the line of the Edinburgh and Glasgow railway, and
throughout nearly its whole length that of the Forth and Clyde canal.
Its necessary appendage, a military road, ran behind the rampart from
end to end, for the use of the troops and for keeping up the usual
communication between the stations or forts. From inscriptions on
some of the foundation stones, which have been dug up, it appears
that the Second legion, with detachments from the sixth and twentieth
legions and some auxiliaries, executed these vast military works,
equally creditable to their skill and perseverance. Dunglas near the
western extremity, and Blackness near the eastern extremity of the
rampart, afforded the Romans commodious harbours for their shipping,
as also did Cramond, about five miles west from Edinburgh. This wall
is called in the popular language of the country Grime’s or Graham’s
Dyke.[16] In 1868 a large oblong slab, in first-rate preservation,
was dug up at Bo’ness, in the parish of Kinneil (Bede’s _Peanfahel_,
“the head of the wall”), containing an inscription as distinct as it
was on the day when it came from a Roman chisel. We give here a cut
of this remarkable stone, which is now in the Scottish Antiquarian
Museum.

[Illustration: Stone from Antonine’s Wall. (Copied and engraved
specially for the present work.)]

We have no distinct mention of the Caledonians again until the reign
of Commodus, when, about the year 183, these troublesome barbarians
appear to have broken through the northern wall, slain the general in
command of the Roman forces, and pillaged the lowland country beyond.
They were, however, driven back by Ulpius Marcellus, who succeeded
by prudent management in maintaining peace for a number of years. In
the beginning of the reign of Severus, however, the Caledonians again
broke out, but were kept in check by Virius Lupus, who appears to
have bribed rather than beaten the barbarians into conformity.

The irrepressible Highlanders again broke out about the year 207,
and this time the Emperor Severus himself, notwithstanding his bad
health and old age, came from Rome to Britain, determined apparently
to “stamp out” the rebellion. On hearing of his arrival the tribes
sent deputies to him to negotiate for peace, but the emperor, who was
of a warlike disposition, and fond of military glory, declined to
entertain any proposals.

After making the necessary preparations, Severus began his march to
the north in the year 208. He traversed the whole of North Britain,
from the wall of Antoninus to the very extremity of the island,
with an immense army. The Caledonians avoided coming to a general
engagement with him, but kept up an incessant and harassing warfare
on all sides. He, however, brought them to sue for peace; but the
honours of this campaign were dearly earned, for fifty thousand of
the Romans fell a prey to the attacks of the Caledonians, to fatigue,
and to the severity of the climate. The Caledonians soon disregarded
the treaty which they had entered into with Severus, which conduct
so irritated him that he gave orders to renew the war, and to spare
neither age nor sex; but his son, Caracalla, to whom the execution of
these orders was intrusted, was more intent in plotting against his
father and brother than in executing the revengeful mandate of the
dying emperor, whose demise took place at York on the 4th February,
211, in the sixty-sixth year of his age, and in the third year of his
administration in Britain.

It is in connection with this invasion that we first hear of the
Meats or Mæatæ, who are mentioned by Dion Cassius, or rather his
epitomiser Xiphiline, and who are supposed by some to have inhabited
the country between the two walls, while others think it more likely
that they were a part of the Caledonians, and inhabited the district
between the Grampians and the wall of Antonine. We shall not,
however, enter into this question here, but endeavour, as briefly as
possible, to record all that is known of the remaining transactions
of the Romans in the north of Scotland, reserving other matters for
the next chapter.

It was not consistent with the policy by which Caracalla was
actuated, to continue a war with the Caledonians; for the scene of
his ambition lay in Rome, to which he made hasty preparations to
depart on the death of his father. He therefore entered into a treaty
with the Caledonians by which he gave up the territories surrendered
by them to his father, and abandoned the forts erected by him in
their fastnesses. The whole country north of the wall of Antonine
appears in fact to have been given up to the undisputed possession
of the Caledonians, and we hear of no more incursions by them till
the reign of the emperor Constantius Chlorus, who came to Britain in
the year 306, to repel the Caledonians and other Picts.[17] Their
incursions were repelled by the Roman legions under Constantius, and
they remained quiet till about the year 345, when they again entered
the territories of the provincial Britons; but they were compelled,
it is said, again to retreat by Constans, son of Constantine the
Great.

Although these successive inroads had been always repelled by
the superior power and discipline of the Romans, the Caledonians
of the fourth century no longer regarded them in the formidable
light in which they had been viewed by their ancestors, and their
genius for war improving every time they came in hostile contact
with their enemies, they meditated the design of expelling the
intruders altogether from the soil of North Britain. The wars which
the Romans had to sustain against the Persians in the East, and
against the Germans on the frontiers of Gaul, favoured the plan of
the Caledonians; and having formed a treaty with the _Scots_, whose
name is mentioned for the first time in history in this connection
by Ammianus Marcellinus, they, in conjunction with their new allies,
about the year 360 invaded the Roman territories and committed many
depredations. Julian, who commanded the Roman army on the Rhine,
despatched Lupicinus, an able military commander, to defend the
province against the Scots and Picts, but he was recalled before he
had done much to repel them.

The Picts--who on this occasion are mentioned by Ammianus
Marcellinus[18] as being divided into two nations, the _Dicaledones_
and _Vecturiones_--and Scots, being joined by the Attacots, “a
warlike race of men,” and the Saxons, numbers of whom appear at this
early period to have settled in Britain, made another attack on the
Roman provinces in the year 364, on the accession of Valentinian.
These appear to have made their way as far south as London, and it
required all the valour and skill of Theodosius the Elder, father of
the emperor of that name, who was sent to Britain in the year 367,
to repel this aggression, and to repair the great ravages committed
by the barbarians. The next outbreak occurred about the year 398,
when the Picts and Scots again broke loose and ravaged the provinces,
being repelled by a legion sent over by the great Stilicho, in answer
to the petition of the helpless provincials for assistance.

In the beginning of the fifth century the enervated Romanized Britons
again appear to have been subjected to the tender mercies of their
wicked northern neighbours; and in reply to their cry for help,
Honorius, in 416, sent over to their relief a single legion, which
drove back the intruders. The Romans, as is well known, engrossed by
overwhelming troubles nearer home, finally abandoned Britain about
the year 446, advising the inhabitants, who were suffering from the
ravages of the Picts and Scots, to protect themselves by retiring
behind and keeping in repair the wall of Severus.

Such is a brief account of the transactions of the Romans in Britain
so far as these were connected with the Highlands of Scotland. That
energetic and insatiable people doubtless left their mark on the
country and its inhabitants south of the Forth and Clyde, as the
many Roman remains which exist there at the present day testify. The
British provincials, indeed, appear in the end to have been utterly
enervated, and, in the worst sense, Romanized, so that they became
an easy prey to their Saxon helpers. It is quite evident, however,
that the inhabitants of Caledonia proper, the district beyond the
wall of Antonine, were to a very slight extent, if at all, influenced
by the Roman invasion. Whether it was from the nature of the people,
or from the nature of the country which they inhabited, or from both
combined, they appear to have been equally impervious to Roman force
and Roman culture. The best services that their enemies rendered to
the Caledonians or Picts were that they forced them to unite against
the common foe thus contributing towards the foundation of a future
kingdom; and that they gave them a training in arms such as the
Caledonians could never have obtained, had they not been brought into
collision with the best-trained soldiers of the world in their time.

We have in what precedes mainly followed only one thread in the very
intricate web formed by the early history of the Highlands, which,
to a certain extent at this period, is the history of Scotland; but,
as will have been seen, there are various other threads which join
in from time to time, and which, after giving a short account of the
traces of the Roman invasion still existing in the Highlands, we
shall endeavour to catch up and follow out as far as possible.

It is not necessary in a history of the Highlands of Scotland, as
we have defined that term, that much space should be given to an
account of Roman remains; for, as we have already said, these Italian
invaders appear never to have obtained anything like a firm footing
in that rugged district, or made any definite or characteristic
impression on its inhabitants. “The vestiges whence it is inferred
that the Empire for a time had so far established itself in Scotland
as to bring the natives over to the habits of peaceful citizens,
belong almost exclusively to the country south of Antonine’s wall,
between the Forth and Clyde. Coins and weapons have been found
farther north, but scarcely any vestige of regular settlement. None
of the pieces of Roman sculpture found in Scotland belong to the
districts north of the wall. It is almost more significant still,
that of the very considerable number of Scottish Roman inscriptions
in the various collections, only one was found north of the wall,
and that in the strongly-fortified station of Ardoch, where it
commemorated that it was dedicated to the memory of a certain
Ammonius Damionis.[19] On the other hand, it is in that unsubdued
district that the memorials of Roman conquest chiefly abound.”[20]

The whole of Britain was intersected by Roman ways, and as,
wherever a Roman army went, it was preceded by pioneers who cleared
and made a durable road to facilitate its march, there can be no
doubt that the north of Scotland was to a considerable extent
intersected by highways during the invasion of Agricola, Lollius
Urbicus, and Severus. One road at least can be traced as far north
as Aberdeenshire, and is popularly known in some districts as the
_Lang Causeway_. This road appears to have issued from the wall of
Antonine, passed through Camelon, the Roman port on the Carron, and
pushing straight forward, according to the Roman custom, across the
Carron, it pursued its course in a general north-east direction
through Stirling, Perth, by Ardoch, through Forfar and Kincardine, to
about Stonehaven.

It would appear that there are traces of Roman roads even farther
north. Between the rivers Don and Urie in Aberdeenshire, on the
eastern side of Bennachee, there exists an ancient road known in
the country by the name of the _Maiden Causeway_, a name by which
some of the Roman roads in the north of England are distinguished.
This proceeds from Bennachee whereon there is said to have been
a hill-fort, more than the distance of a mile into the woods of
Pitodrie, when it disappears: it is paved with stones, and is about
fourteen feet wide. Still farther north, from Forres to the ford
of Cromdale on the Spey, there has been long known a road of very
ancient construction, pointing to Cromdale, where the Romans may have
forded the Spey. Various traces of very ancient roads are still to be
seen by Corgarf and through Braemar: the tradition of the people in
Strathdee and Braemar, supports the idea that there are remains of
Roman roads which traverse the country between the Don and the Dee.
Certain it is, that there are obvious traces of ancient roads which
cross the wild districts between Strathdon and Strathdee, though it
is impossible to ascertain when or by whom these ancient roads were
constructed, in such directions, throughout such a country.

Along these roads there were without doubt many camps and stations,
as it is well known that the Romans never halted even for a single
night, without entrenching themselves behind secure fortifications.
There are many remains of what are supposed to have been Roman camps
still pointed out in various places north of the line occupied
by Antonine’s wall. These are well known even to the peasantry,
and are generally treated with respect. The line of these camps
reaches as far as the counties of Aberdeen and Inverness, the most
important of them, however, being found in Strathallan, Strathearn,
and Strathmore. Besides the most important of these camps, that at
Ardoch, traces of many others have been found. There was one on the
river Earn, about six miles east of Ardoch, which would command
the middle part of Strathearn lying between the Ochil hills on the
south and the river Almond on the north. Another important station
is supposed to have been established near Callander, where, on a
tongue of land formed by the junction of the rivers Strathgartney and
Strathyre, the two sources of the Teith, are seen the embankments
referred to by Scott[21] as

“The mouldering lines
Where Rome, the empress of the world,
Of yore her eagle wings unfurled.”[22]

Another camp is placed at Dalgenross, near the confluence of the
Ruchel and the Earn, which, with Bochastle, would command the
western district of Strathearn. Another important station was the
East Findoch, at the south side of the Almond; it guarded the only
practicable passage through the mountains northward, to an extent of
thirty miles from east to west. The Roman camp here was placed on a
high ground, defended by water on two sides, and by a morass with
a steep bank on the other two sides. It was about one hundred and
eighty paces long, and eighty broad, and was surrounded by a strong
earthen wall nearly twelve feet thick, part of which still remains.
The trenches are still entire, and in some places six feet deep.

On the eastern side of Strathearn, and between it and the Forth,
are the remains of Roman posts; and at Ardargie a Roman camp was
established with the design, it is supposed, of guarding the passage
through the Ochil hills, by the valley of May water. Another camp at
Gleneagles secured the passage of the same hills through Glendevon.
With the design of guarding the narrow, but useful passage from the
middle Highlands, westward through Glenlyon to Argyle, the Romans
fixed a post at Fortingal, about sixteen miles north-west from the
station at East-Findoch.

A different line of posts became necessary to secure Angus and the
Mearns. At Coupar Angus, on the east side of the Isla, about seven
miles east from Inchtuthel, stood a Roman camp, of a square form, of
twenty acres within the ramparts. This camp commanded the passage
down Strathmore, between the Siedlaw hills on the south-east, and
the Isla on the north-west. On Campmoor, little more than a mile
south from Coupar Angus, appear the remains of another Roman fort.
The great camp of Battledyke stood about eighteen miles north-east
from Coupar Angus, being obviously placed there to guard the passage
from the Highlands through Glen Esk and Glen Prosen. About eleven and
a-half miles north-east of the camp at Battledykes was another Roman
camp, the remains of which may still be traced near the mansion-house
of Keithock. This camp is known by the name of Wardikes. The country
below the Siedlaw hills, on the north side of the estuary of Tay, was
guarded by a Roman camp near Invergowrie, which had a communication
on the north-east with the camp at Harefaulds. This camp, which was
about two hundred yards square, and fortified with a high rampart and
a spacious ditch, stood about two miles west from Dundee.

[Illustration: Roman Camp at Ardoch as it appeared in 1755.

(Stuart’s _Caledonia Romana_.)]

Traces of a number of others have been found, but we need not go
farther into detail. This account of the Roman transactions in
Scotland would, however, be incomplete without a more particular
notice of the well-known camp at Ardoch. Ardoch village, in
Perthshire, lies on the east side of Knaigwater, ten miles north
from Stirling, and is about two miles from the Greenloaning station
of the Caledonian railway, the site of the camp being a little
distance to the north-west of the village. As this station guarded
the principal inlet into the interior of Caledonia, the Romans were
particularly anxious to fortify so advantageous a position. “The
situation of it,” says the writer of the Old Statistical Account of
Muthill, “gave it many advantages; being on the north-west side of
a deep moss that runs a long way eastward. On the west side, it is
partly defended by the steep bank of the water of Knaik; which bank
rises perpendicularly between forty and fifty feet. The north and
east sides were most exposed; and there we find very particular care
was taken to secure them. The ground on the east is pretty regular,
and descends by a gentle slope from the lines of fortification,
which, on that side, consists of five rows of ditches, perfectly
entire, and running parallel to one another. These altogether are
about fifty-five yards in breadth. On the north side, there is an
equal number of lines and ditches, but twenty yards broader than the
former. On the west, besides the steep precipices above mentioned,
it was defended by at least two ditches. One is still visible; the
others have probably been filled up, in making the great military
road from Stirling to the north. The side of the camp, lying to the
southward, exhibits to the antiquary a less pleasing prospect. Here
the peasant’s rugged hand has laid in ruins a great part of the
lines; so that it may be with propriety said, in the words of a Latin
poet, ‘Jam seges est, ubi Troja fuit.’ The area of the camp is an
oblong of 140 yards, by 125 within the lines. The general’s quarter
rises above the level of the camp, but is not in the centre. It is
a regular square, each side being exactly twenty yards. At present
it exhibits evident marks of having been enclosed with a stone wall,
and contains the foundation of a house, ten yards by seven.” There
are two other encampments adjoining, having a communication with one
another, and containing about 130 acres of ground. A subterranean
passage is said to have extended from the prætorium under the bed of
the Knaik. Not far north of this station, on the way to Crieff, may
be traced three temporary Roman camps of different sizes. Portions of
the ramparts of these camps still exist. A mile west of Ardoch, an
immense cairn lately existed, 182 feet long, 45 broad at the base,
and 30 feet in sloping height. A human skeleton, 7 feet long, in a
stone coffin, was found in it.[23]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] We are indebted for great part of this description to Fullarton’s
_Gazetteer of Scotland_.

[2] _Caledonia Romana_, p. 11.

[3] The _De Situ Britanniæ_ “professed to be a manuscript of the
fourteenth century, written by a monk named Richard of Cirencester,
made up by him from certain fragments left by a Roman General. The
person who stepped forth as the lucky discoverer of so precious a
relic was Charles Julius Bertram, English Professor in the Royal
Marine Academy at Copenhagen. His revelation was accepted without
hesitation, and revolutionized the existing notions about the
geography of Roman Britain. After all, the hoax was not absolutely
useless; it stimulated inquiry, and, in itself, what it professed to
lay down on authority, were the guesses and theories of a learned and
acute man.”--Burton’s _History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 13.

[4] _De Bello Gallico_, ii. 17.

[5] Tacitus, _Agricola_, xxix.

[6] E. W. Robertson’s _Scotland under her Early Kings_, vol. i. p. 31.

[7] Stuart’s _Caledonia Romana_, pp. 35, 36.

[8] _Agricola_ xxv.

[9] _Military Antiquities._

[10] Tac. _Agricola_ xxxv.

[11] Burton’s _Hist. of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 9.

[12] Tac. _Agricola_ xxxvi, &c. We adopt Murphy’s translation in the
main, here and elsewhere.

[13] _Scotland_, vol. i. p. 29.

[14] Wilson says that beyond the Forth and Clyde nearly the sole
traces of the presence of the Romans are a few earthworks, with one
or two exceptions, of doubtful import, and some chance discoveries
of pottery and coins, mostly ascribable, it may be presumed, to the
fruitless northern expedition of Agricola, after the victory of Mons
Grampius, or to the still more ineffectual one of his successor,
Severus.--_Prehistoric Annals_, p. 365.

[15] On the estate of Callender, to the east of Falkirk, distinct
remains of this trench are still to be seen, in good preservation,
measuring a few hundred yards in length and about 12 feet in depth.

[16] There are several other earthworks in England, according to
Chalmers (_Caledonia_) and Taylor (_Words and Places_), which go
under the appellation of Grime’s Dyke or Grime’s Ditch. _Grime_ in
Cornish is said to signify _strong_; in Gaelic, _war_, _battle_.

[17] The first writer who mentions the _Picts_ is Eumenius, the
orator, who was a Professor at Autun, and who, in a panegyric
pronounced by him in the year 297, mentions the _Picts_ along with
the Irish, and again, in 308, in a panegyric pronounced by him on
Constans, speaks of the _Caledonians and other Picts_. This is one of
the passages mainly relied on by those who consider the Caledonians
and Picts to have been the same people.

[18] _Am. Mar._, xxvii., 8.

[19] Wilson’s _Prehist. Annals_.

[20] Burton’s _Scotland_, vol. i. p. 74.

[21] _Lady of the Lake._

[22] According to Burton, however, these are by some geologists set
down as a geological phenomenon.--_Hist. of Scot._ i. 75.

[23] For more minute descriptions of this camp, as well as for
further details concerning the Roman transactions in Scotland,
consult Roy’s _Military Antiquities_, Gough’s _Camden_ (under
Strathearn), Stuart’s _Caledonia Romana_, Burton’s _History of
Scotland_.

CHAPTER II.

Early Inhabitants--Roman Writers--Aristotle--Tacitus--Dion
Cassius--Caledonians and Mæatæ--Eumenius--Picts--Dicaledones
and Vecturiones--Claudian--Inferences--Ecclesiastical
Chroniclers--Their value--Gildas--Adamnan--Northern and Southern
Picts--Columba’s “Interpreter”--Bede’s Account of Picts--Pictish
Language--Peanfahel--Northern and Southern Picts--Welsh
Triads--Irish Annals--Evidence from Language--Cymric and Gaelic
Theories--_Inver_ and _Aber_--Innes’s Theory--Conclusion.

The preceding chapter has been occupied almost entirely with an
account of the transactions of the Romans in the north of Scotland,
and it is now our duty to go back and narrate what is known of
the internal history of the Highlands during the time of the
Romans. In doing so we are brought face to face with certain much
agitated questions which have for centuries engaged the attention
of antiquaries, and in the discussion of which many bulky tomes
have been written and incredible acrimony displayed. To enter with
anything like minuteness into this discussion would occupy more space
than can be devoted to the entire history, and, moreover, would be
out of place in a popular work like the present, and distasteful to
most of its readers. The following are some of the much-discussed
questions referred to:--Who were the original inhabitants of
Caledonia? To what race did they belong--were they Gothic or Celtic?
and if Celtic, were they Cymric or Gaelic? When did they enter
Scotland, and whence did they come--from the opposite continent, or
from the south of Britain? Was the whole of Scotland, in the time of
Agricola, occupied by one people, or by a mixed race, or by various
races? Were the Picts and Caledonians the same people? What is the
meaning and origin of Pict, and was Caledonia a native appellation?
What were the localities of the Northern and Southern Picts? Who were
the Scots? What was the nature of the union of the Scots and Picts
under Kenneth Macalpin?

The notices of the early inhabitants of the Highlands in the
contemporary Roman historians are so few, the information given
so meagre and indefinite, and the ecclesiastical historians of a
later time are so full of miracle, myth, and hearsay, and so little
to be depended on, that it appears to us almost impossible, with
the materials at present within the historian’s reach, to arrive
at anything like a satisfactory answer to the above questions. The
impression left after reading much that has been written on various
sides, is one of dissatisfaction and bewilderment,--dissatisfaction
with the far-fetched and irrelevant arguments frequently adduced,
and the unreliable authorities quoted, and bewilderment amid the
dust-cloud of words with which any one who enters this debatable land
is sure to be enveloped. “It is scarcely necessary to observe, that
there are few points of ethnology on which historians and antiquaries
have been more at variance with each other, than respecting the
real race of those inhabitants of a portion of Caledonia popularly
known by the designation of Picts. The difficulty arising from this
discrepancy of opinion is increased by the scanty and unsatisfactory
nature of the materials now available to those who wish to form an
independent judgment. No connected specimen of the Pictish language
has been preserved; nor has any ancient author who knew them from
personal observation, stated in direct terms that they approximated
to one adjoining tribe more than another. They are indeed associated
with the Scots or Irish as joint plunderers of the colonial Britons;
and the expression of Gildas that they differed in some degree from
the Scots in their customs, might seem to imply that they _did_ bear
an analogy to that nation in certain respects. Of course, where
there is such a lack of direct evidence, there is more scope for
conjecture; and the Picts are pronounced by different investigators
of their history to have been Germans, Scandinavians, Welsh, Gael,
or something distinct from all the four. The advocates of the German
hypothesis rest chiefly on Tacitus’s description of their physical
conformation. Dr. Jamieson, assuming that the present Lowland Scotch
dialect was derived from them, sets them down as Scandinavians;
Bishop Lloyd and Camden conceive them to have been of Celtic race,
probably related to the Britons; Chalmers, the author of ‘Caledonia,’
regards them as nothing more than a tribe of Cambrians or Welsh;
while Skene, one of the latest authors on the subject, thinks he has
proved that they were the ancestors of the present race of Scottish
Highlanders.”[24]

The earliest known name applied to Britain is found in a treatise
on the World ascribed to Aristotle, in which the larger island is
called _Albinn_, and Ireland referred to as _Ierne_; and it is
worthy of notice that at the present day the former is the name
applied to Scotland by the Highlanders, who call themselves the
_Gael Albinnich_. The first author, however, who gives us any
information about the early inhabitants of the north part of Scotland
is Tacitus, who, in his _Life of Agricola_, devotes a few lines, in
a parenthetical way, to characterising each of the great divisions
of the people who, in the time of that general, inhabited Britain.
Tacitus tells us that in his time the inhabitants of Britain differed
in the habit and make of their bodies, and from the ruddy locks and
large limbs of the Caledonians he inferred that they were of German
origin.[25] This glimpse is clear enough, but tantalizing in its
meagreness and generality. What does Tacitus mean by _German_--does
he use it in the same sense as we do at the present day? Does he mean
by Caledonia the whole of the country north of the Forth and Clyde,
or does it apply only to that district--Fife, Forfar, the east of
Perth, &c.--with the inhabitants of which his father-in-law came in
contact? We find Ptolemy the geographer, who flourished about the
middle of the 2d century A.D., mentioning the Caledonians as one of
the many tribes which in his time inhabited the north of Scotland.
The term Caledonians is supposed by some authorities to have been
derived from a native word signifying “men of the woods,” or the
inhabitants of the woody country; this, however, is mere conjecture.

The next writer who gives any definite information as to the
inhabitants of Caledonia is Dion Cassius, who flourished in the
early part of the 3d century, and who wrote a history of Rome
which has come down to us in a very imperfect state. Of the latter
part, containing an account of Britain, we possess only an epitome
made by Xiphilinus, an ecclesiastic of the 11th century, and which
of course is very meagre in its details. The following are the
particulars given by this writer concerning the early inhabitants of
north Britain. “Of the Britons the two most ample nations are the
Caledonians and the Mæatæ; for the names of the rest refer for the
most part to these. The Mæatæ inhabit very near the wall[26] which
divides the island into two parts; the Caledonians are after these.
Each of them inhabit mountains, very rugged and wanting water, and
also desert fields, full of marshes: they have neither castles nor
cities, nor dwell in any: they live on milk and by hunting, and
maintain themselves by the fruits of the trees: for fishes, of which
there is a very great and numberless quantity, they never taste: they
dwell naked in tents and without shoes: they use wives in common, and
whatever is born to them they bring up. In the popular state they
are governed, as for the most part: they rob on the highway most
willingly: they war in chariots: horses they have, small and fleet;
their infantry, also, are as well most swift at running, as most
brave in pitched battle. Their arms are a shield and a short spear,
in the upper part whereof is an apple of brass, that, while it is
shaken, it may terrify the enemies with the sound: they have likewise
daggers. They are able to bear hunger, cold, and all afflictions; for
they merge themselves in marshes, and there remain many days, having
only their head out of water: and in woods are nourished by the bark
and roots of trees. But a certain kind of food they prepare for all
occasions, of which if they take as much as ‘the size’ of a single
bean, they are in nowise ever wont to hunger or thirst.”[27]

From this we learn that in the 3d century there were two divisions
of the inhabitants of the Highlands, known to the Romans as the
Caledonians and Mæats or Mæatæ, the latter very probably inhabiting
the southern part of that territory, next to the wall of Antonine,
and the former the district to the north of this. As to whether these
were Latinized forms of native names, or names imposed by the Romans
themselves, we have no means of judging. The best writers on this
subject think that the Caledonians and Mæats were two divisions of
the same people, both living to the north of the Forth and Clyde,
although Innes,[28] and one or two minor writers, are of opinion that
the Mæats were provincial Britons who inhabited the country between
the wall of Hadrian and that of Antonine, known as the province of
Valentia. However, with Skene,[29] Mr. Joseph Robertson, and other
able authorities, we are inclined to think that the evidence is in
favour of their being the inhabitants of the southern portion of
Caledonia proper.

Herodian,[30] who wrote about A.D. 240, tells us that the Caledonians
were in the habit of marking or painting their bodies with figures of
animals, and that they wore no clothes in order that these figures
might be preserved and exhibited.

The next reference made by a Roman writer to the inhabitants of
Caledonia we find in a panegyric pronounced in his presence on the
Emperor Constantius Chlorus, by Eumenius, a professor of rhetoric at
Augustodunum (_Autun_) in Gaul, in the year 296 or 297, who speaks
of the Britons, in the time of Cæsar, having been attacked by the
half-naked _Picts_ and Irish. To what people the orator meant to
apply the term _Picts_, around which there has clustered so much
acrimonious disputation, we learn from another oration pronounced
by him on the same emperor, before his son Constantine, in the year
309, in which, recording the actions of Constantius, he speaks of the
woods and marshes of _the Caledonians and other Picts_.

After this no further mention is made of the Caledonians by any Roman
writer, but towards the end of the 4th century Ammianus Marcellinus,
in his account of the Roman transactions in Britain, speaks of the
Picts in conjunction with the Saxons, Scots, and Attacots harassing
the provincial Britons about the year 364. Further on he informs us
that at this time the Picts were divided into two tribes or nations,
the Dicaledones and Vecturiones, remarking, at the same time, that
“the Attacots were a warlike race of men, and the Scots a people much
given to wandering, and in the habit of ravaging or laying waste the
districts into which they came.”[31]

Claudian the poet, writing, about 397, in praise of Honorius,
mentions, among other actions of Theodosius, the grandfather of that
emperor, his having subdued the Picts, who were fitly so named,[32]
and makes various other references to this people and the Scots,
which show that these two in combination were troubling the Roman
provincials not a little.[33]

Such are most of the scanty details given by the only contemporary
historians who take any notice of the inhabitants of North Britain;
and the unprejudiced reader will see that the foundation thus
afforded upon which to construct any elaborate theory is so narrow
that every such theory must resemble a pyramid standing on its apex,
liable at the slightest touch to topple over and be shattered to
pieces. It appears to us that all the conclusions which it is safe to
draw from the few facts stated by the contemporary Roman historians
are, that at the commencement of the Christian era Caledonia proper,
or the Highlands, was inhabited by a people or peoples apparently
considerable in number, and who in all probability had been settled
there for a considerable time, part of whom at least were known to
the Romans by the name of Caledonians. That these Caledonians, those
of them at any rate with whom Agricola came in contact in the first
century, were red or fair haired and large limbed, from which Tacitus
inferred that they were of German extraction. In the beginning of the
third century there were at least two divisions of the inhabitants
of Caledonia,--the Caledonians and Mæats,--the former inhabiting
the country to the north of the Grampians, and the latter, in all
probability, that to the south and south-east of these mountains.
They appear to have been in many respects in a condition little
removed from that of savages, although they must have made wonderful
attainments in the manufacture of implements of war.

In the latter part of the third century we found the Highlanders
spoken of under a new name, _Picti_, which the Roman historians
at least, undoubtedly understood to be the Latin word meaning
‘painted,’[34] and which all the best modern writers believe to
have been imposed by the Romans themselves, from the fact that the
indomitable Caledonians had retained the custom of self-painting
after all the Romanized Britons had given it up. There is the
strongest probability that the Caledonians spoken of as Picts by
Eumenius were the same as the Caledonians of Tacitus, or that the
Caledonians and Picts were the same people under different names.
The immediate cause for this change of name we have no means of
ascertaining. It is in every way improbable that the Picts were a
new people, who had come in upon the Caledonians, and supplanted
them some time after Agricola’s invasion. The Romans were constantly
coming into contact with the Caledonians from the time of Agricola
till they abandoned Britain entirely, and had such a supplantation
taken place, it certainly could not have been done quietly, and
without the cognizance of the Romans. But we find no mention in any
contemporary historian of any such commotion, and we know that the
inhabitants of the Highlands never ceased to harass the British
provincials, showing that they were not much taken up with any
internal disturbance. Indeed, writers who adopt the most diverse
opinions on other points in connection with the Pictish question are
all agreed as to this, that the Caledonians and Picts were the same
people.[35]

We learn further from our authorities, that towards the end of the
fourth century the inhabitants of Caledonia were known to the Romans
under the names of Dicaledones and Vecturiones, it being conjectured
that these correspond to the Caledonians and Mæats of Dio, and the
Northern and Southern Picts of a later period. The connection of the
latter part of the word Di-caledones with _Caledonii_ is evident,
although the significance of the first syllable is doubtful,--some
authorities conjecturing that it is the Gaelic word _du_, meaning
“genuine.” It appears at all events to be established that during
the early history of the Highlands, whatever other divisions may
have existed among the inhabitants, those dwelling to the north
and those dwelling to the south of the Grampians were two separate
confederacies, and were known by distinct names.

Another not unimportant fact to be learned from the Roman historians
in relation to the Picts or Caledonians is, that about the middle
of the 4th century they were assisted by the Attacots, Saxons, and
Scots. As to who the Attacots were it is now impossible to conjecture
with anything like certainty, there being no sufficient reason for
believing that they were allied to the Irish Scots. It is well enough
known who the Saxons were, but how they came at this early period to
be acting in concert with the Picts it is difficult to say. It is
possible that numbers of them may have effected a settlement, even
at this early period, in North Britain, although it is more likely
that they were roving adventurers, who had left their homes, from
choice or on compulsion, to try their fortune in Britain. They were
probably the first droppings of the abundant shower that overwhelmed
South Britain a century later. The Romans at this period had an
officer with the title of “Comes litoris Saxonici per Britanniam;”
and Claudian, in his praises of Stilicho, introduces Britain, saying--

“Illius effectum curis, ne bella timerem
Scotica, ne Pictum tremerem, ne littore toto
Prospicerem dubiis venturum Saxona ventis.”

It is interesting to notice that this[36] is the first mention made
of the Scots in connection with what is now Scotland; but whether
there were settlements of them at this time among the Picts, or
whether they had come over from Ireland for the purpose of assisting
the latter to harass the Romans, it is difficult to say. Probably, as
was the case with the Saxons, these were the harbingers of the great
migration that reached its culmination about a century and a half
later. They appear, from what Ammianus says, to have been at this
time a set of destructive vagabonds. We shall have more to say about
them further on.

From the general tone of these contemporary Roman historians we
learn that, whether Celtic or Gothic, these Picts or Caledonians
were a hardy, indomitable, determined race, with a strong love of
liberty and of the country in which they dwelt, and a resolution
never to be subject to the greedy Roman. Comparatively few and
barbarous as they were, they caused the Romans far more trouble
than all the rest of Britain together; to conquer the latter and
Romanize it appears to have been comparatively smooth work, but the
Italians acknowledged the Highlanders invincible by building walls
and other fortifications, and maintaining extra garrisons to protect
the provincials from their fierce and wasting inroads. Whether
the present Highlanders are the descendants of these or not, they
certainly possess many of their qualities.

It will have been seen that the Roman historians give us almost no
clue to what we now deem of most interest and importance, the place
of the early inhabitants among the families of men, the time and
manner of their arrival, the language they spoke, and their internal
history generally. Of course the records of contemporaries stand in
the first place of importance as evidences, and although we have
other sources, historical, linguistic, and antiquarian, which shed a
little light upon the subject, these, for various reasons, must be
used with great caution. The only statement approaching to anything
like a hint as to the origin of the Caledonians is that of Tacitus,
referring to their ruddy locks and large limbs as an evidence of
their German origin. There is no reason to doubt that those with whom
Agricola came in contact were of this make and complexion, which, at
the present day, are generally held to be indicative of a Teutonic
origin; whereas the true Celt is popularly believed to be of a small
make and dark complexion.[37] It may have been, that in Agricola’s
time the part of the country into which he penetrated was occupied
by considerable numbers of Teutons, who had effected a settlement
either by force, or by favour of the prior inhabitants. The statement
of Tacitus, however, those who uphold the Celtic theory endeavour to
explain away.

We may safely say then, that with regard to all the most important
points that have excited the curiosity of modern enquirers, the
only contemporary historians to whom we can appeal, leave us almost
entirely in the dark.

The writers, next in order of importance to whom an appeal is
made as witnesses in this perplexing case, are the ecclesiastical
chroniclers, the chief of whom are Gildas, Adamnan, Bede, Nennius.
“Much of the error into which former writers have been led, has
arisen from an improper use of these authors; they should be
consulted exclusively as contemporary historians--whatever they
assert as existing or occurring in their own time, or shortly before
it, we may receive as true; but when we consider the perverted
learning of that period, and the little information which they appear
to have possessed of the traditions of the people around them, we
ought to reject their fables or fanciful origins as altogether
undeserving of credit.”[38] Though this dictum may perhaps be
too sweeping, still any one who examines the authors referred to
for himself, must admit that it is in the main just. It is well
known that these writers exercise little or no discrimination in
the composition of their narratives, that tradition, miracle, and
observed fact are placed side by side, as all equally worthy of
belief. Even Bede, the most reliable and cautious of these early
chroniclers, lived as long after some of the events of which he
professes to give an account, as we of the present day do after the
time of the Crusades; almost his sole authority being tradition or
hearsay. Moreover, the knowledge which these writers had of the
distinction between the various races of mankind was so very hazy,
the terms they use are to us so comparatively unintelligible, and the
information they do contain on the points in dispute so brief, vague,
and parenthetical, that their value as authorities is reduced almost
to a minimum.

Whoever was the author of the work _De Excidio Britanniæ_, one of
the latest and most acute writers[39] on ethnology has shown that he
is almost totally unworthy of credit, the sources of his information
being exceedingly suspicious, and his statements proved to be false
by comparison with trustworthy contemporary Roman historians.
There is every reason to believe that the so-called Gildas--for
by Mr. Wright[40] he has been reduced to a _nominis umbra_--lived
and wrote about the middle of the 6th century A.D., so that, had
he used ordinary diligence and discrimination, he might have been
of considerable assistance in enabling us to solve the perplexing
mystery of the Pictish question. But indeed we have no right to
look for much history in the work of Gildas, as it professes to be
merely a complaint “on the general destruction of every thing that is
good, and the general growth of evil throughout the land;” it is his
purpose, he says, “to relate the deeds of an indolent and slothful
race, rather than the exploits of those who have been valiant in the
field.”[41] So far as the origin and early history of the Picts is
concerned, Gildas is of almost no value whatever, the only time he
mentions the Picts being incidentally to notice an invasion they had
made into the Roman provinces.[42] If we can trust him, the Picts
and their allies, the Scots, must have been very fierce enemies to
deal with. They went about, he tells us, almost entirely destitute
of clothes, having their faces covered with bushy hair, and were in
the habit of dragging the poor enervated Britons from the top of
their protecting wall with hooked weapons, slaughtering them without
mercy. Some writers infer from this narrative that, during the Roman
occupation, no permanent settlement of Scots had been effected in
present Scotland, but that the Scots who assisted the Picts came
over from their native Scotland (Ireland) for that purpose; he tells
us that the Scots came from the north-west, and the Picts from the
north.[43] “North-west” here, however, would apply quite as well to
Argyle as to Ireland.

The writer next in chronological order from whom we derive any
information of consequence concerning the Picts is Adamnan, a member
of the early Irish Church, who was born in the county of Donegal
about the year 625, elected abbot of Iona in 679, and who died in
the year 704. Adamnan wrote a life of his great predecessor St.
Columba, in which is contained much information concerning that
great missionary’s labours among the Northern Picts; and although
he narrates many stories which are palpably incredible, still the
book contains much which may with confidence be accepted as fact. In
connection with the questions under consideration, we learn that,
in the time of Columba and Adamnan, there were--as formerly, in the
time of the Roman writers--two divisions of the Picts, known in
the 7th century and afterwards as the Northern and Southern Picts.
Adamnan informs us that Columba’s mission was to the Northern Picts
alone,--the southern division having been converted by St. Ninian in
the 5th century. There has been much disputation as to the precise
district inhabited by each of these two divisions of the Picts,--some
maintaining that the southern division occupied the country to the
south of the Forth and Clyde, while the Northern Picts occupied the
whole district to the north of these estuaries. The best authorities,
however, are of opinion that both divisions dwelt to the north of
Antonine’s wall, and were divided from each other by the Grampians.

What more immediately concerns our present purpose is a passage in
Adamnan’s work in which he speaks of Columba preaching to the Picts
through an interpreter. Now Columba was an Irish Scot, whose native
tongue was Gaelic, and it is from this argued that the Picts to
whom he preached must have spoken a different language, or at least
dialect, and belonged to a different race or tribe from the saint
himself. Mr. Skene,[44] who ably advocates the Gaelic origin of the
Picts, perceiving this difficulty, endeavours to explain away the
force of the passage by making it mean that Columba “interpreted or
explained the word of God, that is, the Bible, which, being written
in Latin, would doubtless require to be interpreted to them.” The
passage as quoted by Skene is, “Verbo Dei per interpretorem recepto.”
Garnett, however, one of the most competent and candid writers on
this question in its philological aspect, and who maintains, with the
greatest clearness and ability, the Cymric origin of the Picts, looks
at the passage in a different light. The entire passage, he says,[45]
as it stands in Colganus, is as follows:--“Alio in tempore quo
sanctus Columba in Pictorum provincia per aliquot demorabatur dies,
quidam cum tota plebeius familia, verbum _vitæ_ per interpretorem,
_Sancto prædicante viro_, audiens credidit, credensque baptizatus
est.”[46] “Here it will be observed,” continues Garnett, “Adamnan
does not say, ‘verbum Dei,’ which might have been construed to mean
the Scripture, but ‘verbum _vitæ, Sancto prædicante viro_,’ which can
hardly mean anything but ‘the word of life, as it was preached by
the Saint.’” Certainly, we think, the unprejudiced reader must admit
that, so far as this point is concerned, Mr. Garnett has the best of
it. Although at that time the Gaelic and Cymric dialects may have had
much more in common than they have at the present day, nevertheless
it appears to be beyond a doubt that the difference between the two
was so great that a Gael would be unintelligible to a speaker of
Cymric.[47]

The next and most important authority of this class on this _quæstio
vexata_ is the Venerable Bede, who, considering the age in which he
lived, exercised so much caution and discrimination, that he deserves
to be listened to with respect. Bede was born about 673. He was
educated in the Monastery of Wearmouth, whence he removed to Jarrow,
where he was ordained deacon in his nineteenth year, and priest in
his thirtieth, and where he spent the rest of his days, dying in
735. He wrote many works, but the most important is the _Historia
Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum_, the materials for which he obtained
chiefly from native chronicles and biographies, records and public
documents, and oral and written communications from contemporaries.

We shall transcribe most of the passage in which Bede speaks of the
ancient inhabitants of Britain; so that our readers may be able to
judge for themselves of the nature and value of the testimony borne
by this venerable author. It must, however, be kept in mind that Bede
does not pretend to give any but the ecclesiastical history of the
English nation, everything else being subsidiary to this.

“This island at present, following the number of the books in which
the Divine law was written, contains five nations, the English,
Britons, Scots, Picts, and Latins, each in its own peculiar dialect
cultivating the sublime study of Divine truth. The Latin tongue is,
by the study of the Scriptures, become common to all the rest. At
first this island had no other inhabitants but the Britons, from
whom it derived its name, and who coming over into Britain, as is
reported, from Armorica, possessed themselves of the southern parts
thereof. When they, beginning at the south, had made themselves
master of the greatest part of the island, it happened, that the
nation of the Picts coming into the ocean from Scythia, as is
reported, in a few tall ships, were driven by the winds beyond the
shores of Britain and arrived off Ireland, on the northern coasts,
where, finding the nation of the Scots, they requested to be allowed
to settle among them, but could not succeed in obtaining their
request. The Scots answered, that the island could not contain them
both; but ‘we can give you good advice,’ said they, ‘what to do; we
know there is another island, not far from ours, to the eastward,
which we often see at a distance, when the days are clear. If you
will repair thither, you may be able to obtain settlements; or if
they should oppose you, you may make use of us as auxiliaries.’
The Picts accordingly sailing over into Britain, began to inhabit
the northern parts thereof, for the Britons were possessed of the
southern. Now the Picts having no wives, and asking them of the
Scots, they would not consent to grant them upon any other terms,
than that when any difficulty should arise, they should rather choose
themselves a king from the female royal race than from the male;
which custom, as is well known, has been observed among the Picts
to this day. In process of time, Britain, besides the Britons and
the Picts, received a third nation, the Scots, who, departing out of
Ireland under their leader Reuda, either by fair means, or by force
of arms, secured to themselves those settlements among the Picts
which they still possess. From the name of their commander, they are
to this day called Dalreudins; for in their language _Dal_ signifies
a part.... It is properly the country of the Scots, who, migrating
from thence, as has been said, added a third nation in Britain to the
Britons and the Picts. There is a very large gulf of the sea, which
formerly divided the nation of the Picts from the Britons; which gulf
runs from the west very far into the land, where, to this day, stands
the strong city of the Britons, called Alcluith. The Scots arriving
on the north side of this bay, settled themselves there.”[48]

Here then Bede informs us that in his time the common report was
that the Picts came into Scotland from Scythia, which, like the
Germania of Tacitus, may be taken to mean the northern countries of
Europe generally. This is substantially the same statement as that of
the author of the _Historia Britonum_, commonly called Nennius, who
lived in the 9th century, and who informs us that the Picts coming to
Scotland about 300 B.C., occupied the Orkney Islands, whence issuing,
they laid waste many regions, and seized those on the left-hand
side, _i.e._ the north of Britain, where they still remained in the
writer’s time, keeping possession of a third part of Britain.[49]

Supposing that Bede’s report was quite in accordance with truth,
still it gives us but small help in coming to a conclusion as to the
place of these Picts among the families of men. It is certain that by
far the greater part of Europe had at one time a Celtic population
who preceded, but ultimately gave way to another wave of emigrants
from the east. Now, if we knew the date at which this so-called
migration of the Picts took place it might be of considerable
assistance to us; but as we cannot now find out whether these
emigrants proceeded from a Celtic or a Teutonic stock, the statement
of Bede, even if reliable, helps us not at all towards a solution
of the question as to the race of the Picts. Innes[50] remarks very
justly on this point--“Now, supposing that there were any good ground
for the opinion of these two writers, which they themselves give only
as a conjecture or hearsay, and that we had any certainty of the
Caledonians, or Picts, having had their origin from the more northern
parts of the European continent, it were an useless, as well as an
endless discussion, to examine in particular from which of all the
northern nations of the continent the first colony came to Caledonia;
because that these nations of the north were almost in perpetual
motion, and changing habitations, as Strabo remarks; and he assigns
for it two reasons: the one, because of the barrenness of the soil,
they tilled not the ground, and built habitations only for a day; the
other, because being often overpowered by their neighbours, they were
forced to remove. Another reason why it is impossible to know from
which of those nations the northern parts of Britain, (supposing
they came from thence) were at first peopled, is because we have
but very lame accounts of these northern nations from the Greek or
Roman writers, (from whom alone we can look for any thing certain
in those early times) especially of those of Scandia, to the north
of the Baltic sea, as the same Strabo observes. Besides, it appears
that Caledonia was peopled long before the inhabitants of these
northern parts of the continent were mentioned, or even known by the
most ancient writers we have; and perhaps before the first nations
mentioned by them were settled in those parts.”

There is, however, another statement made by Bede in the passage
quoted, upon which, as it refers to his own time, much more reliance
can be placed; it is, that in his time Britain contained five
nations, each having its own peculiar dialect, viz., the English,
Britons, Scots, Picts, and Latins. We know that the English spoke
in the main Saxon; the Britons, _i.e._, the inhabitants of Wales,
Cumbria, &c., Welsh; the Scots, Gaelic; the Latins, we suppose, being
the Romanized Britons and ecclesiastics. What language then did the
Picts speak? As we know that Bede never travelled, he must have got
his information from an informant or by hearsay, which circumstance
rather detracts from its value. But supposing we take the passage
literally as it stands, we learn that in Bede’s time there were five
distinct peoples or nations, whose names he gives, sharing among them
the island. He does not say there were five distinct tongues, which
would have been quite a different statement; he speaks of them not
so much in respect of their language as in respect of their being
the separate items which composed the inhabitants of Britain. In his
time they were all quite distinct, in a measure independent of and
at enmity with each other. He does not classify them in respect of
the race to which they belonged, but with reference to the particular
districts which they inhabited, and perhaps with regard to the time
and means of their conversion to Christianity, each having been
converted at a different time and by a different saint. The substance
then of what he says appears to be, that there were in his time
five distinct tribes or congregations of people in Britain, each
converted to Christianity, and each having the gospel preached in
its own tongue. Supposing that the Picts and Scots, or Picts and
Britons, or Picts and English did speak exactly the same tongue,
it is not at all likely that Bede, in the present case, would have
classed them together as both being one nation. Moreover, suppose we
allow that Bede did mean that each of these nations spoke a language
quite distinct from all the others, then his statement cuts equally
at the Gothic and Celtic theory. The conclusion we are forced to is,
that from this passage nothing can be gained to help us out of our
difficulty.

There is a statement at the end of the passage quoted to which we
would draw the reader’s attention, as being Bede’s way, and no doubt
the universal way in his time, of accounting for a peculiar law which
appears to have regulated the succession to the Pictish throne, and
which ultimately, according to some, was the means of placing on that
throne a Scottish monarch; thus accounting to some extent for the
sudden disappearance and apparent destruction of the Pictish people
and language.

We shall here refer to one other passage in the same historian, which
has perhaps given rise to greater and more acrimonious contention
than any other point in connection with this wordy discussion. The
only word that has come down to us, which, with the exception of
the names of the Pictish kings, we can be sure is a remnant of the
Pictish language, is the name said by Bede to have been given to the
eastern termination of the wall of Antonine. Bede,[51] in speaking
of the turf wall built by the Britons of Valentia in the beginning
of the 5th century, says, “it begins at about two miles distance
from the monastery of Abercorn on the west, at a place called in the
Pictish language _Peanfahel_, but in the English tongue Penneltum.”
This statement of Bede’s is straightforward and clear enough, and
has never been disputed by any writer on any one of the three sides
of the question. Nevertheless it has been used by the advocates
respectively of the Gothic, Gaelic, and Cymric origin of the Picts,
as an undoubted proof of the correctness of each of these theories.
Pinkerton, whose dishonesty and acrimoniousness are well known, and
must detract considerably from the force of his arguments, claims
it as being entirely Gothic or Teutonic. “The Pictish word,” he
says,[52] “is broad Gothic; _Paena_ ‘to extend,’ Ihre; and _Vahel_,
a broad sound of _veal_, the Gothic for ‘wall,’ or of the Latin
_vallum_, contracted _val_; hence it means ‘the extent or end of
the wall.’” This statement of Pinkerton’s may be dismissed as too
far-fetched and awkward to merit much consideration, and we may
safely regard the word as capable of satisfactory explanation only
in Celtic. Innes, who upholds the British, _i.e._ the Cymric, origin
of the Picts, says,[53] “we nowhere find a clearer proof of the
Pictish language being the same as the British [Welsh], than in Bede,
where he tells us that _Penuahel_ in Pictish signifies the head of
the wall, which is just the signification that the same two words
_Pen_ and _Uahel_ have in the British.” In this opinion Chalmers
and other advocates of the Cymric theory coincide. Mr. Garnett, who
essentially agrees with Innes and Chalmers as to the Cymric origin
of the Picts, lays little stress upon this word as furnishing an
argument in support of his theory. “Almost the only Pictish word
given us by an ancient writer is the well-known _Pen val_ (or as it
appears in the oldest MSS. of Bede (_Peann fahel_)), the name given
by the Picts to the _Wall’s End_, or eastern termination of the
Vallum of Antoninus. It is scarcely necessary to say the first part
of the word is decidedly Cymric; _pen_, head, being contrary to all
Gaelic analogy. The latter half might be plausibly claimed as the
Gaelic _fal_; _gwall_ being the more common termination in Welsh for
a wall or rampart. _Fal_, however, does occur in Welsh in the sense
of _inclosure_, a signification not very remote.”[54]

The two most recent and able supporters[55] of the Gaelic theory
are of much the same mind as Garnett, and appear to regard this
tantalizing word as affording no support to either side. Burton[56]
cannot admit that anything has been made out of this leading to a
historical conclusion.

We may safely conclude, then, that this so called Pictish word, or,
indeed, any information which we find in Bede, affords us no key to
the perplexing question of the origin and race of the Picts.

We learn, however, one fact from Bede[57] which is so far
satisfactory, viz., that in his time there were two divisions of
the Picts, known as the Northern and Southern Picts, which were
separated from each other by steep and rugged mountains. On reading
the passage in Bede, one very naturally supposes that the steep and
rugged mountains must be the Grampians, to which the expression
applies more aptly than to any other mountain-chain in Scotland. Even
this, however, has been made matter of dispute, it being contended by
some that the locality of the Southern Picts was in the south-west
and south of Scotland, where some writers set up a powerful Pictish
kingdom. Mr. Grub,[58] however, has clearly shown that the locality
of the Southern Picts was to the north of the Forth and Clyde, and to
the south of the Grampians. “The mistake formerly so common in regard
to the country of the Southern Picts converted by St. Ninian, was in
part owing to the situation of Candida Casa. It was supposed that
his see must have been in the country of those whom he converted.”
He clearly proves that it was not so in reality, and that there was
nothing so unusual in the situation as to justify the conclusion
which was drawn from it. “It was, no doubt, the case that the
teachers by whom the chief Celtic and Teutonic nations were converted
generally fixed their seat among those whom they instructed in the
faith. But there was no necessity for this, especially when the
residence of the teacher was in the neighbourhood of his converts.
St. Columba was primate of all the churches of the Northern Picts,
but he did not permanently reside among that nation. St. Ninian had
ready access to his Pictish converts, and could govern them as
easily from his White Church on the Solway, as Columba could instruct
and rule the Northern Picts from his monastery in Iona.”[59]

Other authorities appealed to by the upholders of each of the Celtic
theories are the Welsh traditions, the Irish Annals, the Chronicles
of the Picts and Scots, and various legendary documents of more or
less value and authenticity. As these are of no greater authority
than the writers with whom we have been dealing, and as the partisans
of each theory claim the various passages as either confirming, or,
at any rate, not contradicting their views, we shall not further
trouble the reader with specimens of the manner in which they are
dealt with. There is one passage, however, in the Welsh Triads,
which the advocates of the Gaelic hypothesis claim as strongly
confirmatory of their theory. After referring to the coming in of
the Cymry, the Britons, etc., the Triads[60] go on to say, “Three
tribes came, under protection, into the Island of Britain, and by the
consent and permission of the nation of the Cymry, without weapon,
without assault. The first was the tribe of the Caledonians in the
north. The second was the Gwyddelian Race, which are now in Alban
(Scotland). The third were the men of Galedin, who came into the
Isle of Wight. Three usurping tribes came into the Island of Britain
and never departed out of it. The first were the _Coranied_, who
came from the land of Pwyl. The second were the Gwyddelian Ffichti,
who came into Alban over the sea of _Llychlyn_ (Denmark). The
third were the Saxons.” “The Triads,” says Skene[61] in connection
with this, “appear distinctly to have been written previous to the
Scottish conquest in the ninth century, and they mention among the
three usurping tribes of Britain the ‘_Gwyddyl Ffichti_,’ and add
immediately afterwards, ‘and these Gwyddyl Ffichti are in Alban,
along the shore of the sea of _Llychlyn_.’ In another place, among
the treacherous tribes of Britain, the same Triads mention the
‘Gwyddyl coch o’r Werddon a ddaethant in Alban,’ that is ‘the Red
Gwyddyl from Ireland, who came into Alban,’ plainly alluding to the
Dalriads, who were an Irish colony, and who have been acknowledged
by all to have been a Gaelic race. It will be observed from these
passages that the Welsh Triads, certainly the oldest and most
unexceptionable authority on the subject, apply the same term of
Gwyddyl to the Picts and to the Dalriads, and consequently they must
have been of the same race, and the Picts a Gaelic people. Farther,
the Welsh word ‘Gwyddyl,’ by which they distinguish that race, has
been declared by all the best authorities to be exactly synonymous
with the word Gael, the name by which the Highlanders have at all
times been distinguished, and the Welsh words ‘Gwyddyl Ffichti’
cannot be interpreted to mean any thing else than ‘The Gaelic Picts,’
_or_ ‘Pictish Gael.’”

The following is the substance of the information given by the Irish
writers as to the origin, race, and early history of the Picts.
The greater part of it is, of course, mere tradition, accumulating
as it grew older, and heightened by the imagination of the writers
themselves.[62] The Picts were called by the Irish writers
_Cruithnidh_, which O’Brien considers to be the same as Britneigh,
or Britons; but according to others the name was derived from
_Cruthen_, who founded the kingdom of the Picts in North Britain,
in the first century; others derive the name from _Cruit_, a harp,
hence Cruitneach, the Irish for Pict, also signifies a harper, as
they are said to have been celebrated harpers. The ancient Britons
are mentioned by Cæsar, and other Roman writers, to have painted
their bodies of a blue colour, with the juice of a plant called
woad, hence the painted Britons were called by the Romans _Picti_.
The Picts or Cruthneans, according to the Psalter of Cashel, and
other ancient annals, came from Thrace, in the reign of the Milesian
monarch Heremon, nearly a thousand years before the Christian era,
and landed at Inver Slainge, now the Bay of Wexford, under two chief
commanders named Gud and Cathluan, but not being permitted to settle
in Ireland, they sailed to Albain, or that part of North Britain, now
Scotland, their chiefs having been kindly supplied with wives of
Irish birth. The Cruthneans became possessed of North Britain, and
founded there the kingdom of the Picts. A colony of the Cruthneans,
or Picts, from North Britain, settled in Ulster in early times, and
are often mentioned from the first to the ninth century; they resided
chiefly in Dalaradia and Tir Eogain, or parts of Down, Antrim, and
Derry, and became mixed by intermarriages with the old Irish of the
Irian race, and were ruled over by their own princes and chiefs; and
some of those Picts, also settled in Connaught, in the county of
Roscommon. According to the Irish writers, the Picts, in their first
progress to Ireland from Thrace, settled a colony in Gaul, and the
tribes called Pictones and Pictavi, in that country, were descended
from them, and they gave name to Pictavia, or the city of Poictiers,
and the province of Poitou; and from these Picts were descended
the Vendeans of France. _The Caledonians_, or first inhabitants of
Scotland, are considered to have been the same as the Picts, and
mixed with Cimbrians or Britons, and some of the Milesian Scots from
Ireland.

The advocates of the various theories, apparently aware of how little
can be made of the meagre and suspicious information afforded by
these early histories and chronicles, have latterly made language
the principal battle-ground on which to fight out this endless and
profitless strife. Most of them take for granted that if the language
spoken by any people can be found out, a sure indication is afforded
of the race to which that people belonged; and that the topography
of a country must necessarily have been imposed by the earliest
inhabitants of whom we have record; and that, if so, the limits of
their territory must have been co-extensive with the limits of such
topography. This, however, is going too far. All the length to which
we are permitted in fairness to go, when we find in any district
or country an abundance of names of natural objects, as rivers and
mountains, which can with certainty be traced to any particular
language, is, that at one time or other, a race of people speaking
this language must have passed over and dwelt for some time in that
particular district or country. We find Celtic names of rivers and
mountains scattered all over Europe, in the midst of peoples who are
admitted on all hands to have little or none of the Celtic element
in them.[63] So that an unprejudiced judge must admit that the fact
of Cymric and Gaelic words being found in certain districts of the
north of Scotland argues only that at one time people speaking these
dialects must have dwelt in these districts. It affords no proof by
itself that the people whom we first meet with in these districts are
the people who spoke these dialects, and who imposed these names; nor
indeed, if we could be sure that the people whom we first meet with
as inhabitants also spoke the dialect to which such names belong,
does it prove that they were the imposers of these names, that the
dialect was their native and original tongue, and that they had not
acquired it either as conquerors or conquered. Nor can it be adduced
as a proof of sameness of race, that the present inhabitants of any
particular district speak the same language as those who inhabited
that district 1800 years ago or less. “He who trusts to language, and
especially to written language, alone, as an index to race, must be
prepared to maintain that the Gallic nation emigrated from the seven
hills of Rome, and that the Franks came with them; that the Romans
extirpated the Celts and Iberians of Spain, and that the Goths and
Moors spoke nearly the same language as the Romans; that the Negroes
of the United States and Jamaica were exported from England when in
their infancy. So would Philology, if left to herself, interpret
phenomena, of which we know, from other sources of information, that
the causes are totally different.”[64] “The clearest proof that a
mountain or river has a Celtic name, only shows that at some time
or other Celts had been there; it does not tell us when they were
there. Names, as the experience of the world amply shows, live after
the people who bestowed them have long disappeared, and that through
successive races of occupants.”[65]

The materials which have been wrought up into a linguistic argument
by the upholders of each of the three Pictish theories, Gothic,
Gaelic, and Cymric, are chiefly a list of Pictish kings which, we
believe, may be depended on as authentic, and the topography of the
country to the east and south-east of the Grampians, together with
the single so-called Pictish word _Peanfahel_, which we have already
considered. The theorists differ as much in their interpretation
of the significance of what remains of the Pictish language, as we
have seen they do in their interpretation of any references to the
subject in dispute in ancient chronicles. The names of the kings, and
the names of places have been traced by the disputants to Gothic,
Gaelic and Cymric roots. As an amusing specimen of the ingenuity
displayed in this hunt after roots, we give below a small table from
Burton, comparing the different etymologies of names of kings given
by Pinkerton, Chalmers, and Jamieson.[66]

It is, however, generally admitted at the present day, that so far
as language is concerned, the Gothic theory has not the remotest
chance; that names of places and of kings are most satisfactorily
and straightforwardly explained by Cymric roots. As the Gothic or
Teutonic theory cannot stand the test of modern criticism, we shall
content ourselves with giving specimens of the manner in which the
linguistic, or, more strictly, topographical argument is used by the
advocates of the Cymric and Gaelic hypotheses respectively.

The Cymric argument is clearly, ably, and succinctly stated by Mr.
Garnett in his essay on “The Relation of the Pict and Gael;” he,
however, it must be remembered, looked at the whole question mainly
in its philological aspect. In stating the argument we shall use
chiefly his own words.[67] “That the Picts were actually Celts,
and not of Teutonic race, is proved to a demonstration by the names
of their kings; of whom a list, undoubtedly genuine from the fifth
century downwards, was published by Innes, from a manuscript in the
Colbertine library. Some of those appellations are, as far as we
know at present, confined to the Pictish sovereigns; but others are
well-known Welsh and Gaelic names. They differ, however, slightly in
their forms, from their Cymric equivalents; and more decidedly so
from the Gaelic ones; and, as far as they go, lead to the supposition
that those who bore them spoke a language bearing a remote analogy to
the Irish with its cognates, but a pretty close one to the Welsh.

“In the list furnished by Innes the names _Maelcon_, _Elpin_, _Taran_
(i.e. thunder), _Uven_ (Owen), _Bargoit_, are those of personages
well known in British history or tradition. _Wrgust_, which appears
as Fergus in the Irish annals, is the Welsh _Gwrgust_. _Talorg_,
_Talorgan_, evidently contain the British word _Tal_, forehead, a
common element in proper names; ex. gr. _Talhaiarn_, Iron Forehead;
_Taliesin_, splendid forehead, &c. _Taleurgain_ would signify in
Welsh golden or splendid front. Three kings are represented as
sons of _Wid_, in the Irish annals of _Foit_ or _Foith_. In Welsh
orthography it would be _Gwydd_, wild; a common name in Brittany
at the present day, under the form of _Gwez_. The names _Drust_,
_Drostan_, _Wrad_, _Necton_ (in Bede _Naitan_), closely resemble
the Welsh _Trwst_, _Trwstan_, _Gwriad_, _Nwython_. It will be
sufficient to compare the entire list with the Irish or Highland
genealogies, to be convinced that there must have been a material
distinction between the two branches. Most of the Pictish names
are totally unknown in Irish or Highland history, and the few that
are equivalent, such as Angus and Fergus, generally differ in form.
The Irish annalists have rather obscured the matter, by transforming
those names according to their national system of orthography; but it
is remarkable that a list in the ‘Book of Ballymote,’ partly given by
Lynch in his ‘Cambrensis Eversus,’ agrees closely with Innes, even
preserving the initial _w_ or _u_ where the Gaelic would require _f_.
The philological inferences to be deduced from this document may be
thus briefly summed up:--1. The names of the Pictish kings are not
Gaelic, the majority of them being totally unknown both in the Irish
and Highland dialects, while the few which have Gaelic equivalents
decidedly differ from them in form. Cineod (Kenneth) and Domhnall or
Donnel, appear to be the only exceptions. 2. Some of them cannot be
identified as Welsh; but the greater number are either identical with
or resemble known Cymric names; or approach more nearly to Welsh in
structure and orthography than to any other known language. 3. There
appears nevertheless to have been a distinction, amounting, at all
events, to a difference in dialect. The Pictish names beginning with
_w_ would in Welsh have _gw_, as _Gwrgust_ for _Wrgust_, and so of
the rest. There may have been other differences sufficient to justify
Bede’s statement that the Pictish language was distinct from the
British, which it might very well be without any impeachment of its
claim to be reckoned as closely cognate.”

We have already referred to the use made of the Pictish word
_Peannfahel_, preserved by Bede, and to the phrase in Adamnan
concerning Columba’s preaching by means of an interpreter. It is
contended by the upholders of the Cymric theory that the ancient
topographical appellations of the Pictish territory can in general
only be explained by the Cymric dialects, one strong point being
the number of local names beginning with the Welsh prefix _aber_,
which, according to Chalmers, was in several instances subsequently
changed by the Gael into _inver_. Skene,[68] who felt the force of
this argument, tried to get rid of it by contending that _aber_
is essentially a Gaelic word, being compounded of _ath_, ford, and
_bior_, water. Garnett thinks this explanation utterly gratuitous,
and observes that the term may be much more satisfactorily accounted
for by a different process. “There are,” he observes,[69] “three
words in Welsh denoting a meeting of waters--_aber_, _cynver_, and
_ynver_,--respectively compounded of the particles _a_, denoting
juxtaposition, _cyn_ (Lat. _con_), and _yn_, with the root _ber_,
flowing, preserved in the Breton verb _beri_, to flow, and all
virtually equivalent to our word _confluence_. _Inver_ is the only
term known in any Gaelic dialect, either as an appellative or in
proper names; and not a single local appellation with the prefix
aber occurs either in Ireland or the Hebrides, or on the west coast
of Scotland. Indeed, the fact that _inver_ was substituted for it
after the Gaelic occupation of the Pictish territories, is decisive
evidence on the point; for, if _aber_ was a term familiar to the
Gael, why should they change it?”

“In Scotland,” says Isaac Taylor,[70] who upholds the Cymric
hypothesis, “the _invers_ and _abers_ are distributed in a curious
and instructive manner. If we draw a line across the map from a point
a little south of Inverary, to one a little north of Aberdeen, we
shall find that (with very few exceptions) the _invers_ lie to the
north west of the line, and the _abers_ to the south-east of it. This
line nearly coincides with the present southern limit of the Gaelic
tongue, and probably also with the ancient division between the Picts
and Scots. Hence we may conclude that the Picts, a people belonging
to the Cymric branch of the Celtic stock, and whose language has now
ceased to be anywhere vernacular, occupied the central and eastern
districts of Scotland, as far as the Grampians; while the Gadhelic
Scots have retained their language, and have given their name to the
whole country. The local names prove, moreover, that in Scotland the
Cymry did not encroach on the Gael, but the Gael on the Cymry. The
intrusive names are _invers_, which invaded the land of the _abers_.
Thus on the shore of the Frith of Forth we find a few _invers_ among
the _abers_. The Welsh word _uchel_, high, may also be adduced to
prove the Cymric affinities of the Picts. This word does not exist
in either the Erse or the Gaelic languages, and yet it appears in
the name of the OCHIL HILLS, in Perthshire. Again, the Erse _bally_,
a town, occurs in 2,000 names in Ireland; and, on the other hand,
is entirely absent in Wales and Brittany. In Scotland this most
characteristic test-word is found frequently in the _inver_ district,
while it never appears among the _abers_. The evidence of these names
makes it impossible to deny that the Celts of the Scottish Lowlands
must have belonged to the Cymric branch of the Celtic stock.”

We infer from what Mr. Taylor says, that he is of opinion that at one
time the language of the whole of the north of Scotland was Cymric,
but that the district in which the Scots obtained a settlement
afterwards underwent a change of topography. But it is admitted
on all hands that the Scottish Dalriada comprehended no more than
the modern Argyllshire, extending no farther north than Loch Leven
and Loch Linnhe; and that the Irish Scots had little influence on
the people or their language to the north-west of the Grampians.
Indeed, Skene[71] maintains that this district, in which he places
the Northern Picts, was never subjected to the Scots, and that it
was only the Southern Picts who latterly came under their sway. Yet
we find that the _abers_ here are few and far between, or, indeed,
any indications of Cymric possession such as we find in the southern
district. Is it possible that the Northern and Southern Picts were
representatives of the two great divisions of the Celts,--the former
claiming a Gaelic origin, and the latter a Cymric? Perhaps after
all the Welsh Triads may in course of time be of some help in the
solution of this dark problem, as, according to them, there was more
than one Celtic settlement in Scotland before the migration of the
Scots. The passages above quoted are, to all appearance, much more
favourable to the Gaelic than to the Cymric hypothesis, and have
been made much of by Skene and other supporters of that side of the
question.

The Cymric origin of the Picts, besides Garnett and Taylor, is
supported by such names as Innes, Chalmers, Ritson, Whittaker, Grub,
and others.

Pinkerton, it is well known, is the great and unscrupulous upholder
of the Gothic origin of the Picts; while the Gaelic theory has for
its supporters such writers, of undoubted ability and acuteness, as
Skene, E. W. Robertson, Forbes-Leslie, &c. Burton[72] is of opinion
that the Highlanders of the present day are the true representatives
of the Dalriadic Scots of the West.

We shall, as we have done in the case of the other side, allow the
upholders of the Gaelic hypothesis to state for themselves the
Gaelic topographical argument. We shall use the words of Colonel
Forbes-Leslie, who, in his invaluable work on the “Early Races of
Scotland,”[73] says, “The Celtic words Inver and Aber have nearly
the same meaning; and the relative position in which they occur in
names of places has been employed as if it were a sufficient argument
for defining the presence or preponderance of the British or Gaelic
Celts in certain districts. In this way Aber, prefixed to names of
places, has been urged as adequate proof that the Picts of Caledonia
were Celts of the British branch. The value of these and some other
words requires examination. Inver is to be found in names of places
in Wales. It may possibly be a British word. It certainly is a Gaelic
one. Aber, although undoubtedly British, is also Gaelic--compounded
of the two words Ath and Bior--and signifying the same as Inver,
viz., the confluence of two streams, or the entrance to a river. If
the word Aber had been unknown to the Gaelic scholars of modern days,
its former existence in that language might have been presumed from
the ancient names of places in the districts of Caledonia, where it
occurs most frequently, being generally Gaelic and not British.

“Beyond the limits of Caledonia on the south of the Forth and
Clyde, but within the boundary of modern Scotland, the word Inver,
generally pronounced Inner, is of common occurrence, and bears
witness to a Gaelic nomenclature. Thus, Inner or Inverkip, in the
county of Renfrew; Innerwell, in the county of Wigton; Innerwick,
in the county of Haddington; Innerleithen, in the county of Peebles;
Inverleith and Inveresk, in the county of Edinburgh, derive their
names from their situation in regard to the rivers Kip, Leithen, Esk,
&c. &c.

“From the Moray Frith to the Forth, in the eastern counties of
Caledonia, the prefix Inver or Aber is used indiscriminately in
contiguous places. At the confluence of lesser streams with the river
Dee, in Aberdeenshire, we find Inverey, Abergeldie, Invercauld,
Invercanny, Aberdeen. Yet in those counties--viz., Aberdeen,
Kincardine, Forfar, Perth, and Fife, in which were situated the
capitals, and which were the richest provinces of the southern
Picts--the number of names of places beginning with Inver is three
times as numerous as those commencing with Aber; there being, in a
list taken from land-registers, which do not go farther back than
the middle of the sixteenth century, seventy-eight with Inver to
twenty-four with Aber. It may, however, be admitted that, although
Aber is Gaelic, its use is far more general by Celts of the British
tribes; and that the predominance of Inver in the districts north of
the Spey, and the intermixture of places the names of which commence
with Inver or Aber, not unfrequently used in records of nearly the
same date for the same place in the country lying between the Moray
and the Solway Friths, is, to a certain extent, evidence of a British
element of population extending into Caledonia. The Britons, in
earlier times, may have been pressing on to the north by gradual
intrusion, and were probably afterwards increased by bodies of exiles
escaping from the severity of Roman bondage and the punishment of
unsuccessful revolt.

“That names of places containing the words Bal, from Bail, a place
or residence, and Ard, a height or rising ground, are so common in
Ireland, and comparatively rare, so it is alleged, in Caledonia,
has also been used as an argument to prove that the language of the
Picts and other Caledonians of the southern and eastern districts
was British, not Gaelic. But the foundation of the argument has been
assumed, and is easily disproved. It is true that of large towns and
places that appear in gazeteers, names commencing with Bal and Ard
are not numerous. But in fact such names are extremely common. In the
lowlands of Aberdeenshire--that is, in the portion of one county, and
in the part of Caledonia farthest removed from the settlements of
the intrusive Gaels, viz., the Scots from Ireland--registers of land
show upwards of fifty places the names of which commence with Bal,
and forty which commence with Ard. In the Pictish territory, from the
Moray Frith to the Forth, I soon collected upwards of four hundred
names of places beginning with Bal, and upwards of one hundred with
Ard; and the number might easily be doubled.”

Mr. E. W. Robertson, one of the latest and ablest upholders of this
theory, thinks[74] there is scarcely sufficient evidence to justify
any very decided conclusion as to the pre-existence of a Cymric
population; and that, whilst it would be unquestionably erroneous
to ascribe a Cymric origin to the Picts, the existence of a Celtic
element akin to the Cymri, amongst the population of Alban before the
arrival of the _Gwyddel Ffichti_, must remain to a certain extent an
open question.

Of all _a priori_ theories that have hitherto been advanced as to how
Scotland was likely to have been at first peopled, that of Father
Innes, the first writer who investigated the subject thoroughly and
critically, appears to us to be the most plausible and natural,
although even it is beset with many difficulties. It appears to him
more natural and probable that the Caledonian Britons, or Picts, were
of the same origin as the Britons of the south; that as these came in
originally from the nearest coast of Gaul, as they multiplied in the
island, they advanced to the north and settled there, carrying with
them the customs and language of the South Britons.[75]

We have thus endeavoured to lay before the reader, as fully as
space permits, and as clearly and unprejudicedly as possible, the
materials at present existing by means of which to form an opinion on
the Pictish question, and the arguments _pro_ and _con_, mainly in
their own words, urged by the partisans of the different theories.
It appears to us that the data within reach are far too scanty to
justify any one in coming to a settled conclusion, and that we must
wait for more light before we can be justified in finally making up
our minds on this perplexing subject.[76]

At the present day we find that nearly the whole of the territory
said to have been originally occupied by the Picts, is inhabited,
and has been for centuries, by a population which in appearance is
far more Teutonic than Celtic, and which undoubtedly speaks a broad
Teutonic dialect.[77] And even in the district where the Gaelic
language has been triumphant for ages, it is acknowledged even by
the most devoted partisans of the Gaelic theory, that among the
population there is a very considerable intermixture of the Teutonic
element. Burton thinks, from a general view of the whole question,
that the proportion of the Teutonic race that came into the use of
the Gaelic, was much greater than the proportion of the Gaelic that
came into the use of the Teutonic or Saxon, and that this may account
for the contrasts of physical appearance to be seen in the Highlands.

We certainly have not exhausted the statement of the question, have
not stated fully and completely all the points in dispute; nor do
we pretend to have given with fulness all the arguments _pro_ and
_con_ on the various sides. We have, however, given as much as
will enable any ordinary reader to form for himself a fair idea
of the present state of the Pictish question, and indicated the
sources whence more information may be derived, should any one
wish to pursue the subject farther. In the words of the latest and
greatest Scottish historian “this brief survey of the great Pictish
controversy leaves nothing but a melancholy record of wasted labour
and defeated ambition. It has been more fruitless than a polemical or
a political dispute, for these leave behind them, either for good or
evil, their marks upon the conduct and character of the populations
among whom they have raged; while here a vast outlay of learning,
ingenuity, enthusiasm, and, it must be added, temper, have left no
visible monument but a pile of forbidding volumes, in which should
any one who has not studied the matter fundamentally expect to find
instructive information, he will assuredly be led into a tangled
maze of unintelligible pedantry, from which he will come forth with
no impression but a nightmare feeling of hopeless struggle with
difficulties.”[78]

FOOTNOTES:

[24] Garnett’s _Philological Essays_, p. 196.

[25] Agricola xi.

[26] The wall of Antonine.

[27] Dio L. 76, c. 12, as quoted in Ritson’s _Annals_, p. 11.

[28] Critical Essay, ch. ii.

[29] _Highlanders._

[30] Book iii.

[31] “Scotti per diversa vagantes, multa populabantur.” Am. Mar.
xxvii. 8.

[32] “---- Nec falso nomine Pictos
Edomuit.”

[33] “Venit et extremis legio prætenta Britannis
Quæ Scoto dat fræna truci, ferroque notatas
Perlegit exangues Scoto moriente figuras.”--
_De bello Getico_, v. 416.

Thus rendered by Ritson:--

The legion came, o’er distant Britains placed,
Which bridles the fierce Scot, and bloodless figures
With iron marked, views in the dying Pict.

[34] The name given by the Irish Annalists to the Picts is
_Cruithne_, said by some to mean “variegated.”

[35] The only important exception is Ritson, whose arguments, like
those of his opponent Pinkerton, consist mostly of virulent language
and vehement assertion.

[36] In Amm. Mar.

[37] It is a curious fact that these latter are, among the peasantry
of Scotland, the distinctive characteristics of the Picts or Pechts,
who, however, it is not unlikely, may be popularly confounded with
the Brownies, especially as, in Perthshire at any rate, they are said
always to have done their work while others were asleep.

[38] Skene’s _Highlanders_, vol. i. p. 2.

[39] L. O. Pike, _The English and their Origin_, ch. i.

[40] _Biographia Britannica Literaria_, vol. i.

[41] Gildas, 1.

[42] Id., 19.

[43] Gildas, 14.

[44] _Highlanders_, vol. i. p. 72.

[45] Garnett’s _Philological Essays_, p. 199.

[46] Adam. _ap. Colganum_, 1. ii. c. 32.

[47] On the subject in question the recently published _Book of Deer_
cannot be said to afford us any information. It gives a short account
of the landing of Columba and a companion at Aberdour in the north of
Aberdeenshire, and the founding of a monastery at Deer. But although
the entries are in Gaelic, they do not tell us what language Columba
spoke, nor whether ‘Bede the Pict,’ the mormaer of Buchan, understood
him without an interpreter. The name of the saint--Drostan--whom
Columba left behind him to prosecute the work, is Pictish, at any
rate not Irish, so that nothing can be inferred from this. Since much
of the first part of this book was written, Mr. Skene has advanced
the theory, founded partly on four new Pictish words he has managed
to discover, that the language of the Picts was neither pure Gaelic
nor Cymric, ‘but a sort of low Gaelic dialect partaking largely of
Welsh forms.’ This theory is not new, but was distinctly put forth
by Dr. Maclauchlan some years ago in his able and learned work, _The
Early Scottish Church_, p. 29: if true, it would certainly satisfy a
great many of the demands which any hypothesis on the subject must do.

[48] Bede’s _Eccles. Hist._, Book 1. c. i.

[49] Nennius 12, Vatican MS.

[50] _Critical Essay on Scotland_, vol. i. p. 68.

[51] Book i., c. 12.

[52] _Inquiry into the Hist. of Scot._, vol. i. p. 357, ed. 1814.

[53] _Crit. Essay_, vol. i. p. 75.

[54] Garnett’s _Phil. Essays_, p. 198.

[55] Robertson’s _Scotland under her Early Kings_, vol. ii. p. 380.
Forbes-Leslie’s _Early Races of Scotland_, vol. i. p 35.

[56] _Hist. of Scot._, vol. i. p. 187.

[57] Book iii. ch. 4.

[58] _Eccl. Hist. of Scot._, vol. i. p. 15, &c.

[59] _Eccl. Hist. of Scot._, vol. i. p. 17.

[60] Davies’ _Celtic Researches_, p. 155.

[61] _Highlanders of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 69.

[62] We are indebted for most of the following account to Connellan’s
_Annals of the Four Masters_, p. 367 (note).

[63] See Taylor’s _Words and Places_, ch. ix.

[64] Pike’s _English and their Origin_, ch. ii., which contains some
shrewd and valuable remarks on the subject of language.

[65] Burton, vol. i. p. 192.

For other instances see Burton’s _Scotland_, i. p. 196.

[67] Garnett’s _Phil. Essays_, pp. 197, 198.

[68] _Highlanders._

[69] _Phil. Essays_, p. 200.

[70] _Words and Places_, p. 246.

[71] Highlanders.

[72] _Scotland_, vol i. p. 207.

[73] Vol. i. p. 26.

[74] Vol. ii. p. 377.

[75] _Essay on Scotland_, vol. i. p. 70.

[76] We have already (p. 22) referred to the Gaelo-Cymric theory
broached by Dr. Maclauchlan in his _Early Scottish Church_, and
recently adopted by Dr. Skene. Speaking of the distribution of the
topographical nomenclature in the Highlands, Dr. Maclauchlan says it
indicates one of two things; “either that the one race overpowered
the other in the east, and superinduced a new nomenclature over the
old throughout the country,--that we have in fact two successive
strata of Celtic names, the Gaelic underlying the British, which
is by no means impossible; or, what is more likely, that the
Pictish people were a people lying midway between the Gael and the
Cymri--more Gaelic than the Cymri, and more Cymric than the Gael.
This is precisely the character of the old Pictish topography; it is
a mixture of Gaelic and Cymric; and if the language of the people
was like their topography, it too was a language neither Gaelic
nor Cymric, but occupying a middle space between them, indicating
the identity of the races at some distant period, although they
afterwards became rivals for the possession of the land.” This we
think on the whole the most satisfactory theory yet propounded.

[77] We would infer from the recently published _Book of Deer_, that
down at least to the time of David II., the inhabitants were still a
Gaelic speaking population; all the entries in that book as to land
are in that language.

[78] Burton, vol. i. p. 200.

CHAPTER III.

A.D. 446-843.

Early History--Scottish Settlement--Origin of
Scots--Dalriada--Conversion of Picts--Druidism--St.
Columba--Iona--Spread of Christianity--Brude
and his Successors--Dun-Nechtan--Pictish
Wars--Ungus--Contests--Norsemen--Union of Picts and
Scots--Scoto-Irish or Dalriads--Lorn, Fergus, Angus and their
Successors--Aidan--Contest at Degsastan--Donal Breac--Wars
with Irish and Picts--Conal II. and Successors--Ferchar
Fada--Selvach and Duncha Beg--Eocha III. unites
Dalriada--Muredach--Contests with Picts--Aodh-fin--Eocha IV. or
Achaius--Alpin--Kenneth--Union of Picts and Scots--Dalriadic
Government--Tanist--Brehon--Laws--Fosterage--Lists of Kings.

As we have already said, the materials for the internal history of
the Highlands during the Roman occupation are of the scantiest,
nearly all that can be recorded being the struggles of the northern
tribes with the Roman invaders, and the incursions of the former and
their allies into the territories of the Romanized Britons. Doubtless
many events as worthy of record as these, an account of which has
been preserved, were during this period being transacted in the
northern part of Scotland, and we have seen that many additions,
from various quarters, must have been made to the population.
However, there are no records extant which enable us to form any
distinct notion of the nature of these events, and history cannot be
manufactured.

After the departure of the Romans, the provincial Britons of the
south of Scotland were completely at the mercy of the Picts as well
as the Saxons, who had been invited over by the South Britons to
assist them against the northern barbarians. These Saxons, we know,
very soon entered into alliance with those whom they came to repel,
and between them the Britons south of the friths were eventually
driven into the West, where for centuries they appear to have
maintained an independent kingdom under the name of Strathclyde,
until ultimately they were incorporated with the Scots.[79]

Although both the external and internal history of the Highlands
during this period is much better known than in the case of the
Roman period, still the materials are exceedingly scanty. Scottish
historians, from Fordun and Boece downwards, made it their business
to fill up from their own imaginations what is wanting, so that,
until the simple-minded but acute Innes put it in its true light, the
early history of Scotland was a mass of fable.

Undoubtedly the two most momentous events of this period are the firm
settlement in Argyle of a colony of Scots from Ireland and some of
the neighbouring isles in 503,[80] and the conversion of the Northern
Picts to Christianity by Columba about 563.

At the time of the Roman abandonment of Britain the Picts were under
the sway of a king or chieftain named Drust, son of Erp, concerning
whom the only record remaining is, that he lived a hundred years and
fought a hundred battles. In fact, little is known with certainty
of the Pictish history for upwards of one hundred years after the
departure of the Romans, although some ancient chronicles afford us
lists of Pictish kings or princes, a chronological table of whom,
from Drust downwards, will be found at the end of this chapter. The
Pictish chronicle contains the names of thirty-six others who are
said to have reigned before Drust, but these are generally regarded
as almost entirely spurious.

Before proceeding farther with the Pictish history, it may be proper
to give a brief account of the settlement of the Irish Scots or
Dalriads, as they are frequently called, in the Pictish territory.

The time of the settlement of the Scots in present Scotland was for
long a subject of disputation, the early Scottish historians, from
a false and unscrupulous patriotism, having pushed it back for many
centuries before its actual occurrence. This dispute is now, however,
fairly set at rest, there being no foundation for believing that the
Scots found their way from Ireland to Scotland earlier than a century
or two before the birth of Christ. As we have already seen, we find
the first mention of the Scots in Ammianus Marcellinus about the year
360 A.D.; and their name occurs in the same connection frequently
afterwards, during the Roman occupation of Scotland. Burton[81] is of
opinion that the migration did not take place at any particular time
or under any particular leader, but that it was gradual, that the
Scots “oozed” out of Ireland upon the western coast of Scotland.

It belongs to the history of Ireland to trace the origin and fix the
race of the Scots, to settle the time of their coming into Ireland,
and discover whence they came. Some suppose that they migrated
originally from Britain to Ireland, while Innes and others bring them
either from Scandinavia or Spain, and connect them with the Scyths,
asserting that Scot is a mere corruption of Scyth, and dating the
settlement at about the commencement of the Christian era. The Irish
traditions connect them with a certain Scota, daughter of Pharaoh,
and date their coming to Ireland upwards of 1,000 years B.C. E. W.
Robertson[82] and others consider them to have been Irish Picts or
Cruithne.

Wherever the Scots came from and to whatever race they belong,
whether Teutonic or Celtic, they certainly appear not to have
been the first settlers in Ireland, and at the time at which they
first appear in authentic history occupied a district in Ireland
corresponding to Connaught, Leinster, and part of Munster. They were
also one of the most powerful of the Irish tribes, seeing that for
many centuries Ireland was, after them, called Scotia or Scotland.
It is usually said that a particular corner in the north-east of
Ireland, about 30 miles in extent, corresponding to the modern
county of Antrim, was the kingdom of the particular band of Scots
who migrated to Scotland; and that it received its name, Dal-Riada
(‘the portion of Riada’), from Carbre-Riada, a leader of the Scots
who conquered this particular part, previously inhabited by Cruithne
or Irish Picts. Robertson,[83] however, considers all this fable
and the kingdom of Dalriada as mythical, Tighernach and the early
Irish annalists never applying the name to any other locality than
British Dalriada. At all events, this particular district was spoken
of by the later chroniclers under the name of Dalriada, there being
thus a Dalriada both in Scotland and Ireland.[84] At the time of the
migration of the Scots from Ireland to Scotland, they were to all
intents and purposes a Celtic race, speaking Trish Gaelic, and had
already been converted to Christianity.

The account of the Scottish migration usually given is, that in the
year 503 A.D.,[85] a new colony of Dalriads or Dalriadic Scots, under
the leadership of Fergus son of Erc, a descendant of Carbre-Riada,
along with his brothers Lorn and Angus, left Ireland and settled
on the western coast of Argyle and the adjacent islands. “The
territories which constituted the petty kingdoms of Dalriada can be
pretty well defined. They were bounded on the south by the Frith of
Clyde, and they were separated on the east from the Pictish kingdom
by the ridge of the great mountain chain called Drumalban. They
consisted of four tribes,--the genus or Cinel Lorn, descended from
Lorn, the elder of the three brothers; the Cinel Gabran and Cinel
Comgall, descended from two sons of Domangart, son of Fergus, the
second of the brothers; and the Cinel Angus, descended from the third
brother, Angus. The Cinel Comgall inhabited the district formerly
called Comgall, now corrupted into Cowall. The Cinel Gabran inhabited
what was called the Airgiallas, or the district of Argyle proper, and
Kintyre. The Cinel Angus inhabited the islands of Islay and Jura, and
the Cinel Lorn, the district of Lorn. Beyond this, on the north, the
districts between Lorn and the promontory of Ardnamurchan, _i.e._,
the island of Mull, the district of Morven, Ardgower, and probably
part of Lochaber, seem to have formed a sort of debatable ground,
the population of which was Pictish, while the Scots had settlements
among them. In the centre of the possessions of the Cinel Gabran, at
the head of the well-sheltered loch of Crinan, lies the great Moss
of Crinan, with the river Add flowing through it. In the centre of
the moss, and on the side of the river, rises an isolated rocky hill
called Dunadd, the top of which is strongly fortified. This was the
capital of Dalriada, and many a stone obelisk in the moss around it
bears silent testimony to the contests of which it was the centre.
The picturesque position of Dunolly Castle, on a rock at the entrance
of the equally sheltered bay of Oban, afforded another fortified
summit, which was the chief stronghold of the tribe of Lorn. Of
Dunstaffnage, as a royal seat, history knows nothing.”[86]

It would appear that Lorn and Fergus at first reigned jointly, the
latter becoming sole monarch on the decease of the former. The
succession appears not to have been confined to any particular line,
and a disputed succession not unfrequently involved the Scots in
civil war.

There is no portion of history so obscure or so perplexing as that of
the Scoto-Irish kings, and their tribes, from their first settlement,
in the year 503, to their accession to the Pictish throne in 843.
Unfortunately no contemporaneous written records appear ever to have
existed of that dark period of our annals, and the efforts which the
Scotch and Irish antiquaries have made to extricate the truth from
the mass of contradictions in which it lies buried, have rather been
displays of national prejudice than calm researches by reasonable
inquirers. The annals, however, of Tigernach, and of Ulster, along
with the brief chronicles and historical documents first brought to
light by the industrious Innes, in his Critical Essay, have thrown
some glimpses of light on a subject which had long remained in almost
total darkness.[87]

The next authentic event of importance that falls to be recorded in
connection with the history of the Highlands, is the conversion of
the Northern Picts to Christianity, about the year 563. The Southern
Picts, i.e. those living to the south and east of the Grampians,
were converted by St. Ninian (360-432) about the beginning of the
5th century; but the Northern Picts, until the date above-mentioned,
continued Pagans. That there were no Christians among them till that
time appears very improbable, considering their close neighbourhood
and constant intercourse with the Southern Picts and the Scots of
Dalriada; but there can be no doubt that the court and the great bulk
of the people adhered to their ancient superstitions.

The religion of the Picts before their conversion is supposed by the
majority of writers on this subject to have been that which prevailed
in the rest of Britain and in Celtic Gaul, Druidism. The incredulous
Burton, however, if we may judge from his History of Scotland,[88]
as well as from an article of his in the Edinburgh Review, seems to
believe that the whole system of Druidism has been elaborated by the
imaginations of modern historians. That the Picts previous to their
conversion had a religion, and a religion with what may be called
priests and religious services, cannot be doubted, if we may trust
Tacitus and Adamnan, the biographer of Columba; the former of whom
tells us that, previous to the battle of the Grampians, the union
of the various tribes was ratified by solemn rites and sacrifices,
and the latter, that Columba’s efforts at conversion were strenuously
opposed by the diabolical arts and incantations of the Magi. It
appears from Adamnan that fountains were particularly objects of
veneration; the superstitious awe with which many fountains and
wells are regarded at the present day, being doubtless a remnant of
the ancient Pictish religion. Trees, rivers, and lakes, as well as
the heavenly bodies, appear also to have been objects of religious
regard, and not a few of the customs which exist in Scotland at the
present day have been inherited from our Pictish ancestors. Such
are many of the rites performed on Hallowe’en, Beltane, Midsummer,
&c., and many every-day superstitions still prevalent in the country
districts of Scotland.

“Druidism is said to have acknowledged a Supreme Being, whose
name was synonymous with the Eastern Baal, and if so, was visibly
represented by the sun; and such remnants of the ancient worship as
are still traceable in the language of the people, would indicate
its having been a species of sun-worship. To this day the four
leading points of the compass bear, in the terms which designate them
among the Gael, marks of this. The east is _ear_, like the Latin
_oriens_, from the Gaelic _eiridh_, ‘to rise;’ the west is _iar_,
‘after,’ used also as a preposition; the south is _deas_, and the
north _tuath_; and it is in the use of these terms that the reverence
for the solar luminary chiefly appears. _Deas_, ‘the south,’ is in
all circumstances _right_; it is the _right_ hand, which is easily
intelligible, from the relation of that hand to the south when the
face looks eastward; and it is expressive of whatever is otherwise
_right_. _Deas_ also means complete, trim, ready; whatever is
_deas_, or southerly, is just as it should be. _Tuath_, ‘north,’
is the very opposite. _Tuathaisd_ is a ‘stupid fellow;’ _Tuathail_
is ‘wrong’ in every sense: south and north, then, as expressed in
the words _deiseal_ and _tuathail_, are, in the Gaelic language,
the representatives of right and wrong. Thus everything that is to
move prosperously among many of the Celts, must move sunwise: a boat
going to sea must turn sunwise; a man or woman immediately after
marriage, must make a turn sunwise. There are relics of fire-worship
too; certain days are named from fire-lighting; _Beallteine_, or
‘the first day of summer,’ and _saimhtheine_, ‘the first day of
winter,’--the former supposed to mean the fire of Baal or Bel,
the latter closing the saimhré, or summer period of the year, and
bringing in the geamhré, or winter period, are sufficient evidence of
this. There are places in Scotland where within the memory of living
men the _teine eigin_, or ‘forced fire,’ was lighted once every year
by the rubbing of two pieces of wood together, while every fire
in the neighbourhood was extinguished in order that they might be
lighted anew from this sacred source.”[89]

[Illustration: Stonehenge.--Copied by permission from Col.
Forbes-Leslie’s _Early Races of Scotland_.]

Many of the antiquities which are scattered over the north of
Scotland, such as stone circles, monoliths, sculptured stones,
rocking stones, &c., are very generally supposed to have been
connected with religion. From the resemblance of the circles
especially, to those which exist in South Britain and in France, it
has been supposed that one religion prevailed over these countries.
As Druidism is so commonly believed to have prevailed among the
Picts as well as among the other inhabitants of Britain, we shall
here give a very brief account of that system, chiefly as we find it
given in Cæsar.[90] The following is the account given by Cæsar of
the character and functions of the Druids:--“They attend to divine
worship, perform public and private sacrifices, and expound matters
of religion. A great number of youths are gathered round them for
the sake of education, and they enjoy the highest honour in that
nation; for nearly all public and private quarrels come under their
jurisdiction; and when any crime has been committed, when a murder
has been perpetrated, when a controversy arises about a legacy,
or about landmarks, they are the judges too. They fix rewards and
punishments; and should any one, whether a private individual or a
public man, disobey their decrees, then they exclude him from the
sacrifices. All these Druids have one chief, who enjoys the highest
authority amongst them. When he dies, he is succeeded by the member
of the order who is most prominent amongst the others, if there
be any such single individual; if, however, there are several men
equally distinguished, the successor is elected by the Druids.
Sometimes they even go to war about this supremacy.

“The Druids take no part in warfare; nor do they pay taxes like
the rest of the people; they are exempt from military service, and
from all public burdens. Attracted by such rewards, many come to
be instructed by their own choice, while others are sent by their
parents. They are reported to learn in the school a great number
of verses, so that some remain there twenty years. They think it
an unhallowed thing to commit their lore to writing, though in the
other public and private affairs of life they frequently make use
of the Greek alphabet.... Beyond all things, they are desirous to
inspire a belief that men’s souls do not perish, but transmigrate
after death from one individual to another; and besides, they hold
discourses about the stars, about the size of the world and of
various countries, about the nature of things, and about the power
and might of the immortal gods.”

Among the objects of druidical veneration the oak is said to have
been particularly distinguished; for the Druids imagined that there
was a supernatural virtue in the wood, in the leaves, in the fruit,
and above all in the _mistletoe_. Hence the oak woods were the
first places of their devotion; and the offices of their religion
were there performed without any covering but the broad canopy of
heaven. The part appropriated for worship was inclosed in a circle,
within which was placed a pillar of stone set up under an oak, and
sacrifices were offered thereon. The pillars which mark the sites of
these places of worship are still to be seen; and so great is the
superstitious veneration paid by the country people to these sacred
stones, as they are considered, that few persons have ventured to
remove them.

[Illustration: Circle of Callernish in Lewis.--Copied by permission
from Col. Forbes-Leslie’s _Early Races of Scotland_.]

Besides the immunities before-mentioned enjoyed by the Druids,
they also possessed both civil and criminal jurisdiction, they
decided all controversies among states as well as among private
persons; and whoever refused to submit to their awards was exposed
to the most severe penalties. The sentence of excommunication was
pronounced against him; he was debarred all intercourse with his
fellow-citizens; his company was universally shunned as profane and
dangerous; he was refused the protection of law; and death itself
became an acceptable relief from the misery and infamy to which he
was exposed.

St. Columba was born in the county of Donegal, in Ireland, in the
year 521, and was connected both on his father’s and mother’s side
with the Irish royal family. He was carefully educated for the
priesthood, and, after having finished his ecclesiastical studies,
founded monasteries in various parts of Ireland. The year of his
departure from Ireland is, on good authority, ascertained to have
been 563, and it is generally said that he fled to save his life,
which was in jeopardy on account of a feud in which his relations
were involved. Mr. Grub[91] believes that “the love of God and of
his brethren was to him a sufficient motive for entering on the
great work to which he was called. His immediate objects were the
instruction of the subjects of Conal, king of the British Scots, and
the conversion of their neighbours the heathen Picts of the North.”
In the year 563, when Columba was 42 years of age, he arrived among
his kindred on the shores of Argyle, and immediately set himself
to fix on a suitable site for a monastery which he meant to erect,
from which were to issue forth the apostolic missionaries destined
to assist him in the work of conversion, and in which also the youth
set apart for the office of the holy ministry were to be educated.
St. Columba espied a solitary isle lying apart from the rest of the
Hebridean group, near the south-west angle of Mull, then known by
the simple name I, whose etymology is doubtful, afterwards changed
by Bede into Hy, latinized by the monks into Iova or Iona, and again
honoured with the name of I-columb-cil, the island of St. Columba of
the church. This island, Conal, who was then king of the Christian
Scots of Argyle, presented to Columba, in order that he might erect
thereon a monastery for the residence of himself and his disciples.
No better station could have been selected than this islet during
such barbarous times.

[Illustration: Ruins on Iona.]

In pursuance of his plan, St. Columba settled with twelve disciples
in Hy. “They now,” says Bede, “neither sought, nor loved, anything
of this world,”--true traits in the missionary character. For two
years did they labour with their own hands erecting huts and building
a church of logs and reeds. “The monastery of Iona, like those
previously founded by Columba in Ireland, was not a retreat for
solitaries whose chief object was to work out their own salvation;
it was a great school of Christian education, and was specially
designed to prepare and send forth a body of clergy trained to
the task of preaching the Gospel among the heathen.”[92] Having
established his missionary institution, and having occupied himself
for some time in the instruction of his countrymen the Scots of
Argyle, the pious Columba set out on his apostolic tour among the
Picts, probably in the year 565. At this time Bridei or Brude, whose
reign extended from 536 to 586, the son of Mailcon, a powerful and
influential prince, reigned over the Northern Picts, and appears also
to have had dominion over those of the south. Judging well that if
he could succeed in converting Brude, who, when Columba visited him
was staying at one of his residences on the banks of the Ness, the
arduous task he had undertaken of bringing over the whole nation to
the worship of the true God would be more easily accomplished, he
first began with the king, and by great patience and perseverance
succeeded in converting him.

The first Gaelic entry in the _Book of Deer_ lets us see the great
missionary on one of his tours, and describes the founding of an
important mission-station which became the centre of instruction
for all the surrounding country. The following is the translation
given of the Gaelic original:--“Columcille, and Drostán son of
Cosgrach, his pupil, came from Hí, as God had shown to them, unto
Abbordoboir, and Bede the Pict was mormaer of Buchan before them,
and it was he that gave them that town in freedom for ever from
mormaer and toisech. They came after that to the other town, and
it was pleasing to Columcille because it was full of God’s grace,
and he asked of the mormaer, to wit Bede, that he should give it to
him; and he did not give it, and a son of his took an illness after
[or in consequence of] refusing the clerics, and he was nearly dead
[_lit._ he was dead but if it were a little]. After this the mormaer
went to entreat the clerics that they should make prayer for the son,
that health should come to him; and he gave in offering to them from
Cloch in tiprat to Cloch pette meic Garnait. They made the prayer,
and health came to him. After that Columcille gave to Drostán that
town, and blessed it, and left as (his) word, ‘Whosoever should come
against it, let him not be many-yeared [or] victorious.’ Drostán’s
tears came on parting from Columcille. Said Columcille, ‘Let DÉAR be
its name henceforward.’”

The _Abbordoboir_ here spoken of is Aberdour on the north coast of
Aberdeenshire, and _Dear_ probably occupied the site of what is now
Old Deer, about twelve miles inland from Aberdour. There is every
reason for believing in the substantial truth of the narrative. The
two saints, probably from the banks of the Ness, came to Aberdour
and “tarried there for a time and founded a monastery on the land
which had been granted them. In later times the parish church of
Aberdour was dedicated to St. Drostan.” One would almost be inclined
to suppose, from the manner in which the missionaries were apparently
received, that Christianity had been heard of there before; possibly
Bede the Pictish mormaer had been converted at the court of King
Brude, and had invited Columba to pay him a visit in Buchan and plant
the gospel among the inhabitants. Possibly St. Ninian, the apostle
of the southern Picts, may, during his mission among them, have
penetrated as far north as Buchan. On the side of the choir of the
old parish church of Turriff, a few miles west of Deer, was found
painted the figure of St. Ninian, which was probably as old as the
16th century. At all events, Columba and his companion appear to have
been made most welcome in Buchan, and were afforded every facility
for prosecuting their sacred work. The above record doubtless gives
us a fair notion of Columba’s mode of procedure in prosecuting his
self-imposed task of converting the inhabitants of Alba. As was the
case in Buchan, he appears to have gone from district to district
along with his missionary companions, seen the work of conversion
fairly begun, planted a monastery in a suitable place, and left one
or more of his disciples as resident missionaries to pursue the work
of conversion and keep Christianity alive in the district.[93]

Columba soon had the happiness of seeing the blessings of
Christianity diffusing themselves among a people who had hitherto sat
in the darkness of paganism. Attended by his disciples he traversed
the whole of the Pictish territories, spreading everywhere the light
of faith by instructing the people in the truths of the Gospel. To
keep up a succession of the teachers of religion, he established,
as we have seen, monasteries in every district, and from these
issued, for many ages, men of apostolic earnestness, who watered
and tended the good seed planted by Columba, and carried it to the
remotest parts of the north of Scotland and its islands, so that, in
a generation or two after Columba, Christianity became the universal
religion. These monasteries or cells were long subject to the Abbey
of Iona, and the system of church government which proceeded from
that centre was in many respects peculiar, and has given rise to much
controversy between presbyterians and episcopalians.

St. Columba died on the 9th of June, 597, after a glorious and
well-spent life, thirty-four years of which he had devoted to the
instruction of the nation he had converted. His influence was very
great with the neighbouring princes, and they often applied to
him for advice, and submitted to him their differences, which he
frequently settled by his authority. His memory was long held in
reverence by the Scots and Caledonians.

Conal, the fifth king of the Scots in Argyle, the kinsman of
St. Columba, and under whose auspices he entered on the work of
conversion, and to whom it is said he was indebted for Hy, died in
571. His successor Aidan went over to Iona in 574, and was there
ordained and inaugurated by the Abbot according to the ceremonial of
the _liber vitreus_, the cover of which is supposed to have been
encrusted with crystal.

To return to the history of the Picts, we have already observed that
little is known of Pictish history for more than a hundred years
after the Roman abdication; and even up to the union of the Picts
and Scots, the materials for the history of both are about as scarce
as they could possibly be, consisting mostly of meagre chronicles
containing the names of kings, the dates of their accession and
death, and occasionally the names of battles and of the contending
nations. Scotland during this period appears to have been the scene
of unceasing war between the Scots, Picts, Britons of Strathclyde,
English, and Danes, the two first being continually at strife not
only with each other but among themselves. We shall endeavour to
give, as clearly and as faithfully as possible, the main reliable
facts in the history of the Scots and Picts until the union of these
two nations.

The reign of Brude was distinguished by many warlike exploits, but
above all, as we have seen, by his conversion and that of his people
to Christianity, which indeed formed his greatest glory. His chief
contests were with the Scoto-Irish or Dalriads, whom he defeated in
557, and slew Gauran their king. Brude died in 586, and for several
ages his successors carried on a petty system of warfare, partly
foreign and partly domestic. Passing over a domestic conflict, at
Lindores in 621, under Kenneth, son of Luthrin, we must notice
the important battle of Dun-Nechtan, fought in 685, between the
Picts under Brude, the son of Bili,[94] and the Saxons, under the
Northumbrian Egfrid. The Saxon king, it is said, greedy of conquest,
attacked the Picts without provocation, and against the advice of his
court. Crossing the Forth from Lothian, he entered Strathearn and
penetrated through the defiles of the Pictish kingdom, leaving fire
and desolation in his train. His career was stopt at Dun-Nechtan, the
hill of Nechtan, a hill in the parish of Dunnichen, about the centre
of Forfarshire; and by a neighbouring lake, long known by the name of
Nechtan’s mere, a short distance east from the town of Forfar, did
Egfrid and his Saxons fall before Brude and his exasperated Picts.
This was a sad blow to the Northumbrian power; yet the Northumbrians,
in 699, under Berht, an able leader, again ventured to try their
strength with the Picts, when they were once more defeated by Brude,
the son of Dereli, who had recently mounted the Pictish throne.

The wars between the Picts and Northumbrians were succeeded by
various contests for power among the Pictish princes, which gave
rise to a civil war. Ungus, honoured by the Irish Annalists with the
title of great, and Elpin, at the head of their respective partisans,
tried their strength at Monacrib, supposed by some to be Moncrieff in
Strathearn, in the year 727, when the latter was defeated; and the
conflict was renewed at Duncrei (Crieff), when victory declared a
second time against Elpin, who was obliged to flee from the hostility
of Ungus. Nechtan next tried his strength with Ungus, in 728, at a
place called Monacurna by the Annalists--possibly Moncur in the Carse
of Gowrie--but he was defeated, and many of his followers perished.
Talorgan, the son of Congus, was defeated by Brude, the son of Ungus,
in 730, and in the same year the Picts appear to have entered into a
treaty of peace with the English nation.

The victorious Ungus commenced hostilities against the Dalriads, or
Scoto-Irish, in the year 736, and appears to have got the better
of the latter. The Scots were again worsted in another battle
in 740 by Ungus, who in the same year repulsed an attack of the
Northumbrians under Eadbert. In the year 750 he defeated the Britons
of the Cumbrian kingdom in the battle of Cato or Cath-O, in which
his brother Talorgan was killed. Ungus, who appears to have been
a powerful and able monarch, but whom Bede[95] characterizes as
having conducted himself “with bloody wickedness, a tyrant and an
executioner,” died about 760. A doubtful victory was gained by
Ciniod, or Kenneth, the Pictish king, over Aodh-fin, the Scottish
king, in 767. Constantine, having overcome Conall, the son of Tarla,
in 789, succeeded him in the throne.[96]

Up to this period the Norsemen from Scandinavia, or the _Vikingr_,
_i.e._ men of the voes or bays, as they were termed, had confined
their ravages to the Baltic; but, in the year 787 they for the first
time appeared on the east coast of England. Some years afterwards
they found their way to the Caledonian shores, and in 795 made their
first attack on Iona, which frequently afterwards, along with the
rest of the Hebrides, suffered grievously from their ravages. In 839
the _Vikingr_ entered the Pictish territories. A murderous conflict
ensued between them and the Picts under Uen their king, in which both
he and his only brother Bran, as well as many of the Pictish chiefs,
fell. This event, no doubt, hastened the downfall of the Pictish
monarchy; and as the Picts were unable to resist the arms of Kenneth,
the Scottish king, he carried into execution, in the year 843, a
project he had long entertained, of uniting the Scots and Picts,
and placing both crowns on his head. That anything like a total
extermination of the Picts took place is now generally discredited,
although doubtless there was great slaughter both of princes and
people. Skene[97] asserts indeed that it was only the Southern Picts
who became subject to Kenneth, the Northern Picts remaining for long
afterwards independent of, but sometimes in alliance with, the Scots.
This is substantially the opinion of Mr. E. W. Robertson,[98] who
says, “the modern shires of Perth, Fife, Stirling, and Dumbarton,
with the greater part of the county of Argyle, may be said to have
formed the actual Scottish kingdom to which Kenneth succeeded.” The
Picts were recognised as a distinct people even in the tenth century,
but before the twelfth they lost their characteristic nominal
distinction by being amalgamated with the Scots, their conquerors.

The Scoto-Irish after their arrival in Argyle did not long continue
under the separate authority of the three brothers, Lorn, Fergus,
and Angus. They were said to have been very far advanced in life
before leaving Ireland, and the Irish chroniclers assert that St.
Patrick gave them his benediction before his death, in the year 493.
The statement as to their advanced age derives some support from
their speedy demise after they had laid the foundations of their
settlements, and of a new dynasty of kings destined to rule over the
kingdom of Scotland. Angus was the first who died, leaving a son,
Muredach, who succeeded him in the small government of Ila. After
the death of Lorn the eldest brother, Fergus, the last survivor,
became sole monarch of the Scoto-Irish; but he did not long enjoy the
sovereignty, for he died in 506.

Fergus was succeeded by his son Domangart, or Dongardus, who died
in 511, after a short but troubled reign of about five years. His
two sons Comgal and Gabhran or Gauran, successively enjoyed his
authority. Comgal had a peaceful reign of four and twenty years,
during which he extended his settlements. He left a son named Conal,
but Gauran his brother, notwithstanding, ascended the throne in the
year 535 without opposition. Gauran reigned two and twenty years,
and, as we have already observed, was slain in a battle with the
Picts under Bridei their king.

Conal, the son of Comgal, then succeeded in 557, and closed a reign
of fourteen years in 571. It was during his reign that Columba’s
mission to the Picts took place. A civil war ensued between Aodhan or
Aidan, the son of Gauran, and Duncha or Duncan, the son of Conal, for
the vacant crown, the claim to which was decided on the bloody field
of Loro or Loco in Kintyre in 575, where Duncha was slain. Aidan,
the son of Gauran, had been formally inaugurated by St. Columba in
Iona, in 574. In the time of Aidan there were frequent wars between
the Dalriads and the English Saxons. Many battles were fought in
which the Scots were generally defeated, the principal being that
of Degsastan or Dalston near Carlisle, in 603, in which nearly the
whole of the Scottish army was defeated. The wars with the Saxons
weakened the power of the Dalriads very considerably, and it was not
till after a long period of time that they again ventured to meet the
Saxons in the field.

During a short season of repose, Aidan, attended by St. Columba, went
to the celebrated council of Drum-keat in Ulster, in the year 590. In
this council he claimed the principality of Dalriada, the land of his
fathers, and obtained an exemption from doing homage to the kings of
Ireland, which his ancestors, it would appear, had been accustomed to
pay. Aidan died in 605 or 608, at the advanced age of eighty, and was
buried In the church of Kil-keran, the ruins of which are still to be
seen in the midst of Campbelton.

Aidan was succeeded in the throne by his son Eocha-bui, or the
“yellow,” who reigned sixteen years. He carried on war with the
Cruithne of Ulster. After him came his brother Kenneth-Cear, or the
“left-handed,” who was followed by Ferchar, son of Eogan, of the race
of Lorn.

Donal, surnamed _breac_ or freckled, the son of Eocha’-bui, of the
race of Gauran, succeeded Ferchar about 637. He was a warlike prince
and had distinguished himself in the wars against the Cruithne of
Ireland. Congal-Claon, the son of Scanlan, the king of the Cruithne
in Ulster, having slain Suibne-Mean, a powerful king of Ireland,
was attacked by Domnal II., supreme king of Ireland, who succeeded
Suibne, and was defeated in the battle of Duncetheren, in 629.
Congal sought refuge in Cantyre, and having persuaded Donal-breac,
the kinsman of Domnal, to join him in a war against the latter, they
invaded Ireland with a heterogeneous mass of Scoto-Irish, Picts,
Britons, and Saxons, commanded by Donal and his brothers. Cealach,
the son of Maelcomh, the nephew of the reigning king, and as tanist
or heir-apparent, the leader of his army, attacked Donal-breac in
the plain of Magh Rath or Moyra in Down, in 637, and completely
defeated him after an obstinate and bloody engagement. Congal, the
murderer of his sovereign, met his merited fate, and Donal-breac was
obliged to secure his own and his army’s safety by a speedy return to
Cantyre. St. Columba had always endeavoured to preserve an amicable
understanding between the Cruithne of Ulster and the Scoto-Irish, and
his injunctions were, that they should live in constant peace; but
Donal disregarded the wise advice of the saint, and paid dearly for
so doing. He was not more successful in an enterprise against the
Picts, having been defeated by them in the battle of Glinne Mairison,
Glenmairison, or Glenmoreson, probably in West Lothian,[99] during
the year 638. He ended his days at Straith-cairmaic or Strathcarron,
possibly in the neighbourhood of Falkirk, by the sword of Hoan or
Owen, one of the reguli of Strathcluyd, in the year 642. His son
Cathasuidh fell by the same hand in 649.

Conal II., the grandson of Conal I., who was also of the Fergusian
race of Congal, next ruled over the tribes of Cantyre and Argyle; but
Dungal, of the race of Lorn, having obtained the government of the
tribe of Lorn, questioned the right of Conal. He did not, however,
carry his pretensions far, for Conal died, in undisturbed possession
of his dominions, in 652, after a reign of ten years. To Donal-duin,
or the brown, son of Conal, who reigned thirteen years, succeeded
Maolduin, his brother, in 665. The family feuds which had long
existed between the Fergusian races of Comgal and Tauran, existed
in their bitterest state during the reign of Maolduin. Domangart,
the son of Donal-breac, was murdered in 672, and Conal, the son of
Maolduin, was assassinated in 675.

Ferchar-fada, or the _tall_, apparently of the race of Lorn, and
either the son or grandson of Ferchar, who died in 637, seized the
reins of government upon the death of Maolduin. On the death of
Ferchar, in 702, the sceptre passed again to the Fergusian race in
the person of Eocha’-rineval, remarkable for his Roman nose, the son
of Domangart. The reign of this prince was short and unfortunate.
His sceptre was seized by Ainbhcealach, the son of Ferchar-fada,
who succeeded Eocha’ in 705. He was of an excellent disposition,
but after reigning one year, was dethroned by his brother, Selvach,
and obliged, in 706, to take refuge in Ireland. Selvach attacked
the Britons of Strathcluyd, and gained two successive victories
over them, the one at Longecoleth in 710, and the other at the
rock of Mionuirc in 716. At the end of twelve years, Ainbhcealach
returned from Ireland, to regain a sceptre which his brother had
by his cruelties shown himself unworthy to wield, but he perished
in the battle of Finglein, perhaps Glen Fyne at the head of Loch
Fyne, in 719. Selvach met a more formidable rival in Duncha-beg, who
was descended from Fergus, by the line of Congal; he assumed the
government of Cantyre and Argail, and confined Selvach to his family
settlement of Lorn. These two princes appear to have been fairly
matched in disposition and valour, and both exerted themselves for
the destruction of one another, thus bringing many miseries upon
their tribes. In an attempt which they made to invade the territories
of each other in 719 by means of currachs, a naval combat ensued off
Airdeanesbi, (probably Ardaness on the coast of Argyle,) in which
Selvach was overcome by Duncha; but Selvach was not subdued. The
death of Duncha in 721 put an end to his designs; but Eocha’ III.,
the son of Eocha’-rineval, the successor of Duncha, being as bent on
the overthrow of Selvach as his predecessor, continued the war. The
rival chiefs met at Irroisfoichne in 727, where a battle was fought,
which produced nothing but irritation and distress. This lamentable
state of things was put an end to by the death of Selvach in 729.
This event enabled Eocha to assume the government of Lorn, and thus
the Dalriadan kingdom which had been alternately ruled by chiefs of
the houses of Fergus and Lorn became again united under Eocha. He
died in 733, after a reign of thirteen years, during nine of which he
ruled over Cantyre and Argyle, and four over all the Dalriadic tribes.

Eocha was succeeded in the kingdom by Muredach, the son of
Ainbhceallach, of the race of Lorn. His reign was short and
unfortunate. In revenge for an act of perfidy committed by Dungal,
the son of Selvach, who had carried off Forai or Torai, the daughter
of Brude, and the niece of Ungus, the great Pictish king, the latter,
in the year 736, led his army from Strathearn, through the passes
of the mountains into Lorn, which he wasted with fire and sword.
He seized Dunad, in Mid-Lorn, and burned Creic, another fortress
in the Ross of Mull, taking Dungal and Feradach, the two sons of
Selvach, prisoners. Muredach went in pursuit of his enemy, and having
overtaken him at Knock Cairpre, at Calatros, on the shores of the
Linne,[100] a battle ensued, in which the Scots were repulsed with
great slaughter. Talorgan, the brother of Ungus, commanded the Picts
on this occasion, and pursued the flying Scots. In this pursuit
Muredach is supposed to have perished, after a reign of three years.

Eogban or Ewan, the son of Muredach, took up the fallen succession in
736, and died in 739, in which year the Dalriadic sceptre was assumed
by Aodh-fin, the son of Eocha’ III., and grandson of Eocha’-rineval,
descended from the Fergusian race of Gauran. In 740 he measured his
strength with the celebrated Ungus; but victory declared for neither,
and during the remainder of Ungus’ reign, he did not attempt to renew
hostilities. After the death of Ungus, in 761, Aodh-fin declared war
against the Picts, whose territories he entered from Upper Lorn,
penetrating through the passes of Glenorchy and Breadalbane. In 767
he reached Forteviot, the Pictish capital in Strathearn, where he
fought a doubtful battle with Ciniod the Pictish king. Aodh-fin died
in 769, after a splendid reign of thirty years.[101]

Fergus II., son of Aodh-fin, succeeded to the sceptre on the demise
of his father, and died after an unimportant reign of three years.
Selvach II., the son of Eogan, assumed the government in 772.
His reign, which lasted twenty-four years, presents nothing very
remarkable in history.

A new sovereign of a different lineage, now mounted the throne of the
Scots in 796, in the person of Eocha or Auchy, the son of Aodh-fin
of the Gauran race. Eocha’ IV. is known also by the latinized
appellation of Achaius. The story of the alliance between Achaius and
Charlemagne has been shown to be a fable; although it is by no means
improbable that he entered into an important treaty with the Picts,
by marrying Urgusia, the daughter of Urguis, an alliance which, it is
said, enabled his grandson Kenneth afterwards to claim and acquire
the Pictish sceptre, in right of Urgusia his grandmother. Eocha died
in 826, after a happy and prosperous reign of thirty years. He was
succeeded by Dungal, the son of Selvach II., of the race of Lorn,
being the last of that powerful family who swayed the Dalriadic
sceptre. After a feeble but stormy reign of seven years, he died in
833.

Alpin, the last of the Scoto-Irish kings, and the son of Eocha IV.
and of Urgusia, now mounted the throne. He was killed in 836, near
the site of Laicht castle, on the ridge which separates Kyle from
Galloway. The fiction that Alpin fell in a battle with the Picts,
when asserting his right to the Pictish throne, has long been
exploded.

In 836 Kenneth, the son of Alpin, succeeded his father. He was a
prince of a warlike disposition, and of great vigour of mind and
body. He avenged the death of his father by frequent inroads among
the people dwelling to the south of the Clyde; but the great glory
of his reign consists in his achievements against the Picts, which
secured for him and his posterity the Pictish sceptre. The Pictish
power had, previous to the period of Kenneth’s accession, been
greatly enfeebled by the inroads of the Danish Vikingr; but it was
not till after the death of Uven, the Pictish king, in 839, after
a distracted reign of three years, that Kenneth made any serious
attempt to seize the Pictish diadem. On the accession of Wred,
Kenneth, in accordance with the principle of succession said by
Bede to have prevailed among the Picts, claimed the Pictish throne
in right of Urgusia, his grandmother; Wred died in 842, and after
an arduous struggle, Kenneth wrested the sceptre from Bred, his
successor, in 843, after he had reigned over the Scots seven years.

Burton[102] thinks there can be no doubt that the two countries were
prepared for a fusion whenever a proper opportunity offered, but that
this was on account of a matrimonial alliance between the two royal
houses cannot with certainty be ascertained.[103] As we have said
already, it is extremely improbable that Kenneth gained his supremacy
by extermination. The Picts certainly appear to have suffered severe
defeat, but the likelihood is that after Kenneth succeeded to the
throne, a gradual fusion of the two people took place, so that in
course of time they became essentially one, speaking one language,
obeying the same laws, and following the same manners and customs.
If we knew for certain to what race the Picts belonged, and what
language they spoke, it might help us not a little to understand
the nature and extent of the amalgamation; but as we know so little
about these, and as the chroniclers, in speaking of this event, are
so enigmatical and meagre, we are left almost entirely to conjecture.
We are certain, at any rate, that from some cause or other, the
kings of the Dalriadic Scots, about the middle of the 9th century,
obtained supremacy over at least the Southern Picts, who from that
time forward ceased to be a separate nation.[104]

The history of the Scoto-Irish kings affords few materials either
amusing or instructive; but it was impossible, from the connexion
between that history and the events that will follow in detail,
to pass it over in silence. The Scoto-Irish tribes appear to have
adopted much the same form of government as existed in Ireland at the
time of their departure from that kingdom; the sovereignty of which,
though nominally under one head, was in reality a _pentarchy_, which
allowed four provincial kings to dispute the monarchy of the fifth.
This system was the prolific source of anarchy, assassinations, and
civil wars. The Dalriads were constantly kept in a state of intestine
commotion and mutual hostility by the pretensions of their rival
chiefs, or princes of the three races, who contended with the common
sovereign for pre-eminence or exemption. The _dlighe-tanaiste_, or
law of tanistry, which appears to have been generally followed as in
Ireland, as well in the succession of kings as in that of chieftains,
rather increased than mitigated these disorders; for the claim to
rule not being regulated by any fixed law of hereditary succession,
but depending upon the capricious will of the tribe, rivals were not
found wanting to dispute the rights so conferred. There was always,
both in Ireland and in Argyle, an heir presumptive to the Crown
chosen, under the name of _tanist_, who commanded the army during the
life of the reigning sovereign, and who succeeded to him after his
demise. Budgets, and committees of supply, and taxes, were wholly
unknown in those times among the Scots, and the monarch was obliged
to support his dignity by voluntary contributions of clothes, cattle,
furniture, and other necessaries.

There is reason to believe that tradition supplied the place of
written records for many ages after the extinction of the Druidical
superstition. Hence among the Scots, traditionary usages and local
customs long supplied the place of positive or written laws. It
is a mistake to suppose, as some writers have done, that the law
consisted in the mere will of the Brehon or judge. The office of
Breitheamhuin or Brehon was hereditary, and it is quite natural to
infer, that under such a system of jurisprudence, the _dictum_ of
the judge might not always comport with what was understood to be
the _common law_ or practice; but from thence, to argue that the
will of the judge was to be regarded as the law itself, is absurd,
and contrary to every idea of justice. As the principle of the rude
jurisprudence of the Celtic tribes had for its object the reparation,
rather than the prevention of crimes, almost every crime, even of the
blackest kind, was commuted by a mulct or payment. Tacitus observes
in allusion to this practice, that it was “a temper wholesome to the
commonwealth, that homicide and lighter transgressions were settled
by the payment of horses or cattle, part to the king or community,
part to him or his friends who had been wronged.” The law of Scotland
long recognised this system of compensation. The fine was termed,
under the Brehon law, _eric_, which not only signifies a reparation,
but also a fine, a ransom, a forfeit. Among the Albanian Scots it
was called _cro_, a term preserved in the _Regiam Majestatem_, which
has a whole chapter showing “the _cro_ of ilk man, how mikil it
is.”[105] This law of reparation, according to O’Connor, was first
promulgated in Ireland, in the year 164.[106] According to the
_Regiam Majestatem_, the _cro_ of a villain was sixteen cows; of an
earl’s son or thane, one hundred; of an earl, one hundred and forty;
and that of the king of Scots, one thousand cows, or three thousand
_oras_, that is to say, three oras for every cow.

Besides a share of the fines imposed, the Brehon or judge obtained a
piece of arable land for his support. When he administered justice,
he used to sit sometimes on the top of a hillock or heap of stones,
sometimes on turf, and sometimes even on the middle of a bridge,
surrounded by the suitors, who, of course, pleaded their own cause.
We have already seen that, under the system of the Druids, the
offices of religion, the instruction of youth, and the administration
of the laws, were conducted in the open air; and hence the prevalence
of the practice alluded to. But this practice was not peculiar to
the Druids; for all nations, in the early stages of society, have
followed a similar custom. The Tings of the Scandinavians, which
consisted of circular enclosures of stone, without any covering, and
within which both the judicial and legislative powers were exercised,
afford a striking instance of this. According to Pliny,[107] even
the Roman Senate first met in the open air, and the sittings of the
Court of the Areopagus, at Athens, were so held. The present custom
of holding courts of justice in halls is not of very remote antiquity
in Scotland, and among the Scoto-Irish, the baron bailie long
continued to dispense justice to the baron’s vassals from a moothill
or eminence, which was generally on the bank of a river, and near to
a religious edifice.

Of the various customs and peculiarities which distinguished the
ancient Irish, as well as the Scoto-Irish, none has given rise to
greater speculation than that of _fosterage_; which consisted in the
mutual exchange, by different families, of their children for the
purpose of being nursed and bred. Even the son of the chief was so
entrusted during pupilarity with an inferior member of the clan. An
adequate reward was either given or accepted in every case, and the
lower orders, to whom the trust was committed, regarded it as an
honour rather than a service. “Five hundred kyne and better,” says
Campion, “were sometimes given by the Irish to procure the nursing of
a great man’s child.” A firm and indissoluble attachment always took
place among foster-brothers, and it continues in consequence to be a
saying among Highlanders, that “affectionate to a man is a friend,
but a foster-brother is as the life-blood of his heart.” Camden
observes, that no love in the world is comparable by many degrees
to that of foster-brethren in Ireland.[108] The close connexion
which the practice of fosterage created between families, while it
frequently prevented civil feuds, often led to them. But the strong
attachment thus created was not confined to foster-brothers, it also
extended to their parents. Spenser relates of the foster-mother to
Murrough O’Brien, that, at his execution, she sucked the blood from
his head, and bathed her face and breast with it, saying that it was
too precious to fall to the earth.

It is unnecessary, at this stage of our labours, to enter upon the
subject of clanship; we mean to reserve our observations thereon till
we come to the history of the clans, when we shall also notice some
peculiarities or traits of the Highlanders not hitherto mentioned.
We shall conclude this chapter by giving lists of the Pictish and
Scoto-Irish Kings, which are generally regarded as authentic. A great
many other names are given by the ancient chroniclers previous to
the points at which the following lists commence, but as these are
considered as totally untrustworthy, we shall omit them.

A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE PICTISH KINGS, CHIEFLY ACCORDING TO THE
PICTISH CHRONICLE.

+-------+---------------------------------+---------+--------+-------+
| | | Date of |Duration| Date |
|Series.| NAMES AND FILIATIONS. | Access- | of | of |
| | | ion. | Reigns.| Death.|
+-------+---------------------------------+---------+--------+-------+
| 1 | DRUST, the son of Erp, | | | 451 |
| 2 | TALORC, the son of Aniel, | 451 |4 years.| 455 |
| 3 | NECTON MORBET, the son of Erp, | 455 | 25 | 480 |
| 4 | DREST Gurthinmoch, | 480 | 30 | 510 |
| 5 | GALANAU ETELICH, or GALANAN | | | |
| | ERELECH, | 510 | 12 | 522 |
| 6 | DADREST, | 522 | 1 | 523 |
| 7 | DREST, the son of Girom, | 523 | 1 | 524 |
| | DREST, the son of Wdrest, with | | | |
| | the former, | 524 | 5 | 529 |
| | DREST, the son of Girom, alone, | 529 | 5 | 534 |
| 8 | GARTNACH, the son of Girom, | 534 | 7 | 541 |
| 9 | GEALTRAIM, or CAILTRAIM, the | | | |
| | son of Girom, | 541 | 1 | 542 |
| 10 | TALORG, the son of Muircholaich,| 542 | 11 | 553 |
| 11 | DREST, the son of Munait, | 553 | 1 | 554 |
| 12 | GALAM, with Aleph, | 554 | 1 | 555 |
| | GALAM, with Bridei, | 555 | 1 | 556 |
| 13 | BRIDEI, the son of Mailcon, | 556 | 30 | 586 |
| 14 | GARTNAICH, the son of Domelch, | | | |
| | or Donald, | 586 | 11 | 597 |
| 15 | NECTU, or NECHTAN, the nephew | | | |
| | of Verb, | 597 | 20 | 617 |
| 16 | CINEOCH, or KENNETH, the son of | | | |
| | Luthrin, | 617 | 19 | 636 |
| 17 | GARNARD, the son of Wid, | 636 | 4 | 640 |
| 18 | BRIDEI, the son of Wid, | 640 | 5 | 645 |
| 19 | TALORC, their brother, | 645 | 12 | 657 |
| 20 | TALLORCAN, the son of Enfret, | 657 | 4 | 661 |
| 21 | GARTNAIT, the son of Donnel, | 661 | 6½ | 667 |
| 22 | DREST, his brother, | 667 | 7 | 674 |
| 23 | BRIDEI, the son of Bili, | 674 | 21 | 695 |
| 24 | TARAN, the son of Entifidich, | 695 | 4 | 699 |
| 25 | BRIDEI, the son of Dereli, | 699 | 11 | 710 |
| 26 | NECHTON, the son of Dereli, | 710 | 15 | 725 |
| 27 | DREST, and Elpin, | 725 | 5 | 730 |
| 28 | UNGUS, or ONNUST, the son of | | | |
| | Urguist, | 730 | 31 | 761 |
| 29 | BRIDEI, the son of Wirguist, | 761 | 2 | 763 |
| 30 | CINIOCH, or KENNETH, the son of | | | |
| | Wredech, | 763 | 12 | 775 |
| 31 | ELPIN, the son of Wroid, | 775 | 3½ | 779 |
| 32 | DREST, the son of Talorgan, | 779 | 5 | 784 |
| 33 | TALORGAN, the son of Ungus or | | | |
| | Angus, | 784 | 2½ | 786 |
| 34 | CANAUL, the son of Tarla, | 786 | 5 | 791 |
| 35 | CONSTANTINE, the son of | | | |
| | Urguist, | 791 | 30 | 821 |
| 36 | UNGUS, the son of Urguist, | 821 | 12 | 833 |
| 37 | DREST, the son of Constantine, | | | |
| | and Talorgan, the son of | | | |
| | Wthoil, | 833 | 3 | 836 |
| 38 | UUEN, or UVEN, the son of Ungus,| 836 | 3 | 839 |
| 39 | WRAD, the son of Bargoit, | 839 | 3 | 842 |
| 40 | BRED, or BRIUDI, | 842 | 1 | 843 |
+-------+---------------------------------+---------+--------+-------+

A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE SCOTO-IRISH KINGS, FROM THE YEAR 503
TO 843.

+-------+---------------------------------+---------+--------+-------+
| | | Date of |Duration| Date |
|Series.| NAMES AND FILIATIONS. | Access- | of | of |
| | | ion. | Reigns.| Death.|
+-------+---------------------------------+---------+--------+-------+
| | | A.D. | Years. | A.D. |
| 1 | FERGUS, the son of Erc, | 503 | 3 | 506 |
| 2 | DOMANGART, the son of Fergus, | 506 | 5 | 511 |
| 3 | COMGAL, the son of Domangart, | 511 | 24 | 535 |
| 4 | GAVRAN, the son of Domangart, | 535 | 22 | 557 |
| 5 | CONAL, the son of Comgal, | 557 | 14 | 571 |
| 6 | AIDAN, the son of Gavran, | 571 | 34 | 605 |
| 7 | EOACHA’-Bui, the son of Aidan, | 605 | 16 | 621 |
| 8 | KENNETH-Cear, the son of | | | |
| | Eoacha’-Bui, | 621 | ¼ | 621 |
| 9 | FERCHAR, the son of Eogan, the | | | |
| | first of the race of Lorn, | 621 | 16 | 637 |
| 10 | DONAL-BREAC, the son of | | | |
| | Eoacha’-Bui, | 637 | 5 | 642 |
| 11 | CONAL II., the grandson of } | | | |
| | Conal I. } | 642 | 10 | 652 |
| 12 | DUNGAL reigned some years with} | | | |
| | Conal, } | ... | ... | ... |
| 13 | DONAL-Duin, the son of Conal, | 652 | 13 | 665 |
| 14 | MAOL-Duin, the son of Conal, | 665 | 16 | 681 |
| 15 | FERCHAR-Fada, the grandson of | | | |
| | Ferchar I., | 681 | 21 | 702 |
| 16 | EOACHA’-Rinevel, the son of | | | |
| | Domangart, and the grandson | | | |
| | of Donal-breac, | 702 | 3 | 705 |
| 17 | AINBHCEALACH, the son of | | | |
| | Ferchar-fada, | 705 | 1 | 706 |
| 18 | SELVACH, the son of }| | | |
| | Ferchar-fada, reigned over }| | | |
| | Lorn from 706 to 729, }| ... | ... | ... |
| 19 | DUNCHA BEG reigned over Cantyre}| | | |
| | and Argaill till 720, }| 706 | 27 | 733 |
| 20 | EOCHA’ III., the son of }| | | |
| | Eoacha’-rinevel, over Cantyre}| | | |
| | and Argaill, from 720 to 729;}| | | |
| | and also over Lorn from 729 }| | | |
| | to 733, }| ... | ... | ... |
| 21 | MUREDACH, the son of | | | |
| | Ainbhcealach, | 733 | 3 | 736 |
| 22 | EOGAN, the son of Muredach, | 736 | 3 | 739 |
| 23 | AODH-Fin, the son of Eoacha’ | | | |
| | III., | 739 | 30 | 769 |
| 24 | FERGUS, the son of Aodh-fin, | 769 | 3 | 772 |
| 25 | SELVACH II., the son of Eogan, | 772 | 24 | 796 |
| 26 | EOACHA’-Annuine IV., the son of | | | |
| | Aodh-fin, | 796 | 30 | 826 |
| 27 | DUNGAL, the son of Selvach II., | 826 | 7 | 833 |
| 28 | ALPIN, the son of | | | |
| | Eoacha’-Annuine IV., | 833 | 3 | 836 |
| 29 | KENNETH, the son of Alpin, | 836 | 7 | 843 |
+-------+---------------------------------+---------+--------+-------+

It is right to mention that the Albanic Duan omits the names between
Ainbhcealach and Dungal (17-27), most of which, however, are
contained in the St. Andrews’ list.

FOOTNOTES:

[79] See Innes’s _Essay_, vol. i.

[80] This is the date commonly given, although Mr. E. W. Robertson
makes it 502 on the authority of Tighernach, while O’Donovan (_Annals
of the Four Masters_, vol. i. p. 160) makes it 506.

[81] Vol. i. p. 212.

[82] _Early Kings_, vol. i. p. 5.

[83] _Early Kings_, vol. ii. p. 305.

[84] At this time, and up at least to the 11th century, present
Scotland was known as Albania, Alban, or Alba, the term Scotland or
Scotia being generally applied to Ireland, unless where there is some
qualifying term, as Nova. Burton thinks it not safe to consider that
the word Scot must mean a native of present Scotland, when the period
dealt with is earlier than the middle of the 12th century.

[85] Skene in his _Chronicles of the Picts and Scots_, p. cx., makes
the date to be about 495 or 498.

[86] Skene’s _Chronicles of the Picts and Scots_, p. cxiii.

[87] More recently the invaluable labours of E. W. Robertson, Burton,
Forbes-Leslie, Joseph Robertson, Grub, Skene, and Maclauchlan, have
been the means of putting the history of this period on its proper
footing.

[88] Vol. i. ch. vi.

[89] Dr. Maclauchlan’s _Early Scottish Church_, pp. 32, 33.

[90] Druid is said to be derived from a word meaning ‘oak,’ common to
many of the Indo-European tongues.

[91] _Eccles. Hist._, vol. i. p. 49.

[92] Grub’s _Ecc. Hist._, vol. i. p. 51.

[93] _Book of Deer_, Preface. Further details concerning the early
Scottish church will be given at the end of this volume.

[94] There is some confusion here; Dr. Maclauchlan places this
conflict in the reign of Brude son of Derile, who, according to our
list, did not succeed till 699.

[95] Book V. c. 24.

[96] See the Ulster Annals, where an account is given of all these
conflicts.

[97] _Highlanders_, vol. i. p. 65.

[98] _Early Kings_, vol. i. p. 39.

[99] Skene’s _Chron. of Picts and Scots_, p. cxv.

[100] Dr. Reeves supposes this to be Culross in
Perthshire.--Maclauchlan.

[101] Dr. Skene, in his preface to the Chronicles of the Picts and
Scots, endeavours to prove, by very plausible reasoning, and by
comparison of various lists of kings, that for a century previous
to the accession of Kenneth to the Pictish throne, Dalriada was
under subjection to the Anglian monarchy, and was ruled by Pictish
sovereigns. In an able paper, however, read recently by Dr. Archibald
Smith before the Antiquarian Society of Scotland, he shows that
Argyleshire was invaded but not subdued by Ungus, king of the Picts,
in 736 and 741. Dr. Smith supported his conclusion by reference to
passages in the annals of Tigernach, of Ulster, and the Albanic Duan,
which seemed to him to give an intelligible and continuous account
of regal succession in Dalriada, but afforded no countenance to the
theory of Pinkerton of the entire conquest of the Scots in Britain
by Ungus, nor to the conclusion Dr. Skene has come to, viz., the
complete supremacy of the Picts in the Scottish Dalriada, and the
extinction of Dalriada as a Scottish nation from the year 741 to the
era of a new Scottish kingdom founded by Kenneth Macalpin in the
year 843. On the contrary, he was convinced that Aodh-fionn was the
restorer of its full liberty to the crushed section of Lorn, and that
he was, at the close of his career, the independent ruler of Dalriada
as a Scottish nation.

[102] Scotland, vol. i. p. 329.

[103] See Skene’s preface to _Chronicle of Picts and Scots_, p.
xcviii. et seq., for some curious and ingenious speculation on this
point.

[104] We shall take the liberty of quoting here an extract from an
able and ingenious paper read by Dr. Skene before the Soc. of Ant.,
in June 1861, and quoted in Dr. Gordon’s _Scotichronicon_, p. 83. It
will help, we think, to throw a little light on this dark subject,
and assist the reader somewhat to understand the nature and extent
of the so-called Scottish conquest. “The next legend which bears
upon the history of St. Andrews is that of St. Adrian, at 4th March.
The best edition of this legend is in the Aberdeen Breviary, and it
is as follows:--Adrian was a native of Hungary, and after preaching
there for some time, was seized with a desire to preach to other
people; and having gathered together a company, he set out ‘ad
orientales Scotiæ partes que tunc a Pictis occupabantur,’ _i.e._,
‘to the eastern parts of Scotland, which were then occupied by the
Picts,’--and landed there with 6,606 confessors, clergy, and people,
among whom were Glodianus, Gayus, Minanus, Scobrandus, and others,
chief priests. These men, with their bishop, Adrian, ‘deleto regno
Pictorum,’ _i.e._, ‘the Pictish kingdom being destroyed,’--did many
signs, but afterwards desired to have a residence on the Isle of
May. The Danes, who then devastated the whole of Britain, came to
the Island, and there slew them. Their martyrdom is said to have
taken place in the year 875. It will be observed that they are here
said to have settled in the east part of Scotland, opposite the Isle
of May, that is in Fife, while the Picts still occupied it; that
the Pictish kingdom is then said to have been destroyed; and that
their martyrdom took place in 875, thirty years after the Scottish
conquest under Kenneth M’Alpin. Their arrival was therefore almost
coincident with the Scottish conquest; and the large number said to
have come, not the modest twenty-one who arrived with Regulus, but
6,606 confessors, clergy, and people, shows that the traditionary
history was really one of an invasion, and leads to the suspicion
at once that it was in reality a part of the Scottish occupation
of the Pictish kingdom. This suspicion is much strengthened by two
corroborative circumstances: 1st, the year 875, when they are said to
have been slain by the Danes, falls in the reign of Constantine, the
son of Kenneth Macalpin, in his fourteenth year, and in this year the
Pictish chronicle records a battle between the Danes and the Scots,
and adds, that after it, ‘occasi sunt Scotti in Coachcochlum,’ which
seems to refer to this very slaughter. 2d. Hector Boëce preserves
a different tradition regarding their origin. He says--‘Non desunt
qui scribant sanctissimos Christi martyros Hungaros fuisse. _Alii
ex Scotis Anglisque gregarie collectos_’--_i.e._, ‘Some write that
the most holy martyrs of Christ were Hungarians. Others (say) that
they were collected from the Scots and English.’ There was therefore
a tradition that the clergy slain were not Hungarians, but a body
composed of Scotti and Angli. But Hadrian was a bishop; he landed
in the east of Fife, within the parochia of S. Regulus, and he is
placed at the head of some of the lists of bishops of St. Andrews
as first bishop. It was therefore the Church of St. Andrews that
then consisted of clergy collected from among the Scotti and the
Angli. The Angli probably represented the Church of Acca, and the
Scotti those brought in by Adrian. The real signification of this
occupation of St. Andrews by Scottish clergy will be apparent when
we recollect that the Columban clergy, who had formerly possessed
the chief ecclesiastical seats among the Picts, had been expelled in
717, and Anglic clergy introduced--the cause of quarrel being the
difference of their usages. Now, the Pictish chronicle states as the
main cause of the overthrow of the Pictish kingdom, a century and
a half later, this very cause. It says--‘Deus enim eos pro merito
suæ malitiæ alienos ac otiosos hæreditate dignatus est facere, quia
illi non solum Deum, missam, ac præceptum spreverunt sed et in jure
æqualitatis _aliis_ aequi _pariter_ noluerunt.’ _I.e._, ‘For God, on
account of their wickedness, deemed them worthy to be made hereditary
strangers and idlers; because they contemned not only God, the mass,
and the precept (of the Church), but besides refused to be regarded
as on the same equality with others.’ They were overthrown, not only
because they despised ‘Deum missam et præceptum,’ but because they
would not tolerate the other party. And this great grievance was
removed, when St. Andrews appears at the head of the Scottish Church
in a solemn Concordat with the king Constantine, when, as the Pictish
Chronicle tells us, ‘Constantinus Rex et Cellachus Episcopus leges
disciplinasque fidei atque jura ecclesiarum evangeliorum que _pariter
cum Scottis_ devoverunt custodiri.’ _I.e._, ‘King Constantine and
Bishop Kellach vowed to preserve the laws and discipline of the faith
and the rights of the churches and gospels, equally with the Scots.’
Observe the parallel language of the two passages. In the one, the
‘Picti in jure æqualitatis aliis,’ that is, the Scottish clergy,
‘aequi pariter noluerunt,’ and in the other the King and the Bishop
of St. Andrews ‘vowed to preserve the laws and discipline of the
faith,’ ‘_pariter cum Scottis_,’ the thing the Picts would not do.
It seems plain, therefore, that the ecclesiastical element entered
largely into the Scottish conquest; and a main cause and feature of
it was a determination on the part of the Scottish clergy to recover
the benefices they had been deprived of. The exact coincidence of
this great clerical invasion of the parochia of St. Andrews by
ecclesiastics, said by one tradition to have been Scots, and the
subsequent position of St. Andrews as the head of the Scottish
Church, points strongly to this as the true historic basis of the
legend of S. Adrian.”

[105] Lib. ix. c. xxiv.

[106] O’Connor’s Dissert.

[107] Lib. viii. c. 45.

[108] Holland’s Camden, Ireland, p. 116.

CHAPTER IV.

A.D. 843-1107.

The Norse Invasions--Kenneth--Constantine--Aodh--Grig
and Eocha--Donald IV.--Constantine III.--Danes--Battle
of Brunanburg--Malcolm I.--Indulph--Duff--Culen--Kenneth
III.--Battle of Luncarty--Malcolm II.--Danes--Duncan--Thorfinn,
Jarl of Orkney--Macbeth--Battle with Siward--Lulach--Malcolm
III. (Ceanmore)--Queen Margaret--Effect of Norwegian
Conquest--Donal-bane--Edgar--Norsemen--Influx of
Anglo-Saxons--Isolation of Highlands--Table of Kings.

For about two centuries after the union of the two kingdoms, the
principal facts to be recorded are the extension of the Scottish
dominion southwards beyond the Forth and Clyde, towards the present
border, and northwards beyond Inverness, and the fierce contests that
took place with the “hardy Norsemen” of Scandinavia and Denmark, who
during this period continued not only to pour down upon the coasts
and islands of Scotland, but to sway the destinies of the whole of
Europe. During this time the history of the Highlands is still to
a great extent the history of Scotland, and it was not till about
the 12th century that the Highlanders became, strictly speaking, a
peculiar people, confined to the territory whose boundaries were
indicated in the first chapter, having for their neighbours on the
east and south a population of undoubtedly Teutonic origin. The Norse
invasions not only kept Scotland in continual commotion at the time,
but must have exercised an important influence on its whole history,
and contributed a new and vigorous element to its population. These
Vikingr, about the end of the 9th century, became so powerful as to
be able to establish a separate and independent kingdom in Orkney and
the Western Islands, which proved formidable not only to the king of
Scotland, but also to the powerful king of Norway. “It is difficult
to give them distinctness without risk of error, and it is even
hard to decide how far the mark left by these visitors is, on the
one hand, the brand of the devastating conqueror; or, on the other
hand, the planting among the people then inhabiting Scotland of a
high-conditioned race--a race uniting freedom and honesty in spirit
with a strong and healthy physical organization. It was in the north
that the inroad preserved its most distinctive character, probably
from its weight, as most completely overwhelming the original
population, whatever they might be; and though, in the histories,
the king of Scots appears to rule the northern end of Britain, the
territory beyond Inverness and Fort-William had aggregated in some
way round a local magnate, who afterwards appears as a Maormor.
He was not a viceroy of the king of Norway: and if he was in any
way at the order of the King of Scotland, he was not an obedient
subordinate.”[109]

Up to the time of Macbeda or Macbeth, the principle of hereditary
succession to the throne, from father to son, appears not to have
been recognised; the only principle, except force, which seems to
have been acted upon being that of collateral succession, brother
succeeding to brother, and nephew to uncle. After the time of
Macbeth, however, the hereditary principle appears to have come into
full force, to have been recognised as that by which alone succession
to the throne was to be regulated.

The consolidation of the Scottish and Pictish power under one supreme
chief, enabled these nations not only to repel foreign aggression,
but afterwards to enlarge their territories beyond the Forth, which
had hitherto formed, for many ages, the Pictish boundary on the south.

Although the power of the tribes to the north of the Forth was
greatly augmented by the union which had taken place, yet all the
genius and warlike energy of Kenneth were necessary to protect him
and his people from insult. Ragnor Lodbrog (_i.e._, Ragnor of the
Shaggy Bones,) with his fierce Danes infested the country round
the Tay on the one side, and the Strathclyde Britons on the other,
wasted the adjoining territories, and burnt Dunblane. Yet Kenneth
overcame these embarrassments, and made frequent incursions into the
Saxon territories in Lothian, and caused his foes to tremble. After
a brilliant and successful reign, Kenneth died at Forteviot, the
Pictish capital, 7 miles S.W. of Perth, on the 6th of February, 859,
after a reign of twenty-three years. Kenneth, it is said, removed the
famous stone which now sustains the coronation chair at Westminster
Abbey, from the ancient seat of the Scottish monarchy in Argyle, to
Scone. Kenneth (but according to some Constantine, the Pictish king,
in 820), built a church at Dunkeld, to which, in 850, he removed the
relics of St. Columba from Iona, which at this time was frequently
subjected to the ravages of the Norsemen. He is celebrated also
as a legislator, but no authentic traces of his laws now appear,
the Macalpine laws attributed to the son of Alpin being clearly
apocryphal.

The sceptre was assumed by Donald III., son of Alpin. He died in the
year 863, after a short reign of four years. It is said he restored
the laws of Aodh-fin, the son of Eocha III. They were probably
similar to the ancient Brehon laws of Ireland.

Constantine, the son of Kenneth, succeeded his uncle Donald, and
soon found himself involved in a dreadful conflict with the Danish
pirates. Having, after a contest which lasted half a century,
established themselves in Ireland, and obtained secure possession of
Dublin, the Vikingr directed their views towards the western coasts
of Scotland, which they laid waste. These ravages were afterwards
extended to the whole of the eastern coast, and particularly to the
shores of the Frith of Forth; but although the invaders were often
repulsed, they never ceased to renew their attacks. In the year 881,
Constantine, in repelling an attack of the pirates, was slain at
a place called Merdo-fatha, or Werdo, probably the present Perth,
according to Maclauchlan.

Aodh or Hugh, _the fair-haired_, succeeded his brother Constantine.
His reign was unfortunate, short, and troublesome. Grig, who was
Maormor, or chief, of the country between the Dee and the Spey,
having become a competitor for the crown, Aodh endeavoured to put him
down, but did not succeed; and having been wounded in a battle fought
at Strathallan, (or possibly Strathdon,) he was carried to Inverurie,
where he died, after lingering two months, having held the sceptre
only one year.

Grig now assumed the crown, and, either to secure his possession,
or from some other motive, he associated with him in the government
Eocha, son of Ku, the British king of Strathclyde, and the grandson,
by a daughter, of Kenneth Macalpin. After a reign of eleven years,
both Eocha and Grig were forced to abdicate, and gave way to Donald
IV., who succeeded them in 893.

During his reign the kingdom was infested by the piratical
incursions of the Danes. Although they were defeated by Donald in
a bloody action at Collin, said to be on the Tay, near Scone, they
returned under Ivar O’Ivar, from Ireland, in the year 904, but were
gallantly repulsed, and their leader killed in a threatened attack
on Forteviot, by Donald, who unfortunately also perished, after a
reign of eleven years. In his reign the kings of present Scotland are
no longer called _reges Pictorum_ by the Irish Annalists, but _Ri
Alban_, or kings of Alban; and in the Pictish Chronicle _Pictavia_
gives place to _Albania_.

Constantine III., the son of Aodh, a prince of a warlike and
enterprising character, next followed. He had to sustain, during
an unusually long reign, the repeated attacks of the Danes. In one
invasion they plundered Dunkeld, and in 908, they attempted to obtain
the grand object of their designs, the possession of Forteviot in
Strathearn, the Pictish capital; but in this design they were again
defeated, and forced to abandon the country. The Danes remained quiet
for a few years, but in 918 their fleet entered the Clyde, from
Ireland, under the command of Reginald, where they were attacked by
the Scots in conjunction with the Northern Saxons, whom the ties
of common safety had now united for mutual defence. Reginald is
said to have drawn up his Danes in four divisions; the first headed
by Godfrey O’Ivar; the second by Earls; the third by Chieftains;
and the fourth by Reginald himself, as a reserve. The Scots, with
Constantine at their head, made a furious attack on the first three
divisions, which they forced to retire. Reginald’s reserve not being
available to turn the scale of victory against the Scots, the Danes
retreated during the night, and embarked on board their fleet.

After this defeat of the Danes, Constantine enjoyed many years’
repose. A long grudge had existed between him and Æthelstane, son
of Edward, the elder, which at last came to an open rupture. Having
formed an alliance with several princes, and particularly with
Anlof, king of Dublin as well as of Northumberland, and son-in-law
of Constantine, the latter collected a large fleet in the year 937,
with which he entered the Humber. The hope of plunder had attracted
many of the Vikingr to Constantine’s standard, and the sceptre of
Æthelstane seemed now to tremble in his hand. But that monarch was
fully prepared for the dangers with which he was threatened, and
resolved to meet his enemies in battle. After a long, bloody, and
obstinate contest at Brunanburg, near the southern shore of the
Humber, victory declared for Æthelstane. Prodigies of valour were
displayed on both sides, especially by Turketel, the Chancellor of
England; by Anlof, and by the son of Constantine, who lost his life.
The confederates, after sustaining a heavy loss, sought for safety
in their ships. This, and after misfortunes, possibly disgusted
Constantine with the vanities of this world, for, in the fortieth
year of his reign, he put into practice a resolution which he had
formed of resigning his crown and embracing a monastic life. He
became Abbot of the Monastery of St. Andrews in 943, and thus ended
a long and chequered, but vigorous, and, on the whole, successful
reign in a cloister, like Charles V. Towards the end of this reign
the term Scotland was applied to this kingdom by the Saxons, a term
which before had been given by them to Ireland. Constantine died in
952.

Malcolm I., the son of Donald IV., obtained the abdicated throne. He
was a prince of great abilities and prudence, and Edmund of England
courted his alliance by ceding Cumbria, then consisting of Cumberland
and part of Westmoreland, to him, in the year 945, on condition
that he would defend that northern county, and become the ally of
Edmund. Edred, the brother and successor of Edmund, accordingly
applied for, and obtained the aid of Malcolm against Anlaf, king of
Northumberland, whose country, according to the barbarous practice
of the times, he wasted, and carried off the people with their
cattle. Malcolm, after putting down an insurrection of the Moray-men
under Cellach, their Maormor, or chief, whom he slew, was sometime
thereafter slain, as is supposed, at Ulurn or Auldearn in Moray, by
one of these men, in revenge for the death of his chief.

Indulph, the son of Constantine III., succeeded the murdered monarch
in the year 953. He sustained many severe conflicts with the Danes,
and ultimately lost his life in 961, after a reign of eight years, in
a successful action with these pirates, on the moor which lies to the
westward of Cullen.

Duff, the son of Malcolm I., now mounted the throne; but Culen,
the son of Indulf, laid claim to the sceptre which his father had
wielded. The parties met at Drum Crup (probably Crieff), and, after a
doubtful struggle, in which Doncha, the Abbot of Dunkeld, and Dubdou,
the Maormor of Athole, the partisans of Culen, lost their lives,
victory declared for Duff. But this triumph was of short duration,
for Duff was afterwards obliged to retreat from Forteviot into the
north, and was assassinated at Forres in the year 965, after a brief
and unhappy reign of four years and a half.

Culen, the son of Indulf, succeeded, as a matter of course, to the
crown of Duff, which he stained by his vices. He and his brother
Eocha were slain in Lothian, in an action with the Britons of
Strathclyde in 970, after an inglorious reign of four years and a
half. During his reign Edinburgh was captured from the English, this
being the first known step in the progress of the gradual extension
of the Scottish kingdom between the Forth and the Tweed.[110]

Kenneth III., son of Malcolm I., and brother of Duff, succeeded Culen
the same year. He waged a successful war against the Britons of
Strathclyde, and annexed their territories to his kingdom. During
his reign the Danes meditated an attack upon Forteviot, or Dunkeld,
for the purposes of plunder, and, with this view, they sailed up
the Tay with a numerous fleet. Kenneth does not appear to have been
fully prepared, being probably not aware of the intentions of the
enemy; but collecting as many of his chiefs and their followers as
the spur of the occasion would allow, he met the Danes at Luncarty,
in the vicinity of Perth. Malcolm, the Tanist, prince of Cumberland,
it is said, commanded the right wing of the Scottish army; Duncan,
the Maormor of Athole, had the charge of the left: and Kenneth, the
king, commanded the centre. The Danes with their battle-axes made
dreadful havoc, and compelled the Scottish army to give way; but the
latter was rallied by the famous Hay, the traditional ancestor of
the Kinnoul family, and finally repulsed the Danes, who, as usual,
fled to their ships. Burton thinks the battle of Luncarty “a recent
invention.”

The defeat of the Danes enabled Kenneth to turn his attention to the
domestic concerns of his kingdom. He appears to have directed his
thoughts to bring about a complete change in the mode of succession
to the crown, in order to perpetuate in and confine the crown to
his own descendants. This alteration could not be well accomplished
as long as Malcolm, the son of Duff, the Tanist of the kingdom, and
prince of Cumberland, stood in the way; and, accordingly, it has
been said that Kenneth was the cause of the untimely death of prince
Malcolm, who is stated to have been poisoned. It is said that Kenneth
got an act passed, that in future the son, or nearest male heir,
of the king, should always succeed to the throne; and that in case
that son or heir were not of age at the time of the king’s demise,
that a person of rank should be chosen Regent of the kingdom, until
the minor attained his fourteenth year, when he should assume the
reins of government; but whether such a law was really passed on the
moot-hill of Scone or not, of which we have no evidence, certain it
is that two other princes succeeded to the crown before Malcolm the
son of Kenneth. Kenneth, after a reign of twenty-four years, was, it
is said, in 994 assassinated at Fettercairn by Finella,[111] the
wife of the Maormor of the Mearns, and the daughter of Cunechat, the
Maormor of Angus, in revenge for having put her only son to death.
It has been thought that till this time the Maormorship of Angus
was in some measure independent of the Scottish crown, never having
thoroughly yielded to its supremacy, that the death of the young
chief took place in course of an effort on the part of Kenneth for
its reduction, and that Kenneth himself was on a visit to the quarter
at the time of his death, for exacting the usual royal privileges
of _cain_ and _cuairt_, or a certain tax and certain provision for
the king and his followers when on a journey, due by the chiefs or
landholders of the kingdom.[112]

Constantine IV., son of Culen, succeeded; but his right was disputed
by Kenneth, the Grim, _i.e._ strong, son of Duff. The dispute was
decided at Rathveramon, _i.e._ the castle at the mouth of the Almond,
near Perth, where Constantine lost his life in the year 995.

Kenneth IV., the son of Duff, now obtained the sceptre which he had
coveted; but he was disturbed in the possession thereof by Malcolm,
the son of Kenneth III., heir presumptive to the crown. Malcolm took
the field in 1003, and decided his claim to the crown in a bloody
battle at Monivaird, in Strathearn, in which Kenneth, after a noble
resistance, received a mortal wound.

Malcolm II. now ascended the vacant throne, but was not destined to
enjoy repose. At the very beginning of his reign he was defeated
at Durham by the army of the Earl of Northumberland, under his son
Uchtred, who ordered a selection of good-looking Scotch heads to be
stuck on the walls of Durham.

The Danes, who had now obtained a firm footing in England, directed
their attention in an especial manner to Scotland, which they were in
hopes of subduing. Sigurd, the Earl of Orkney, carried on a harassing
and predatory warfare on the shores of the Moray Frith, which he
continued even after a matrimonial alliance he formed with Malcolm,
by marrying his daughter; but this was no singular trait in the
character of a Vikingr, who plundered friends and foes with equal
pleasure. The scene of Sigurd’s operations was chosen by his brother
northmen for making a descent, which they effected near Speymouth.
They carried fire and sword through Moray, and laid siege to the
fortress of Nairn, one of the strongest in the north. The Danes were
forced to raise the siege for a time, by Malcolm, who encamped his
army in a plain near Kilflos or Kinloss. In this position he was
attacked by the invaders, and, after a severe action, was forced to
retreat, after being seriously wounded.

Malcolm, in 1010, marched north with his army, and encamped at
Mortlach. The Danes advanced to meet the Scots, and a dreadful and
fierce conflict ensued, the result of which was long dubious. At
length the northmen gave way and victory declared for Malcolm. Had
the Danes succeeded they would in all probability have obtained as
permanent a footing in North Britain as they did in England; but the
Scottish kings were determined, at all hazards, never to suffer them
to pollute the soil of Scotland by allowing them even the smallest
settlement in their dominions. In gratitude to God for his victory,
Malcolm endowed a religious house at Mortlach, with its church
erected near the scene of action. Maclauchlan, however, maintains
that this church was planted by Malcolm Ceanmore.

Many other conflicts are narrated with minute detail by the later
chroniclers as having taken place between Malcolm and the Danes, but
it is very doubtful how far these are worthy of credit. That Malcolm
had enough to do to prevent the Danes from overrunning Scotland and
subduing the inhabitants can readily be believed; but as we have few
authentic particulars concerning the conflicts which took place, it
would serve no purpose to give the imaginary details invented by
comparatively recent historians.

Some time after this Malcolm was engaged in a war with the
Northumbrians, and, having led his army, in 1018, to Carham, near
Werk, on the southern bank of the Tweed, where he was met by Uchtred,
the Earl of Northumberland, a desperate battle took place, which
was contested with great valour on both sides.[113] The success
was doubtful on either side, though Uchtred claimed a victory; but
he did not long enjoy the fruits of it, as he was soon thereafter
assassinated when on his road to pay obeisance to the great Canute.
Endulf, the brother and successor of Uchtred, justly dreading the
power of the Scots, was induced to cede Lothian to Malcolm for ever,
who, on this occasion, gave oblations to the churches and gifts to
the clergy, and they in return transmitted his name to posterity.
He was designed, par excellence, by the Latin chroniclers, _rex
victoriosissimus_; by St. Berchan, the _Forranach_ or destroyer.

The last struggle with which Malcolm was threatened, was with
the celebrated Canute, who, for some cause or other not properly
explained, entered Scotland in the year 1031; but these powerful
parties appear not to have come to action. Canute’s expedition
appears, from what followed, to have been fitted out to compel
Malcolm to do homage for Cumberland, for it is certain that Malcolm
engaged to fulfil the conditions on which his predecessors had held
that country, and that Canute thereafter returned to England.

But the reign of Malcolm was not only distinguished by foreign wars,
but by civil contests between rival chiefs. Finlegh, the Maormor of
Ross, and the father of Macbeth, was assassinated in 1020, and about
twelve years thereafter, Maolbride, the Maormor of Moray, grandfather
of Lulach, was, in revenge for Finlegh’s murder, burnt within his
castle, with fifty of his men.

At length, after a splendid reign of thirty years, Malcolm slept
with his fathers, and his body was transferred to Iona, and interred
with due solemnity among the remains of his predecessors. By some
authorities he is said to have been assassinated at Glammis.

Malcolm was undoubtedly a prince of great acquirements. He made many
changes and some improvements in the internal policy of his kingdom,
and in him religion always found a guardian and protector. But
although Malcolm is justly entitled to this praise, he by no means
came up to the standard of perfection assigned him by fiction. In his
reign Scotland appears to have reached its present boundary on the
south, the Tweed, and Strathclyde was incorporated with the rest of
the kingdom. Malcolm was the first who was called _Rex Scotiæ_, and
might justly claim to be so designated, seeing that he was the first
to hold sway over nearly the whole of present Scotland,--the only
portions where his authority appears to have been seriously disputed
being those in which the Danes had established themselves.

Duncan, son of Bethoc or Beatrice, daughter of Malcolm II.,
succeeded his grandfather in the year 1033. “In the extreme north,
dominions more extensive than any Jarl of the Orkneys had hitherto
acquired, were united under the rule of Thorfinn, Sigurd’s son,
whose character and appearance have been thus described:--‘He was
stout and strong, but very ugly, severe and cruel, but a very clever
man.’ The extensive districts then dependant upon the Moray Maormors
were in the possession of the celebrated Macbeth.”[114] Duncan, in
1033, desiring to extend his dominions southwards, attacked Durham,
but was forced to retire with considerable loss. His principal
struggles, however, were with his powerful kinsman, Thorfinn, whose
success was so great that he extended his conquests as far as the
Tay. “His men spread over the whole conquered country,” says the
_Orkneyinga Saga_,[115] “and burnt every hamlet and farm, so that
not a cot remained. Every man that they found they slew; but the old
men and women fled to the deserts and woods, and filled the country
with lamentation. Some were driven before the Norwegians and made
slaves. After this Earl Thorfinn returned to his ships, subjugating
the country everywhere in his progress.” Duncan’s last battle, in
which he was defeated, was in the neighbourhood of Burghead, near the
Moray Frith; and shortly after this, on the 14th August, 1040, he was
assassinated in Bothgowanan,--which, in Gaelic, is said to mean “the
smith’s hut,”--by his kinsman the Maormor Macbeda or Macbeth. Duncan
had reigned only five years when he was assassinated by Macbeth,
leaving two infant sons, Malcolm and Donal, by a sister of Siward,
the Earl of Northumberland. The former fled to Cumberland, and the
latter took refuge in the Hebrides, on the death of their father.

Macbeth, “snorting with the indigested fumes of the blood of
his sovereign,” immediately seized the gory sceptre. As several
fictions have been propagated concerning the history and genealogy
of Macbeth, we may mention that, according to the most authentic
authorities, he was by birth Thane of Ross, and by his marriage with
the Lady Gruoch,--who had a claim to the throne, as granddaughter of
Kenneth,--became also Thane of Moray, during the minority of Lulach,
the infant son of that lady, by her former marriage with Gilcomgain,
the Maormor or Thane of Moray. Lady Gruoch was the daughter of
Boedhe, son of Kenneth IV.; and thus Macbeth united in his own person
many powerful interests which enabled him to take quiet possession
of the throne of the murdered sovereign. He, of course, found no
difficulty in getting himself inaugurated at Scone, under the
protection of the clans of Moray and Ross, and the aid of those who
favoured the pretensions of the descendants of Kenneth IV.

Various attempts were made on the part of the partisans of Malcolm,
son of Duncan, to dispossess Macbeth of the throne. The most
formidable was that of Siward, the powerful Earl of Northumberland,
and the relation of Malcolm, who, at the instigation or command of
Edward the Confessor, led a numerous army into Scotland in the year
1054. They marched as far north as Dunsinnan, where they were met by
Macbeth, who commanded his troops in person. A furious battle ensued,
but Macbeth fled from the field after many displays of courage. The
Scots lost 3,000 men, and the Saxons 1,500, including Osbert, the son
of Siward. Macbeth retired to his fastnesses in the north, and Siward
returned to Northumberland; but Malcolm continued the war till the
death of Macbeth, who was slain by Macduff, Thane of Fife, in revenge
for the cruelties he had inflicted on his family, at Lumphanan,
in Aberdeenshire, in the year 1056, although, according to Skene
(_Chronicles_), it was in August, 1057.

Macbeth was unquestionably a man of great vigour, and well fitted
to govern in the age in which he lived; and had it not been for the
indelible character bestowed upon him by Shakespere (who probably
followed the chronicle of Holinshed), his character might have stood
well with posterity. “The deeds which raised Macbeth and his wife
to power were not in appearance much worse than others of their day
done for similar ends. However he may have gained his power, he
exercised it with good repute, according to the reports nearest to
his time.”[116] Macbeth, “in a manner sacred to splendid infamy,” is
the first king of Scotland whose name appears in the ecclesiastical
records as a benefactor of the church, and, it would appear, the
first who offered his services to the Bishop of Rome. According to
the records of St. Andrews, he made a gift of certain lands to the
monastery of Lochleven, and certainly sent money to the poor of Rome,
if, indeed, he did not himself make a pilgrimage to the holy city.

After the reign of Macbeth, the former irregular and confusing mode
of succession ceased, and the hereditary principle was adopted and
acted upon.

Lulach, the great-grandson of Kenneth IV., being supported by the
powerful influence of his own family, and that of the deceased
monarch, ascended the throne at the age of twenty-five or twenty-six;
but his reign lasted only a few months, he having fallen in battle at
Essie, in Strathbogie, in defending his crown against Malcolm. The
body of Lulach was interred along with that of Macbeth, in Iona, the
common sepulchre, for many centuries, of the Scottish kings.

Malcolm III., better known in history by the name of Malcolm
Ceanmore, or _great head_, vindicated his claim to the vacant throne,
and was crowned at Scone, 25th April, 1057. His first care was to
recompense those who had assisted him in obtaining the sovereignty,
and it is said that he created new titles of honour, by substituting
earls for thanes; but this has been disputed, and there are really
no data from which a certain conclusion can be drawn.

In the year 1059 Malcolm paid a visit to Edward the Confessor,
during whose reign he lived on amicable terms with the English; but
after the death of that monarch he made a hostile incursion into
Northumberland, and wasted the country. He even violated the peace of
St. Cuthbert in Holy Island.

William, Duke of Normandy, having overcome Harold in the battle of
Hastings, on the 14th October, 1066, Edgar Ætheling saw no hopes
of obtaining the crown, and left England along with his mother and
sisters, and sought refuge in Scotland. Malcolm, on hearing of the
distress of the illustrious strangers, left his royal palace at
Dunfermline to meet them, and invited them to Dunfermline, where they
were hospitably entertained. Margaret, one of Edgar’s sisters, was a
princess of great virtues and accomplishments; and she at once won
the heart of Malcolm.

The offer of his hand was accepted, and their nuptials were
celebrated with great solemnity and splendour. This queen was a
blessing to the king and to the nation, and appears to have well
merited the appellation of _Saint_. There are few females in history
who can be compared with Queen Margaret.

It is quite unnecessary, and apart from the object of the present
work, to enter into any details of the wars between Malcolm and
William the Conqueror, and William Rufus. Suffice it to say that
both Malcolm and his eldest son Edward were slain in a battle on
the Alne, on the 13th November, 1093, after a reign of thirty-six
years. Queen Margaret, who was on her death-bed when this catastrophe
occurred, died shortly after she received the intelligence with great
composure and resignation to the will of God. Malcolm had six sons,
viz., Edward, who was killed along with his father, Edmund, Edgar,
Ethelred, Alexander, and David, and two daughters, Maud, who was
married to Henry I. of England, and Mary, who married Eustache, Count
of Boulogne. Of the sons, Edgar, Alexander, and David, successively
came to the crown.

Thorfinn, Earl of Orkney, died in 1064, and his extensive possessions
in Scotland did not revert to his descendants, but to the native
chiefs, who had had the original right to possess them. These
chiefs appear to have been independent of the Scottish sovereign,
and to have caused him no small amount of trouble. A considerable
part of Malcolm’s reign was spent in endeavouring to bring them
into subjection, and before his death he had the satisfaction of
seeing the whole of Scotland, with perhaps the exception of Orkney,
acknowledging him as sole monarch. The Norwegian conquest appears
to have effected a most important change in the character of the
population and language of the eastern lowlands of the north of
Scotland. The original population must in some way have given
way to a Norwegian one, and, whatever may have been the original
language, we find after this one of a decidedly Teutonic character
prevailing in this district, probably introduced along with the Norse
population. “In the more mountainous and Highland districts, however,
we are warranted in concluding that the effect must have been very
different, and that the possession of the country by the Norwegians
for thirty years could have exercised as little permanent influence
on the population itself, as we are assured by the Saga it did upon
the race of their chiefs.

“Previously to this conquest the northern Gaelic race possessed the
whole of the north of Scotland, from the western to the eastern sea,
and the general change produced by the conquest must have been, that
the Gael were for the first time confined within those limits which
they have never since exceeded, and that the eastern districts became
inhabited by that Gothic race, who have also ever since possessed
them.”[117]

On the demise of Malcolm, Donal-bane his brother assumed the
government; but Duncan, the son of Malcolm, who had lived many
years in England, and held a high military rank under William
Rufus, invaded Scotland with a large army of English and Normans,
and forced Donal to retire for safety to the Hebrides. Duncan, whom
some writers suppose to have been a bastard, and others a legitimate
son of Malcolm by a former wife, enjoyed the crown only six months,
having been assassinated by Maolpeder, the Maormor of the Mearns,
at Menteith, at the instigation, it is believed, of Donal. Duncan
left, by his wife Ethreda, daughter of Gospatrick, a son, William,
sometimes surnamed Fitz-Duncan.

Donal-bane again seized the sceptre, but he survived Duncan only two
years. Edgar Ætheling having assembled an army in England, entered
Scotland, and made Donal prisoner in an action which took place in
September 1097. He was imprisoned by orders of Edgar, and died at
Roscobie in Forfarshire, after having been deprived of his eyesight,
according to the usual practice of the age. The series of the pure
Scoto-Irish kings may be said to have ended with Donal-bane.

[Illustration: Seal of Edgar.]

The reign of Edgar, who appears to have been of a gentle and peaceful
disposition, is almost devoid of incident, the principal events
being the marriage of his sister Matilda to the English Henry, and
the wasting and conquest of the Western Islands by Magnus Olaveson
and his Norwegians. This last event had but little effect on
Scotland proper, as these Islands at that time can hardly be said
to have belonged to it. These Norsemen appear to have settled among
and mixed with the native inhabitants, and thus to have formed a
population, spoken of by the Irish Annalists under the name of
Gallgael, “a horde of pirates, plundering on their own account,
and under their own leaders, when they were not following the
banner of any of the greater sea-kings, whose fleets were powerful
enough to sweep the western seas, and exact tribute from the lesser
island chieftains.”[118] Edgar died in 1107, and was succeeded by
his brother Alexander, whom he enjoined to bestow upon his younger
brother David the district of Cumbria.

We have now arrived at an era in our history, when the line of
demarcation between the inhabitants of the Lowlands and Highlands
of Scotland begins to appear, and when, by the influx of a Gothic
race into the former, the language of that part of North Britain is
completely revolutionized, when a new dynasty or race of sovereigns
ascends the throne, and when a great change takes places in the laws
and constitution of the kingdom.

Although the Anglo-Saxon colonization of the Lowlands of Scotland
does not come exactly within the design of the present work; yet,
as forming an important feature in the history of the Lowlands of
Scotland, as contradistinguished from the Highlands, a slight notice
of it may not be uninteresting.

Shortly after the Roman abdication of North Britain in the year
446, which was soon succeeded by the final departure of the Romans
from the British shores, the Saxons, a people of Gothic origin,
established themselves upon the Tweed, and afterwards extended
their settlements to the Frith of Forth, and to the banks of the
Solway and the Clyde. About the beginning of the sixth century the
Dalriads, as we have seen, landed in Kintyre and Argyle from the
opposite coast of Ireland; and colonized these districts, whence, in
the course of little more than two centuries, they overspread the
Highlands and western islands, which their descendants have ever
since continued to possess. Towards the end of the eighth century,
a fresh colony of Scots from Ireland settled in Galloway among the
Britons and Saxons, and having overspread the whole of that country,
were afterwards joined by detachments of the Scots of Kintyre and
Argyle, in connection with whom they peopled that peninsula. Besides
these three races, who made permanent settlements in Scotland, the
Scandinavians colonized the Orkney and Shetland islands, and also
established themselves on the coasts of Caithness and Sutherland, and
in the eastern part of the country north of the Frith of Tay.

But notwithstanding these early settlements of the Gothic race,
the era of the Saxon colonization of the Lowlands of Scotland is,
with more propriety, placed in the reign of Malcolm Ceanmore, who,
by his marriage with a Saxon princess, and the protection he gave
to the Anglo-Saxon fugitives who sought an asylum in his dominions
from the persecutions of William the Conqueror and his Normans,
laid the foundations of those great changes which took place in the
reigns of his successors. Malcolm, in his warlike incursions into
Northumberland and Durham, carried off immense numbers of young men
and women, who were to be seen in the reign of David I. in almost
every village and house in Scotland. The Gaelic population were
quite averse to the settlement of these strangers among them, and
it is said that the extravagant mode of living introduced by the
Saxon followers of Queen Margaret, was one of the reasons which led
to their expulsion from Scotland, in the reign of Donal-bane, who
rendered himself popular with his people by this unfriendly act.

This expulsion was, however, soon rendered nugatory, for on the
accession of Edgar, the first sovereign of the Scoto-Saxon dynasty,
many distinguished Saxon families with their followers settled in
Scotland, to the heads of which families the king made grants of
land of considerable extent. Few of these foreigners appear to have
come into Scotland during the reign of Alexander I., the brother and
successor of Edgar; but vast numbers of Anglo-Saxons, Anglo-Normans,
and Flemings, established themselves in Scotland in the reign of
David I. That prince had received his education at the court of Henry
I., and had married Maud or Matilda, the only child of Waltheof,
Earl of Northumberland and Huntingdon, by Judith, niece to William
the Conqueror on the mother’s side. This lady had many vassals, and
when David came to the throne, in the year 1124, he was followed by
a thousand Anglo-Normans, to whom he distributed lands, on which
they and their followers settled. Many of the illustrious families in
Scotland originated from this source.

Malcolm Ceanmore had, before his accession to the throne, resided for
some time in England as a fugitive, under the protection of Edward
the Confessor, where he acquired a knowledge of the Saxon language;
which language, after his marriage with the princess Margaret, became
that of the Scottish court. This circumstance made that language
fashionable among the Scottish nobility, in consequence of which and
of the Anglo-Saxon colonization under David I., the Gaelic language
was altogether superseded in the Lowlands of Scotland in little
more than two centuries after the death of Malcolm. A topographical
line of demarcation was then fixed as the boundary between the two
languages, which has ever since been kept up, and presents one of the
most singular phenomena ever observed in the history of philology.

The change of the seat of government by Kenneth, on ascending the
Pictish throne, to Abernethy, also followed by the removal of the
marble chair, the emblem of sovereignty, from Dunstaffnage to Scone,
appears to have occasioned no detriment to the Gaelic population of
the Highlands; but when Malcolm Ceanmore transferred his court, about
the year 1066, to Dunfermline,--which also became, in place of Iona,
the sepulchre of the Scottish kings,--the rays of royal bounty, which
had hitherto diffused their protecting and benign influence over the
inhabitants of the Highlands, were withdrawn, and left them a prey
to anarchy and poverty. “The people,” says General David Stewart,
“now beyond the reach of the laws, became turbulent and fierce,
revenging in person those wrongs for which the administrators of
the laws were too distant and too feeble to afford redress. Thence
arose the institution of chiefs, who naturally became the judges and
arbiters in the quarrels of their clansmen and followers, and who
were surrounded by men devoted to the defence of their rights, their
property, and their power; and accordingly the chiefs established
within their own territories a jurisdiction almost wholly independent
of their liege lord.”

The connection which Malcolm and his successors maintained with
England, estranged still farther the Highlanders from the dominion of
the sovereign and the laws; and their history, after the population
of the Lowlands had merged into and adopted the language of the
Anglo-Saxons, presents, with the exception of the wars between rival
clans which will be noticed afterwards, nothing remarkable till their
first appearance on the military theatre of our national history in
the campaigns of Montrose, Dundee, and others.

On the accession of Alexander I., then, Scotland was divided between
the Celt and the Saxon, or more strictly speaking, Teuton, pretty
much as it is at the present day, the Gaelic population having
become gradually confined very nearly to the limits indicated in the
first chapter. They never appear, at least until quite recently, to
have taken kindly to Teutonic customs and the Teutonic tongue, and
resented much the defection of their king in court, in submitting
to Saxon innovations. Previous to this the history of the Highlands
has been, to a very great extent, the history of Scotland, and even
for a considerable time after this, _Scotia_ was applied strictly
to the country north of the Forth and Clyde, the district south of
that being known by various other names. During and after Edgar’s
time, the whole of the country north of the Tweed became more and
more a counterpart of England, with its thanes, its earls, and its
sheriffs; and even the Highland maormors assumed the title of earl,
in deference to the new customs. The Highlanders, however, it is well
known, for centuries warred against these Saxon innovations, becoming
more and more a peculiar people, being, up till the end of the last
century, a perpetual thorn in the flesh of their Saxon rulers and
their Saxon fellow-subjects. They have a history of their own, which
we deem worthy of narration.[119]

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE SCOTTISH KINGS, FROM 843 TO 1097, ADJUSTED
FROM THE BEST AUTHORITIES.

+----------------------------------------+--------+--------+-------+
| |Date of |Duration| |
| NAMES OF THE KINGS. |Access- | of | Death.|
| | -ion. | Reign. | |
+----------------------------------------+--------+--------+-------+
| | A.D. | Years. | A.D. |
| KENNETH MACALPINE over the Scots and | | | |
| Picts, | 843 | 16 | 859 |
| DONAL MACALPIN, | 859 | 4 | 863 |
| CONSTANTINE II., son of Kenneth, | 863 | 18 | 881 |
| AODH, or HUGH, the son of Kenneth, | 881 | 1 | 882 |
| EOCHA, or ACHY, or Grig, jointly, | 882 | 11 | 893 |
| DONAL IV., the son of Constantine, | 893 | 11 | 904 |
| CONSTANTINE III., the son of Aodh, | 904 | 40 | 944[120]
| MALCOLM I., son of Donal IV., | 944 | 9 | 953 |
| INDULF, the son of Constantine III., | 953 | 8 | 961 |
| DUF, the son of Malcolm I., | 961 | 4½ | 965 |
| CULEN, the son of Indulf, | 965 | 4½ | 970 |
| KENNETH III., son of Malcolm I., | 970 | 24 | 994 |
| CONSTANTINE IV., son of Culen, | 994 | 1½ | 995 |
| KENNETH IV., son of Duf, | 995 | 8 | 1003 |
| MALCOLM II., son of Kenneth III., | 1003 | 30 | 1033 |
| DUNCAN, grandson of Malcolm II., | 1033 | 6 | 1039 |
| MACBETH, son of Finlegh, | 1039 | 17 | 1056 |
| LULACH, son of Gruoch and Gilcomgain, | 1056 | ½ | 1057 |
| MALCOLM III., Ceanmore, son of Duncan, | 1057 | 36⅔ | 1093 |
| DONALD BANE, son of Duncan, | 1093 | ½ | 1094 |
| DUNCAN II., son of Malcolm III., | 1094 | ½ | 1094 |
| DONALD BANE again, | 1094 | 3 | 1097 |
| EDGAR, son of Malcolm III., | 1097 | 9 | 1106 |
+----------------------------------------+--------+--------+-------+

[Illustration: MACINTYRE. (Tartan)]

FOOTNOTES:

[109] Burton’s _Scotland_, vol. i. p. 354.

[110] Robertson’s _Early Kings_, vol. i. p. 76.

[111] According to Skene, _Finella_ is a corruption of _Finuele_ or
_Finole_ Cunchar, Earl of Angus.--Skene’s _Annals of the Picts and
Scots_, p. cxliv.

[112] Maclauchlan’s _Early Scottish Church_, p. 306. Robertson’s
_Scot. under her Early Kings_, vol. i. p. 88.

[113] The last we hear of any king or ruler of Strathclyde was
one that fought on Malcolm’s side in this battle; and presently
afterwards the attenuated state is found, without any conflict,
absorbed in the Scots king’s dominions.--Burton, vol. i. p. 367.

[114] Robertson’s _Early Kings_, vol. i. p. 113.

[115] As quoted by Skene, _Highlanders_, vol. i. p. 112.

[116] Burton’s _Scotland_, vol. i. p. 372.

[117] Skene’s _Highlanders_, vol. i. p. 123.

[118] _Early Kings_, vol. i. p. 160.

[119] Since the above was written, the _Book of Deer_ has been
published; what further information is to be gained from it will be
found at the end of this volume.

[120] Abdicated; died 952.

CHAPTER V.

A.D. 1107-1411.

KINGS OF SCOTLAND DURING THE PERIOD:--

Alexander I., 1107-1124.
David I., 1124-1153.
Malcolm IV., 1153-1165.
William the Lion, 1165-1214.
Alexander II., 1214-1249.
Alexander III., 1249-1285.
Regency, 1286-1290.
Interregnum, 1290-1292.
John Baliol, 1292-1306.
Robert Bruce, 1306-1329.
David II., 1329-1332.
Edward Baliol, 1332-1341.
David II. restored, 1341-1370.
Robert II. (Stewart), 1370-1390.
Robert III. 1390-1406.
James I., 1406-1436.

Alexander I.--David I.--Insurrections in Highlands--Somerled
--Moraymen and Malcolm IV.--William The Lion--Disturbances in the
Highlands--Ross-shire--Orkney--Alexander II.--Argyle--Caithness
--Alexander III.--Disturbances in Ross--Expedition of Haco--Battle
of Largs--Robert Bruce--Expedition into Lorn--Subdues Western Isles
--Isles revolt under David II. and again submit--Contest between
the Monroes and Clan Chattan--The Clan Chattan and the Camerons
--Battle on North Inch--Wolf of Badenoch--His son Alexander Stewart
--Disturbances in Sutherland--Lord of the Isles invades Scotland
--Battle of Harlaw.

The reign of Alexander I. was disturbed, about the year 1116, by
an attempt made by the men of Moray and Merne to surprise the king
while enjoying himself at his favourite residence at Invergowrie,
on the north bank of the Tay, not far from its mouth. The king,
however, showed himself more than a match for his enemies, as he
not only defeated their immediate purpose, but, pursuing them with
his army across the Moray Frith, chastised them so effectually as
to keep them quiet for the remainder of his reign, which ended by
his death, in April, 1124. In 1130, six years after the accession of
King David I. to the Scottish throne, while he was in England, the
Moraymen again rose against the semi-Saxon king, but were defeated at
Strickathrow, in Forfarshire, by Edward the Constable, son of Siward
Beorn, Angus the Earl of Moray being left among the dead, Malcolm
his brother escaping to carry on the conflict. In 1134 David himself
took the field against these Highlanders, and, with the assistance of
the barons of Northumberland, headed by Walter L’Espec, completely
subdued the Moraymen, confiscated the whole district, and bestowed
it upon knights in whose fidelity he could place confidence, some of
these being Normans.

This was manifestly, according to Dr. Maclauchlan, the period of
the dispersion of the ancient Moravienses. Never till then was the
power of the Moray chiefs thoroughly broken, and only then were the
inhabitants proscribed, and many of them expelled. The Murrays,
afterwards so powerful, found their way to the south, carrying with
them the name of their ancient country, and some of the present
tribes of Sutherland, as well as of Inverness-shire, who, there is
reason to believe, belonged to the Scoto-Pictish inhabitants of
Moray, removed their dwellings to those portions of the country which
they have occupied ever since. The race of Mac Heth may appear among
the Mac Heths or Mac Aoidhs, _the Mackays_ of Sutherland, nor is this
rendered less probable by the Morganaich or _sons of Morgan_, the
ancient name of the Mackays, appearing in the Book of Deer as owning
possessions and power in Buchan in the 10th or 11th century.[121]

The next enterprise of any note was undertaken by Somerled, thane
of Argyle and the Isles, against the authority of Malcolm IV.,
who, after various conflicts, was repulsed, though not subdued, by
Gilchrist, Earl of Angus. A peace, concluded with this powerful
chieftain in 1153, was considered of such importance as to form an
epoch in the dating of Scottish charters. A still more formidable
insurrection broke out among the Moraymen, under Gildominick, on
account of an attempt, on the part of the Government, to intrude the
Anglo-Norman jurisdiction, introduced into the Lowlands, upon their
Celtic customs, and the settling of Anglo-Belgic colonists among
them. These insurgents laid waste the neighbouring counties; and
so regardless were they of the royal authority, that they actually
hanged the heralds who were sent to summon them to lay down their
arms. Malcolm despatched the gallant Earl Gilchrist with an army
to subdue them, but he was defeated, and forced to re-cross the
Grampians.

This defeat aroused Malcolm, who was naturally of an indolent
disposition. About the year 1160 he marched north with a powerful
army, and found the enemy on the moor of Urquhart, near the Spey,
ready to give him battle. After passing the Spey, the noblemen in
the king’s army reconnoitred the enemy; but they found them so
well prepared for action, and so flushed with their late success,
that they considered the issue of a battle rather doubtful. On this
account, the commanders advised the king to enter into a negotiation
with the rebels, and to promise, that in the event of a submission
their lives would be spared. The offer was accepted, and the king
kept his word. According to Fordun,[122] the king, by the advice
of his nobles, ordained that every family in Moray which had been
engaged in the rebellion should, within a limited time, remove out of
Moray to other parts of the kingdom, where lands would be assigned to
them, and that their places should be supplied with people from other
parts of the kingdom. For the performance of this order, they gave
hostages, it is said,[123] and at the time appointed transplanted
themselves, some into the northern, but the greater number into the
southern counties. Chalmers considers this removal of the Moray men
as “an egregious improbability,” because “the dispossessing of a
whole people is so difficult an operation, that the recital of it
cannot be believed without strong evidence;”[124] it is very probable
that only the ringleaders and their families were transported. The
older historians say that the Moraymen were almost totally cut off in
an obstinate battle, and strangers brought into their place.[125]

About this time Somerled, the ambitious and powerful lord of the
Isles, made another and a last attempt upon the king’s authority,
Having collected a large force, chiefly in Ireland, he landed, in
1164, near Renfrew; but he was defeated by the brave inhabitants
and the king’s troops in a decisive battle, in which he and his son
Gillecolum were slain.

The reign of William the Lion, who succeeded his brother in 1165, was
marked by many disturbances in the Highlands. The Gaelic population
could not endure the new settlers whom the Saxon colonization had
introduced among them, and every opportunity was taken to vex and
annoy them. An open insurrection broke out in Ross-shire, headed by
Donald Bane, known also as MacWilliam, which obliged William, in the
year 1181, to march into the north, where he built the two castles
of Eddirton and Dunscath to keep the people in check. He restored
quiet for a few years; but, in 1187, Donald Bane again renewed his
pretensions to the crown, and raised the standard of revolt in
the north. He took possession of Ross, and wasted Moray. William
lost no time in leading an army against him. While the king lay at
Inverness with his army, a party of 3,000 faithful men, under the
command of Roland, the brave lord of Galloway, and future Constable
of Scotland, fell in with Donald Bane and his army upon the Mamgarvy
moor, on the borders of Moray. A conflict ensued in which Donald
and five hundred of his followers were killed. Roland carried the
head of Donald to William, “as a savage sign of returning quiet.”
After this comparative quietness prevailed in the north till the
year 1196, when Harold, the powerful Earl of Orkney and Caithness,
disturbed its peace. William dispersed the insurgents at once;
but they again appeared the following year near Inverness, under
the command of Torphin, the son of Harold. The rebels were again
overpowered. The king seized Harold, and obliged him to deliver up
his son, Torphin, as an hostage. Harold was allowed to retain the
northern part of Caithness, but the king gave the southern part of
it, called Sutherland, to Hugh Freskin, the progenitor of the Earls
of Sutherland. Harold died in 1206; but as he had often rebelled, his
son suffered a cruel and lingering death in the castle of Roxburgh,
where he had been confined.

During the year 1211 a new insurrection broke out in Ross, headed
by Guthred or Godfrey, the son of Donald Bane or MacWilliam, as he
was called. Great depredations were committed by the insurgents, who
were chiefly freebooters from Ireland, the Hebrides, and Lochaber.
For a long time they baffled the king’s troops; and although the
king built two forts to keep them in check, and took many prisoners,
they maintained for a considerable period a desultory and predatory
warfare. Guthred even forced one of the garrisons to capitulate, and
burnt the castle; but being betrayed by his followers into the hands
of William Comyn, Earl of Buchan, the Justiciary of Scotland, he was
executed in the year 1212.

Shortly after the accession of Alexander II. in 1214, the peace
of the north was attempted to be disturbed by Donald MacWilliam,
who made an inroad from Ireland into Moray; but he was repulsed by
the tribes of that country, led by M’Intagart, the Earl of Ross.
In 1222, notwithstanding the formidable obstacles which presented
themselves from the nature of the country, Alexander carried an
army into Argyle, for the purpose of enforcing the homage of the
western chiefs. His presence so alarmed the men of Argyle, that they
immediately made their submission. Several of the chiefs fled for
safety, and to punish them, the king distributed their lands among
his officers and their followers. After this invasion Argyle was
brought under the direct jurisdiction of the Scottish king, although
the descendants of the race of Somerled, Lord of the Isles, still
continued to be the chief magnates.

During the same year a tumult took place in Caithness, on account of
the severity with which the tithes were exacted by Adam, the bishop,
who, with his adviser, Serlo, was murdered by the bonders. The king,
who was at the time at Jedburgh, hearing of this murder, immediately
hastened to the north with a military force, and inflicted the
punishment of death upon the principal actors in this tragedy, who
amounted, it is said, to four hundred persons; and that their race
might become extinct, their children were emasculated, a practice
very common in these barbarous times. The Earl of Caithness, who
was supposed to have been privy to the murder, was deprived of half
of his estate, which was afterwards restored to him on payment of
a heavy fine. The Earl is said to have been murdered by his own
servants in the year 1231, and in order to prevent discovery, they
laid his body into his bed and set fire to the house.

In 1228 the country of Moray became the theatre of a new
insurrection, headed by a Ross-shire freebooter, named Gillespoc
M’Scolane. He committed great devastations by burning some wooden
castles in Moray, and spoiling the crown lands. He even attacked and
set fire to Inverness. A large army of horse and foot, under the
command of John Comyn, Earl of Buchan, Justiciary of Scotland, was,
in 1229, sent against this daring rebel, who was captured, with his
two sons, and their heads sent to the king.

The lords of Argyle usually paid homage to the king of Norway for
some of the Hebrides which belonged to that monarch, but Ewen,
on succeeding his father Duncan of Argyle in 1248, refused his
homage to the Scottish king, who wished to possess the whole of
the Western Isles. Though Ewen was perfectly loyal, and indeed was
one of the most honourable men of his time, Alexander marched an
army against him to enforce obedience, but his Majesty died on his
journey in Kerrera, a small island near the coast of Argyle opposite
Oban, on July 8, 1249, in the fifty-first year of his age, and the
thirty-fifth of his reign.

According to the custom of the times, his son, Alexander III., then a
boy only in his eighth year, was seated on the royal chair, or sacred
stone of Scone, which was placed before the cross that stood within
the burying-ground. Immediately before his inauguration, the bishop
of St. Andrews girded him with the sword of state, and explained
to him, first in Latin and afterwards in Norman French, the nature
of the compact he and his subjects were about to enter into. The
crown, after the king had been seated, was placed on his head, and
the sceptre put into his hand. He was then covered with the royal
mantle, and received the homage of the nobles on their knees, who,
in token of submission, threw their robes beneath his feet. On this
occasion, agreeably to ancient practice, a Gaelic sennachy, or bard,
clothed in a red mantle, and venerable for his great age and hoary
locks, approached the king, and in a bended and reverential attitude,
recited, from memory, in his native language, the genealogy of all
the Scottish kings, deducing the descent of the youthful monarch from
Gathetus, the fabulous founder of the nation.[126] The reign of this
prince was distinguished by the entire subjugation of the western
islands to the power of the Scottish crown. The Scandinavian settlers
were allowed to leave the islands, if inclined, and such of them as
remained were bound to observe the Scottish laws.

[Illustration: Alexander III.--From Pinkerton’s Scottish Gallery.]

Shortly after the accession of Alexander III., an insurrection broke
out against the Earl of Ross, of some of the people of that province.
The Earl apprehended their leader or captain, whom he imprisoned at
Dingwall. In revenge, the Highlanders seized upon the Earl’s second
son at Balnagown, took him prisoner, and detained him as a hostage
till their captain should be released. The Monroes and the Dingwalls
immediately took up arms, and having pursued the insurgents, overtook
them at a place called Bealligh-ne-Broig, between Ferrandonald
and Loch Broom, where a bloody conflict ensued. “The Clan Iver,
Clan-Talvich, and Clan-Laiwe,” says Sir Robert Gordon, “wer almost
uterlie extinguished and slain.” The Monroes and Dingwalls lost a
great many men. Dingwall of Kildun, and seven score of the surname
of Dingwall, were killed. No less than eleven Monroes of the house
of Foulis, who were to succeed one after another, fell, so that the
succession of Foulis opened to an infant then lying in his cradle.
The Earl’s son was rescued, and to requite the service performed, he
made various grants of lands to the Monroes and Dingwalls.[127]

In 1263, Haco, the aged king of Norway, sailed with a large and
powerful fleet, determined to enforce acknowledgment of his claims
as superior of the Western Islands on their chiefs, as well as upon
the king of Scotland. Sailing southwards among the islands, one chief
after another acknowledged his supremacy, and helped to swell his
force, the only honourable exception being the stanch Ewen of Argyle.
Meantime Haco brought his fleet to anchor in the Frith of Clyde,
between Arran and the Ayrshire coast, his men committing ravages on
the neighbouring country, as, indeed, they appear to have done during
the whole of his progress. Negotiations entered into between Haco and
Alexander III. came to nothing, and as winter was approaching, and
his fleet had suffered much from several severe storms which caught
it, the former was fain to make his way homewards. A number of his
men, however, contrived to effect a landing near Largs, where they
were met by a miscellaneous Scottish host, consisting of cavalry
and country people, and finally completely routed. The date of this
skirmish, which is known as the battle of Largs, is October 2d, 1263.
Haco died in the end of the same year in Orkney, and in 1266 Magnus
IV., his successor, ceded the whole of the Scottish Islands held by
Norway, except Orkney and Shetland, the Scottish king paying a small
annual rent. Those of the islesmen who had proved unfaithful to the
Scottish king were most severely and cruelly punished.

No event of any importance appears to have occurred in the
Highlands till the time of King Robert Bruce, who was attacked,
after his defeat at Methven, by Macdougall of Lorn, and defeated
in Strathfillan. But Bruce was determined that Macdougall should
not long enjoy his petty triumph. Having been joined by his able
partisan, Sir James Douglas, he entered the territory of Lorn. On
arriving at the narrow pass of Ben Cruachan, beween Loch Awe and Loch
Etive, Bruce was informed that Macdougall had laid an ambuscade for
him. Bruce divided his army into two parts. One of these divisions,
consisting entirely of archers who were lightly armed, was placed
under the command of Douglas, who was directed to make a circuit
round the mountain, and to attack the Highlanders in the rear.
As soon as Douglas had gained possession of the ground above the
Highlanders, Bruce entered the pass, and, as soon as he had advanced
into its narrow gorge, he was attacked by the men of Lorn, who, from
the surrounding heights, hurled down stones upon him accompanied
with loud shouts. They then commenced a closer attack, but, being
instantly assailed in the rear by Douglas’s division, and assaulted
by the king with great fury in front, they were thrown into complete
disorder, and defeated with great slaughter. Macdougall, who was,
during the action, on board a small vessel in Loch Etive, waiting the
result, took refuge in his castle of Dunstaffnage. After ravaging
the territory of Lorn, and giving it up to indiscriminate plunder,
Bruce laid siege to the castle, which, after a slight resistance, was
surrendered by the lord of Lorn, who swore homage to the king; but
John, the son of the chief, refused to submit, and took refuge in
England.

During the civil wars among the competitors for the Scottish
crown, and those under Wallace and Bruce for the independence of
Scotland, the Highlanders scarcely ever appear as participators in
those stirring scenes which developed the resources, and called
forth the chivalry of Scotland; but we are not to infer from the
silence of history that they were less alive than their southern
countrymen to the honour and glory of their country, or that they
did not contribute to secure its independence. General Stewart
says that eighteen Highland chiefs[128] fought under Robert Bruce
at Bannockburn; and as these chiefs would be accompanied by their
vassals, it is fair to suppose that Highland prowess lent its
powerful aid to obtain that memorable victory which secured Scotland
from the dominion of a foreign yoke.

After Robert Bruce had asserted the independence of his country by
the decisive battle of Bannockburn, the whole kingdom, with the
exception of some of the western islands, under John of Argyle, the
ally of England, submitted to his authority. He, therefore, undertook
an expedition against those isles, in which he was accompanied by
Walter, the hereditary high-steward of Scotland, his son-in-law,
who, by his marriage with Marjory, King Robert’s daughter, laid the
foundation of the Stewart dynasty. To avoid the necessity of doubling
the Mull of Kintyre, which was a dangerous attempt for the small
vessels then in use, Robert sailed up Loch-Fyne to Tarbert with his
fleet, which he dragged across the narrow isthmus between the lochs
of East and West Tarbert, by means of a slide of smooth planks of
trees laid parallel to each other. It had long been a superstitious
belief amongst the inhabitants of the Western Islands, that they
should never be subdued till their invaders sailed across this neck
of land, and it is said that Robert was thereby partly induced to
follow the course he did to impress upon the minds of the islanders
a conviction that the time of their subjugation had arrived. The
islanders were quickly subdued, and John of Lorn, who, for his
services to Edward of England, had been invested with the title of
Admiral of the Western fleet of England, was captured and imprisoned
first in Dumbarton castle, and afterwards in the castle of Loch
Leven, where he died.

The feeble and effeminate reign of David II. was disturbed by another
revolt by the Lord of the Isles, who was backed in his attempt
to throw off his dependence by a great number of the Highland
chiefs. David, with “an unwonted energy of character, commanded the
attendance of the steward, with the prelates and barons of the realm,
and surrounded by this formidable body of vassals and retainers,
proceeded against the rebels in person. The expedition was completely
successful. The rebel prince, John of the Isles, with a numerous
train of those wild Highland chieftains who followed his banner, and
had supported him in his attempt to throw off his dependence, met
the king at Inverness, and submitted to his authority. He engaged
in the most solemn manner, for himself and his vassals, that they
should yield themselves faithful and obedient subjects to David,
their liege lord; and not only give due and prompt obedience to the
ministers and officers of the king in suit and service, as well as
in the payment of taxes and public burdens, but that they would
coerce and put down all others, of whatever rank or degree, who
dared to raise themselves in opposition to the royal authority, and
would compel them either to submit, or would pursue and banish them
from their territories: for the fulfilment of which obligation the
Lord of the Isles not only gave his own oath, under the penalty of
forfeiting his whole principality if it was broken, but offered the
high-steward, his father-in-law, as his security, and delivered
his lawful son, Donald, his grandson, Angus, and his natural son,
also named Donald, as hostages for the strict performance of the
articles of the treaty.”[129] The deed by which John of the Isles
bound himself to the performance of these stipulations is dated 15th
November, 1369.[130]

To enable him the better to succeed in reducing the inhabitants of
the Highlands and islands to the obedience of the laws, it is stated
by an old historian,[131] that David used artifice by dividing the
chiefs, and promising high rewards to those who should slay or
capture their brother chiefs. The writer says that this diabolical
plan, by implanting the seeds of disunion and war amongst the
chiefs, succeeded; and that they gradually destroyed one another,
a statement, to say the least of it, highly improbable. Certain it
is, however, that it was in this reign that the practice of paying
_manrent_ began, when the powerful wished for followers, and the weak
wanted protection, a circumstance which shows that the government
was too weak to afford protection to the oppressed, or to quell the
disputes of rival clans.

In the year 1333,[132] John Monroe, the tutor of Foulis, in
travelling homeward, on his journey from Edinburgh to Ross, stopped
on a meadow in Stratherdale that he and his servants might get some
repose. While they were asleep, the owner of the meadow cut off the
tails of their horses. Being resolved to wipe off this insult, he
immediately, on his return home to Ross, summoned his whole kinsmen
and followers, and, after informing them how he had been used, craved
their aid to revenge the injury. The clan, of course, complied;
and, having selected 350 of the best and ablest men among them, he
returned to Stratherdale, which he wasted and spoiled; killed some of
the inhabitants, and carried off their cattle. In passing by the isle
of Moy, on his return home, Macintosh, the chief of the clan Chattan,
being urged by some person who bore Monroe a grudge, sent a message
to him demanding a share of the spoil. This was customary among the
Highlanders when a party drove cattle which had been so taken through
a gentleman’s land, and the part so exacted was called a _Staoig
Rathaid_, or _Staoig Creich_, that is, a Road Collop. Monroe, not
being disposed to quarrel, offered Macintosh a reasonable share,
but this he was advised not to accept, and demanded the half of the
booty. Monroe refused to comply with such an unreasonable demand,
and proceeded on his journey. Macintosh, determined to enforce
compliance, immediately collected his clansmen, and went in pursuit
of Monroe, whom he overtook at Clach-na-Haire, near Inverness. As
soon as Monroe saw Macintosh approaching, he sent home five of his
men to Ferrindonald with the cattle, and prepared for action. But
Macintosh paid dearly for his rapacity and rashness, for he and the
greater part of his men were killed in the conflict. Several of the
Monroes also were slain, and John Monroe himself was left for dead in
the field of battle, and might have died if the predecessor of Lord
Lovat had not carried him to his house in the neighbourhood, where he
was cured of his wounds. One of his hands was so mutilated, that he
lost the use of it the remainder of his life, on which account he was
afterwards called John Bac-laimh, or Ciotach.[133]

Besides the feuds of the clans in the reign of David II., the
Highlands appear to have been disturbed by a formidable insurrection
against the government, for, in a parliament which was held at Scone,
in the year 1366, a resolution was entered into to seize the rebels
in Argyle, Athole, Badenoch, Lochaber, and Ross, and all others who
had risen up against the royal authority, and to compel them to
submit to the laws. The chief leaders in this commotion (of which
the bare mention in the parliamentary record is the only account
which has reached us,) were the Earl of Ross, Hugh de Ross, John of
the Isles, John of Lorn, and John de Haye, who were all summoned to
attend the parliament and give in their submission, but they all
refused to do so in the most decided manner; and as the government
was too weak to compel them, they were suffered to remain independent.

In the year 1386, a feud having taken place between the clan Chattan
and the Camerons, a battle took place in which a great number of
the clan Chattan were killed, and the Camerons were nearly cut off
to a man. The occasion of the quarrel was as follows. The lands of
Macintosh[134] in Lochaber, were possessed by the Camerons, who were
so tardy in the payment of their rents that Macintosh was frequently
obliged to levy them by force by carrying off his tenants’ cattle.
The Camerons were so irritated at having their cattle poinded and
taken away, that they resolved to make reprisals, preparatory to
which they marched into Badenoch to the number of about 400 men,
under the command of Charles Macgilony. As soon as Macintosh became
acquainted with this movement he called his clan and friends, the
Macphersons and Davidsons, together. His force was superior to
that of the Camerons, but a dispute arose among the chiefs which
almost proved fatal to them. To Macintosh, as captain of the clan
Chattan, the command of the centre of the army was assigned with
the consent of all parties; but a difference took place between
Cluny and Invernahavon, each claiming the command of the right wing.
Cluny demanded it as the chief of the ancient clan Chattan, of which
the Davidsons of Invernahavon were only a branch; but Invernahavon
contended that to him, as the oldest branch, the command of the right
wing belonged, according to the custom of the clans. The Camerons
came up during this quarrel about precedency, on which Macintosh,
as umpire, decided against the claim of Cluny. This was a most
imprudent award, as the Macphersons exceeded both the Macintoshes
and Davidsons in numbers, and they were, besides, in the country
of the Macphersons. These last were so offended at the decision of
Macintosh that they withdrew from the field, and became, for a time,
spectators of the action. The battle soon commenced, and was fought
with great obstinacy. Many of the Macintoshes, and almost all the
Davidsons, were cut off by the superior number of the Camerons. The
Macphersons seeing their friends and neighbours almost overpowered,
could no longer restrain themselves, and friendship got the better
of their wounded pride. They, therefore, at this perilous crisis,
rushed in upon the Camerons, who, from exhaustion and the loss they
had sustained, were easily defeated. The few that escaped, with their
leader, were pursued from Invernahavon, the place of battle, three
miles above Ruthven, to Badenoch. Charles Macgilony was killed on a
hill in Glenbenchir, which was long called Torr-Thearlaich, _i.e._,
Charles’-hill.[136]

In the opinion of Shaw this quarrel about precedency was the origin
of the celebrated judicial conflict, which took place on the North
Inch of Perth, before Robert III., his queen, Annabella Drummond, and
the Scottish nobility, and some foreigners of distinction, in the
year 1396, and of which a variety of accounts have been given by our
ancient historians. The parties to this combat were the Macphersons,
properly the clan Chattan, and the Davidsons of Invernahavon, called
in the Gaelic _Clann-Dhaibhidh_. The Davidsons were not, as some
writers have supposed, a separate clan, but a branch of the clan
Chattan. These rival tribes had for a long period kept up a deadly
enmity with one another, which was difficult to be restrained; but
after the award by Macintosh against the Macphersons, that enmity
broke out into open strife, and for ten years the Macphersons and the
Davidsons carried on a war of extermination, and kept the country in
an uproar.

To put an end to these disorders, it is said that Robert III. sent
Dunbar, Earl of Moray, and Lindsay of Glenesk, afterwards Earl of
Crawford, two of the leading men of the kingdom, to endeavour to
effect an amicable arrangement between the contending parties; but
having failed in their attempt, they proposed that the differences
should be decided in open combat before the king. Tytler[137] is of
opinion that, the notions of the Norman knights having by this time
become familiar to the fierce mountaineers, they adopted the singular
idea of deciding their quarrel by a combat of 30 against 30. Burton,
however, with his usual sagacity, remarks that, “for a whole race to
submit to the ordeal of battle would imply the very highest devotion
to those rules of chivalry which were an extravagant fashion in all
the countries under the Norman influence, but were utterly unknown to
the Highlanders, who submitted when they must submit, and retaliated
when they could. That such an adjustment could be effected among
them is about as incredible as a story about a parliamentary debate
in Persia, or a jury trial in Timbuctoo.”[138] The beautiful and
perfectly level meadow on the banks of the Tay at Perth, known as the
North Inch, was fixed on, and the Monday before Michaelmas was the
day appointed for the combat. According to Sir Robert Gordon, who is
followed by Sir Robert Douglas and Mr. Mackintosh, it was agreed that
no weapon but the broad sword was to be employed, but Wyntoun, who
lived about the time, adds bows, battle-axes, and daggers.

“All thai entrit in Barreris,
With Bow and Axe, Knyf and Swerd,
To deal amang them thair last Werd.”

The numbers on each side have been variously reported. By mistaking
the word _triceni_, used by Boece and Buchanan, for _treceni_, some
writers have multiplied them to 300. Bower, the continuator of Fordun
and Wyntoun, however, mentions expressly 60 in all, or 30 on either
side.

On the appointed day the combatants made their appearance on the
North Inch of Perth, to decide, in presence of the king, his queen,
and a large concourse of the nobility, their respective claims to
superiority. Barriers had been erected on the ground to prevent the
spectators from encroaching, and the king and his party took their
stations upon a platform from which they could easily view the
combat. At length the warriors, armed with sword and target, bows and
arrows, short knives and battle-axes, advanced within the barriers,
and eyed one another with looks of deadly revenge. When about to
engage, a circumstance occurred which postponed the battle, and had
well-nigh prevented it altogether. According to some accounts, one
of the Macphersons fell sick; but Bower says, that when the troops
had been marshalled, one of the Macphersons, panic-struck, slipped
through the crowd, plunged into the Tay and swam across, and, though
pursued by thousands, effected his escape. Sir Robert Gordon merely
observes, that, “at their entrie into the feild, the clan Chattan
lacked one of their number, who wes privilie stolne away, not willing
to be pertaker of so deir a bargane.” A man being now wanting on
one side, a pause ensued, and a proposal was made that one of the
Davidsons should retire, that the number on both sides might be
equal, but they refused. As the combat could not proceed from this
inequality of numbers, the king was about to break up the assembly,
when a diminutive and crooked, but fierce man, named Henry Wynd, a
burgher of Perth, better known to readers of Scott as Hal o’ the
Wynd, and an armourer by trade, sprung within the barriers, and,
as related by Bower, thus addressed the assembly: “Here am I. Will
any one fee me to engage with these hirelings in this stage play?
For half a mark will I try the game, provided, if I escape alive,
I have my board of one of you so long as I live. Greater love, as
it is said, hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for
his friends. What, then, shall be my reward, who stake my life for
the foes of the commonwealth and realm?” This demand of _Gow Crom_,
“Crooked Smith,” as Henry was familiarly styled, adds Bower, was
granted by the king and nobles. A murderous conflict now began. The
armourer, bending his bow, and sending the first arrow among the
opposite party, killed one of them. After showers of arrows had been
discharged on both sides, the combatants, with fury in their looks,
and revenge in their hearts, rushed upon one another, and a terrific
scene ensued, which appalled the heart of many a valorous knight who
witnessed the bloody tragedy. The violent thrusts of the daggers,
and the tremendous gashes inflicted by the two-handed swords and
battle-axes, hastened the work of butchery and death. “Heads were
cloven asunder, limbs were lopped from the trunk. The meadow was soon
flooded with blood, and covered with dead and wounded men.”[139]

After the crooked armourer had killed his man, as already related
from Bower, it is said that he either sat down or drew aside, which
being observed by the leader of Cluny’s band, he asked his reason
for thus stopping; on which Wynd said, “Because I have fulfilled my
bargain, and earned my wages.”--“The man,” exclaimed the other, “who
keeps no reckoning of his good deeds, without reckoning shall be
repaid,” an observation which tempted the armourer to earn, in the
multiplied deaths of his opponents, a sum exceeding by as many times
the original stipulation. This speech of the leader has been formed
into the Gaelic adage,

“_Am fear nach cunntadh rium_
_Cha chunntainn ris_,”

which Macintosh thus renders,

“The man that reckons not with me
I will not reckon with him.”

Victory at last declared for the Macphersons, but not until 29 of
the Davidsons had fallen prostrate in the arms of death. Nineteen
of Cluny’s men also bit the dust, and the remaining 11, with the
exception of Henry Wynd, who by his excellence as a swordsman had
mainly contributed to gain the day, were all grievously wounded. The
survivor of the clan Davidson escaped unhurt. Mackintosh following
Buchanan, relates that this man, after all his companions had fallen,
threw himself into the Tay, and making the opposite bank, escaped;
but this is most likely a new version of Bower’s account of the
affrighted champion before the commencement of the action.

The leader of the clan Kay or Davidsons is called by Bower
_Schea-beg_, and by Wyntoun, _Scha-Ferquharis son_, Boece calls
him _Strat-berge_. Who _Christi-Mac-Iain_, or _Christi-Jonson_ was
genealogically, we are not informed; but one thing is pretty clear,
that he, not _Schea-beg_, or _Shaw Oig_,--for these are obviously one
and the same,--commanded the clan Chattan, or “_Clann-a-Chait_.”[140]
Both the principals seem to have been absent, or spectators merely
of the battle; and as few of the leading men of the clan, it is
believed, were parties in the combat, the savage policy of the
government, which, it is said, had taken this method to rid itself
of the chief men of the clan, by making them destroy one another,
was completely defeated. This affair seems to have produced a good
effect, as the Highlanders remained quiet for a considerable time
thereafter.

[Illustration: Effigy of “the Wolf of Badenoch” in Dunkeld Cathedral.]

The disorders in the Highlands occasioned by the feuds of the clans
were, about the period in question, greatly augmented by Alexander
of Badenoch, fourth son of Robert II., whom he had constituted
Lieutenant or governor from the limits of Moray to the Pentland
Frith. This person, from the ferocity of his disposition, obtained
the appropriate appellation of “the Wolf of Badenoch.” Avaricious
as well as cruel, the Wolf seized upon the lands of Alexander Barr,
bishop of Moray, and as he persisted in keeping violent possession of
them, he was excommunicated. The sentence of excommunication not only
proved unavailing, but tended to exasperate the Lord of Badenoch to
such a degree of fury that, in the month of May, 1390, he descended
from his heights and burnt the town of Forres, with the choir of the
church and the manse of the archdeacon. And in June following, he
burnt the town of Elgin, the church of Saint Giles, the hospital of
Maison-Dieu, and the cathedral, with eighteen houses of the canons
and chaplains in the college of Elgin. He also plundered these
churches of their sacred utensils and vestments, which he carried
off. For this horrible sacrilege the Lord of Badenoch was prosecuted,
and obliged to make due reparation. Upon making his submission he was
absolved by Walter Trail, bishop of St. Andrews, in the church of
the Black Friars, in Perth. He was first received at the door, and
afterwards before the high altar, in presence of the king (Robert
III. his brother,) and many of the nobility, on condition that he
should make full satisfaction to the bishop of Moray, and obtain
absolution from the pope.[141]

The Lord of Badenoch had a natural son, named Alexander Stewart,
afterwards Earl of Mar, who inherited the vices of his father.
Bent upon spoliation and bloodshed, and resolved to imitate his
father’s barbarous exploits, he collected, in 1392, a vast number
of caterans, armed only with the sword and target, and with these
he descended from the range of hills which divides the county of
Aberdeen and Forfar, devastated the country, and murdered the
inhabitants indiscriminately. A force was instantly collected by Sir
Walter Ogilvy, sheriff of Angus, Sir Patrick Gray, and Sir David
Lindsay of Glenesk, to oppose him, and although inferior in numbers,
they attacked Stewart and his party of freebooters at Gasklune,
near the water of Ila. A desperate conflict took place, which was
of short duration. The caterans fought with determined bravery, and
soon overpowered their assailants. The sheriff, his brother, Wat of
Lichtoune, Young of Ouchterlony, the lairds of Cairncross, Forfar,
and Guthry, and 60 of their followers, were slain. Sir Patrick
Gray and Sir David Lindsay were severely wounded, and escaped with
difficulty. Winton has preserved an anecdote illustrative of the
fierceness of the Highlanders. Lindsay had run one of them, a strong
and brawny man, through the body with a spear, and brought him to the
earth; but although in the agonies of death, he writhed himself up,
and with the spear sticking in his body, struck Lindsay a desperate
blow with his sword, which cut him through the stirrup and boot into
the bone, on which he instantly fell and expired.[142]

Nicolas, Earl of Sutherland, had a feud with Y-Mackay of Far, in
Strathnaver, chief of the Clan-wig-worgm, and his son Donald Mackay,
in which many lives were lost, and great depredations committed
on both sides. In order to put an end to this difference, the
Earl proposed a meeting of the parties at Dingwall, to be held in
presence of the Lord of the Isles, his father-in-law, and some of the
neighbouring gentry, the friends of the two families. The meeting
having been agreed to, the parties met at the appointed time, in the
year 1395, and took up their residence in the castle of Dingwall in
apartments allotted for them. A discussion then took place between
the Earl and Mackay, regarding the points in controversy, in which
high and reproachful words were exchanged, which so incensed the
Earl, that he killed Mackay and his son with his own hands. Having
with some difficulty effected his escape from the followers and
servants of the Mackays, he immediately returned home and prepared
for defence, but the Mackays were too weak to take revenge. The
matter was in some degree reconciled between Robert, the successor of
Nicolas, and Angus Mackay, the eldest son of Donald.[143]

Some years after this event a serious conflict took place between
the inhabitants of Sutherland and Strathnaver, and Malcolm Macleod
of the Lewis, which arose out of the following circumstances. Angus
Mackay above mentioned, had married a sister of Malcolm Macleod,
by whom he had two sons, Angus Dow, and Roriegald. On the death of
Angus, Houcheon Dow Mackay, a younger brother, became tutor to his
nephews, and entered upon the management of their lands. Malcolm
Macleod, understanding that his sister, the widow of Angus, was ill
treated by Houcheon Dow, went on a visit to her, accompanied by a
number of the choicest men of his country, with the determination of
vindicating her cause either by entreaty or by force. He appears not
to have succeeded in his object, for he returned homeward greatly
discontented, and in revenge laid waste Strathnaver and a great part
of the Breachat in Sutherland, and carried off booty along with him.
As soon as Houcheon Dow and his brother Neill Mackay learnt this
intelligence, they acquainted Robert, Earl of Sutherland, between
whom and Angus Mackay a reconciliation had been effected, who
immediately despatched Alexander Ne-Shrem-Gorme (Alexander Murray
of Cubin,) with a number of stout and resolute men, to assist the
Mackays. They followed Macleod with great haste, and overtook him at
Tittim-Turwigh, upon the marches between Ross and Sutherland. The
pursuing party at first attempted to recover the goods and cattle
which had been carried off, but this being opposed by Macleod and his
men, a desperate conflict ensued, in which great valour was displayed
on both sides. It “was long, furious, cruel, and doubtful,” says Sir
Robert Gordon, and was “rather desperate than resolute.” At last the
Lewismen, with their commander, Malcolm Macleod, nick-named Gilealm
Beg M’Bowen, were slain, and the goods and cattle were recovered.
One man alone of Macleod’s party, who was sorely wounded, escaped to
bring home the sorrowful news to the Lewis, which he had scarcely
delivered when he expired.[144]

These feuds were followed by a formidable insurrection, or more
correctly, invasion, in 1411, by Donald, Lord of the Isles, of such
a serious nature as to threaten a dismemberment of the kingdom
of Scotland. The male succession to the earldom of Ross having
become extinct, the honours of the peerage devolved upon a female,
Euphemia Ross, wife of Sir Walter Lesley. Of this marriage there
were two children, Alexander, afterwards Earl of Ross, and Margaret,
afterwards married to the Lord of the Isles. Earl Alexander married
a daughter of the Duke of Albany. Euphemia, Countess of Ross, was
the only issue of this marriage, but becoming a nun she resigned the
earldom of Ross in favour of her uncle John Stewart, Earl of Buchan.
The Lord of the Isles conceiving that the countess, by renouncing
the world, had forfeited her title and estate, and, moreover, that
she had no right to dispose thereof, claimed both in right of
Margaret his wife. The Duke of Albany, governor of Scotland, at whose
instigation the countess had made the renunciation, of course refused
to sustain the claim of the prince of the islands. The Lord of the
Isles having formed an alliance with England, whence he was to be
supplied with a fleet far superior to the Scottish, at the head of an
army of 10,000 men, fully equipped and armed after the fashion of
the islands with bows and arrows, pole-axes, knives, and swords, in
1411 burst like a torrent upon the earldom, and carried everything
before him. He, however, received a temporary check at Dingwall,
where he was attacked with great impetuosity by Angus Dubh Mackay of
Farr, or Black Angus, as he was called; but Angus was taken prisoner,
and his brother Roderic Gald and many of his men were killed.

Flushed with the progress he had made, Donald now resolved to
carry into execution a threat he had often made to burn the town
of Aberdeen. For this purpose he ordered his army to assemble at
Inverness, and summoned all the men capable of bearing arms in the
Boyne and the Enzie, to join his standard on his way south. This
order being complied with, the Lord of the Isles marched through
Moray without opposition. He committed great excesses in Strathbogie
and in the district of Garioch, which belonged to the Earl of Mar.
The inhabitants of Aberdeen were in dreadful alarm at the near
approach of this marauder and his fierce hordes; but their fears were
allayed by the speedy appearance of a well-equipped army, commanded
by the Earl of Mar, who bore a high military character, assisted by
many brave knights and gentlemen in Angus and the Mearns. Among these
were Sir Alexander Ogilvy, sheriff of Angus, Sir James Scrymgeour,
constable of Dundee and hereditary standard-bearer of Scotland,
Sir William de Abernethy of Salton, nephew to the Duke of Albany,
Sir Robert Maule of Panmure, Sir Alexander Irving of Drum, and Sir
Robert Melville. The Earl was also joined by Sir Robert Davidson, the
Provost of Aberdeen, and a party of the burgesses.

Advancing from Aberdeen, Mar marched by Inverury, and descried the
Highlanders stationed at the village of Harlaw, on the water of Ury,
near its junction with the Don. Mar soon saw that he had to contend
with tremendous odds; but although his forces were, it is said, only
a tenth of those opposed to him, he resolved, from the confidence
he had in his steel-clad knights, to risk a battle. Having placed a
small but select body of knights and men-at-arms in front, under the
command of the constable of Dundee and the sheriff of Angus, the
Earl drew up the main strength of his army in the rear, including
the Murrays, the Straitons, the Maules, the Irvings, the Lesleys,
the Lovels, the Stirlings, headed by their respective chiefs. The
Earl then placed himself at the head of this body. At the head of
the Islesmen and Highlanders was the Lord of the Isles, subordinate
to whom were Macintosh and Maclean and other Highland chiefs, all
bearing the most deadly hatred to their Saxon foes, and panting for
revenge.

On a signal being given, the Highlanders and Islesmen, setting up
those terrific shouts and yells which they were accustomed to raise
on entering into battle, rushed forward upon their opponents; but
they were received with great firmness and bravery by the knights,
who, with their spears levelled, and battle-axes raised, cut down
many of their impetuous but badly armed adversaries. After the
Lowlanders had recovered themselves from the shock which the furious
onset of the Highlanders had produced, Sir James Scrymgeour, at the
head of the knights and bannerets who fought under him, cut his way
through the thick columns of the Islesmen, carrying death everywhere
around him; but the slaughter of hundreds by this brave party did
not intimidate the Highlanders, who kept pouring in by thousands to
supply the place of those who had fallen. Surrounded on all sides,
no alternative remained for Sir James and his valorous companions
but victory or death, and the latter was their lot. The constable of
Dundee was amongst the first who suffered, and his fall so encouraged
the Highlanders, that seizing and stabbing the horses, they thus
unhorsed their riders, whom they despatched with their daggers. In
the meantime the Earl of Mar, who had penetrated with his main army
into the very heart of the enemy, kept up the unequal contest with
great bravery, and, although he lost during the action almost the
whole of his army, he continued the fatal struggle with a handful
of men till nightfall. The disastrous result of this battle was one
of the greatest misfortunes which had ever happened to the numerous
respectable families in Angus and the Mearns. Many of these families
lost not only their head, but every male in the house. Lesley of
Balquhain is said to have fallen with six of his sons. Besides Sir
James Scrymgeour, Sir Alexander Ogilvy the sheriff of Angus, with
his eldest son George Ogilvy, Sir Thomas Murray, Sir Robert Maule
of Panmure, Sir Alexander Irving of Drum, Sir William Abernethy
of Salton, Sir Alexander Straiton of Lauriston, James Lovel, and
Alexander Stirling, and Sir Robert Davidson, Provost of Aberdeen,
with 500 men-at-arms, including the principal gentry of Buchan, and
the greater part of the burgesses of Aberdeen who followed their
Provost, were among the slain. The Highlanders left 900 men dead on
the field of battle, including the chiefs Maclean and Mackintosh.
This memorable battle was fought on the eve of the feast of St. James
the Apostle, July 25th, 1411. It was the final contest for supremacy
between the Celt and the Teuton, and appears to have made at the time
an inconceivably deep impression on the national mind. For more than
a hundred years, it is said, the battle of Harlaw continued to be
fought over again by schoolboys in their play. “It fixed itself in
the music and the poetry of Scotland; a march, called the ‘Battle of
Harlaw,’ continued to be a popular air down to the time of Drummond
of Hawthornden, and a spirited ballad, on the same event, is still
repeated in our age, describing the meeting of the armies, and the
deaths of the chiefs, in no ignoble strain.”[145]

Mar and the few brave companions in arms who survived the battle,
passed the night on the field; when morning dawned, they found that
the Lord of the Isles had retreated during the night, by Inverury
and the hill of Benochy. To pursue him was impossible, and he was
therefore allowed to retire without molestation, and to recruit his
exhausted strength.[146]

As soon as the news of the disaster at Harlaw reached the ears of
the Duke of Albany, then regent of Scotland, he set about collecting
an army, with which he marched in person to the north in autumn,
with a determination to bring the Lord of the Isles to obedience.
Having taken possession of the castle of Dingwall, he appointed a
governor, and from thence proceeded to recover the whole of Ross.
Donald retreated before him, and took up his winter-quarters in the
islands. Hostilities were renewed next summer, but the contest was
not long or doubtful--notwithstanding some little advantages obtained
by the King of the Isles--for he was compelled to give up his claim
to the earldom of Ross, to become a vassal to the Scottish crown, and
to deliver hostages to secure his future good behaviour. A treaty to
this effect was entered into at Pilgilbe or Polgillip, the modern
Loch-Gilp, in Argyle.

FOOTNOTES:

[121] Maclauchlan’s _Early Scottish Church_, pp. 346-7.

[122] Book viii. ch. 6.

[123] Shaw’s _Hist. of Moray_, new ed., pp. 259-60.

[124] _Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 627.

[125] “Whilst the lowlands and the coast of Moray, which had already
been partitioned out among the followers of David, would have
presented comparatively few obstacles to such a project, it is hardly
possible to conceive how it could ever have been successfully put
into execution amidst the wild and inaccessible mountains of the
interior. It appears, therefore, most reasonable to conclude, that
Malcolm only carried out the policy pursued by his grandfather ever
since the first forfeiture of the earldom; and that any changes
that may have been brought about in the population of this part of
Scotland--and which scarcely extended below the class of the lesser
_Duchasach_, or small proprietors--are not to be attributed to one
sweeping and compulsatory measure, but to the grants of David and
his successors; which must have had the effect of either reducing
the earlier proprietary to a dependant position, or of driving into
the remoter Highlands all who were inclined to contest the authority
of the sovereign, or to dispute the validity of the royal ordinances
which reduced them to the condition of subordinates.”--Robertson’s
_Early Kings_, vol. i. p. 361.

[126] Almost the same ceremonial of inauguration was observed at
the coronation of Macdonald, king of the Isles. Martin says, that
“there was a big stone of seven feet square, in which there was a
deep impression made to receive the feet of Mack-Donald, for he was
crowned king of the Isles standing in this stone; and swore that he
would continue his vassals in the possession of their lands, and do
exact justice to all his subjects; and then his father’s sword was
put into his hands. The bishop of Argyle and seven priests anointed
him king, in presence of all the heads of the tribes in the isles and
continent, and were his vassals; at which time the orator rehearsed
a catalogue of his ancestors.”--_Western Islands_, p. 241.

[127] Sir R. Gordon’s _History of the Earldom of Sutherland_, p. 36.

[128] The chiefs at Bannockburn were Mackay, Mackintosh, Macpherson,
Cameron, Sinclair, Campbell, Menzies, Maclean, Sutherland, Robertson,
Grant, Fraser, Macfarlane, Ross, Macgregor, Munro, Mackenzie, and
Macquarrie. After the lapse of five hundred years since the battle of
Bannockburn was fought, it is truly astonishing to find such a number
of direct descendants who are now in existence, and still possessed
of their paternal estates.

[129] Tytler’s _Hist. of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 185. Robertson’s
_Parliamentary Records_, p. 115.

[130] Vide the Deed printed in the Appendix to Tytler’s _History_,
vol. ii.

[131] Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 380.

[132] This is the date assigned by Sir Robert Gordon, but Shaw makes
it more than a century later, viz., in 1454.

[133] Sir R. Gordon, p. 47.--Shaw, p. 264.

[134] According to that eminent antiquary, the Rev. Donald Macintosh,
non-juring episcopal clergyman, in his historical illustrations of
his Collections of Gaelic Proverbs, published in 1785, the ancestor
of Macintosh became head of the clan Chattan in this way. During
these contests for the Scottish crown, which succeeded the death of
King Alexander III., and favoured the pretensions of the King of
the Isles, the latter styling himself “King,” had, in 1291, sent
his nephew Angus Macintosh of Macintosh to Dougall Dall (Blind)
MacGillichattan, chief of the clan Chattan, or Macphersons, to
acquaint him that “_the king_” was to pay him a visit. Macpherson,
or MacGillichattan, as he was named, in honour of the founder of the
family Gillichattan[135] Mor, having an only child, a daughter, who,
he dreaded, might attract an inconvenient degree of royal notice,
offered her in marriage to Macintosh along with his lands, and the
station of the chief of the clan Chattan. Macintosh accepted the
offer, and was received as chief of the lady’s clan.

[135] “A votary or servant of St. Kattan,” a most popular Scottish
saint, we have thus _Gillichallum_, meaning a “votary of Columba,”
and of which another form is _Malcolm_ or _Molcalm_, the prefix
_Mol_ being corrupted into Mal, signifying the same as _Gilly_.
Thus _Gilly-Dhia_ is the etymon of _Culdee_, signifying “servant of
God,”--_Gilli-christ_ means “servant of Christ.”

[136] Shaw’s _History of Moray_, pp. 260, 261.

[137] Vol. iii. pp 76, 77.

[138] Vol. iii. p. 72.

[139] _Tales of a Grandfather_, vol. ii.

[140] For a more thorough discussion of this fight, see the account
of the Clan Mackintosh in Vol. II.

[141] Shaw’s _Moray_, pp. 314-15.--Winton, vol. ii. p. 363.--Keith’s
_Catalogue_, p. 83.

[142] Winton, vol. ii. p. 369.

[143] Sir Robert Gordon’s _History_, p. 60.

[144] Sir Robert Gordon, pp. 61, 62.

[145] Tytler, vol. iii. p. 177. The ballad of the Battle concludes
thus:--

There was not, sin’ King Kenneth’s days,
Sic strange intestine cruel strife
In Scotlande seen, as ilk man says,
Where monie likelie lost their life;
Whilk made divorce tween man and wife,
And monie children fatherless,
Whilk in this realm has been full rife;
Lord help these lands! our wrangs redress!

In July, on Saint James his evin,
That four-and-twenty dismal day,
Twelve hundred, ten score, and eleven
Of years sin’ Christ, the soothe to say;
Men will remember, as they may,
When thus the veritie they knaw;
And monie a ane will mourne for aye
The brim battle of the Harlaw.

[146] “So ended one of Scotland’s most memorable battles. The contest
between the Lowlanders and Donald’s host was a contest between foes,
of whom their contemporaries would have said that their ever being
in harmony with each other, or having a feeling of common interests
and common nationality, was not within the range of rational
expectations.... It will be difficult to make those not familiar
with the tone of feeling in Lowland Scotland at that time believe
that the defeat of Donald of the Isles was felt as a more memorable
deliverance even than that of Bannockburn.”--Burton, vol. iii. pp.
101, 102.

CHAPTER VI.

A.D. 1424-1512.

KINGS OF SCOTLAND:--

James I., 1406-1436.
James II., 1436-1460.
James III., 1460-1488.
James IV., 1488-1513.

James I.--State of Country--Policy of the King to the Highland
Chiefs--Lord of the Isles--Disturbances in Sutherland--Barbarity
of a Robber--James’s Highland Expedition--Disturbances in
Caithness--Insurrection in the West under Donald Balloch--Lord
of the Isles invades Sutherland--Allan of Lorn--Machinations
of Edward IV. with Island Chiefs--Rebellion of Earl of Ross
--Lord of the Isles submits--Disturbances in Ross and Sutherland
--Wise Policy of James IV.--Visits Highlands--Feuds in
Sutherland--Highlanders at Flodden.

On the return of James I., in 1424, from his captivity in England, he
found Scotland, and particularly the Highlands, in a state of the
most fearful insubordination. Rapine, robbery, and an utter contempt
of the laws prevailed to an alarming extent, which required all the
energy of a wise and prudent prince, like James, to repress. When
these excesses were first reported to James, by one of his nobles, on
entering the kingdom, he thus expressed himself:--“Let God but grant
me life, and there shall not be a spot in my dominions where the
key shall not keep the castle, and the furze-bush the cow, though I
myself should lead the life of a dog to accomplish it.”[147] “At this
period, the condition of the Highlands, so far as is discoverable
from the few authentic documents which have reached our times,
appears to have been in the highest degree rude and uncivilized.
There existed a singular combination of Celtic and of feudal manners.
Powerful chiefs, of Norman name and Norman blood, had penetrated
into the remotest districts, and ruled over multitudes of vassals
and serfs, whose strange and uncouth appellatives proclaim their
difference of race in the most convincing manner.[148] The tenure of
lands by charter and seisin, the feudal services due by the vassal to
his lord, the bands of friendship or of manrent which indissolubly
united certain chiefs and nobles to each other, the baronial courts,
and the complicated official pomp of feudal life, were all to be
found in full strength and operation in the northern counties; but
the dependence of the barons, who had taken up their residence
in these wild districts, upon the king, and their allegiance and
subordination to the laws, were less intimate and influential than in
the Lowland divisions of the country; and as they experienced less
protection, we have already seen, that in great public emergencies,
when the captivity of the sovereign, or the payment of his ransom,
called for the imposition of a tax upon property throughout the
kingdom, these great northern chiefs thought themselves at liberty to
resist the collection within their mountainous principalities.

“Besides such Scoto-Norman barons, however, there were to be found in
the Highlands and Isles, those fierce aboriginal chiefs, who hated
the Saxon and the Norman race, and offered a mortal opposition to the
settlement of all intruders within a country which they considered
their own. They exercised the same authority over the various clans
or septs of which they were the chosen heads or leaders, which
the baron possessed over his vassals and military followers; and
the dreadful disputes and collisions which perpetually occurred
between these distinct ranks of potentates, were accompanied by
spoliations, ravages, imprisonments, and murders, which had at last
become so frequent and so far extended, that the whole country
beyond the Grampian range was likely to be cut off, by these abuses,
from all regular communication with the more pacific parts of the
kingdom.”[149]

Having, by a firm and salutary, but perhaps severe, course of policy,
restored the empire of the laws in the Lowlands, and obtained the
enactment of new statutes for the future welfare and prosperity
of the kingdom, James next turned his attention to his Highland
dominions, which, as we have seen, were in a deplorable state of
insubordination, that made both property and life insecure. The
king determined to visit in person the disturbed districts, and
by punishing the refractory chiefs, put an end to those tumults
and enormities which had, during his minority, triumphed over the
laws. James, in the year 1427, arrived at Inverness, attended by
his parliament, and immediately summoned the principal chiefs there
to appear before him. From whatever motives--whether from hopes of
effecting a reconciliation by a ready compliance with the mandate
of the king, or from a dread, in case of refusal, of the fate of
the powerful barons of the south who had fallen victims to James’s
severity--the order of the king was obeyed, and the chiefs repaired
to Inverness. No sooner, however, had they entered the hall where the
parliament was sitting, than they were by order of the king arrested,
ironed, and imprisoned in different apartments, and debarred all
communication with each other, or with their followers. It has been
supposed that these chiefs may have been entrapped by some fair
promises on the part of James, and the joy which, according to
Fordun, he manifested at seeing these turbulent and haughty spirits
caught in the toils which he had prepared for them, favours this
conjecture. The number of chiefs seized on this occasion is stated
to have amounted to about forty; but the names of the principal ones
only have been preserved. These were Alaster or Alexander Macdonald,
Lord of the Isles; Angus Dubh Mackay, with his four sons, who could
bring into the field 4,000 fighting men; Kenneth More and his
son-in-law, Angus of Moray, and Macmathan, who could muster 2,000
men; Alexander Macreiny of Garmoran and John Macarthur, each of whom
could bring into the field 1,000 followers. Besides these were John
Ross, James Campbell, and William Lesley. The Countess of Ross, the
mother of Alexander, the Lord of the Isles, and heiress of Sir Walter
Lesley, was also apprehended and imprisoned at the same time.[150]

[Illustration: James I.]

The king now determined to inflict summary vengeance upon his
captives. Those who were most conspicuous for their crimes were
immediately executed; among whom were James Campbell, who was
tried, convicted, and hanged for the murder of John of the Isles;
and Alexander Macreiny and John Macarthur, who were beheaded.
Alexander of the Isles and Angus Dubh, after a short confinement,
were both pardoned; but the latter was obliged to deliver up, as a
hostage for his good behaviour, his son Neill, who was confined on
the Bass rock, and, from that circumstance, was afterwards named
Neill-Wasse-Mackay.[151] Besides these, many others who were kept in
prison in different parts of the kingdom, were afterwards condemned
and executed.

The royal clemency, which had been extended so graciously to the
Lord of the Isles, met with an ungrateful return; for shortly after
the king had returned to his lowland dominions, Alexander collected
a force of ten thousand men in Ross and the Isles, and with this
formidable body laid waste the country; plundered and devastated the
crown lands, against which his vengeance was chiefly directed, and
razed the royal burgh of Inverness to the ground. On hearing of these
distressing events, James, with a rapidity rarely equalled, collected
a force, the extent of which has not been ascertained, and marched
with great speed into Lochaber, where he found the enemy, who,
from the celerity of his movements, was taken almost by surprise.
Alexander prepared for battle; but, before its commencement, he had
the misfortune to witness the desertion of the clan Chattan, and
the clan Cameron, who, to a man, went over to the royal standard.
The king, thereupon, attacked Alexander’s army, which he completely
routed, and the latter sought safety in flight.

Reduced to the utmost distress, and seeing the impossibility of
evading the active vigilance of his pursuers, who hunted him from
place to place, this haughty lord, who considered himself on a par
with kings, resolved to throw himself entirely on the mercy of the
king, by an act of the most abject submission. Having arrived in
Edinburgh, to which he had travelled in the most private manner,
the humbled chief suddenly presented himself before the king, on
Easter-Sunday, in the church of Holyrood, when he and his queen,
surrounded by the nobles of the court, were employed in their
devotions before the high altar. The extraordinary appearance of
the fallen prince denoted the inward workings of his troubled
mind. Without bonnet, arms, or ornament of any kind, his legs and
arms quite bare, his body covered with only a plaid, and holding
a naked sword in his hand by the point, he fell down on his knees
before the king, imploring mercy and forgiveness, and, in token of
his unreserved submission, offered the hilt of his sword to his
majesty. At the solicitation of the queen and nobles, James spared
his life, but committed him immediately to Tantallan castle, under
the charge of William Earl of Angus, his nephew. This took place in
the year 1429. The Countess of Ross was kept in close confinement
in the ancient monastery of Inchcolm, on the small island of that
name, in the Frith of Forth.[152] The king, however, relented, and
released the Lord of the Isles and his mother, after about a year’s
imprisonment.

About this period happened another of those bloody frays, which
destroyed the internal peace of the Highlands, and brought ruin and
desolation upon many families. Thomas Macneill, son of Neill Mackay,
who was engaged in the battle of Tuttum Turwigh, possessed the lands
of Creigh, Spaniziedaill, and Palrossie, in Sutherland. Having
conceived some displeasure at Mowat, the laird of Freshwick, the
latter, with his party, in order to avoid his vengeance, took refuge
in the chapel of St. Duffus, near the town of Tain, as a sanctuary.
Thither they were followed by Thomas, who not only slew Mowat and his
people, but also burnt the chapel to the ground. This outrage upon
religion and humanity exasperated the king, who immediately ordered
a proclamation to be issued, denouncing Thomas Macneill as a rebel,
and promising his lands and possessions as a reward to any one that
would kill or apprehend him. Angus Murray, son of Alexander Murray
of Cubin, immediately set about the apprehension of Thomas Macneill.
To accomplish his purpose, he held a secret conference with Morgan
and Neill Macneill, the brothers of Thomas, at which he offered,
provided they would assist him in apprehending their brother, his
two daughters in marriage, and promised to aid them in getting
peaceable possession of such lands in Strathnaver as they claimed.
This, he showed them, might be easily accomplished, with little or no
resistance, as Neill Mackay, son of Angus Dubh, from whom the chief
opposition might have been expected, was then a prisoner in the Bass,
and Angus Dubh, the father, was unable, from age and infirmity, to
defend his pretensions. Angus Murray also promised to request the
assistance of the Earl of Sutherland. As these two brothers pretended
a right to the possessions of Angus Dubh in Strathnaver, they were
easily allured by these promises; they immediately apprehended their
brother Thomas at Spaniziedaill in Sutherland, and delivered him
up to Murray, by whom he was presented to the king. Macneill was
immediately executed at Inverness, and Angus Murray obtained, in
terms of the royal proclamation, a grant of the lands of Palrossie
and Spaniziedaill from the king. The lands of Creigh fell into the
hands of the Lord of the Isles, as superior, by the death and felony
of Macneill.[153]

[Illustration: MACNEILL. (Tartan)]

In pursuance of his promise, Murray gave his daughters in marriage
respectively to Neill and Morgan Macneill, and with the consent and
approbation of Robert Earl of Sutherland, he invaded Strathnaver
with a party of Sutherland men, to take possession of the lands of
Angus Dubh Mackay. Angus immediately collected his men, and gave the
command of them to John Aberigh, his natural son, as he was unable to
lead them in person. Both parties met about two miles from Toung, at
a place called Drum-ne-Coub; but, before they came to blows, Angus
Dubh Mackay sent a message to Neill and Morgan, his cousins-german,
offering to surrender them all his lands and possessions in
Strathnaver, if they would allow him to retain Keantayle. This fair
offer was, however, rejected, and an appeal was therefore immediately
made to arms. A desperate conflict then took place, in which many
were killed on both sides; among whom were Angus Murray and his two
sons-in-law, Neill and Morgan Macneill. John Aberigh, though he
gained the victory, was severely wounded, and lost one of his arms.
After the battle Angus Dubh Mackay was carried, at his own request,
to the field, to search for the bodies of his slain cousins, but he
was killed by an arrow from a Sutherland man who lay concealed in a
bush hard by.

James I. made many salutary regulations for putting an end to the
disorders consequent upon the lawless state of the Highlands, and the
oppressed looked up to him for protection. The following remarkable
case will give some idea of the extraordinary barbarity in which
the spoliators indulged:--A notorious thief, named Donald Ross, who
had made himself rich with plunder, carried off two cows from a
poor woman. This woman having expressed a determination not to wear
shoes again till she had made a complaint to the king in person, the
robber exclaimed, “It is false: I’ll have you shod before you reach
the court;” and thereupon, with a brutality scarcely paralleled, the
cruel monster took two horse shoes, and fixed them on her feet with
nails driven into the flesh. The victim of this savage act, as soon
as she was able to travel, went to the king and related to him the
whole circumstances of her case, which so exasperated him, that he
immediately sent a warrant to the sheriff of the county, where Ross
resided, for his immediate apprehension; which being effected, he and
a number of his associates were sent under an escort to Perth, where
the court was then held. Ross was tried and condemned, he and his
friends being treated in the same manner as he had treated the poor
woman; and before his execution a linen shirt, on which was painted a
representation of his crime, was thrown over him, in which dress he
was paraded through the streets of the town, afterwards dragged at a
horse’s tail, and hanged on a gallows.[154]

The commotions in Strathnaver, and other parts of the Highlands,
induced the king to make another expedition into that part of his
dominions; previous to which he summoned a Parliament at Perth,
which was held on the 15th of October, 1431, in which a land-tax,
or “zelde,” was laid upon the whole lands of the kingdom, to defray
the expenses of the undertaking. No contemporary record of this
expedition exists; but it is said that the king proceeded to
Dunstaffnage castle, to punish those chiefs who had joined in Donald
Balloch’s insurrection; that, on his arrival there, numbers of these
came to him and made their submission, throwing the whole odium
of the rebellion upon the leader, whose authority, they alleged,
they were afraid to resist; and that, by their means, three hundred
thieves were apprehended and put to death.

For several years after this expedition the Highlands appear to
have been tranquil; but, on the liberation of Neill Mackay from
his confinement on the Bass, in the year 1437, fresh disturbances
began. This restless chief had scarcely been released, when he
entered Caithness, and spoiled the country. He was met at a place
called Sandsett; but the people who came to oppose his progress were
defeated, and many of them were slain. This conflict was called Ruaig
Hanset; that is, the flight, or chase at Sandsett.

About the same time a quarrel took place between the Keiths and some
others of the inhabitants of Caithness. As the Keiths could not
depend upon their own forces, they sought the aid of Angus Mackay,
son of Neill last mentioned, who had recently died. Angus agreed
to join the Keiths; and accordingly, accompanied by his brother,
John Roy, and a chieftain named Iain-Mor-Mac-Iain-Riabhaich, with
a company of men, he went into Caithness, and, joining the Keiths,
invaded that part of Caithness hostile to the Keiths. The people
of Caithness lost not a moment in assembling together, and met the
Strathnaver men and the Keiths at a place called Blare-Tannie.
Here a sanguinary contest took place; but victory declared for the
Keiths, whose success, it is said, was chiefly owing to the prowess
of Iain-Mor-Mac-Iain-Riabhaich, whose name was, in consequence, long
famous in that and the adjoining country.[155]

After the defeat of James, Earl of Douglas, who had renounced his
allegiance to James II., at Arkinholme, in 1454, he retired into
Argyleshire, where he was received by the Earl of Ross, with whom,
and the Lord of the Isles, he entered into an alliance. The ocean
prince, having a powerful fleet of 500 galleys at his command,
immediately assembled his vassals, to the amount of 5,000 fighting
men, and, having embarked them in his navy, gave the command of the
whole to Donald Balloch, Lord of Isla, his near kinsman, a chief
who, besides his possessions in Scotland, had great power in the
north of Ireland. This potent chief, whose hereditary antipathy to
the Scottish throne was as keen as that of his relation, entered
cheerfully into the views of Douglas. With the force under his
command he desolated the western coast of Scotland from Innerkip to
Bute, the Cumbrays and the Island of Arran; yet formidable as he was
both in men and ships, the loss was not so considerable as might
have been expected, from the prudent precautions taken by the king
to repel the invaders. The summary of the damage sustained is thus
related in a contemporary chronicle:--“There was slain of good men
fifteen; of women, two or three; of children, three or four. The
plunder included five or six hundred horse, ten thousand oxen and
kine, and more than a thousand sheep and goats. At the same time,
they burnt down several mansions in Innerkip around the church;
harried all Arran; stormed and levelled with the ground the castle
of Brodick; and wasted, with fire and sword, the islands of the
Cumbrays. They also levied tribute upon Bute; carrying away a hundred
bolls of malt, a hundred marts, and a hundred marks of silver.”[156]

While Donald Balloch was engaged in this expedition, the Lord of
the Isles, with his kinsmen and followers to the number of five or
six hundred, made an incursion into Sutherland, and encamped before
the castle of Skibo. What his object was has not been ascertained;
but, as a measure of precaution, the Earl of Sutherland sent Neill
Murray, son of Angus Murray, who was slain at Drum-na-Coub, to watch
his motions. The Lord of the Isles immediately began to commit
depredations, whereupon he was attacked by Murray, and compelled
to retreat into Ross with the loss of one of his captains, named
Donald Dubh-na-Soirn, and fifty of his men. Exasperated at this
defeat, Macdonald sent another party of his islanders, along with a
company of men from Ross, to Strathfleet in Sutherland to lay waste
the country, and thus wipe off the disgrace of his late defeat. On
hearing of this fresh invasion, the Earl of Sutherland despatched
his brother Robert with a sufficient force to attack the Clandonald.
They met on the sands of Strathfleet, and, after a fierce and bloody
struggle, the islanders and their allies were overthrown with great
slaughter. Many perished in the course of their flight. This was the
last hostile irruption of the Clandonald into Sutherland, as all the
disputes between the Lord of the Isles and the Sutherland family were
afterwards accommodated by a matrimonial alliance.

The vigorous administration of James II., which checked and
controlled the haughty and turbulent spirit of his nobles, was also
felt in the Highlands, where his power, if not always acknowledged,
was nevertheless dreaded; but upon the death of that wise prince in
1460, and the accession of his infant son to the crown, the princes
of the north again abandoned themselves to their lawless courses. The
first who showed the example was Allan of Lorn of the Wood, as he was
called, a nephew of Donald Balloch by his sister. Coveting the estate
of his elder brother, Ker of Lorn, Allan imprisoned him in a dungeon
in the island of Kerrera, with the view of starving him to death that
he might the more easily acquire the unjust possession he desired;
but Ker was liberated, and his property restored to him by the Earl
of Argyle, to whom he was nearly related, and who suddenly attacked
Allan with a fleet of galleys, defeated him, burnt his fleet, and
slew the greater part of his men. This act, so justifiable in itself,
roused the revengeful passions of the island chiefs, who issued from
their ocean retreats and committed the most dreadful excesses.[157]

After the decisive battle of Touton, Henry VI. and his Queen retired
to Scotland to watch the first favourable opportunity of seizing the
sceptre from the house of York. Edward IV., anticipating the danger
that might arise to his crown by an alliance between his rival, the
exiled monarch, and the king of Scotland, determined to counteract
the effects of such a connection by a stroke of policy. Aware of
the disaffected disposition of some of the Scottish nobles, and
northern and island chiefs, he immediately entered into a negotiation
with John, Earl of Ross, and Donald Balloch, to detach them from
their allegiance. On the 19th of October, 1461, the Earl of Ross,
Donald Balloch, and his son John de Isle, held a council of their
vassals and dependants at Astornish, at which it was agreed to send
ambassadors to England to treat with Edward. On the arrival of these
ambassadors a negotiation was entered into between them and the Earl
of Douglas, and John Douglas of Balveny, his brother, both of whom
had been obliged to leave Scotland for their treasons in the previous
reign. These two brothers, who were animated by a spirit of hatred
and revenge against the family of their late sovereign James II.,
warmly entered into the views of Edward, whose subjects they had
become; and they concluded a treaty with the northern ambassadors
which assumed as its basis nothing less than the entire conquest
of Scotland. Among other conditions, it was stipulated that, upon
payment of a specified sum of money to himself, his son, and ally,
the Lord of the Isles should become for ever the vassal of England,
and should assist Edward and his successors in the wars in Ireland
and elsewhere. And, in the event of the entire subjugation of
Scotland by the Earls of Ross and Douglas, the whole of the kingdom
on the north of the Frith of Forth was to be divided equally between
these Earls and Donald Balloch, and the estates which formerly
belonged to Douglas between the Frith of Forth and the borders were
to be restored to him. This singular treaty is dated London, 18th
February, 1462.[158]

Pending this negotiation, the Earl of Angus, at that time one of the
most powerful of the Scottish nobles, having, by the promise of an
English dukedom from the exiled Henry, engaged to assist in restoring
him to his crown and dominions, the Earl of Ross, before the plan had
been organized, in order to counteract the attempt, broke out into
open rebellion, which was characterized by all those circumstances
of barbarous cruelty which distinguished the inroads of the princes
of the islands. He first seized the castle of Inverness at the head
of a small party, being admitted unawares by the governor, who did
not suspect his hostile intentions. He then collected a considerable
army, and proclaimed himself king of the Hebrides. With his army he
entered the country of Athole, denounced the authority of the king,
and commanded all taxes to be paid to him; and, after committing
the most dreadful excesses, he stormed the castle of Blair, dragged
the Earl and Countess of Athole from the chapel of St. Bridget, and
carried them off to Isla as prisoners. It is related that the Earl of
Ross thrice attempted to set fire to the holy pile, but in vain. He
lost many of his war-galleys, in a storm of thunder and lightning,
in which the rich booty he had taken was consigned to the deep.
Preparations were immediately made by the regents of the kingdom for
punishing this rebellious chief; but these became unnecessary, for,
touched with remorse, he collected the remains of his plunder, and
stripped to his shirt and drawers, and barefooted, he, along with his
principal followers, in the same forlorn and dejected condition, went
to the chapel of St. Bridget which they had lately desecrated, and
there performed a penance before the altar. The Earl and Countess of
Athole were thereupon voluntarily released from confinement, and the
Earl of Ross was afterwards assassinated in the castle of Inverness,
by an Irish harper who bore him a grudge.[159]

Although at this period an account of Orkney and Shetland does not
properly belong to a history of the Highlands, as these islands
had for long been the property of the king of Norway, and had a
population almost purely Teutonic, with a language, manners, and
customs widely differing from those of the Highlanders proper; still
it will not be out of place to mention here, that these islands were
finally made over to Scotland in 1469, as security for the dowry of
Margaret of Norway, the wife of James III.

The successor of the Lord of the Isles--who was generally more like
an independent sovereign than a subject of the Scottish king--not
being disposed to tender the allegiance which his father had
violated, the king, in the month of May, 1476, assembled a large
army on the north of the Forth, and a fleet on the west coast, for
the purpose of making a simultaneous attack upon him by sea and
land. Seeing no hopes of making effectual resistance against such a
powerful force as that sent against him, he tendered his submission
to the king on certain conditions, and resigned the earldom of Ross,
and the lands of Kintyre and Knapdale, into his majesty’s hands. By
this act he was restored to the king’s favour, who forgave him all
his offences, and “infeft him of new” in the lordship of the Isles
and the other lands which he did not renounce. The Earl of Athole,
who commanded the royal army, was rewarded for this service by a
grant of the lands and forest of Cluny.[160]

After the Lord of the Isles had thus resigned the earldom of Ross
into the king’s hands, that province was perpetually molested by
incursions from the islanders, who now considered it a fit theatre
for the exercise of their predatory exploits. Gillespie, cousin of
the Lord of the Isles, at the head of a large body of the islanders,
invaded the higher part of Ross and committed great devastation. The
inhabitants, or as many as the shortness of the time would permit,
amongst whom the Clankenzie were chiefly distinguished, speedily
assembled, and met the islanders on the banks of the Connan, where
a sharp conflict took place. The Clankenzie fought with great
valour, and pressed the enemy so hard that Gillespie Macdonald was
overthrown, and the greater part of his men were slain or drowned in
the river, about two miles from Braile, thence called Blar-na-Pairc.
The predecessor of the Laird of Brodie, who happened to be with the
chief of the Mackenzies at the time, fought with great courage.

For a considerable time the district of Sutherland had remained
tranquil, but on the 11th of July, 1487, it again became the scene
of a bloody encounter between the Mackays and the Rosses. To revenge
the death of a relation, or to wipe away the stigma of a defeat,
were considered sacred and paramount duties by the Highlanders;
and if, from the weakness of the clan, the minority of the chief,
or any other cause, the day of deadly reckoning was delayed, the
feeling which prompted revenge was never dormant, and the earliest
opportunity was embraced of vindicating the honour of the clan. Angus
Mackay, son of the famous Neill of the Bass, having been killed at
Tarbert by a Ross, his son, John Riabhaich Mackay, applied to John
Earl of Sutherland, on whom he depended, to assist him in revenging
his father’s death. The Earl promised his aid, and accordingly sent
his uncle, Robert Sutherland, with a company of chosen men, to assist
John Mackay. With this force, and such men as John Mackay and his
relation Uilleam-Dubh-Mac-Iain-Abaraich, son of John Aberigh who
fought at Drum-na-Coub, could collect, they invaded Strath-oy-kell,
carrying fire and sword in their course, and laying waste many lands
belonging to the Rosses. As soon as the Laird of Balnagown, the chief
of the Rosses, heard of this attack, he collected all his forces,
and attacked Robert Sutherland and John Riabhaich Mackay, at a place
called Aldv-charrish. A long and obstinate battle took place; but the
death of Balnagown and seventeen of the principal landed gentlemen of
Ross decided the combat, for the people of Ross, being deprived of
their leader, were thrown into confusion, and utterly put to flight,
with great slaughter.

[Illustration: ROSS. (Tartan)]

The fruit of this victory was a large quantity of booty, which the
victors divided the same day; but the avarice of the men of Assynt,
induced them to instigate John Mackay to resolve to commit one of the
most perfidious and diabolical acts ever perpetrated by men who had
fought on the same side. The design of the Assynt men was, to cut
off Robert Sutherland and his whole party, and possess themselves of
their share of the spoil, before the Earl of Sutherland could learn
the result of the battle, that he might be led to suppose that his
uncle and his men had all fallen in the action with the Rosses. When
this plan was divulged to Uilleam-Dubh-Mac-Iain-Abaraich, he was
horrified at it, and immediately sent notice to Robert Sutherland of
it, that he might be upon his guard. Robert assembled his men upon
receipt of this extraordinary intelligence, told them of the base
intentions of John Mackay, and put them in order, to be prepared for
the threatened attack; but on John Riabhaich Mackay perceiving that
Robert and his party were prepared to meet him, he slunk off, and
went home to Strathnaver.[161]

The lawless state of society in the Highlands, which followed as
a consequence from the removal of the seat of government to the
Lowlands, though it often engaged the attention of the Scottish
sovereigns, never had proper remedies applied to mend it. At one time
the aid of force was called in, and when that was found ineffectual,
the vicious principle of dividing the chiefs, that they might the
more effectually weaken and destroy one another, was adopted. Both
plans, as might be supposed, proved abortive. If the government had,
by conciliatory measures, and by a profusion of favours, suitable
to the spirit of the times, secured the attachment of the heads of
the clans, the supremacy of the laws might have been vindicated, and
the sovereign might have calculated upon the support of powerful
and trustworthy auxiliaries in his domestic struggles against the
encroachments of the nobles. Such ideas appear never to have once
entered the minds of the kings, but it was reserved for James IV.,
who succeeded to the throne in 1488, to make the experiment. “To
attach to his interest the principal chiefs of these provinces, to
overawe and subdue the petty princes who affected independence, to
carry into their territories, hitherto too exclusively governed by
their own capricious or tyrannical institutions, the same system of a
severe, but regular and rapid, administration of civil and criminal
justice, which had been established in his Lowland dominions, was
the laudable object of the king; and for this purpose he succeeded,
with that energy and activity which remarkably distinguished him,
in opening up an intercourse with many of the leading men in the
northern counties. With the captain of the Clanchattan, Duncan
Mackintosh; with Ewan, the son of Alan, captain of the Clancameron;
with Campbell of Glenurqhay; the Macgilleouns of Duart and Lochbuy;
Mackane of Ardnamurchan; the lairds of Mackenzie and Grant; and
the Earl of Huntley, a baron of the most extensive power in those
northern districts--he appears to have been in habits of constant
and regular communication--rewarding them by presents, in the shape
either of money or of grants of land, and securing their services
in reducing to obedience such of their fellow chieftains as proved
contumacious, or actually rose in rebellion.”[162]

But James carried his views further. Rightly judging how much the
personal presence of the sovereign would be valued by his distant
subjects, and the good effects which would result therefrom, he
resolved to visit different parts of his northern dominions.
Accordingly, in the year 1490, accompanied by his court, he rode
twice from Perth across the chain of mountains which extends across
the country from the border of the Mearns to the head of Loch
Rannoch, which chain is known by the name of the “Mount.” Again, in
1493, he twice visited the Highlands, and went as far as Dunstaffnage
and Mengarry, in Ardnamurchan. In the following year he visited the
isles no less than three times. His first voyage to the islands,
which took place in April and May, was conducted with great state.
He was attended by a vast suite, many of whom fitted out vessels at
their own expense. The grandeur which surrounded the king impressed
the islanders with a high idea of his wealth and power; and his
condescension and familiarity with all classes of his subjects,
acquired for him a popularity which added strength to his throne.
During these marine excursions the youthful monarch indulged his
passion for sailing and hunting, and thereby relieved the tediousness
of business by the recreation of agreeable and innocent pleasures.

The only opposition which James met with during these excursions was
from the restless Lord of the Isles, who had the temerity to put the
king at defiance, notwithstanding the repeated and signal marks of
the royal favour he had experienced. But James was not to be trifled
with, for he summoned the island prince to stand his trial for
“treason in Kintyre;” and in a parliament held in Edinburgh shortly
after the king’s return from the north, “Sir John of the Isles,” as
he is named in the treasurer’s accounts, was stripped of his power,
and his possessions were forfeited to the crown.

One of those personal petty feuds which were so prevalent in the
Highlands, occurred about this time. Alexander Sutherland of Dilred,
being unable or unwilling to repay a sum of money he had borrowed
from Sir James Dunbar of Cumnock, the latter took legal measures to
secure his debt by appraising part of Dilred’s lands. This proceeding
vexed the laird of Dilred exceedingly, and he took an umbrage at the
Dunbars, who had recently settled in Sutherland, “grudgeing, as it
were,” says Sir R. Gordon, “that a stranger should brawe (brave) him
at his owne doors.” Happening to meet Alexander Dunbar, brother of
Sir James, who had lately married Lady Margaret Baillie, Countess
Dowager of Sutherland, high words passed between them, a combat
ensued, and, after a long contest, Alexander Dunbar was killed. Sir
James Dunbar thereupon went to Edinburgh, and laid the matter before
King James IV., who was so exasperated at the conduct of Alexander
Sutherland, that he immediately proclaimed him a rebel, sent
messengers everywhere in search of him, and promised his lands to any
person that would apprehend him. After some search he was apprehended
with ten of his followers by his uncle, Y-Roy-Mackay, brother of John
Reawigh Mackay already mentioned, who sent him to the king. Dilred
was tried, condemned, and executed, and his lands declared forfeited.
For this service, Y-Roy-Mackay obtained from the king a grant of
the lands of Armdall, Far, Golspietour, Kinnald, Kilcolmkill, and
Dilred, which formerly belonged to Alexander Sutherland, as was
noted in Mackay’s infeftment, dated in 1449.[163] “Avarice,” says
Sir R. Gordon, “is a strange vyce, which respects neither blood nor
freindship. This is the first infeftment that any of the familie of
Macky had from the king, so far as I can perceave by the records
of this kingdom; and they wer untill this tyme possessors onlie of
ther lands in Strathnaver, not careing much for any charters or
infeftments, as most pairts of the Highlanders have alwise done.”

The grant of the king as to the lands over which Sir James Dunbar’s
security extended, was called in question by Sir James, who obtained
a decree before the lords of council and session, in February, 1512,
setting aside the right of Y-Roy-Mackay, and ordaining the Earl of
Sutherland, as superior of the lands, to receive Sir James Dunbar as
his vassal.

A lamentable instance of the ferocity of these times is afforded in
the case of one of the Earls of Sutherland, who upon some provocation
slew two of his nephews. This earl, who was named John, had a natural
brother, Thomas Moir, who had two sons, Robert Sutherland and the
Keith, so called on account of his being brought up by a person of
that name. The young men had often annoyed the Earl, and on one
occasion they entered his castle of Dunrobin to brave him to his
face, an act which so provoked the Earl, that he instantly killed
Robert in the house. The Keith, after receiving several wounds,
made his escape, but he was overtaken and slain at the Clayside,
near Dunrobin, which from that circumstance was afterwards called
Ailein-Cheith, or the bush of the Keith.

In 1513 a troop of Highlanders helped to swell the Scotch army on
the ever-memorable and disastrous field of Flodden, but from their
peculiar mode of fighting, so different from that of the Lowlanders,
appear to have been more a hindrance than a help.

FOOTNOTES:

[147] Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 511.

[148] MS. Adv. Lib. Coll. Diplom. a Macfarlane, vol. i. p. 245.--MS.
Cart. Moray, 263.

[149] Tytler, vol. iii. pp. 250, 251.

[150] Fordun a Hearne, vol. iv. pp. 1283-4.

[151] Sir R. Gordon, p. 64.

[152] Fordun, vol. iv. p. 1286.

[153] Sir Robert Gordon, pp. 64, 65.

[154] Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 510.

[155] Sir R. Gordon, p. 69.

[156] _Auchinleck Chronicle_, p. 55.

[157] _Auchinleck Chronicle_, pp. 58, 59.

[158] _Rotuli Scotiæ_, vol. ii. p. 407.

[159] Ferrerius, p. 383.--Lesley _de Rebus Gestis Scotorum_, p. 300.

[160] Lesley’s _Hist._, p. 41.--Sir R. Gordon, p. 77.

[161] Sir R. Gordon, pp. 78, 79.

[162] Tytler, vol. iv. pp. 367, 368.

[163] Sir R. Gordon, p. 80.

CHAPTER VII.

A.D. 1516-1588.

KINGS OF SCOTLAND:--

James V., 1513-1542.
Mary, 1542-1567.
James VI., 1567-1603.

Doings in Sutherland--Battle of Torran-Dubh--Feud between
the Keiths and the clan Gun--John Mackay and Murray of
Aberscors--Alexander Sutherland, the bastard, claims the
Earldom--Contests between John Mackay and the Master of
Sutherland--Earls of Caithness and Sutherland--Dissensions
among the clan Chattan--Hector Macintosh elected Captain--His
doings--Disturbances in Sutherland--Feuds between the Clanranald
and Lord Lovat--The ‘Field of Shirts’--Earl of Huntly’s
Expedition--Commotions in Sutherland--Earl of Huntly and the
Clanranald--The Queen Regent visits the Highlands--Commotions
in Sutherland--Queen Mary’s Expedition against Huntly--Earl and
Countess of Sutherland poisoned--Earl of Caithness’ treatment
of the young Earl of Sutherland--Quarrel between the Monroes
and clan Kenzie--Doings of the Earl of Caithness--Unruly
state of the North--The clan Chattan--Reconciliation of the
Earls of Sutherland and Caithness--The Earl of Sutherland
and the clan Gun--Disastrous Feud between the Macdonalds
and Macleans--Disputes between the Earls of Sutherland and
Caithness--Reconciliation between Mackay and the Earl of
Sutherland.

In the year 1516, Adam Earl of Sutherland, in anticipation of
threatened dangers in the north, entered into bonds of friendship
and alliance with the Earl of Caithness for mutual protection and
support. The better to secure the goodwill and assistance of the Earl
of Caithness, Earl Adam made a grant of some lands upon the east side
of the water of Ully; but the Earl of Caithness, although he kept
possession of the lands, joined the foes of his ally and friend. The
Earl of Sutherland, however, would have found a more trustworthy
supporter in the person of Y-Roy-Mackay, who had come under a
written obligation to serve him the same year; but Mackay died,
and a contest immediately ensued in Strathnaver, between John and
Donald Mackay his bastard sons, and Neill-Naverigh Mackay, brother
of Y-Roy, to obtain possession of his lands. John took possession
of all the lands belonging to his father in Strathnaver; but his
uncle Neill laid claim to them, and applied to the Earl of Caithness
for assistance to recover them. The Earl, after many entreaties,
put a force under the command of Neill and his two sons, with which
they entered Strathnaver, and obtaining an accession of strength
in that country, they dispossessed John Mackay, who immediately
went to the clan Chattan and clan Kenzie, to crave their aid and
support, leaving his brother Donald Mackay to defend himself in
Strathnaver as he best could. Donald not having a sufficient force
to meet his uncle and cousins in open combat, had recourse to a
stratagem which succeeded entirely to his mind. With his little band
he, under cloud of night, surprised his opponents at Delreavigh in
Strathnaver, and slew both his cousins and the greater part of their
men, and thus utterly destroyed the issue of Neill. John Mackay,
on hearing of this, immediately joined his brother, and drove out
of Strathnaver all persons who had favoured the pretensions of his
uncle Neill-Naverigh. This unfortunate old man, after being abandoned
by the Earl of Caithness, threw himself upon the generosity of
his nephews, requesting that they would merely allow him a small
maintenance to keep him from poverty during the remainder of his
life; but these unnatural relatives, regardless of mercy and the ties
of blood, ordered Neill to be beheaded in their presence by the hands
of Claff-na-Gep, his own foster brother.[164]

In the year 1517, advantage was taken by John Mackay of the absence
of the Earl of Sutherland, who had gone to Edinburgh to transact
some business connected with his estates, to invade the province of
Sutherland, and to burn and spoil every thing which came in his way.
He was assisted in this lawless enterprise by two races of people
dwelling in Sutherland, called the Siol-Phaill, and the Siol-Thomais,
and by Neil-Mac-Iain-Mac-Angus of Assynt, and his brother John
Mor-Mac-Iain, with some of their countrymen. As soon as the Countess
of Sutherland, who had remained at home, heard of this invasion, she
prevailed upon Alexander Sutherland, her bastard brother, to oppose
Mackay. Assisted chiefly by John Murray of Aberscors, and Uilleam
Mac-Sheumais-Mhic-Chruner, chief of the clan Gun in Sutherland,
Alexander convened hastily the inhabitants of the country and went in
search of the enemy. He met John Mackay and his brother Donald, at a
place called Torran-Dubh or Cnocan-Dubh, near Rogart in Strathfleet.
Mackay’s force was prodigious, for he had assembled not only the
whole strength of Strathnaver, Durines, Edderachillis, and Assynt,
with the Siol-Phaill and Siol-Thomais; but also all the disorderly
and idle men of the whole diocese of Caithness, with all such as
he could entice to join him from the west and north-west isles,
to accompany him in his expedition, buoyed up with the hopes of
plunder. But the people of Sutherland were nowise dismayed at the
appearance of this formidable host, and made preparations for an
attack. A desperate struggle commenced, and after a long contest,
Mackay’s vanguard was driven back upon the position occupied by
himself. Mackay having rallied the retreating party, selected a
number of the best and ablest men he could find, and having placed
the remainder of his army under the command of his brother Donald,
to act as a reserve in case of necessity, he made a furious attack
upon the Sutherland men, who received the enemy with great coolness
and intrepidity. The chiefs on both sides encouraged their men to
fight for the honour of their clans, and in consequence the fight was
severe and bloody; but in the end the Sutherland men, after great
slaughter, and after prodigies of valour had been displayed by both
parties, obtained the victory. Mackay’s party was almost entirely cut
off, and Mackay himself escaped with difficulty. The victors next
turned their attention to the reserve under the command of Donald
Mackay; but Donald dreading the fate of his brother, fled along with
his party, which immediately dispersed. They were, however, closely
pursued by John Murray and Uilleam Mac-Sheumais, till the darkness of
the night prevented the pursuit. In this battle, two hundred of the
Strathnaver men, thirty-two of the Siol-Phaill, and fifteen of the
Siol-Thomais, besides many of the Assynt men, and their commander,
Niall-Mac-Iain-Mac-Aonghais, a valiant chieftain, were slain. John
Mor-Mac-Iain, the brother of this chief, escaped with his life after
receiving many wounds. Of the Sutherland men, thirty-eight only were
slain. Sir Robert Gordon says that this “was the greatest conflict
that hitherto hes been fought in between the inhabitants of these
cuntreyes, or within the diocy of Catteynes, to our knowlege.”[165]

Shortly after the battle of Torran-Dubh, Uilleam Mac-Sheumais, called
Cattigh, chief of the clan Gun, killed George Keith of Aikregell with
his son and twelve of their followers, at Drummoy, in Sutherland,
as they were travelling from Inverugie to Caithness. This act was
committed by Mac-Sheumais to revenge the slaughter of his grandfather
(the Cruner,) who had been slain by the Keiths, under the following
circumstances. A long feud had existed between the Keiths and the
clan Gun, to reconcile which, a meeting was appointed at the chapel
of St. Tayr in Caithness, near Girnigoe, of twelve horsemen on each
side. The Cruner, then chief of the clan Gun, with some of his sons
and his principal kinsmen, to the number of twelve in all, came to
the chapel at the appointed time. As soon as they arrived, they
entered the chapel and prostrated themselves in prayer before the
altar. While employed in this devotional act, the laird of Inverugie
and Aikregell arrived with twelve horses, and two men on each horse.
After dismounting, the whole of this party rushed into the chapel
armed, and attacked the Cruner and his party unawares. The Clan Gun,
however, defended themselves with great intrepidity, and although the
whole twelve were slain, many of the Keiths were also killed. For
nearly two centuries the blood of the slain was to be seen on the
walls of the chapel, which it had stained. James Gun, one of the sons
of the Cruner, being absent, immediately on hearing of his father’s
death, retired with his family into Sutherland, where he settled, and
where his son William Mac-Sheumais, or Mac-James otherwise William
Cattigh, was born.

As John Mackay imputed his defeat at Torran-Dubh mainly to John
Murray of Aberscors, he resolved to take the first convenient
opportunity of revenging himself, and wiping off the disgrace of
his discomfiture. He, therefore, not being in a condition himself
to undertake an expedition, employed two brothers, William and
Donald, his kinsmen, chieftains of the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich, with
a company of men, to attack Murray. The latter having mustered his
forces, the parties met at a place called Loch-Salchie, not far from
the Torran-Dubh, where a sharp skirmish took place, in which Murray
proved victorious. The two Strathnaver chieftains and the greater
part of their men were slain, and the remainder were put to flight.
The principal person who fell on Murray’s side was his brother
John-Roy, whose loss he deeply deplored.

Exasperated at this second disaster, John Mackay sent John Croy and
Donald, two of his nephews, sons of Angus Mackay, who was killed at
Morinsh in Ross, at the head of a number of chosen men, to plunder
and burn the town of Pitfour, in Strathfleet, which belonged to John
Murray; but they were equally unsuccessful, for John Croy Mackay
and some of his men were slain by the Murrays, and Donald was taken
prisoner. In consequence of these repeated reverses, John Mackay
submitted himself to the Earl of Sutherland on his return from
Edinburgh, and granted him his bond of service, in the year 1518.
But, notwithstanding this submission, Mackay afterwards tampered with
Alexander Sutherland, the bastard, and having gained his favour by
giving his sister to Sutherland in marriage, he prevailed upon him
to rise against the Earl of Sutherland. All these commotions in the
north happened during the minority of King James V., when, as Sir R.
Gordon says, “everie man thought to escape unpunished, and cheiflie
these who were remotest from the seat of justice.”[166]

This Alexander Sutherland was son of John, the third of that name,
Earl of Sutherland, and as he pretended that the Earl and his mother
had entered into a contract of marriage, he laid claim, on the death
of the Earl, to the title and estates, as a legitimate descendant
of Earl John, his father. By the entreaties of Adam Gordon, Lord of
Aboyne, who had married Lady Elizabeth, the sister and sole heiress
of Earl John, Alexander Sutherland judicially renounced his claim
in presence of the sheriff of Inverness, on the 25th of July, 1509.
He now repented of what he had done, and, being instigated by the
Earl of Caithness and John Mackay, mortal foes to the house of
Sutherland, he renewed his pretensions. Earl Adam, perceiving that
he might incur some danger in making an appeal to arms, particularly
as the clans and tribes of the country, with many of whom Alexander
had become very popular, were broken into factions and much divided
on the question betwixt the two, endeavoured to win him over by
offering him many favourable conditions, again to renounce his
claims, but in vain. He maintained the legitimacy of his descent, and
alleged that the renunciation he had granted at Inverness had been
obtained from him contrary to his inclination, and against the advice
of his best friends.

[Illustration: Old Dunrobin Castle.]

Having collected a considerable force, he, in absence of the earl,
who was in Strathbogie, attacked Dunrobin castle, the chief strength
of the earl, which he took. In this siege he was chiefly supported
by Alexander Terrell of the Doill, who, in consequence of taking
arms against the earl, his superior, lost all his lands, and was
afterwards apprehended and executed. As soon as the earl heard of
the insurrection, he despatched Alexander Lesley of Kinninuvy, with
a body of men, into Sutherland to assist John Murray of Aberscors,
who was already at the head of a force to support the earl. They
immediately besieged Dunrobin, which surrendered. Alexander had
retired to Strathnaver, but he again returned into Sutherland with a
fresh body of men, and laid waste the country. After putting to death
several of his own kinsmen who had joined the earl, he descended
farther into the country, towards the parishes of Loth and Clyne.
Meeting with little or no opposition, the bastard grew careless,
and being observed wandering along the Sutherland coast, flushed
with success and regardless of danger, the earl formed the design
of cutting him entirely off. With this view, he directed Alexander
Lesley of Kinninuvy, John Murray, and John Scorrigh-Mac-Finlay, one
of the Siol-Thomais, to hover on Sutherland’s outskirts, and to keep
skirmishing with him till he, the earl, should collect a sufficient
force with which to attack him. Having collected a considerable body
of resolute men, the earl attacked the bastard at a place called
Ald-Quhillin, by East Clentredaill, near the sea side. A warm contest
ensued, in which Alexander Sutherland was taken prisoner, and the
most of his men were slain, including John Bane, one of his principal
supporters, who fell by the hands of John Scorrigh-Mac-Finlay. After
the battle Sutherland was immediately beheaded by Alexander Lesley on
the spot, and his head sent to Dunrobin on a spear, which was placed
upon the top of the great tower, “which shews us” (as Sir Robert
Gordon, following the superstition of his times, curiously observes),
“that whatsoever by fate is allotted, though sometymes forshewed, can
never be avoyded. For the witches had told Alexander the bastard that
his head should be the highest that ever wes of the Southerlands;
which he did foolishlye interpret that some day he should be Earl
of Southerland, and in honor above all his predicessors. Thus the
divell and his ministers, the witches, deceaving still such as trust
in them, will either find or frame predictions for everie action or
event, which doeth ever fall out contrarie to ther expectations; a
kynd of people to all men unfaithfull, to hopers deceatful, and in
all cuntries allwise forbidden, allwise reteaned and manteaned.”[167]

The Earl of Sutherland being now far advanced in life, retired for
the most part to Strathbogy and Aboyne, to spend the remainder
of his days amongst his friends, and intrusted the charge of the
country to Alexander Gordon, his eldest son, a young man of great
intrepidity and talent. The restless chief John Mackay, still
smarting under his misfortunes, and thirsting for revenge, thought
the present a favourable opportunity for retrieving his losses.
With a considerable force, therefore, he invaded Sutherland, and
entered the parish of Creigh, which he intended to ravage, but
the Master of Sutherland hastened thither, attacked Mackay, and
forced him to retreat into Strathnaver with some loss. Mackay then
assembled a large body of his countrymen and invaded the Breachat.
He was again defeated by Alexander Gordon at the Grinds after a keen
skirmish. Hitherto Mackay had been allowed to hold the lands of
Grinds, and some other possessions in the west part of Sutherland,
but the Master of Sutherland now dispossessed him of all these as
a punishment for his recent conduct. Still dreading a renewal of
Mackay’s visits, the Master of Sutherland resolved to retaliate, by
invading Strathnaver in return, and thereby showing Mackay what he
might in future expect if he persevered in continuing his visits to
Sutherland. Accordingly, he collected a body of stout and resolute
men, and entered Strathnaver, which he pillaged and burnt, and,
having collected a large quantity of booty, returned into Sutherland.
In entering Strathnaver, the Master of Sutherland had taken the road
to Strathully, passing through Mackay’s bounds in the hope of falling
in with and apprehending him, but Mackay was absent on a _creach_
excursion into Sutherland. In returning, however, through the Diric
Moor and the Breachat, Alexander Gordon received intelligence that
Mackay with a company of men was in the town of Lairg, with a
quantity of cattle he had collected in Sutherland, on his way home to
Strathnaver. He lost no time in attacking Mackay, and such was the
celerity of his motions, that his attack was as sudden as unexpected.
Mackay made the best resistance he could, but was put to the rout,
and many of his men were killed. He himself made his escape with
great difficulty, and saved his life by swimming to the island of
Eilean-Minric, near Lairg, where he lay concealed during the rest of
the day. All the cattle which Mackay had carried away were rescued
and carried back into Sutherland. The following day Mackay left the
island, returned home to his country, and again submitted himself to
the Master and his father, the Earl, to whom he a second time gave
his bond of service and manrent in the year 1522.[168]

As the Earl of Caithness had always taken a side against the
Sutherland family in these different quarrels, the Earl of Sutherland
brought an action before the Lords of Council and Session against the
Earl of Caithness, to recover back from him the lands of Strathully,
on the ground, that the Earl of Caithness had not fulfilled the
condition on which the lands were granted to him, viz., to assist the
Earl of Sutherland against his enemies. There were other minor points
of dispute between the earls, to get all which determined they both
repaired to Edinburgh. Instead, however, of abiding the issue of a
trial at law before the judges, both parties, by the advice of mutual
friends, referred the decision of all the points in dispute on either
side to Gavin Dunbar,[169] bishop of Aberdeen, who pronounced his
award at Edinburgh, on the 11th March, 1524, his judgment appearing
to have satisfied both parties, as the earls lived in peace with one
another ever after.

The year 1526 was signalized by a great dissension among the clan
Chattan. The chief and head of that clan was Lauchlan Macintosh
of Dunnachtan, “a verrie honest and wyse gentleman,” says Bishop
Lesley, “an barroun of gude rent, quha keipit hes hole ken, friendes
and tennentis in honest and guid rewll;”[170] and according to Sir
Robert Gordon, “a man of great possessions, and of such excellencies
of witt and judgement, that with great commendation he did conteyn
all his followers within the limits of ther dueties.”[171] The
strictness with which this worthy chief curbed the lawless and
turbulent dispositions of his clan raised up many enemies, who, as
Bishop Lesley says, were “impacient of vertuous living.” At the
head of this restless party was James Malcolmeson, a near kinsman
of the chief, who, instigated by his worthless companions, and
the temptation of ruling the clan, murdered the good chief. Afraid
to face the well-disposed part of the clan, to whom the chief was
beloved, Malcolmeson, along with his followers, took refuge in the
island in the loch of Rothiemurchus; but the enraged clan followed
them to their hiding places and despatched them.

As the son of the deceased chief was of tender age, and unable to
govern the clan, with common consent they made choice of Hector
Macintosh, a bastard brother of the late chief, to act as captain
till his nephew should arrive at manhood. In the meantime the Earl
of Moray, who was uncle to young Macintosh, the former chief having
been married to the earl’s sister, took away his nephew and placed
him under the care of his friends for the benefit of his education,
and to bring him up virtuously. Hector Macintosh was greatly incensed
at the removal of the child, and used every effort to get possession
of him; but meeting with a refusal he became outrageous, and laid
so many plans for accomplishing his object, that his intentions
became suspected, as it was thought he could not wish so ardently
for the custody of the child without some bad design. Baffled in
every attempt, Hector, assisted by his brother William, collected
a body of followers, and invaded the Earl of Moray’s lands. They
overthrew the fort of Dykes, and besieged the castle of Tarnoway, the
country surrounding which they plundered, burnt the houses of the
inhabitants, and slew a number of men, women, and children. Raising
the siege of Tarnoway, Hector and his men then entered the country of
the Ogilvies and laid siege to the castle of Pettens, which belonged
to the Laird of Durnens, one of the families of the Ogilvies, and
which, after some resistance, surrendered. No less than twenty-four
gentlemen of the name of Ogilvie were massacred on this occasion.
After this event the Macintoshes and the party of banditti they had
collected, roamed over the whole of the adjoining country, carrying
terror and dismay into every bosom, and plundering, burning, and
destroying everything within their reach. To repress disorders which
called so loudly for redress, King James V., by the advice of his
council, granted a commission to the Earl of Moray to take measures
accordingly. Having a considerable force put under his command, the
earl went in pursuit of Macintosh and his party, and having surprised
them, he took upwards of 300 of them[172] and hanged them, along
with William Macintosh, the brother of Hector. A singular instance
of the fidelity of the Highlanders to their chiefs is afforded in
the present case, where, out of such a vast number as suffered, not
one would reveal the secret of Hector Macintosh’s retreat, although
promised their lives for the discovery. “Ther faith wes so true to
ther captane, that they culd not be persuaded, either by fair meanes,
or by any terror of death, to break the same or to betray their
master.”[173]

Seeing no hopes of escaping the royal vengeance but by a ready
submission, Hector Macintosh, by advice of Alexander Dunbar, Dean
of Moray, tendered his obedience to the king, which was accepted,
and he was received into the royal favour. He did not, however,
long survive, for he was assassinated in St. Andrews by one James
Spence, who was in consequence beheaded. After the death of Hector,
the clan Chattan remained tranquil during the remaining years of the
minority of the young chief, who, according to Bishop Lesley, “wes
sua well brocht up by the meenes of the Erle of Murray and the Laird
of Phindlater in vertue, honestie, and civile policye, that after
he had received the governement of his cuntrey, he was a mirrour of
vertue to all the hieland captanis in Scotland.”[174] But the young
chieftain’s “honestie and civile policye” not suiting the ideas of
those who had concurred in the murder of his father, a conspiracy was
formed against him by some of his nearest kinsmen to deprive him of
his life, which unfortunately took effect.

The Highlands now enjoyed repose for some years. John Mackay died in
1529, and was succeeded by his brother Donald, who remained quiet
during the life of Adam Earl of Sutherland, to whom his brother had
twice granted his bond of service. But, upon the death of that
nobleman, he began to molest the inhabitants of Sutherland. In 1542
he attacked the village of Knockartol, which he burnt; and at the
same time he plundered Strathbroray. To oppose his farther progress,
Sir Hugh Kennedy collected as many of the inhabitants of Sutherland
as the shortness of the time would permit, and, being accompanied by
Gilbert Gordon of Gartay, John Murray of Aberscors, his son Hutcheon
Murray, and Mac-Mhic-Sheumais of Killiernan, he attacked Mackay
quite unawares near Alt-Na-Beth. Notwithstanding this unexpected
attack, Mackay’s men met their assailants with great firmness, but
the Strathnaver men were ultimately obliged to retreat with the loss
of their booty and a great number of slain, amongst whom was John
Mackean-Mac-Angus, chief of Sliochd-Mhic-Iain-Mhic-Hutcheon, in
Edderachillis. Though closely pressed by Gilbert Gordon and Hutcheon
Murray, Donald Mackay made good his retreat into Strathnaver.

By no means disheartened at his defeat, and anxious to blot out the
stain which it had thrown upon him, he soon returned into Sutherland
with a fresh force, and encamped near Skibo. Hutcheon Murray
collected some Sutherland men, and with them he attacked Mackay, and
kept him in check till an additional force which he expected should
arrive. As soon as Mackay saw this new body of men approaching, with
which he was quite unable to contend, he retreated suddenly into
his own country, leaving several of his men dead on the field. This
affair was called the skirmish of Loch-Buy. This mode of annoyance,
which continued for some time, was put an end to by the apprehension
of Donald Mackay, who, being brought before the Earls of Huntly and
Sutherland, was, by their command, committed a close prisoner to the
castle of Foulis, where he remained a considerable time in captivity.
At last, by means of Donald Mac-Iain-Mhoir, a Strathnaver man, he
effected his escape, and, returning home, reconciled himself with the
Earl of Sutherland, to whom he gave his bond of service and manrent,
on the 8th of April, 1549.

During the reign of James V. some respect was paid in the Highlands
to the laws; but the divisions which fell out amongst the nobility,
the unquiet state of the nation during the minority of the infant
queen, and the wars with England, relaxed the springs of government,
and the consequence was that the usual scenes of turbulence and
oppression soon displayed themselves in the Highlands, accompanied
with all those circumstances of ferocity which rendered them so
revolting to humanity. The Clanranald was particularly active in
these lawless proceedings. This clan bore great enmity to Hugh,
Lord Lovat; and because Ranald, son of Donald Glass of Moidart,
was sister’s son of Lovat, they conceived a prejudice against him,
dispossessed him of his lands, and put John Macranald, his cousin,
in possession of the estate. Lovat took up the cause of his nephew,
and restored him to the possession of his property; but the restless
clan dispossessed Ranald again, and laid waste part of Lovat’s lands
in Glenelg. These disorders did not escape the notice of the Earl of
Arran, the governor of the kingdom, who, by advice of his council,
granted a special commission to the Earl of Huntly, making him
lieutenant-general of all the Highlands, and of Orkney and Zetland.
He also appointed the Earl of Argyle lieutenant of Argyle and the
Isles. The Earl of Huntly lost no time in raising a large army in
the north, with which he marched, in May, 1544, attended by the
Macintoshes, Grants, and Frasers, against the clan Cameron and the
clan Ranald, and the people of Moydart and Knoydart, whose principal
captains were Ewen Allenson, Ronald M’Coneilglas, and John Moydart.
These had wasted and plundered the whole country of Urquhart and
Glenmorriston, belonging to the Laird of Grant, and the country of
Abertarf, Strathglass, and others, the property of Lord Lovat. They
had also taken absolute possession of these different territories
as their own properties, which they intended to possess and enjoy
in all time coming. But, by the mediation of the Earl of Argyle,
they immediately dislodged themselves upon the Earl of Huntly’s
appearance, and retired to their own territories in the west.

In returning to his own country, Lovat was accompanied by the
Grants and Macintoshes as far as Gloy, afterwards called the
Nine-Mile-Water, and they even offered to escort him home in case of
danger; but, having no apprehensions, he declined, and they returned
home by Badenoch. This was a fatal error on the part of Lovat, for,
as soon as he arrived at Letterfinlay, he was informed that the
Clanranald were at hand, in full march, to intercept him. To secure
an important pass, he despatched Iain-Cleireach, one of his principal
officers, with 50 men; but, from some cause or other, Iain-Cleireach
did not accomplish his object; and, as soon as Lovat came to the
north end of Loch Lochy, he perceived the Clanranald descending the
hill from the west, to the number of about 500, divided into seven
companies. Lovat was thus placed in a position in which he could
neither refuse nor avoid battle. The day (3d July) being extremely
hot, Lovat’s men, who amounted to about 300, stript to the shirts,
from which circumstance the battle was called _Blar-Nan-Leine_,
_i.e._, the Field of Shirts. A sort of skirmish at first took place,
first with bows and arrows, which lasted a considerable time, until
both sides had expended their shafts. The combatants then drew
their swords, and rushed in true Highland fashion on each other,
with fierce and deadly intent. The slaughter was tremendous, and
few escaped on either side. Lord Lovat, with 300 of the surname of
Fraser, and other followers, were left dead on the field. Lovat’s
eldest son, a youth of great accomplishments, who had received his
education in France, whence he had lately arrived, was mortally
wounded, and taken prisoner. He died within three days. Great as was
the loss on the side of the Frasers, that on the opposite side was
comparatively still greater. According to a tradition handed down,
only four of the Frasers and ten of the Clanranald remained alive.
The darkness of the night alone put an end to the combat. This was
an unfortunate blow to the clan Fraser, which, tradition says, would
have been almost entirely annihilated but for the happy circumstance
that the wives of eighty of the Frasers who were slain were pregnant
at the time, and were each of them afterwards delivered of a male
child.[175]

As soon as intelligence of this disaster was brought to the Earl of
Huntly, he again returned with an army, entered Lochaber, which he
laid waste, and apprehended many of the leading men of the hostile
tribes, whom he put to death.

The great power conferred on the Earl of Huntly, as
lieutenant-general in the north of Scotland, and the promptitude
and severity with which he put down the insurrections of some of
the chiefs alluded to, raised up many enemies against him. As he in
company with the Earl of Sutherland was about to proceed to France
for the purpose of conveying the queen regent to that country, in
the year 1550, a conspiracy was formed against him, at the head of
which was Macintosh, chief of the clan Chattan. This conspiracy
being discovered to the earl, he ordered Macintosh to be immediately
apprehended and brought to Strathbogie, where he was beheaded in the
month of August of that year. His lands were also forfeited at the
same time. This summary proceeding excited the sympathy and roused
the indignation of the friends of the deceased chief, particularly
of the Earl of Cassilis. A commotion was about to ensue, but matters
were adjusted for a time, by the prudence of the queen regent, who
recalled the act of forfeiture and restored Macintosh’s heir to all
his father’s lands. But the clan Chattan were determined to avail
themselves of the first favourable opportunity of being revenged
upon the earl, which they, therefore, anxiously looked for. As
Lauchlan Macintosh, a near kinsman of the chief, was suspected of
having betrayed his chief to the earl, the clan entered his castle of
Pettie by stealth, slew him, and banished all his dependants from the
country of the clan.

About the same time the province of Sutherland again became the scene
of some commotions. The earl having occasion to leave home, intrusted
the government of the country to Alexander Gordon, his brother, who
ruled it with great justice and severity; but the people, disliking
the restraints put upon them by Alexander, created a tumult, and
placed John Sutherland, son of Alexander Sutherland, the bastard,
at their head. Seizing the favourable opportunity, as it appeared
to them, when Alexander Gordon was attending divine service in
the church at Golspikirktoun, they proceeded to attack him, but
receiving notice of their intentions, he collected the little company
he had about him, and went out of church resolutely to meet them.
Alarmed at seeing him and his party approach, the people immediately
dispersed and returned every man to his own house. But William
Murray, son of Caen Murray, one of the family of Pulrossie, indignant
at the affront offered to Alexander Gordon, shortly afterwards killed
John Sutherland upon the Nether Green of Dunrobin, in revenge for
which murder William Murray was himself thereafter slain by the Laird
of Clyne.

The Mackays also took advantage of the Earl of Sutherland’s absence,
to plunder and lay waste the country. Y-Mackay, son of Donald,
assembled the Strathnaver men and entered Sutherland, but Alexander
Gordon forced him back into Strathnaver, and not content with acting
on the defensive, he entered Mackay’s country, which he wasted, and
carried off a large booty in goods and cattle, in the year 1551.
Mackay, in his turn, retaliated, and this system of mutual aggression
and spoliation continued for several years.[176]

During the absence of the Earl of Huntly in France, John of Moydart,
chief of the Clanranald, returned from the isles and recommenced his
usual course of rapine. The queen regent, on her return from France,
being invested with full authority, sent the Earl of Huntly on an
expedition to the north, for the purpose of apprehending Clanranald
and putting an end to his outrages. The earl having mustered a
considerable force, chiefly Highlanders of the clan Chattan, passed
into Moydart and Knoydart, but his operations were paralyzed by
disputes in his camp. The chief and his men having abandoned their
own country, the earl proposed to pursue them in their retreats
among the fastnesses of the Highlands; but his principal officers,
who were chiefly from the Lowlands, unaccustomed to such a mode of
warfare in such a country, demurred; and as the earl was afraid to
entrust himself with the clan Chattan, who owed him a deep grudge
on account of the execution of their last chief, he abandoned the
enterprise and returned to the low country. Sir Robert Gordon says
that the failure of the expedition was owing to a tumult raised in
the earl’s camp by the clan Chattan, who returned home; but we are
rather disposed to consider Bishop Lesley’s account, which we have
followed, as the more correct.[177]

The failure of this expedition gave great offence to the queen,
who, instigated it is supposed by Huntly’s enemies, attributed it
to negligence on his part. The consequence was, that the earl was
committed a prisoner to the castle of Edinburgh in the month of
October, where he remained till the month of March following. He
was compelled to renounce the earldom of Moray and the lordship of
Abernethy, with his tacks and possessions in Orkney and Zetland, and
the tacks of the lands of the earldom of Mar and of the lordship of
Strathdie, of which he was bailie and steward, and he was moreover
condemned to a banishment of five years in France. But as he was
about to leave the kingdom, the queen, taking a more favourable view
of his conduct, recalled the sentence of banishment, and restored him
to the office of chancellor, of which he had been deprived; and to
make this act of leniency somewhat palatable to the earl’s enemies,
the queen exacted a heavy pecuniary fine from the earl.

The great disorders which prevailed in the Highlands at this time,
induced the queen-regent to undertake a journey thither in order to
punish these breaches of the law, and to repress existing tumults.
She accordingly arrived at Inverness in the month of July, 1555,
where she was met by John, Earl of Sutherland, and George, Earl of
Caithness. Although the latter nobleman was requested to bring his
countrymen along with him to the court, he neglected or declined
to do so, and he was therefore committed to prison at Inverness,
Aberdeen, and Edinburgh, successively, and he was not restored to
liberty till he paid a considerable sum of money. Y-Mackay of Far was
also summoned to appear before the queen at Inverness, to answer for
his spoliations committed in the country of Sutherland during the
absence of Earl John in France; but he refused to appear. Whereupon
the queen granted a commission to the Earl of Sutherland, to bring
Mackay to justice. The earl accordingly entered Strathnaver with
a great force, sacking and spoiling every thing in his way, and
possessing himself of all the principal positions to prevent Mackay’s
escape. Mackay, however, avoided the earl, and as he declined to
fight, the earl laid siege to the castle of Borwe, the principal
strength in Strathnaver, scarcely two miles distant from Far, which
he took after a short siege, and hanged Ruaridh-Mac-Iain-Mhoir, the
commander. This fort the earl completely demolished.

While the Earl of Sutherland was engaged in the siege, Mackay
entered Sutherland secretly, and burnt the church of Loth. He
thereafter went to the village of Knockartol, where he met
Mackenzie and his countrymen in Strathbroray. A slight skirmish
took place between them; but Mackay and his men fled after he had
lost Angus-Mackeanvoir, one of his commanders, and several of
his followers. Mackenzie was thereupon appointed by the earl to
protect Sutherland from the incursions of Mackay during his stay in
Strathnaver. Having been defeated again by Mackenzie, and seeing no
chance of escape, Mackay surrendered himself, and was carried south,
and committed a prisoner to the castle of Edinburgh, in which he
remained a considerable time. During the queen’s stay in the north
many notorious delinquents were brought to trial, condemned and
executed.

During Mackay’s detention in Edinburgh, John Mor-Mackay, who took
charge of his kinsman’s estate, seizing the opportunity of the Earl
of Sutherland’s absence in the south of Scotland, entered Sutherland
at the head of a determined body of Strathnaver men, and spoiled
and wasted the east corner of that province, and burnt the chapel
of St. Ninian. Mac-Mhic-Sheumais, chief of the Clan-Gun, the Laird
of Clyne, the Terrell of the Doill, and James Mac-William, having
collected a body of Sutherland men, pursued the Strathnaver men, whom
they overtook at the foot of the hill called Ben-Moir, in Berridell.
Here they laid an ambush for them, and having, by favour of a fog,
passed their sentinels, they unexpectedly surprised Mackay’s men,
and attacked them with great fury. The Strathnaver men made an
obstinate resistance, but were at length overpowered. Many of them
were killed, and others drowned in the water of Garwary. Mackay
himself escaped with great difficulty. This was one of the severest
defeats the Strathnaver men ever experienced, except at the battle of
Knoken-dow-Reywird.

On the release of Mackay from his confinement in the castle of
Edinburgh, he was employed in the wars upon the borders, against
the English, in which he acquitted himself courageously; and on
his return to Strathnaver he submitted himself to the Earl of
Sutherland, with whom he lived in peace during the remainder of
the earl’s life. But Mackay incurred the just displeasure of the
tribe of Slaight-ean-Voir by the committal of two crimes of the
deepest dye. Having imbibed a violent affection for the wife of
Tormaid-Mac-Iain-Mhoir, the chieftain of that tribe, he, in order to
accomplish his object, slew the chief, after which he violated his
wife, by whom he had a son called Donald Balloch Mackay. The insulted
clan flew to arms; but they were defeated at Durines, by the murderer
and adulterer, after a sharp skirmish. Three of the principal men of
the tribe who had given themselves up, trusting to Mackay’s clemency,
were beheaded.[178]

In the early part of the reign of the unfortunate Queen Mary, during
the period of the Reformation in Scotland, the house of Huntly had
acquired such an influence in the north and north-east of Scotland,
the old Maormorate of Moray, as to be looked upon with suspicion by
the government of the day. Moreover the Lords of the Congregation
regarded the earl with no friendly feeling as the great leader of the
Roman Catholic party in the country, and it was therefore resolved
that Mary should make a royal progress northwards, apparently for
the purpose of seeing what was the real state of matters, and, if
possible, try to overawe the earl, and remind him that he was only
a subject. The queen, who, although Huntly was the Catholic leader,
appears to have entered into the expedition heartily; and her
bastard brother, the Earl of Murray, proceeded, in 1562, northwards,
backed by a small army, and on finding the earl fractious, laid
siege to the castle of Inverness, which was taken, and the governor
hanged. The queen’s army and the followers of Huntly met at the hill
of Corrichie, about sixteen miles west of Aberdeen, when the latter
were defeated, the earl himself being found among the slain. It was
on this occasion that Mary is said to have wished herself a man to be
able to ride forth “in jack and knap-skull.” This expedition was the
means of effectually breaking the influence of this powerful northern
family.

George, Earl of Caithness, who had long borne a mortal hatred to
John, Earl of Sutherland, now projected a scheme for cutting him
off, as well as his countess, who was big with child, and their
only son, Alexander Gordon; the earl and countess were accordingly
both poisoned at Helmsdale, while at supper, by Isobel Sinclair,
wife of Gilbert Gordon of Gartay, and sister of William Sinclair
of Dumbaith, instigated, it is said, by the earl; but their son,
Alexander, made a very narrow escape, not having returned in time
from a hunting excursion to join his father and mother at supper.
On Alexander’s return the earl had become fully aware of the danger
of his situation, and he was thus prevented by his father from
participating in any part of the supper which remained, and after
taking an affectionate and parting farewell, and recommending him
to the protection of God and of his dearest friends, he sent him to
Dunrobin the same night without his supper. The earl and his lady
were carried next morning to Dunrobin, where they died within five
days thereafter, in the month of July, 1567, and were buried in the
cathedral church at Dornoch. Pretending to cover himself from the
imputation of being concerned in this murder, the Earl of Caithness
punished some of the earl’s most faithful servants under the colour
of avenging his death; but the deceased earl’s friends being
determined to obtain justice, apprehended Isobel Sinclair, and sent
her to Edinburgh to stand her trial, where, after being tried and
condemned, she died on the day appointed for her execution. During
all the time of her illness she vented the most dreadful imprecations
upon her cousin, the earl, who had induced her to commit the horrid
act. Had this woman succeeded in cutting off the earl’s son, her own
eldest son, John Gordon, but for the extraordinary circumstances of
his death, to be noticed, would have succeeded to the earldom, as
he was the next male heir. This youth happening to be in the house
when his mother had prepared the poison, became extremely thirsty,
and called for a drink. One of his mother’s servants, not aware of
the preparation, presented to the youth a portion of the liquid into
which the poison had been infused, which he drank. This occasioned
his death within two days, a circumstance which, together with the
appearances of the body after death, gave a clue to the discovery of
his mother’s guilt.[179]

Taking advantage of the calamity which had befallen the house of
Sutherland, and the minority of the young earl, now only fifteen
years of age, Y-Mackay of Far, who had formed an alliance with
the Earl of Caithness, in 1567 invaded the country of Sutherland,
wasted the barony of Skibo, entered the town of Dornoch, and, upon
the pretence of a quarrel with the Murrays, by whom it was chiefly
inhabited, set fire to it, in which outrage he was assisted by the
Laird of Duffus. These measures were only preliminary to a design
which the Earl of Caithness had formed to get the Earl of Sutherland
into his hands, but he had the cunning to conceal his intentions in
the meantime, and to instigate Mackay to act as he wished, without
appearing to be in any way concerned.

In pursuance of his design upon Alexander, the young Earl of
Sutherland, the Earl of Caithness prevailed upon Robert Stuart,
bishop of Caithness, to write a letter to the governor of the castle
of Skibo, in which the Earl of Sutherland resided, to deliver up the
castle to him; a request with which the governor complied. Having
taken possession of the castle, the earl carried off the young man
into Caithness, and although only fifteen years of age, he got him
married to Lady Barbara Sinclair, his daughter, then aged thirty-two
years. Y-Mackay was the paramour of this lady, and for continuing the
connexion with him she was afterwards divorced by her husband.

The Earl of Caithness having succeeded in his wishes in obtaining
possession of the Earl of Sutherland, entered the earl’s country, and
took possession of Dunrobin castle, in which he fixed his residence.
He also brought the Earl of Sutherland along with him, but he treated
him meanly, and he burnt all the papers belonging to the house of
Sutherland he could lay his hands on. Cruel and avaricious, he, under
the pretence of vindicating the law, for imaginary crimes expelled
many of the ancient families in Sutherland from the country, put
many of the inhabitants to death, disabled those he banished, in
their persons, by new and unheard-of modes of torture, and stripped
them of all their wealth. To be suspected of favouring the house of
Sutherland, and to be wealthy, were deemed capital crimes by this
oppressor.

As the Earl of Sutherland did not live on friendly terms with his
wife on account of her licentious connexion with Mackay, and as
there appeared no chance of any issue, the Earl of Caithness formed
the base design of cutting off the Earl of Sutherland, and marrying
William Sinclair, his second son, to Lady Margaret Gordon, the
eldest sister of the Earl of Sutherland, whom he had also gotten
into his hands, with the view of making William earl of Sutherland.
The better to conceal his intentions the Earl of Caithness made a
journey south to Edinburgh, and gave the necessary instructions to
those in his confidence to despatch the Earl of Sutherland; but some
of his trusty friends having received private intelligence of the
designs of the Earl of Caithness from some persons who were privy
thereto, they instantly set about measures for defeating them by
getting possession of the Earl of Sutherland’s person. Accordingly,
under cloud of night, they came quietly to the burn of Golspie, in
the vicinity of Dunrobin, where, concealing themselves to prevent
discovery, they sent Alexander Gordon of Sidderay to the castle,
disguised as a pedlar, for the purpose of warning the Earl of
Sutherland of the danger of his situation, and devising means of
escape. Being made acquainted with the design upon his life, and the
plans of his friends for rescuing him, the earl, early the following
morning, proposed to the residents in the castle, under whose charge
he was, to accompany him on a small excursion in the neighbourhood.
This proposal seemed so reasonable in itself, that, although he was
perpetually watched by the Earl of Caithness’ servants, and his
liberty greatly restrained, they at once agreed; and, going out, the
earl being aware of the ambush laid by his friends, led his keepers
directly into the snare before they were aware of danger. The earl’s
friends thereupon rushed from their hiding-place, and seizing him,
conveyed him safely out of the country of Sutherland to Strathbogie.
This took place in 1569. As soon as the Earl of Caithness’s retainers
heard of the escape of Earl Alexander, they collected a party of men
favourable to their interests, and went in hot pursuit of him as far
as Port-ne-Coulter; but they found that the earl and his friends had
just crossed the ferry.[180]

Shortly after this affair a quarrel ensued between the Monroes and
the clan Kenzie, two very powerful Ross-shire clans. Lesley, the
celebrated bishop of Ross, had made over to his cousin, the Laird
of Balquhain, the right and title of the castle of the Canonry of
Ross, together with the castle lands. Notwithstanding this grant,
the Regent Murray had given the custody of this castle to Andrew
Monroe of Milntown; and to make Lesley bear with the loss, the Regent
promised him some of the lands of the Barony of Fintry in Buchan,
but on condition that he should cede to Monroe the castle and castle
lands of the Canonry; but the untimely and unexpected death of the
Regent interrupted this arrangement, and Andrew Monroe did not,
of course, obtain the title to the castle and castle lands as he
expected. Yet Monroe had the address to obtain permission from the
Earl of Lennox during his regency, and afterwards from the Earl of
Mar, his successor in that office, to get possession of the castle.
The clan Kenzie grudging to see Monroe in possession, and being
desirous to get hold of the castle themselves, purchased Lesley’s
right, and, by virtue thereof, demanded delivery of the castle.
Monroe refused to accede to this demand, on which the clan laid siege
to the castle; but Monroe defended it for three years at the expense
of many lives on both sides. It was then delivered up to the clan
Kenzie under the act of pacification.[181]

No attempt was made by the Earl of Sutherland, during his minority,
to recover his possessions from the Earl of Caithness. In the
meantime the latter, disappointed and enraged at the escape of his
destined prey, vexed and annoyed still farther the partisans of the
Sutherland family. In particular, he directed his vengeance against
the Murrays, and made William Sutherland of Evelick, brother to the
Laird of Duffus, apprehend John Croy-Murray, under the pretence of
bringing him to justice. This proceeding roused the indignation of
Hugh Murray of Aberscors, who assembled his friends, and made several
incursions upon the lands of Evelick, Pronsies, and Riercher. They
also laid waste several villages belonging to the Laird of Duffus,
from which they carried off some booty, and apprehending a gentleman
of the Sutherlands, they detained him as an hostage for the safety
of John Croy-Murray. Upon this the Laird of Duffus collected all
his kinsmen and friends, together with the Siol-Phaill at Skibo,
and proceeded to the town of Dornoch, with the intention of burning
it. But the inhabitants, aided by the Murrays, went out to meet the
enemy, whom they courageously attacked and overthrew, and pursued to
the gates of Skibo. Besides killing several of Duffus’ men they made
some prisoners, whom they exchanged for John Croy-Murray. This affair
was called the skirmish of Torran-Roy.

The Laird of Duffus, who was father-in-law to the Earl of Caithness,
and supported him in all his plans, immediately sent notice of
this disaster to the earl, who without delay sent his eldest son,
John, Master of Caithness, with a large party of countrymen and
friends, including Y-Mackay and his countrymen, to attack the
Murrays in Dornoch. They besieged the town and castle, which were
both manfully defended by the Murrays and their friends; but the
Master of Caithness, favoured by the darkness of the night, set fire
to the cathedral, the steeple of which, however, was preserved.
After the town had been reduced, the Master of Caithness attacked
the castle and the steeple of the church, into which a body of
men had thrown themselves, both of which held out for the space of
a week, and would probably have resisted much longer, but for the
interference of mutual friends of the parties, by whose mediation
the Murrays surrendered the castle and the steeple of the church;
and, as hostages for the due performance of other conditions, they
delivered up Thomas Murray, son of Houcheon Murray of Aberscors,
Houcheon Murray, son of Alexander Mac-Sir-Angus, and John Murray,
son of Thomas Murray, the brother of John Murray of Aberscors. But
the Earl of Caithness refused to ratify the treaty which his son had
entered into with the Murrays, and afterwards basely beheaded the
three hostages. These occurrences took place in the year 1570.[182]

The Murrays and the other friends of the Sutherland family, no
longer able to protect themselves from the vengeance of the Earl
of Caithness, dispersed themselves into different countries, there
to wait for more favourable times, when they might return to their
native soil without danger. The Murrays went to Strathbogie,
where Earl Alexander then resided. Hugh Gordon of Drummoy retired
to Orkney, where he married a lady named Ursla Tulloch; but he
frequently visited his friends in Sutherland, in spite of many
snares laid for him by the Earl of Caithness, while secretly going
and returning through Caithness. Hugh Gordon’s brothers took refuge
with the Murrays at Strathbogie. John Gray of Skibo and his son
Gilbert retired to St. Andrews, where their friend Robert, bishop of
Caithness, then resided, and Mac-Mhic-Sheumais of Strathully went to
Glengarry.

As the alliance of such a powerful and war-like chief as Mackay would
have been of great importance to the Sutherland interest, an attempt
was made to detach him from the Earl of Caithness. The plan appears
to have originated with Hugh Murray of Aberscors, who made repeated
visits to Strathbogie, to consult with the Earl of Sutherland and his
friends on this subject, and afterwards went into Strathnaver and
held a conference with Mackay, whom he prevailed upon to accompany
him to Strathbogie. Mackay then entered into an engagement with the
Earl of Huntly and the Earl of Sutherland, to assist the latter
against the Earl of Caithness, in consideration of which, and on
payment of £300 Scots, he obtained from the Earl of Huntly the
heritable right and title of the lands of Strathnaver; but Mackay,
influenced by Barbara Sinclair, the wife of the Earl of Sutherland,
with whom he now publicly cohabited, broke his engagement, and
continued to oppress the earl’s followers and dependents.

From some circumstances which have not transpired, the Earl of
Caithness became suspicious of his son John, the Master of Caithness,
as having, in connection with Mackay, a design upon his life. To put
an end to the earl’s suspicion, Mackay advised John to go to Girnigo
(Castle Sinclair), and to submit himself to his father’s pleasure,
a request with which the Master complied; but, after arriving at
Girnigo, he was, while conversing with his father, arrested by a
party of armed men, who, upon a secret signal being given by the
earl, had rushed in at the chamber door. He was instantly fettered
and thrust into prison within the castle, where, after a miserable
captivity of seven years, he died, a prey to famine and vermin.

Mackay, who had accompanied the Master to Girnigo, and who in all
probability would have shared the same fate, escaped and returned
home to Strathnaver, where he died, within four months thereafter, of
grief and remorse for the many bad actions of his life. During the
minority of his son Houcheon, John Mor-Mackay, the cousin, and John
Beg-Mackay, the bastard son of Y-Mackay, took charge of the estate;
but John Mor-Mackay was speedily removed from his charge by the Earl
of Caithness, who, considering him as a favourer of the Earl of
Sutherland, caused him to be apprehended and carried into Caithness,
where he was detained in prison till his death. During this time
John Robson, the chief of the clan Gun in Caithness and Strathnaver,
became a dependent on the Earl of Sutherland, and acted as his factor
in collecting the rents and duties of the bishop’s lands within
Caithness which belonged to the earl. This connexion was exceedingly
disagreeable to the Earl of Caithness, who in consequence took a
grudge at John Robson, and, to gratify his spleen, he instigated
Houcheon Mackay to lay waste the lands of the clan Gun, in the
Brea-Moir, in Caithness, without the knowledge of John Beg-Mackay,
his brother. As the clan Gun had always been friendly to the family
of Mackay, John Beg-Mackay was greatly exasperated at the conduct
of the earl in enticing the young chief to commit such an outrage;
but he had it not in his power to make any reparation to the injured
clan. John Robson, the chief, however, assisted by Alexander Earl of
Sutherland, invaded Strathnaver and made ample retaliation. Meeting
the Strathnaver men at a place called Creach-Drumi-Doun, he attacked
and defeated them, killing several of them, and chiefly those who had
accompanied Houcheon Mackay in his expedition to the Brea-Moir. He
then carried off a large quantity of booty, which he divided among
the clan Gun of Strathully, who had suffered by Houcheon Mackay’s
invasion.[183]

The Earl of Caithness, having resolved to avenge himself on
John Beg-Mackay for the displeasure shown by him at the conduct
of Houcheon Mackay, and also on the clan Gun, prevailed upon
Neill-Mac-Iain-Mac-William, chief of the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich, and
James Mac-Rory, chief of the Sliochd-Iain-Mhoir, to attack them.
Accordingly, in the month of September, 1579, these two chiefs, with
their followers, entered Balnekill in Durines during the night-time,
and slew John Beg-Mackay and William Mac-Iain-Mac-Rob, the brother of
John Robson, and some of their people. The friends of the deceased
were not in a condition to retaliate, but they kept up the spirit of
revenge so customary in those times, and only waited a favourable
opportunity to gratify it. This did not occur till several years
thereafter. In the year 1587, James Mac-Rory, “a fyne gentleman and
a good commander,” according to Sir Robert Gordon, was assassinated
by Donald Balloch-Mackay, the brother of John Beg-Mackay; and two
years thereafter John Mackay, the son of John Beg, attacked Neill
Mac-Iain-Mac-William, whom he wounded severely, and cut off some of
his followers. “This Neill,” says Sir R. Gordon, “heir mentioned,
wes a good captain, bold, craftie, of a verie good witt, and quick
resolution.”

After the death of John Beg-Mackay, and William Mac-Iain-Mac-Rob, a
most deadly and inveterate feud followed, between the clan Gun and
the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich, but no recital of the details has been
handed down to us. “The long, the many, the horrible encounters,”
observes Sir R. Gordon “which happened between these two trybes, with
the bloodshed, and infinit spoills committed in every pairt of the
diocy of Catteynes by them and their associats, are of so disordered
and troublesome memorie, that, what with their asperous names,
together with the confusion of place, tymes, and persons, would yet
be (no doubt) a warr to the reader to overlook them; and therefor,
to favor myne oune paines, and his who should get little profite or
delight thereby, I doe pass them over.”[184]

The clan Chattan, about this time, must have been harassing the
surrounding districts to a terrible extent, and causing the
government considerable trouble, as in 1583 we find a mandate
addressed by King James “to our shirreffs of Kincardin, Abirdene,
Banf, Elgen, Fores, Narne, and Invernyss; and to our derrest
bruthir, James, Erle of Murray, our lieutenant generale in the
north partis of our realme, and to our louittis consingis [ ... ]
Erle of Suthirland; John Erle of Cathnes,” &c., &c., commanding
them that inasmuch as John M’Kinlay, Thomas Mackinlay, Donald
Glass, &c., “throcht assistance and fortifying of all the kin of
Clanquhattane duelland within Baienach, Petty, Brauchly, Strathnarne,
and other parts thereabout, committs daily fire-raising, slaughter,
murder, heirschippis, and wasting of the cuntre,” to the harm of
the true lieges, these sheriffs and others shall fall upon the
“said Clanquhattane, and invade them to their utter destruction by
slaughter, burning, drowning, and other ways; and leave na creature
living of that clan, except priests, women, and bairns.” The “women
and bairns” they were ordered to take to “some parts of the sea
nearest land, quhair ships salbe forsene on our expenses, to sail
with them furth of our realme, and land with them in Jesland,
Zesland, or Norway; because it were inhumanity to put hands in the
blood of women and bairns.” Had this mandate for “stamping out” this
troublesome clan been carried out it would certainly have been an
effectual cure for many of the disturbances in the Highlands; but we
cannot find any record as to what practical result followed the issue
of this cruel decree.[185]

In the year 1585 a quarrel took place between Neill Houcheonson,
and Donald Neilson, the Laird of Assynt, who had married Houcheon
Mackay’s sister. The cause of Donald Neilson was espoused by Houcheon
Mackay, and the clan Gun, who came with an army out of Caithness and
Strathnaver, to besiege Neill Houcheonson in the isle of Assynt.
Neill, who was commander of Assynt, and a follower of the Earl of
Sutherland, sent immediate notice to the earl of Mackay’s movements,
on receiving which the earl, assembling a body of men, despatched
them to Assynt to raise the siege; but Mackay did not wait for their
coming, and retreated into Strathnaver. As the Earl of Caithness
had sent some of his people to assist Mackay, who was the Earl
of Sutherland’s vassal, the latter resolved to punish both, and
accordingly made preparations for entering Strathnaver and Caithness
with an army. But some mutual friends of the parties interfered to
prevent the effusion of blood, by prevailing on the two earls to meet
at Elgin, in the presence of the Earl of Huntly and other friends,
and get their differences adjusted. A meeting was accordingly held,
at which the earls were reconciled. The whole blame of the troubles
and commotions which had recently disturbed the peace of Sutherland
and Caithness, was thrown upon the clan Gun, who were alleged to
have been the chief instigators, and as their restless disposition
might give rise to new disorders, it was agreed, at said meeting, to
cut them off, and particularly that part of the tribe which dwelt
in Caithness, which was chiefly dreaded, for which purpose the Earl
of Caithness bound himself to deliver up to the Earl of Sutherland,
certain individuals of the clan living in Caithness. To enable him
to implement his engagement a resolution was entered into to send
two companies of men against those of the clan Gun who dwelt in
Caithness and Strathnaver, and to surround them in such a way as to
prevent escape. The Earl of Caithness, notwithstanding, sent private
notice to the clan of the preparations making against them by Angus
Sutherland of Mellary, in Berriedale; but the clan were distrustful
of the earl, as they had already received secret intelligence that he
had assembled his people together for the purpose of attacking them.

As soon as the Earl of Sutherland could get his men collected he
proceeded to march to the territories of the clan Gun; but meeting
by chance, on his way, with a party of Strathnaver men, under the
command of William Mackay, brother of Houcheon Mackay, carrying off
the cattle of James Mac-Rory, a vassal of his own, from Coireceann
Loch in the Diri-Meanigh, he rescued and brought back his vassal’s
cattle. After this the earl’s party pursued William Mackay and the
Strathnaver men during the whole day, and killed one of the principal
men of the clan Gun in Strathnaver, called Angus-Roy, with several
others of Mackay’s company. This affair was called Latha-Tom-Fraoich,
that is, the day of the heather bush. At the end of the pursuit, and
towards evening, the pursued party found themselves on the borders of
Caithness, where they found the clan Gun assembled in consequence of
the rising of the Caithness people who had taken away their cattle.

This accidental meeting of the Strathnaver men and the clan Gun
was the means, probably, of saving both from destruction. They
immediately entered into an alliance to stand by one another, and
to live or die together. Next morning they found themselves placed
between two powerful bodies of their enemies. On the one side was the
Earl of Sutherland’s party at no great distance, reposing themselves
from the fatigues of the preceding day, and on the other were seen
advancing the Caithness men, conducted by Henry Sinclair, brother to
the laird of Dun, and cousin to the Earl of Caithness. A council of
war was immediately held to consult how to act in this emergency,
when it was resolved to attack the Caithness men first, as they were
far inferior in numbers, which was done by the clan Gun and their
allies, who had the advantage of the hill, with great resolution.
The former foolishly expended their arrows while at a distance from
their opponents; but the clan Gun having husbanded their shot till
they came in close contact with the enemy, did great execution. The
Caithness men were completely over-thrown, after leaving 140 of
their party, with their captain, Henry Sinclair, dead on the field
of battle. Had not the darkness of the night favoured their flight,
they would have all been destroyed. Henry Sinclair was Mackay’s
uncle, and not being aware that he had been in the engagement till he
recognised his body among the slain, Mackay felt extremely grieved
at the unexpected death of his relative. This skirmish took place
at Aldgown, in the year 1586. The Sutherland men having lost sight
of Mackay and his party among the hills, immediately before the
conflict, returned into their own country with the booty they had
recovered, and were not aware of the defeat of the Caithness men till
some time after that event.

The Earl of Caithness afterwards confessed that he had no intention
of attacking the clan Gun at the time in question; but that his
policy was to have allowed them to be closely pressed and pursued by
the Sutherland men, and then to have relieved them from the imminent
danger they would thereby be placed in, so that they might consider
that it was to him they owed their safety, and thus lay them under
fresh obligations to him. But the deceitful part he acted proved very
disastrous to his people, and the result so exasperated him against
the clan Gun, that he hanged John Mac-Iain-Mac-Rob, chieftain of the
clan Gun, in Caithness, whom he had kept captive for some time.

The result of all these proceedings was another meeting between
the Earls of Sutherland and Caithness at the hill of Bingrime in
Sutherland, which was brought about by the mediation of Sir Patrick
Gordon of Auchindun, who was sent into the north by his nephew, the
Earl of Huntly, for that purpose. Here again a new confederacy was
formed against the clan Gun in Caithness, who were now maintained
and harboured by Mackay. The Earl of Sutherland, on account of the
recent defeat of the Caithness men, undertook to attack the clan
first. He accordingly directed two bodies to march with all haste
against the clan, one of which was commanded by James Mac-Rory and
Neill Mac-Iain-Mac-William, chief of the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich, who
were now under the protection of the Earl of Sutherland; and the
other by William Sutherland Johnson, George Gordon in Marle, and
William Murray in Kinnald, brother of Hugh Murray of Aberscors.
Houcheon Mackay, seeing no hopes of maintaining the clan Gun any
longer without danger to himself, discharged them from his country,
whereupon they made preparations for seeking an asylum in the
western isles. But, on their journey thither, they were met near
Loch Broom, at a place called Leckmelme, by James Mac-Rory and Neill
Mac-Iain-Mac-William, where, after a sharp skirmish, they were
overthrown, and the greater part of them killed. Their commander,
George Mac-Iain-Mac-Rob, brother of John Mac-Iain-Mac-Rob, who was
hanged by the Earl of Caithness, was severely wounded, and was taken
prisoner after an unsuccessful attempt to escape by swimming across a
loch close by. After being carried to Dunrobin castle, and presented
to the Earl of Sutherland, George Gun was sent by him to the Earl of
Caithness, who, though extremely grieved at the misfortune which had
happened to the clan Gun, dissembled his vexation, and received the
prisoner as if he approved of the Earl of Sutherland’s proceedings
against him and his unfortunate people. After a short confinement,
George Gun was released from his captivity by the Earl of Caithness,
at the entreaty of the Earl of Sutherland, not from any favour to
the prisoner himself, or to the earl, whom the Earl of Caithness
hated mortally, but with the design of making Gun an instrument of
annoyance to some of the Earl of Sutherland’s neighbours. But the
Earl of Caithness was disappointed in his object, for George Gun,
after his enlargement from prison, always remained faithful to the
Earl of Sutherland.[186]

About this time a violent feud arose in the western isles between
Angus Macdonald of Kintyre, and Sir Lauchlan Maclean of Duart, in
Mull, whose sister Angus had married, which ended in the almost total
destruction of the clan Donald and clan Lean. The circumstances which
led to this unfortunate dissension were these:--

Donald Gorm Macdonald of Slate, when going on a visit from Slate to
his cousin, Angus Macdonald of Kintyre, was forced by contrary winds
to land with his party in the island of Jura, which belonged partly
to Sir Lauchlan Maclean, and partly to Angus Macdonald. The part of
the island where Macdonald of Slate landed belonged to Sir Lauchlan
Maclean. No sooner had Macdonald and his company landed, than, by an
unlucky coincidence, Macdonald Tearreagh and Houcheon Macgillespic,
two of the clan Donald who had lately quarrelled with Donald Gorm,
arrived at the same time with a party of men; and, understanding that
Donald Gorm was in the island, they secretly took away, by night,
a number of cattle belonging to the clan Lean, and immediately put
to sea. Their object in doing so was to make the clan Lean believe
that Donald Gorm and his party had carried off the cattle, in the
hope that the Macleans would attack Donald Gorm, and they were
not disappointed. As soon as the _lifting_ of the cattle had been
discovered, Sir Lauchlan Maclean assembled his whole forces, and,
under the impression that Donald Gorm and his party had committed
the spoliation, he attacked them suddenly and unawares, during the
night, at a place in the island called Inverchuockwrick, and slew
about sixty of the clan Donald. Donald Gorm, having previously gone
on board his vessel to pass the night, fortunately escaped.

When Angus Macdonald heard of this “untoward event,” he visited
Donald Gorm in Skye for the purpose of consulting with him on the
means of obtaining reparation for the loss of his men. On his return
homeward to Kintyre, he landed in the Isle of Mull, and, contrary
to the advice of Coll Mac-James and Reginald Mac-James, his two
brothers, and of Reginald Mac-Coll, his cousin, who wished him to
send a messenger to announce the result of his meeting with Donald
Gorm, went to the castle of Duart, the principal residence of Sir
Lauchlan Maclean in Mull. His two brothers refused to accompany him,
and they acted rightly; for, the day after Angus arrived at Duart,
he and all his party were perfidiously arrested by Sir Lauchlan
Maclean. Reginald Mac-Coll, the cousin of Angus, alone escaped.
The Rhinns of Islay at this time belonged to the clan Donald, but
they had given the possession of them to the clan Lean for personal
services. Sir Lauchlan, thinking the present a favourable opportunity
for acquiring an absolute right to this property, offered to release
Angus Macdonald, provided he would renounce his right and title to
the Rhinns; and, in case of refusal, he threatened to make him end
his days in captivity. Angus, being thus in some degree compelled,
agreed to the proposed terms, but, before obtaining his liberty, he
was forced to give James Macdonald, his eldest son, and Reginald
Mac-James, his brother, as hostages, until the deed of conveyance
should be delivered to Sir Lauchlan.

It was not, however, the intention of Angus Macdonald to implement
this engagement, if he could accomplish the liberation of his son
and brother. His cousin had suffered a grievous injury at the hands
of Sir Lauchlan Maclean without any just cause of offence, and he
himself had, when on a friendly mission, been detained most unjustly
as a prisoner, and compelled to promise to surrender into Sir
Lauchlan’s hands, by a regular deed, a part of his property. Under
these circumstances, his resolution to break the unfair engagement he
had come under is not to be wondered at. To accomplish his object he
had recourse to a stratagem in which he succeeded, as will be shown
in the sequel.

After Maclean had obtained delivery of the two hostages, he made a
voyage to Islay to get the engagement completed. He left behind, in
the castle of Duart, Reginald Mac-James, one of the hostages, whom he
put in fetters, and took the other to accompany him on his voyage.
Having arrived in the isle of Islay, he encamped at Eilean-Gorm, a
ruinous castle upon the Rhinns of Islay which castle had been lately
in the possession of the clan Lean. Angus Macdonald was residing at
the time at the house of Mulindry or Mullindhrea, a comfortable and
well-furnished residence belonging to him on the island, and to
which he invited Sir Lauchlan, under the pretence of affording him
better accommodation, and providing him with better provisions than
he could obtain in his camp; but Sir Lauchlan, having his suspicions,
declined to accept the invitation. “There wes,” says Sir Robert
Gordon, “so little trust on either syd, that they did not now meit
in friendship or amitie, bot vpon ther owne guard, or rather by
messingers, one from another. And true it is (sayeth John Colwin, in
his manuscript) that the islanders are, of nature, verie suspicious;
full of invention against ther nighbours, by whatsoever way they may
get them destroyed. Besyds this, they are bent and eager in taking
revenge, that neither have they regaird to persone, tyme, aige, nor
cause; and ar generallie so addicted that way (as lykwise are the
most pairt of all Highlanders), that therein they surpasse all other
people whatsoever.”

[Illustration: Castle Duart.]

Sir Lauchlan, however, was thrown off his guard by fair promises,
and agreed to pay Macdonald a visit, and accordingly proceeded
to Mulindry, accompanied by James Macdonald, his own nephew, and
the son of Angus, and 86 of his kinsmen and servants. Maclean and
his party, on their arrival, were received by Macdonald with much
apparent kindness, and were sumptuously entertained dining the whole
day. In the meantime, Macdonald sent notice to all his friends and
well-wishers in the island, to come to his house at nine o’clock
at night, his design being to seize Maclean and his party. At the
usual hour for going to repose, Maclean and his people were lodged
in a long-house, which stood by itself, at some distance from the
other houses. During the whole day Maclean had always kept James
Macdonald, the hostage, within his reach, as a sort of protection
to him in case of an attack, and at going to bed he took him along
with him. About an hour after Maclean and his people had retired,
Angus assembled his men to the number of 300 or 400, and made them
surround the house in which Maclean and his company lay. Then, going
himself to the door, he called upon Maclean, and told him that he
had come to give him his reposing drink, which he had forgotten to
offer him before going to bed. Maclean answered that he did not
wish to drink at that time; but Macdonald insisted that he should
rise and receive the drink, it being, he said, his will that he
should do so. The peremptory tone of Macdonald made Maclean at once
apprehensive of the danger of his situation, and immediately getting
up and placing the boy between his shoulders, prepared to preserve
his life as long as he could with the boy, or to sell it as dearly
as possible. As soon as the door was forced open, James Macdonald,
seeing his father with a naked sword in his hand and a number of his
men armed in the same manner, cried aloud for mercy to Maclean, his
uncle, which being granted, Sir Lauchlan was immediately removed to
a secret chamber, where he remained till next morning. After Maclean
had surrendered, Angus Macdonald announced to those within the house,
that if they would come without their lives would be spared; but he
excepted Macdonald Terreagh and another individual whom he named.
The whole, with the exception of these two, having complied, the
house was immediately set on fire, and consumed along with Macdonald
Terreagh and his companion. The former was one of the clan Donald of
the Western Islands, and not only had assisted the clan Lean against
his own tribe, but was also the originator, as we have seen, of all
these disturbances; and the latter was a near kinsman to Maclean, one
of the oldest of the clan, and celebrated for his wisdom and prowess.
This affair took place in the month of July, 1586.

[Illustration: MACLEAN. (Tartan)]

When the intelligence of the seizure of Sir Lauchlan Maclean reached
the Isle of Mull, Allan Maclean, who was the nearest kinsman to
Maclean, whose children were then very young, bethought himself of an
expedient to obtain the possessions of Sir Lauchlan. In conjunction
with his friends, Allan caused a false report to be spread in the
island of Islay, that the friends of Maclean had killed Reginald
Mac-James, the remaining hostage at Duart in Mull, by means of which
he hoped that Angus Macdonald would be moved to kill Sir Lauchlan,
and thereby enable him (Allan) to supply his place. But although this
device did not succeed, it proved very disastrous to Sir Lauchlan’s
friends and followers, who were beheaded in pairs by Coll Mac-James,
the brother of Angus Macdonald.

The friends of Sir Lauchlan seeing no hopes of his release, applied
to the Earl of Argyle to assist them in a contemplated attempt
to rescue him out of the hands of Angus Macdonald; but the earl,
perceiving the utter hopelessness of such an attempt with such forces
as he and they could command, advised them to complain to King
James VI. against Angus Macdonald, for the seizure and detention of
their chief. The king immediately directed that Macdonald should be
summoned by a herald-at-arms to deliver up Sir Lauchlan into the
hands of the Earl of Argyle; but the herald was interrupted in the
performance of his duty, not being able to procure shipping for
Islay, and was obliged to return home. The Earl of Argyle had then
recourse to negotiation with Macdonald, and, after considerable
trouble, he prevailed on him to release Sir Lauchlan on certain
strict conditions, but not until Reginald Mac-James, the brother of
Angus, had been delivered up, and the earl, for performance of the
conditions agreed upon, had given his own son, and the son of Macleod
of Harris, as hostages. But Maclean, quite regardless of the safety
of the hostages, and in open violation of the engagements he had
come under, on hearing that Angus Macdonald had gone on a visit to
the clan Donald of the glens in Ireland, invaded Isla, which he laid
waste, and pursued those who had assisted in his capture.

On his return from Ireland, Angus Macdonald made great preparations
for inflicting a just chastisement upon Maclean. Collecting a large
body of men, and much shipping, he invaded Mull and Tiree, carrying
havoc and destruction along with him, and destroying every human
being and every domestic animal, of whatever kind. While Macdonald
was committing these ravages in Mull and Tiree, Maclean, instead of
opposing him, invaded Kintyre, where he took ample retaliation by
wasting and burning a great part of that country. In this manner did
these hostile clans continue, for a considerable period, mutually to
vex and destroy one another, till they were almost exterminated, root
and branch.

In order to strengthen his own power and to weaken that of his
antagonist, Sir Lauchlan Maclean attempted to detach John Mac-Iain,
of Ardnamurchan, from Angus Macdonald and his party. Mac-Iain had
formerly been an unsuccessful suitor for the hand of Maclean’s
mother, and Sir Hector now gave him an invitation to visit him
in Mull, promising, at the same time, to give him his mother in
marriage. Mac-Iain accepted the invitation, and on his arrival
in Mull, Maclean prevailed on his mother to marry Mac-Iain, and
the nuptials were accordingly celebrated at Torloisk in Mull. No
persuasion, however, could induce Mac-Iain to join against his own
tribe, towards which, notwithstanding his matrimonial alliance, he
entertained the strongest affection. Chagrined at the unexpected
refusal of Mac-Iain, Sir Lauchlan resolved to punish his refractory
guest by one of those gross infringements of the laws of hospitality
which so often marked the hostility of rival clans. During the dead
hour of the night he caused the door of Mac-Iain’s bedchamber to
be forced open, dragged him from his bed, and from the arms of his
wife, and put him in close confinement, after killing eighteen of his
followers. After suffering a year’s captivity, he was released and
exchanged for Maclean’s son, and the other hostages in Macdonald’s
possession.

The dissensions between these two tribes having attracted the
attention of government, the rival chiefs were induced, partly by
command of the king, and partly by persuasions and fair promises,
to come to Edinburgh in the year 1592, for the purpose of having
their differences reconciled. On their arrival they were committed
prisoners to the castle of Edinburgh, but were soon released and
allowed to return home on payment of a small pecuniary fine, “and a
shamfull remission,” says Sir Robert Gordon, “granted to either of
them.”[187]

In the year 1587, the flames of discord, which had lain dormant for
a short time, burst forth between the rival houses of Sutherland and
Caithness. In the year 1583, Alexander, Earl of Sutherland, obtained
from the Earl of Huntly a grant of the superiority of Strathnaver,
and of the heritable sheriffship of Sutherland and Strathnaver, which
last was granted in lieu of the lordship of Aboyne. This grant was
confirmed by his Majesty in a charter under the great seal, by which
Sutherland and Strathnaver were disjoined and dismembered from the
sheriffdom of Inverness. As the strength and influence of the Earl
of Sutherland were greatly increased by the power and authority
with which the superiority of Strathnaver invested him, the Earl of
Caithness used the most urgent entreaties with the Earl of Huntly,
who was his brother-in-law, to recall the gift of the superiority
which he had granted to the Earl of Sutherland, and confer the
same on him. The Earl of Huntly gave no decided answer to this
application, although he seemed rather to listen with a favourable
ear to his brother-in-law’s request. The Earl of Sutherland having
been made aware of his rival’s pretensions, and of the reception
which he had met with from the Earl of Huntly, immediately notified
to Huntly that he would never restore the superiority either to him
or to the Earl of Caithness, as the bargain he had made with him had
been long finally concluded. The Earl of Huntly was much offended at
this notice, but he and the Earl of Sutherland were soon reconciled
through the mediation of Sir Patrick Gordon of Auchindun.

Disappointed in his views of obtaining the superiority in question,
the Earl of Caithness seized the first opportunity, which
presented itself, of quarrelling with the Earl of Sutherland,
and he now thought that a suitable occasion had occurred. George
Gordon, a bastard son of Gilbert Gordon of Gartay, having offered
many indignities to the Earl of Caithness, the Earl, instead of
complaining to the Earl of Sutherland, in whose service this George
Gordon was, craved satisfaction and redress from the Earl of
Huntly. Huntly very properly desired the Earl of Caithness to lay
his complaint before the Earl of Sutherland; but this he declined
to do, disdaining to seek redress from Earl Alexander. Encouraged,
probably, by the refusal of the Earl of Huntly to interfere, and the
stubbornness of the Earl of Caithness to ask redress from his master,
George Gordon, who resided in the town of Marle in Strathully, on the
borders of Caithness, not satisfied with the indignities which he had
formerly shown to the Earl of Caithness, cut off the tails of the
earl’s horses as they were passing the river of Helmsdale under the
care of his servants, on their journey from Caithness to Edinburgh,
and in derision desired the earl’s servants to show him what he had
done.

This George Gordon, it would appear, led a very irregular and wicked
course of life, and shortly after the occurrence we have just
related, a circumstance happened which induced the Earl of Caithness
to take redress at his own hands. George Gordon had incurred the
displeasure of the Earl of Sutherland by an unlawful connexion with
his wife’s sister, and as he had no hopes of regaining the earl’s
favour but by renouncing this impure intercourse, he sent Patrick
Gordon, his brother, to the Earl of Caithness to endeavour to
effect a reconciliation with him, as he could no longer rely upon
the protection of his master, the Earl of Sutherland. The Earl
of Caithness, who felt an inward satisfaction at hearing of the
displeasure of the Earl of Sutherland with George Gordon, dissembled
his feelings, and pretended to listen with great favour to the
request of Patrick Gordon, in order to throw George Gordon off his
guard, while he was in reality meditating his destruction. The _ruse_
succeeded so effectually, that although Gordon received timeous
notice, from some friends, of the intentions of the earl to attack
him, he reposed in false security upon the promises held out to
him, and made no provision for his personal safety. But he was soon
undeceived by the appearance of the earl and a body of men, who,
in February, 1587, entering Marle under the silence of the night,
surrounded his house and required him to surrender, which he refused
to do. Having cut his way through his enemies and thrown himself into
the river of Helmsdale, which he attempted to swim across, he was
slain by a shower of arrows.

The Earl of Sutherland, though he disliked the conduct of George
Gordon, was highly incensed at his death, and made great preparations
to punish the Earl of Caithness for his attack upon Gordon. The Earl
of Caithness in his turn assembled his whole forces, and, being
joined by Mackay and the Strathnaver men, together with John, the
Master of Orkney, and the Earl of Carrick, brother of Patrick, Earl
of Orkney, and some of his countrymen, marched to Helmsdale to meet
the Earl of Sutherland. As soon as the latter heard of the advance
of the Earl of Caithness, he also proceeded towards Helmsdale,
accompanied by Mackintosh, Roderick Mackenzie of Redcastle, Hector
Monroe of Contaligh, and Neill Houcheonson, with the men of Assynt.
On his arrival at the river of Helmsdale, the Earl of Sutherland
found the enemy encamped on the opposite side. Neither party seemed
inclined to come to a general engagement, but contented themselves
with daily skirmishes, annoying each other with guns and arrows
from the opposite banks of the river. The Sutherland men, who were
very expert archers, annoyed the Caithness men so much, as to force
them to break up their camp on the river side and to remove among
the rocks above the village of Easter Helmsdale. Mackay and his
countrymen were encamped on the river of Marle, and in order to
detach him from the Earl of Caithness, Macintosh crossed that river
and had a private conference with him. After reminding him of the
friendship which had so long subsisted between his ancestors and the
Sutherland family, Macintosh endeavoured to impress upon his mind the
danger he incurred by taking up arms against his own superior the
Earl of Sutherland, and entreated him, for his own sake, to join the
earl; but Mackay remained inflexible.

By the mediation of mutual friends, the two earls agreed to a
temporary truce on the 9th of March, 1587, and thus the effusion of
human blood was stopped for a short time. As Mackay was the vassal
of the Earl of Sutherland, the latter refused to comprehend him
in the truce, and insisted upon an unconditional submission, but
Mackay obstinately refused to do so, and returned home to his own
country, highly chagrined that the Earl of Caithness, for whom he
had put his life and estate in jeopardy, should have acceded to
the Earl of Sutherland’s request to exclude him from the benefit
of the truce. Before the two earls separated they came to a mutual
understanding to reduce Mackay to obedience; and that he might not
suspect their design, they agreed to meet at Edinburgh for the
purpose of concerting the necessary measures together. Accordingly,
they held a meeting at the appointed place in the year 1588, and
came to the resolution to attack Mackay; and to prevent Mackay from
receiving any intelligence of their design, both parties swore to
keep the same secret; but the Earl of Caithness, regardless of his
oath, immediately sent notice to Mackay of the intended attack,
for the purpose of enabling him to meet it. Instead, however, of
following the Earl of Caithness’s advice, Mackay, justly dreading
his hollow friendship, made haste, by the advice of Macintosh and
the Laird of Foulis, to reconcile himself to the Earl of Sutherland,
his superior, by an immediate submission. For this purpose he and
the earl first met at Inverness, and after conferring together they
made another appointment to meet at Elgin, where a perfect and final
reconciliation took place in the month of November, 1588.

FOOTNOTES:

[164] Sir Robert Gordon, p. 90.

[165] Sir R. Gordon, p. 92.

[166] Sir R. Gordon, p. 93.

[167] Sir R. Gordon, pp. 96, 97.

[168] Sir R. Gordon, p. 97.

[169] It was this excellent Bishop who built, at his own expense,
the beautiful bridge of seven arches on the Dee, near Aberdeen. The
Episcopal arms cut on some of the stones are almost as entire as when
chiselled by the hands of the sculptor.

[170] _Hist. of Scotland_, p. 137.

[171] P. 99.

[172] This is the number given by Bishop Lesley, whose account must
be preferred to that of Sir R. Gordon, who states it at upwards of
200, as the Bishop lived about a century before Sir Robert.

[173] Sir R. Gordon, p. 100.

[174] _Hist._, p. 138.

[175] Lesley, p. 184.--Sir R. Gordon, pp. 109, 110.--Shaw’s _Moray_,
pp. 265, 266.

[176] Sir R. Gordon, p. 133.

[177] Lesley, p. 251.

[178] Sir R. Gordon, p. 136.

[179] Sir R. Gordon, p. 147.

[180] Sir R. Gordon, p. 154.

[181] Sir R. Gordon, p. 155.

[182] Sir R. Gordon, p. 156.

[183] Sir R. Gordon, p. 173.

[184] _History_, p. 174.

[185] See Spalding Club _Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 83.

[186] Sir R. Gordon, p. 185.

[187] _History_, p. 192.

CHAPTER VIII.

A.D. 1588-1601.

KING OF SCOTLAND:--James VI., 1567-1603.

Continued strife between the Earls of Sutherland and
Caithness--Short Reconciliation--Strife renewed--Fresh
Reconciliation--Quarrel between Clan Gun and other tribes--The
Earl of Huntly, the Clan Chattan, and others--Death of the
“Bonny” Earl of Murray--Consequent excitement--Strife between
Huntly and the Clan Chattan--Huntly attainted and treated as a
rebel--Argyle sent against him--Battle of Glenlivet--Journey
of James VI. to the North--Tumults in Ross--Feud between the
Macleans and Macdonalds--Defeat of the Macleans--Dispute between
the Earls of Sutherland and Caithness--Feud between Macdonald of
Slate and Macleod of Harris--Reconciliation.

The truce between the Earls of Caithness and Sutherland having now
expired, the latter, accompanied by Mackay, Macintosh, the Laird
of Foulis, the Laird of Assynt, and Gille-Calum, Laird of Rasay,
entered Caithness with all his forces in the beginning of 1588.
In taking this step he was warranted by a commission which he had
obtained at court, through the influence of Chancellor Maitland,
against the Earl of Caithness for killing George Gordon. The people
of Caithness, alarmed at the great force of the earl, fled in all
directions on his approach, and he never halted till he reached the
strong fort of Girnigo, where he pitched his camp for twelve days. He
then penetrated as far as Duncansby, killing several of the country
people on his route, and collecting an immense quantity of cattle
and goods, so large, indeed, as to exceed all that had been seen
together in that country for many years. This invasion had such an
effect upon the people of Caithness, that every race, clan, tribe,
and family there, vied with one another in offering pledges to the
Earl of Sutherland to keep the peace in all time coming. The town of
Wick was also pillaged and burnt, but the church was preserved. In
the church was found the heart of the Earl of Caithness’s father in a
case of lead, which was opened by John Mac-Gille-Calum of Rasay, and
the ashes of the heart were thrown by him to the winds.

During the time when these depredations were being committed,
the Earl of Caithness shut himself up in the castle of Girnigo;
but on learning the disasters which had befallen his country, he
desired a cessation of hostilities and a conference with the Earl
of Sutherland. As the castle of Girnigo was strongly fortified, and
as the Earl of Caithness had made preparations for enduring a long
siege, the Earl of Sutherland complied with his request. Both earls
ultimately agreed to refer all their differences and disputes to the
arbitration of friends, and the Earl of Huntly was chosen by mutual
consent to act as umpire or oversman, in the event of a difference
of opinion. A second truce was in this way entered into until the
decision of the arbiters, when all differences were to cease.[188]

Notwithstanding this engagement, however, the Earl of Caithness soon
gave fresh provocation, for before the truce had expired he sent
a party of his men to Diri-Chatt in Sutherland, under the command
of Kenneth Buy, and his brother Farquhar Buy, chieftains of the
Siol-Mhic-Imheair in Caithness, and chief advisers of the Earl of
Caithness in his bad actions, and his instruments in oppressing the
poor people of Caithness. The Earl of Sutherland lost no time in
revenging himself for the depredations committed. At Whitsunday, in
the year 1589, he sent 300 men into Caithness, with Alexander Gordon
of Kilcalmekill at their head. They penetrated as far as Girnigo,
laying the country waste everywhere around them, and striking terror
into the hearts of the inhabitants, many of whom, including some of
the Siol-Mhic-Imheair, they killed. After spending their fury the
party returned to Sutherland with a large booty, and without the loss
of a single man.

To retaliate upon the Earl of Sutherland for this inroad, James
Sinclair of Markle, brother of the Earl of Caithness, collected an
army of 3,000 men, with which he marched into Strathully, in the
month of June, 1589. As the Earl of Sutherland had been apprehensive
of an attack, he had placed a range of sentinels along the borders of
Sutherland, to give notice of the approach of the enemy. Of these,
four were stationed in the village of Liribell, which the Caithness
men entered in the middle of the day unknown to the sentinels, who,
instead of keeping an outlook, were at the time carelessly enjoying
themselves within the watch-house. On perceiving the Caithness
men about entering the house, they shut themselves up within it;
but the house being set on fire, three of them perished, and the
fourth, rushing through the flames, escaped with great difficulty,
and announced to his countrymen the arrival of the enemy. From
Strathully, Sinclair passed forward with his army to a place called
Crissalligh, on the height of Strathbroray, and began to drive away
some cattle towards Caithness. As the Earl of Sutherland had not
yet had sufficient time to collect a sufficient force to oppose
Sinclair, he sent in the meantime Houcheon Mackay, who happened to be
at Dunrobin with 500 or 600 men, to keep Sinclair in check until a
greater force should be assembled. With this body, which was hastily
drawn together on the spur of the occasion, Mackay advanced with
amazing celerity, and such was the rapidity of his movements, that
he most unexpectedly came up with Sinclair not far from Crissalligh,
when his army was ranging about without order or military discipline.
On coming up, Mackay found John Gordon of Kilcalmekill at the head
of a small party skirmishing with the Caithness men, a circumstance
which made him instantly resolve, though so far inferior in numbers,
to attack Sinclair. Crossing therefore the water, which was between
him and the enemy, Mackay and his men rushed upon the army of
Sinclair, which they defeated after a long and warm contest. The
Caithness men retreated with the loss of their booty and part of
their baggage, and were closely pursued by a body of men commanded
by John Murray, nick-named _the merchant_, to a distance of 16
miles.[189]

This defeat, however, did not satisfy the Earl of Sutherland, who,
having now assembled an army, entered Caithness with the intention
of laying it waste. The earl advanced as far as Corrichoigh, and
the Earl of Caithness convened his forces at Spittle, where he lay
waiting the arrival of his enemy. The Earl of Huntly, having been
made acquainted with the warlike preparations of the two hostile
earls, sent, without delay, his uncle, Sir Patrick Gordon of
Auchindun, to mediate between them, and he luckily arrived at the
Earl of Sutherland’s head-quarters, at the very instant his army
was on its march to meet the Earl of Caithness. By the friendly
interference of Sir Patrick, the parties were prevailed upon to
desist from their hostile intentions, and to agree to hold an
amicable meeting at Elgin, in presence of the Earl of Huntly, to
whom they also agreed to refer all their differences. A meeting
accordingly took place in the month of November, 1589, at which all
disputes were settled, and in order that the reconciliation might
be lasting, and that no recourse might again be had to arms, the
two earls subscribed a deed, by which they appointed Huntly and his
successors hereditary judges, and arbitrators of all disputes or
differences, that might thenceforth arise between these two houses.

This reconciliation, however, as it did not obliterate the rancour
which existed between the people of these different districts,
was but of short duration. The frequent depredations committed by
the vassals and retainers of the earls upon the property of one
another, led to an exchange of letters and messages between them
about the means to be used for repressing these disorders. During
this correspondence the Earl of Sutherland became unwell, and, being
confined to his bed, the Earl of Caithness, in October, 1590, wrote
him a kind letter, which he had scarcely despatched when he most
unaccountably entered Sutherland with a hostile force; but he only
remained one night in that country, in consequence of receiving
intelligence of a meditated attack upon his camp by John Gordon of
Kilcalmekill, and Neill Mac-Iain-MacWilliam. A considerable number of
the Sutherland men having collected together, they resolved to pursue
the Caithness men, who had carried off a large quantity of cattle;
but, on coming nearly up with them, an unfortunate difference arose
between the Murrays and the Gordons, each contending for the command
of the vanguard. The Murrays rested their claim upon their former
good services to the house of Sutherland; but the Gordons refusing
to admit it, all the Murrays, with the exception of William Murray,
brother of the Laird of Palrossie, and John Murray, _the merchant_,
withdrew, and took a station on a hill hard by to witness the combat.
This unexpected event seemed to paralyze the Gordons at first; but
seeing the Caithness men driving the cattle away before them, and
thinking that if they did not attack them they would be accused of
cowardice, Patrick Gordon of Gartay, John Gordon of Embo, and John
Gordon of Kilcalmekill, after some consultation, resolved to attack
the retiring foe without loss of time, and without waiting for the
coming up of the Strathnaver men, who were hourly expected. This
was a bold and desperate attempt, as the Gordons were only as one
to twelve in point of numbers, but they could not brook the idea of
being branded as cowards. With such numerical inferiority, and with
the sun and wind in their faces to boot, the Sutherland men advanced
upon and resolutely attacked the Caithness men near Clyne. In the van
of the Caithness army were placed about 1,500 archers, a considerable
number of whom were from the Western Isles, under the command of
Donald Balloch Mackay of Scourie, who poured a thick shower of arrows
upon the men of Sutherland as they advanced, the latter, in return,
giving their opponents a similar reception. The combat raged with
great fury for a considerable time between these two parties: thrice
were the Caithness archers driven back upon their rear, which was in
consequence thrown into great disorder, and thrice did they return
to the conflict, cheered on and encouraged by their leader; but,
though superior in numbers, they could not withstand the firmness and
intrepidity of the Sutherland men, who forced them to retire from the
field of battle on the approach of night, and to abandon the cattle
which had been carried off. The loss in killed and wounded was about
equal on both sides; but, with the exception of Nicolas Sutherland,
brother of the Laird of Forse, and Angus Mac-Angus-Termat, both
belonging to the Caithness party, and John Murray, _the merchant_, on
the Sutherland side, there were no principal persons killed.

Vain as the efforts of the common friends of the rival earls had
hitherto been to reconcile them effectually, the Earl of Huntly and
others once more attempted an arrangement, and having prevailed upon
the parties to meet at Strathbogie, a final agreement was entered
into in the month of March, 1591, by which they agreed to bury all
bygone differences in oblivion, and to live on terms of amity in all
time thereafter.

This fresh reconciliation of the two earls was the means of restoring
quiet in their districts for a considerable time, which was partially
interrupted in the year 1594, by a quarrel between the clan Gun
and some of the other petty tribes. Donald Mac-William-Mac-Henric,
Alister Mac-Iain-Mac-Rorie, and others of the clan Gun entered
Caithness and attacked Farquhar Buy, one of the captains of the
tribe of Siol-Mhic-Imheair, and William Sutherland, _alias_ William
Abaraich, the chief favourite of the Earl of Caithness, and the
principal plotter against the life of George Gordon, whose death
has been already noticed. After a warm skirmish, Farquhar Buy, and
William Abaraich, and some of their followers, were slain. To revenge
this outrage, the Earl of Caithness sent the same year his brother,
James Sinclair of Murkle, with a party of men, against the clan Gun
in Strathie, in Strathnaver, who killed seven of that tribe. George
Mac-Iain-Mac-Rob, the chief, and Donald Mac-William-Mac-Henric
narrowly escaped with their lives.

For the sake of continuity, we have deferred noticing those
transactions in the north in which George Gordon, Earl of Huntly, was
more immediately concerned, and which led to several bloody conflicts.

The earl, who was a favourite at court, and personally liked by James
VI., finding himself in danger from the prevailing faction, retired
to his possessions in the north, for the purpose of improving his
estates and enjoying domestic quiet. One of his first measures was to
erect a castle at Ruthven, in Badenoch, in the neighbourhood of his
hunting forests. This gave great offence to Macintosh, the chief of
the clan Chattan, and his people, as they considered that the object
of its erection was to overawe the clan. Being the earl’s vassals
and tenants, they were bound to certain services, among which the
furnishing of materials for the building formed a chief part; but,
instead of assisting the earl’s people, they at first indirectly
and in an underhand manner endeavoured to prevent the workmen from
going on with their operations, and afterwards positively refused
to furnish the necessaries required for the building. This act of
disobedience was the cause of much trouble, which was increased by
a quarrel in the year 1590, between the Gordons and the Grants,
the occasion of which was as follows. John Grant, the tutor of
Ballendalloch, having withheld the rents due to the widow, and
endeavoured otherwise to injure her, James Gordon, her nephew,
eldest son of Alexander Gordon of Lismore, along with some of his
friends, went to Ballendalloch to obtain justice for her. On their
arrival, differences were accommodated so far that the tutor paid up
all arrears due to the lady, except a trifle, which he insisted, on
some ground or other, on retaining. This led to some altercation, in
which the servants of both parties took a share, and latterly came
to blows; but they were separated, and James Gordon returned home.
Judging from what had taken place, that his aunt’s interests would in
future be better attended to if under the protection of a husband,
he persuaded the brother of Sir Thomas Gordon of Cluny to marry her,
which he did. This act so incensed the tutor of Ballendalloch, that
he at once showed his displeasure by killing, at the instigation
of the laird of Grant, one of John Gordon’s servants. For this the
tutor, and such of the Grants as should harbour or assist him, were
declared outlaws and rebels, and a commission was granted to the
Earl of Huntly to apprehend and bring them to justice, in virtue of
which, he besieged the house of Ballendalloch, and took it by force,
on the 2d November, 1590; but the tutor effected his escape. Sir John
Campbell of Cadell, a despicable tool of the Chancellor Maitland,
who had plotted the destruction of the earl and the laird of Grant,
now joined in the conspiracy against him, and stirred up the clan
Chattan, and Macintosh their chief, to aid the Grants. They also
persuaded the Earls of Athol and Murray to assist them against the
Earl of Huntly.

As soon as Huntly ascertained that the Grants and clan Chattan, who
were his own vassals, had put themselves under the command of these
earls, he assembled his followers, and, entering Badenoch, summoned
his vassals to appear before him, and deliver up the tutor and his
abettors, but none of them came. He then proclaimed and denounced
them rebels, and obtained a royal commission to invade and apprehend
them. To consult on the best means of defending themselves, the Earls
of Murray and Athole, the Dunbars, the clan Chattan, the Grants,
and the laird of Cadell, and others of their party met at Forres.
In the midst of their deliberations Huntly, who had received early
intelligence of the meeting, and had, in consequence, assembled his
forces, unexpectedly made his appearance in the neighbourhood of
Forres. This sudden advance of Huntly struck terror into the minds of
the persons assembled, and the meeting instantly broke up in great
confusion. The whole party, with the exception of the Earl of Murray,
left the town in great haste, and fled to Tarnoway; the Earl of
Huntly, not aware that Murray had remained behind, marching directly
to Tarnoway in pursuit of the fugitives. On arriving within sight of
the castle into which the flying party had thrown themselves, the
earl sent John Gordon, brother of Sir Thomas Gordon of Cluny, with a
small body of men to reconnoitre; but approaching too near without
due caution, he was shot by one of the Earl of Murray’s servants. As
Huntly found the castle well fortified, and as the rebels evacuated
it and fled to the mountains, leaving a sufficient force to protect
it, he disbanded his men on November 24, 1590, and returned home,
whence he proceeded to Edinburgh.

Shortly after his arrival the Earl of Bothwell, who had a design
upon the life of Chancellor Maitland, made an attack upon the palace
of Holyrood-house under cloud of night, with the view of seizing
Maitland; but, having failed in his object, he was forced to flee to
the north to avoid the vengeance of the king. The Earl of Huntly, who
had been lately reconciled to Maitland, and the Duke of Lennox, were
sent in pursuit of Bothwell, but he escaped. Understanding afterwards
that he was harboured by the Earl of Murray at Donnibristle, the
chancellor, having procured a commission against him from the king
in favour of Huntly, again sent him, accompanied by forty gentlemen,
to attack the Earl of Murray. When the party had arrived near
Donnibristle, the Earl of Huntly sent Captain John Gordon, of
Buckie, brother of Gordon of Gight, with a summons to the Earl of
Murray, requiring him to surrender himself prisoner; but instead of
complying, one of the earl’s servants levelled a piece at the bearer
of the despatch, and wounded him mortally. Huntly, therefore, after
giving orders to take the Earl of Murray alive if possible, forcibly
entered the house; but Sir Thomas Gordon, recollecting the fate of
his brother at Tarnoway, and Gordon of Gight, who saw his brother
lying mortally wounded before his eyes, entirely disregarded the
injunction; and following the earl, who had fled among the rocks on
the adjoining sea-shore, slew him. It was this Earl of Murray who was
known as the “bonny” earl, and, according to some historians, had
impressed the heart of Anne of Denmark, and excited the jealousy of
her royal spouse. This at least was the popular notion of his time:--

“He was a braw gallant,
And he played at the gluve;
And the bonny Earl of Murray,
Oh! he was the queen’s love.”

According to one account the house was set on fire, and Murray was
discovered, when endeavouring to escape, by a spark which fell on
his helmet, and slain by Gordon of Buckie, saying to the latter, who
had wounded him in the face, “You have spilt a better face than your
awin.”

The Earl of Huntly immediately despatched John Gordon of Buckie to
Edinburgh, to lay a statement of the affair before the king and
the chancellor. The death of the Earl of Murray would have passed
quietly over, as an event of ordinary occurrence in those troublesome
times; but, as he was one of the heads of the Protestant party, the
Presbyterian ministers gave the matter a religious turn by denouncing
the Catholic Earl of Huntly as a murderer, who wished to advance the
interests of his church by imbruing his hands in the blood of his
Protestant countrymen. The effect of the ministers’ denunciations
was a tumult among the people in Edinburgh and other parts of the
kingdom, which obliged the king to cancel the commission he had
granted to the Earl of Huntly. The spirit of discontent became so
violent that Captain John Gordon, who had been left at Inverkeithing
for the recovery of his wounds, but who had been afterwards taken
prisoner by the Earl of Murray’s friends and carried to Edinburgh,
was tried before a jury, and, contrary to law and justice, condemned
and executed for having assisted the Earl of Huntly acting under a
royal commission. The recklessness and severity of this act were
still more atrocious, as Captain Gordon’s wounds were incurable, and
he was fast hastening to his grave. John Gordon of Buckie, who was
master of the king’s household, was obliged to flee from Edinburgh,
and made a narrow escape with his life.

As for the Earl of Huntly, he was summoned, at the instance of the
Lord of St. Colme, brother of the deceased Earl of Murray, to stand
trial. He accordingly appeared at Edinburgh, and offered to abide the
result of a trial by his peers, and in the meantime was committed a
prisoner to the castle of Blackness on the 12th of March, 1591, till
the peers should assemble to try him. On giving sufficient surety,
however, that he would appear and stand trial on receiving six days’
notice to that effect, he was released by the king on the 20th day of
the same month.

The clan Chattan, who had never submitted without reluctance to
the Earl of Huntly, considered the present aspect of affairs as
peculiarly favourable to the design they entertained of shaking off
the yoke altogether, and being countenanced and assisted by the
Grants, and other friends of the Earl of Murray, made no secret
of their intentions. At first the earl sent Allan Macdonald-Dubh,
the chief of the clan Cameron, with his tribe, to attack the clan
Chattan in Badenoch, and to keep them in due order and subjection.
The Camerons, though warmly opposed, succeeded in defeating the clan
Chattan, who lost 50 of their men after a sharp skirmish. The earl
next despatched Macronald, with some of the Lochaber men, against
the Grants in Strathspey, whom he attacked, killed 18 of them, and
laid waste the lands of Ballendalloch. After the clan Chattan had
recovered from their defeat, they invaded Strathdee and Glenmuck
in November 1592. To punish this aggression, the Earl of Huntly
collected his forces and entered Pettie, then in possession of the
clan Chattan as a fief from the Earls of Murray, and laid waste all
the lands of the clan Chattan there, killed many of them, and carried
off a large quantity of cattle, which he divided among his army.
But in returning from Pettie after disbanding his army, he received
the unwelcome intelligence that William Macintosh, son of Lauchlan
Macintosh, the chief, with 800 of the clan Chattan, had invaded the
lands of Auchindun and Cabberogh. The earl, after desiring the small
party which remained with him to follow him as speedily as possible,
immediately set off at full speed, accompanied by Sir Patrick Gordon
of Auchindun and 36 horsemen, in quest of Macintosh and his party.
Overtaking them before they had left the bounds of Cabberogh, upon
the top of a hill called Stapliegate, he attacked them with his small
party, and, after a warm skirmish, defeated them, killing about 60 of
their men, and wounding William Macintosh and others.

The Earl of Huntly, after thus subduing his enemies in the north,
now found himself placed under ban by the government on account of
an alleged conspiracy between him and the Earls of Angus and Errol
and the crown of Spain, to overturn the State and the Church. The
king and his councillors seemed to be satisfied of the innocence of
the earls; but the ministers, who considered the reformed religion
in Scotland in danger while these Catholic peers were protected and
favoured, importuned his majesty to punish them. The king, yielding
to necessity and to the intrigues of Queen Elizabeth, forfeited their
titles, intending to restore them when a proper opportunity occurred;
and, to silence the clamours of the ministers, convoked a parliament,
which was held in the end of May, 1594. As few of the peers attended,
the ministers, having the commissioners of the burghs on their side,
carried everything their own way, and the consequence was, that the
three earls were attainted without trial, and their arms were torn in
presence of the parliament, according to the custom in such cases.

Having so far succeeded, the ministers, instigated by the Queen of
England, now entreated the king to send the Earl of Argyle, a youth
of nineteen years of age, in the pay of Queen Elizabeth, with an army
against the Catholic earls. The king, still yielding to necessity,
complied, and Argyle, having collected a force of about 12,000 men,
entered Badenoch and laid siege to the castle of Ruthven, on the
27th of September, 1594. He was accompanied in this expedition by
the Earl of Athole, Sir Lauchlan Maclean with some of his islanders,
the chief of the Macintoshes, the Laird of Grant, the clan Gregor,
Macneil of Barra, with all their friends and dependents, together
with the whole of the Campbells, and a variety of others animated by
a thirst for plunder or malice towards the Gordons. The castle of
Ruthven was so well defended by the clan Pherson, who were the Earl
of Huntly’s vassals, that Argyle was obliged to give up the siege. He
then marched through Strathspey, and encamped at Drummin, upon the
river Avon, on the 2d of October, whence he issued orders to Lord
Forbes, the Frasers, the Dunbars, the clan Kenzie, the Irvings, the
Ogilvies, the Leslies, and other tribes and clans in the north, to
join his standard with all convenient speed.

The earls, against whom this expedition was directed, were by no
means dismayed. They knew that although the king was constrained by
popular clamour to levy war upon them, he was in secret friendly to
them; and they were, moreover, aware that the army of Argyle, who
was a youth of no military experience, was a raw and undisciplined
militia, and composed, in a great measure, of Catholics, who could
not be expected to feel very warmly for the Protestant interest, to
support which the expedition was professedly undertaken. The seeds of
disaffection, besides, had been already sown in Argyle’s camp by the
corruption of the Grants and Campbell of Lochnell.

On hearing of Argyle’s approach, the Earl of Errol immediately
collected a select body of about 100 horsemen, being gentlemen, on
whose courage and fidelity he could rely, and with these he joined
the Earl of Huntly at Strathbogie. The forces of Huntly, after
this junction, amounted, it is said, to nearly 1,500 men, almost
altogether horsemen, and with this body he advanced to Carnborrow,
where the two earls and their chief followers made a solemn vow
to conquer or die. Marching from thence, Huntly’s army arrived at
Auchindun on the same day that Argyle’s army reached Drummin. At
Auchindun, Huntly received intelligence that Argyle was on the eve
of descending from the mountains to the lowlands, which induced him,
on the following day, to send Captain Thomas Carr and a party of
horsemen to reconnoitre the enemy, while he himself advanced with
his main army. The reconnoitring party soon fell in, accidentally,
with Argyle’s scouts, whom they chased, and some of whom they killed.
This occurrence, which was looked upon as a prognostic of victory, so
encouraged Huntly and his men, that he resolved to attack the army
of Argyle before he should be joined by Lord Forbes, and the forces
which were waiting for his appearance in the lowlands. Argyle had now
passed Glenlivet, and had reached the banks of a small brook named
Altchonlachan.

On the other hand, the Earl of Argyle had no idea that the Earls of
Huntly and Errol would attack him with such an inferior force; and
he was, therefore, astonished at seeing them approach so near him
as they did. Apprehensive that his numerical superiority in foot
would be counterbalanced by Huntly’s cavalry, he held a council of
war, which advised Argyle to wait till the king, who had promised to
appear with a force, should arrive, or, at all events, till he should
be joined by the Frasers and Mackenzies from the north, and the
Irvings, Forbeses, and Leslies from the lowlands with their horse.
This opinion, which was considered judicious by the most experienced
of Argyle’s army, was however disregarded by him, and he determined
to wait the attack of the enemy; and to encourage his men he pointed
out to them the small number of those they had to combat with, and
the spoils they might expect after victory. He disposed his army on
the declivity of a hill, betwixt Glenlivet and Glenrinnes, in two
parallel divisions. The right wing, consisting of the Macleans and
Macintoshes, was commanded by Sir Lauchlan Maclean and Macintosh--the
left, composed of the Grants, Macneills, and Macgregors, by Grant
of Gartinbeg; and the centre, consisting of the Campbells, &c., was
commanded by Campbell of Auchinbreck. This vanguard consisted of
4,000 men, one-half of whom carried muskets. The rear of the army,
consisting of about 6,000 men, was commanded by Argyle himself. The
Earl of Huntly’s vanguard was composed of 300 gentlemen, led by the
Earl of Errol, Sir Patrick Gordon of Auchindun, the laird of Gight,
the laird of Bonnitoun, and Captain, afterwards Sir Thomas Carr.
The earl himself followed with the remainder of his forces, having
the laird of Cluny upon his right hand and the laird of Abergeldy
upon his left. Three pieces of field ordnance under the direction
of Captain Andrew Gray, afterwards colonel of the English and Scots
who served in Bohemia, were placed in front of the vanguard. Before
advancing, the Earl of Huntly harangued his little army to encourage
them to fight manfully; he told them that they had no alternative
before them but victory or death--that they were now to combat, not
for their own lives only, but also for the very existence of their
families, which would be utterly extinguished if they fell a prey to
their enemies.

The position which Argyle occupied on the declivity of the hill gave
him a decided advantage over his assailants, who, from the nature of
their force, were greatly hampered by the mossy nature of the ground
at the foot of the hill, interspersed by pits from which turf had
been dug. But, notwithstanding these obstacles, Huntly advanced up
the hill with a slow and steady pace. It had been arranged between
him and Campbell of Lochnell, who had promised to go over to Huntly
as soon as the battle had commenced, that, before charging Argyle
with his cavalry, Huntly should fire his artillery at the yellow
standard. Campbell bore a mortal enmity at Argyle, as he had murdered
his brother, Campbell of Calder, in 1592; and as he was Argyle’s
nearest heir, he probably had directed the firing at the yellow
standard in the hope of cutting off the earl. Unfortunately for
himself, however, Campbell was shot dead at the first fire of the
cannon, and upon his fall all his men fled from the field. Macneill
of Barra was also slain at the same time.

The Highlanders, who had never before seen field pieces, were thrown
into disorder by the cannonade, which being perceived by Huntly,
he charged the enemy, and rushing in among them with his horsemen,
increased the confusion. The Earl of Errol was directed to attack
the right wing of Argyle’s army, commanded by Maclean, but as it
occupied a very steep part of the hill, and as Errol was greatly
annoyed by thick volleys of shot from above, he was compelled to make
a detour, leaving the enemy on his left. But Gordon of Auchindun,
disdaining such a prudent course, galloped up the hill with a party
of his own followers, and charged Maclean with great impetuosity;
but Auchindun’s rashness cost him his life. The fall of Auchindun
so exasperated his followers that they set no bounds to their fury;
but Maclean received their repeated assaults with firmness, and
manœuvred his troops so well as to succeed in cutting off the Earl of
Errol, and placing him between his own body and that of Argyle, by
whose joint forces he was completely surrounded. At this important
crisis, when no hopes of retreat remained, and when Errol and his
men were in danger of being cut to pieces, the Earl of Huntly, very
fortunately, came up to his assistance and relieved him from his
embarrassment. The battle was now renewed and continued for two
hours, during which both parties fought with great bravery, “the
one,” says Sir Robert Gordon, “for glorie, the other for necessitie.”
In the heat of the action the Earl of Huntly had a horse shot under
him, and was in imminent danger of his life; but another horse was
immediately procured for him. After a hard contest the main body of
Argyle’s army began to give way, and retreated towards the rivulet
of Altchonlachan; but Maclean still kept the field, and continued
to support the falling fortune of the day. At length, finding the
contest hopeless, and after losing many of his men, he retired in
good order with the small company that still remained about him.
Huntly pursued the retiring foe beyond the water of Altchonlachan,
when he was prevented from following them farther by the steepness of
the hills, so unfavourable to the operations of cavalry. The success
of Huntly was mainly owing to the treachery of Lochnell, and of John
Grant of Gartinbeg, one of Huntly’s vassals, who, in terms of a
concerted plan, retreated with his men as soon as the action began,
by which act the centre and the left wing of Argyle’s army were
completely broken. On the side of Argyle 500 men were killed besides
Macneill of Barra, and Lochnell and Auchinbreck, the two cousins of
Argyle. The Earl of Huntly’s loss was comparatively trifling. About
14 gentlemen were slain, including Sir Patrick Gordon of Auchindun,
and the Laird of Gight; and the Earl of Errol and a considerable
number of persons were wounded. At the conclusion of the battle
the conquerors returned thanks to God on the field for the victory
they had achieved. This battle is called by some writers the battle
of Glenlivet, and by others the battle of Altchonlachan. Among the
trophies found on the field was the ensign belonging to the Earl
of Argyle, which was carried with other spoils to Strathbogie, and
placed upon the top of the great tower. So certain had Argyle been of
success in his enterprise, that he had made out a paper apportioning
the lands of the Gordons, the Hays, and all who were suspected to
favour them, among the chief officers of his army. This document was
found among the baggage which he left behind him on the field of
battle.[190]

Although Argyle certainly calculated upon being joined by the king,
it seems doubtful if James ever entertained such an intention,
for he stopped at Dundee, from which he did not stir till he
heard of the result of the battle of Glenlivet. Instigated by the
ministers and other enemies of the Earl of Huntly, who became now
more exasperated than ever at the unexpected failure of Argyle’s
expedition, the king proceeded north to Strathbogie, and in his
route he permitted, most unwillingly, the house of Craig in Angus,
belonging to Sir John Ogilvie, son of Lord Ogilvie, that of Bagaes in
Angus, the property of Sir Walter Lindsay, the house of Culsalmond
in Garioch, appertaining to the Laird of Newton-Gordon, the house of
Slaines in Buchan, belonging to the Earl of Errol, and the castle
of Strathbogie, to be razed to the ground, under the pretext that
priests and Jesuits had been harboured in them. In the meantime the
Earl of Huntly and his friends retired into Sutherland, where they
remained six weeks with Earl Alexander; and on the king’s departure
to Strathbogie, Huntly returned, leaving his eldest son George,
Lord Gordon, in Sutherland with his aunt, till the return of more
peaceable times.

The king left the Duke of Lennox to act as his lieutenant in the
north, with whom the two earls held a meeting at Aberdeen, and as
their temporary absence from the kingdom might allay the spirit of
violence and discontent, which was particularly annoying to his
majesty, they agreed to leave the kingdom during the king’s pleasure.
After spending sixteen months in travelling through Germany and
Flanders, Huntly was recalled, and on his return he, as well as the
Earls of Angus and Errol, were restored to their former honours and
estates by the parliament, held at Edinburgh in November 1597, and in
testimony of his regard for Huntly, the king, two years thereafter,
created him a marquis. This signal mark of the royal favour had such
an influence upon the clan Chattan, the clan Kenzie, the Grants,
Forbeses, Leslies, and other hostile clans and tribes, that they at
once submitted themselves to the marquis.

The warlike operations in the north seem, for a time, to have drawn
off the attention of the clans from their own feuds; but in the year
1597 a tumult occurred at Loggiewreid in Ross, which had almost put
that province and the adjoining country into a flame. The quarrel
began between John Mac-Gille-Calum, brother of Gille-Calum, Laird
of Rasay, and Alexander Bane, brother of Duncan Bane of Tulloch, in
Ross. The Monroes took the side of the Banes, and the Mackenzies
aided John Mac-Gille-Calum. In this tumult John Mac-Gille-Calum and
John Mac-Murthow-Mac-William, a gentleman of the clan Kenzie, and
three persons of that surname, were killed on the one side, and on
the other were slain John Monroe of Culcraigie, his brother Houcheon
Monroe, and John Monroe Robertson. This occurrence renewed the
ancient animosity between the clan Kenzie and the Monroes, and both
parties began to assemble their friends for the purpose of attacking
one another; but their differences were in some measure happily
reconciled by the mediation of common friends.

In the following year the ambition and avarice of Sir Lauchlan
Maclean, of whom notice has been already taken, brought him to an
untimely end, having been slain in Islay by Sir James Macdonald, his
nephew, eldest son of Angus Macdonald of Kintyre. Sir Lauchlan had
long had an eye upon the possessions of the clan Ronald in Islay; but
having failed in extorting a conveyance thereof from Angus Macdonald
in the way before alluded to, he endeavoured, by his credit at court
and by bribery or other means, to obtain a grant of these lands from
the crown in 1595. At this period Angus Macdonald had become infirm
from age, and his son, Sir James Macdonald, was too young to make any
effectual resistance to the newly acquired claims of his covetous
uncle. After obtaining the gift, Sir Lauchlan collected his people
and friends, and invaded Islay, for the purpose of taking possession
of the lands which belonged to the clan Donald. Sir James Macdonald,
on hearing of his uncle’s landing, collected his friends, and landed
in Islay to dispossess Sir Lauchlan of the property. To prevent the
effusion of blood, some common friends of the parties interposed,
and endeavoured to bring about an adjustment of their differences.
They prevailed upon Sir James to agree to resign the half of the
island to his uncle during the life of the latter, provided he would
acknowledge that he held the same for personal service to the clan
Donald in the same manner as Maclean’s progenitors had always held
the Rhinns of Islay; and he moreover offered to submit the question
to any impartial friends Maclean might choose, under this reasonable
condition, that in case they should not agree, his Majesty should
decide. But Maclean, contrary to the advice of his best friends,
would listen to no proposals short of an absolute surrender of the
whole of the island. Sir James therefore resolved to vindicate his
right by an appeal to arms, though his force was far inferior to
that of Sir Lauchlan. A desperate struggle took place, in which
great valour was displayed on both sides. Sir Lauchlan was killed
fighting at the head of his men, who were at length compelled to
retreat to their boats and vessels. Besides their chief, the Macleans
left 80 of their principal men and 200 common soldiers dead on the
field of battle. Lauchlan Barroch-Maclean, son of Sir Lauchlan, was
dangerously wounded, but escaped. Sir James Macdonald was also so
severely wounded that he never fully recovered from his wounds. About
30 of the clan Donald were killed and about 60 wounded. Sir Lauchlan,
according to Sir Robert Gordon, had consulted a witch before he
undertook this journey into Islay, who advised him, in the first
place, not to land upon the island on a Thursday; secondly, that he
should not drink of the water of a well near Groynard; and lastly,
she told him that one Maclean should be slain at Groynard. “The
first he transgressed unwillingly,” says Sir Robert, “being driven
into the island of Ila by a tempest upon a Thursday; the second he
transgressed negligentlie, haveing drank of that water befor he wes
awair; and so he wes killed ther at Groinard, as wes foretold him,
bot doubtfullie. Thus endeth all these that doe trust in such kynd of
responces, or doe hunt after them!”[191]

On hearing of Maclean’s death and the defeat of his men, the king
became so highly incensed against the clan Donald that, finding
he had a right to dispose of their possessions both in Kintyre
and Islay, he made a grant of them to the Earl of Argyle and the
Campbells. This gave rise to a number of bloody conflicts between the
Campbells and the clan Donald in the years 1614, -15, and -16, which
ended in the ruin of the latter.

The rival houses of Sutherland and Caithness had now lived on
friendly terms for some years. After spending about eighteen months
at court, and attending a convention of the estates at Edinburgh in
July, 1598, John, sixth Earl of Sutherland, went to the Continent,
where he remained till the month of September, 1600. The Earl of
Caithness, deeming the absence of the Earl of Sutherland a fit
opportunity for carrying into effect some designs against him,
caused William Mackay to obtain leave from his brother Houcheon
Mackay to hunt in the policy of Durines belonging to the Earl of
Sutherland. The Earl of Caithness thereupon assembled all his
vassals and dependents, and, under the pretence of hunting, made
demonstrations for entering Sutherland or Strathnaver. As soon as
Mackay was informed of his intentions, he sent a message to the
Earl of Caithness, intimating to him that he would not permit him
to enter either of these countries, or to cross the marches. The
Earl of Caithness returned a haughty answer; but he did not carry
his threat of invasion into execution on account of the arrival of
the Earl of Sutherland from the Continent. As the Earl of Caithness
still continued to threaten an invasion, the Earl of Sutherland
collected his forces, in the month of July 1601, to oppose him.
Mackay, with his countrymen, soon joined the Earl of Sutherland at
Lagan-Gaincamhd in Dirichat, where he was soon also joined by the
Monroes under Robert Monroe of Contaligh, and the laird of Assynt
with his countrymen.

While the Earl of Sutherland’s force was thus assembling, the Earl
of Caithness advanced towards Sutherland with his army. The two
armies encamped at the distance of about three miles asunder, near
the hill of Bengrime. In expectation of a battle on the morning
after their encampment, the Sutherland men took up a position in a
plain which lay between the two armies, called Leathad Reidh, than
which a more convenient station could not have been selected. But
the commodiousness of the plain was not the only reason for making
the selection. There had been long a prophetic tradition in these
countries that a battle was to be fought on this ground between
the inhabitants of Sutherland, assisted by the Strathnaver men,
and the men of Caithness; that although the Sutherland men were to
be victorious their loss would be great, and that the loss of the
Strathnaver men should even be greater, but that the Caithness men
should be so completely overthrown that they should not be able, for
a considerable length of time, to recover the blow which they were
to receive. This superstitious idea made such an impression upon the
minds of the men of Sutherland that it was with great difficulty they
could be restrained from immediately attacking their enemies.

The Earl of Caithness, daunted by this circumstance, and being
diffident of the fidelity of some of his people, whom he had used
with great cruelty, sent messengers to the Earl of Sutherland
expressing his regret at what had happened, stating that he was
provoked to his present measures by the insolence of Mackay, who
had repeatedly dared him to the attack, and that, if the Earl of
Sutherland would pass over the affair, he would permit him and his
army to advance twice as far into Caithness as he had marched into
Sutherland. The Earl of Sutherland, on receipt of this offer, called
a council of his friends to deliberate upon it. Mackay and some
others advised the earl to decline the proposal, and attack the Earl
of Caithness; while others of the earl’s advisers thought it neither
fit nor reasonable to risk so many lives when such ample satisfaction
was offered. A sort of middle course was, therefore, adopted by
giving the Earl of Caithness an opportunity to escape if he inclined.
The messengers were accordingly sent back with this answer, that if
the Earl of Caithness and his army would remain where they lay till
sunrise next morning they might be assured of an attack.

When this answer was delivered in the Earl of Caithness’ camp, his
men got so alarmed that the earl, with great difficulty, prevented
them from running away immediately. He remained on the field all
night watching them in person, encouraging them to remain, and making
great promises to them if they stood firm. But his entreaties were
quite unavailing, for as soon as the morning dawned, on perceiving
the approach of the Earl of Sutherland’s army, they fled from the
field in the utmost confusion, jostling and overthrowing one another
in their flight, and leaving their whole baggage behind them. The
Earl of Sutherland resolved to pursue the flying enemy; but, before
proceeding on the pursuit, his army collected a quantity of stones
which they accumulated into a heap to commemorate the flight of the
Caithness men, which heap was called Carn-Teiche, that is, the Flight
Cairn.

Not wishing to encounter the Earl of Sutherland under the adverse
circumstances which had occurred, the Earl of Caithness, after
entering his own territories, sent a message to his pursuer to the
effect that having complied with his request in withdrawing his
army, he hoped hostile proceedings would cease, and that if the Earl
of Sutherland should advance with his army into Caithness, Earl
George would not hinder him; but he suggested to him the propriety of
appointing some gentlemen on both sides to see the respective armies
dissolved. The Earl of Sutherland acceded to this proposal, and sent
George Gray of Cuttle, eldest son of Gilbert Gray of Sordell, with a
company of resolute men into Caithness to see the army of the Earl of
Caithness broken up. The Earl of Caithness, in his turn, despatched
Alexander Bane, chief of the Caithness Banes, who witnessed the
dismissal of the Earl of Sutherland’s army.[192]

About the period in question, great commotions took place in the
north-west isles, in consequence of a quarrel between Donald Gorm
Macdonald of Slate, and Sir Roderick Macleod of Harris, arising
out of the following circumstances. Donald Gorm Macdonald, who had
married the sister of Sir Roderick, instigated by jealousy, had
conceived displeasure at her and put her away. Having complained
to her brother of the treatment thus received, Sir Roderick sent a
message to Macdonald requiring him to take back his wife. Instead of
complying with this request, Macdonald brought an action of divorce
against her, and having obtained decree therein, married the sister
of Kenneth Mackenzie, lord of Kintail. Sir Roderick, who considered
himself disgraced and his family dishonoured by such proceedings,
assembled all his countrymen and his tribe, the Siol-Thormaid,
without delay, and invaded with fire and sword the lands of Macdonald
in the isle of Skye, to which he laid claim as his own. Macdonald
retaliated by landing in Harris with his forces, which he laid waste,
and after killing some of the inhabitants retired with a large booty
in cattle. To make amends for this loss, Sir Roderick invaded Uist,
which belonged to Macdonald, and despatched his cousin, Donald Glas
Macleod, with 40 men, into the interior, to lay the island waste, and
to carry off a quantity of goods and cattle, which the inhabitants
had placed within the precincts of the church of Killtrynard as a
sanctuary. This exploit turned out to be very serious, as Donald
Macleod and his party were most unexpectedly attacked in the act of
carrying off their prey, by John Mac-Iain-Mhic-Sheumais, a kinsman of
Macdonald, at the head of a body of 12 men who had remained in the
island, by whom Donald Macleod and the greater part of his men were
cut to pieces, and the booty rescued. Sir Roderick, thinking that the
force which had attacked his cousin was much greater than it was,
retired from the island, intending to return on a future day with a
greater force to revenge his loss.

[Illustration: MACLEOD AND MACKENZIE, 71^{ST} AND 78^{TH}. (Tartan)]

This odious system of warfare continued till the hostile parties had
almost exterminated one another; and to such extremities were they
reduced by the ruin and desolation which followed, that they were
compelled to eat horses, dogs, cats, and other animals, to preserve
a miserable existence. To put an end, if possible, at once to this
destructive contest, Macdonald collected all his remaining forces,
with the determination of striking a decisive blow at his opponent;
and accordingly, in the year 1601, he entered Sir Roderick’s
territories with the design of bringing him to battle. Sir Roderick
was then in Argyle, soliciting aid and advice from the Earl of Argyle
against the clan Donald; but on hearing of the approach of Macdonald,
Alexander Macleod, brother of Sir Roderick, resolved to try the
result of a battle. Assembling, therefore, all the inhabitants of his
brother’s lands, together with the whole tribe of the Siol-Thormaid,
and some of the Siol-Thorquill, he encamped close by the hill of
Benquhillin, in Skye, resolved to give battle to the clan Donald
next morning. Accordingly, on the arrival of morning, an obstinate
and deadly fight took place, which lasted the whole day, each side
contending with the utmost valour for victory; but at length the clan
Donald overthrew their opponents. Alexander Macleod was wounded and
taken prisoner, along with Neill-Mac-Alastair-Ruaidh, and 30 others
of the choicest men of the Siol-Thormaid. Iain-Mac-Thormaid and
Thormaid-Mac-Thormaid, two near kinsmen of Sir Roderick, and several
others, were slain.

After this affair, a reconciliation took place between Macdonald and
Sir Roderick, at the solicitation of old Angus Macdonald of Kintyre,
the laird of Coll, and other friends, when Macdonald delivered up to
Sir Roderick the prisoners he had taken at Benquhillin; but although
these parties never again showed any open hostility, they brought
several actions at law against each other, the one claiming from the
other certain parts of his possessions.

FOOTNOTES:

[188] Sir R. Gordon, p. 157.

[189] Sir R. Gordon, p. 199.

[190] Sir R. Gordon, pp. 226, 227, 228, 229.--Shaw’s _Moray_, pp.
266, 267, 268.

[191] _History_, p. 238.

[192] Sir Robert Gordon, p. 243.

CHAPTER IX.

A.D. 1602-1613.

KING OF SCOTLAND:--
James VI., 1567-1603.

KING OF GREAT BRITAIN:--
James I., 1603-1625.

Feud between the Colquhouns and Macgregors--Macgregors
outlawed--Execution of their Chief--Quarrel between the clan
Kenzie and Glengarry--Alister Mac-Uilleam-Mhoir beheaded--Lawless
proceedings in Sutherland--Deadly quarrel in Dornoch--Meeting
between the Earls of Caithness and Sutherland--Feud between the
Murrays and some of the Siol-Thomais--Dissension in Moray among
the Dunbars--Quarrel between the Earl of Caithness and the chief
of the Mackays--Commotions in Lewis among the Macleods--Invasion
of Lewis by Fife adventurers--Compelled to abandon it--Lord
Kintail obtains possession of Lewis--Expulsion of Neill
Macleod--Quarrel between the Laird of Rasay and Mackenzie of
Gairloch--Disturbances in Caithness--Tumults in Caithness on the
apprehension of Arthur Smith, a false coiner--Earl of Caithness
prosecutes Donald Mackay and others--Dissensions among the clan
Cameron.

In the early part of the year 1602 the west of Scotland was thrown
into a state of great disorder, in consequence of the renewal of some
old quarrels between Colquhoun of Luss, the chief of that surname,
and Alexander Macgregor, chief of the clan Gregor. To put an end to
these dissensions, Alexander Macgregor left Rannoch, accompanied by
about 200 of his kinsmen and friends, entered Lennox, and took up
his quarters on the confines of Luss’s territory, where he expected,
by the mediation of his friends, to bring matters to an amicable
adjustment. As the laird of Luss was suspicious of Macgregor’s
real intentions, he assembled all his vassals, with the Buchanans
and others, to the number of 300 horse and 500 foot, designing,
if the result of the meeting should not turn out according to his
expectations and wishes, to cut off Macgregor and his party. But
Macgregor, anticipating Colquhon’s intention, was upon his guard,
and, by his precautions, defeated the design upon him. A conference
was held for the purpose of terminating all differences, but the
meeting broke up without any adjustment: Macgregor then proceeded
homewards. The laird of Luss, in pursuance of his plan, immediately
followed Macgregor with great haste through Glenfreon, in the
expectation of coming upon him unawares, and defeating him; but
Macgregor, who was on the alert, observed, in due time, the approach
of his pursuers, and made his preparations accordingly. He divided
his company into two parts, the largest of which he kept under his
own command, and placed the other part under the command of John
Macgregor, his brother, whom he despatched by a circuitous route,
for the purpose of attacking Luss’s party in the rear, when they
should least expect to be assailed. This stratagem succeeded, and the
result was, that after a keen contest, Luss’s party was completely
overthrown, with the loss of 200 men, besides several gentlemen and
burgesses of the town of Dumbarton. It is remarkable that of the
Macgregors, John, the brother of Alexander, and another person, were
the only killed, though some of the party were wounded.

The laird of Luss and his friends sent early notice of their disaster
to the king, and by misrepresenting the whole affair to him, and
exhibiting to his majesty eleven score bloody shirts, belonging
to those of their party who were slain, the king grew exceedingly
incensed at the clan Gregor, who had no person about the king to
plead their cause, proclaimed them rebels, and interdicted all the
lieges from harbouring or having any communication with them. The
Earl of Argyle, with the Campbells, was afterwards sent against the
proscribed clan, and hunted them through the country. About 60 of
the clan made a brave stand at Bentoik against a party of 200 chosen
men belonging to the clan Cameron, clan Nab, and clan Ronald, under
the command of Robert Campbell, son of the laird of Glenorchy, when
Duncan Aberigh, one of the chieftains of the clan Gregor, and his
son Duncan, and seven gentlemen of Campbell’s party were killed.
But although they made a brave resistance, and killed many of their
pursuers, the Macgregors, after many skirmishes and great losses,
were at last overcome. Commissions were thereafter sent through the
kingdom, for fining those who had harboured any of the clan, and for
punishing all persons who had kept up any communication with them,
and the fines so levied were given by the king to the Earl of Argyle,
as a recompense for his services against the unfortunate Macgregors.

Alexander Macgregor, the chief, after suffering many vicissitudes
of fortune, at last surrendered himself to the Earl of Argyle, on
condition that he should grant him a safe conduct into England to
King James, that he might lay before his majesty a true state of the
whole affair from the commencement, and crave the royal mercy; and
as a security for his return to Scotland, he delivered up to Argyle
thirty of his choicest men as hostages. But no sooner had Macgregor
arrived at Berwick on his way to London, than he was basely arrested,
brought back by the earl to Edinburgh, and, by his influence,
executed along with the thirty hostages. Argyle hoped, by these
means, ultimately to annihilate the whole clan; but in this cruel
design he was quite disappointed, for the clan speedily increased,
and became almost as powerful as before.[193]

While the Highland borders were thus disturbed by the warfare
between the Macgregors and the Colquhouns, a commotion happened in
the interior of the Highlands, in consequence of a quarrel between
the clan Kenzie and the laird of Glengarry, who, according to Sir
Robert Gordon, was “unexpert and unskilfull in the lawes of the
realme.” From his want of knowledge of the law, the clan Kenzie are
said by the same writer to have “easalie intrapped him within the
compas thereof,” certainly by no means a difficult matter in those
lawless times; they then procured a warrant for citing him to appear
before the justiciary court at Edinburgh, which they took good
care should not be served upon him personally. Either not knowing
of these legal proceedings, or neglecting the summons, Glengarry
did not appear at Edinburgh on the day appointed, but went about
revenging the slaughter of two of his kinsmen, whom the clan Kenzie
had killed after the summons for Glengarry’s appearance had been
issued. The consequence was that Glengarry and some of his followers
were outlawed. Through the interest of the Earl of Dunfermline, lord
chancellor of Scotland, Kenneth Mackenzie, afterwards created Lord
Kintail, obtained a commission against Glengarry and his people,
which occasioned great trouble and much slaughter. Being assisted by
many followers from the neighbouring country, Mackenzie, by virtue of
his commission, invaded Glengarry’s territories, which he mercilessly
wasted and destroyed with fire and sword. On his return, Mackenzie
besieged the castle of Strome, which ultimately surrendered to him.
To assist Mackenzie in this expedition, the Earl of Sutherland, in
token of the ancient friendship which had subsisted between his
family and the Mackenzies, sent 240 well equipped and able men,
under the command of John Gordon of Embo. Mackenzie again returned
into Glengarry, where he had a skirmish with a party commanded by
Glengarry’s eldest son, in which the latter and 60 of his followers
were slain. The Mackenzies also suffered some loss on this occasion.
At last, after much trouble and bloodshed on both sides, an agreement
was entered into, by which Glengarry renounced in favour of Kenneth
Mackenzie, the castle of Strome and the adjacent lands.[194]

In the year 1605, the peace of the northern Highlands was
somewhat disturbed by one of those atrocious occurrences so
common at that time. The chief of the Mackays had a servant named
Alastair-Mac-Uilleam-Mhoir. This man having some business to
transact in Caithness, went there without the least apprehension
of danger, as the Earls of Sutherland and Caithness had settled
all their differences. No sooner, however, did the latter hear
of Mac-Uilleam-Mhoir’s arrival in Caithness, than he sent Henry
Sinclair, his bastard brother, with a party of men to kill him.
Mac-Uilleam-Mhoir, being a bold and resolute man, was not openly
attacked by Sinclair; but on entering the house where the former
had taken up his residence, Sinclair and his party pretended that
they had come on a friendly visit to him to enjoy themselves in his
company. Not suspecting their hostile intentions, Alister invited
them to sit down and drink with him; but scarcely had they taken
their seats when they seized Mac-Uilleam-Mhoir, and carried him off
prisoner to the Earl of Caithness, who caused him to be beheaded in
his own presence, the following day. The fidelity of this unfortunate
man to Mackay, his master, during the disputes between the Earls
of Sutherland and Caithness, was the cause for which he suffered.
Mackay, resolved upon getting the earl punished, entered a legal
prosecution against him at Edinburgh, but by the mediation of the
Marquis of Huntly the suit was quashed.[195]

In July, 1605, a murder was committed in Strathnaver, by
Robert Gray of Hopsdale or Ospisdell, the victim being Angus
Mac-Kenneth-Mac-Alister, one of the Siol-Mhurchaidh-Rhiabhaich. The
circumstances leading to this will illustrate the utterly lawless
and insecure state of the Highlands at this time. John Gray of Skibo
held the lands of Ardinsh under John, the fifth of that name, Earl
of Sutherland, as superior, which lands the grandfather of Angus
Mac-Kenneth had in possession from John Mackay, son of Y-Roy-Mackay,
who, before the time of this Earl John, possessed some lands in
Breachat. When John Gray obtained the grant of Ardinsh from John
the fifth, he allowed Kenneth Mac-Alister, the father of Angus
Mac-Kenneth, to retain possession thereof, which he continued to
do till about the year 1573. About this period a variance arose
between John Gray and Hugh Murray of Aberscors, in consequence of
some law-suits which they carried on against one another; but they
were reconciled by Alexander, Earl of Sutherland, who became bound
to pay a sum of money to John Gray, for Hugh Murray, who was in the
meantime to get possession of the lands of Ardinsh in security. As
John Gray still retained the property and kept Kenneth Mac-Alister in
the possession thereof at the old rent, the Murrays took umbrage at
him, and prevailed upon the Earl of Sutherland to grant a conveyance
of the wadset or mortgage over Ardinsh in favour of Angus Murray,
formerly bailie of Dornoch. In the meantime, Kenneth Mac-Alister
died, leaving his son, Angus Mac-Kenneth, in possession. Angus Murray
having acquired the mortgage, now endeavoured to raise the rent
of Ardinsh, but Angus Mac-Kenneth refusing to pay more than his
father had paid, was dispossessed, and the lands were let to William
Mac-Iain-Mac-Kenneth, cousin of Angus Mac-Kenneth. This proceeding so
exasperated Angus that he murdered his cousin William Mac-Kenneth,
his wife, and two sons, under cloud of night, and so determined was
he that no other person should possess the lands but himself, that
he killed no less than nine other persons, who had successively
endeavoured to occupy them. No others being disposed to occupy
Ardinsh at the risk of their lives, and Angus Murray getting wearied
of his possession, resigned his right to Gilbert Gray of Skibo, on
the death of John Gray, his father. Gilbert thereafter conveyed the
property to Robert Gray of Ospisdell, his second son; but Robert,
being disinclined to allow Angus Mac-Kenneth, who had again obtained
possession, to continue tenant, he dispossessed him, and let the
land to one Finlay Logan, but this new tenant was murdered by
Mac-Kenneth in the year 1604. Mac-Kenneth then fled into Strathnaver
with a party composed of persons of desperate and reckless passions
like himself, with the intention of annoying Robert Gray by their
incursions. Gray having ascertained that they were in the parish of
Creigh, he immediately attacked them and killed Murdo Mac-Kenneth,
the brother of Angus, who made a narrow escape, and again retired
into Strathnaver. Angus again returned into Sutherland in May 1605,
and, in the absence of Robert Gray, burnt his stable, with some
of his cattle, at Ospisdell. Gray then obtained a warrant against
Mac-Kenneth, and having procured the assistance of a body of men from
John Earl of Sutherland, entered Strathnaver and attacked Mac-Kenneth
at the Cruffs of Hoip, and slew him.[196]

The Earl of Caithness, disliking the unquiet state in which he had
for some time been forced to remain, made another attempt, in the
month of July, 1607, to hunt in Bengrime, without asking permission
from the Earl of Sutherland; but he was prevented from accomplishing
his purpose by the sudden appearance in Strathully of the latter,
attended by his friend Mackay, and a considerable body of their
countrymen. Almost the whole of the inhabitants of Dornoch turned
out on this occasion, and went to Strathully. During their absence
a quarrel ensued in the town between one John Macphaill and three
brothers of the name of Pope, in which one of the latter was killed;
the circumstances leading to and attending which quarrel were
these:--In the year 1585, William Pope, a native of Ross, settled
in Sutherland, and being a man of good education, was appointed
schoolmaster in Dornoch, and afterwards became its resident minister.
He also received another clerical appointment in Caithness, by means
of which, and of his other living, he became, in course of time,
wealthy. This good success induced two younger brothers, Charles
and Thomas, to leave their native country and settle in Sutherland.
Thomas was soon made chancellor of Caithness and minister of
Rogart. Charles became a notary public and a messenger-at-arms; and
having, by his good conduct and agreeable conversation, ingratiated
himself with the Earl of Sutherland, was appointed to the office of
sheriff-clerk of Sutherland. The brothers soon acquired considerable
wealth, which they laid out in the purchase of houses in the town
of Dornoch, where they chiefly resided. Many of the inhabitants
of the town envied their acquisitions, and took every occasion to
insult them as intruders, who had a design, as they supposed, to
drive the ancient inhabitants of the place from their possessions.
On the occasion in question William and Thomas Pope, along with
other ministers, had held a meeting at Dornoch on church affairs,
on dissolving which they went to breakfast at an inn. While at
breakfast, John Macphaill entered the house, and demanded some
liquor from the mistress of the inn, but she refused to give him
any, as she knew him to be a troublesome and quarrelsome person.
Macphaill, irritated at the refusal, spoke harshly to the woman, and
the ministers having made some excuse for her, Macphaill vented his
abuse upon them. Being threatened by Thomas Pope, for his insolence,
he pushed an arrow with a barbed head, which he held in his hand,
into one of Pope’s arms. The parties then separated, but the two
Popes being observed walking in the churchyard in the evening, with
their swords girt about them, by Macphaill, who looked upon their so
arming themselves as a threat, he immediately made the circumstance
known to Houcheon Macphaill, his nephew, and one William Murray, all
of whom entered the churchyard and assailed the two brothers with
the most vituperative abuse. Charles Pope, learning the danger his
brothers were in, immediately hastened to the spot, where he found
the two parties engaged. Charles attacked Murray, whom he wounded in
the face, whereupon Murray instantly killed him. William and Thomas
were grievously wounded by Macphaill and his nephew, and left for
dead, but they ultimately recovered. Macphaill and his nephew fled
to Holland, where they ended their days. After this occurrence, the
surviving brothers left Sutherland and went back into their own
country. It is only by recording such comparatively unimportant
incidents as this, apparently somewhat beneath the dignity of
history, that a knowledge of the real state of the Highlands at this
time can be conveyed.

[Illustration: Dornoch, showing the Cathedral and the remaining tower
of the old Castle.]

By the mediation of the Marquis of Huntly, the Earls of Caithness
and Sutherland again met at Elgin with their mutual friends, and
once more adjusted their differences. On this occasion the Earl
of Sutherland was accompanied by large parties of the Gordons,
the Frasers, the Dunbars, the clan Kenzie, the Monroes, the
clan Chattan, and other friends, which so displeased the Earl of
Caithness, who was grieved to see his rival so honourably attended,
that he could never afterwards be induced to meet again with the Earl
of Sutherland or any of his family.

During the year 1608 a quarrel occurred in Sutherland between Iver
Mac-Donald-Mac-Alister, one of the Siol-Thomais, and Alexander Murray
in Auchindough. Iver and his eldest son, John, meeting one day with
Alexander Murray and his son, Thomas, an altercation took place on
some questions in dispute. From words they proceeded to blows, and
the result was that John, the son of Iver, and Alexander Murray were
killed. Iver then fled into Strathnaver, whither he was followed
by Thomas Murray, accompanied by a party of 24 men, to revenge
the death of his father. Iver, however, avoided them, and having
assembled some friends, he attacked Murray unawares, at the hill of
Binchlibrig, and compelled him to flee, after taking five of his
men prisoners, whom he released after a captivity of five days. As
the chief of the Mackays protected Iver, George Murray of Pulrossie
took up the quarrel, and annoyed Iver and his party; but the matter
was compromised by Mackay, who paid a sum of money to Pulrossie and
Thomas Murray, as a reparation for divers losses they had sustained
at Iver’s hands during his outlawry. This compromise was the more
readily entered into by Pulrossie, as the Earl of Sutherland was
rather favourable to Iver, and was by no means displeased at him for
the injuries he did to Pulrossie, who had not acted dutifully towards
him. Besides having lost his own son in the quarrel, who was killed
by Thomas Murray, Iver was unjustly dealt with in being made the sole
object of persecution.[197]

A civil dissension occurred about this time in Moray among the
Dunbars, which nearly proved fatal to that family. To understand the
origin of this dispute it is necessary to state the circumstances
which led to it, and to go back to the period when Patrick
Dunbar, sheriff of Moray, and tutor and uncle of Alexander Dunbar
of Westfield, was killed, along with the Earl of Murray, at
Donnibristle. Alexander did not enjoy his inheritance long, having
died at Dunkeld, shortly after the death of his uncle, under
circumstances which led to a suspicion that he had been poisoned.
As he died without leaving any issue, he was succeeded by Alexander
Dunbar, son of the above-mentioned Patrick, by a sister of Robert
Dunbar of Burgy. This Alexander was a young man of great promise,
and was directed in all his proceedings by his uncle Robert Dunbar
of Burgy. Patrick Dunbar of Blery and Kilbuyack and his family,
imagining that Robert Dunbar, to whom they bore a grudge, was giving
advice to his nephew to their prejudice, conceived a deadly enmity
at both, and seized every occasion to annoy the sheriff of Moray and
his uncle. An accidental meeting having taken place between Robert
Dunbar, brother of Alexander, and William Dunbar, son of Blery, high
words were exchanged, and a scuffle ensued, in which William Dunbar
received considerable injury in his person. Patrick Dunbar and his
sons were so incensed at this occurrence that they took up arms and
attacked their chief, Alexander Dunbar, sheriff of Moray, in the town
of Forres, where he was shot dead by Robert Dunbar, son of Blery.
John Dunbar, sheriff of Moray, who succeeded his brother Alexander,
and his brother, Robert Dunbar of Burgy, endeavoured to bring the
murderers of his brother to justice; but they failed in consequence
of Alexander Dunbar being, at the time of his death, a rebel to
the king, having been denounced at the horn for a civil cause. By
negotiation, however, this deadly feud was stayed, and a sort of
reconciliation effected by the friendly mediation of the Earl of
Dunfermline, then Lord Chancellor of Scotland.[198]

In the year 1610 the Earl of Caithness and Houcheon Mackay, chief
of the Mackays, had a difference in consequence of the protection
given by the latter to a gentleman named John Sutherland, the son
of Mackay’s sister. Sutherland lived in Berridale, under the Earl
of Caithness, but he was so molested by the earl that he lost all
patience, and went about avenging the injuries he had sustained.
The earl, therefore, cited him to appear at Edinburgh to answer
to certain charges made against him; but not obeying the summons,
he was denounced and proclaimed a rebel to the king. Reduced, in
consequence, to great extremities, and seeing no remedy by which he
could retrieve himself, he became an outlaw, wasted and destroyed the
earl’s country, and carried off herds of cattle, which he transported
into Strathnaver, the country of his kinsman. The earl thereupon sent
a party of the Siol-Mhic-Imheair to attack him, and, after a long
search, they found him encamped near the water of Shin in Sutherland.
He, however, was aware of their approach before they perceived him,
and, taking advantage of this circumstance, attacked them in the act
of crossing the water. They were in consequence defeated, leaving
several of their party dead on the field.

This disaster exasperated the earl, who resolved to prosecute Mackay
and his son, Donald Mackay, for giving succour and protection within
their country to John Sutherland, an outlaw. Accordingly, he served
both of them with a notice to appear before the Privy Council to
answer to the charges he had preferred against them. Mackay at
once obeyed the summons, and went to Edinburgh, where he met Sir
Robert Gordon, who had come from England for the express purpose
of assisting Mackay on the present occasion. The earl, who had
grown tired of the troubles which John Sutherland had occasioned
in his country, was induced, by the entreaties of friends, to
settle matters on the following conditions:--That he should forgive
John Sutherland all past injuries, and restore him to his former
possessions; that John Sutherland and his brother Donald should be
delivered, the one after the other, into the hands of the earl, to be
kept prisoners for a certain time; and that Donald Mac-Thomais-Mhoir,
one of the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich, and a follower of John Sutherland
in his depredations, should be also delivered up to the earl to be
dealt with as to him should seem meet; all of which stipulations were
complied with. The earl hanged Donald Mac-Thomais as soon as he was
delivered up. John Sutherland was kept a prisoner at Girnigo about
twelve months, during which time Donald Mackay made several visits to
Earl George for the purpose of getting him released, in which he at
last succeeded, besides procuring a discharge to Donald Sutherland,
who, in his turn, should have surrendered himself as prisoner on
the release of his brother John, but upon the condition that he
and his father, Houcheon Mackay, should pass the next following
Christmas with the earl at Girnigo. Mackay and his brother William,
accordingly, spent their Christmas at Girnigo, but Donald Mackay
was prevented by business from attending. The design of the Earl of
Caithness in thus favouring Mackay, was to separate him from the
interests of the Earl of Sutherland, but he was unsuccessful.

Some years before the events we have just related, a commotion took
place in Lewis, occasioned by the pretensions of Torquill Connaldagh
of the Cogigh to the possessions of Roderick Macleod of Lewis, his
reputed father. Roderick had first married Barbara Stuart, daughter
of Lord Methven, by whom he had a son named Torquill-Ire, who, on
arriving at manhood, gave proofs of a warlike disposition. Upon the
death of Barbara Stuart, Macleod married a daughter of Mackenzie,
lord of Kintail, whom he afterwards divorced for adultery with
the Breve of Lewis, a sort of judge among the islanders, to whose
authority they submitted themselves. Macleod next married a daughter
of Maclean, by whom he had two sons, Torquill Dubh and Tormaid.

In sailing from Lewis to Skye, Torquill-Ire, eldest son of Macleod,
and 200 men, perished in a great tempest. Torquill Connaldagh,
above mentioned, was the fruit of the adulterous connexion between
Macleod’s second wife and the Breve, at least Macleod would never
acknowledge him as his son. This Torquill being now of age, and
having married a sister of Glengarry, took up arms against Macleod,
his reputed father, to vindicate his supposed rights as Macleod’s
son, being assisted by Tormaid, Ougigh, and Murthow, three of the
bastard sons of Macleod. The old man was apprehended and detained
four years in captivity, when he was released on condition that he
should acknowledge Torquill Connaldagh as his lawful son. Tormaid
Ougigh having been slain by Donald Macleod, his brother, another
natural son of old Macleod, Torquill Connaldagh, assisted by
Murthow Macleod, his reputed bastard brother, took Donald prisoner
and carried him to Cogigh, but he escaped and fled to his father
in Lewis, who was highly offended at Torquill for seizing his son
Donald. Macleod then caused Donald to apprehend Murthow, and having
delivered him to his father, he was imprisoned in the castle of
Stornoway. As soon as Torquill heard of this occurrence, he went to
Stornoway and attacked the fort, which he took, after a short siege,
and released Murthow. He then apprehended Roderick Macleod, killed
a number of his men, and carried off all the charters and other
title-deeds of Lewis, which he gave in custody to the Mackenzies.
Torquill had a son named John Macleod, who was in the service of the
Marquis of Huntly; he now sent for him, and on his arrival committed
to him the charge of the castle of Stornoway in which old Macleod was
imprisoned. John Macleod being now master of Lewis, and acknowledged
superior thereof, proceeded to expel Rorie-Og and Donald, two of
Roderick Macleod’s bastard sons, from the island; but Rorie-Og
attacked him in Stornoway, and after killing him, released Roderick
Macleod, his father, who possessed the island in peace during the
remainder of his life. Torquill Connaldagh, by the assistance of the
clan Kenzie, got Donald Macleod into his possession, and executed him
at Dingwall.

[Illustration: Stornoway Castle.--From a photograph taken specially
for this work.]

Upon the death of Roderick Macleod, his son Torquill Dubh
succeeded him in Lewis. Taking a grudge at Rorie-Og, his brother, he
apprehended him, and sent him to Maclean to be detained in prison;
but he escaped out of Maclean’s hands, and afterwards perished in
a snow-storm. As Torquill Dubh excluded Torquill Connaldagh from
the succession of Lewis, as a bastard, the clan Kenzie formed a
design to purchase and conquer Lewis, which they calculated on
accomplishing on account of the simplicity of Torquill Connaldagh,
who had now no friend to advise with, and from the dissensions which
unfortunately existed among the race of the Siol-Torquill. This
scheme, moreover, received the aid of a matrimonial alliance between
Torquill Connaldagh and the clan, by a marriage between his eldest
daughter and Roderick Mackenzie, the lord of Kintail’s brother.
The clan did not avow their design openly, but they advanced their
enterprise under the pretence of assisting Torquill Connaldagh,
who was a descendant of the Kintail family, and they ultimately
succeeded in destroying the family of Macleod of Lewis, together
with his tribe, the Siol-Torquill, and by the ruin of that family
and some neighbouring clans, this ambitious clan made themselves
complete masters of Lewis and other places. As Torquill Dubh was the
chief obstacle in their way, they formed a conspiracy against his
life, which, by the assistance of the Breve, they were enabled to
carry out successfully. The Breve, by stratagem, managed to obtain
possession of Torquill Dubh and some of his friends, and deliver them
to the lord of Kintail, who ordered them to be beheaded, which they
accordingly were in July, 1597.

Some gentlemen belonging to Fife, hearing of these disturbances
in Lewis, obtained from the king, in 1598, a gift of the island,
their professed object being to civilize the inhabitants, their
real design, however, being, by means of a colony, to supplant the
inhabitants, and drive them from the island. A body of soldiers and
artificers of all sorts were sent, with every thing necessary for a
plantation, into Lewis, where, on their arrival, they began to erect
houses in a convenient situation, and soon completed a small but
neat town, in which they took up their quarters. The new settlers
were, however, much annoyed in their operations by Neill and Murthow
Macleod, the only sons of Roderick Macleod who remained in the
island. The speculation proved ruinous to many of the adventurers,
who, in consequence of the disasters they met with, lost their
estates, and were in the end obliged to quit the island.

In the meantime, Neill Macleod quarrelled with his brother Murthow,
for harbouring and maintaining the Breve and such of his tribe as
were still alive, who had been the chief instruments in the murder
of Torquill Dubh. Neill thereupon apprehended his brother, and some
of the clan Mhic-Ghille-Mhoir, all of whom he killed, reserving his
brother only alive. When the Fife speculators were informed that
Neill had taken Murthow, his brother, prisoner, they sent him a
message offering to give him a share of the island, and to assist him
in revenging the death of Torquill Dubh, provided he would deliver
Murthow into their hands. Neill agreed to this proposal, and having
gone thereafter to Edinburgh, he received a pardon from the king for
all his past offences.

These proceedings frustrated for a time the designs of the Mackenzies
upon the island, and the lord of Kintail almost despaired of
obtaining possession by any means. As the new settlers now stood in
his way, he resolved to desist from persecuting the Siol-Torquill,
and to cross the former in their undertakings, by all the means
in his power. He had for some time kept Tormaid Macleod, the
lawful brother of Torquill Dubh, a prisoner; but he now released
him, thinking that upon his appearance in the Lewis all the
islanders would rise in his favour; and he was not deceived in
his expectations, for, as Sir Robert Gordon observes, “all these
islanders, (and lykwayes the Hielanders,) are, by nature, most bent
and prone to adventure themselves, their lyffs, and all they have,
for their masters and lords, yea beyond all other people.”[199] In
the meantime Murthow Macleod was carried to St. Andrews, and there
executed. Having at his execution revealed the designs of the lord
of Kintail, the latter was committed, by order of the king, to the
castle of Edinburgh, from which, however, he contrived to escape
without trial, by means, as is supposed, of the then Lord-Chancellor
of Scotland.

On receiving pardon Neill Macleod returned into Lewis with the
Fife adventurers; but he had not been long in the island when he
quarrelled with them on account of an injury he had received from Sir
James Spence of Wormistoun. He therefore abandoned them, and watched
a favourable opportunity for attacking them. They then attempted to
apprehend him by a stratagem, but only succeeded in bringing disaster
upon themselves. Upon hearing of this, the lord of Kintail thought
the time was now suitable for him to stir, and accordingly he sent
Tormaid Macleod into Lewis, as he had intended, promising him all the
assistance in his power if he would attack the Fife settlers.

As soon as Tormaid arrived in the island, his brother Neill and
all the natives assembled and acknowledged him as their lord and
master. He immediately attacked the camp of the adventurers, which
he forced, burnt the fort, killed the greater part of their men,
took the commanders prisoners, whom he released, after a captivity
of eight months, on their solemn promise not to return again to the
island, and on their giving a pledge that they should obtain a pardon
from the king for Tormaid and his followers for all past offences.
After Tormaid had thus obtained possession of the island, John
Mac-Donald-Mac-Houcheon apprehended Torquill Connaldagh, and carried
him into Lewis to his brother, Tormaid Macleod. Tormaid inflicted no
punishment upon Connaldagh, but merely required from him delivery of
the title-deeds of Lewis, and the other papers which he had carried
off when he apprehended his father Roderick Macleod. Connaldagh
informed him that he had it not in his power to give them up, as
he had delivered them to the clan Kenzie, in whose possession they
still were. Knowing this to be the fact, Tormaid released Torquill
Connaldagh, and allowed him to leave the island, contrary to the
advice of all his followers and friends, who were for inflicting the
punishment of death upon Torquill, as he had been the occasion of all
the miseries and troubles which had befallen them.

The Breve of Lewis soon met with a just punishment for the crime he
had committed in betraying and murdering his master, Torquill Dubh
Macleod. The Breve and some of his relations had taken refuge in the
country of Assynt. John Mac-Donald-Mac-Houcheon, accompanied by four
persons, having accidentally entered the house where the Breve and
six of his kindred lodged, found themselves unexpectedly in the same
room with them. Being of opposite factions, a fight immediately
ensued, in the course of which the Breve and his party fled out of
the house, but were pursued by John and his men, and the Breve and
five of his friends killed.

Although the Fife settlers had engaged not to return again into
Lewis, they nevertheless made preparations for invading it, having
obtained the king’s commission against Tormaid Macleod and his
tribe, the Siol-Torquill. They were aided in this expedition by
forces from all the neighbouring counties, and particularly by the
Earl of Sutherland, who sent a party of men under the command of
William Mac-Mhic-Sheumais, chief of the clan Gun in Sutherland, to
assist in subduing Tormaid Macleod. As soon as they had effected a
landing in the island with all their forces, they sent a message to
Macleod, acquainting him that if he would surrender himself to them,
in name of the king, they would transport him safely to London,
where his majesty then was; and that, upon his arrival there, they
would not only obtain his pardon, but also allow him to deal with
the king in behalf of his friends, and for the means of supporting
himself. Macleod, afraid to risk his fortune against the numerous
forces brought against him, agreed to the terms proposed, contrary
to the advice of his brother Neill, who refused to yield. Tormaid
was thereupon sent to London, where he took care to give the king
full information concerning all the circumstances of his case; he
showed his majesty that Lewis was his just inheritance, and that
his majesty had been deceived by the Fife adventurers in making him
believe that the island was at his disposal, which act of deception
had occasioned much trouble and a great loss of blood. He concluded
by imploring his majesty to do him justice by restoring him to his
rights. Understanding that Macleod’s representations were favourably
received by his majesty, the adventurers used all their influence at
court to thwart him; and as some of them were the king’s own domestic
servants, they at last succeeded so far as to get him to be sent home
to Scotland a prisoner in 1605. He remained a captive at Edinburgh
till the month of March, 1615, when the king granted him permission
to pass into Holland, to Maurice, Prince of Orange, where he ended
his days. The settlers soon grew wearied of their new possession,
and as all of them had declined in their circumstances in this
luckless speculation, and as they were continually annoyed by Neill
Macleod, they finally abandoned the island, and returned to Fife to
bewail their loss.

Lord Kintail, now no longer disguising his intentions, obtained,
through means of the Lord Chancellor, a gift of Lewis, under the
great seal, for his own use, in virtue of the old right which
Torquill Connaldagh had long before resigned in his favour. Some of
the adventurers having complained to the king of this proceeding,
his majesty became highly displeased at Kintail, and made him resign
his right into his majesty’s hands by means of Lord Balmerino, then
Secretary of Scotland, and Lord President of the session; which right
his majesty now (1608) vested in the persons of Lord Balmerino, Sir
George Hay, afterwards Chancellor of Scotland, and Sir James Spence
of Wormistoun. Balmerino, on being convicted of high treason in
1609, lost his share, but Hay and Spence undertook the colonization
of Lewis, and accordingly made great preparations for accomplishing
their purpose. Being assisted by most of the neighbouring countries,
they invaded Lewis for the double object of planting a colony, and of
subduing and apprehending Neill Macleod, who now alone defended the
island.

On this occasion Lord Kintail played a double part, for while he sent
Roderick Mackenzie, his brother, with a party of men openly to assist
the new colonists who acted under the king’s commission,--promising
them at the same time his friendship, and sending them a vessel
from Ross with a supply of provisions,--he privately sent notice
to Neill Macleod to intercept the vessel on her way; so that the
settlers, being disappointed in the provisions to which they trusted,
might abandon the island for want. The case turned out exactly as
Lord Kintail anticipated, as Sir George Hay and Sir James Spence
abandoned the island, leaving a party of men behind to keep the fort,
and disbanded their forces, returning into Fife, intending to have
sent a fresh supply of men, with provisions, into the island. But
Neill Macleod having, with the assistance of his nephew, Malcolm
Macleod, son of Roderick Og, burnt the fort, and apprehended the
men who were left behind in the island, whom he sent safely home,
the Fife gentlemen abandoned every idea of again taking possession
of the island, and sold their right to Lord Kintail. He likewise
obtained from the king a grant of the share of the island forfeited
by Balmerino, and thus at length acquired what he had so long and
anxiously desired.[200]

Lord Kintail lost no time in taking possession of the island,--and
all the inhabitants, shortly after his landing, with the exception
of Neill Macleod and a few others, submitted to him. Neill, along
with his nephews, Malcolm, William, and Roderick, the three sons of
Roderick Og, the four sons of Torquill Blair, and thirty others,
retired to an impregnable rock in the sea called Berrissay, on the
west of Lewis, into which Neill had been accustomed, for some years,
to send provisions and other necessary articles to serve him in case
of necessity. Neill lived on this rock for three years, Lord Kintail
in the meantime dying in 1611. As Macleod could not be attacked
in his impregnable position, and as his proximity was a source of
annoyance, the clan Kenzie fell on the following expedient to get
quit of him. They gathered together the wives and children of those
that were in Berrissay, and also all persons in the island related
to them by consanguinity or affinity, and having placed them on a
rock in the sea, so near Berrissay that they could be heard and seen
by Neill and his party, the clan Kenzie vowed that they would suffer
the sea to overwhelm them, on the return of the flood-tide, if Neill
did not instantly surrender the fort. This appalling spectacle had
such an effect upon Macleod and his companions, that they immediately
yielded up the rock and left Lewis.

Neill Macleod then retired into Harris, where he remained concealed
for a time; but not being able to avoid discovery any longer, he
gave himself up to Sir Roderick Macleod of Harris, and entreated
him to carry him into England to the king, a request with which Sir
Roderick promised to comply. In proceeding on his journey, however,
along with Macleod, he was charged at Glasgow, under pain of treason,
to deliver up Neill to the privy council. Sir Roderick obeyed the
charge, and Neill, with his eldest son Donald, were presented to
the privy council at Edinburgh, where Neill was executed in April
1613. His son Donald was banished from the kingdom of Scotland, and
immediately went to England, where he remained three years with Sir
Robert Gordon, tutor of Sutherland, and from England he afterwards
went to Holland, where he died.

After the death of Neill Macleod, Roderick and William, the sons
of Roderick Og, were apprehended by Roderick Mackenzie, tutor of
Kintail, and executed. Malcolm Macleod, his third son, who was kept
a prisoner by Roderick Mackenzie, escaped, and having associated
himself with the clan Donald in Islay and Kintyre during their
quarrel with the Campbells in 1615-16, he annoyed the clan Kenzie
with frequent incursions. Malcolm, thereafter, went to Flanders and
Spain, where he remained with Sir James Macdonald. Before going to
Spain, he returned from Flanders into Lewis in 1616, where he killed
two gentlemen of the clan Kenzie. He returned from Spain in 1620,
and the last that is heard of him is in 1626, when commissions of
fire and sword were granted to Lord Kintail against “Malcolm Macquari
Macleod.”[201]

From the occurrences in Lewis, we now direct the attention of our
readers to some proceedings in the isle of Rasay, which ended in
bloodshed. The quarrel lay between Gille-Chalum, laird of the island,
and Murdo Mackenzie of Gairloch, and the occasion was as follows. The
lands of Gairloch originally belonged to the clan Mhic-Ghille-Chalum,
the predecessors of the laird of Rasay; and when the Mackenzies began
to prosper and to rise, one of them obtained the third part of these
lands in mortgage or wadset from the clan Mhic-Ghille-Chalum. In
process of time the clan Kenzie, by some means or other, unknown to
the proprietor of Gairloch, obtained a right to the whole of these
lands, but they did not claim possession of the whole till the death
of Torquill Dubh Macleod of Lewis, whom the laird of Rasay and his
tribe followed as their superior. But upon the death of Torquill
Dubh, the laird of Gairloch took possession of the whole of the
lands of Gairloch in virtue of his pretended right, and chased the
clan Mhic-Ghille-Chalum from the lands with fire and sword. The
clan retaliated in their turn by invading the laird of Gairloch,
plundering his lands and committing slaughters. In a skirmish which
took place in the year 1610, in which lives were lost on both sides,
the laird of Gairloch apprehended John Mac-Alain-Mac-Rory, one of the
principal men of the clan; but being desirous to get hold also of
John Holmoch-Mac-Rory, another of the chiefs, he sent his son Murdo
the following year along with Alexander Bane, the son and heir of
Bane of Tulloch in Ross, and some others, to search for and pursue
John Holmoch; and as he understood that John Holmoch was in Skye, he
hired a ship to carry his son and party thither; but instead of going
to Skye, they unfortunately, from some unknown cause, landed in Rasay.

On their arrival in Rasay in August 1611, Gille-Chalum, laird of
Rasay, with some of his followers, went on board, and unexpectedly
found Murdo Mackenzie in the vessel. After consulting with his men,
he resolved to take Mackenzie prisoner, in security for his cousin,
John Mac-Alain-Mac-Rory, whom the laird of Gairloch detained in
captivity. The party then attempted to seize Mackenzie, but he and
his party resisting, a keen conflict took place on board, which
continued a considerable time. At last, Murdo Mackenzie, Alexander
Bane, and the whole of their party, with the exception of three,
were slain. These three fought manfully, killing the laird of Rasay
and the whole men who accompanied him on board, and wounding several
persons that remained in the two boats. Finding themselves seriously
wounded, they took advantage of a favourable wind, and sailed away
from the island, but expired on the voyage homewards. From this time
the Mackenzies appear to have uninterruptedly held possession of
Gairloch.[202]

About the time this occurrence took place, the peace of the north
was almost again disturbed in consequence of the conduct of William
Mac-Angus-Roy, one of the clan Gun, who, though born in Strathnaver,
had become a servant to the Earl of Caithness. This man had done
many injuries to the people of Caithness by command of the earl;
and the mere displeasure of Earl George at any of his people, was
considered by William Mac-Angus as sufficient authority for him
to steal and take away their goods and cattle. William got so
accustomed to this kind of service, that he began also to steal the
cattle and horses of the earl, his master, and, after collecting a
large booty in this way, he took his leave. The earl was extremely
enraged at his _quondam_ servant for so acting; but, as William
Mac-Angus was in possession of a warrant in writing under the earl’s
own hand, authorizing him to act as he had done towards the people
of Caithness, the earl was afraid to adopt any proceedings against
him, or against those who protected and harboured him, before the
Privy Council, lest he might produce the warrant which he held from
the earl. The confidence which the earl had reposed in him served,
however, still more to excite the earl’s indignation.

As William Mac-Angus continued his depredations in other quarters, he
was apprehended in the town of Tain, on a charge of cattle-stealing;
but he was released by the Monroes, who gave security to the
magistrates of the town for his appearance when required, upon due
notice being given that he was wanted for trial. On attempting to
escape he was re-delivered to the provost and bailies of Tain,
by whom he was given up to the Earl of Caithness, who put him in
fetters, and imprisoned him within Castle Sinclair (1612). He soon
again contrived to escape, and fled into Strathnaver, the Earl of
Caithness sending his son, William, Lord Berridale, in pursuit of
him. Missing the fugitive, he, in revenge, apprehended a servant
of Mackay, called Angus Henriach, without any authority from his
majesty, and carried him to Castle Sinclair, where he was put into
fetters and closely imprisoned on the pretence that he had assisted
William Mac-Angus in effecting his escape. When this occurrence
took place, Donald Mackay, son of Houcheon Mackay, the chief,
was at Dunrobin castle, and he, on hearing of the apprehension
and imprisonment of his father’s servant, could scarcely be made
to believe the fact on account of the friendship which had been
contracted between his father and the earl the preceding Christmas.
But being made sensible thereof, and of the cruel usage which the
servant had received, he prevailed on his father to summon the
earl and his son to answer to the charge of having apprehended and
imprisoned Angus Henriach, a free subject of the king, without a
commission. The earl was also charged to present his prisoner before
the privy council at Edinburgh in the month of June next following,
which he accordingly did; and Angus being tried before the lords and
declared innocent, was delivered over to Sir Robert Gordon, who then
acted for Mackay.[203]

[Illustration: Castles Sinclair and Girnigo.--From a photograph taken
specially for this work.]

During the same year (1612) another event occurred in the north,
which created considerable uproar and discord in the northern
Highlands. A person of the name of Arthur Smith, who resided in
Banff, had counterfeited the coin of the realm, in consequence of
which he, and a man who had assisted him, fled from Banff into
Sutherland, where being apprehended in the year 1599, they were sent
by the Countess of Sutherland to the king, who ordered them to be
imprisoned in Edinburgh for trial. They were both accordingly tried
and condemned, and having confessed to crimes even of a deeper dye,
Smith’s accomplice was burnt at the place of execution. Smith himself
was reserved for farther trial. By devising a lock of rare and
curious workmanship, which took the fancy of the king, he ultimately
obtained his release and entered into the service of the Earl of
Caithness. His workshop was under the rock of Castle Sinclair, in a
quiet retired place called the Gote, and to which there was a secret
passage from the earl’s bedchamber. No person was admitted to Smith’s
workshop but the earl; and the circumstance of his being often heard
working during the night, raised suspicions that some secret work was
going on which could not bear the light of day. The mystery was at
last disclosed by an inundation of counterfeit coin in Caithness,
Orkney, Sutherland, and Ross, which was first detected by Sir Robert
Gordon, brother to the Earl of Sutherland, when in Scotland, in the
year 1611, and he, on his return to England, made the king acquainted
therewith. A commission was granted to Sir Robert to apprehend
Smith, and bring him to Edinburgh, but he was so much occupied with
other concerns that he intrusted the commission to Donald Mackay,
his nephew, and to John Gordon, younger of Embo, whose name was
jointly inserted in the commission along with that of Sir Robert.
Accordingly, Mackay and Gordon, accompanied by Adam Gordon Georgeson
John, Gordon in Broray, and some other Sutherland men, went, in May,
1612, to Strathnaver, and assembling some of the inhabitants, they
marched into Caithness next morning, and entered the town of Thurso,
where Smith then resided.

After remaining about three hours in the town, the party went to
Smith’s house and apprehended him. On searching his house they found
a quantity of spurious gold and silver coin. Donald Mackay caused
Smith to be put on horseback, and then rode off with him out of the
town. To prevent any tumult among the inhabitants, Gordon remained
behind with some of his men to show them, if necessary, his Majesty’s
commission for apprehending Smith. Scarcely, however, had Mackay
left the town, when the town-bell was rung and all the inhabitants
assembled. There were present in Thurso at the time, John Sinclair
of Stirkage, son of the Earl of Caithness’s brother, James Sinclair,
brother of the laird of Dun, James Sinclair of Dyrren, and other
friends, on a visit to Lady Berridale. When information was brought
them of the apprehension of Smith, Sinclair of Stirkage, transported
with rage, swore that he would not allow any man, no matter whose
commission he held, to carry away his uncle’s servant in his uncle’s
absence. A furious onset was made upon Gordon, but his men withstood
it bravely, and after a warm contest, the inhabitants were defeated
with some loss, and obliged to retire to the centre of the town.
Donald Mackay hearing of the tumult, returned to the town to aid
Gordon, but the affair was over before he arrived, Sinclair of
Stirkage having been killed. To prevent the possibility of the escape
or rescue of Smith, he was killed by the Strathnaver men as soon as
they heard of the tumult in the town.

The Earl of Caithness resolved to prosecute Donald Mackay, John
Gordon, younger of Embo, with their followers, for the slaughter of
Sinclair of Stirkage, and the mutilation of James Sinclair, brother
of the laird of Dun, and summoned them, accordingly, to appear at
Edinburgh. On the other hand, Sir Robert Gordon and Donald Mackay
prosecuted the Earl of Caithness and his son, Lord Berridale,
with several other of their countrymen, for resisting the king’s
commission, attacking the commissioners, and apprehending Angus
Henriach, without a commission, which was declared treason by the
laws. The Earl of Caithness endeavoured to make the Privy Council
believe that the affair at Thurso arose out of a premeditated design
against him, and that Sir Robert Gordon’s intention in obtaining
a commission against Arthur Smith was, under the cloak of its
authority, to find means to slay him and his brethren; and that, in
pursuance of his plan, Sir Robert had, a little before the skirmish
in Thurso, caused the earl to be denounced and proclaimed as a rebel
to the king, and had lain in wait to kill him; Sir Robert, however,
showed the utter groundlessness of these charges to the Lords of the
Council.

On the day appointed for appearance, the parties met at Edinburgh,
attended by their respective friends. The Earl of Caithness and his
son, Lord Berridale, were accompanied by the Lord Gray, the laird of
Roslin, the laird of Cowdenknowes, a son of the sister of the Earl
of Caithness, and the lairds of Murkle and Greenland, brothers of
the earl, along with a large retinue of subordinate attendants. Sir
Robert Gordon and Donald Mackay were attended by the Earl of Winton
and his brother, the Earl of Eglinton, with all their followers, the
Earl of Linlithgow, with the Livingstones, Lord Elphinston, with
his friends, Lord Forbes, with his friends, the Drummonds, Sir John
Stuart, captain of Dumbarton, and bastard son of the Duke of Lennox;
Lord Balfour, the laird of Lairg Mackay in Galloway; the laird of
Foulis, with the Monroes, the laird of Duffus, some of the Gordons,
as Sir Alexander Gordon, brother of the Earl of Sutherland, Cluny,
Lesmoir, Buckie, Knokespock, with other gentlemen of respectability.
The absence of the Earl of Sutherland and Houcheon Mackay mortified
the Earl of Caithness, who could not conceal his displeasure at being
so much overmatched in the respectability and number of attendants by
seconds and children, as he was pleased to call his adversaries.

According to the usual practice on such occasions, the parties were
accompanied by their respective friends, from their lodgings, to the
house where the council was sitting; but few were admitted within.
The council spent three days in hearing the parties and deliberating
upon the matters brought before them, but they came to no conclusion,
and adjourned their proceedings till the king’s pleasure should be
known. In the meantime the parties, at the entreaty of the Lords of
the Council, entered into recognizances to keep the peace, in time
coming, towards each other, which extended not only to their kinsmen,
but also to their friends and dependants.

The king, after fully considering the state of affairs between the
rival parties, and judging that if the law were allowed to take its
course the peace of the northern countries might be disturbed by
the earls and their numerous followers, proposed to the Lords of
the Privy Council to endeavour to prevail upon them to submit their
differences to the arbitration of mutual friends. Accordingly, after
a good deal of entreaty and reasoning, the parties were persuaded
to agree to the proposed measure. A deed of submission was then
subscribed by the Earl of Caithness and William, Lord Berridale,
on the one part, and by Sir Robert Gordon and Donald Mackay on the
other part, taking burden on them for the Earl of Sutherland and
Mackay. The arbiters appointed by Sir Robert Gordon were the Earl
of Kinghorn, the Master of Elphinston, the Earl of Haddington,
afterwards Lord Privy Seal of Scotland, and Sir Alexander Drummond
of Meidhop. The Archbishop of Glasgow, Sir John Preston, Lord
President of the Council, Lord Blantyre, and Sir William Oliphant,
Lord Advocate, were named by the Earl of Caithness. The Earl of
Dunfermline, Lord-Chancellor of Scotland, was chosen oversman and
umpire by both parties. As the arbiters had then no time to hear the
parties, or to enter upon the consideration of the matters submitted
to them, they appointed them to return to Edinburgh in the month of
May, 1613.

At the appointed time, the Earl of Caithness and his brother, Sir
John Sinclair of Greenland, came to Edinburgh, Sir Robert Gordon
arriving at the same time from England. The arbiters, however, who
were all members of the Privy Council, being much occupied with
state affairs, did not go into the matter, but made the parties
subscribe a new deed of submission, under which they gave authority
to the Marquis of Huntly, by whose friendly offices the differences
between the two houses had formerly been so often adjusted, to act
in the matter by endeavouring to bring about a fresh reconciliation.
As the marquis was the cousin-german of the Earl of Sutherland, and
brother-in-law of the Earl of Caithness, who had married his sister,
the council thought him the most likely person to be intrusted with
such an important negotiation. The marquis, however, finding the
parties obstinate, and determined not to yield a single point of
their respective claims and pretensions, declined to act farther in
the matter, and remitted the whole affair back to the Privy Council.

During the year 1613 the peace of Lochaber was disturbed by
dissensions among the clan Cameron. The Earl of Argyle, reviving an
old claim acquired in the reign of James V., by Colin, the third
earl, endeavoured to obtain possession of the lands of Lochiel,
mainly to weaken the influence of his rival the Marquis of Huntly,
to whose party the clan Cameron were attached. Legal proceedings
were instituted by the earl against Allan Cameron of Lochiel, who,
hastening to Edinburgh, was there advised by Argyle to submit the
matter to arbiters. The decision was in favour of the earl, from whom
Lochiel consented to hold his lands as a vassal. This, of course,
highly incensed the Marquis of Huntly, who resolved to endeavour to
effect the ruin of his _quondam_ vassal by fomenting dissensions
among the clan Cameron, inducing the Camerons of Erracht, Kinlochiel,
and Glennevis to become his immediate vassals in those lands which
Lochiel had hitherto held from the family of Huntly. Lochiel, failing
to induce his kinsmen to renew their allegiance to him, again went
to Edinburgh to consult his lawyers as to the course which he ought
to pursue. While there, he heard of a conspiracy by the opposite
faction against his life, which induced him to hasten home, sending
word privately to his friends--the Camerons of Callart, Strone,
Letterfinlay, and others--to meet him on the day appointed for the
assembling of his opponents, near the spot where the latter were to
meet.

On arriving at the appointed rendezvous, Lochiel placed in ambush all
his followers but six, with whom he advanced towards his enemies,
informing them that he wished to have a conference with them.
The hostile faction, thinking this a favourable opportunity for
accomplishing their design, pursued the chief, who, when he had led
them fairly into the midst of his ambushed followers, gave the signal
for their slaughter. Twenty of their principal men were killed,
and eight taken prisoners, Lochiel allowing the rest to escape.
Lochiel and his followers were by the Privy Council outlawed, and a
commission of fire and sword granted to the Marquis of Huntly and
the Gordons, for their pursuit and apprehension. The division of the
clan Cameron which supported Lochiel continued for several years in a
state of outlawry, but, through the influence of the Earl of Argyle,
appears not to have suffered extremely.[204]

FOOTNOTES:

[193] Sir R. Gordon, p. 247.

[194] Sir R. Gordon, p. 248.

[195] Sir R. Gordon, p. 253.

[196] Sir R. Gordon, p. 254.

[197] Sir R. Gordon, p. 259.

[198] Sir R. Gordon, p. 261.

[199] _History_, p. 271.

[200] Gordon, p. 274; Gregory’s _Western Highlands_, p. 334.

[201] Gregory, p. 337.

[202] Sir Robert Gordon, p. 278.

[203] Sir R. Gordon, p. 281.

[204] Gregory’s _Western Highlands_, p. 342.

CHAPTER X.

A.D. 1613-1623.

KING OF GREAT BRITAIN:--James I., 1603-1625.

Continued animosity between the Earls of Caithness
and Sutherland--The latter imprisoned as a suspected
Catholic--Formidable Rebellion in the South Hebrides--Suppressed
by the Earl of Argyle--Fresh intrigues of the Earl of
Caithness--His oppressions--Burning of the corn at Sanset--Legal
proceedings against the Guns--Agreement between the Earl of
Caithness, Sir Robert Gordon, and Lord Forbes--Lord Berridale
imprisoned--Conditions of release--Put in possession of
the family Estates--Alliance between the Earl of Caithness
and Sir Donald Mackay--Sir Robert Gordon protects the clan
Gun--Mackay’s attempts against the Clan--Mackay and Sir Robert
Gordon reconciled--Quarrel between the Earl of Enzie and the
clan Chattan--Slaughter of Thomas Lindsay--Hostile preparations
against the Earl of Caithness--Expedition into Caithness--Flight
of the Earl--Reduction and pacification of Caithness.

As the Privy Council showed no inclination to decide the questions
submitted to them by the Earl of Caithness and his adversaries, the
earl sent his brother, Sir John Sinclair of Greenland, to Edinburgh,
to complain of the delay which had taken place, and desired him to
throw out hints, that if the earl did not obtain satisfaction for
his supposed injuries, he would take redress at his own hands. The
earl thought that he would succeed, by such a threat, in moving the
council to decide in his favour, for he was well aware that he was
unable to carry it into execution. To give some appearance of an
intention to enforce it, he, in the month of October, 1613, while the
Earl of Sutherland, his brothers and nephews, were absent from the
country, made a demonstration of invading Sutherland or Strathnaver,
by collecting his forces at a particular point, and bringing thither
some pieces of ordnance from Castle Sinclair. The Earl of Sutherland,
having arrived in Sutherland while the Earl of Caithness was thus
employed, immediately assembled some of his countrymen, and,
along with his brother Sir Alexander, went to the marches between
Sutherland and Caithness, near the height of Strathully, where they
waited the approach of the Earl of Caithness. Here they were joined
by Mackay, who had given notice of the Earl of Caithness’s movements
to the lairds of Foulis, Balnagown, and Assynt, the sheriff of
Cromarty, and the tutor of Kintail, all of whom prepared themselves
to assist the Earl of Sutherland. The Earl of Caithness, however, by
advice of his brother, Sir John Sinclair, returned home and disbanded
his force.

To prevent the Earl of Caithness from attempting any farther
interference with the Privy Council, either in the way of intrigue
or intimidation, Sir Robert Gordon obtained a remission and pardon
from the king, in the month of December, 1613, to his nephew, Donald
Mackay, John Gordon, younger of Embo, John Gordon in Broray, Adam
Gordon Georgeson, and their accomplices, for the slaughter of John
Sinclair of Stirkage at Thurso. However, Sir Gideon Murray, Deputy
Treasurer for Scotland, contrived to prevent the pardon passing
through the seals till the beginning of the year 1616.

The Earl of Caithness, being thus baffled in his designs against the
Earl of Sutherland and his friends, fell upon a device which never
failed to succeed in times of religious intolerance and persecution.
Unfortunately for mankind and for the interests of Christianity,
the principles of religious toleration, involving the inalienable
right of every man to worship God according to the dictates of his
conscience, have been till of late but little understood, and at the
period in question, and for upwards of one hundred and sixty years
thereafter, the statute book of Scotland was disgraced by penal
enactments against the Catholics, almost unparalleled for their
sanguinary atrocity. By an act of the first parliament of James
VI., any Catholic who assisted at the offices of his religion was,
“for the first fault,” that is, for following the dictates of his
conscience, to suffer confiscation of all his goods, movable and
immovable, personal and real; for the second, banishment; and death
for the third fault! But the law was not confined to overt acts
only--the mere suspicion of being a Catholic placed the suspected
person out of the pale and protection of the law; for if, on being
warned by the bishops and ministers, he did not recant and give
confession of his faith according to the approved form, he was
excommunicated, and declared infamous and incapable to sit or stand
in judgment, pursue or bear office.[205]

Under this last-mentioned law the Earl of Caithness now sought
to gratify his vengeance against the Earl of Sutherland. Having
represented to the Archbishop of St. Andrews and the clergy of
Scotland that the Earl of Sutherland was at heart a Catholic,
he prevailed upon the bishops--with little difficulty, it is
supposed--to acquaint the king thereof. His majesty thereupon issued
a warrant against the Earl of Sutherland, who was in consequence
apprehended and imprisoned at St. Andrews. The earl applied to the
bishops for a month’s delay, till the 15th February, 1614, promising
that before that time he would either give the church satisfaction
or surrender himself; but his application was refused by the high
commission of Scotland. Sir Alexander Gordon, the brother of the
earl, being then in Edinburgh, immediately gave notice to his
brother, Sir Robert Gordon, who was at the time in London, of the
proceedings against their brother, the earl. Sir Robert having
applied to his majesty for the release of the earl for a time, that
he might make up his mind on the subject of religion, and look after
his affairs in the north, his majesty granted a warrant for his
liberation till the month of August following. On the expiration of
the time, he returned to his confinement at St. Andrews, from which
he was removed, on his own application, to the abbey of Holyrood
house, where he remained till the month of March, 1615, when he
obtained leave to go home, “having,” says Sir Robert Gordon, “in some
measure satisfied the church concerning his religion.”

The Earl of Caithness, thus again defeated in his views, tried,
as a _dernier ressort_, to disjoin the families of Sutherland and
Mackay. Sometimes he attempted to prevail upon the Marquis of Huntly
to persuade the Earl of Sutherland and his brothers to come to an
arrangement altogether independent of Mackay; and at other times he
endeavoured to persuade Mackay, by holding out certain inducements
to him, to compromise their differences without including the Earl
of Sutherland in the arrangement; but he completely failed in these
attempts.[206]

In 1614-15 a formidable rebellion broke out in the South Hebrides,
arising from the efforts made by the clan Donald of Islay to retain
that island in their possession. The castle of Dunyveg in Islay,
which, for three years previous to 1614, had been in possession of
the Bishop of the Isles, having been taken by Angus Oig, younger
brother of Sir James Macdonald of Islay, from Ranald Oig, who had
surprised it, the former refused to restore it to the bishop. The
Privy Council took the matter in hand, and, having accepted from
John Campbell of Calder an offer of a feu-duty or perpetual rent for
Islay, they prevailed on him to accept a commission against Angus
Oig and his followers. The clan Donald, who viewed with suspicion
the growing power of the Campbells, looked upon this project with
much dislike, and treated certain hostages left by the bishop with
great severity. Even the bishop remonstrated against making “the
name of Campbell greater in the Isles than they are already,”
thinking it neither good nor profitable to his majesty, “to root
out one pestiferous clan, and plant in another little better.” The
remonstrance of the bishop and an offer made to put matters right
by Sir James Macdonald, who was then imprisoned in Edinburgh castle,
were alike unheeded, and Campbell of Calder received his commission
of Lieutenandry against Angus Oig Macdonald, Coll Mac-Gillespic, and
the other rebels of Islay. A free pardon was offered to all who were
not concerned in the taking of the castle, and a remission to Angus
Oig, provided he gave up the castle, the hostages, and two associates
of his own rank.

While Campbell was collecting his forces, and certain auxiliary
troops from Ireland were preparing to embark, the chancellor of
Scotland, the Earl of Dunfermline, by means of a Ross-shire man,
named George Graham of Eryne, prevailed on Angus Oig to release the
bishop’s hostages, and deliver up to Graham the castle, in behalf of
the chancellor. Graham re-delivered the castle to Angus, to be held
by him as the regular constable, until he should receive further
order from the chancellor, and at the same time assured Angus of the
chancellor’s countenance and protection, enjoining him to resist
all efforts on the part of Campbell or his friends to eject him.
These injunctions Graham’s dupes too readily followed. “There can
be no doubt whatever that the chancellor was the author of this
notable plan to procure the liberation of the hostages, and at the
same time to deprive the clan Donald of the benefit of the pardon
promised to them on this account. There are grounds for a suspicion
that the chancellor himself desired to obtain Islay; although it is
probable that he wished to avoid the odium attendant on the more
violent measures required to render such an acquisition available.
He, therefore, contrived so as to leave the punishment of the clan
Donald to the Campbells, who were already sufficiently obnoxious to
the western clans, whilst he himself had the credit of procuring the
liberation of the hostages.”

[Illustration: Dunyveg Castle, Islay.--From a drawing taken expressly
for this work.]

Campbell of Calder and Sir Oliver Lambert, commander of the Irish
forces, did not effect a junction till the 5th of January, 1615, and
on the 6th, Campbell landed on Islay with 200 men, his force being
augmented next day by 140 more. Several of the rebels, alarmed,
deserted Angus, and were pardoned on condition of helping the
besiegers. Ronald Mac-James, uncle of Angus Oig, surrendered a fort
on the island of Lochgorme which he commanded, on the 21st, and
along with his son received a conditional assurance of his majesty’s
favour. Operations were commenced against Dunyveg on February 1st,
and shortly after Angus had an interview with the lieutenant, during
which the latter showed that Angus had been deceived by Graham,
upon which he promised to surrender. On returning to the castle,
however, he refused to implement his promise, being instigated to
hold out apparently by Coll Mac-Gillespic. After being again battered
for some time, Angus and some of his followers at last surrendered
unconditionally, Coll Mac-Gillespic contriving to make his escape.
Campbell took possession of the castle on the 3d February, dispersed
the forces of the rebels, and put to death a number of those who had
deserted the siege; Angus himself was reserved for examination by the
Privy Council. In the course of the examination it came out clearly
that the Earl of Argyle was the original promoter of the seizure of
the castle, his purpose apparently being to ruin the clan Donald by
urging them to rebellion; but this charge, as well as that against
the Earl of Dunfermline, appears to have been smothered.

During the early part of the year 1615, Coll Mac-Gillespic and others
of the clan Donald who had escaped, infested the western coasts, and
committed many acts of piracy, being joined about the month of May by
Sir James Macdonald, who had escaped from Edinburgh castle, where he
had been lying for a long time under sentence of death. Sir James and
his followers, now numbering several hundreds, after laying in a good
supply of provisions, sailed towards Islay. The Privy Council were
not slow in taking steps to repress the rebellion, although various
circumstances occurred to thwart their intentions. Calder engaged to
keep the castle of Dunyveg against the rebels, and instructions were
given to the various western gentlemen friendly to the government to
defend the western coasts and islands. Large rewards were offered for
the principal rebels. All the forces were enjoined to be at their
appointed stations by the 6th of July, furnished with forty days’
provisions, and with a sufficient number of boats, to enable them to
act by sea, if necessary.

Sir James Macdonald, about the end of June, landing on Islay, managed
by stratagem to obtain possession of Dunyveg Castle, himself and
his followers appearing to have conducted themselves with great
moderation. Dividing his force, which numbered about 400, into two
bodies, with one of which he himself intended to proceed to Jura,
the other, under Coll Mac-Gillespic, was destined for Kintyre, for
the purpose of encouraging the ancient followers of his family to
assist him. In the beginning of July, Angus Oig and a number of his
followers were tried and condemned, and executed immediately after.

Various disheartening reports were now circulated as to the
disaffection of Donald Gorme of Sleat, captain of the clan Ranald,
Ruari Macleod of Harris, and others; and that Hector Maclean of
Dowart, if not actually engaged in the rebellion, had announced, that
if he was desired to proceed against the clan Donald, he would not be
very earnest in the service. The militia of Ayr, Renfrew, Dumbarton,
Bute, and Inverness were called out, and a commission was granted to
the Marquis of Hamilton to keep the clan Donald out of Arran.

The Privy Council had some time before this urged the king to send
down the Earl of Argyle from England--to which he had fled from
his numerous creditors--to act as lieutenant in suppressing the
insurrection. After many delays, Argyle, to whom full powers had been
given to act as lieutenant, at length mustered his forces at Duntroon
on Loch Crinan early in September. He issued a proclamation of pardon
to all rebels who were willing to submit, and by means of spies
examined Macdonald’s camp, which had been pitched on the west coast
of Kintyre, the number of the rebels being ascertained to be about
1,000 men. Argyle set himself so promptly and vigorously to crush the
rebels, that Sir James Macdonald, who had been followed to Islay by
the former, finding it impossible either to resist the Lieutenant’s
forces, or to escape with his galleys to the north isles, desired
from the earl a truce of four days, promising at the end of that
time to surrender. Argyle would not accede to this request except on
condition of Sir James giving up the two forts which he held; this
Sir James urged Coll Mac-Gillespic to do, but he refused, although
he sent secretly to Argyle a message that he was willing to comply
with the earl’s request. Argyle immediately sent a force against Sir
James to surprise him, who, being warned of this by the natives,
managed to make his escape to an island called Inchdaholl, on the
coast of Ireland, and never again returned to the Hebrides. Next
day, Mac-Gillespic surrendered the two forts and his prisoners, upon
assurance of his own life and the lives of a few of his followers,
at the same time treacherously apprehending and delivering to Argyle,
Macfie of Colonsay, one of the principal rebel leaders, and eighteen
others. This conduct soon had many imitators, including Macfie
himself.

Having delivered the forts in Islay to Campbell of Calder, and
having executed a number of the leading rebels, Argyle proceeded
to Kintyre, and crushed out all remaining seeds of insurrection
there. Many of the principal rebels, notwithstanding a diligent
search, effected their escape, many of them to Ireland, Sir James
Macdonald being sent to Spain by some Jesuits in Galway. The escape
of so many of the principal rebels seems to have given the Council
great dissatisfaction. Argyle carried on operations till the middle
of December 1615, refusing to dismiss the hired soldiers in the
beginning of November, as he was ordered by the Council to do. He was
compelled to disburse the pay, amounting to upwards of £7,000, for
the extra month and a half out of his own pocket.

“Thus,” to use the words of our authority for the above details,[207]
“terminated the last struggle of the once powerful clan Donald of
Islay and Kintyre, to retain, from the grasp of the Campbells, these
ancient possessions of their tribe.”

Ever since the death of John Sinclair at Thurso, the Earl of
Caithness used every means in his power to induce such of his
countrymen as were daring enough, to show their prowess and
dexterity, by making incursions into Sutherland or Strathnaver,
for the purpose of annoying the vassals and dependants of the
Earl of Sutherland and his ally, Mackay. Amongst others he often
communicated on this subject with William Kennethson, whose father,
Kenneth Buidhe, had always been the principal instrument in the
hands of Earl George in oppressing the people of his own country.
For the furtherance of his plans he at last prevailed upon William,
who already stood rebel to the king in a criminal cause, to go into
voluntary banishment into Strathnaver, and put himself under the
protection of Mackay, to whom he was to pretend that he had left
Caithness to avoid any solicitations from the Earl of Caithness to
injure the inhabitants of Strathnaver. To cover their designs they
caused a report to be spread that William Mac-Kenneth was to leave
Caithness because he would not obey the orders of the earl to execute
some designs against Sir Robert Gordon, the tutor of Sutherland, and
Mackay, and when this false rumour had been sufficiently spread,
Mac-Kenneth, and his brother John, and their dependants, fled into
Strathnaver and solicited the favour and protection of Mackay.
The latter received them kindly; but as William and his party had
been long addicted to robbery and theft, he strongly advised them
to abstain from such practices in all time coming; and that they
might not afterwards plead necessity as an excuse for continuing
their depredations, he allotted them some lands to dwell on. After
staying a month or two in Strathnaver, during which time they stole
some cattle and horses out of Caithness, William received a private
visit by night from Kenneth Buidhe, his father, who had been sent by
the Earl of Caithness for the purpose of executing a contemplated
depredation in Sutherland. Mackay was then in Sutherland on a visit
to his uncle, Sir Robert Gordon, which being known to William
Mac-Kenneth, he resolved to enter Sutherland with his party, and
carry off into Caithness all the booty they could collect. Being
observed in the glen of Loth by some of the clan Gun, collecting
cattle and horses, they were immediately apprehended, with the
exception of Iain-Garbh-Mac-Chonald-Mac-Mhurchidh-Mhoir, who, being
a very resolute man, refused to surrender, and was in consequence
killed. The prisoners were delivered to Sir Robert Gordon at Dornoch,
who committed William and his brother John to the castle of Dornoch
for trial. In the meantime two of the principal men of Mac-Kenneth’s
party were tried, convicted, and executed, and the remainder were
allowed to return home on giving surety to keep the peace. This
occurrence took place in the month of January 1616.

The Earl of Caithness now finished his restless career of iniquity
by the perpetration of a crime which, though trivial in its
consequences, was of so highly a penal nature in itself as to bring
his own life into jeopardy. As the circumstances which led to the
burning of the corn of William Innes, a servant of Lord Forbes at
Sanset in Caithness, and the discovery of the Earl of Caithness as
instigator, are somewhat curious, it is thought that a recital of
them may not be here out of place.

Among other persons who had suffered at the hands of the earl was
his own kinsman, William Sinclair of Dumbaith. After annoying him
in a variety of ways, the earl instigated his bastard brother,
Henry Sinclair, and Kenneth Buidhe, to destroy and lay waste part
of Dumbaith’s lands, who, unable to resist, and being in dread of
personal risk, locked himself up in his house at Dunray, which they
besieged. William Sinclair immediately applied to John, Earl of
Sutherland, for assistance, who sent his friend Mackay with a party
to rescue Sinclair from his perilous situation. Mackay succeeded, and
carried Sinclair along with him into Sutherland, where he remained
for a time, but he afterwards went to reside in Moray, where he died.
Although thus cruelly persecuted and forced to become an exile from
his country by the Earl of Caithness, no entreaties could induce
him to apply for redress, choosing rather to suffer himself than to
see his relative punished. William Sinclair was succeeded by his
grandson, George Sinclair, who married a sister of Lord Forbes. By
the persuasion of his wife, who was a mere tool in the hands of the
Earl of Caithness, George Sinclair was induced to execute a deed of
entail, by which, failing of heirs male of his own body, he left the
whole of his lands to the earl. When the earl had obtained this deed
he began to devise means to make away with Sinclair, and actually
persuaded Sinclair’s wife to assist him in this nefarious design.
Having obtained notice of this conspiracy against his life, Sinclair
left Caithness and took up his residence with his brother-in-law,
Lord Forbes, who received him with great kindness and hospitality,
and reprobated very strongly the wicked conduct of his sister.
Sinclair now recalled the entail in favour of the Earl of Caithness,
and made a new deed by which he conveyed his whole estate to Lord
Forbes. George Sinclair died soon after the execution of the deed,
and having left no issue, Lord Forbes took possession of his lands of
Dunray and Dumbaith.

Disappointed in his plans to acquire Sinclair’s property, the Earl
of Caithness seized every opportunity of annoying Lord Forbes in
his possessions, by oppressing his tenants and servants, in every
possible way, under the pretence of discharging his duty as sheriff,
to which office he had been appointed by the Earl of Huntly, on
occasion of his marriage with Huntly’s sister. Complaints were made
from time to time against the earl, on account of these proceedings,
to the Privy Council of Scotland, which, in some measure, afforded
redress; but to protect his tenants more effectually, Lord Forbes
took up a temporary residence in Caithness, relying upon the aid of
the house of Sutherland in case of need.

As the Earl of Caithness was aware that any direct attack on Lord
Forbes would be properly resented, and as any enterprise undertaken
by his own people would be laid to his charge, however cautious
he might be in dealing with them, he fixed on the clan Gun as the
fittest instruments for effecting his designs against Lord Forbes.
Besides being the most resolute men in Caithness, always ready to
undertake any desperate action, they depended more upon the Earl of
Sutherland and Mackay, from whom they held some lands, than upon
the Earl of Caithness; a circumstance which the latter supposed,
should the contemplated outrages of the clan Gun ever become matter
of inquiry, might throw the suspicion upon the two former as the
silent instigators. Accordingly, the earl opened a negotiation with
John Gun, chief of the clan Gun in Caithness, and with his brother,
Alexander Gun, whose father he had hanged in the year 1586. In
consequence of an invitation, the two brothers, along with Alexander
Gun, their cousin-german, repaired to Castle Sinclair, where they
met the earl. The earl did not at first divulge his plans to all the
party; but taking Alexander Gun, the cousin, aside, he pointed out
to him the injury he alleged he had sustained, in consequence of
Lord Forbes having obtained a footing in Caithness,--that he could
no longer submit to the indignity shown him by a stranger,--that he
had made choice of him (Gun) to undertake a piece of service for
him, on performing which, he would reward him most amply; and to
secure compliance, the earl desired him to remember the many favours
he had already received from him, and how well he had treated him,
promising, at the same time, to show him even greater kindness in
time coming. Alexander thereupon promised to serve the earl, though
at the hazard of his life; but upon being interrogated by the earl
whether he would undertake to burn the corn of Sanset, belonging
to William Innes, a servant of Lord Forbes, Gun, who had never
imagined that he was to be employed in such an ignoble affair,
expressed the greatest astonishment at the proposal, and refused,
in the most peremptory and indignant manner, to undertake its
execution; yet, to satisfy the earl, he told him that he would, at
his command, undertake to assassinate William Innes,--an action which
he considered less criminal and dishonourable, and more becoming a
gentleman, than burning a quantity of corn! Finding him obdurate, the
earl enjoined him to secrecy.

The earl next applied to the two brothers, John and Alexander,
with whom he did not find it so difficult to treat. They at first
hesitated with some firmness in undertaking the business on which the
earl was so intent; and they pleaded an excuse, by saying, that as
justice was then more strictly executed in Scotland than formerly,
they could not expect to escape, as they had no place of safety to
retreat to after the crime was committed; as a proof of which they
instanced the cases of the clan Donald and the clan Gregor, two races
of people much more powerful than the clan Gun, who had been brought
to the brink of ruin, and almost annihilated, under the authority
of the laws. The earl replied, that as soon as they should perform
the service for him he would send them to the western isles, to
some of his acquaintances and friends, with whom they might remain
till Lord Forbes and he were reconciled, when he would obtain their
pardon; that in the meantime he would profess, in public, to be their
enemy, but that he would be their friend secretly, and permit them to
frequent Caithness without danger. Alexander Gun, overcome at last by
the entreaties of the earl, reluctantly consented to his request, and
going into Sanset, in the dead of night, with two accomplices, set
fire to all the corn stacks which were in the barn-yard, belonging to
William Innes, and which were in consequence consumed. This affair
occurred in the month of November, 1615. The Earl of Caithness
immediately spread a report through the whole country that Mackay’s
tenants had committed this outrage, but the deception was of short
duration.

It may be here noticed that John, sixth Earl of Sutherland, died in
September, 1615, and was succeeded by his eldest son, John, a boy six
years old, to whom Sir Robert Gordon, his uncle, was appointed tutor.

Sir Robert Gordon, having arrived in the north of Scotland, from
England, in the month of December following, resolved to probe the
matter to the bottom, not merely on account of his nephew, Mackay,
whose men were suspected, but to satisfy Lord Forbes, who was now on
friendly terms with the house of Sutherland; but the discovery of the
perpetrators soon became an easy task, in consequence of a quarrel
among the clan Gun themselves, the members of which upbraided one
another as the authors of the fire-raising. Alexander Gun, the cousin
of Alexander Gun, the real criminal, thereupon fled from Caithness,
and sent some of his friends to Sir Robert Gordon and Donald Mackay
with these proposals:--that if they would receive him into favour,
and secure him from danger, he would confess the whole circumstances,
and reveal the authors of the conflagration, and that he would
declare the whole before the Privy Council if required. On receiving
this proposal, Sir Robert Gordon appointed Alexander Gun to meet him
privately at Helmsdale, in the house of Sir Alexander Gordon, brother
of Sir Robert. A meeting was accordingly held at the place appointed,
at which Sir Robert and his friends agreed to do everything in their
power to preserve Gun’s life; and Mackay promised, moreover, to give
him a possession in Strathie, where his father had formerly lived.

When the Earl of Caithness heard of Alexander Gun’s flight into
Sutherland he became greatly alarmed lest Alexander should reveal
the affair of Sanset; and anticipating such a result, the earl gave
out everywhere that Sir Robert Gordon, Mackay, and Sir Alexander
Gordon, had hired some of the clan Gun to accuse him of having
burnt William Innes’s corn. But this artifice was of no avail, for
as soon as Lord Forbes received notice from Sir Robert Gordon of the
circumstances related by Alexander Gun, he immediately cited John
Gun and his brother Alexander, and their accomplices, to appear for
trial at Edinburgh, on the 2d April, 1616, to answer to the charge
of burning the corn at Sanset; and he also summoned the Earl of
Caithness, as sheriff of that county, to deliver them up for trial.
John Gun, thinking that the best course he could pursue under present
circumstances was to follow the example of his cousin, Alexander,
sent a message to Sir Alexander Gordon, desiring an interview with
him, which being granted, they met at Navidale. John Gun then offered
to reveal everything he knew concerning the fire, on condition that
his life should be spared; but Sir Alexander observed that he could
come under no engagement, as he was uncertain how the king and the
council might view such a proceeding; but he promised, that as John
had not been an actor in the business, but a witness only to the
arrangement between his brother and the Earl of Caithness, he would
do what he could to save him, if he went to Edinburgh in compliance
with the summons.

In this state of matters, the Earl of Caithness wrote to the Marquis
of Huntly, accusing Sir Robert Gordon and Mackay of a design to
bring him within the reach of the law of treason, and to injure
the honour of his house by slandering him with the burning of the
corn at Sanset. The other party told the marquis that they could
not refuse to assist Lord Forbes in finding out the persons who had
burned the corn at Sanset, but that they had never imagined that
the earl would have acted so base a part as to become an accomplice
in such a criminal act; and farther, that as Mackay’s men were
challenged with the deed, they certainly were entitled at least to
clear Mackay’s people from the charge by endeavouring to find out
the malefactors,--in all which they considered they had done the
earl no wrong. The Marquis of Huntly did not fail to write the Earl
of Caithness the answer he had received from Sir Robert Gordon and
Mackay, which grieved him exceedingly, as he was too well aware of
the consequences which would follow if the prosecution of the Guns
was persevered in.

At the time appointed for the trial of the Guns, Sir Robert Gordon,
Mackay, and Lord Forbes, with all his friends, went to Edinburgh, and
upon their arrival they entreated the council to prevent a remission
in favour of the Earl of Caithness from passing the signet until the
affair in hand was tried; a request with which the council complied.
The Earl of Caithness did not appear; but he sent his son, Lord
Berridale, to Edinburgh, along with John Gun and all those persons
who had been summoned by Lord Forbes, with the exception of Alexander
Gun and his two accomplices. He alleged as his reason for not sending
them that they were not his men, being Mackay’s own tenants, and
dwelling in Dilred, the property of Mackay, which was held by him
off the Earl of Sutherland, who, he alleged, was bound to present
the three persons alluded to. But the lords of the council would
not admit of this excuse, and again required Lord Berridale and his
father to present the three culprits before the court on the 10th
June following, because, although they had possessions in Dilred,
they had also lands from the Earl of Caithness on which they usually
resided. Besides, the deed was committed in Caithness, of which the
earl was sheriff, on which account also he was bound to apprehend
them. Lord Berridale, whose character was quite the reverse of that
of his father, apprehensive of the consequences of a trial, now
offered satisfaction in his father’s name to Lord Forbes if he would
stop the prosecution; but his lordship refused to do anything without
the previous advice and consent of Sir Robert Gordon and Mackay,
who, upon being consulted, caused articles of agreement to be drawn
up, which were presented to Lord Berridale by neutral persons for
his acceptance. He, however, considering the conditions sought to be
imposed upon his father too hard, rejected them.

In consequence of the refusal of Lord Berridale to accede to the
terms proposed, John Gun was apprehended by one of the magistrates
of Edinburgh, on the application of Lord Forbes, and committed a
prisoner to the jail of that city. Gun thereupon requested to see Sir
Robert Gordon and Mackay, whom he entreated to use their influence
to procure him his liberty, promising to declare everything he knew
of the business for which he was prosecuted before the lords of the
council. Sir Robert Gordon and Mackay then deliberated with Lord
Forbes and Lord Elphinston on the subject, and they all four promised
faithfully to Gun to do everything in their power to save him, and
that they would thenceforth maintain and defend him and his cousin,
Alexander Gun, against the Earl of Caithness or any person, as long
as they had reason and equity on their side; besides which, Mackay
promised him a liferent lease of the lands in Strathie to compensate
for his possessions in Caithness, of which he would, of course,
be deprived by the earl for revealing the latter’s connexion with
the fire-raising at Sanset. John Gun was accordingly examined the
following day by the lords of the council, when he confessed that the
Earl of Caithness made his brother, Alexander Gun, burn the corn of
Sanset, and that the affair had been proposed and discussed in his
presence. Alexander Gun, the cousin, was examined also at the same
time, and stated the same circumstances precisely as John Gun had
done. After examination, John and Alexander were again committed to
prison.

As neither the Earl of Caithness nor his son, Lord Berridale,
complied with the commands of the council to deliver up Alexander Gun
and his accomplices in the month of June, they were both outlawed
and denounced rebels; and were summoned and charged by Lord Forbes
to appear personally at Edinburgh in the month of July immediately
following, to answer to the charge of causing the corn of Sanset
to be burnt. This fixed determination on the part of Lord Forbes
to bring the earl and his son to trial had the effect of altering
their tone, and they now earnestly entreated him and Mackay to agree
to a reconciliation on any terms; but they declined to enter into
any arrangement until they had consulted Sir Robert Gordon. After
obtaining Sir Robert’s consent, and a written statement of the
conditions which he required from the Earl of Caithness in behalf of
his nephew, the Earl of Sutherland, the parties entered into a final
agreement in the month of July, 1616. The principal heads of the
contract, which was afterwards recorded in the books of council and
session, were as follows:--That all civil actions between the parties
should be settled by the mediation of common friends,--that the Earl
of Caithness and his son should pay to Lord Forbes and Mackay the
sum of 20,000 merks Scots money,--that all quarrels and criminal
actions should be mutually forgiven, and particularly, that the
Earl of Caithness and all his friends should forgive and remit the
slaughter at Thurso--that the Earl of Caithness and his son should
renounce for themselves and their heirs all jurisdiction, criminal or
civil, within Sutherland or Strathnaver, and any other jurisdiction
which they should thereafter happen to acquire over any lands lying
within the diocese of Caithness then pertaining, or which should
afterwards belong, to the Earl of Sutherland, or his heirs,--that the
Earl of Caithness should deliver Alexander Gun and his accomplices to
Lord Forbes,--that the earl, his son, and their heirs, should never
thenceforth contend with the Earl of Sutherland for precedency in
parliament or priority of place,--that the Earl of Caithness and his
son, their friends and tenants, should keep the peace in time coming,
under the penalty of great sums of money, and should never molest nor
trouble the tenants of the Earl of Sutherland and Lord Forbes,--that
the Earl of Caithness, his son, or their friends, should not receive
nor harbour any fugitives from Sutherland or Strathnaver,--and that
there should be good friendship and amity kept amongst them in all
time to come.

In consequence of this agreement, the two sons of Kenneth Buy,
William and John before-mentioned, were delivered to Lord Berridale,
who gave security for their keeping the peace; and John Gun and
Alexander his cousin were released, and delivered to Lord Forbes
and Mackay, who gave surety to the lords of the council to present
them for trial whenever required; and as the Earl of Caithness had
deprived them of their possessions in Caithness on account of the
discovery they had made, Mackay, who had lately been knighted by the
king, gave them lands in Strathnaver as he had promised. Matters
being thus settled, Lord Berridale presented himself before the court
at Edinburgh to abide his trial; but no person of course appearing
against him, the trial was postponed. The Earl of Caithness, however,
failing to appear, the diet against him was continued till the 28th
of August following.

Although the king was well pleased, on account of the peace which
such an adjustment would produce in his northern dominions, with
the agreement which had been entered into, and the proceedings
which followed thereon, all of which were made known to him by the
Privy Council; yet, as the passing over such a flagrant act as
wilful fire-raising, without punishment, might prove pernicious, he
wrote a letter to the Privy Council of Scotland, commanding them to
prosecute, with all severity, those who were guilty of, or accessory
to, the crime. Lord Berridale was thereupon apprehended on suspicion,
and committed a prisoner to the castle of Edinburgh; and his father,
perceiving the determination of the king to prosecute the authors of
the fire, again declined to appear for trial on the appointed day,
on which account he was again outlawed, and declared a rebel as the
guilty author.

In this extremity Lord Berridale had recourse to Sir Robert Gordon,
then resident at court, for his aid. He wrote him a letter,
entreating him that, as all controversies were now settled, he
would, in place of an enemy become a faithful friend,--that for his
own part, he, Lord Berridale, had been always innocent of the jars
and dissensions which had happened between the two families,--that
he was also innocent of the crime of which he was charged,--and
that he wished his majesty to be informed by Sir Robert of these
circumstances, hoping that he would order him to be released from
confinement. Sir Robert answered, that he had long desired a
perfect agreement between the houses of Sutherland and Caithness,
which he would endeavour to maintain during his administration in
Sutherland,--that he would intercede with the king in behalf of his
lordship to the utmost of his power,--that all disputes being now
at an end, he would be his faithful friend,--that he had a very
different opinion of his disposition from that he entertained of his
father, the earl; and he concluded by entreating him to be careful to
preserve the friendship which had been now commenced between them.

As the king understood that Lord Berridale was supposed to be
innocent of the crime with which he and his father stood charged,
and as he could not, without a verdict against Berridale, proceed
against the family of Caithness by forfeiture, in consequence of his
lordship having been infeft many years before in his father’s estate,
his majesty, on the earnest entreaty of the then bishop of Ross, Sir
Robert Gordon, and Sir James Spence of Wormistoun, was pleased to
remit and forgive the crime on the following conditions:--1st. That
the Earl of Caithness and his son should give satisfaction to their
creditors, who were constantly annoying his majesty with clamours
against the earl, and craving justice at his hands. 2d. That the
Earl of Caithness, with consent of Lord Berridale, should freely
renounce and resign perpetually, into the hands of his majesty, the
heritable sheriffship and justiciary of Caithness. 3d. That the Earl
of Caithness should deliver the three criminals who had burnt the
corn, that public justice might be satisfied upon them, as a terror
and example to others. 4th. That the Earl of Caithness, with consent
of Lord Berridale, should give and resign _in perpetuum_ to the
bishop of Caithness, the house of Strabister, with as many of the
feu lands of that bishopric as should amount to the yearly value of
two thousand merks Scots money, for the purpose of augmenting the
income of the bishop, which was at that time small in consequence
of the greater part of his lands being in the hands of the earl.
Commissioners were sent down from London to Caithness in October
1616, to see that these conditions were complied with. The second and
last conditions were immediately implemented; and as the earl and
his son promised to give satisfaction to their creditors, and to do
everything in their power to apprehend the burners of the corn, the
latter was released from the castle of Edinburgh, and directions were
given for drawing up a remission and pardon to the Earl of Caithness.
Lord Berridale, however, had scarcely been released from the castle,
when he was again imprisoned within the jail of Edinburgh, at the
instance of Sir James Home of Cowdenknowes, his cousin german, who
had become surety for him and his father to their creditors for
large sums of money. The earl himself narrowly escaped the fate of
his son and retired to Caithness, but his creditors had sufficient
interest to prevent his remission from passing till they should be
satisfied. With consent of the creditors the council of Scotland
gave him a personal protection, from time to time, to enable him to
come to Edinburgh for the purpose of settling with them, but he made
no arrangement, and returned privately into Caithness before the
expiration of the _supersedere_ which had been granted him, leaving
his son to suffer all the miseries of a prison. After enduring a
captivity of five years, Lord Berridale was released from prison
by the good offices of the Earl of Enzie, and put, for behoof of
himself, and his own and his father’s creditors, in possession of
the family estates from which his father was driven by Sir Robert
Gordon acting under a royal warrant, a just punishment for the many
enormities of a long and misspent life.[208]

Desperate as the fortunes of the Earl of Caithness were even previous
to the disposal of his estates, he most unexpectedly found an ally
in Sir Donald Mackay, who had taken offence at Sir Robert Gordon,
and who, being a man of quick resolution and of an inconstant
disposition, determined to forsake the house of Sutherland, and to
ingratiate himself with the Earl of Caithness. He alleged various
causes of discontent as a reason for his conduct, one of the chief
being connected with pecuniary considerations; for having, as he
alleged, burdened his estates with debts incurred for some years
past in following the house of Sutherland, he thought that, in time
coming, he might, by procuring the favour of the Earl of Caithness,
turn the same to his own advantage and that of his countrymen.
Moreover, as he had been induced to his own prejudice to grant
certain life-rent tacks of the lands of Strathie and Dilred to John
and Alexander Gun, and others of the clan Gun for revealing the
affair of Sanset, he thought that by joining the Earl of Caithness,
these might be destroyed, by which means he would get back his lands
which he meant to convey to his brother, John Mackay, as a portion;
and he, moreover, expected that the earl would give him and his
countrymen some possessions in Caithness. But the chief ground of
discontent on the part of Sir Donald Mackay was an action brought
against him and Lord Forbes before the court of session, to recover
a contract entered into between the last Earl of Sutherland and
Mackay, in the year 1613, relative to their marches and other matters
of controversy, which being considered by Mackay as prejudicial to
him, he had endeavoured to get destroyed through the agency of some
persons about Lord Forbes, into whose keeping the deed had been
intrusted.

After brooding over these subjects of discontent for some years,
Mackay, in the year 1618, suddenly resolved to break with the house
of Sutherland, and to form an alliance with the Earl of Caithness,
who had long borne a mortal enmity at that family. Accordingly,
Mackay sent John Sutherland, his cousin-german, into Caithness to
request a private conference with the earl in any part of Caithness
he might appoint. This offer was too tempting to be rejected by the
earl, who expected, by a reconciliation with Sir Donald Mackay, to
turn the same to his own personal gratification and advantage. In the
first place, he hoped to revenge himself upon the clan Gun, who were
his principal enemies, and upon Sir Donald himself, by detaching him
from his superior, the Earl of Sutherland, and from the friendship
of his uncles, who had always supported him in all his difficulties.
In the second place, he expected that, by alienating Mackay from the
duty and affection he owed the house of Sutherland, that he would
weaken his power and influence. And lastly, he trusted that Mackay
would not only be prevailed upon to discharge his own part, but would
also persuade Lord Forbes to discharge his share of the sum of 20,000
merks Scots, which he and his son, Lord Berridale, had become bound
to pay them, on account of the burning at Sanset.

The Earl of Caithness having at once agreed to Mackay’s proposal, a
meeting was held by appointment in the neighbourhood of Dunray, in
the parish of Reay, in Caithness. The parties met in the night-time,
accompanied each by three men only. After much discussion, and
various conferences, which were continued for two or three days,
they resolved to destroy the clan Gun, and particularly John Gun,
and Alexander his cousin. To please the earl, Mackay undertook to
despatch these last, as they were obnoxious to him, on account of
the part they had taken against him, in revealing the burning at
Sanset. They persuaded themselves that the house of Sutherland would
defend the clan, as they were bound to do by their promise, and that
that house would be thus drawn into some snare. To confirm their
friendship, the earl and Mackay arranged that John Mackay, the only
brother of Sir Donald, should marry a niece of the earl, a daughter
of James Sinclair of Murkle, who was a mortal enemy of all the clan
Gun. Having thus planned the line of conduct they were to follow,
they parted, after swearing to continue in perpetual friendship.

Notwithstanding the private way in which the meeting was held,
accounts of it immediately spread through the kingdom; and every
person wondered at the motives which could induce Sir Donald Mackay
to take such a step so unadvisedly, without the knowledge of his
uncles, Sir Robert and Sir Alexander Gordon, or of Lord Forbes. The
clan Gun receiving secret intelligence of the design upon them, from
different friendly quarters, retired into Sutherland. The clan were
astonished at Mackay’s conduct, as he had promised, at Edinburgh, in
presence of Lords Forbes and Elphingston and Sir Robert Gordon, in
the year 1616, to be a perpetual friend to them, and chiefly to John
Gun and to his cousin Alexander.

After Mackay returned from Caithness, he sent his cousin-german,
Angus Mackay of Bighouse, to Sutherland, to acquaint his uncles,
who had received notice of the meeting, that his object in meeting
the Earl of Caithness was for his own personal benefit, and that
nothing had been done to their prejudice. Angus Mackay met Sir Robert
Gordon at Dunrobin, to whom he delivered his kinsman’s message,
which, he said, he hoped Sir Robert would take in good part, adding
that Sir Donald would show, in presence of both his uncles, that
the clan Gun had failed in duty and fidelity to him and the house
of Sutherland, since they had revealed the burning; and therefore,
that if his uncles would not forsake John Gun, and some others
of the clan, he would adhere to them no longer. Sir Robert Gordon
returned a verbal answer by Angus Mackay, that when Sir Donald came
in person to Dunrobin to clear himself, as in duty he was bound to
do, he would then accept of his excuse, and not till then. And he
at the same time wrote a letter to Sir Donald, to the effect that
for his own (Sir Robert’s) part, he did not much regard Mackay’s
secret journey to Caithness, and his reconciliation with Earl George,
without his knowledge or the advice of Lord Forbes; and that, however
unfavourable the world might construe it, he would endeavour to
colour it in the best way he could, for Mackay’s own credit. He
desired Mackay to consider that a man’s reputation was exceedingly
tender, and that if it were once blemished, though wrongfully, there
would still some blot remain, because the greater part of the world
would always incline to speak the worst; that whatever had been
arranged in that journey, between him and the Earl of Caithness,
beneficial to Mackay and not prejudicial to the house of Sutherland,
he should be always ready to assist him therein, although concluded
without his consent. As to the clan Gun, he could not with honesty or
credit abandon them, and particularly John and his cousin Alexander,
until tried and found guilty, as he had promised faithfully to be
their friend, for revealing the affair of Sanset; that he had made
them this promise at the earnest desire and entreaty of Sir Donald
himself; that the house of Sutherland did always esteem their truth
and constancy to be their greatest jewel; and seeing that he and his
brother, Sir Alexander, were almost the only branches of it then of
age or man’s estate, they would endeavour to prove true and constant
wheresoever they did possess friendship; and that neither the house
of Sutherland, nor any greater house whereof they had the honour to
be descended, should have the least occasion to be ashamed of them
in that respect; that if Sir Donald had quarrelled or challenged the
clan Gun, before going into Caithness and his arrangement with Earl
George, the clan might have been suspected; but he saw no reason to
forsake them until they were found guilty of some great offence.

Sir Robert Gordon, therefore, acting as tutor for his nephew, took
the clan Gun under his immediate protection, with the exception of
Alexander Gun, the burner of the corn, and his accomplices. John Gun
thereupon demanded a trial before his friends, that they might hear
what Sir Donald had to lay to his charge. John and his kinsmen were
acquitted, and declared innocent of any offence, either against the
house of Sutherland or Mackay, since the fact of the burning.

Sir Donald Mackay, dissatisfied with this result, went to Edinburgh
for the purpose of obtaining a commission against the clan Gun from
the council, for old crimes committed by them before his majesty
had left Scotland for England; but he was successfully opposed in
this by Sir Robert Gordon, who wrote a letter to the Lord-Chancellor
and to the Earl of Melrose, afterwards Earl of Haddington and
Lord Privy Seal, showing that the object of Sir Donald, in asking
such a commission, was to break the king’s peace, and to breed
fresh troubles in Caithness. Disappointed in this attempt, Sir
Donald returned home to Strathnaver, and, in the month of April,
1618, he went to Braill, in Caithness, where he met the earl, with
whom he continued three nights. On this occasion they agreed to
despatch Alexander Gun, the burner of the corn, lest Lord Forbes
should request the earl to deliver him up; and they hoped that, in
consequence of such an occurrence, the tribe might be ensnared.
Before parting, the earl delivered to Mackay some old writs of
certain lands in Strathnaver and other places within the diocese of
Caithness, which belonged to Sir Donald’s predecessors; by means
of which the earl thought he would put Sir Donald by the ears with
his uncles, expecting him to bring an action against the Earl of
Sutherland, for the warrandice of Strathnaver, and thus free himself
from the superiority of the Earl of Sutherland.

Shortly after this meeting was held, Sir Donald entered Sutherland
privately, for the purpose of capturing John Gun; but, after
lurking two nights in Golspie, watching Gun, without effect, he was
discovered by Adam Gordon of Kilcalmkill, a trusty dependant of the
house of Sutherland, and thereupon returned to his country. In the
meantime the Earl of Caithness, who sought every opportunity to
quarrel with the house of Sutherland, endeavoured to pick a quarrel
with Sir Alexander Gordon about some sheilings which he alleged the
latter’s servants had erected beyond the marches between Torrish, in
Strathully, and the lands of Berridale. The dispute, however, came to
nothing.

When Sir Robert Gordon heard of these occurrences in the north, he
returned home from Edinburgh, where he had been for some time; and,
on his return, he visited the Marquis of Huntly at Strathbogie, who
advised him to be on his guard, as he had received notice from the
Earl of Caithness that Sir Donald meant to create some disturbances
in Sutherland. The object the earl had in view, in acquainting the
marquis with Mackay’s intentions, was to screen himself from any
imputation of being concerned in Mackay’s plans, although he favoured
them in secret. As soon as Sir Robert Gordon was informed of Mackay’s
intentions he hastened to Sutherland; but before his arrival there,
Sir Donald had entered Strathully with a body of men, in quest of
Alexander Gun, the burner, against whom he had obtained letters
of caption. He expected that if he could find Gun in Strathully,
where the clan of that name chiefly dwelt, they, and particularly
John Gun, would protect Alexander, and that in consequence he would
ensnare John Gun and his tribe, and bring them within the reach
of the law, for having resisted the king’s authority; but Mackay
was disappointed in his expectations, for Alexander Gun escaped,
and none of the clan Gun made the least movement, not knowing how
Sir Robert Gordon was affected towards Alexander Gun. In entering
Strathully, without acquainting his uncles of his intention, Sir
Donald had acted improperly, and contrary to his duty, as the vassal
of the house of Sutherland: but, not satisfied with this trespass,
he went to Badinloch, and there apprehended William M’Corkill, one
of the clan Gun, and carried him along with him towards Strathnaver,
on the ground that he had favoured the escape of Alexander Gun;
but M’Corkill escaped while his keepers were asleep, and went to
Dunrobin, where he met Sir Alexander Gordon, to whom he related the
circumstance.

Hearing that Sir Robert Gordon was upon his journey to Sutherland,
Mackay left Badinloch in haste, and went privately to the parish of
Culmaly, taking up his residence in Golspietour with John Gordon,
younger of Embo, till he should learn in what manner Sir Robert would
act towards him. Mackay, perceiving that his presence in Golspietour
was likely to lead to a tumult among the people, sent his men home to
Strathnaver, and went himself the following day, taking only one man
along with him, to Dunrobin castle, where he met Sir Robert Gordon,
who received him kindly according to his usual manner; and after
Sir Robert had opened his mind very freely to him on the bad course
he was pursuing, he began to talk to him about a reconciliation
with John Gun; but Sir Donald would not hear of any accommodation,
and after staying a few days at Dunrobin, returned home to his own
country.

Sir Donald Mackay, perceiving the danger in which he had placed
himself, and seeing that he could put no reliance on the hollow and
inconstant friendship of the Earl of Caithness, became desirous of
a reconciliation with his uncles, and with this view he offered to
refer all matters in dispute to the arbitrament of friends, and to
make such satisfaction for his offences as they might enjoin. As Sir
Robert Gordon still had a kindly feeling towards Mackay, and as the
state in which the affairs of the house of Sutherland stood during
the minority of his nephew, the earl, could not conveniently admit of
following out hostile measures against Mackay, Sir Robert embraced
his offer. The parties, therefore, met at Tain, and matters being
discussed in presence of Sir Alexander Gordon of Navidale, George
Monroe of Milntoun, and John Monroe of Leamlair, they adjudged that
Sir Donald should send Angus Mackay of Bighouse, and three gentlemen
of the Slaight-ean-Aberigh, to Dunrobin, there to remain prisoners
during Sir Robert’s pleasure, as a punishment for apprehending
William M’Corkill at Badinloch. After settling some other matters
of little moment, the parties agreed to hold another meeting for
adjusting all remaining questions, at Elgin, in the month of June of
the following year, 1619. Sir Donald wished to include Gordon of Embo
and others of his friends in Sutherland in this arrangement; but as
they were vassals of the house of Sutherland, Sir Robert would not
allow Mackay to treat for them.

In the month of November, 1618, a disturbance took place in
consequence of a quarrel between George, Lord Gordon, Earl of
Enzie, and Sir Lauchlan Macintosh, chief of the clan Chattan, which
arose out of the following circumstances:--When the earl went into
Lochaber, in the year 1613, in pursuit of the clan Cameron, he
requested Macintosh to accompany him, both on account of his being
the vassal of the Marquis of Huntly, the earl’s father, and also
on account of the ancient enmity which had always existed between
the clan Chattan and clan Cameron, in consequence of the latter
keeping forcible possession of certain lands belonging to the former
in Lochaber. To induce Macintosh to join him, the earl promised to
dispossess the clan Cameron of the lands belonging to Macintosh,
and to restore him to the possession of them; but, by advice of the
laird of Grant, his father-in-law, who was an enemy of the house of
Huntly, he declined to accompany the earl in his expedition. The earl
was greatly displeased at Macintosh’s refusal, which afterwards led
to some disputes between them. A few years after the date of this
expedition--in which the earl subdued the clan Cameron, and took
their chief prisoner, whom he imprisoned at Inverness in the year
1614--Macintosh obtained a commission against Macronald, younger of
Moidart, and his brother, Donald Glass, for laying waste his lands in
Lochaber; and, having collected all his friends, he entered Lochaber
for the purpose of apprehending them, but, being unsuccessful in
his attempt, he returned home. As Macintosh conceived that he had
a right to the services of all his clan, some of whom were tenants
and dependants of the Marquis of Huntly, he ordered these to follow
him, and compelled such of them as were refractory to accompany him
into Lochaber. This proceeding gave offence to the Earl of Enzie,
who summoned Macintosh before the lords of the Privy Council for
having, as he asserted, exceeded his commission. He, moreover, got
Macintosh’s commission recalled, and obtained a new commission in his
own favour from the lords of the council, under which he invaded
Lochaber, and expelled Macronald and his brother Donald from that
country.

As Macintosh held certain lands from the earl and his father for
services to be done, which the earl alleged had not been performed by
Macintosh agreeably to the tenor of his titles, the earl brought an
action against Macintosh in the year 1618 for evicting these lands,
on the ground of his not having implemented the conditions on which
he held them. And, as the earl had a right to the tithes of Culloden,
which belonged to Macintosh, he served him, at the same time, with
an inhibition, prohibiting him to dispose of these tithes. As the
time for tithing drew near, Macintosh, by advice of the clan Kenzie
and the Grants, circulated a report that he intended to oppose the
earl in any attempt he might make to take possession of the tithes
of Culloden in kind, because such a practice had never before been
in use, and that he would try the issue of an action of spuilzie, if
brought against him. Although the earl was much incensed at such a
threat on the part of his own vassal, yet, being a privy counsellor,
and desirous of showing a good example in keeping the peace, he
abstained from enforcing his right; but, having formerly obtained a
decree against Macintosh for the value of the tithes of the preceding
years, he sent two messengers-at-arms to poind and distrain the corns
upon the ground under that warrant. The messengers were, however,
resisted by Macintosh’s servants, and forced to desist from the
execution of their duty. The earl, in consequence, pursued Macintosh
and his servants before the Privy Council, and got them denounced
and proclaimed rebels to the king. He, thereupon, collected a number
of his particular friends with the design of carrying his decree
into execution, by distraining the crop at Culloden and carrying it
to Inverness. Macintosh prepared himself to resist, by fortifying
the house of Culloden and laying in a large quantity of ammunition;
and having collected all the corn within shot of the castle and
committed the charge of it to his two uncles, Duncan and Lauchlan,
he waited for the approach of the earl. As the earl was fully aware
of Macintosh’s preparations, and that the clan Chattan, the Grants,
and the clan Kenzie, had promised to assist Macintosh in opposing
the execution of his warrant, he wrote to Sir Robert Gordon, tutor
of Sutherland, to meet him at Culloden on the 5th of November, 1618,
being the day fixed by him for enforcing his decree. On receipt of
this letter, Sir Robert Gordon left Sutherland for Bog-a-Gight, where
the Marquis of Huntly and his son then were, and on his way paid a
visit to Macintosh with the view of bringing about a compromise; but
Macintosh, who was a young man of a headstrong disposition, refused
to listen to any proposals, and rode post-haste to Edinburgh, from
which he went privately into England.

In the meantime, the Earl of Enzie having collected his friends,
to the number of 1,100 horsemen well appointed and armed, and 600
Highlanders on foot, came to Inverness with this force on the day
appointed, and, after consulting his principal officers, marched
forwards towards Culloden. When he arrived within view of the castle,
the earl sent Sir Robert Gordon to Duncan Macintosh, who, with his
brother, commanded the house, to inform him that, in consequence of
his nephew’s extraordinary boasting, he had come thither to put his
majesty’s laws in execution, and to carry off the corn which of right
belonged to him. To this message Duncan replied, that he did not
mean to prevent the earl from taking away what belonged to him, but
that, in case of attack, he would defend the castle which had been
committed to his charge. Sir Robert, on his return, begged the earl
to send Lord Lovat, who had some influence with Duncan Macintosh, to
endeavour to prevail on him to surrender the castle. At the desire
of the earl, Lord Lovat accordingly went to the house of Culloden,
accompanied by Sir Robert Gordon and George Monroe of Milntoun, and,
after some entreaty, Macintosh agreed to surrender at discretion;
a party thereupon took possession of the house, and sent the keys
to the earl. He was, however, so well pleased with the conduct of
Macintosh, that he sent back the keys to him, and as neither the clan
Chattan, the Grants, nor the clan Kenzie, appeared to oppose him,
he disbanded his party and returned home to Bog-a-Gight. He did not
even carry off the corn, but gave it to Macintosh’s grandmother, who
enjoyed the life-rent of the lands of Culloden as her jointure.

As the Earl of Enzie had other claims against Sir Lauchlan Macintosh,
he cited him before the lords of council and session, but failing
to appear, he was again denounced rebel, and outlawed for his
disobedience. Sir Lauchlan, who was then in England at court,
informed the king of the earl’s proceedings, which he described
as harsh and illegal, and, to counteract the effect which such a
statement might have upon the mind of his majesty, the earl posted
to London and laid before him a true statement of matters. The
consequence was, that Sir Lauchlan was sent home to Scotland and
committed to the castle of Edinburgh, until he should give the earl
full satisfaction. This step appears to have brought him to reason,
and induced him to apply, through the mediation of some friends,
for a reconciliation with the earl, which took place accordingly,
at Edinburgh, in the year 1619. Sir Lauchlan, however, became bound
to pay a large sum of money to the earl, part of which the latter
afterwards remitted. The laird of Grant, by whose advice Macintosh
had acted in opposing the earl, also submitted to the latter; but
the reconciliation was more nominal than real, for the earl was
afterwards obliged to protect the chief of the clan Cameron against
them, and this circumstance gave rise to many dissensions between
them and the earl, which ended only with the lives of Macintosh and
the laird of Grant, who both died in the year 1622, when the ward
of part of Macintosh’s lands fell to the earl, as his superior,
during the minority of his son. The Earl of Seaforth and his clan,
who had also favoured the designs of Macintosh, were in like manner
reconciled, at the same time, to the Earl of Enzie, at Aberdeen,
through the mediation of the Earl of Dunfermline, the Chancellor of
Scotland, whose daughter the Earl of Seaforth had married.[209]

In no part of the Highlands did the spirit of faction operate so
powerfully, or reign with greater virulence, than in Sutherland
and Caithness and the adjacent country. The jealousies and strifes
which existed for such a length of time between the two great
rival families of Sutherland and Caithness, and the warfare which
these occasioned, sowed the seeds of a deep-rooted hostility, which
extended its baneful influence among all their followers, dependants,
and friends, and retarded their advancement. The most trivial
offences were often magnified into the greatest crimes, and bodies
of men, animated by the deadliest hatred, were instantly congregated
to avenge imaginary wrongs. It would be almost an endless task to
relate the many disputes and differences which occurred during the
seventeenth century in these distracted districts; but as a short
account of the principal events is necessary in a work of this
nature, we again proceed agreeably to our plan.

The resignation which the Earl of Caithness was compelled to make of
part of the feu lands of the bishopric of Caithness, into the hands
of the bishop, as before related, was a measure which preyed upon
his mind, naturally restless and vindictive, and in consequence he
continually annoyed the bishop’s servants and tenants. His hatred was
more especially directed against Robert Monroe of Aldie, commissary
of Caithness, who always acted as chamberlain to the bishop, and
factor in the diocese, whom he took every opportunity to molest.
The earl had a domestic servant, James Sinclair of Dyren, who had
possessed part of the lands which he had been compelled to resign,
and which were now tenanted by Thomas Lindsay, brother-uterine
of Robert Monroe, the commissary. This James Sinclair, at the
instigation of the earl, quarrelled with Thomas Lindsay, who was
passing at the time near the earl’s house in Thurso, and, after
changing some hard words, Sinclair inflicted a deadly wound upon
him, of which he shortly thereafter died. Sinclair immediately fled
to Edinburgh, and thence to London, to meet Sir Andrew Sinclair, who
was transacting some business for the king of Denmark there, that he
might intercede with the king for a pardon; but his majesty refused
to grant it, and Sinclair, for better security, went to Denmark along
with Sir Andrew.

As Robert Monroe did not consider his person safe in Caithness under
such circumstances, he retired into Sutherland for a time. He then
pursued James Sinclair and his master, the Earl of Caithness, for
the slaughter of his brother, Thomas Lindsay; but, not appearing for
trial on the day appointed, they were both outlawed, and denounced
rebels. Hearing that Sinclair was in London, Monroe hastened thither,
and in his own name and that of the bishop of Caithness, laid a
complaint before his majesty against the earl and his servant.
His majesty thereupon wrote to the Lords of the Privy Council of
Scotland, desiring them to adopt the most speedy and rigorous
measures to suppress the oppressions of the earl, that his subjects
in the north who were well affected might live in safety and peace;
and to enable them the more effectually to punish the earl, his
majesty ordered them to keep back the remission that had been granted
for the affair at Sanset, which had not yet been delivered to him.
His majesty also directed the Privy Council, with all secrecy and
speed, to give a commission to Sir Robert Gordon to apprehend the
earl, or force him to leave the kingdom, and to take possession of
all his castles for his majesty’s behoof; that he should also compel
the landed proprietors of Caithness to find surety, not only for
keeping the king’s peace in time coming, but also for their personal
appearance at Edinburgh twice every year, as the West Islanders were
bound to do, to answer to such complaints as might be made against
them. The letter containing these instructions is dated from Windsor,
25th May, 1621.

The Privy Council, on receipt of this letter, communicated the
same to Sir Robert Gordon, who was then in Edinburgh; but he
excused himself from accepting the commission offered him, lest
his acceptance might be construed as proceeding from spleen and
malice against the Earl of Caithness. This answer, however, did not
satisfy the Privy Council, which insisted that he should accept the
commission; he eventually did so, but on condition that the council
should furnish him with shipping and the munitions of war, and all
other necessaries to force the earl to yield, in case he should
fortify either Castle Sinclair or Ackergill, and withstand a siege.

While the Privy Council were deliberating on this matter, Sir
Robert Gordon took occasion to speak to Lord Berridale, who was
still a prisoner for debt in the jail of Edinburgh, respecting the
contemplated measures against the earl, his father. As Sir Robert was
still very unwilling to enter upon such an enterprise, he advised
his lordship to undertake the business, by engaging in which he
might not only get himself relieved of the claims against him, save
his country from the dangers which threatened it, but also keep
possession of his castles; and that as his father had treated him
in the most unnatural manner, by suffering him to remain so long in
prison without taking any steps to obtain his liberation, he would be
justified, in the eyes of the world, in accepting the offer now made.
Being encouraged by Lord Gordon, Earl of Enzie, to whom Sir Robert
Gordon’s proposal had been communicated, to embrace the offer, Lord
Berridale offered to undertake the service without any charge to his
majesty, and that he would, before being liberated, give security to
his creditors, either to return to prison after he had executed the
commission, or satisfy them for their claims against him. The Privy
Council embraced at once Lord Berridale’s proposal, but, although the
Earl of Enzie offered himself as surety for his lordship’s return to
prison after the service was over, the creditors refused to consent
to his liberation, and thus the matter dropped. Sir Robert Gordon was
again urged by the council to accept the commission, and to make the
matter more palatable to him, they granted the commission to him and
the Earl of Enzie jointly, both of whom accepted it. As the council,
however, had no command from the king to supply the commissioners
with shipping and warlike stores, they delayed proceedings till they
should receive instructions from his majesty touching that point.

When the Earl of Caithness was informed of the proceedings
contemplated against him, and that Sir Robert Gordon had been
employed by a commission from his majesty to act in the matter,
he wrote to the Lords of the Privy Council, asserting that he was
innocent of the death of Thomas Lindsay; that his reason for not
appearing at Edinburgh to abide his trial for that crime, was not
that he had been in any shape privy to the slaughter, but for fear
of his creditors, who, he was afraid, would apprehend and imprison
him; and promising, that if his majesty would grant him a protection
and safe-conduct, he would find security to abide trial for the
slaughter of Thomas Lindsay. On receipt of this letter, the lords of
the council promised him a protection, and in the month of August,
his brother, James Sinclair of Murkle, and Sir John Sinclair of
Greenland, became sureties for his appearance at Edinburgh, at the
time prescribed for his appearance to stand trial. Thus the execution
of the commission was in the meantime delayed.

Notwithstanding the refusal of Lord Berridale’s creditors to consent
to his liberation, Lord Gordon afterwards did all in his power to
accomplish it, and ultimately succeeded in obtaining this consent,
by giving his own personal security either to satisfy the creditors,
or deliver up Lord Berridale into their hands. His lordship was
accordingly released from prison, and returned to Caithness in
the year 1621, after a confinement of five years. As his final
enlargement from jail depended upon his obtaining the means of paying
his creditors, and as his father, the earl, staid at home consuming
the rents of his estates, in rioting and licentiousness, without
paying any part either of the principal or interest of his debts,
and without feeling the least uneasiness at his son’s confinement,
Lord Berridale, immediately on his return, assisted by his friends,
attempted to apprehend his father, so as to get the family estates
into his own possession; but without success.

In the meantime the earl’s creditors, wearied out with the delay
which had taken place in liquidating their debts, grew exceedingly
clamorous, and some of them took a journey to Caithness in the
month of April, 1622, to endeavour to effect a settlement with the
earl personally. All, however, that they obtained were fair words,
and a promise from the earl that he would speedily follow them to
Edinburgh, and satisfy them of all demands; but he failed to perform
his promise. About this time, a sort of reconciliation appears to
have taken place between the earl and his son, Lord Berridale; but
it was of short duration. On this new disagreement breaking out,
the earl lost the favour and friendship not only of his brothers,
James and Sir John, but also that of his best friends in Caithness.
Lord Berridale, thereupon, left Caithness and took up his residence
with Lord Gordon, who wrote to his friends at Court to obtain a new
commission against the earl. As the king was daily troubled with
complaints against the earl by his creditors, he readily consented
to such a request, and he accordingly wrote a letter to the Lords
of the Privy Council of Scotland, in the month of December 1622,
desiring them to issue a commission to Lord Gordon to proceed against
the earl. The execution of the commission was, however, postponed
in consequence of a message to Lord Gordon to attend the Court and
proceed to France on some affairs of state, where he accordingly went
in the year 1623. On the departure of his lordship, the earl made
an application to the Lords of the Council for a new protection,
promising to appear at Edinburgh on the 10th of August of this year,
and to satisfy his creditors. This turned out to be a mere pretence
to obtain delay, for although the council granted the protection,
as required, upon the most urgent solicitations, the earl failed to
appear on the day appointed. This breach of his engagement incensed
his majesty and the council the more against him, and made them
more determined than ever to reduce him to obedience. He was again
denounced and proclaimed rebel, and a new commission was granted to
Sir Robert Gordon to proceed against him and his abettors with fire
and sword. In this commission there were conjoined with Sir Robert,
his brother, Sir Alexander Gordon, Sir Donald Mackay, his nephew,
and James Sinclair of Murkle, but on this condition, that Sir Robert
should act as chief commissioner, and that nothing should be done by
the other commissioners in the service they were employed in, without
his advice and consent.

The Earl of Caithness seeing now no longer any chance of evading
the authority of the laws, prepared to meet the gathering storm by
fortifying his castles and strongholds. Proclamations were issued
interdicting all persons from having any communication with the earl,
and letters of concurrence were given to Sir Robert in name of his
majesty, charging and commanding the inhabitants of Ross, Sutherland,
Strathnaver, Caithness, and Orkney, to assist him in the execution of
his majesty’s commission; a ship well furnished with munitions of
war, was sent to the coast of Caithness to prevent the earl’s escape
by sea, and to furnish Sir Robert with ordnance for battering the
earl’s castles in case he should withstand a siege.

Sir Robert Gordon having arrived in Sutherland in the month of
August, 1623, was immediately joined by Lord Berridale for the
purpose of consulting on the plan of operations to be adopted; but,
before fixing on any particular plan, it was concerted that Lord
Berridale should first proceed to Caithness to learn what resolution
his father had come to, and to ascertain how the inhabitants of
that country stood affected towards the earl. He was also to notify
to Sir Robert the arrival of the ship of war on the coast. A day
was, at the same time, fixed for the inhabitants of the adjoining
districts to meet Sir Robert Gordon in Strathully, upon the borders
between Sutherland and Caithness. Lord Berridale was not long in
Caithness when he sent notice to Sir Robert acquainting him that his
father, the earl, had resolved to stand out to the last extremity,
and that he had fortified the strong castle of Ackergill, which he
had supplied with men, ammunition, and provisions, and upon holding
out which he placed his last and only hope. He advised Sir Robert to
bring with him into Caithness as many men as he could muster, as many
of the inhabitants stood still well affected to the earl.

The Earl of Caithness, in the meantime, justly apprehensive of the
consequences which might ensue if unsuccessful in his opposition,
despatched a messenger to Sir Robert Gordon, proposing that some
gentlemen should be authorized to negotiate between them, for the
purpose of bringing matters to an amicable accommodation. Sir Robert,
who perceived the drift of this message, which was solely to obtain
delay, returned for answer that he was exceedingly sorry that the
earl bad refused the benefit of his last protection for clearing away
the imputations laid to his charge; and that he clearly perceived
that the earl’s object in proposing a negotiation was solely to waste
time, and to weary out the commissioners and army by delays, which
he, for his own part, would not submit to, because the harvest was
nearly at hand, and the king’s ship could not be detained upon the
coast idle. Unless, therefore, the earl at once submitted himself
unconditionally to the king’s mercy, Sir Robert threatened to proceed
against him and his supporters immediately. The earl had been
hitherto so successful in his different schemes to avoid the ends
of justice that such an answer was by no means expected, and the
firmness displayed in it served greatly to shake his courage.

Upon receipt of the intelligence from Lord Berridale, Sir Robert
Gordon made preparations for entering Caithness without delay; and,
as a precautionary measure, he took pledges from such of the tribes
and families in Caithness as he suspected were favourable to the
earl. Before all his forces had time to assemble, Sir Robert received
notice that the war ship had arrived upon the Caithness coast, and
that the earl was meditating an escape beyond the seas. Unwilling to
withdraw men from the adjoining provinces during the harvest season,
and considering the Sutherland forces quite sufficient for his
purpose, he sent couriers into Ross, Strathnaver, Assynt, and Orkney,
desiring the people who had been engaged to accompany the expedition
to remain at home till farther notice; and, having assembled all
the inhabitants of Sutherland, he picked out the most active and
resolute men among them, whom he caused to be well supplied with
war-like weapons, and other necessaries, for the expedition. Having
thus equipped his army, Sir Robert, accompanied by his brother,
Sir Alexander Gordon, and the principal gentlemen of Sutherland,
marched, on the 3d of September, 1623, from Dunrobin to Killiernan
in Strathully, the place of rendezvous previously appointed. Here
Sir Robert divided his forces into companies, over each of which
he placed a commander. The following morning he passed the river
Helmsdale, and arranged his army in the following order:--Half-a-mile
in advance of the main body he placed a company of the clan Gun,
whose duty it was to search the fields as they advanced for the
purpose of discovering any ambuscades which might be laid in their
way, and to clear away any obstruction to the regular advance of the
main body. The right wing of the army was led by John Murray of
Aberscors, Hugh Gordon of Ballellon, and Adam Gordon of Kilcalmkill.
The left wing was commanded by John Gordon, younger of Embo, Robert
Gray of Ospisdale, and Alexander Sutherland of Kilphidder. And Sir
Robert Gordon himself, his brother Sir Alexander, the laird of
Pulrossie, and William Mac-Mhic-Sheumais of Killiernan, led the
centre. The two wings were always kept a short distance in advance of
the centre, from which they were to receive support when required. In
this manner the army advanced towards Berridale, and they observed
the same order of marching during all the time they remained in
Caithness.

As soon as Lord Berridale heard of Sir Robert Gordon’s advance, he
and James Sinclair of Murkle, one of the commissioners, and some
other gentlemen, went forward in haste to meet him. The parties
accordingly met among the mountains above Cayen, about three miles
from Berridale. Sir Robert continued his march till he arrived at
Brea-Na-Henglish in Berridale, where at night he encamped. Here they
were informed that the ship of war, after casting anchor before
Castle Sinclair, had gone from thence to Scrabster road, and that
the Earl of Caithness had abandoned the country, and sailed by night
into one of the Orkney Islands, with the intention of going thence
into Norway or Denmark. From Brea-Na-Henglish the army advanced to
Lathron, where they encamped. Here James Sinclair of Murkle, sheriff
of Caithness, Sir William Sinclair of May, the laird of Ratter, the
laird of Forse, and several other gentlemen of Caithness, waited
upon Sir Robert Gordon and tendered their submission and obedience
to his majesty, offering, at the same time, every assistance they
could afford in forwarding the objects of the expedition. Sir Robert
received them kindly, and promised to acquaint his majesty with their
submission; but he distrusted some of them, and he gave orders that
none of the Caithness people should be allowed to enter his camp
after sunset. At Lathron, Sir Robert was joined by about 300 of the
Caithness men, consisting of the Cadels and others who had favoured
Lord Berridale. These men were commanded by James Sinclair, fiar of
Murkle, and were kept always a mile or two in advance of the army
till they reached Castle Sinclair.

No sooner did Sir Robert arrive before Castle Sinclair, which was
a very strong place, and the principal residence of the Earl of
Caithness, than it surrendered, the keys being delivered up to him
as representing his majesty. The army encamped before the castle two
nights, during which time the officers took up their quarters within
the castle, which was guarded by Sutherland men.

From Castle Sinclair Sir Robert marched to the castle of Ackergill,
another strong place, which also surrendered on the first summons,
and the keys of which were delivered in like manner to him. The
army next marched in battle array to the castle of Kease, the last
residence of the earl, which was also given up without resistance.
The Countess of Caithness had previously removed to another residence
not far distant, where she was visited by Sir Robert Gordon, who
was her cousin-german. The countess entreated him, with great
earnestness, to get her husband again restored to favour, seeing he
had made no resistance to him. Sir Robert promised to do what he
could if the earl would follow his advice; but he did not expect that
matters could be accommodated so speedily as she expected, from the
peculiar situation in which the earl then stood.

From Kease Sir Robert Gordon returned with his army to Castle
Sinclair, where, according to the directions he had received from the
Privy Council, he delivered the keys of all these castles and forts
to Lord Berridale, to be kept by him for his majesty’s use, for which
he should be answerable to the lords of the council until the farther
pleasure of his majesty should be known.

The army then returned to Wick in the same marching order which
had been observed since its first entry into Caithness, at which
place the commissioners consulted together, and framed a set of
instructions to Lord Berridale for governing Caithness peaceably
in time coming, conformably to the laws of the kingdom, and for
preventing the Earl of Caithness from again disturbing the country,
should he venture to return after the departure of the army. At Wick
Sir Robert Gordon was joined by Sir Donald Mackay, who had collected
together the choicest men of Strathnaver; but, as the object of the
expedition had been accomplished, Sir Donald, after receiving Sir
Robert’s thanks, returned to Strathnaver. Sir Robert having brought
this expedition to a successful termination, led back his men into
Sutherland, and, after a stay of three months, went to England,
carrying with him a letter from the Privy Council of Scotland to
the king, giving an account of the expedition, and of its happy
results.[210]

FOOTNOTES:

[205] Act James VI., Parl. 3, Cap. 45.

[206] Sir R. Gordon, p. 299.

[207] Gregory’s _Western Highlands_, p. 349, _et seq._

[208] Sir R. Gordon, p. 329, et seq.

[209] Sir Robert Gordon, p. 356, et seq.

[210] Sir Robert Gordon, p. 366, _et seq._

CHAPTER XI.

A.D. 1624-1636.

BRITISH SOVEREIGNS:--

James VI., 1603-1625. Charles I., 1625-1649.

Insurrection of the clan Chattan against the Earl of Murray
--Dispute between the laird of Duffus and Gordon, younger of
Embo--Sir Donald Mackay’s machinations--Feud among the Grants
--Dispute between the lairds of Frendraught and Rothiemay--Quarrel
between Frendraught and the laird of Pitcaple--Calamitous and
fatal fire at Frendraught House--Inquiry as to the cause of the
fire--Escape of James Grant--Apprehension of Grant of Ballindalloch
--And of Thomas Grant--Dispute between the Earl of Sutherland and
Lord Lorn--Depredations committed upon Frendraught--Marquis of
Huntly accused therewith--The Marquis and Letterfourie committed
--Liberated--Death and character of the Marquis.

The troubles in Sutherland and Caithness had been scarcely allayed,
when a formidable insurrection broke out on the part of the clan
Chattan against the Earl of Murray, which occasioned considerable
uproar and confusion in the Highlands. The clan Chattan had for a
very long period been the faithful friends and followers of the Earls
of Murray, who, on that account, had allotted them many valuable
lands in recompense for their services in Pettie and Strathearn.
The clan had, in particular, been very active in revenging upon the
Marquis of Huntly the death of James, Earl of Murray, who was killed
at Donnibristle; but his son and successor being reconciled to the
family of Huntly, and needing no longer, as he thought, the aid of
the clan, dispossessed them of the lands which his predecessors
had bestowed upon them. This harsh proceeding occasioned great
irritation, and, upon the death of Sir Lauchlan their chief, who
died a short time before Whitsunday, 1624, they resolved either to
recover the possessions of which they had been deprived, or to lay
them waste. While Sir Lauchlan lived, the clan were awed by his
authority and prevented from such an attempt, but no such impediment
now standing in their way, and as their chief, who was a mere child,
could run no risk by the enterprise, they considered the present a
favourable opportunity for carrying their plan into execution.

Accordingly, a gathering of the clan, to the number of about 200
gentlemen and 300 servants, took place about Whitsunday, 1624. This
party was commanded by three uncles of the late chief.[211] “They
keeped the feilds,” says Spalding, “in their Highland weid upon foot
with swords, bowes, arrowes, targets, hagbuttis, pistollis, and other
Highland armour; and first began to rob and spoulzie the earle’s
tennents, who laboured their possessions, of their haill goods, geir,
insight, plenishing, horse, nolt, sheep, corns, and cattell, and left
them nothing that they could gett within their bounds; syne fell in
sorning throw out Murray, Strathawick, Urquhart, Ross, Sutherland,
Brae of Marr, and diverse other parts, takeing their meat and food
per force wher they could not gett it willingly, frae freinds
alseweill as frae their faes; yet still keeped themselves from
shedeing of innocent blood. Thus they lived as outlawes, oppressing
the countrie, (besydes the casting of the earle’s lands waist), and
openly avowed they had tane this course to gett thir own possessions
again, or then hold the country walking.”

When this rising took place, the Earl of Murray obtained from
Monteith and Balquhidder about 300 armed men, and placing himself
at their head he marched through Moray to Inverness. The earl
took up his residence in the castle with the Earl of Enzie, his
brother-in-law, eldest son of the Marquis of Huntly, and after the
party had passed one night at Inverness, he despatched them in quest
of the clan Chattan, but whether from fear of meeting them, or
because they could not find them, certain it is that the Monteith and
Balquhidder men returned without effecting anything, after putting
the earl to great expense. The earl, therefore, sent them back to
their respective countries, and went himself to Elgin, where he
raised another body of men to suppress the clan Chattan, who were
equally unsuccessful in finding the latter out.

These ineffectual attempts against the clan served to make them more
bold and daring in their outrages; and as the earl now saw that no
force which he could himself bring into the field was sufficient to
overawe these marauders, King James, at his earnest solicitation,
granted him a commission, appointing him his lieutenant in the
Highlands, and giving him authority to proceed capitally against
the offenders. On his return the earl proclaimed the commission he
had obtained from his majesty, and issued letters of intercommuning
against the clan Chattan, prohibiting all persons from harbouring,
supplying, or entertaining them, in any manner of way, under certain
severe pains and penalties. Although the Marquis of Huntly was the
earl’s father-in-law, he felt somewhat indignant at the appointment,
as he conceived that he or his son had the best title to be appointed
to the lieutenancy of the north; but he concealed his displeasure.

After the Earl of Murray had issued the notices, prohibiting all
persons from communicating with, or assisting the clan Chattan, their
kindred and friends, who had privately promised them aid, before
they broke out, began to grow cold, and declined to assist them, as
they were apprehensive of losing their estates, many of them being
wealthy. The earl perceiving this, opened a communication with some
of the principal persons of the clan, to induce them to submit to his
authority, who, seeing no hopes of making any longer an effectual
resistance, readily acquiesced, and, by the intercession of friends,
made their peace with the earl, on condition that they should inform
him of the names of such persons as had given them protection, after
the publication of his letters of interdiction. Having thus quelled
this formidable insurrection without bloodshed, the earl, by virtue
of his commission, held justice courts at Elgin, where “some slight
louns, followers of the clan Chattan,” were tried and executed, but
all the principals concerned were pardoned.

As the account which Spalding gives of the appearance of the accused,
and of the base conduct of the principal men of the clan Chattan,
in informing against their friends and benefactors, is both curious
and graphic, it is here inserted: “Then presently was brought in
befor the barr; and in the honest men’s faces, the clan Chattan who
had gotten supply, verified what they had gotten, and the honest
men confounded and dasht, knew not what to answer, was forced to
come in the earle’s will, whilk was not for their weill: others
compeared and willingly confessed, trusting to gett more favour at
the earle’s hands, but they came little speid: and lastly, some stood
out and denyed all, who was reserved to the triall of an assyse. The
principall malefactors stood up in judgment, and declared what they
had gotten, whether meat, money, cloathing, gun, ball, powder, lead,
sword, dirk, and the like commodities, and alse instructed the assyse
in ilk particular, what they had gotten frae the persons pannalled;
an uncouth form of probation, wher the principall malefactor proves
against the receiptor for his own pardon, and honest men, perhaps
neither of the clan Chattan’s kyne nor blood, punished for their good
will, ignorant of the laws, and rather receipting them more for their
evil nor their good. Nevertheless thir innocent men, under collour of
justice, part and part as they came in, were soundly fyned in great
soumes as their estates might bear, and some above their estate was
fyned, and every one warded within the tolbuith of Elgine, while the
least myte was payed of such as was persued in anno 1624.”[212]

Some idea of the unequal administration of the laws at this time may
be formed, when it is considered that the enormous fines imposed in
the present instance, went into the pockets of the chief judge, the
Earl of Murray himself, as similar mulcts had previously gone into
those of the Earl of Argyle, in his crusade against the unfortunate
clan Gregor! This legal robbery, however, does not appear to have
enriched the houses of Argyle and Murray, for Sir Robert Gordon
observes, that “these fynes did not much advantage either of these
two earles.” The Earl of Murray, no doubt, thinking such a mode
of raising money an easy and profitable speculation, afterwards
obtained an enlargement of his commission from Charles I., not only
against the clan Chattan, but also against all other offenders
within several adjacent shires; but the commission was afterwards
annulled by his majesty, not so much on account of the abuses and
injustice which might have been perpetrated under it, but because,
as Sir Robert Gordon observes, “it grieved divers of his majesty’s
best affected subjects, and chieflie the Marquis of Huntlie, unto
whose predicessors onlie the office of livetennendrie in the north of
Scotland had bein granted by former kings, for these many ages.”

There seems reason, however, for supposing that the recall of the
commission was hastened by complaints to the king, on the part of
the oppressed; for the earl had no sooner obtained its renewal,
than he held a court against the burgh of Inverness, John Grant
of Glenmoriston, and others who had refused to acknowledge their
connexion with the clan Chattan, or to pay him the heavy fines
which he had imposed upon them. The town of Inverness endeavoured
to get quit of the earl’s extortions, on the ground that the
inhabitants were innocent of the crimes laid to their charge; but
the earl frustrated their application to the Privy Council. The
provost, Duncan Forbes,[213] was then sent to the king, and Grant of
Glenmoriston took a journey to London, at the same time, on his own
account; but their endeavours proved ineffectual, and they had no
alternative but to submit to the earl’s exactions.[214]

The quarrel between the laird of Duffus and John Gordon, younger of
Embo, which had lain dormant for some time, burst forth again, in the
year 1625, and proved nearly fatal to both parties. Gordon had long
watched an opportunity to revenge the wrong which he conceived had
been done him by the laird of Duffus and his brother, James, but he
could never fall in with either of them, as they remained in Moray,
and, when they appeared in Sutherland, they were always accompanied
by some friends, so that Gordon was prevented from attacking them.
Frequent disappointments in this way only whetted his appetite for
revenge; and meeting, when on horseback, one day, between Sidderay
and Skibo, with John Sutherland of Clyne, third brother of the laird
of Duffus, who was also on horseback, he determined to make the laird
of Clyne suffer for the delinquencies of his elder brother. Raising,
therefore, a cudgel which he held in his hand, he inflicted several
blows upon John Sutherland, who, as soon as he recovered himself
from the surprise and confusion into which such an unexpected attack
had thrown him, drew his sword. Gordon, in his turn, unsheathed
his, and a warm combat ensued, between the parties and two friends
who accompanied them. After they had fought a while, Gordon wounded
Sutherland in the head and in one of his hands, and otherwise injured
him, but he spared his life, although completely in his power.

Duffus immediately cited John Gordon to appear before the Privy
Council, to answer for this breach of the peace, and, at the same
time, summoned before the council some of the Earl of Sutherland’s
friends and dependants, for an alleged conspiracy against himself
and his friends. Duffus, with his two brothers and Gordon, came to
Edinburgh on the day appointed, and, the parties being heard, Gordon
was declared guilty of a riot, and was thereupon committed to prison.
This result gave great satisfaction to Duffus and his brothers, who
now calculated on nothing less than the utter ruin of Gordon; as they
had, by means of Sir Donald Mackay, obtained a Strathnaver man, named
William Mack-Allen (one of the Siol-Thomais), who had been a servant
of Gordon’s, to become a witness against him, and to prove every
thing that Duffus was pleased to allege against Gordon.

In this state of matters, Sir Robert Gordon returned from London to
Edinburgh, where he found Duffus in high spirits, exulting at his
success, and young Embo in prison. Sir Robert applied to Duffus,
hoping to bring about a reconciliation by the intervention of
friends, but Duffus refused to hear of any arrangement; and the more
reasonable the conditions were, which Sir Robert proposed, the more
unreasonable and obstinate did he become; his object being to get
the lords to award him great sums of money at the expense of Gordon,
in satisfaction for the wrong done his brother. Sir Robert, however,
finally succeeded, by the assistance of the Earl of Enzie, who was
then at Edinburgh, in getting the prosecution against the Earl of
Sutherland’s friends quashed, in obtaining the liberation of John
Gordon, and in getting his fine mitigated to one hundred pounds
Scots, payable to the king only; reserving, however, civil action
to John Sutherland of Clyne against Gordon, before the Lords of
Session.[215]

Sir Donald Mackay, always restless, and desirous of gratifying his
enmity at the house of Sutherland, endeavoured to embroil it with the
laird of Duffus in the following way. Having formed a resolution to
leave the kingdom, Sir Donald applied for, and obtained, a license
from the king to raise a regiment in the north, to assist Count
Mansfield in his campaign in Germany. He, accordingly, collected, in
a few months, about 3,000 men from different parts of Scotland, the
greater part of whom he embarked at Cromarty in the month of October
1626; but, on account of bad health, he was obliged to delay his own
departure till the following year, when he joined the king of Sweden
with his regiment, in consequence of a peace having been concluded
between the King of Denmark and the Emperor of Germany.[216] Among
others whom Mackay had engaged to accompany him to Germany, was a
person named Angus Roy Gun, against whom, a short time previous to
his enlistment, Mackay and his brother, John Mackay of Dirlet, had
obtained a commission from the lords of the Privy Council for the
purpose of apprehending him and bringing him before the council for
some supposed crimes. Mackay could have easily apprehended Angus Roy
Gun on different occasions, but having become one of his regiment, he
allowed the commission, as far as he was concerned, to remain a dead
letter.

Sometime after his enlistment, Angus Roy Gun made a journey into
Sutherland, a circumstance which afforded Mackay an opportunity of
putting into execution the scheme he had formed, and which showed
that he was no mean adept in the arts of cunning and dissimulation.
His plan was this:--He wrote, in the first place, private letters to
the laird of Duffus, and to his brother, John Sutherland of Clyne,
to apprehend Angus Roy Gun under the commission he had obtained; and
at the same time, sent the commission itself to the laird of Duffus
as his authority for so doing. He next wrote a letter to Alexander
Gordon, the Earl of Sutherland’s uncle, who, in the absence of his
brother, Sir Robert, governed Sutherland, entreating him, as Angus
Roy Gun was then in Sutherland, to send him to him to Cromarty, as
he was his hired soldier. Ignorant of Mackay’s design, and desirous
of serving him, Sir Alexander sent two of his men to bring Gun to
Sir Alexander; but on their return they were met by John Sutherland
of Clyne and a party of sixteen men, who seized Gun; and to prevent
a rescue, the laird of Duffus sent his brother, James Sutherland,
Alexander Murray, heir-apparent of Aberscors, and William Neill-son,
chief of the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich, with 300 men to protect his
brother John. At the same time, as he anticipated an attack from
Sir Alexander Gordon, he sent messengers to his supporters in Ross,
Strathnaver, Caithness, and other places for assistance.

When Sir Alexander Gordon heard of the assembling of such a body
of the Earl of Sutherland’s vassals without his knowledge, he made
inquiry to ascertain the cause; and being informed of Gun’s capture,
he collected 18 men who were near at hand, and hastened with them
from Dunrobin towards Clyne. On arriving at the bridge of Broray,
he found James Sutherland, with his brother John, and their whole
party drawn up in battle array at the east end of the bridge. He,
thereupon, sent a person to the Sutherlands to know the cause of
such an assemblage, and the reason why they had taken Gun from his
servants. As the Sutherlands refused to exhibit their authority, Sir
Alexander made demonstrations for passing the bridge, but he was
met by a shower of shot and arrows which wounded two of his men.
After exchanging shots for some time, Sir Alexander was joined by a
considerable body of his countrymen, by whose aid, notwithstanding
the resistance he met with, he was enabled to cross the bridge. The
Sutherlands were forced to retreat, and as they saw no chance of
opposing, with success, the power of the house of Sutherland, they,
after some hours’ consultation, delivered up Angus Roy Gun to Sir
Alexander Sutherland, who sent him immediately to Mackay, then at
Cromarty.

As such an example of insubordination among the Earl of Sutherland’s
vassals might, if overlooked, lead others to follow a similar course,
Sir Alexander caused the laird of Duffus and his brother of Clyne,
with their accomplices, to be cited to appear at Edinburgh on the
16th of November following, to answer before the Privy Council for
their misdemeanours. The laird of Duffus, however, died in the month
of October, but the laird of Clyne appeared at Edinburgh at the time
appointed, and produced before the Privy Council the letter he had
received from Mackay, as his authority for acting as he had done. Sir
Alexander Gordon also produced the letter sent to him by Sir Donald,
who was thereby convicted of having been the intentional originator
of the difference; but as the lords of council thought that the laird
of Clyne had exceeded the bounds of his commission, he was imprisoned
in the jail of Edinburgh, wherein he was ordered to remain until he
should give satisfaction to the other party, and present some of
his men who had failed to appear though summoned. By the mediation,
however, of James Sutherland, tutor of Duffus, a reconciliation was
effected between Sir Robert and Sir Alexander Gordon, and the laird
of Clyne, who was, in consequence, soon thereafter liberated from
prison.[217]

The year 1628 was marked by the breaking out of an old and deadly
feud among the Grants, which had been transmitted from father to son
for several generations, in consequence of the murder of John Grant
of Ballindalloch, about the middle of the sixteenth century, by John
Roy Grant of Carron, the natural son of John Grant of Glenmoriston,
at the instigation of the laird of Grant, the chief of the tribe,
who had conceived a grudge against his kinsman. Some years before
the period first mentioned, James Grant, one of the Carron family,
happening to be at a fair in the town of Elgin, observed one of the
Grants of the Ballindalloch family eagerly pursuing his (James’s)
brother, Thomas Grant, whom he knocked down in the street and wounded
openly before his eyes. The assailant was in his turn attacked by
James Grant, who killed him upon the spot and immediately decamped.
Ballindalloch then cited James Grant to stand trial for the slaughter
of his kinsman, but, as he did not appear on the day appointed, he
was outlawed. The laird of Grant made many attempts to reconcile the
parties, but in vain, as Ballindalloch was obstinate and would listen
to no proposals. Nothing less than the blood of James Grant would
satisfy Ballindalloch.

This resolution on the part of Ballindalloch almost drove James
Grant to despair, and seeing his life every moment in jeopardy, and
deprived of any hope of effecting a compromise, he put himself at
the head of a party of brigands, whom he collected from all parts
of the Highlands. These freebooters made no distinction between
friends and foes, but attacked all persons of whatever description,
and wasted and despoiled their property. James Grant of Dalnebo,
one of the family of Ballindalloch, fell a victim to their fury,
and many of the kinsmen of that family suffered greatly from the
depredations committed by Grant and his associates. The Earl of
Murray, under the renewed and extended commission which he had
obtained from King Charles, made various attempts to put an end to
these lawless proceedings, but to no purpose; the failure of these
attempts serving only to harden James Grant and his party, who
continued their depredations. As John Grant of Carron, nephew of
James Grant, was supposed to maintain and assist his uncle secretly,
a suspicion for which there seems to have been no foundation, John
Grant of Ballindalloch sought for an opportunity of revenging himself
upon Carron, who was a promising young man. Carron having one day
left his house, along with one Alexander Grant and seven or eight
other persons, to cut down some timber in the woods of Abernethy,
Ballindalloch thought the occasion favourable for putting his design
into execution. Having collected and armed sixteen of his friends,
he went to the forest where Carron was, and under the pretence of
searching for James Grant and some of his associates, against whom he
had a commission, attacked Carron, who fought manfully in defence of
his life, but being overpowered, was killed by Ballindalloch. Before
Carron fell, however, he and Alexander Grant had slain several of
Ballindalloch’s friends, among whom were Thomas Grant of Davey, and
Lauchlan Macintosh of Rockinoyr. Alexander Grant afterwards annoyed
Ballindalloch, killing several of his men, and assisted James Grant
to lay waste Ballindalloch’s lands. “Give me leave heir,” says Sir
R. Gordon, “to remark the providence and secrait judgement of the
Almightie God, who now hath mett Carron with the same measure that
his forefather, John Roy Grant of Carron, did serve the ancestor
of Ballendallogh; for upon the same day of the moneth that John
Roy Grant did kill the great-grandfather of Ballendallogh (being
the eleventh day of September), the verie same day of this month
wes Carron slain by this John Grant of Ballendallogh many yeirs
thereafter. And, besides, as that John Roy Grant of Carron was
left-handed, so is this John Grant of Ballendallogh left-handed
also; and moreover, it is to be observed that Ballendallogh, at the
killing of this Carron, had upon him the same coat-of-armour, or
maillie-coat, which John Roy Grant had upon him at the slaughter
of the great-grandfather of this Ballendallogh, which maillie-coat
Ballendallogh had, a little before this tyme, taken from James
Grant, in a skirmish, that passed betwixt them. Thus wee doe sie that
the judgements of God are inscrutable, and that, in his own tyme, he
punisheth blood by blood.”[218]

The Earl of Murray, when he heard of this occurrence, instead of
taking measures against Ballindalloch for his outrage against the
laws, which he was fully entitled to do by virtue of the commission
he held, took part with Ballindalloch against the friends of Carron.
He not only represented Ballindalloch’s case favourably at court, but
also obtained an indemnity for him for some years, that he might not
be molested. The countenance thus given by his majesty’s lieutenant
to the murderer of their kinsmen, exasperated James and Alexander
Grant in the highest degree against Ballindalloch and his supporters,
whom they continually annoyed with their incursions, laying waste
their lands and possessions, and cutting off their people. To such an
extent was this system of lawless warfare carried, that Ballindalloch
was forced to flee from the north of Scotland, and live for the most
part in Edinburgh, to avoid the dangers with which he was surrounded.
But James Grant’s desperate career was checked by a party of the clan
Chattan, who unexpectedly attacked him at Auchnachyle, in Strathdoun,
under cloud of night, in the latter end of December, 1630, when he
was taken prisoner after receiving eleven wounds, and after four
of his party were killed. He was sent by his captors to Edinburgh
for trial before the lords of the council, and was imprisoned in
the castle of Edinburgh, from which he escaped in the manner to be
afterwards noticed.

About the time that James Grant was desolating the district of the
Highlands, to which his operations were confined, another part of the
country was convulsed by a dispute, ending tragically, which occurred
between James Crichton of Frendret, or Frendraught, and William
Gordon of Rothiemay, whose lands lay adjacent to each other. Part of
Gordon’s lands which marched with those of Crichton were purchased
by the latter; but a dispute having occurred about the right to
the salmon fishings belonging to these lands, an irreconcilable
difference arose between them, which no mediation of friends could
reconcile, although the matter in dispute was of little moment. The
parties having had recourse to the law to settle their respective
claims, Crichton prevailed, and succeeded in getting Gordon denounced
rebel. He had previously treated Rothiemay very harshly, who, stung
by the severity of his opponent, and by the victory he had obtained
over him, would listen to no proposals of peace, nor follow the
advice of his best friends. Determined to set the law at defiance,
he collected a number of loose and disorderly characters, and
annoyed Frendraught, who, in consequence, applied for and obtained
a commission from the Privy Council for apprehending Rothiemay and
his associates. In the execution of this task he was assisted by
Sir George Ogilvy of Banff, George Gordon, brother-german of Sir
James Gordon of Lesmoir, and the uncle of Frendraught, James Leslie,
second son of Leslie of Pitcaple, John Meldrum of Reidhill, and
others. Accompanied by these gentlemen, Crichton left his house of
Frendraught on the 1st of January, 1630, for the house of Rothiemay,
with a resolution either to apprehend Gordon, his antagonist, or
to set him at defiance by affronting him. He was incited the more
to follow this course, as young Rothiemay, at the head of a party,
had come a short time before to the very doors of Frendraught, and
had braved him to his face. When Rothiemay heard of the advance
of Frendraught, he left his house, accompanied by his eldest son,
John Gordon, and about eight men on horseback armed with guns and
lances, and a party of men on foot with muskets, and crossing the
river Deveron, went forward to meet Frendraught and his party. A
sharp conflict immediately took place, in which Rothiemay’s horse
was killed under him; but he fought manfully for some time on foot,
until the whole of his party, with the exception of his son, were
forced to retire. The son, notwithstanding, continued to support his
father against fearful odds, but was at last obliged to save himself
by flight, leaving his father lying on the field covered with wounds,
and supposed to be dead. He, however, was found still alive after the
conflict was over, and being carried home to his house, died within
three days thereafter. George Gordon, brother of Gordon of Lesmoir,
received a shot in the thigh, and died in consequence ten days after
the skirmish. These were the only deaths which occurred, although
several of the combatants on both sides were wounded. John Meldrum,
who fought on Frendraught’s side, was the only person severely
wounded.

The Marquis of Huntly was highly displeased at Frendraught for
having, in such a trifling matter, proceeded to extremities against
his kinsman, a chief baron of his surname, whose life had been thus
sacrificed in a petty quarrel. The displeasure of the marquis was
still farther heightened, when he was informed that Frendraught
had joined the Earl of Murray, and had claimed his protection and
assistance; but the marquis was obliged to repress his indignation.
John Gordon of Rothiemay, eldest son of the deceased laird, resolved
to avenge the death of his father, and having collected a party of
men, he associated himself with James Grant and other freebooters,
for the purpose of laying waste Frendraught’s lands, and oppressing
him in every possible way. Frendraught, who was in the south of
Scotland when this combination against him was formed, no sooner
heard of it than he posted to England, and, having laid a statement
of the case before the king, his majesty remitted the matter to the
Privy Council of Scotland, desiring them to use their best endeavours
for settling the peace of the northern parts of the kingdom. A
commission was thereupon granted by the lords of the council to
Frendraught and others, for the purpose of apprehending John Gordon
and his associates; but, as the commissioners were not able to
execute the task imposed upon them, the lords of the council sent
Sir Robert Gordon, tutor of Sutherland, who had just returned from
England, and Sir William Seaton of Killesmuir, to the north, with
a new commission against the rebels. As it seemed to be entirely
out of the power of the Earl of Murray to quell the disturbances in
the north, the two commissioners received particular instructions
to attempt, with the aid of the Marquis of Huntly, to get matters
settled amicably, and the opposing parties reconciled. The lords
of the council, at the same time, wrote a letter to the Marquis of
Huntly to the same effect. Sir Robert Gordon and Sir William Seaton
accordingly left Edinburgh, on their way north, in the beginning
of May, 1630. The latter stopped at Aberdeen for the purpose of
consulting with some gentlemen of that county, as to the best mode of
proceeding against the rebels; and the former went to Strathbogie to
advise with the Marquis of Huntly.

On Sir Robert’s arrival at Strathbogie, he found that the marquis had
gone to Aberdeen to attend the funeral of the laird of Drum. By a
singular coincidence, James Grant and Alexander Grant descended the
very day of Sir Robert’s arrival from the mountains, at the head of a
party of 200 Highlanders, well armed, with a resolution to burn and
lay waste Frendraught’s lands. As soon as Sir Robert became aware of
this circumstance, he went in great haste to Rothiemay house, where
he found John Gordon and his associates in arms, ready to set out to
join the Grants. By persuasion and entreaties Sir Robert, assisted
by his nephew the Earl of Sutherland, and his brother, Sir Alexander
Gordon, who were then at Frendraught on a visit to the lady of that
place, who was a sister of the earl, prevailed not only upon John
Gordon and his friends to desist, but also upon James Grant and his
companions-in-arms, to disperse.

On the return of the Marquis of Huntly to Strathbogie, Rothiemay
and Frendraught were both induced to meet them in presence of the
marquis, Sir Robert Gordon, and Sir William Seaton, who, after much
entreaty, prevailed upon them to reconcile their differences, and
submit all matters in dispute to their arbitrament. A decree-arbitral
was accordingly pronounced, by which the arbiters adjudged that the
laird of Rothiemay and the children of George Gordon should mutually
remit their father’s slaughter, and, in satisfaction thereof, they
decerned that the laird of Frendraught should pay a certain sum of
money to the laird of Rothiemay, for relief of the debts which he had
contracted during the disturbances between the two families,[219]
and that he should pay some money to the children of George Gordon.
Frendraught fulfilled these conditions most willingly, and the
parties shook hands together in the orchard of Strathbogie, in token
of a hearty and sincere reconciliation.[220]

The laird of Frendraught had scarcely been reconciled to Rothiemay,
when he got into another dispute with the laird of Pitcaple, the
occasion of which was as follows:--John Meldrum of Reidhill had
assisted Frendraught in his quarrel with old Rothiemay, and had
received a wound in the skirmish in which the latter lost his life,
for which injury Frendraught had allowed him some compensation; but,
conceiving that his services had not been fairly requited, he began
to abuse Frendraught, and threatened to compel him to give him a
greater recompense than he had yet received. As Frendraught refused
to comply with his demands, Meldrum entered the park of Frendraught
privately in the night-time, and carried away two horses belonging
to his pretended debtor. Frendraught thereupon prosecuted Meldrum
for theft, but he declined to appear in court, and was consequently
declared rebel. Frendraught then obtained a commission from the Privy
Council to apprehend Meldrum, who took refuge with John Leslie of
Pitcaple, whose sister he had married. Under the commission which
he had procured, Frendraught went in quest of Meldrum, on the 27th
of September, 1630. He proceeded to Pitcaple’s lands, on which he
knew Meldrum then lived, where he met James Leslie, second son of
the laird of Pitcaple, who had been with him at the skirmish of
Rothiemay. Leslie then began to expostulate with him in behalf of
Meldrum, his brother-in-law, who, on account of the aid he had given
him in his dispute with Rothiemay, took Leslie’s remonstrances
in good part; but Robert Crichton of Conland,[221] a kinsman of
Frendraught, grew so warm at Leslie’s freedom that from high words
they proceeded to blows. Conland, then, drawing a pistol from his
belt, wounded Leslie in the arm, who was thereupon carried home,
apparently in a dying state.

This affair was the signal for a confederacy among the Leslies,
the greater part of whom took up arms against Frendraught, who,
a few days after the occurrence, viz., on the 5th of October,
first went to the Marquis of Huntly, and afterwards to the Earl of
Murray, to express the regret he felt at what had taken place, and
to beg their kindly interference to bring matters to an amicable
accommodation. The Earl of Murray, for some reason or other, declined
to interfere; but the marquis undertook to mediate between the
parties. Accordingly, he sent for the laird of Pitcaple to come to
the Bog of Gight to confer with him; but, before setting out, he
mounted and equipped about 30 horsemen, in consequence of information
he had received that Frendraught was at the Bog. At the meeting with
the marquis, Pitcaple complained heavily of the injury his son had
sustained, and avowed, rather rashly, that he would revenge himself
before he returned home, and that, at all events, he would listen
to no proposals for a reconciliation till it should be ascertained
whether his son would survive the wound he had received. The marquis
insisted that Frendraught had done him no wrong, and endeavoured to
dissuade him from putting his threat into execution; but Pitcaple
was so displeased at the marquis for thus expressing himself, that
he suddenly mounted his horse and set off, leaving Frendraught
behind him. The marquis, afraid of the consequences, detained
Frendraught two days with him in the Bog of Gight, and, hearing that
the Leslies had assembled, and lay in wait for Frendraught watching
his return home, the marquis sent his son, John, Viscount of Aboyne,
and the laird of Rothiemay along with him, to protect and defend
him if necessary. They arrived at Frendraught without interruption,
and being solicited to remain all night, they yielded, and, after
partaking of a hearty supper, went to bed in the apartments provided
for them.

[Illustration: Frendraught House, with the ruins of the old Castle in
front.--From a photograph taken for this work.]

The sleeping apartment of the viscount was in the old tower of
Frendraught, leading off from the hall. Immediately below this
apartment was a vault, in the bottom of which was a round hole of
considerable depth. Robert Gordon, a servant of the viscount, and
his page, English Will, as he was called, also slept in the same
chamber. The laird of Rothiemay, with some servants, were put into
an upper chamber immediately above that in which the viscount slept;
and in another apartment, directly over the latter, were laid George
Chalmer of Noth, Captain Rollock, one of Frendraught’s party, and
George Gordon, another of the viscount’s servants. About midnight
the whole of the tower almost instantaneously took fire, and so
suddenly and furiously did the flames consume the edifice, that the
viscount, the laird of Rothiemay, English Will, Colonel Ivat, one of
Aboyne’s friends, and two other persons, perished in the flames.
Robert Gordon, called Sutherland Gordon, from having been born in
that county, who lay in the viscount’s chamber, escaped from the
flames, as did George Chalmer and Captain Rollock, who were in the
third floor; and it is said that Lord Aboyne might have saved himself
also, had he not, instead of going out of doors, which he refused to
do, run suddenly up stairs to Rothiemay’s chamber for the purpose
of awakening him. While so engaged, the stair-case and ceiling of
Rothiemay’s apartment hastily took fire, and, being prevented from
descending by the flames, which filled the stair-case, they ran
from window to window of the apartment piteously and unavailingly
exclaiming for help.

The news of this calamitous event spread speedily throughout the
kingdom, and the fate of the unfortunate sufferers was deeply
deplored. Many conjectures were formed as to the cause of the
conflagration. Some persons laid the blame on Frendraught without
the least reason; for, besides the improbability of the thing,
Frendraught himself was a considerable loser, having lost not only a
large quantity of silver plate and coin, but also the title deeds of
his property and other necessary papers, which were all consumed. The
greater number, however, suspected the Leslies and their adherents,
who were then so enraged at Frendraught that they threatened to burn
the house of Frendraught, and had even entered into a negotiation
to that effect with James Grant the rebel, who was Pitcaple’s
cousin-german, for his assistance.[222]

The Marquis of Huntly, who suspected Frendraught to be the author of
the fire, afterwards went to Edinburgh and laid a statement of the
case before the Privy Council, who, thereupon, issued a commission
to the bishops of Aberdeen and Moray, Lord Ogilvie, Lord Carnegie,
and Colonel Bruce, to investigate the circumstances which led to
the catastrophe. The commissioners accordingly went to Frendraught
on April 13th, 1631, where they were met by Lords Gordon, Ogilvie,
and Deskford, and several barons and gentlemen, along with whom
they examined the burnt tower and vaults below, with the adjoining
premises, to ascertain, if possible, how the fire had originated.
After a minute inspection, they came to the deliberate opinion, which
they communicated in writing to the council, that the fire could not
have been accidental, and that it must have been occasioned either by
some means from without, or raised intentionally within the vaults or
chambers of the tower.[223]

The matter, however, was not allowed to rest here, but underwent
thorough investigation by the Privy Council in Edinburgh, the result
being that John Meldrum, above mentioned, was brought to trial and
condemned to death by the Justiciary Court, in August, 1633, as
having been the perpetrator of the fiendish deed. We give below an
extract from the “dittay” or indictment against Meldrum, showing
the manner in which it was thought he accomplished his devilish
task.[224] The catastrophe roused such intense and wide-spread
excitement among all classes of people at the time, that the grief
and horror which was felt found an outlet in verse.[225]

During James Grant’s confinement within the castle of Edinburgh,
the north was comparatively quiet. On the night of the 15th
October, 1632, he, however, effected his escape from the castle by
descending on the west side by means of ropes furnished to him by
his wife or son, and fled to Ireland. Proclamations were immediately
posted throughout the whole kingdom, offering large sums for his
apprehension, either dead or alive, but to no purpose. His wife
was taken into custody by order of the Marquis of Huntly, but after
undergoing an examination, in which she admitted nothing which could
in the least degree criminate her, she was set at liberty.[226]

James Grant did not remain long in Ireland, but returned again to the
north, where he concealed himself for some time, only occasionally
skulking here and there in such a private manner, that his enemies
were not aware of his presence. By degrees he grew bolder, and at
last appeared openly in Strathdoun and on Speyside. His wife, who
was far advanced in pregnancy, had taken a small house in Carron,
belonging to the heirs of her husband’s nephew, in which she meant
to reside till her accouchement, and in which she was occasionally
visited by her husband. Ballindalloch hearing of this, hired a
person named Patrick Macgregor, an outlaw, to apprehend James Grant.
This employment was considered by Macgregor and his party a piece
of acceptable service, as they expected, in the event of Grant’s
apprehension, to obtain pardon for their offences from the lords of
the council. Macgregor, therefore, at the head of a party of men,
lay in wait for James Grant near Carron, and, on observing him enter
his wife’s house at night, along with his bastard son and another
man, they immediately surrounded the house and attempted to force an
entry. Grant perceiving his danger, acted with great coolness and
determination. Having fastened the door as firmly as he could, he and
his two companions went to two windows, from which they discharged a
volley of arrows upon their assailants, who all shrunk back, and none
would venture near the door except Macgregor himself, who came boldly
forward and endeavoured to force it; but he paid dearly for his
rashness, for Grant, immediately laying hold of a musket, shot him
through both his thighs, when he instantly fell to the ground, and
soon after expired. In the confusion which this occurrence occasioned
among Macgregor’s party, Grant and his two associates escaped.

Shortly after this event, on the night of Sunday, December 7th, 1634,
James Grant apprehended his cousin, John Grant of Ballindalloch, by
stratagem. After remaining a few days at Culquholy, Ballindalloch was
blindfolded and taken to Thomas Grant’s house at Dandeis, about three
miles from Elgin, on the high road between that town and the Spey.
James Grant ordered him to be watched strictly, whether sleeping
or waking, by two strong men on each side of him. Ballindalloch
complained of foul play, but James Grant excused himself for acting
as he had done for two reasons; 1st, Because Ballindalloch had failed
to perform a promise he had made to obtain a remission for him before
the preceding Lammas; and, 2dly, That he had entered into a treaty
with the clan Gregor to deprive him of his life.

Ballindalloch was kept in durance vile for twenty days in a kiln near
Thomas Grant’s house, suffering the greatest privations, without
fire, light, or bed-clothes, in the dead of winter, and without
knowing where he was. He was closely watched night and day by Leonard
Leslie, son-in-law of Robert Grant, brother of James Grant, and
a strong athletic man, named M’Grimmon, who would not allow him
to leave the kiln for a moment even to perform the necessities of
nature. On Christmas, James Grant and his party having gone on some
excursion, leaving Leslie and M’Grimmon behind them, Ballindalloch,
worn out by fatigue, and almost perishing from cold and hunger,
addressed Leslie in a low tone of voice, lamenting his miserable
situation, and imploring him to aid him in effecting his escape,
and promising, in the event of success, to reward him handsomely.
Leslie, tempted by the offer, acceded to Ballindalloch’s request, and
made him acquainted with the place of his confinement. It was then
arranged that Ballindalloch, under the pretence of stretching his
arms, should disengage the arm which Leslie held, and that, having
so disentangled that arm, he should, by another attempt, get his
other arm out of M’Grimmon’s grasp. The morning of Sunday, the 28th
of December, was fixed upon for putting the stratagem into execution.
The plan succeeded, and as soon as Ballindalloch found his arms at
liberty, he suddenly sprung to his feet and made for the door of
the kiln. Leslie immediately followed him, pretending to catch him,
and as M’Grimmon was hard upon his heels, Leslie purposely stumbled
in his way and brought M’Grimmon down to the ground. This stratagem
enabled Ballindalloch to get a-head of his pursuers, and although
M’Grimmon sounded the alarm, and the pursuit was continued by Robert
Grant and a party of James Grant’s followers, Ballindalloch succeeded
in reaching the village of Urquhart in safety, accompanied by Leonard
Leslie.

Sometime after his escape, Ballindalloch applied for and obtained
a warrant for the apprehension of Thomas Grant, and others, for
harbouring James Grant. Thomas Grant, and some of his accomplices,
were accordingly seized and sent to Edinburgh, where they were tried
and convicted. Grant was hanged, and others were banished from
Scotland for life.

After Ballindalloch’s escape, James Grant kept remarkably quiet,
as many persons lay in wait for him; but hearing that Thomas
Grant, brother of Patrick Grant of Colquhoche, and a friend of
Ballindalloch, had received a sum of money from the Earl of Moray,
as an encouragement to seek out and slay James Grant, the latter
resolved to murder Thomas Grant, and thus relieve himself of one
enemy at least. He therefore went to Thomas’s house, but not finding
him at home, he killed sixteen of his cattle; and afterwards learning
that Thomas Grant was sleeping at the house of a friend hard by, he
entered that house and found Thomas Grant and a bastard brother of
his, both in bed. Having forced them out of bed, he took them outside
of the house and put them immediately to death. A few days after
the commission of this crime, Grant and four of his associates went
to the lands of Strathbogie, and entered the house of the common
executioner, craving some food, without being aware of the profession
of the host whose hospitality they solicited. The executioner,
disliking the appearance of Grant and his companions, went to James
Gordon, the bailie of Strathbogie, and informed him that there were
some suspicious looking persons in his house. Judging that these
could be none other but Grant and his comrades, Gordon immediately
collected some well-armed horsemen and foot, and surrounded the
house in which Grant was; but he successfully resisted all their
attempts to enter the house, and killed two servants of the Marquis
of Huntly. After keeping them at bay for a considerable time, Grant
and his brother, Robert, effected their escape from the house, but
a bastard son of James Grant, John Forbes, an intimate associate,
and another person, were taken prisoners, and carried to Edinburgh,
where they were executed, along with a notorious thief, named
Gille-Roy-Mac-Gregor. This occurrence took place in the year 1636.
The laird of Grant had, during the previous year, been ordered by the
council to apprehend James Grant, or to make him leave the kingdom;
and they had obliged him to find caution and surety, in terms of
the general bond[227] appointed by law to be taken from all the
heads of clans, and from all governors of provinces in the kingdom,
but chiefly in the west and north of Scotland; but the laird could
neither perform the one nor the other.[228]

By the judicious management of the affairs of the house of Sutherland
by Sir Robert Gordon, his nephew, the earl, on reaching his majority
in 1630 and entering upon the management of his own affairs, found
the hostility of the enemy of his family either neutralised or
rendered no longer dangerous; but, in the year 1633 he found himself
involved in a quarrel with Lord Lorn, eldest son of the Earl of
Argyle, who had managed the affairs of his family during his father’s
banishment from Scotland. This dispute arose out of the following
circumstances.

In consequence of a quarrel between Lord Berridale, who now acted as
sole administrator of his father’s estates, and William Mac-Iver,
chieftain of the Siol-Mhic-Imheair, in Caithness, the former
removed the latter from the lands and possessions he held of him
in Caithness. Mac-Iver thereupon retired into Argyle, and assuming
the surname of Campbell, as being originally an Argyle man, sought
the favour and protection of Lord Lorn. The latter endeavoured, by
writing to the Earl of Sutherland, Berridale himself, and others, to
bring about a reconciliation between Mac-Iver and Berridale, but to
no purpose. Seeing no hopes of an accommodation, Mac-Iver collected
a party of rebels and outlaws, to the number of about 20, and made
an incursion into Caithness, where, during the space of four or five
years, he did great injury, carrying off considerable spoil, which he
conveyed through the heights of Strathnaver and Sutherland.

To put an end to Mac-Iver’s depredations, Lord Berridale at first
brought a legal prosecution against him, and having got him denounced
rebel, sent out parties of his countrymen to ensnare him; but he
escaped for a long time, and always retired in safety with his
booty, either into the isles or into Argyle. Lord Lorn, however,
publicly disowned Mac-Iver’s proceedings. In his incursions,
Mac-Iver was powerfully assisted by an islander of the name of
Gille-Calum-Mac-Shomhairle, who had married his daughter, and who was
well acquainted with all the passes leading into Caithness.

At last Mac-Iver and his son were apprehended by Lord Berridale,
and hanged, and the race of the Siol-Mhic-Imheair was almost
extinguished; but Gille-Calum-Mac-Shomhairle having associated with
himself several of the men of the Isles and Argyle, and some outlaws
of the clan Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn, who were dependants of Lord Lorn,
continued his incursions into Caithness. Having divided his company
into two parties, one of which, headed by Gille-Calum himself, went
to the higher parts of Ross and Sutherland, there to remain till
joined by their companions. The other party went through the lowlands
of Ross, under the pretence of going to the Lammas fair, then held at
Tain, and thence proceeded to Sutherland to meet the rest of their
associates, under the pretence of visiting certain kinsmen they
said they had in Strathully and Strathnaver. This last-mentioned
body consisted of 16 or 20 persons, most of whom were of the clan
Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn. They were under the command of one Ewen Aird; and
as they passed the town of Tain, on their way to Sutherland, they
stole some horses, which they sold in Sutherland, without being in
the least suspected of the theft.

The owners of the stolen horses soon came into Sutherland in quest
of them, and claimed them from the persons to whom they had been
sold. The Earl of Sutherland, on proof being given of the property,
restored the horses to the true owners, and sent some men in quest
of Ewen Aird, who was still in Strathully. Ewen was apprehended
and brought to Dunrobin. The Earl of Sutherland ordained him to
repay the monies which Ewen and his companions had received for
the horses, the only punishment he said he would inflict on them,
because they were strangers. Ewen assented to the earl’s request,
and remained as a hostage at Dunrobin until his companions should
send money to relieve him; but as soon as his associates heard of
his detention, they, instead of sending money for his release, fled
to Gille-Calum-Mac-Shomhairle and his party, leaving their captain a
prisoner at Dunrobin. In their retreat they destroyed some houses in
the high parts of Sutherland, and on entering Ross they laid waste
some lands belonging to Hutcheon Ross of Auchincloigh. These outrages
occasioned an immediate assemblage of the inhabitants of that part of
the country, who pursued the marauders and took them prisoners. On
the prisoners being sent to the Earl of Sutherland, he assembled the
principal gentlemen of Ross and Sutherland at Dornoch, where Ewen
Aird and his accomplices were tried before a jury, convicted, and
executed at Dornoch, with the exception of two young boys, who were
dismissed.

The Privy Council not only approved of what the Earl of Sutherland
had done, but also sent a commission to him, the Earl of Seaforth,
Hutcheon Ross, and some other gentlemen in Ross and Sutherland,
against the clan Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn, in case they should again make any
incursion into Ross and Sutherland.

Lord Lorn being at this time justiciary of the Isles, had obtained
an act of the Privy Council in his favour, by which it was decreed
that any malefactor, being an islander, upon being apprehended in any
part of the kingdom, should be sent to Lord Lorn, or to his deputies,
to be judged; and that to this effect he should have deputies in
every part of the kingdom. As soon as his lordship heard of the
trial and execution of the men at Dornoch, who were of the clan
Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn, his dependants and followers, he took the matter
highly amiss, and repaired to Edinburgh, where he made a complaint to
the lords of the council against the Earl of Sutherland, for having,
as he maintained, apprehended the king’s free subjects without a
commission, and for causing them to be executed, although they had
not been apprehended within his own jurisdiction. The lords of the
council having heard this complaint, Lord Lorn obtained letters to
charge the Earl of Sutherland and Hutcheon Ross to answer to the
complaint at Edinburgh before the lords of the Privy Council, and,
moreover, obtained a suspension of the earl’s commission against the
clan Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn, on becoming bound, in the meantime, as surety
for their obedience to the laws.

Sir Robert Gordon happening to arrive at Edinburgh from England,
shortly after Lord Lorn’s visit to Edinburgh, in the year 1634,
learned the object of his mission, and the success which had attended
it. He, therefore, being an eye-witness of every thing which had
taken place at Dornoch respecting the trial, condemnation, and
execution of Lord Lorn’s dependents, informed the lords of the
council of all the proceedings, which proceeding on his part had the
effect of preventing Lord Lorn from going on with his prosecution
against the Earl of Sutherland. He, however, proceeded to summon
Hutcheon Ross; but the earl, Sir Robert Gordon, Lord Reay, and all
the gentlemen who were present at the trial at Dornoch, signed
and sent a letter to the lords of the council, giving a detail of
the whole circumstances of the case, and along with this letter
he sent a copy of the proceedings, attested by the sheriff clerk
of Sutherland, to be laid before the council on the day appointed
for Ross’s appearance. After the matter had been fully debated in
council, the conduct of the Earl of Sutherland and Hutcheon Ross
was approved of, and the commission to the earl of Sutherland again
renewed, and Lord Lorn was taken bound, that, in time coming, the
counties of Sutherland and Ross should be kept harmless from the
clan Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn. The council, moreover, decided, that, as the
Earl of Sutherland had the rights of regality and sheriffship within
himself, and as he was appointed to administer justice within his
own bounds, therefore he was not obliged to send criminals, though
islanders, to Lord Lorn or to his deputies. This decision had the
effect of relieving Sutherland and Ross from farther incursions on
the part of Lord Lorn’s followers.[229]

The disaster at Frendraught had made an impression upon the mind of
the Marquis of Huntly, which nothing could efface, and he could never
be persuaded that the fire had not originated with the proprietor of
the mansion himself. He made many unsuccessful attempts to discover
the incendiaries, and on the arrival of King Charles at Edinburgh, in
the year 1633, the marquis made preparations for paying a personal
visit to the king, for the purpose of imploring him to order an
investigation into all the circumstances attending the fire, so as
to lead to a discovery of the criminals. Falling sick, however, on
his journey, and unable to proceed to Edinburgh, he sent forward his
marchioness, who was accompanied by Lady Aboyne and other females
of rank, all clothed in deep mourning, to lay a statement of the
case before his majesty, and to solicit the royal interference. The
king received the marchioness and her attendants most graciously,
comforted them as far as words could, and promised to see justice
done.

After the king’s departure from Scotland, the marchioness and Lady
Aboyne, both of whom still remained in Edinburgh, determining to see
his majesty’s promise implemented, prevailed upon the Privy Council
to bring John Meldrum of Reidhill to trial, the result being as
recorded above. A domestic servant of Frendraught named Tosh, who was
suspected of having been concerned in the fire, was afterwards put
to the torture, for the purpose of extorting a confession of guilt
from him; but he confessed nothing, and was therefore liberated from
prison.

The condemnation and execution of Meldrum, in place of abating,
appear to have increased the odium of Frendraught’s enemies. The
Highlanders of his neighbourhood, as well as the Gordons, considering
his property to be fair game, made frequent incursions upon his
lands, and carried off cattle and goods. In 1633 and 1634 Adam Gordon
of Strathdoun, with a few of his friends and some outlaws, made
incursions upon Frendraught’s lands, wasted them, and endeavoured
to carry off a quantity of goods and cattle. Frendraught, however,
heading some of his tenants, pursued them, secured the booty, and
captured some of the party, whom he hanged.

On another occasion, about 600 Highlanders, belonging to the clan
Gregor, clan Cameron, and other tribes, appeared near Frendraught,
and openly declared that they had come to join Adam Gordon of Park,
John Gordon of Invermarkie, and the other friends of the late
Gordon of Rothiemay, for the purpose of revenging his death. When
Frendraught heard of the irruption of this body, he immediately
collected about 200 foot, and 140 horsemen, and went in quest of
these intruders; but being scattered through the country, they could
make no resistance, and every man provided for his own safety by
flight.

To put an end to these annoyances, Frendraught got these marauders
declared outlaws, and the lords of the Privy Council wrote to
the Marquis of Huntly, desiring him to repress the disorders of
those of his surname, and failing his doing so, that they would
consider him the author of them. The marquis returned an answer to
this communication, stating, that as the aggressors were neither
his tenants nor servants, he could in no shape be answerable for
them,--that he had neither countenanced nor incited them, and that he
had no warrant to pursue or prosecute them.

[Illustration: First Marquis and Marchioness of Huntly. Copied by
permission of His Grace the Duke of Richmond, from the Originals at
Gordon Castle.]

The refusal of the marquis to obey the orders of the Privy Council,
emboldened the denounced party to renew their acts of spoliation and
robbery. They no longer confined their depredations to Frendraught
and his tenants, but extended them to the property of the ministers
who lived upon Frendraught’s lands. In this course of life, they
were joined by some of the young men of the principal families of
the Gordons in Strathbogie, to the number of 40 horsemen, and 60
foot, and to encourage them in their designs against Frendraught,
the lady of Rothiemay gave them the castle of Rothiemay, which they
fortified, and from which they made daily sallies upon Frendraught’s
possessions; burned his corn, laid waste his lands, and killed some
of his people. Frendraught opposed them for some time; but being
satisfied that such proceedings taking place almost under the very
eyes of the Marquis of Huntly, must necessarily be done with his
concurrence he went to Edinburgh, and entered a complaint against
the marquis to the Privy Council. During Frendraught’s absence, his
tenants were expelled by the Gordons from their possessions, without
opposition.[230]

When the king heard of these lawless proceedings, and of the
refusal of the marquis to interfere, he ordered the lords of the
Privy Council to adopt measures for suppressing them; preparatory
to which they cited the marquis, in the beginning of the following
year, to appear before them to answer for these oppressions. He
accordingly went to Edinburgh in the month of February, 1635, where
he was commanded to remain till the matter should be investigated.
The heads of the families whose sons had joined the outlaws also
appeared, and, after examination, Letterfourie, Park, Tilliangus,
Terrisoule, Invermarkie, Tulloch, Ardlogy, and several other persons
of the surname of Gordon, were committed to prison, until their
sons, who had engaged in the combination against Frendraught, should
be presented before the council. The prisoners, who denied being
accessory thereto, then petitioned to be set at liberty, a request
which was complied with on condition that they should either produce
the rebels, as the pillagers were called, or make them leave the
kingdom. The marquis, although nothing could be proved against him,
was obliged to find caution that all persons of the surname of
Gordon within his bounds should keep the peace; and that he should
be answerable in all time coming for any damage which should befall
the laird of Frendraught, or his lands, by whatever violent means;
and also that he should present the rebels at Edinburgh, that justice
might be satisfied, or make them leave the kingdom.

The Marquis of Huntly, thereupon, returned to the north, and the
rebels hearing of the obligation he had come under, immediately
dispersed themselves. The greater part of them fled into Flanders,
and about twelve of them were apprehended by the marquis, and sent by
him to Edinburgh. John Gordon, who lived at Woodhead of Rothiemay,
and another, were executed. Of the remaining two, James Gordon, son
of George Gordon in Auchterless, and William Ross, son of John Ross
of Ballivet, the former was acquitted by the jury, and the latter was
imprisoned in the jail of Edinburgh for future trial, having been a
ringleader of the party. In apprehending these twelve persons, James
Gordon, son of Adam Gordon of Strathdoun, was killed, and to show the
Privy Council how diligent the marquis had been in fulfilling his
obligation, his head was sent to Edinburgh along with the prisoners.

The activity with which the marquis pursued the oppressors of
Frendraught, brought him afterwards into some trouble. Adam Gordon,
one of the principal ringleaders of the confederacy, and second son
of Sir Adam Gordon of the Park, thinking it “hard to be baneishit out
of his native country, resoluit to cum home” and throw himself on the
king’s mercy. For this purpose he made a private communication to
the Archbishop of St. Andrews, then chancellor of Scotland, in which
he offered to submit himself to the king’s pleasure, promising, that
if his majesty would grant him a pardon, he would reveal the author
of the rebellion. The archbishop, eager, it would appear, to fulfil
the ends of justice, readily entered into Gordon’s views, and sent a
special messenger to London to the king, who at once granted Adam a
pardon. On receiving the pardon, Gordon accused the Marquis of Huntly
as the author of the conspiracy against Frendraught, and with having
instigated him and his associates to commit all the depredations
which had taken place. The king, thereupon, sent a commission to
Scotland, appointing a select number of the lords of the Privy
Council to examine into the affair.

As Adam Gordon had charged James Gordon of Letterfourie, with
having employed him and his associates, in name of the marquis,
against the laird of Frendraught, Letterfourie was cited to appear
at Edinburgh for trial. On being confronted with Adam Gordon, he
denied everything laid to his charge, but, notwithstanding this
denial, he was committed a prisoner to the jail of Edinburgh. The
marquis himself, who had also appeared at Edinburgh on the appointed
day, January 15th, 1636, was likewise confronted with Adam Gordon
before the committee of the Privy Council; but although he denied
Adam’s accusation, and “cleared himself with great dexteritie,
beyond admiration,” as Gordon of Sallagh observes, he was, “upon
presumption,” committed a close prisoner to the castle of Edinburgh.

When his majesty was made acquainted with these circumstances by the
commissioners, and that there was no proof to establish the charge
against the marquis, both the marquis and Gordon of Letterfourie
were released by his command, on giving security for indemnifying
the laird of Frendraught for any damage he might sustain in time
coming, from the Gordons and their accomplices. Having so far
succeeded in annoying the marquis, Adam Gordon, after collecting a
body of men, by leave of the Privy Council, went along with them to
Germany, where he became a captain in the regiment of Colonel George
Leslie. To terminate the unhappy differences between the marquis and
Frendraught, the king enjoined Sir Robert Gordon, who was related
to both,--the marquis being his cousin-german, and chief of that
family, and Frendraught the husband of his niece,--to endeavour to
bring about a reconciliation between them. Sir Robert, accordingly,
on his return to Scotland, prevailed upon the parties to enter
into a submission, by which they agreed to refer all questions and
differences between them to the arbitrament of friends; but before
the submission was brought to a final conclusion, the marquis
expired at Dundee on the 13th June, (15th according to Gordon),
1636, at the age of seventy-four, while returning to the north from
Edinburgh. He was interred in the family vault at Elgin, on the
thirtieth day of August following, “having,” says Spalding, “above
his chist a rich mort-cloath of black velvet, wherein was wrought two
whyte crosses. He had torchlights in great number carried be freinds
and gentlemen; the marques’ son, called Adam, was at his head, the
earle of Murray on the right spaik, the earle of Seaforth on the left
spaik, the earle of Sutherland on the third spaik, and Sir Robert
Gordon on the fourth spaik. Besyds thir nobles, many barrons and
gentlemen was there, haveing above three hundred lighted torches at
the lifting. He is carried to the east port, doun the wynd to the
south kirk stile of the colledge kirk, in at the south kirk door,
and buried in his own isle with much murning and lamentation. The
like forme of burriall, with torch light, was not sein heir thir many
dayes befor.”[231]

The marquis was a remarkable man for the age in which he lived, and
there are no characters in that eventful period of Scottish history
so well entitled to veneration and esteem. A lover of justice, he
never attempted to aggrandize his vast possessions at the expense
of his less powerful neighbours; a kind and humane superior and
landlord, he exercised a lenient sway over his numerous vassals and
tenants, who repaid his kindness by sincere attachment to his person
and family. Endowed with great strength of mind, invincible courage,
and consummate prudence, he surmounted the numerous difficulties with
which he was surrounded, and lived to see the many factions which had
conspired against him discomfited and dissolved. While his constant
and undeviating attachment to the religion of his forefathers, raised
up many enemies against him among the professors of the reformed
doctrines, by whose cabals he was at one time obliged to leave the
kingdom, his great power and influence were assailed by another
formidable class of opponents among the turbulent nobility, who
were grieved to see a man who had not imitated their venality and
rapacity, not only retain his predominance in the north, but also
receive especial marks of his sovereign’s regard. But skilful and
intriguing as they were in all the dark and sinister ways of an age
distinguished for its base and wicked practices, their machinations
were frustrated by the discernment and honesty of George Gordon, the
first Marquis of Huntly.

FOOTNOTES:

[211] Spalding says that the party were commanded by Lauchlan
Macintosh, _alias_ Lauchlan Og, uncle of the young chief, and
Lauchlan Macintosh or Lauchlan Angus-son, eldest son of Angus
Macintosh, _alias_ Angus William, son of Auld Tirlie.--_Memorialls of
the Trubles in Scotland and in England_, A.D. 1624-1645.

[212] _Memorials_, vol. i. p. 8.

[213] Founder of the house of Culloden, and great-grandfather of the
celebrated Lord President Forbes.

[214] _Vide_ the petition of Provost Forbes to the king, “in the name
of the inhabitants” of Inverness; printed among the Culloden Papers,
No. 5, p. 4.

[215] Sir R. Gordon, p. 397, et seq.

[216] A considerable number of gentlemen, chiefly from Ross,
Sutherland, and Caithness, joined Mackay, some of whom rose to high
rank in the army of Gustavus Adolphus. Among these were Robert
Monroe of Foulis, and his brother, Hector; Thomas Mackenzie, brother
of the Earl of Seaforth; John Monroe of Obisdell, and his brother
Robert; John Monroe of Assynt, and others of that surname; Hugh Ross
of Priesthill; David Ross and Nicolas Ross, sons of Alexander Ross
of Invercharron; Hugh Gordon, son of Adam Gordon of Culkour; John
Gordon, son of John Gordon of Garty; Adam Gordon and John Gordon,
sons of Adam Gordon George-son; Ive Mackay, William, son of Donald
Mackay of Scourie; William Gun, son of John Gun Rob-son; John
Sinclair, bastard son of the earl of Caithness; Francis Sinclair,
son of James Sinclair of Murkle; John Innes, son of William Innes of
Sanset; John Gun, son of William Gun in Golspie-Kirktown; and George
Gun, son of Alexander Gun Rob-son.

[217] Sir R. Gordon, p. 401, et seq.

[218] _History_, p. 416.

[219] Spalding says that Frendraught was “ordained to pay to the
lady, relict of Rothiemay, and the bairns, fiftie thousand merks, in
composition of the slaughter.”

[220] Sir R. Gordon, p. 416, _et seq._ Spalding, p. 14.

[221] Sir R. Gordon (p. 419) spells this _Couland_ and _Coudland_.

[222] Sir R. Gordon, p. 241.--Spalding, p. 13, et seq.

[223] Spalding, p. 24.

[224] “Johne Meldrum haifing convocat to himselff certane brokin men,
all fugitiues and rebellis, his complices and associattis, upone the
aucht day of October, the yeir of God jai vic and threttie yeiris
under silence and clud of nicht, betwix twelff hours at nycht and
twa eftir mydnycht, come to the place of Frendraucht, and supponeing
and certanely persuading himselff that the said James Creichtoun of
Frendraucht wes lying within the tour of Frendraucht, quhilk was the
only strenth and strongest pairt of the said place, the said Johne
Meldrum, with his saidis complices, in maist tresonabill and feirfull
maner, haifing brocht with thame ane hudge quantitie of powder, pik,
brumstone, flax, and uther combustabill matter provydit be thame for
the purpois, pat and convoyit the samyn in and throw the slittis and
stones of the volt of the said grit tour of Frendraucht, weill knawin
and foirseine be the said Johne Meldrum, quha with his complices at
that instant tyme fyret the samyn pik, powder, brumstone, flax, and
uther combustable matter above writtin, at dyuerse places of the
said volt; quhilk being sua fyret and kindlet, did violentlie flie
to ane hoill in the heid of the said volt and tak vent thairat, the
whilk hoill of the said volt and vent thairof being perfytlie knawin
to the said John Meldrum, be reasone he had remained in houshald
with the said laird of Frendraucht, as his douiefull servand, within
the said hous and place of Frendraucht for ane lang tyme of befoir,
and knew and was previe to all the secreitis of the said house. And
the said volt being sua fyret, the haill tour and houssis quhairof
immediately thaireftir, being foure hous hight, in les space than
ane hour tuik fyre in the deid hour of the night, and was in maist
tresonabill, horrible, and lamentable maner brunt, blawin up, and
consumet.”--Spalding’s _Memorialls_, Appendix, vol. i. p. 390.

[225] A ballad is still sung in the district around Frendraught,
which, says Motherwell, “has a high degree of poetic merit, and
probably was written at the time by an eye-witness of the event which
it records.” We give a few verses from the version in Motherwell’s
_Minstrelsy_, as quoted in the Appendix to Spalding, vol. i. p. 409.

“The eighteenth of October,
A dismal tale to hear,
How good Lord John and Rothiemay
Was both burnt in the fire.

They had not long cast off their cloaths,
And were but now asleep--
When the weary smoke began to rise,
Likewise the scorching heat.

‘O waken, waken, Rothiemay,
O waken, brother dear,
And turn you to our Saviour,
There is strong treason here.’

He did him to the wire-window
As fast as he could gang--
Says--‘Wae to the hands put in the stancheons,
For out we’ll never win.’

Cried--‘Mercy, mercy, Lady Frendraught,
Will ye not sink with sin?
For first your husband killed my father,
And now you burn his son.’

O then out spoke her, Lady Frendraught,
And loudly did she cry--
‘It were great pity for good Lord John,
But none for Rothiemay.
But the keys are casten in the deep draw well,
Ye cannot get away.’

While he stood in this dreadful plight,
Most piteous to be seen,
There called out his servant Gordon,
As he had frantic been.

‘O loup, O loup, my dear master,
O loup and come to me;
I’ll catch you in my arms two,
One foot I will not flee.’

‘But I cannot loup, I cannot come,
I cannot win to thee;
My head’s fast in the wire-window,
My feet burning from me.

‘Take here the rings from my white fingers,
That are so long and small,
And give them to my Lady fair,
Where she sits in her hall.

‘So I cannot loup, I cannot come,
I cannot loup to thee--
My earthly part is all consumed,
My spirit but speaks to thee.’

Wringing her hands, tearing her hair,
His Lady she was seen,
And thus addressed his servant Gordon,
Where he stood on the green.

‘O wae be to you, George Gordon,
An ill death may you die,
So safe and sound as you stand there,
And my Lord bereaved from me.’

‘I bade him loup, I bade him come,
I bade him loup to me,
I’d catch him in my arms two,
A foot I should not flee.’

And aft she cried, ‘Ohon! alas, alas,
A sair heart’s ill to win;
I wan a sair heart when I married him,
And the day it’s well return’d again.’”

[226] Spalding, vol. i. p. 29.

[227] The “Common Band” or “General Band,” was the name given in
popular speech to an Act of the Scottish Parliament of the year 1587,
which was passed with the view of maintaining good order, both on
the Borders and in the Highlands and Isles. The plan on which this
Act chiefly proceeded was, “To make it imperative on all landlords,
bailies, and chiefs of clans, to find sureties to a large amount,
proportioned to their wealth and the number of their vassals or
clansmen, for the peaceable and orderly behaviour of those under
them. It was provided, that, if a superior, after having found the
required sureties, should fail to make immediate reparation of any
injuries committed by persons for whom he was bound to answer, the
injured party might proceed at law against the sureties for the
amount of the damage sustained. Besides being compelled, in such
cases, to reimburse his sureties, the superior was to incur a heavy
fine to the Crown. This important statute likewise contained many
useful provisions for facilitating the administration of justice
in these rude districts.”--Spalding’s _Memorialls_, vol. i. p. 3,
(note). Gregory’s _Western Highlands_, p. 237.

[228] _Continuation of the History of the Earls of Sutherland_, by
Gilbert Gordon of Sallagh, annexed to Sir R. Gordon’s work, p. 460.
Spalding, p. 63.

[229] Gordon of Sallagh’s _Continuation_, p. 464, et seq.

[230] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 475. Spalding, vol. i. p. 47, _et
seq._

[231] Spalding, vol. i. p. 50, _et seq._ Gordon’s _Continuation_, p.
476, _et seq._

CHAPTER XII.

A.D. 1636--(SEPTEMBER) 1644.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--Charles I., 1625-1649.

Charles I. attempts to introduce Episcopacy into Scotland--Meets
with opposition--Preparations for war--Doings in the North--Earl
of Montrose--Montrose at Aberdeen--Arrests the Marquis
of Huntly--Covenanters of the North meet at Turriff--The
“Trott of Turray”--Movements of the Gordons--Viscount
Aboyne lands at Aberdeen--“Raid of Stonehaven”--Battle at
the Bridge of Dee--Pacification of Berwick--War again--Earl
of Argyle endeavours to secure the West Highlands--Harsh
proceedings against the Earl of Airly--Montrose goes over
to the king--Marquis of Huntly rises in the North--Montrose
enters Scotland in disguise--Landing of Irish forces in
the West Highlands--Meeting of Montrose and Alexander
Macdonald--Athole-men join Montrose--Montrose advances into
Strathearn--Battle of Tippermuir.

Hitherto the history of the Highlands has been confined chiefly to
the feuds and conflicts of the clans, the details of which, though
interesting to their descendants, cannot be supposed to afford
the same gratification to readers at large. We now enter upon a
more important era, when the Highlanders begin to play a much more
prominent part in the theatre of our national history, and to give a
foretaste of that military prowess for which they afterwards became
so highly distinguished.

In entering upon the details of the military achievements of the
Highlanders during the period of the civil wars, it is quite
unnecessary and foreign to our purpose to trouble the reader with
a history of the rash, unconstitutional, and ill-fated attempt of
Charles I. to introduce Episcopacy into Scotland; nor, for the same
reason, is it requisite to detail minutely the proceedings of the
authors of the Covenant. Suffice it to say, that in consequence of
the inflexible determination of Charles to force English Episcopacy
upon the people of Scotland, the great majority of the nation
declared their determination “by the great name of the Lord their
God,” to defend their religion against what they considered to be
errors and corruptions. Notwithstanding, however, the most positive
demonstrations on the part of the people to resist, Charles, acting
by the advice of a privy council of Scotsmen established in England,
exclusively devoted to the affairs of Scotland, and instigated by
Archbishop Laud, resolved to suppress the Covenant by open force.
In order to gain time for the necessary preparations, he sent the
Marquis of Hamilton, as his commissioner, to Scotland, who was
instructed to promise “that the practice of the liturgy and the
canons should never be pressed in any other than a fair and legal
way, and that the high commission should be so rectified as never
to impugn the laws, or to be a just grievance to loyal subjects,”
and that the king would pardon those who had lately taken an illegal
covenant, on their immediately renouncing it, and giving up the bond
to the commissioners.

When the Covenanters heard of Hamilton’s approach, they appointed a
national fast to be held, to beg the blessing of God upon the kirk,
and on the 10th of June, 1638, the marquis was received at Leith,
and proceeded to the capital through an assemblage of about 60,000
Covenanters, and 500 ministers. The spirit and temper of such a
vast assemblage overawed the marquis, and he therefore concealed
his instructions. After making two successive journeys to London
to communicate the alarming state of affairs, and to receive fresh
instructions, he, on his second return, issued a proclamation,
discharging “the service book, the book of canons, and the high
commission court, dispensing with the five articles of Perth,
dispensing the entrants into the ministry from taking the oath of
supremacy and of canonical obedience, commanding all persons to lay
aside the new Covenant, and take that which had been published by the
king’s father in 1589, and summoning a free assembly of the kirk to
meet in the month of November, and a parliament in the month of May,
the following year.” Matters had, however, proceeded too far for
submission to the conditions of the proclamation, and the covenanting
leaders answered it by a formal protest, in which they gave sixteen
reasons, showing that to comply with the demands of the king would
be to betray the cause of God, and to act against the dictates of
conscience.

In consequence of the opposition made to the proclamation, it was
generally expected that the king would have recalled the order for
the meeting of the assembly at Glasgow; but no prohibition having
been issued, that assembly, which consisted, besides the clergy, of
one lay-elder and four lay-assessors from every presbytery, met at
the time appointed, viz., in the month of November, 1638. After the
assembly had spent a week in violent debates, the commissioner, in
terms of his instructions, declared it dissolved; but, encouraged
by the accession of the Earl of Argyle, who placed himself at the
head of the Covenanters, the members declined to disperse at the
mere mandate of the sovereign, and passed a resolution that, in
spiritual matters, the kirk was independent of the civil power, and
that the dissolution by the commissioner was illegal and void. After
spending three weeks in revising the ecclesiastical regulations
introduced into Scotland since the accession of James to the crown
of England, the assembly condemned the liturgy, ordinal, book of
canons, and court of high commission, and, assuming all the powers
of legislation, abolished episcopacy, and excommunicated the bishops
themselves, and the ministers who supported them. Charles declared
their proceedings null; but the people received them with great joy,
and testified their approbation by a national thanksgiving.

Both parties had for some time been preparing for war, and they
now hastened on their plans. In consequence of an order from the
supreme committee of the Covenanters in Edinburgh, every man
capable of bearing arms was called out and trained. Experienced
Scottish officers, who had spent the greater part of their lives
in military service in Sweden and Germany, returned to Scotland to
place themselves at the head of their countrymen, and the Scottish
merchants in Holland supplied them with arms and ammunition. The
king advanced as far as York with an army, the Scottish bishops
making him believe that the news of his approach would induce
the Covenanters to submit themselves to his pleasure; but he was
disappointed,--for instead of submitting themselves, they were
the first to commence hostilities. About the 19th of March, 1639,
General Leslie, the covenanting general, with a few men, surprised,
and without difficulty, occupied the castle of Edinburgh, and about
the same time the Earl of Traquair surrendered Dalkeith house.
Dumbarton castle, like that of Edinburgh, was taken by stratagem, the
governor, named Stewart, being intercepted on a Sunday as he returned
from church, and made to change clothes with another gentleman and
give the pass-word, by which means the Covenanters easily obtained
possession. The king, on arriving at Durham, despatched the Marquis
of Hamilton with a fleet of forty ships, having on board 6,000
troops, to the Frith of Forth; but as both sides of the Frith were
well fortified at different points, and covered with troops, he was
unable to effect a landing.[232]

In the meantime, the Marquis of Huntly raised the royal standard in
the north, and as the Earl of Sutherland, accompanied by Lord Reay,
John, Master of Berridale and others, had been very busy in Inverness
and Elgin, persuading the inhabitants to subscribe the Covenant, the
marquis wrote him confidentially, blaming him for his past conduct,
and advising him to declare for the king; but the earl informed him
in reply, that it was against the bishops and their innovations, and
not against the king, that he had so acted. The earl then, in his
turn, advised the marquis to join the Covenanters, by doing which
he said he would not only confer honour on himself, but much good
on his native country; that in any private question in which Huntly
was personally interested he would assist, but that in the present
affair he would not aid him. The earl thereupon joined the Earl of
Seaforth, the Master of Berridale, Lord Lovat, Lord Reay, the laird
of Balnagown, the Rosses, the Monroes, the laird of Grant, Macintosh,
the laird of Innes, the sheriff of Moray, the baron of Kilravock, the
laird of Altire, the tutor of Duffus, and the other Covenanters on
the north of the river Spey.

The Marquis of Huntly assembled his forces first at Turriff, and
afterwards at Kintore, whence he marched upon Aberdeen, which he took
possession of in name of the king. The marquis being informed shortly
after his arrival in Aberdeen, that a meeting of Covenanters, who
resided within his district, was to be held at Turriff on the 14th
of February, resolved to disperse them. He therefore wrote letters
to his chief dependents, requiring them to meet him at Turriff the
same day, and bring with them no arms but swords and “schottis” or
pistols. One of these letters fell into the hands of the Earl of
Montrose, one of the chief covenanting lords, who determined at all
hazards to protect the meeting of his friends, the Covenanters. In
pursuance of this resolution, he collected, with great alacrity, some
of his best friends in Angus, and with his own and their dependents,
to the number of about 800 men, he crossed the range of hills called
the Grangebean, between Angus and Aberdeenshire, and took possession
of Turriff on the morning of the 14th of February. When Huntly’s
party arrived during the course of the day, they were surprised at
seeing the little churchyard of the village filled with armed men;
and they were still more surprised to observe them levelling their
hagbuts at them across the walls of the churchyard. Not knowing how
to act in the absence of the marquis, they retired to a place called
the Broad Ford of Towie, about two miles south from the village,
when they were soon joined by Huntly and his suite. After some
consultation, the marquis, after parading his men in order of battle
along the north-west side of the village, in sight of Montrose,
dispersed his party, which amounted to 2,000 men, without offering to
attack Montrose, on the pretence that his commission of lieutenancy
only authorised him to act on the defensive.[233]

James Graham, Earl, and afterwards first Marquis of Montrose, who
played so prominent a part in the history of the troublous times
on which we are entering, was descended from a family which can be
traced back to the beginning of the 12th century. His ancestor,
the Earl of Montrose, fell at Flodden, and his grandfather became
viceroy of Scotland after James VI. ascended the throne of England.
He himself was born in 1612, his mother being Lady Margaret Ruthven,
eldest daughter of William, first Earl of Gowrie. He succeeded to
the estates and title in 1626, on the death of his father, and three
years after, married Magdalene Carnegie, daughter of Lord Carnegie
of Kinnaird. He pursued his studies at St. Andrews University and
Kinnaird Castle till he was about twenty years of age, when he went
to the Continent and studied at the academies of France and Italy,
returning an accomplished gentleman and a soldier. On his return
he was, for some reason, coldly received by Charles I., and it is
supposed by some that it was mainly out of chagrin on this account
that he joined the Covenanters. Whatever may have been his motive for
joining them, he was certainly an important and powerful accession to
their ranks, although, as will be seen, his adherence to them was but
of short duration.

Montrose is thus portrayed by his contemporary, Patrick Gordon of
Ruthven, author of _Britane’s Distemper_. “It cannot be denied but
he was ane accomplished gentleman of many excellent partes; a bodie
not tall, but comely and well compossed in all his liniamentes;
his complexion meerly whitee, with flaxin haire; of a stayed,
graue, and solide looke, and yet his eyes sparkling and full of
lyfe; of speach slowe, but wittie and full of sence; a presence
graitfull, courtly, and so winneing vpon the beholder, as it seemed
to claime reuerence without seweing for it; for he was so affable,
so courteous, so benign, as seemed verely to scorne ostentation and
the keeping of state, and therefor he quicklie made a conquesse of
the heartes of all his followers, so as whan he list he could haue
lead them in a chaine to haue followed him with chearefullnes in
all his interpryses; and I am certanely perswaded, that this his
gratious, humane, and courteous fredome of behauiour, being certanely
acceptable befor God as well as men, was it that wanne him so much
renovne, and inabled him cheifly, in the loue of his followers, to
goe through so great interprysses, wheirin his equall had failled,
altho they exceeded him farre in power, nor can any other reason
be giuen for it, but only this that followeth. He did not seeme
to affect state, nor to claime reuerence, nor to keepe a distance
with gentlemen that ware not his domestickes; but rather in a noble
yet courteouse way he seemed to slight those vanisheing smockes of
greatnes, affecting rather the reall possession of mens heartes
then the frothie and outward showe of reuerence; and therefor was
all reuerence thrust vpon him, because all did loue him, therfor
all did honour him and reuerence him, yea, haueing once acquired
there heartes, they ware readie not only to honour him, but to
quarrell with any that would not honour him, and would not spare
there fortounes, nor there derrest blood about there heartes, to the
end he might be honoured, because they saue that he tooke the right
course to obtaine honour. He had fund furth the right way to be
reuerenced, and thereby was approued that propheticke maxime which
hath never failed, nor neuer shall faille, being pronounced by the
Fontaine of treuth (_He that exalteth himselfe shall be humbled_);
for his winneing behauiour and courteous caryage got him more respect
then those to whom they ware bound both by the law of nature and by
good reason to hawe giuen it to. Nor could any other reason be giuen
for it, but only there to much keepeing of distance, and caryeing
themselfes in a more statlye and reserued way, without putteing a
difference betuixt a free borne gentleman and a seruille or base
mynded slaue.

“This much I thought good by the way to signifie; for the best and
most waliant generall that euer lead ane armie if he mistake the
disposition of the nation whom he commandes, and will not descend a
litle till he meete with the genious of his shouldiours, on whose
followeing his grandour and the success of his interpryses chiefely
dependeth, stryueing through a high soireing and ower winneing
ambition to drawe them to his byas with awe and not with lowe, that
leader, I say, shall neuer prewaill against his enemies with ane
armie of the Scotes nation.”

Montrose had, about this time, received a commission from the
Tables--as the boards of representatives, chosen respectively by the
nobility, county gentry, clergy, and inhabitants of the burghs,
were called--to raise a body of troops for the service of the
Covenanters, and he now proceeded to embody them with extraordinary
promptitude. Within one month, he collected a force of about 3,000
horse and foot, from the counties of Fife, Forfar, and Perth, and
put them into a complete state of military discipline. Being joined
by the forces under General Leslie, he marched upon Aberdeen, which
he entered, without opposition, on the 30th of March, the Marquis
of Huntly having abandoned the town on his approach. Some idea
of the well-appointed state of this army may be formed from the
curious description of Spalding, who says, that “upon the morne,
being Saturday, they came in order of battell, weill armed, both on
horse and foot, ilk horseman having five shot at the least, with ane
carabine in his hand, two pistols by his sydes, and other two at his
saddell toir; the pikemen in their ranks, with pike and sword; the
musketiers in their ranks, with musket, musket-staffe, bandelier,
sword, powder, ball, and match; ilk company, both on horse and foot,
had their captains, lieutenants, ensignes, serjeants, and other
officers and commanders, all for the most part in buff coats, and
in goodly order. They had five colours or ensignes, whereof the
Earl of Montrose had one, haveing this motto: ‘FOR RELIGION, THE
COVENANT, AND THE COUNTRIE;’ the Earle of Marischall had one, the
Earle of Kinghorne had one, and the town of Dundie had two. They had
trumpeters to ilk company of horsemen, and drummers to ilk company
of footmen; they had their meat, drink, and other provision, bag and
baggage, carryed with them, all done be advyse of his excellence
Felt Marschall Leslie, whose councell Generall Montrose followed
in this busieness. Now, in seemly order and good array, this army
came forward, and entered the burgh of Aberdein, about ten hours in
the morning, at the Over Kirkgate Port, syne came doun throw the
Broadgate, throw the Castlegate, out at the Justice Port to the
Queen’s Links directly. Here it is to be notted that few or none of
this hail army wanted ane blew ribbin hung about his craig, doun
under his left arme, which they called the _Covenanters’ Ribbin_.
But the Lord Gordon, and some other of the marquess’ bairnes and
familie, had ane ribbin when he was dwelling in the toun, of ane
reid flesh cullor, which they wore in their hatts, and called it
_The Royall Ribbin_, as a signe of their love and loyalltie to the
king. In despyte and derision thereof this blew ribbin was worne, and
called the _Covenanters’ Ribbin_, be the hail souldiers of the army,
and would not hear of the royall ribbin; such was their pryde and
malice.”[234]

At Aberdeen Montrose was joined the same day by Lord Fraser, the
Master of Forbes, the laird of Dalgettie, the tutor of Pitsligo,
the Earl Marshal’s men in Buchan, with several other gentlemen and
their tenants, dependants, and servants, to the number of 2,000,
an addition which augmented Montrose’s army to 9,000 men. Leaving
the Earl of Kinghorn with 1,500 men to keep possession of Aberdeen,
Montrose marched the same day towards Kintore, where he encamped that
night. Halting all Sunday, he proceeded on the Monday to Inverury,
where he again pitched his camp. The Marquis of Huntly grew alarmed
at this sudden and unexpected movement, and thought it now time
to treat with such a formidable foe for his personal safety. He,
therefore, despatched Robert Gordon of Straloch and Doctor Gordon,
an Aberdeen physician, to Montrose’s camp, to request an interview.
The marquis proposed to meet him on a moor near Blackhall, about
two miles from the camp, with 11 attendants each, with no arms but
a single sword at their side. After consulting with Field Marshal
Leslie and the other officers, Montrose agreed to meet the marquis,
on Thursday the 4th of April, at the place mentioned. The parties
accordingly met. Among the eleven who attended the marquis were his
son James, Lord Aboyne, and the Lord Oliphant. Lords Elcho and Cowper
were of the party who attended Montrose. After the usual salutation
they both alighted and entered into conversation; but, coming to
no understanding, they adjourned the conference till the following
morning, when the marquis signed a paper obliging himself to maintain
the king’s authority, “the liberty of church and state, religion
and laws.” He promised at the same time to do his best to make his
friends, tenants, and servants subscribe the Covenant.[235] The
marquis, after this arrangement, went to Strathbogie, and Montrose
returned with his army to Aberdeen, the following day.

The marquis had not been many days at Strathbogie, when he received
a notice from Montrose to repair to Aberdeen with his two sons, Lord
Gordon and Viscount Aboyne, for the ostensible purpose of assisting
the committee in their deliberations as to the settlement of the
disturbances in the north.[236] On Huntly receiving an assurance from
Montrose and the other covenanting leaders that no attempt should be
made to detain himself and his sons as prisoners, he complied with
Montrose’s invitation, and repairing to Aberdeen, he took up his
quarters in the laird of Pitfoddel’s house.

The arrest of the marquis, which followed, has been attributed, not
without reason, to the intrigues of the Frasers and the Forbeses, who
bore a mortal antipathy to the house of Huntly, and who were desirous
to see the “Cock of the North,” as the powerful head of that house
was popularly called, humbled.[237] But, be these conjectures as they
may, on the morning after the marquis’s arrival at Aberdeen, viz.,
on the 11th April, a council of the principal officers of Montrose’s
army was held, at which it was determined to arrest the marquis and
Lord Gordon, his eldest son, and carry them to Edinburgh. It was not,
however, judged advisable to act upon this resolution immediately,
and to do away with any appearance of treachery, Montrose and his
friends invited the marquis and his two sons to supper the following
evening. During the entertainment the most friendly civilities were
passed on both sides, and, after the party had become somewhat merry,
Montrose and his friends hinted to the marquis the expediency, in
the present posture of affairs, of resigning his commission of
lieutenancy. They also proposed that he should write a letter to the
king along with the resignation of his commission, in favour of the
Covenanters, as good and loyal subjects; and that he should despatch
the laird of Cluny, the following morning, with the letter and
resignation. The marquis, seeing that his commission was altogether
unavailable, immediately wrote out, in presence of the meeting, a
resignation of it, and a letter of recommendation as proposed, and,
in their presence, delivered the same to the laird of Cluny, who was
to set off the following morning with them to the king. It would
appear that Montrose was not sincere in making this demand upon the
marquis, and that his object was, by calculating on a refusal, to
make that the ground for arresting him; for the marquis had scarcely
returned to his lodgings to pass the night, when an armed guard was
placed round the house, to prevent him from returning home, as he
intended to do, the following morning.

When the marquis rose, next morning, he was surprised at receiving
a message from the covenanting general, desiring his attendance at
the house of the Earl Marshal; and he was still farther surprised,
when, on going out, along with his two sons, to the appointed place
of meeting, he found his lodging beset with sentinels. The marquis
was received by Montrose with the usual morning salutation, after
which, he proceeded to demand from him a contribution for liquidating
a loan of 200,000 merks, which the Covenanters had borrowed from Sir
William Dick, a rich merchant of Edinburgh. To this unexpected demand
the marquis replied, that he was not obliged to pay any part thereof,
not having been concerned in the borrowing, and of course, declined
to comply. Montrose then requested him to take steps to apprehend
James Grant and John Dugar, and their accomplices, who had given
considerable annoyance to the Covenanters in the Highlands. Huntly
objected, that, having now no commission, he could not act, and
that, although he had, James Grant had already obtained a remission
from the king; and as for John Dugar, he would concur, if required,
with the other neighbouring proprietors in an attempt to apprehend
him. The earl, finally, as the Covenant, he said, admitted of no
standing hatred or feud, required the marquis to reconcile himself to
Crichton, the laird of Frendraught, but this the marquis positively
refused to do. Finding, as he no doubt expected, the marquis quite
resolute in his determination to resist these demands, the earl
suddenly changed his tone, and thus addressed the marquis, apparently
in the most friendly terms, “My lord, seeing we are all now friends,
will you go south to Edinburgh with us?” Huntly answered that he
would not--that he was not prepared for such a journey, and that he
was just going to set off for Strathbogie. “Your lordship,” rejoined
Montrose, “will do well to go with us.” The marquis now perceiving
Montrose’s design, accosted him thus, “My lord, I came here to this
town upon assurance that I should come and go at my own pleasure,
without molestation or inquietude; and now I see why my lodging was
guarded, and that ye mean to take me to Edinburgh, whether I will or
not. This conduct, on your part, seems to me to be neither fair nor
honourable.” He added, “My lord, give me back the bond which I gave
you at Inverury, and you shall have an answer.” Montrose thereupon
delivered the bond to the marquis. Huntly then inquired at the earl,
“Whether he would take him to the south as a captive, or willingly of
his own mind?” “Make your choice,” said Montrose. “Then,” observed
the marquis, “I will not go as a captive, but as a volunteer.” The
marquis thereupon immediately returned to his lodging, and despatched
a messenger after the laird of Cluny, to stop him on his journey.[238]

It was the intention of Montrose to take both the marquis and his
sons to Edinburgh, but Viscount Aboyne, at the desire of some of
his friends, was released, and allowed to return to Strathbogie. On
arriving at Edinburgh, the marquis and his son, Lord Gordon, were
committed close prisoners to the castle of Edinburgh, and the Tables
“appointed five guardians to attend upon him and his son night and
day, upon his own expenses, that none should come in nor out but
by their sight.”[239] On being solicited to sign the Covenant,
Huntly issued a manifesto characterized by magnanimity and the most
steadfast loyalty, concluding with the following words:--“For my oune
part, I am in your power; and resolved not to leave that foul title
of traitor as ane inheritance upon my posteritye. Yow may tacke my
heade from my shoulders, but not my heart from my soveraigne.”[240]

Some time after the departure of Montrose’s army to the south, the
Covenanters of the north appointed a committee meeting to be held at
Turriff, upon Wednesday, 24th April, consisting of the Earls Marshal
and Seaforth, Lord Fraser, the Master of Forbes, and some of their
kindred and friends. All persons within the diocese, who had not
subscribed the Covenant, were required to attend this meeting for the
purpose of signing it, and failing compliance, their property was to
be given up to indiscriminate plunder. As neither Lord Aboyne, the
laird of Banff, nor any of their friends and kinsmen, had subscribed
the Covenant, nor meant to do so, they resolved to protect themselves
from the threatened attack. A preliminary meeting of the heads of
the northern Covenanters was held on the 22d of April, at Monymusk,
where they learned of the rising of Lord Aboyne and his friends.
This intelligence induced them to postpone the meeting at Turriff
till the 26th of April, by which day they expected to be joined by
several gentlemen from Caithness, Sutherland, Ross, Moray, and other
quarters. At another meeting, however, on the 24th of April, they
postponed the proposed meeting at Turriff, _sine die_, and adjourned
to Aberdeen; but as no notice had been sent of the postponement
to the different covenanting districts in the north, about 1,500
men assembled at the place of meeting on the 26th of April, and
were quite astonished to find that the chiefs were absent. Upon an
explanation taking place, the meeting was adjourned till the 20th of
May.

Lord Aboyne had not been idle during this interval, having collected
about 2,000 horse and foot from the Highlands and Lowlands, with
which force he had narrowly watched the movements of the Covenanters.
Hearing, however, of the adjournment of the Turriff meeting, his
lordship, at the entreaty of his friends, broke up his army, and
went by sea to England to meet the king, to inform him of the
precarious state of affairs in the north. Many of his followers, such
as the lairds of Gight, Haddo, Udney, Newton, Pitmedden, Foveran,
Tippertie, Harthill, and others, who had subscribed the Covenant,
regretted his departure; but as they had gone too far to recede, they
resolved to continue their forces in the field, and held a meeting on
the 7th of May at Auchterless, to concert a plan of operations.

A body of the Covenanters, to the number of about 2,000, having
assembled at Turriff as early as the 13th of May, the Gordons
resolved instantly to attack them, before they should be joined
by other forces, which were expected to arrive before the 20th.
Taking along with them four brass field-pieces from Strathbogie,
the Gordons, to the number of about 800 horse and foot, commenced
their march on the 13th of May, at ten o’clock at night, and reached
Turriff next morning by day-break, by a road unknown to the sentinels
of the covenanting army. As soon as they approached the town, the
commander of the Gordons ordered the trumpets to be sounded and the
drums to be beat, the noise of which was the first indication the
Covenanters had of their arrival. Being thus surprised, the latter
had no time to make any preparations for defending themselves. They
made, indeed, a short resistance, but were soon dispersed by the
fire from the field-pieces, leaving behind them the lairds of Echt
and Skene, and a few others, who were taken prisoners. The loss on
either side, in killed and wounded, was very trifling. This skirmish
is called by the writers of the period, “the Trott of Turray.”[241]

The successful issue of this trifling affair had a powerful effect
on the minds of the victors, who forthwith marched on Aberdeen,
which they entered on the 15th of May. They expelled the Covenanters
from the town, and were there joined by a body of men from the Braes
of Mar under the command of Donald Farquharson of Tulliegarmouth,
and the laird of Abergeldie, and by another party headed by James
Grant, so long an outlaw, to the number of about 500 men. These men
quartered themselves very freely upon the inhabitants, particularly
on those who had declared for the Covenant, and they plundered many
gentlemen’s houses in the neighbourhood. The house of Durris,
belonging to John Forbes of Leslie, a great Covenanter, received
a visit from them. “There was,” says Spalding, “little plenishing
left unconveyed away before their comeing. They gott good bear and
ale, broke up girnells, and buke bannocks at good fyres, and drank
merrily upon the laird’s best drink: syne carried away with them
alse meikle victual as they could beir, which they could not gett
eaten and destroyed; and syne removed from that to Echt, Skene,
Monymusk, and other houses pertaining to the name of Forbes, all
great Covenanters.”[242]

Two days after their arrival at Aberdeen, the Gordons sent to
Dunnottar, for the purpose of ascertaining the sentiments of the Earl
Marshal, in relation to their proceedings, and whether they might
reckon on his friendship. The earl, however, intimated that he could
say nothing in relation to the affair, and that he would require
eight days to advise with his friends. This answer was considered
quite unsatisfactory, and the chiefs of the army were at a loss how
to act. Robert Gordon of Straloch, and James Burnet of Craigmylle, a
brother of the laird of Leys, proposed to enter into a negotiation
with the Earl Marshal, but Sir George Ogilvie of Banff would not
listen to such a proceeding, and, addressing Straloch, he said, “Go,
if you will go; but pr’ythee, let it be as quarter-master, to inform
the earl that we are coming.” Straloch, however, went not in the
character of a quarter-master, but as a mediator in behalf of his
chief. The earl said he had no intention to take up arms, without
an order from the Tables; that, if the Gordons would disperse, he
would give them early notice to re-assemble, if necessary, for their
own defence, but that if they should attack him, he would certainly
defend himself.

The army was accordingly disbanded on the 21st of May, and the barons
went to Aberdeen, there to spend a few days. The depredations of the
Highlanders, who had come down to the lowlands in quest of plunder,
upon the properties of the Covenanters, were thereafter carried on
to such an extent, that the latter complained to the Earl Marshal,
who immediately assembled a body of men out of Angus and the Mearns,
with which he entered Aberdeen on the 23d of May, causing the barons
to make a precipitate retreat. Two days thereafter the earl was
joined by Montrose, at the head of 4,000 men, an addition which, with
other accessions, made the whole force assembled at Aberdeen exceed
6,000.

Meanwhile a large body of northern Covenanters, under the command
of the Earl of Seaforth, was approaching from the districts beyond
the Spey; but the Gordons having crossed the Spey for the purpose of
opposing their advance, an agreement was entered into between both
parties that, on the Gordons retiring across the Spey, Seaforth and
his men should also retire homewards.

After spending five days in Aberdeen, Montrose marched his army
to Udney, thence to Kellie, the seat of the laird of Haddo, and
afterwards to Gight, the residence of Sir Robert Gordon, to which he
laid siege. But intelligence of the arrival of Viscount Aboyne in
the bay of Aberdeen, deranged his plans. Being quite uncertain of
Aboyne’s strength, and fearing that his retreat might be cut off,
Montrose quickly raised the siege and returned to Aberdeen. Although
Lord Aboyne still remained on board his vessel, and could easily have
been prevented from landing, Montrose most unaccountably abandoned
the town, and retired into the Mearns.

Viscount Aboyne had been most graciously received by the king, and
had ingratiated himself so much with the monarch, as to obtain the
commission of lieutenancy which his father held. The king appears to
have entertained good hopes from his endeavours to support the royal
cause in the north of Scotland, and before taking leave he gave the
viscount a letter addressed to the Marquis of Hamilton, requesting
him to afford his lordship all the assistance in his power. From
whatever cause, all the aid afforded by the Marquis was limited to
a few officers and four field-pieces: “The king,” says Gordon of
Sallagh, “coming to Berwick, and business growing to a height, the
armies of England and Scotland lying near one another, his majesty
sent the Viscount of Aboyne and Colonel Gun (who was then returned
out of Germany) to the Marquis of Hamilton, to receive some forces
from him, and with these forces to go to Aberdeen, to possess and
recover that town. The Marquis of Hamilton, lying at anchor in Forth,
gave them no supply of men, but sent them five ships to Aberdeen,
and the marquis himself retired with his fleet and men to the Holy
Island, hard by Berwick, to reinforce the king’s army there against
the Scots at Dunslaw.”[243] On his voyage to Aberdeen, Aboyne’s ships
fell in with two vessels, one of which contained the lairds of Banff,
Foveran, Newton, Crummie, and others, who had fled on the approach
of Montrose to Gight; and the other had on board some citizens of
Aberdeen, and several ministers who had refused to sign the Covenant,
all of whom the viscount persuaded to return home along with him.

On the 6th of June, Lord Aboyne, accompanied by the Earls of
Glencairn and Tullibardine, the lairds of Drum, Banff, Fedderet,
Foveran, and Newton, and their followers, with Colonel Gun and
several English officers, landed in Aberdeen without opposition.
Immediately on coming ashore, Aboyne issued a proclamation which
was read at the cross of Aberdeen, prohibiting all his majesty’s
loyal subjects from paying any rents, duties, or other debts to the
Covenanters, and requiring them to pay one-half of such sums to the
king, and to retain the other for themselves. Those persons who had
been forced to subscribe the Covenant against their will, were, on
repentance, to be forgiven, and every person was required to take an
oath of allegiance to his majesty.

This bold step inspired the royalists with confidence, and in a short
space of time a considerable force rallied round the royal standard.
Lewis Gordon, third son of the Marquis of Huntly, a youth of
extraordinary courage, on hearing of his brother’s arrival, collected
his father’s friends and tenants, to the number of about 1,000 horse
and foot, and with these he entered Aberdeen on the 7th of June.
These were succeeded by 100 horse, sent in by the laird of Drum, and
by considerable forces led by James Grant and Donald Farquharson.
Many of the Covenanters also joined the viscount, so that his
force ultimately amounted to several thousand men. Spalding[244]
gives a sad, though somewhat ludicrous account of the way in which
Farquharson’s “hieland men” conducted themselves while in Aberdeen.
He says, “Thir saulless lounis plunderit meit, drink, and scheip
quhair ever they cam. Thay oppressit the Oldtoun, and brocht in out
of the countrie honest menis scheip, and sold at the cross of Old
Abirdein to sic as wold by, ane scheip upone foot for ane groat. The
poor men that aucht thame follouit in and coft bak thair awin scheip
agane, sic as wes left unslayne for thair meit.”

On the 10th of June the viscount left Aberdeen, and advanced upon
Kintore with an army of about 2,000 horse and foot, to which he
received daily accessions. The inhabitants of the latter place
were compelled by him to subscribe the oath of allegiance, and
notwithstanding their compliance, “the troops,” says Spalding,
“plundered meat and drink, and made good fires: and, where they
wanted peats, broke down beds and boards in honest men’s houses to
be fires, and fed their horses with corn and straw that day and
night.”[245] Next morning the army made a raid upon Hall Forrest, a
seat of the Earl Marshal, and the house of Muchells, belonging to
Lord Fraser; but Aboyne, hearing of a rising in the south, returned
to Aberdeen.

As delay would be dangerous to his cause in the present conjuncture,
he crossed the Dee on the 14th of June, his army amounting altogether
probably to about 3,000 horse and foot,[246] with the intention of
occupying Stonehaven, and of issuing afresh the king’s proclamation
at the market cross of that burgh. He proceeded as far as Muchollis,
or Muchalls, the seat of Sir Thomas Burnet of Leyes, a Covenanter,
where he encamped that night. On hearing of his approach, the Earl
Marshal and Montrose posted themselves, with 1,200 men, and some
pieces of ordnance which they had drawn from Dunnottar castle, on the
direct road which Aboyne had to pass, and waited his approach.

Although Aboyne was quite aware of the position of the Earl Marshal,
instead of endeavouring to outflank him by making a detour to the
right, he, by Colonel Gun’s advice, crossed the Meagre hill next
morning, directly in the face of his opponent, who lay with his
forces at the bottom of the hill. As Aboyne descended the hill, the
Earl Marshal opened a heavy fire upon him, which threw his men into
complete disorder. The Highlanders, unaccustomed to the fire of
cannon, were the first to retreat, and in a short time the whole army
gave way. Aboyne thereupon returned to Aberdeen with some horsemen,
leaving the rest of the army to follow; but the Highlanders took
a homeward course, carrying along with them a large quantity of
booty, which they gathered on their retreat. The disastrous issue of
“the Raid of Stonehaven,” as this affair has been called, has been
attributed, with considerable plausibility, to treachery on the part
of Colonel Gun, to whom, on account of his great experience, Aboyne
had intrusted the command of the army.[247]

On his arrival at Aberdeen, Aboyne held a council of war, at which it
was determined to send some persons into the Mearns to collect the
scattered remains of his army, for, with the exception of about 180
horsemen and a few foot soldiers, the whole of the fine army which he
had led from Aberdeen had disappeared; but although the army again
mustered at Leggetsden to the number of 4,000, they were prevented
from recrossing the Dee and joining his lordship by the Marshal and
Montrose, who advanced towards the bridge of Dee with all their
forces. Aboyne, hearing of their approach, resolved to dispute with
them the passage of the Dee, and, as a precautionary measure, blocked
up the entrance to the bridge of Dee from the south by a thick wall
of turf, beside which he placed 100 musketeers upon the bridge, under
the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Johnstone, to annoy the assailants
from the small turrets on its sides. The viscount was warmly seconded
in his views by the citizens of Aberdeen, whose dread of another
hostile visit from the Covenanters induced them to afford him every
assistance in their power, and it is recorded that the women and
children even occupied themselves in carrying provisions to the army
during the contest.

The army of Montrose consisted of about 2,000 foot and 300 horse,
and a large train of artillery. The forces which Lord Aboyne had
collected on the spur of the occasion were not numerous, but he was
superior in cavalry. His ordnance consisted only of four pieces
of brass cannon. Montrose arrived at the bridge of Dee on the
18th of June, and, without a moment’s delay, commenced a furious
cannonade upon the works which had been thrown up at the south end,
and which he kept up during the whole day without producing any
material effect. Lieutenant-colonel Johnstone defended the bridge
with determined bravery, and his musketeers kept up a galling and
well-directed fire upon their assailants. Both parties reposed
during the short twilight, and as soon as morning dawned Montrose
renewed his attack upon the bridge, with an ardour which seemed to
have received a fresh impulse from the unavailing efforts of the
preceding day; but all his attempts were vain. Seeing no hopes of
carrying the bridge in the teeth of the force opposed to him, he had
recourse to a stratagem, by which he succeeded in withdrawing a part
of Aboyne’s forces from the defence of the bridge. That force had,
indeed, been considerably impaired before the renewal of the attack,
in consequence of a party of 50 musketeers having gone to Aberdeen to
escort thither the body of a citizen named John Forbes, who had been
killed the preceding day; to which circumstance Spalding attributes
the loss of the bridge; but whether the absence of this party had
such an effect upon the fortune of the day is by no means clear. The
covenanting general, after battering unsuccessfully the defences of
the bridge, ordered a party of horsemen to proceed up the river some
distance, and to make a demonstration as if they intended to cross.
Aboyne was completely deceived by this manœuvre, and sent the whole
of his horsemen from the bridge to dispute the passage of the river
with those of Montrose, leaving Lieutenant-colonel Johnstone and
his 50 musketeers alone to protect the bridge. Montrose having thus
drawn his opponent into the snare set for him, immediately sent
back the greater part of his horse, under the command of Captain
Middleton, with instructions to renew the attack upon the bridge with
redoubled energy. This officer lost no time in obeying these orders,
and Lieutenant-colonel Johnstone having been wounded in the outset
by a stone torn from the bridge by a shot, was forced to abandon its
defence, and he and his party retired precipitately to Aberdeen.

When Aboyne saw the colours of the Covenanters flying on the bridge
of Dee, he fled with great haste towards Strathbogie, after releasing
the lairds of Purie Ogilvy and Purie Fodderinghame, whom he had taken
prisoners, and carried with him from Aberdeen. The loss on either
side during the conflict on the bridge was trifling. The only person
of note who fell on Aboyne’s side was Seaton of Pitmedden, a brave
cavalier, who was killed by a cannon shot while riding along the
river side with Lord Aboyne. On that of the Covenanters was slain
another valiant gentleman, a brother of Ramsay of Balmain. About 14
persons of inferior note were killed on each side, including some
burgesses of Aberdeen, and several were wounded.

Montrose, reaching the north bank of the Dee, proceeded immediately
to Aberdeen, which he entered without opposition. So exasperated were
Montrose’s followers at the repeated instances of devotedness shown
by the inhabitants to the royal cause, that they proposed to raze the
town and set it on fire; but they were hindered from carrying their
design into execution by the firmness of Montrose. The Covenanters,
however, treated the inhabitants very harshly, and imprisoned many
who were suspected of having been concerned in opposing their
passage across the Dee; but an end was put to these proceedings in
consequence of intelligence being brought on the following day (June
20th) of the treaty of pacification which had been entered into
between the king and his subjects at Berwick, upon the 18th of that
month. On receipt of this news, Montrose sent a despatch to the Earl
of Seaforth, who was stationed with his army on the Spey, intimating
the pacification, and desiring him to disband his army, with which
order he instantly complied.

The articles of pacification were preceded by a declaration on the
part of the king, in which he stated, that although he could not
condescend to ratify and approve of the acts of the Glasgow General
Assembly, yet, notwithstanding the many disorders which had of late
been committed, he not only confirmed and made good whatsoever his
commissioner had granted and promised, but he also declared that
all matters ecclesiastical should be determined by the assemblies
of the kirk, and matters civil by the parliament and other inferior
judicatories established by law. To settle, therefore, “the general
distractions” of the kingdom, his majesty ordered that a free general
assembly should be held at Edinburgh on the 6th August following,
at which he declared his intention, “God willing, to be personally
present;” and he moreover ordered a parliament to meet at Edinburgh
on the 20th of the same month, for ratifying the proceedings of the
general assembly, and settling such other matters as might conduce
to the peace and good of the kingdom of Scotland. By the articles
of pacification, it was, _inter alia_, provided that the forces in
Scotland should be disbanded within forty-eight hours after the
publication of the declaration, and that all the royal castles,
forts, and warlike stores of every description, should be delivered
up to his majesty after the said publication, as soon as he should
send to receive them. Under the seventh and last article of the
treaty, the Marquis of Huntly and his son, Lord Gordon, and some
others who had been detained prisoners in the castle of Edinburgh by
the Covenanters, were set at liberty.

It has been generally supposed that neither party had any sincere
intention to observe the conditions of the treaty. Certain it is,
that the ink with which it was written was scarcely dry before
its violation was contemplated. On the one hand, the king, before
removing his army from the neighbourhood of Berwick, required the
heads of the Covenanters to attend him there, obviously with the
object of gaining them over to his side; but, with the exception
of three commoners and three lords, Montrose, Loudon, and Lothian,
they refused to obey. It was at this conference that Charles,
who apparently had great persuasive powers, made a convert of
Montrose, who from that time determined to desert his associates
in arms, and to place himself under the royal standard. The
immediate strengthening of the forts of Berwick and Carlisle, and
the provisioning of the castle of Edinburgh, were probably the
suggestions of Montrose, who would, of course, be intrusted with the
secret of his majesty’s designs. The Covenanters, on the other hand,
although making a show of disbanding their army at Dunse, in reality
kept a considerable force on foot, which they quartered in different
parts of the country, to be in readiness for the field on a short
notice. The suspicious conduct of the king certainly justified this
precaution.

The general assembly met on the day fixed upon, but, instead of
attending in person as he proposed, Charles appointed the Earl of
Traquair to act as his commissioner. After abolishing the articles
of Perth, the book of canons, the liturgy, the high commission
and episcopacy, and ratifying the late Covenant, the assembly was
dissolved on the 30th of August, and another general assembly
was appointed to be held at Aberdeen on the 28th of July of the
following year, 1640. The parliament met next day, viz., on the
last day of August, and as there were no bishops to represent the
third estate, fourteen minor barons were elected in their stead.
His majesty’s commissioner protested against the vote and against
farther proceedings till the king’s mind should be known, and the
commissioner immediately sent off a letter apprising him of the
occurrence. Without waiting for the king’s answer, the parliament
was proceeding with a variety of bills for securing the liberty
of the subject and restraining the royal prerogative, when it was
unexpectedly and suddenly prorogued, by an order from the king, till
the 2d of June in the following year.

If Charles had not already made up his mind for war with his Scottish
subjects, the conduct of the parliament which he had just prorogued
determined him again to have recourse to arms in vindication of his
prerogative. He endeavoured, at first, to enlist the sympathies of
the bulk of the English nation in his cause, but without effect;
and his repeated appeals to his English people, setting forth the
rectitude of his intentions and the justice of his cause, being
answered by men who questioned the one and denied the other, rather
injured than served him. The people of England were not then in a
mood to embark in a crusade against the civil and religious liberties
of the north; and they had too much experience of the arbitrary
spirit of the king to imagine that their own liberties would be
better secured by extinguishing the flame which burned in the breasts
of the sturdy and enthusiastic Covenanters.

But notwithstanding the many discouraging circumstances which
surrounded him, Charles displayed a firmness of resolution to coerce
the rebellious Scots by every means within his reach. The spring and
part of the summer of 1640 were spent by both parties in military
preparations. Field-Marshal Sir Alexander Leslie of Balgony, an
old and experienced officer who had been in foreign service, was
appointed generalissimo of the Scots army by the war committee. When
mustered by the general at Choicelee, it amounted to about 22,000
foot and 2,500 horse. A council of war was held at Dunse at which
it was determined to invade England. Montrose, to whose command a
division of the army, consisting of 2,000 foot and 500 horse, was
intrusted, was absent when this meeting was held; but, although his
sentiments had, by this time, undergone a complete change, seeing on
his return no chance of preventing the resolution of the council, he
dissembled his feelings and openly approved of the plan. There seems
to be no doubt that in following this course he intended, on the
first favourable opportunity, to declare for the king, and carry off
such part of the army as should be inclined to follow him, which he
reckoned at a third of the whole.[248]

The Earl of Argyle was commissioned by the Committee of Estates to
secure the west and central Highlands. This, the eighth Earl and
first Marquis of Argyle, had succeeded to the title only in 1638,
although he had enjoyed the estates for many years before that, as
his father had been living in Spain, an outlaw. He was born in 1598,
and strictly educated in the protestant faith as established in
Scotland at the Reformation. In 1626 he was made a privy councillor,
and in 1634 appointed one of the extraordinary lords of session. In
1638, at the General Assembly of Glasgow, he openly went over to the
side of the Covenanters, and from that time was recognised as their
political head. Argyle, in executing the task intrusted to him by
the committee, appears to have been actuated more by feelings of
private revenge than by an honest desire to carry out the spirit of
his commission. The ostensible reason for his undertaking this charge
was his thorough acquaintance with the Highlands and the Highlanders,
and his ability to command the services of a large following of his
own. “But the cheefe cause,” according to Gordon of Rothiemay,[249]
“though least mentioned, was Argylle, his spleene that he carryed
upon the accompt of former disobleedgments betwixt his family and
some of the Highland clans: therefore he was glade now to gett so
faire a colour of revenge upon the publicke score, which he did not
lett slippe. Another reasone he had besyde; it was his designe to
swallow upp Badzenoch and Lochaber, and some landes belonging to the
Mackdonalds, a numerous trybe, but haters of, and aeqwally hated
by Argylle.” He had some hold on these two districts, as, in 1639,
he had become security for some of Huntly’s debts to the latter’s
creditors. Argyle managed to seduce from their allegiance to Huntly
the clan Cameron in Lochaber, who bore a strong resentment against
their proper chief on account of some supposed injury done to the
clan by the former marquis. Although they had little relish for the
Covenant, still to gratify their revenge, they joined themselves
to Argyle. A tribe of the Macdonalds who inhabited Lochaber, the
Macranalds of Keppoch, who remained faithful to Huntly, met with very
different treatment at the hands of Argyle, who devastated their
district and burnt down their chief’s dwelling at Keppoch.

During this same summer (July 1640), Argyle, who had raised an army
of about 5,000 men, made a devastating raid into the district of
Forfarshire belonging to the Earl of Airly. He made first for Airly
castle, about five miles north of Meigle, which, in the absence
of the earl in England, was held by his son Lord Ogilvie, who had
recently maintained it against Montrose. When Argyle came up, Ogilvie
saw that resistance was hopeless, and abandoned the castle to the
tender mercy of the enemy. Argyle without scruple razed the place to
the ground, and is said to have shown himself so “extremely earnest”
in the work of demolition “that he was seen taking a hammer in his
hande and knocking down the hewed work of the doors and windows till
he did sweat for heat at his work.”[250] Argyle’s men carried off all
they could from the house and the surrounding district, and rendered
useless what they were compelled to leave behind.

From Airly, Argyle proceeded to a seat belonging to Lord Ogilvie,
Forthar in Glenisla, the “bonnie house o’ Airly,” of the well-known
song. Here he behaved in a manner for which it would be difficult
for his warmest supporters to find the shadow of an excuse, even
taking into consideration the roughness of the times. The place is
said by Gordon to have been “no strength,” so that there is still
less excuse for his conduct. He treated Forthar in the same way that
he did Airly, and although Lady Ogilvie, who at the time was close
on her confinement, asked Argyle to stay proceedings until she gave
birth to her infant, he without scruple expelled her from the house,
and proceeded with his work of destruction. Not only so, however,
but “the Lady Drum, Dame Marian Douglas, who lived at that time in
Kelly, hearing tell what extremity her grandchild, the Lady Ogilvy,
was reduced to, did send a commission to Argyle, to whom the said
Lady Drum was a kinswoman, requesting that, with his license, she
might admit into her own house, her grandchild, the Lady Ogilvy, who
at that time was near her delivery; but Argyle would give no license.
This occasioned the Lady Drum for to fetch the Lady Ogilvie to her
house of Kelly, and for to keep her there upon all hazard that might
follow.”

At the same time Argyle “was not forgetful to remember old quarrels
to Sir John Ogilvie of Craigie.” He sent a sergeant to Ogilvie’s
house to warn him to leave it, but the sergeant thought Argyle
must have made some mistake, as he found it no more than a simple
unfortified country house, occupied only by a sick gentlewoman and
some servants. The sergeant returned and told this to Argyle, who
waxed wroth and told him it was his duty simply to obey orders,
commanding him at the same time to return and “deface and spoil
the house.” After the sergeant had received his orders, Argyle was
observed to turn round and repeat to himself the Latin political
maxim _Abscindantur qui nos perturbant_, “a maxime which many thought
that he practised accurately, which he did upon the account of the
proverb consequential thereunto, and which is the reason of the
former, which Argyle was remarked likewise to have often in his mouth
as a choice aphorism, and well observed by statesmen, _Quod mortui
non mordent_.”

[Illustration: First Marquis of Argyle.]

Argyle next proceeded against the Earl of Athole, who, with about
1,200 followers, was lying in Breadalbane, ready to meet him. Argyle,
whose army was about five times the size of Athole’s, instead of
giving fight, managed by stratagem to capture Athole and some of his
friends, whom he sent to the Committee of Estates at Edinburgh.

Argyle, after having thus gratified his private revenge and made a
show of quieting the Highlands, returned to the lowlands.[251]

On the 20th of August General Leslie crossed the Tweed with his army,
the van of which was led by Montrose on foot. This task, though
performed with readiness and with every appearance of good will, was
not voluntarily undertaken, but had been devolved upon Montrose by
lot; none of the principal officers daring to take the lead of their
own accord in such a dangerous enterprise. There can be no doubt
that Montrose was insincere in his professions, and that those who
suspected him were right in thinking that in his heart he was turned
Royalist,[252] a supposition which his correspondence with the king
and his subsequent conduct fully justify.

Although the proper time had not arrived for throwing off the mask,
Montrose immediately on his return to Scotland, after the close
of this campaign, began to concert measures for counteracting the
designs of the Covenanters; but his plans were embarrassed by some
of his associates disclosing to the Covenanters the existence of an
association which Montrose had formed at Cumbernauld for supporting
the royal authority. A great outcry was raised against Montrose
in consequence, but his influence was so great that the heads of
the Covenanters were afraid to show any severity towards him. On
subsequently discovering, however, that the king had written him
letters which were intercepted and forcibly taken from the messenger,
a servant of the Earl of Traquair, they apprehended him, along with
Lord Napier of Merchiston, and Sir George Stirling of Keith, his
relatives and intimate friends, and imprisoned them in the castle of
Edinburgh. On the meeting of the parliament at Edinburgh in July,
1641, which was attended by the king in person, Montrose demanded
to be tried before them, but his application was rejected by the
Covenanters, who obtained an order from the parliament prohibiting
him from going into the king’s presence. After the king had returned
to England, Montrose and his fellow-prisoners were liberated, and
he, thereupon, went to his own castle, where he remained for some
time, ruminating on the course he should pursue for the relief of the
king. The king, while in Scotland at this time, conferred honours
upon several of the covenanting leaders, apparently for the purpose
of conciliation, Argyle being raised to the dignity of a marquis.

Although Charles complied with the demands of his Scottish subjects,
and heaped many favours and distinctions upon the heads of the
leading Covenanters, they were by no means satisfied, and entered
fully into the hostile views of their brethren in the south, with
whom they made common cause. Having resolved to send an army into
England to join the forces of the parliament, which had come to an
open rupture with the sovereign, they attempted to gain over Montrose
to their side by offering him the post of lieutenant-general of
their army, and promising to accede to any demands he might make;
but he rejected all their offers; and, as an important crisis was at
hand, he hastened to England in the early part of the year 1643, in
company with Lord Ogilvie, to lay the state of affairs before the
king, and to offer him his advice and service in such an emergency.
Charles, however, either from a want of confidence in the judgment of
Montrose, who, to the rashness and impetuosity of youth, added, as
he was led to believe, a desire of gratifying his personal feelings
and vanity, or overcome by the calculating but fatal policy of the
Marquis of Hamilton, who deprecated a fresh war between the king and
his Scottish subjects, declined to follow the advice of Montrose, who
had offered to raise an army immediately in Scotland to support him.

A convention of estates called by the Covenanters, without any
authority from the king, met at Edinburgh on the 22d of June, 1643,
and he soon perceived from the character and proceedings of this
assembly, the great majority of which were Covenanters, the mistake
he had committed in rejecting the advice of Montrose, and he now
resolved, thenceforth, to be guided in his plans for subduing
Scotland by the opinion of that nobleman. Accordingly, at a meeting
held at Oxford, between the king and Montrose, in the month of
December, 1643, when the Scots army was about entering England, it
was agreed that the Earl of Antrim, an Irish nobleman of great power
and influence, who then lived at Oxford, should be sent to Ireland
to raise auxiliaries with whom he should make a descent on the west
parts of Scotland in the month of April following;--that the Marquis
of Newcastle, who commanded the royal forces in the north of England,
should furnish Montrose with a party of horse, with which he should
enter the south of Scotland,--that an application should be made
to the King of Denmark for some troops of German horse; and that a
quantity of arms should be transported into Scotland from abroad.[253]

Instructions having been given to the Earl of Antrim to raise the
Irish levy, and Sir James Cochran having been despatched to the
continent as ambassador for the king, to procure foreign aid,
Montrose left Oxford on his way to Scotland, taking York and Durham
in his route. Near the latter city he had an interview with the
Marquis of Newcastle for the purpose of obtaining a sufficient party
of horse to escort him into Scotland, but all he could procure
was about 100 horse, badly appointed, with two small brass field
pieces.[254] The Marquis sent orders to the king’s officers, and to
the captains of the militia in Cumberland and Westmoreland, to afford
Montrose such assistance as they could, and he was in consequence
joined on his way to Carlisle by 800 foot and three troops of horse,
of Cumberland and Northumberland militia. With this small force, and
about 200 horse, consisting of noblemen and gentlemen who had served
as officers in Germany, France, or England, Montrose entered Scotland
on the 13th of April, 1644. He had not, however, proceeded far,
when a revolt broke out among the English soldiers, who immediately
returned to England. In spite of this discouragement, Montrose
proceeded on with his small party of horse towards Dumfries, which
surrendered to him without opposition. After waiting there a few
days, in expectation of hearing some tidings respecting the Earl of
Antrim’s movements, without receiving any, he retired to Carlisle,
to avoid being surprised by the Covenanters, large bodies of whom
were hovering about in all directions.

To aid the views of Montrose, the king had appointed the Marquis of
Huntly, on whose fidelity he could rely, his lieutenant-general in
the north of Scotland. He, on hearing of the capture of Dumfries by
Montrose, immediately collected a considerable body of horse and
foot, consisting of Highlanders and lowlanders, at Kincardine-O’Neil,
with the intention of crossing the Cairn-a-Mount; but being
disappointed in not being joined by some forces from Perthshire,
Angus, and the Mearns, which he expected, he altered his steps, and
proceeded towards Aberdeen, which he took. Thence he despatched
parties of his troops through the counties of Aberdeen and Banff,
which brought in quantities of horses and arms for the use of his
army. One party, consisting of 120 horse and 300 foot, commanded
by the young laird of Drum and his brother, young Gicht, Colonel
Nathaniel Gordon and Colonel Donald Farquharson and others, proceeded
to the town of Montrose, which they took, killed one of the bailies,
made the provost prisoner, and threw some cannon into the sea as
they could not carry them away. But, on hearing that the Earl of
Kinghorn was advancing upon them with the forces of Angus, they made
a speedy retreat, leaving thirty of their foot behind them prisoners.
To protect themselves against the army of the Marquis of Huntly, the
inhabitants of Moray, on the north of the Spey, raised a regiment of
foot and three companies of horse, which were quartered in the town
of Elgin.

When the convention heard of Huntly’s movements, they appointed the
Marquis of Argyle to raise an army to quell this insurrection. He,
accordingly, assembled at Perth a force of 5,000 foot and 800 horse
out of Fife, Angus, Mearns, Argyle, and Perthshire, with which he
advanced on Aberdeen. Huntly, hearing of his approach, fled from
Aberdeen and retired to the town of Banff, where, on the day of
his arrival, he disbanded his army. The marquis himself thereafter
retired to Strathnaver, and took up his residence with the master
of Reay. Argyle, after taking possession of Aberdeen, proceeded
northward and took the castles of Gicht and Kellie, made the lairds
of Gicht and Haddo prisoners and sent them to Edinburgh, the latter
being, along with one Captain Logan, afterwards beheaded.[255]

We now return to Montrose, who, after an ineffectual attempt to
obtain an accession of force from the army of Prince Rupert, Count
Palatine of the Rhine, determined on again entering Scotland with
his little band. But being desirous to learn the exact situation of
affairs there, before putting this resolution into effect, he sent
Lord Ogilvie and Sir William Rollock into Scotland, in disguise,
for that purpose. They returned in about fourteen days, and brought
a spiritless and melancholy account of the state of matters in
the north, where they found all the passes, towns, and forts, in
possession of the Covenanters, and where no man dared to speak in
favour of the king. This intelligence was received with dismay by
Montrose’s followers, who now began to think of the best means of
securing their own safety. In this unpleasant conjuncture of affairs,
Montrose called them together to consult on the line of conduct
they should pursue. Some advised him to return to Oxford and inform
his majesty of the hopeless state of his affairs in Scotland, while
others gave an opinion that he should resign his commission, and go
abroad till a more favourable opportunity occurred of serving the
king; but the chivalrous and undaunted spirit of Montrose disdained
to follow either of these courses, and he resolved upon the desperate
expedient of venturing into the very heart of Scotland, with only
one or two companions, in the hope of being able to rally round his
person a force sufficient to support the declining interests of his
sovereign.

Having communicated this intention privately to Lord Ogilvie, he
put under his charge the few gentlemen who had remained faithful to
him, that he might conduct them to the king; and having accompanied
them to a distance, he withdrew from them clandestinely, leaving his
servants, horses, and baggage behind him, and returned to Carlisle.
Having prepared himself for his journey, he selected Sir William
Rollock, a gentleman of tried honour, and one Sibbald, to accompany
him. Disguised as a groom, and riding upon a lean, worn-out horse,
and leading another in his hand, Montrose passed for Sibbald’s
servant, in which condition and capacity he proceeded to the borders.
The party had not proceeded far when an occurrence took place, which
considerably disconcerted them. Meeting with a Scottish soldier,
who had served under the Marquis of Newcastle in England, he, after
passing Rollock and Sibbald, went up to the marquis, and accosted him
by his name. Montrose told him that he was quite mistaken; but the
soldier being positive, and judging that the marquis was concerned in
some important affair, replied, with a countenance which betokened a
kind heart, “Do not I know my lord Marquis of Montrose well enough?
But go your way, and God be with you.”[256] When Montrose saw that
he could not preserve an incognito from the penetrating eye of the
soldier, he gave him some money and dismissed him.

This occurrence excited alarm in the mind of Montrose, and made him
accelerate his journey. Within four days he arrived at the house of
Tullibelton, among the hills near the Tay, which belonged to Patrick
Graham of Inchbrakie, his cousin, and a royalist. No situation
was better fitted for concocting his plans, and for communicating
with those clans and the gentry of the adjoining lowlands who
stood well affected to the king. It formed, in fact, a centre, or
_point d’appui_ to the royalists of the Highlands and the adjoining
lowlands, from which a pretty regular communication could be kept up,
without any of those dangers which would have arisen in the lowlands.

For some days Montrose did not venture to appear among the people
in the neighbourhood, nor did he consider himself safe even in
Tullibelton house, but passed the night in an obscure cottage, and
in the day-time wandered alone among the neighbouring mountains,
ruminating over the strange peculiarity of his situation, and waiting
the return of his fellow-travellers, whom he had despatched to
collect intelligence on the state of the kingdom. These messengers
came back to him after some days’ absence, bringing with them the
most cheerless accounts of the situation of the country, and of
the persecutions which the royalists suffered at the hands of the
Covenanters. Among other distressing pieces of intelligence, they
communicated to Montrose the premature and unsuccessful attempt
of the Marquis of Huntly in favour of the royal cause, and of his
retreat to Strathnaver to avoid the fury of his enemies. These
accounts greatly affected Montrose, who was grieved to find that
the Gordons, who were stern royalists, should be exposed, by the
abandonment of their chief, to the revenge of their enemies; but he
consoled himself with the reflection, that as soon as he should be
enabled to unfurl the royal standard, the tide of fortune would turn.

While cogitating on the course he should pursue in this conjuncture,
a report reached him from some shepherds on the hills that a body of
Irish troops had landed in the West, and was advancing through the
Highlands. Montrose at once concluded that these were the auxiliaries
whom the Earl of Antrim had undertaken to send him four months
before, and such they proved to be. This force, which amounted to
1,500 men, was under the command of Alexander Macdonald, son of Coll
Mac-Gillespic Macdonald of Iona, who had been greatly persecuted by
the family of Argyle. Macdonald had arrived early in July, 1644,
among the Hebrides, and had landed and taken the castles of Meigray
and Kinloch Alan. He had then disembarked his forces in Knoydart,
where he expected to be joined by the Marquis of Huntly and the Earl
of Seaforth. As he advanced into the interior, he despatched the
fiery cross for the purpose of summoning the clans to his standard;
but, although the cross was carried through a large extent of
country, even to Aberdeen, he was joined at first only by the clan
Donald, under the captain of clan Ranald, and the laird of Glengary.
The Marquis of Argyle collected an army to oppose the progress of
Macdonald, and, to cut off his retreat to Ireland, he sent some ships
of war to Loch Eishord, where Macdonald’s fleet lay, which captured
or destroyed them. This loss, while it frustrated an intention
Macdonald entertained of returning to Ireland, in consequence of the
disappointment he had met with in not being joined by the clans,
stimulated him to farther exertions in continuing his march, in the
hope of meeting Montrose.

As Macdonald was perfectly ignorant of Montrose’s movements, and
thought it likely that he might be still at Carlisle, waiting till
he should hear of Macdonald’s arrival, he sent letters to him by the
hands of a confidential friend, who resided in the neighbourhood of
Inchbrakie’s house. This gentleman, who knew nothing of Montrose’s
return to Scotland, having luckily communicated to Mr. Graham the
secret of being intrusted with letters to his kinsman, Montrose,
Graham offered to see them safely delivered to Montrose, though he
should ride to Carlisle himself. The gentleman in question then
delivered the letters to Graham, and Montrose having received them,
wrote an answer as if from Carlisle, in which he requested Macdonald
to keep up his spirits, that he would soon be joined by a seasonable
reinforcement and a general at their head, and he ordered him with
all expedition to march down into Athole. In fixing on Athole as the
place of his rendezvous, Montrose is said to have been actuated by
an implicit reliance on the fidelity and loyalty of the Athole-men,
and by a high opinion of their courage. They lay, besides, under many
obligations to himself, and he calculated that he had only to appear
among them to command their services in the cause of their sovereign.

When Macdonald received these instructions, he marched towards
Athole; but in passing through Badenoch he was threatened with
an attack by the Earls of Sutherland and Seaforth, at the head
of some of their people, and by the Frasers, Grants, Rosses, and
Monroes, and other inhabitants of Moray, who had assembled at the
top of Strathspey; but Macdonald very cautiously avoided them, and
hastened into Athole. On arriving in Athole, Macdonald was coldly
received by the people of that as well as the surrounding country,
who doubted whether he had any authority from the king; and besides,
they hesitated to place themselves under the command of a person
of neither noble nor ancient lineage, and whom they considered an
upstart. This indecision might have proved fatal to Macdonald, who
was closely pressed in his rear by the army of Argyle, had not these
untoward deliberations been instantly put an end to by the arrival
of Montrose at Blair, where Macdonald had fixed his head-quarters.
Montrose had travelled seventy miles on foot, in a Highland dress,
accompanied by Patrick Graham, his cousin, as his guide.[257] His
appearance was hailed by his countrymen with every demonstration
of joy, and they immediately made him a spontaneous offer of their
services.

Accordingly, on the following day, the Athole-men, to the number of
about 800, consisting chiefly of the Stewarts and Robertsons, put
themselves under arms and flocked to the standard of Montrose. Thus,
in little more than twenty-four hours, Montrose saw himself at the
head of a force of upwards of 2,000 men, animated by an enthusiastic
attachment to his person and to the cause which he had espoused. The
extraordinary contrast between his present commanding position, and
the situation in which he was placed a few days before, as a forlorn
wanderer among the mountains, produced a powerful effect upon the
daring and chivalrous spirit of Montrose, who looked forward to the
success of his enterprise with the eagerness of a man who considered
the destinies of his sovereign as altogether depending upon his
individual exertions. Impressed with the necessity of acting with
promptitude, he did not hesitate long as to the course he should
pursue. He might have immediately gone in quest of Argyle, who had
followed the army of Macdonald, with slow and cautious steps, and by
one of those sudden movements which no man knew better how to execute
with advantage, surprised and defeated his adversary; but such a plan
did not accord with the designs of Montrose, who resolved to open the
campaign at once in the lowlands, and thus give confidence to the
friends and supporters of the king.

The general opinion which the Lowlanders of this period entertained
regarding their upland neighbours was not very respectful. A
covenanting wit, in a poem which he wrote against the bishops only
a few years before, says of one whose extraction was from the other
side of the Grampians,

“A bishop and a Highlandman, how can’st thou honest be?”

as if these two qualifications were of themselves sufficient, without
any known vice, to put a man completely beyond the pale of virtue.
It seems, indeed, to have been a general belief at the time that
this primitive and sequestered people, as they were avowedly out of
the saving circle of the Covenant, were also out of the limits of
both law and religion, and therefore hopelessly and utterly given up
to all sorts of wickedness. Not only were murder and robbery among
the list of offences which they were accused of daily committing,
but there even seems to have been a popular idea that sorcery was
a prevailing crime amongst them. They were also charged with a
general inclination to popery, an offence which, from the alarms and
superstitions of the time, had now come, in general phraseology, to
signify a condensation of all others. Along with this horrible notion
of the mountaineers, there was not associated the slightest idea of
their ardent and chivalrous character; nor was there any general
sensation of terror for the power which they undoubtedly possessed of
annoying the peaceful inhabitants, and thwarting the policy of the
Low country, no considerable body of Highlanders having been there
seen in arms for several generations.

In pursuance of his determination, Montrose put his small army in
motion the same day towards Strathearn, in passing through which he
expected to be joined by some of the inhabitants of that and the
adjoining country. At the same time he sent forward a messenger
with a friendly notice to the Menzieses of his intention to pass
through their country, but instead of taking this in good part they
maltreated the messenger and harassed the rear of his army. This
unprovoked attack so exasperated Montrose, that he ordered his men,
when passing by Weem castle, which belonged to the clan Menzies, to
plunder and lay waste their lands, and to burn their houses, an order
which was literally obeyed. He expected that this example of summary
vengeance would serve as a useful lesson to deter others, who might
be disposed to imitate the conduct of the Menzieses, from following
a similar course. Notwithstanding the time spent in making these
reprisals, Montrose passed the Tay with a part of his forces the same
evening, and the remainder followed very early the next morning.
He had, at the special request of the Athole-men themselves, placed
them under the command of his kinsman, Patrick Graham of Inchbrakie,
and he now sent him forward with a select party to reconnoitre.
Inchbrakie soon returned with information that he had observed a
party of armed men stationed upon the hill of Buchanty. On inquiry,
Montrose ascertained that this body was commanded by Lord Kilpont,
eldest son of the Earl of Menteith, and by Sir John Drummond, son
of the Earl of Perth, both of whom were his relations. The force
in question, which consisted of about 500 men, was on its way to
Perth to join the other covenanting troops who were stationed there.
Montrose immediately marched up to this body, with the intention,
if he could not prevail on them to join him, of attacking them, but
before he had approached sufficiently near, Lord Kilpont, who had
ascertained that Montrose commanded, sent some of his principal
officers to him to ascertain what his object was in thus advancing.
Montrose having explained his views and stated that he acted by
the king’s authority, and having entreated them to return to their
allegiance, they and the whole of their party immediately joined him.
This new accession augmented Montrose’s army to about 3,000 men.

Montrose now learned from his new allies that the Covenanters had
assembled their forces in great numbers at Perth, and that they lay
there waiting for his approach. The covenanting army, in fact, was
more than double that of Montrose, amounting to about 6,000 foot and
700 horse, to which were attached four pieces of artillery. Montrose,
on the other hand, had not a single horseman, and but three horses,
two of which were for his own use, and the other for that of Sir
William Rollock, and besides he had no artillery. Yet with such a
decided disparity, Montrose resolved to march directly to Perth
and attack the enemy. He appears to have been influenced in this
resolution by the consideration of the proximity of Argyle with his
army, and the danger in which he would be placed by being hemmed in
by two hostile armies: he could expect to avoid such an embarrassment
only by risking an immediate engagement.

As the day was too far advanced to proceed to Perth, Montrose ordered
his men to bivouac during the night about three miles from Buchanty,
and began his march by dawn of day. As soon as Lord Elcho, the
commander of the covenanting army, heard of Montrose’s approach,
he left Perth and drew up his army on Tippermuir, a plain of some
extent between four and five miles west from the town. Reserving to
himself the command of the right wing, he committed the charge of
the left to Sir James Scott, an able and skilful officer, who had
served with great honour in the Venetian army; and to the Earl of
Tullibardine he intrusted the command of the centre. The horse were
divided and placed on each wing with the view of surrounding the army
of Montrose, should he venture to attack them in their position. As
soon as Montrose perceived the enemy thus drawn up in battle array,
he made the necessary dispositions for attacking them. To counteract
as much as possible the danger arising to such a small body of men,
unprotected by cavalry, from the extended line of the Covenanters,
Montrose endeavoured to make his line as extensive as possible with
safety, by limiting his files to three men deep. As the Irish had
neither swords nor pikes to oppose the cavalry, they were stationed
in the centre of the line, and the Highlanders, who were provided
with swords and Lochaber axes, were placed on the wings, as better
fitted to resist the attacks of the cavalry. Some of the Highlanders
were, however, quite destitute of arms of every description, and
it is related on the authority of an eye-witness that Montrose,
seeing their helpless condition, thus quaintly addressed them:--“It
is true you have no arms; your enemies, however, have plenty. My
advice, therefore, is, that as there happens to be a great abundance
of stones upon this moor, every man should provide himself, in the
first place, with as stout a stone as he can well manage, rush up to
the first Covenanter he meets, beat out his brains, take his sword,
and then, I believe, he will be at no loss how to proceed.”[258]
This advice, as will be seen, was really acted upon. As Montrose
was almost destitute of powder, he ordered the Irish forces to
husband their fire till they should come close to the enemy, and
after a simultaneous discharge from the three ranks, (the front
rank kneeling,) to assail the enemy thereafter as they best could.
To oppose the left wing of the Covenanters, commanded by Sir James
Scott, Montrose took upon himself the command of his own right,
placing Lord Kilpont at the head of the left, and Macdonald, his
major-general, over the centre.

During the progress of these arrangements, Montrose despatched an
accomplished young nobleman, named Drummond, eldest son of Lord
Maderty, with a message to the chiefs of the Covenanters’ army,
entreating them to lay down their arms and return to their duty and
obedience to their sovereign. Instead, however, of returning any
answer to this message, they seized the messenger, and sent him
to Perth under an escort, with an intimation that, on obtaining
a victory over his master, they would execute him. Indeed, the
probability of a defeat seems never for a moment to have entered into
the imaginations of the Covenanters, and they had been assured by
Frederick Carmichael, a minister who had preached to them the same
day, being Sunday, 1st September, “that if ever God spoke truth out
of his mouth, he promised them, in the name of God, a certain victory
that day.”[259]

There being no hopes, therefore, of an accommodation, both armies,
after advancing towards each other, remained motionless for a short
time, as if unwilling to begin the attack; but this state of matters
was speedily put an end to by the advance of a select skirmishing
party under the command of Lord Drummond, sent out from the main body
of the covenanting army, for the double purpose of distracting the
attention of Montrose, and inducing his troops to leave their ranks,
and thus create confusion among them; but Montrose kept his men in
check, and contented himself with sending out a few of his men to
oppose them. Lord Drummond, whom Baillie appears to have suspected
of treachery, and his party were routed at the first onset, and
fled back upon the main body in great disorder. This trivial affair
decided the fate of the day, for the Covenanters, many of whom were
undisciplined, seeing the unexpected defeat of Lord Drummond’s party,
became quite dispirited, and began to show symptoms which indicated a
disposition for immediate flight. The confusion into which the main
body had been thrown by the retreat of the advanced party, and the
indecision which seemed now to prevail in the Covenanters’ army in
consequence of that reverse, were observed by the watchful eye of
Montrose, who saw that the favourable moment for striking a decisive
blow had arrived. He therefore gave orders to his men to advance,
who, immediately setting up a loud shout, rushed forward at a quick
pace towards the enemy. They were met by a random discharge from some
cannon which the Covenanters had placed in front of their army, but
which did little or no execution. When sufficiently near, Montrose’s
musketeers halted, and, as ordered, poured a volley into the main
rank of the Covenanters, which immediately gave way. The cavalry of
the Covenanters, thereupon, issued from their stations and attacked
the royalists, who, in their turn, defended themselves with singular
intrepidity. While the armed Highlanders made ample use of their
Lochaber axes and swords, the Irish steadily opposed the attacks of
the horse with the butt ends of their muskets; but the most effective
annoyance which the cavalry met with appears to have proceeded from
the unarmed Highlanders, who having supplied themselves with a
quantity of stones, as suggested by Montrose, discharged them with
well-directed aim at the horses and their riders. The result was,
that after a short struggle, the cavalry were obliged to make a
precipitate retreat. While this contest was going on, another part of
Montrose’s army was engaged with the right wing of the covenanting
army, under Sir James Scott, but although this body made a longer
and more determined resistance, and galled the party opposed to them
by an incessant fire of musketry, they were at last overpowered
by the Athole-men, who rushed upon them with their broad-swords,
and cut down and wounded a considerable number. The rout of the
Covenanters now became general. The horsemen saved themselves by
the fleetness of their horses; but during the pursuit, which was
kept up to a distance of six or seven miles, many hundreds of foot
were killed, and a considerable number made prisoners,[260] some of
whom afterwards served in Montrose’s army. The loss on the side of
Montrose appears to have been very trifling. By this victory, and the
subsequent capture of Perth, which he entered the same day, Montrose
was enabled to equip his army with all those warlike necessaries of
which it had been so remarkably destitute in the morning, and of
which the Covenanters left him an abundant supply.[261]

FOOTNOTES:

[232] Gordon’s _Scots Affairs_, vol. ii. p. 209.

[233] Spalding, vol. i. p. 137.

[234] _Troubles_, vol. i. pp. 107, 108.

[235] Spalding, vol. i. pp. 157, 160.

[236] Gordon of Rothiemay, vol. ii. p. 235.

[237] Id., vol. ii. p. 235.

[238] Spalding, vol. i. p. 168.

[239] Ibid. p. 177.

[240] Gordon of Rothiemay, ii. 240. Spalding, i. 179.

[241] _Turray_ is the old name of Turriff.--Gordon of Rothiemay, vol.
ii. p. 254. Gordon of Sallagh, p. 401.

[242] Spalding, vol. i. p. 188.

[243] _Continuation_, p. 402.

[244] Spalding, vol. i. p. 205.

[245] _Troubles_, vol. i. p. 206.

[246] Spalding, vol. i. p. 207.--Gordon of Rothiemay, vol. ii. p.
268.--Gordon of Ruthven, in his abridgment of _Britane’s Distemper_
(Spald. Club ed.), p. 206, makes the number 5,000.

[247] Spalding, vol. i. p. 208. Gordon of Rothiemay, vol. ii. p. 272.
_Britane’s Distemper_, p. 24.

[248] Wishart’s Memoirs, Edin. 1819, p. 24.

[249] Scots Affairs, iii. 163.

[250] Gordon of Rothiemay, iii. 165.

[251] See Gordon of Rothiemay, iii. 163 et seq. Spalding, i. 290.

[252] Guthrie’s Memoirs, p. 70.

[253] Wishart.

[254] The Duchess of Newcastle says, in the memoirs of her husband,
that the number was 200.

[255] Gordon of Sallagh, p. 519.

[256] Wishart, p. 64.

[257] Wishart, p. 69.

[258] _Gentleman’s Mag._, vol. xvi. p. 153.

[259] Wishart, p. 77.

[260] There is a great discrepancy between contemporary writers as to
the number killed. Wishart states it at 2,000; Spalding, at 1,300,
and 800 prisoners; though he says that some reckoned the number at
1,500 killed. Gordon of Sallagh mentions only 300. Gordon of Ruthven,
in _Britane’s Distemper_, gives the number at 2,000 killed and 1,000
prisoners. Baillie says (vol. ii. p. 233, ed. 1841) that no quarter
was given, and not a prisoner was taken.

[261] _Britane’s Distemper_, p. 73.

CHAPTER XIII.

A.D. 1644 (SEPTEMBER)-1645 (FEBRUARY).

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--Charles I., 1625-1649.

Montrose crosses the Tay to Collace--Marches through Angus and
Mearns--Battle of Aberdeen--Supineness of the Gordons--Movements
of Argyle--Montrose retreats through Badenoch--Second march of
Montrose to the north--Battle of Fyvie--Montrose retreats to
Strathbogie--Secession from his camp--Montrose enters and wastes
Breadalbane and Argyle--Marches to Lochness--Argyle enters
Lochaber--Battle of Inverlochy.

Montrose now entertained confident expectations that many of the
royalists of the surrounding country who had hitherto kept aloof
would join him; but after remaining three days at Perth, to give
them an opportunity of rallying round his standard, he had the
mortification to find that, with the exception of Lords Dupplin
and Spynie, and a few gentlemen from the Carse of Gowrie, who came
to him, his anticipations were not to be realized. The spirits of
the royalists had been too much subdued by the severities of the
Covenanters for them all at once to risk their lives and fortunes
on the issue of what they had long considered a hopeless cause; and
although Montrose had succeeded in dispersing one army with a greatly
inferior force, yet it was well known that that army was composed of
raw and undisciplined men, and that the Covenanters had still large
bodies of well-trained troops in the field.

Thus disappointed in his hopes, and understanding that the Marquis
of Argyle was fast approaching with a large army, Montrose crossed
the Tay on the 4th of September, directing his course towards
Coupar-Angus, and encamped at night in the open fields near Collace.
His object in proceeding northward was to endeavour to raise some of
the loyal clans, and thus to put himself in a sufficiently strong
condition to meet Argyle. Montrose had given orders to the army to
march early next morning, but by break of day, and before the drums
had beat, he was alarmed by an uproar in the camp. Perceiving his
men running to their arms in a state of fury and rage, Montrose,
apprehensive that the Highlanders and Irish had quarrelled,
immediately rushed in among the thickest of the crowd to pacify
them, but to his great grief and dismay, he ascertained that the
confusion had arisen from the assassination of his valued friend Lord
Kilpont. He had fallen a victim to the blind fury of James Stewart of
Ardvoirlich, with whom he had slept the same night, and who had long
enjoyed his confidence and friendship. According to Wishart, wishing
to ingratiate himself with the Covenanters, he formed a design to
assassinate Montrose or his major-general, Macdonald; and endeavoured
to entice Kilpont to concur in his wicked project. He, therefore, on
the night in question, slept with his lordship, and having prevailed
upon him to rise and take a walk in the fields before daylight, on
the pretence of refreshing themselves, he there disclosed his horrid
purpose, and entreated his lordship to concur therein. Lord Kilpont
rejected the base proposal with horror and indignation, which so
alarmed Stewart that, afraid lest his lordship might discover the
matter, he suddenly drew his dirk and mortally wounded Kilpont.
Stewart, thereupon, fled, and thereafter joined the Marquis of
Argyle, who gave him a commission in his army.[262]

[Illustration: STUART. (Tartan)]

Montrose now marched upon Dundee, which refused to surrender. Not
wishing to waste his time upon the hazardous issue of a siege with
a hostile army in his rear, Montrose proceeded through Angus and
the Mearns, and in the course of his route was joined by the Earl
of Airly, his two sons, Sir Thomas and Sir David Ogilvie, and a
considerable number of their friends and vassals, and some gentlemen
from the Mearns and Aberdeenshire. This was a seasonable addition to
Montrose’s force, which had been greatly weakened by the absence of
some of the Highlanders who had gone home to deposit their spoils,
and by the departure of Lord Kilpont’s retainers, who had gone to
Monteith with his corpse.

After the battle of Tippermuir, Lord Elcho had retired, with his
regiment and some fugitives, to Aberdeen, where he found Lord
Burleigh and other commissioners from the convention of estates.
As soon as they heard of the approach of Montrose, Burleigh, who
acted as chief commissioner, immediately assembled the Forbeses, the
Frasers, and the other friends of the covenanting interest, and did
everything in his power to gain over to his side as many persons as
he could from those districts where Montrose expected assistance. In
this way Burleigh increased his force to 2,500 foot and 500 horse,
but some of these, consisting of Gordons, and others who were obliged
to take up arms, could not be relied upon.

When Montrose heard of these preparations, he resolved,
notwithstanding the disparity of force, his own army now amounting
only to 1,500 foot and 44 horse, to hasten his march and attack them
before Argyle should come up. On arriving near the bridge of Dee, he
found it strongly fortified and guarded by a considerable force. He
did not attempt to force a passage, but, directing his course to the
west, along the river, crossed it at a ford at the Mills of Drum,
and encamped at Crathas that night (Wednesday, 11th September). The
Covenanters, the same day, drew up their army at the Two Mile Cross,
a short distance from Aberdeen, where they remained till Thursday
night, when they retired into the town. On the same night, Montrose
marched down Dee-side, and took possession of the ground which the
Covenanters had just left.[263]

On the following morning, viz., Friday, 13th September, about
eleven o’clock, the Covenanters marched out of Aberdeen to meet
Montrose, who, on their approach, despatched a drummer to beat a
parley, and sent a commissioner along with him bearing a letter to
the provost and bailies of Aberdeen, commanding and charging them
to surrender the town, promising that no more harm should be done
to it; “otherwise, if they would disobey, that then he desired them
to remove old aged men, women, and children out of the way, and to
stand to their own peril.” Immediately on receipt of this letter,
the provost called a meeting of the council, which was attended by
Lord Burleigh, and, after a short consultation, an answer was sent
along with the commissioner declining to surrender the town. On their
return the drummer was killed by the Covenanters, at a place called
Justice Mills; which violation of the law of nations so exasperated
Montrose, that he gave orders to his men not to spare any of the
enemy who might fall into their hands. His anger at this occurrence
is strongly depicted by Spalding, who says, that “he grew mad, and
became furious and impatient.”

As soon as Montrose received notice of the refusal of the magistrates
to surrender the town, he made the necessary dispositions for
attacking the enemy. From his paucity of cavalry, he was obliged to
extend his line, as he had done at Tippermuir, to prevent the enemy
from surrounding or outflanking him with their horse, and on each
of his wings he posted his small body of horsemen along with select
parties of musketeers and archers. To James Hay and Sir Nathaniel
Gordon he gave the command of the right wing, committing the charge
of the left to Sir William Rollock, all men of tried bravery and
experience.

The Covenanters began the battle by a cannonade from their
field-pieces, and, from their commanding position, gave considerable
annoyance to the royal forces, who were very deficient in artillery.
After the firing had been kept up for some time, Lord Lewis Gordon,
third son of the Marquis of Huntly, a young man of a very ardent
disposition, and of a violent and changeable temper, who commanded
the left wing of the Covenanters, having obtained possession of some
level ground where his horse could act, made a demonstration to
attack Montrose’s right wing; which being observed by Montrose, he
immediately ordered Sir William Rollock, with his party of horse,
from the left wing to the assistance of the right. These united
wings, which consisted of only 44 horse, not only repulsed the attack
of a body of 300, but threw them into complete disorder, and forced
them to retreat upon the main body, leaving many dead and wounded on
the field. Montrose restrained these brave cavaliers from pursuing
the body they had routed, anticipating that their services might be
soon required at the other wing; and he was not mistaken, for no
sooner did the covenanting general perceive the retreat of Lord Lewis
Gordon than he ordered an attack to be made upon the left wing of
Montrose’s army; but Montrose, with a celerity almost unexampled,
moved his whole cavalry from the right to the left wing, which,
falling upon the flank of their assailants sword in hand, forced them
to fly, with great slaughter. In this affair Montrose’s horse took
Forbes of Craigievar and Forbes of Boyndlie prisoners.

The unsuccessful attacks on the wings of Montrose’s army had in no
shape affected the future fortune of the day, as both armies kept
their ground, and were equally animated with hopes of ultimate
success. Vexed, but by no means intimidated by their second defeat,
the gentlemen who composed Burleigh’s horse consulted together
as to the best mode of renewing the attack; and, being of opinion
that the success of Montrose’s cavalry was owing chiefly to the
expert musketeers, with whom they were interlined, they resolved to
imitate the same plan, by mixing among them a select body of foot,
and renewing the charge a third time, with redoubled energy. But
this scheme, which might have proved fatal to Montrose, if tried,
was frustrated by a resolution he came to, of making an instant and
simultaneous attack upon the enemy. Perceiving their horse still in
great confusion, and a considerable way apart from their main body,
he determined upon attacking them with his foot before they should
get time to rally; and galloping up to his men, who had been greatly
galled by the enemies’ cannon, he told them that there was no good
to be expected by the two armies keeping at such a distance--that in
this way there was no means of distinguishing the strong from the
weak, nor the coward from the brave man, but that if they would once
make a home charge upon these timorous and effeminate striplings,
as he called Burleigh’s horse, they would never stand their attack.
“Come on, then,” said he, “my brave fellow-soldiers, fall down upon
them with your swords and muskets, drive them before you, and make
them suffer the punishment due to their perfidy and rebellion.”[264]
These words were no sooner uttered, than Montrose’s men rushed
forward at a quick pace and fell upon the enemy, sword in hand. The
Covenanters were paralyzed by the suddenness and impetuosity of the
attack, and, turning their backs, fled in the utmost trepidation
and confusion, towards Aberdeen. The slaughter was tremendous,
as the victors spared no man. The road leading from the field of
battle to Aberdeen was strewed with the dead and the dying; the
streets of Aberdeen were covered with the bodies, and stained with
the blood of its inhabitants. “The lieutenant followed the chase
into Aberdeen, his men hewing and cutting down all manner of men
they could overtake, within the town, upon the streets, or in the
houses, and round about the town, as our men were fleeing, with broad
swords, but (_i.e._ without) mercy or remeid. Their cruel Irish,
seeing a man well clad, would first tyr (strip) him, and save his
clothes unspoiled, syne kill the man.”[265] In fine, according to
this writer, who was an eye-witness, the town of Aberdeen, which, but
a few years before, had suffered for its loyalty, was now, by the
same general who had then oppressed it, delivered up by him to be
indiscriminately plundered by his Irish forces, for having espoused
the same cause which he himself had supported. For four days did
these men indulge in the most dreadful excesses, “and nothing,”
continues Spalding, was “heard but pitiful howling, crying, weeping,
mourning, through all the streets.” Yet Guthry says that Montrose
“shewed great mercy, both pardoning the people and protecting their
goods.”[266]

It is singular, that although the battle continued for four hours
without any determinate result, Montrose lost very few men, a
circumstance the more extraordinary as the cannon of the Covenanters
were placed upon advantageous ground, whilst those of Montrose were
rendered quite ineffective by being situated in a position from
which they could not be brought to bear upon the enemy. An anecdote,
characteristic of the bravery of the Irish, and of their coolness
in enduring the privations of war, has been preserved. During the
cannonade on the side of the Covenanters, an Irishman had his leg
shot away by a cannon ball, but which kept still attached to the
stump by means of a small bit of skin, or flesh. His comrades-in-arms
being affected with his disaster, this brave man, without betraying
any symptoms of pain, thus cheerfully addressed them:--“This, my
companions, is the fate of war, and what none of us ought to grudge:
go on, and behave as becomes you; and, as for me, I am certain my
lord, the marquis, will make me a trooper, as I am now disabled
for the foot service.” Then, taking a knife from his pocket, he
deliberately opened it, and cut asunder the skin which retained the
leg, without betraying the least emotion, and delivered it to one of
his companions for interment. As soon as this courageous man was able
to mount a horse, his wish to become a trooper was complied with, in
which capacity he afterwards distinguished himself.[267]

Hoping that the news of the victory he had obtained would create a
strong feeling in his favour among the Gordons, some of whom had
actually fought against him, under the command of Lord Lewis Gordon,
Montrose sent a part of his army towards Kintore and Inverury,
the following day, to encourage the people of the surrounding
country to declare for him; but he was sadly disappointed in his
expectations. The fact is, that ever since the appointment of
Montrose as lieutenant-general of the kingdom,--an appointment which
trenched upon the authority of the Marquis of Huntly as lieutenant
of the north,--the latter had become quite lukewarm in the cause
of his sovereign; and, although he was aware of the intentions of
his son, Lord Lewis, to join the Covenanters, he quietly allowed
him to do so without remonstrance. But, besides being thus, in
some measure, superseded by Montrose, the marquis was actuated by
personal hostility to him on account of the treatment he had formerly
received from him; and it appears to have been partly to gratify
his spleen that he remained a passive observer of a struggle which
involved the very existence of the monarchy itself. Whatever may have
been Huntly’s reasons for not supporting Montrose, his apathy and
indifference had a deadening influence upon his numerous retainers,
who had no idea of taking the field but at the command of their chief.

As Montrose saw no possibility of opposing the powerful and
well-appointed army of Argyle, which was advancing upon him with slow
and cautious steps, disappointed as he had been of the aid which he
had calculated upon, he resolved to march into the Highlands, and
there collect such of the clans as were favourably disposed to the
royal cause. Leaving Aberdeen, therefore, on the 16th of September,
with the remainder of his forces, he joined the camp at Kintore,
whence he despatched Sir William Rollock to Oxford to inform the king
of the events of the campaign, and of his present situation, and to
solicit him to send supplies.

We must now advert to the progress of Argyle’s army, the slow
movements of which form an unfavourable contrast with the rapid
marches of Montrose’s army. On the 4th of September, four days
after the battle of Tippermuir, Argyle, who had been pursuing the
Irish forces under Macdonald, had arrived with his Highlanders at
Stirling, where, on the following day, he was joined by the Earl of
Lothian and his regiment, which had shortly before been brought over
from Ireland. After raising some men in Stirlingshire, he marched
to Perth upon the 10th, where he was joined by some Fife men, and
Lord Bargenny’s and Sir Frederick Hamilton’s regiments of horse,
which had been recalled from Newcastle for that purpose. With this
increased force, which now consisted of about 3,000 foot and two
regular cavalry regiments, besides ten troops of horse, Argyle left
Perth on the 14th of September for the north, and in his route was
joined by the Earl Marshal, Lords Gordon, Fraser, and Crichton, and
other Covenanters. He arrived at Aberdeen upon the 19th of September,
where he issued a proclamation, declaring the Marquis of Montrose and
his followers traitors to religion and to their king and country, and
offering a reward of 20,000 pounds Scots, to any person who should
bring in Montrose dead or alive.[268] Spalding laments with great
pathos and feeling the severe hardships to which the citizens of
Aberdeen had been subjected by these frequent visitations of hostile
armies, and alluding to the present occupancy of the town by Argyle,
he observes that “this multitude of people lived upon free quarters,
a new grief to both towns, whereof there was quartered on poor old
Aberdeen Argyle’s own three regiments. The soldiers had their baggage
carried, and craved nothing but house-room and fire. But ilk captain,
with twelve gentlemen, had free quarters, (so long as the town had
meat and drink,) for two ordinaries, but the third ordinary they
furnished themselves out of their own baggage and provisions, having
store of meal, molt and sheep, carried with them. But, the first
night, they drank out all the stale ale in Aberdeen, and lived upon
wort thereafter.”[269]

Argyle was now within half a day’s march of Montrose, but, strange
to tell, he made no preparations to follow him, and spent two or
three days in Aberdeen doing absolutely nothing. After spending
this time in inglorious supineness, Argyle put his army in motion
in the direction of Kintore. Montrose, on hearing of his approach,
concealed his cannon in a bog, and leaving behind him some of his
heavy baggage, made towards the Spey with the intention of crossing
it. On arriving at the river, he encamped near the old castle of
Rothiemurchus; but finding that the boats used in passing the river
had been removed to the north side of the river, and that a large
armed force from the country on the north of the Spey had assembled
on the opposite bank to oppose his passage, Montrose marched his
army into the forest of Abernethy. Argyle only proceeded at first as
far as Strathbogie; but instead of pursuing Montrose, he allowed his
troops to waste their time in plundering the properties and laying
waste the lands of the Gordons in Strathbogie and the Enzie, under
the very eyes of Lord Gordon and Lord Lewis Gordon, neither of whom
appears to have endeavoured to avert such a calamity. Spalding says
that it was “a wonderful unnaturalitie in the Lord Gordon to suffer
his father’s lands and friends in his own sight to be thus wreckt
and destroyed in his father’s absence;” but Lord Gordon likely had
it not in his power to stay these proceedings, which, if not done at
the instigation, may have received the approbation of his violent
and headstrong younger brother, who had joined the Covenanters’
standard. On the 27th of September, Argyle mustered his forces at
the Bog of Gicht, when they were found to amount to about 4,000 men;
but although the army of Montrose did not amount to much more than a
third of that number, and was within twenty miles’ distance, he did
not venture to attack him. After remaining a few days in Abernethy
forest, Montrose passed through the forest of Rothiemurchus, and
following the course of the Spey, marched through Badenoch to Athole,
which he reached on 1st October.

When Argyle heard of the departure of Montrose from the forest of
Abernethy, he made a feint of following him. He accordingly set his
army in motion along Spey-side, and crossing the river himself with
a few horse, marched up some distance along the north bank, and
recrossed, when he ordered his troops to halt. He then proceeded to
Forres to attend a committee meeting of Covenanters to concert a
plan of operations in the north, at which the Earl of Sutherland,
Lord Lovat, the sheriff of Moray, the lairds of Balnagown, Innes and
Pluscardine, and many others were present. From Forres Argyle went to
Inverness, and after giving some instructions to Sir Mungo Campbell
of Lawers, and the laird of Buchanan, the commanders of the regiments
stationed there, he returned to his army, which he marched through
Badenoch in pursuit of Montrose. From Athole Montrose sent Macdonald
with a party of 500 men to the Western Highlands, to invite the laird
of Maclean, the captain of clan Ranald, and others to join him.
Marching down to Dunkeld, Montrose himself proceeded rapidly through
Angus towards Brechin and Montrose.[270]

Although some delay had been occasioned in Montrose’s movements by
his illness for a few days in Badenoch, this was fully compensated
for by the tardy motions of Argyle, who, on entering Badenoch,
found that his vigilant antagonist was several days’ march a-head
of him. This intelligence, however, did not induce him in the least
to accelerate his march. Hearing, when passing through Badenoch,
that Montrose had been joined by some of the inhabitants of that
country, Argyle, according to Spalding, “left nothing of that country
undestroyed, no not one four footed beast;” and Athole shared a
similar fate.

At the time Montrose entered Angus, a committee of the estates,
consisting of the Earl Marshal and other barons, was sitting in
Aberdeen, who, on hearing of his approach, issued on the 10th of
October a printed order, to which the Earl Marshal’s name was
attached, ordaining, under pain of being severely fined, all persons,
of whatever age, sex, or condition, having horses of the value
of forty pounds Scots or upwards, to send them to the bridge of
Dee, which was appointed as the place of rendezvous, on the 14th
of October, by ten o’clock, A.M., with riders fully equipped and
armed. With the exception of Lord Gordon, who brought three troops
of horse, and Captain Alexander Keith, brother of the Earl Marshal,
who appeared with one troop at the appointed place, no attention was
paid to the order of the committee by the people, who had not yet
recovered from their fears, and their recent sufferings were still
too fresh in their minds to induce them again to expose themselves to
the vengeance of Montrose and his Irish troops.

After refreshing his army for a few days in Angus, Montrose prepared
to cross the Grampians, and march to Strathbogie to make another
attempt to raise the Gordons; but, before setting out on his
march, he released Forbes of Craigievar and Forbes of Boyndlie, on
their parole, upon condition that Craigievar should procure the
liberation of the young laird of Drum and his brother from the jail
of Edinburgh, failing which, Craigievar and Boyndlie were both
to deliver themselves up to him as prisoners before the 1st of
November. This act of generosity on the part of Montrose was greatly
admired, more particularly as Craigievar was one of the heads of the
Covenanters, and had great influence among them. In pursuance of
his design, Montrose marched through the Mearns, and upon Thursday,
the 17th of October, crossed the Dee at the Mills of Drum, with his
whole army. In his progress north, contrary to his former forbearing
policy, he laid waste the lands of some of the leading Covenanters,
burnt their houses, and plundered their effects. He arrived at
Strathbogie on the 19th of October, where he remained till the 27th,
without being able to induce any considerable number of the Gordons
to join him. It was not from want of inclination that they refused
to do so, but they were unwilling to incur the displeasure of their
chief, who they knew was personally opposed to Montrose, and who felt
indignant at seeing a man who had formerly espoused the cause of the
Covenanters preferred before him. Had Montrose been accompanied by
any of the Marquis of Huntly’s sons, they might have had influence
enough to have induced some of the Gordons to declare for him; but
the situation of the marquis’s three sons was at this time very
peculiar. The eldest son, Lord Gordon, a young man “of singular worth
and accomplishments,” was with Argyle, his uncle by the mother’s
side; the Earl of Aboyne, the second son, was shut up in the castle
of Carlisle, then in a state of siege; and Lord Lewis Gordon, the
third son, had, as we have seen, joined the Covenanters, and fought
in their ranks.

In this situation of matters, Montrose left Strathbogie on the day
last mentioned, and took up a position in the forest of Fyvie, where
he despatched some of his troops, who took possession of the castles
of Fyvie and Tollie Barclay, in which he found a good supply of
provisions, which was of great service to his army. During his stay
at Strathbogie, Montrose kept a strict outlook for the enemy, and
scarcely passed a night without scouring the neighbouring country
to the distance of several miles with parties of light foot, who
attacked straggling parties of the Covenanters, and brought in
prisoners from time to time, without sustaining any loss. These petty
enterprises, while they alarmed their enemies, gave an extraordinary
degree of confidence to Montrose’s men, who were ready to undertake
any service, however difficult or dangerous, if he only commanded
them to perform it.

When Montrose crossed the Dee, Argyle was several days’ march behind
him. The latter, however, reached Aberdeen on the 24th of October,
and proceeded the following morning towards Kintore, which he reached
the same night. Next morning he marched forward to Inverury, where
he halted at night. Here he was joined by the Earl of Lothian’s
regiment, which increased his force to about 2,500 foot, and 1,200
horse. In his progress through the counties of Angus, Kincardine,
Aberdeen, and Banff, he received no accession of strength, from the
dread which the name and actions of Montrose had infused into the
minds of the inhabitants of these counties.

The sudden movements of Argyle from Aberdeen to Kintore, and from
Kintore to Inverury, form a remarkable contrast with the slowness
of his former motions. He had followed Montrose through a long
and circuitous route, the greater part of which still bore recent
traces of his footsteps, and instead of showing any disposition
to overtake his flying foe, seemed rather inclined to keep that
respectful distance from him so congenial to the mind of one who,
“willing to wound,” is “yet still afraid to strike.” But although
this questionable policy of Argyle was by no means calculated to
raise his military fame, it had the effect of throwing Montrose, in
the present case, off his guard, and had well-nigh proved fatal to
him. The rapid march of Argyle on Kintore and Inverury, in fact, was
effected without Montrose’s knowledge, for the spies he had employed
concealed the matter from him, and while he imagined that Argyle was
still on the other side of the Grampians, he suddenly appeared within
a very few miles of Montrose’s camp, on the 28th of October.

The unexpected arrival of Argyle’s army did not disconcert Montrose.
His foot, which amounted to 1,500 men, were little more than the
half of those under Argyle, while he had only about 50 horse to
oppose 1,200. Yet, with this immense disparity, he resolved to await
the attack of the enemy, judging it inexpedient, from the want of
cavalry, to become the assailant by descending into the plain where
Argyle’s army was encamped. On a rugged eminence behind the castle
of Fyvie, on the uneven sides of which several ditches had been
cut and dikes built to serve as farm fences, Montrose drew up his
little but intrepid host; but before he had marked out the positions
to be occupied by his divisions, he had the misfortune to witness
the desertion of a small body of the Gordons, who had joined him
at Strathbogie. They, however, did not join Argyle, but contented
themselves with withdrawing altogether from the scene of the
ensuing action. It is probable that they came to the determination
of retiring, not from cowardice, but from disinclination to appear
in the field against Lord Lewis Gordon, who held a high command
in Argyle’s army. The secession of the Gordons, though in reality
a circumstance of trifling importance in itself, (for had they
remained, they would have fought unwillingly, and consequently might
not have had sufficient resolution to maintain the position which
would have been assigned them,) had a disheartening influence upon
the spirits of Montrose’s men, and accordingly they found themselves
unable to resist the first shock of Argyle’s numerous forces, who,
charging them with great impetuosity, drove them up the eminence, of
a considerable part of which Argyle’s army got possession. In this
critical conjuncture, when terror and despair seemed about to obtain
the mastery over hearts to which fear had hitherto been a stranger,
Montrose displayed a coolness and presence of mind equal to the
dangers which surrounded him. Animating them by his presence, and by
the example which he showed in risking his person in the hottest of
the fight, he roused their courage by putting them further in mind
of the victories they had achieved, and how greatly superior they
were in bravery to the enemy opposed to them. After this emphatic
appeal to their feelings, Montrose turned to Colonel O’Kean, a young
Irish gentleman, highly respected by the former for his bravery,
and desired him, with an air of the most perfect _sang froid_, to
go down with such men as were readiest, and to drive these fellows
(meaning Argyle’s men), out of the ditches, that they might be no
more troubled with them. O’Kean quickly obeyed the mandate, and
though the party in the ditches was greatly superior to the body he
led, and was, moreover, supported by some horse, he drove them away,
and captured several bags of powder which they left behind them in
their hurry to escape. This was a valuable acquisition, as Montrose’s
men had spent already almost the whole of their ammunition.

While O’Kean was executing this brilliant affair, Montrose observed
five troops of horse, under the Earl of Lothian, preparing to attack
his 50 horse, who were posted a little way up the eminence, with a
small wood in their rear. He, therefore, without a moment’s delay,
ordered a party of musketeers to their aid, who, having interlined
themselves with the 50 horse, kept up such a galling fire upon
Lothian’s troopers, that before they had advanced half way across a
field which lay between them and Montrose’s horse, they were obliged
to wheel about and gallop off.

Montrose’s men became so elated with their success that they could
scarcely be restrained from leaving their ground and making a general
attack upon the whole of Argyle’s army; but although Montrose did
not approve of this design, he disguised his opinion, and seemed
rather to concur in the views of his men, telling them, however, to
be so far mindful of their duty as to wait till he should see the
fit moment for ordering the attack. Argyle remained till the evening
without attempting anything farther, and then retired to a distance
of about three miles across the Spey; his men passed the night under
arms. The only person of note killed in these skirmishes was Captain
Keith, brother of the Earl Marshal.

Next day Argyle resolved to attack Montrose, with the view of driving
him from his position. He was induced to come to this determination
from a report, too well founded, which had reached him, that
Montrose’s army was almost destitute of ammunition;--indeed, he had
compelled the inhabitants of all the surrounding districts to deliver
up every article of pewter in their possession for the purpose of
being converted into ammunition; but this precarious supply appears
soon to have been exhausted.[271] On arriving at the bottom of the
hill, he changed his resolution, not judging it safe, from the
experience of the preceding day, to hazard an attack. Montrose, on
the other hand, agreeably to his original plan, kept his ground, as
he did not deem it advisable to expose his men to the enemy’s cavalry
by descending from the eminence. With the exception of some trifling
skirmishes between the advanced posts, the main body of both armies
remained quiescent during the whole day. Argyle again retired in the
evening to the ground he had occupied the preceding night, whence
he returned the following day, part of which was spent in the same
manner as the former; but long before the day had expired he led off
his army, “upon fair day light,” says Spalding, “to a considerable
distance, leaving Montrose to effect his escape unmolested.”

Montrose, thus left to follow any course he pleased, marched off
after nightfall towards Strathbogie, plundering Turriff and Rothiemay
house in his route. He selected Strathbogie as the place of his
retreat on account of the ruggedness of the country and of the
numerous dikes with which it was intersected, which would prevent
the operations of Argyle’s cavalry, and where he intended to remain
till joined by Macdonald, whom he daily expected from the Highlands
with a reinforcement. When Argyle heard of Montrose’s departure on
the following morning, being the last day of October, he forthwith
proceeded after him with his army, thinking to bring him to action in
the open country, and encamped at Tullochbeg on the 2d of November,
where he drew out his army in battle array. He endeavoured to bring
Montrose to a general engagement, and, in order to draw him from a
favourable position he was preparing to occupy, Argyle sent out a
skirmishing party of his Highlanders; but they were soon repulsed,
and Montrose took possession of the ground he had selected.

Baffled in all his attempts to overcome Montrose by force of
arms, Argyle, whose talents were more fitted for the intrigues of
the cabinet than the tactics of the field, had now recourse to
negotiation, with the view of effecting the ruin of his antagonist.
For this purpose he proposed a cessation of arms, and that he and
Montrose should hold a conference, previous to which arrangements
should be entered into for their mutual security. Montrose knew
Argyle too well to place any reliance upon his word, and as he had
no doubt that Argyle would take advantage, during the proposed
cessation, to tamper with his men and endeavour to withdraw them from
their allegiance, he called a council of war, and proposed to retire
without delay to the Highlands. The council at once approved of this
suggestion, whereupon Montrose resolved to march next night as far
as Badenoch; and that his army might be able to accomplish such a
long journey within the time fixed, he immediately sent off all his
heavy baggage under a guard, and ordered his men to keep themselves
prepared as if to fight a battle the next day.[272] Scarcely,
however, had the carriages and heavy baggage been despatched, when
an event took place which greatly disconcerted Montrose. This was
nothing less than the desertion of his friend Colonel Sibbald
and some of his officers, who went over to the enemy. They were
accompanied by Sir William Forbes of Craigievar, who, having been
unable to fulfil the condition on which he was to obtain his ultimate
liberation, had returned two or three days before to Montrose’s
camp. This distressing occurrence induced Montrose to postpone his
march for a time, as he was quite certain that the deserters would
communicate his plans to Argyle. Ordering, therefore, back the
baggage he had sent off, he resumed his former position, in which he
remained four days, as if he there intended to take up his winter
quarters.

In the meantime Montrose had the mortification to witness the
defection of almost the whole of his officers, who were very
numerous, for, with the exception of the Irish and Highlanders, they
outnumbered the privates from the Lowlands. The bad example which
had been set by Sibbald, the intimate friend of Montrose, and the
insidious promises of preferment held out to them by Argyle, induced
some, whose loyalty was questionable, to adopt this course; but the
idea of the privations to which they would be exposed in traversing,
during winter, among frost and snow, the dreary and dangerous regions
of the Highlands, shook the constancy of others, who, in different
circumstances, would have willingly exposed their lives for their
sovereign. Bad health, inability to undergo the fatigue of long and
constant marches--these and other excuses were made to Montrose as
the reasons for craving a discharge from a service which had now
become more hazardous than ever. Montrose made no remonstrance, but
with looks of high disdain which betrayed the inward workings of
a proud and unsubdued mind, indignant at being thus abandoned at
such a dangerous crisis, readily complied with the request of every
man who asked permission to retire. The Earl of Airly, now sixty
years of age and in precarious health, and his two sons, Sir Thomas
and Sir David Ogilvie, out of all the Lowlanders, alone remained
faithful to Montrose, and could, on no account, be prevailed upon to
abandon him. Among others who left Montrose on this occasion, was
Sir Nathaniel Gordon, who, it is said, went over to Argyle’s camp in
consequence of a concerted plan between him and Montrose, for the
purpose of detaching Lewis Gordon from the cause of the Covenanters,
a conjecture which seems to have originated in the subsequent conduct
of Sir Nathaniel and Lord Lewis, who joined Montrose the following
year.

Montrose, now abandoned by all his Lowland friends, prepared for his
march, preparatory to which he sent off his baggage as formerly; and
after lighting some fires for the purpose of deceiving the enemy,
took his departure on the evening of the 6th of November, and arrived
about break of day at Balveny. After remaining a few days there to
refresh his men, he proceeded through Badenoch, and descended by
rapid marches into Athole, where he was joined by Macdonald and John
Muidartach, the captain of the Clanranald, the latter of whom brought
500 of his men along with him. He was also reinforced by some small
parties from the neighbouring Highlands, whom Macdonald had induced
to follow him.

In the meantime Argyle, after giving orders to his Highlanders to
return home, went himself to Edinburgh, where he “got but small
thanks for his service against Montrose.”[273] Although the Committee
of Estates, out of deference, approved of his conduct, which some of
his flatterers considered deserving of praise because he “had shed no
blood;”[274] yet the majority had formed a very different estimate of
his character, during a campaign which had been fruitful neither of
glory nor victory. Confident of success, the heads of the Covenanters
looked upon the first efforts of Montrose in the light of a desperate
and forlorn attempt, rashly and inconsiderately undertaken, and
which they expected would be speedily put down; but the results of
the battles of Tippermuir, Aberdeen, and Fyvie, gave a new direction
to their thoughts, and the royalists, hitherto contemned, began now
to be dreaded and respected. In allusion to the present “posture of
affairs,” it is observed by Guthry, that “many who had formerly been
violent, began to talk moderately of business, and what was most
taken notice of, was the lukewarmness of many amongst the ministry,
who now in their preaching had begun to abate much of their former
zeal.”[275] The early success of Montrose had indeed caused some
misgivings in the minds of the Covenanters; but as they all hoped
that Argyle would change the tide of war, they showed no disposition
to relax in their severities towards those who were suspected of
favouring the cause of the king. The signal failure, however, of
Argyle’s expedition, and his return to the capital, quite changed,
as we have seen, the aspect of affairs, and many of those who had
been most sanguine in their calculations regarding the result of the
struggle, began now to waver and to doubt.

While Argyle was passing his time in Edinburgh, Montrose was
meditating a terrible blow at Argyle himself to revenge the cruelties
he had exercised upon the royalists, and to give confidence to the
clans in Argyle’s neighbourhood. These had been hitherto prevented
from joining Montrose’s standard from a dread of Argyle, who having
always a body of 5,000 or 6,000 Highlanders at command, had kept
them in such complete subjection that they dared not, without the
risk of absolute ruin, espouse the cause of their sovereign. The
idea of curbing the power of a haughty and domineering chief whose
word was a law to the inhabitants of an extensive district, ready to
obey his cruel mandates at all times, and the spirit of revenge, the
predominating characteristic of the clans, smoothed the difficulties
which presented themselves in invading a country made almost
inaccessible by nature, and rendered still more unapproachable by
the severities of winter. The determination of Montrose having thus
met with a willing response in the breasts of his men, he lost no
time in putting them in motion. Dividing his army into two parts, he
himself marched with the main body, consisting of the Irish and the
Athole-men, to Loch Tay, whence he proceeded through Breadalbane.
The other body, composed of the clan Donald and other Highlanders,
he despatched by a different route, with instructions to meet him
at an assigned spot on the borders of Argyle. The country through
which both divisions passed, being chiefly in possession of Argyle’s
kinsmen or dependants, was laid waste, particularly the lands of
Campbell of Glenorchy.

When Argyle heard of the ravages committed by Montrose’s army on the
lands of his kinsmen, he hastened home from Edinburgh to his castle
at Inverary, and gave orders for the assembling of his clan, either
to repel any attack that might be made on his own country, or to
protect his friends from future aggression. It is by no means certain
that he anticipated an invasion from Montrose, particularly at such a
season of the year, and he seemed to imagine himself so secure from
attack, owing to the intricacy of the passes leading into Argyle,
that although a mere handful of men could have effectually opposed
an army much larger than that of Montrose, he took no precautions to
guard them. So important indeed did he himself consider these passes
to be, that he had frequently declared that he would rather forfeit
a hundred thousand crowns, than that an enemy should know the passes
by which an armed force could penetrate into Argyle.[276]

While thus reposing in fancied security in his impregnable
stronghold, and issuing his mandates for levying his forces, some
shepherds arrived in great terror from the hills, and brought him
the alarming intelligence that the enemy, whom he had imagined were
about a hundred miles distant, were within two miles of his own
dwelling. Terrified at the unexpected appearance of Montrose, whose
vengeance he justly dreaded, he had barely self-possession left to
concert measures for his own personal safety, by taking refuge on
board a fishing boat in Loch Fyne, in which he sought his way to the
Lowlands, leaving his people and country exposed to the merciless
will of an enemy thirsting for revenge. The inhabitants of Argyle
being thus abandoned by their chief, made no attempt to oppose
Montrose, who, the more effectually to carry his plan for pillaging
and ravaging the country into execution, divided his army into three
parties, under the respective orders of the captain of clan Ranald,
Macdonald, and himself. For upwards of six weeks, viz., from the 13th
of December, 1644, till nearly the end of January following, these
different bodies traversed the whole country without molestation,
burning, wasting, and destroying every thing which came within their
reach. Nor were the people themselves spared, for although it is
mentioned by one writer that Montrose “shed no blood in regard that
all the people (following their lord’s laudable example) delivered
themselves by flight also,”[277] it is evident from several
contemporary authors that the slaughter must have been immense.[278]
In fact, before the end of January, the face of a single male
inhabitant was not to be seen throughout the whole extent of Argyle
and Lorn, the whole population having been either driven out of these
districts, or taken refuge in dens and caves known only to themselves.

Having thus retaliated upon Argyle and his people in a tenfold degree
the miseries which he had occasioned in Lochaber and the adjoining
countries, Montrose left Argyle and Lorn, passing through Glencoe
and Lochaber on his way to Lochness. On his march eastwards he was
joined by the laird of Abergeldie, the Farquharsons of the Braes of
Mar, and by a party of the Gordons. The object of Montrose, by this
movement, was to seize Inverness, which was then protected by only
two regiments, in the expectation that its capture would operate as a
stimulus to the northern clans, who had not yet declared themselves.
This resolution was by no means altered on reaching the head of
Lochness, where he learned that the Earl of Seaforth was advancing
to meet him with an army of 5,000 horse and foot, which he resolved
to encounter, it being composed, with the exception of two regular
regiments, of raw and undisciplined levies.

While proceeding, however, through Abertarf, a person arrived in
great haste at Kilcummin, the present fort Augustus, who brought
him the surprising intelligence that Argyle had entered Lochaber
with an army of 3,000 men; that he was burning and laying waste
the country, and that his head-quarters were at the old castle of
Inverlochy. After Argyle had effected his escape from Inverary, he
had gone to Dumbarton, where he remained till Montrose’s departure
from his territory. While there, a body of covenanting troops who
had served in England, arrived under the command of Major-general
Baillie, for the purpose of assisting Argyle in expelling Montrose
from his bounds; but on learning that Montrose had left Argyle,
and was marching through Glencoe and Lochaber, General Baillie
determined to lead his army in an easterly direction through the
Lowlands, with the intention of intercepting Montrose, should he
attempt a descent. At the same time it was arranged between Baillie
and Argyle that the latter, who had now recovered from his panic in
consequence of Montrose’s departure, should return to Argyle and
collect his men from their hiding-places and retreats. As it was
not improbable, however, that Montrose might renew his visit, the
Committee of Estates allowed Baillie to place 1,100 of his soldiers
at the disposal of Argyle, who, as soon as he was able to muster his
men, was to follow Montrose’s rear, yet so as to avoid an engagement,
till Baillie, who, on hearing of Argyle’s advance into Lochaber,
was to march suddenly across the Grampians, should attack Montrose
in front. To assist him in levying and organizing his clan, Argyle
called over Campbell of Auchinbreck, his kinsman, from Ireland, who
had considerable reputation as a military commander. In terms of
his instructions, therefore, Argyle had entered Lochaber, and had
advanced as far as Inverlochy, when, as we have seen, the news of his
arrival was brought to Montrose.

Montrose was at first almost disinclined, from the well-known
reputation of Argyle, to credit this intelligence, but being fully
assured of its correctness from the apparent sincerity of his
informer, he lost not a moment in making up his mind as to the course
he should pursue. He might have instantly marched back upon Argyle
by the route he had just followed; but as the latter would thus get
due notice of his approach, and prepare himself for the threatened
danger, Montrose resolved upon a different plan. The design he
conceived could only have originated in the mind of such a bold
and enterprising commander as Montrose, before whose daring genius
difficulties hitherto deemed insurmountable at once disappeared.
The idea of carrying an army over dangerous and precipitous
mountains, whose wild and frowning aspect seemed to forbid the
approach of human footsteps, and in the middle of winter, too, when
the formidable perils of the journey were greatly increased by the
snow, however chimerical it might have seemed to other men, appeared
quite practicable to Montrose, whose sanguine anticipations of the
advantages to be derived from such an extraordinary exploit, more
than counterbalanced, in his mind, the risks to be encountered.

The distance between the place where Montrose received the news of
Argyle’s arrival and Inverlochy is about thirty miles; but this
distance was considerably increased by the devious track which
Montrose followed. Marching along the small river Tarf in a southerly
direction, he crossed the hills of Lairie Thierard, passed through
Glenroy, and after traversing the range of mountains between the Glen
and Ben Nevis, he arrived in Glennevis before Argyle had the least
notice of his approach. Before setting out on his march, Montrose
had taken the wise precaution of placing guards upon the common road
leading to Inverlochy, to prevent intelligence of his movements being
carried to Argyle, and he had killed such of Argyle’s scouts as he
had fallen in with in the course of his march. This fatiguing and
unexampled journey had been performed in little more than a night and
a day, and when, in the course of the evening, Montrose’s men arrived
in Glennevis, they found themselves so weary and exhausted that they
could not venture to attack the enemy. They therefore lay under arms
all night, and refreshed themselves as they best could till next
morning. As the night was uncommonly clear, it being moonlight, the
advanced posts of both armies kept up a small fire of musketry, which
led to no result.

In the meantime Argyle, after committing his army to the charge of
his cousin, Campbell of Auchinbreck, with his customary prudence,
went, during the night, on board a boat in the loch, excusing himself
for this apparent pusillanimous act by alleging his incapacity to
enter the field of battle in consequence of some contusions he had
received by a fall two or three weeks before; but his enemies averred
that cowardice was the real motive which induced him to take refuge
in his galley, from which he witnessed the defeat and destruction
of his army. This somewhat suspicious action of Argyle--and it was
not the only time he provided for his personal safety in a similar
manner--is accounted for in the following (? ironical) way by the
author of _Britane’s Distemper_ (p. 100):--

“In this confusion, the commanders of there armie lightes wpon
this resolution, not to hazart the marquisse owne persone; for it
seems not possible that Ardgylle himselfe, being a nobleman of such
eminent qualitie, a man of so deepe and profund judgement, one that
knew so weell what belongeth to the office of a generall, that any
basse motion of feare, I say, could make him so wnsensible of the
poynt of honour as is generally reported. Nether will I, for my owne
pairt, belieue it; but I am confident that those barrones of his
kinred, wha ware captanes and commanderes of the armie, feareing the
euent of this battelle, for diuers reasones; and one was, that Allan
M’Collduie, ane old fox, and who was thought to be a seer, had told
them that there should be a battell lost there by them that came
first to seike battell; this was one cause of there importunitie with
him that he should not come to battell that day; for they sawe that
of necessitie they most feght, and would not hazart there cheife
persone, urgeing him by force to reteire to his galay, which lay
hard by, and committe the tryall of the day to them; he, it is to be
thought, with great difficultie yeelding to there request, leaues
his cusine, the laird of Auchinbreike, a most walorous and braue
gentleman, to the generall commande of the armie, and takes with
himselfe only sir James Rollocke, his brother in lawe, sir Jhone
Wachope of Nithrie, Mr. Mungo Law, a preacher. It is reported those
two last was send from Edinburgh with him to beare witnesse of the
expulsion of those rebelles, for so they ware still pleased to terme
the Royalistes.”

It would appear that it was not until the morning of the battle that
Argyle’s men were aware that it was the army of Montrose that was so
near them, as they considered it quite impossible that he should have
been able to bring his forces across the mountains; they imagined
that the body before them consisted of some of the inhabitants of
the country, who had collected to defend their properties. But they
were undeceived when, in the dawn of the morning, the warlike sound
of Montrose’s trumpets, resounding through the glen where they lay,
and reverberating from the adjoining hills, broke upon their ears.
This served as the signal to both armies to prepare for battle.
Montrose drew out his army in an extended line. The right wing
consisted of a regiment of Irish, under the command of Macdonald,
his major-general; the centre was composed of the Athole-men, the
Stuarts of Appin, the Macdonalds of Glencoe, and other Highlanders,
severally under the command of Clanranald, M’Lean, and Glengary; and
the left wing consisted of some Irish, at the head of whom was the
brave Colonel O’Kean. A body of Irish was placed behind the main body
as a reserve, under the command of Colonel James M’Donald, alias
O’Neill. The general of Argyle’s army formed it in a similar manner.
The Lowland forces were equally divided, and formed the wings,
between which the Highlanders were placed. Upon a rising ground,
behind this line, General Campbell drew up a reserve of Highlanders,
and placed a field-piece. Within the house of Inverlochy, which was
only about a pistol-shot from the place where the army was formed,
he planted a body of 40 or 50 men to protect the place, and to
annoy Montrose’s men with discharges of musketry.[279] The account
given by Gordon of Sallagh, that Argyle had transported the half
of his army over the water at Inverlochy, under the command of
Auchinbreck, and that Montrose defeated this division, while Argyle
was prevented from relieving it with the other division, from the
intervening of “an arm of the sea, that was interjected betwixt them
and him,”[280] is probably erroneous, for the circumstance is not
mentioned by any other writer of the period, and it is well known,
that Argyle abandoned his army, and witnessed its destruction from
his galley,--circumstances which Gordon altogether overlooks.

It was at sunrise, on Sunday, the 2d of February, 1645, that
Montrose, after having formed his army in battle array, gave orders
to his men to advance upon the enemy. The left wing of Montrose’s
army, under the command of O’Kean, was the first to commence the
attack, by charging the enemy’s right. This was immediately followed
by a furious assault upon the centre and left wing of Argyle’s army,
by Montrose’s right wing and centre. Argyle’s right wing not being
able to resist the attack of Montrose’s left, turned about and fled,
which circumstance had such a discouraging effect on the remainder
of Argyle’s troops, that after discharging their muskets, the whole
of them, including the reserve, took to their heels. The rout now
became general. An attempt was made by a body of about 200 of the
fugitives, to throw themselves into the castle of Inverlochy, but a
party of Montrose’s horse prevented them. Some of the flying enemy
directed their course along the side of Loch-Eil, but all these
were either killed or drowned in the pursuit. The greater part,
however, fled towards the hills in the direction of Argyle, and were
pursued by Montrose’s men, to the distance of about eight miles. As
no resistance was made by the defeated party in their flight, the
carnage was very great, being reckoned at 1,500 men. Many more would
have been cut off had it not been for the humanity of Montrose, who
did every thing in his power to save the unresisting enemy from
the fury of his men, who were not disposed to give quarter to the
unfortunate Campbells. Having taken the castle, Montrose not only
treated the officers, who were from the Lowlands, with kindness, but
gave them their liberty on parole.

[Illustration: Inverlochy Castle.--From M’Culloch’s celebrated
picture in the Edinburgh National Gallery.]

Among the principal persons who fell on Argyle’s side, were the
commander, Campbell of Auchinbreck, Campbell of Lochnell, the eldest
son of Lochnell, and his brother, Colin; M’Dougall of Rara and his
eldest son; Major Menzies, brother to the laird, (or Prior as he
was called) of Achattens Parbreck; and the provost of the church of
Kilmun. The loss on the side of Montrose was extremely trifling.
The number of wounded is indeed not stated, but he had only three
privates killed. He sustained, however, a severe loss in Sir Thomas
Ogilvie, son of the Earl of Airly, who died a few days after the
battle, of a wound he received in the thigh. Montrose regretted
the death of this steadfast friend and worthy man, with feelings
of real sorrow, and caused his body to be interred in Athole with
due solemnity.[281] Montrose immediately after the battle sent a
messenger to the king with a letter, giving an account of it, at
the conclusion of which he exultingly says to Charles, “Give me
leave, after I have reduced this country, and conquered from Dan
to Beersheba, to say to your Majesty, as David’s general to his
master, Come thou thyself, lest this country be called by my name.”
When the king received this letter, the royal and parliamentary
commissioners were sitting at Uxbridge negotiating the terms of a
peace; but Charles, induced by the letter, imprudently broke off the
negotiation, a circumstance which led to his ruin.

FOOTNOTES:

[262] Wishart, p. 84.--Stewart’s descendant, the late Robert Stewart
of Ardvoirlich, gives an account of the above incident, founded
on a “constant tradition in the family,” tending to show that his
ancestor was not so much a man of base and treacherous character, as
of “violent passions and singular temper.” James Stewart, it is said,
was so irritated at the Irish, for committing some excesses on lands
belonging to him, that he challenged their commander, Macdonald, to
single combat. By advice of Kilpont, Montrose arrested both, and
brought about a seeming conciliation. When encamped at Collace,
Montrose gave an entertainment to his officers, on returning from
which Ardvoirlich, “heated with drink, began to blame Kilpont for the
part he had taken in preventing his obtaining redress, and reflecting
against Montrose for not allowing him what he considered proper
reparation. Kilpont, of course, defended the conduct of himself and
his relative, Montrose, till their argument came to high words, and
finally, from the state they were both in, by an easy transition, to
blows, when Ardvoirlich, with his dirk, struck Kilpont dead on the
spot.” He fled, leaving his eldest son, Henry, mortally wounded at
Tippermuir, on his death-bed.--Introd. to _Legend of Montrose_.

[263] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 405.

[264] Wishart, p. 89.

[265] Spalding, vol. ii. 407.

[266] Memoirs, p. 131.

[267] Wishart, p. 91.

[268] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 414.

[269] Idem.

[270] Guthry, p. 231.

[271] Wishart, p. 100.

[272] Wishart, p. 102.

[273] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 287.

[274] Guthry, p. 134.

[275] Memoirs, pp. 134-5.

[276] Wishart, p. 107.

[277] Guthry, p. 136.

[278] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 442; Wishart, p. 108--_Red Book of
Clanranald_.

[279] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 444.

[280] _Continuation_, p. 522.

[281] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 445.--Wishart, p. 111, et seq.--Guthry,
p. 140.

CHAPTER XIV.

A.D. FEBRUARY--SEPTEMBER, 1645.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--Charles I., 1625-1649.

Montrose marches to Inverness and Elgin, wasting the lands of
the Covenanters--Enters and plunders Banff--Deputation from
Aberdeen--Death of Donald Farquharson--Montrose imposes a tax of
£10,000 on Aberdeen--Enters and burns Stonehaven--Defeats Hurry’s
horse at Fettercairn--Marches to Brechin and Dunkeld--Storms
and captures Dundee--Montrose’s retreat from Dundee--Movements
of General Baillie--Battle of Auldearn--Montrose’s after-movements
--Battle of Alford--General Baillie and the Committee of Estates
retreat to Stirling--Montrose marches to Aberdeen--Montrose marches
south--Is joined by more Highlanders--Threatens Perth--Retreats to
Dunkeld--Again moves south--Baillie joined by the men of Fife
--Montrose at Alloa--Maclean burns Castle Campbell--Montrose goes
towards Stirling--Differences among the Covenanters--Battle of
Kilsyth--Montrose enters Glasgow--Submission of the nobility and
the western counties--Submission of Edinburgh--Montrose appointed
Lieutenant-governor of Scotland--Desertion of Highlanders--Battle
of Philiphaugh.

When the disastrous news of the battle of Inverlochy reached
Edinburgh, the Estates were thrown into a state of great alarm. They
had, no doubt, begun to fear, before that event, and, of course, to
respect the prowess of Montrose, but they never could have been made
to believe that, within the space of a few days, a well-appointed
army, composed in part of veteran troops, would have been utterly
defeated by a force so vastly inferior in point of numbers, and
beset with difficulties and dangers to which the army of Argyle
was not exposed. Nor were the fears of the Estates much allayed by
the appearance of Argyle, who arrived at Edinburgh to give them an
account of the affair, “having his left arm tied up in a scarf, as if
he had been at bones-breaking.”[282] It is true that Lord Balmerino
made a speech before the assembly of the Estates, in which he
affirmed, that the great loss reported to be sustained at Inverlochy
“was but the invention of the malignants, who spake as they wished,”
and that “upon his honour, not more than thirty of Argyle’s men
had been killed;”[283] but as the disaster was well known, this
device only misled the weak and ignorant. Had Montrose at this
juncture descended into the Lowlands, it is not improbable that his
presence might have given a favourable turn to the state of matters
in the south, where the king’s affairs were in the most precarious
situation; but such a design does not seem to have accorded with his
views of prolonging the contest in the Highlands, which were more
suitable than the Lowlands to his plan of operations, and to the
nature of his forces.

Accordingly, after allowing his men to refresh themselves a few days
at Inverlochy, Montrose returned across the mountains of Lochaber
into Badenoch, “with displayed banner.” Marching down the south
side of the Spey, he crossed that river at Balchastel, and entered
Moray without opposition. He proceeded by rapid strides towards the
town of Inverness, which he intended to take possession of; but, on
arriving in the neighbourhood, he found it garrisoned by the laird
of Lawers’ and Buchanan’s regiments. As he did not wish to consume
his time in a siege, he immediately altered his course and marched
in the direction of Elgin, issuing, as he went along, a proclamation
in the king’s name, calling upon all males, from 16 to 60 years of
age, to join him immediately, armed as they best could, on foot or
on horse, and that under pain of fire and sword, as rebels to the
king. In consequence of this threat Montrose was joined by some of
the Moray-men, including the laird of Grant and 200 of his followers;
and, to show an example of severity, he plundered the houses and laid
waste the estates of many of the principal gentlemen of the district,
carrying off, at the same time, a large quantity of cattle and
effects, and destroying the boats and nets which they fell in with on
the Spey.[284]

Whilst Montrose was thus laying waste part of Moray, a committee of
the Estates, consisting of the Earl of Seaforth, the laird of Innes,
Sir Robert Gordon, the laird of Pluscardine, and others, was sitting
at Elgin; these, on hearing of his proceedings, prohibited the
holding of the fair which was kept there annually on Fasten’s eve,
and to which many merchants and others in the north resorted, lest
the property brought there for sale might fall a prey to Montrose’s
army. They, at the same time, sent Sir Robert Gordon, Mackenzie of
Pluscardine, and Innes of Luthers, to treat with Montrose, in name
of the gentry of Moray, most of whom were then assembled in Elgin;
but he refused to enter into any negotiation, offering, at the same
time, to accept of the services of such as would join him and obey
him as the king’s lieutenant.[285] Before this answer had been
communicated to the gentry at Elgin, they had all fled from the town
in consequence of hearing that Montrose was advancing upon them with
rapidity. The laird of Innes, along with some of his friends, retired
to the castle of Spynie, possessed by his eldest son, which was well
fortified and provided with every necessary for undergoing a siege.
The laird of Duffus went into Sutherland. As soon as the inhabitants
of the town saw the committee preparing to leave it, most of them
also resolved to depart, which they did, carrying along with them
their principal effects. Some went to Inverness, and others into
Ross, but the greater part went to the castle of Spynie, where they
sought and obtained refuge.

Apprehensive that Montrose might follow up the dreadful example he
had shown, by burning the town, a proposal was made to, and accepted
by him, to pay four thousand merks to save the town from destruction;
but, on entering it, which he did on the 19th of February, his men,
and particularly the laird of Grant’s party, were so disappointed
in their hopes of plunder, in consequence of the inhabitants having
carried away the best of their effects, that they destroyed every
article of furniture which was left.

Montrose was joined, on his arrival at Elgin, by Lord Gordon, the
eldest son of the Marquis of Huntly, with some of his friends and
vassals. This young nobleman had been long kept in a state of durance
by Argyle, his uncle, contrary to his own wishes, and now, when an
opportunity had for the first time occurred, he showed the bent of
his inclination by declaring for the king.

On taking possession of Elgin, Montrose gave orders to bring all
the ferry-boats on the Spey to the north side of the river, and
he stationed sentinels at all the fords up and down, to watch any
movements which might be made by the enemies’ forces in the south.

Montrose, thereupon, held a council of war, at which it was
determined to cross the Spey, march into the counties of Banff and
Aberdeen, by the aid of Lord Gordon, raise the friends and retainers
of the Marquis of Huntly, and thence proceed into the Mearns, where
another accession of forces was expected. Accordingly, Montrose left
Elgin on the 4th of March with the main body of his army, towards
the Bog of Gicht, accompanied by the Earl of Seaforth, Sir Robert
Gordon, the lairds of Grant, Pluscardine, Findrassie, and several
other gentlemen who “had come in to him” at Elgin. To punish the
Earl of Findlater, who had refused to join him, Montrose sent the
Farquharsons of Braemar before him, across the Spey, who plundered,
without mercy, the town of Cullen, belonging to the earl.

After crossing the Spey, Montrose, either apprehensive that
depredations would be committed upon the properties of his Moray
friends who accompanied him, by the two regiments which garrisoned
Inverness, and the Covenanters of that district, or having received
notice to that effect, he allowed the Earl of Seaforth, the laird
of Grant, and the other Moray gentlemen, to return home to defend
their estates; but before allowing them to depart, he made them
take a solemn oath of allegiance to the king, and promise that they
should never henceforth take up arms against his majesty or his loyal
subjects. At the same time, he made them come under an engagement
to join him with all their forces as soon as they could do so. The
Earl of Seaforth, however, disregarded his oath, and again joined the
ranks of the Covenanters. In a letter which he wrote to the committee
of Estates at Aberdeen, he stated that he had yielded to Montrose
through fear only, and he avowed that he would abide by “the good
cause to his death.”[286]

On Montrose’s arrival at Strathbogie, or Gordon castle, Lord Graham,
his eldest son, a most promising youth of sixteen, became unwell, and
died after a few days’ illness. The loss of a son who had followed
him in his campaigns, and shared with him the dangers of the field,
was a subject of deep regret to Montrose. While Montrose was occupied
at the death-bed of his son, Lord Gordon was busily employed among
the Gordons, out of whom he speedily raised a force of about 500
foot, and 160 horse.

With this accession to his forces, Montrose left Strathbogie and
marched towards Banff, on his route to the south. In passing by the
house of Cullen, in Boyne, the seat of the Earl of Findlater, who had
fled to Edinburgh, and left the charge of the house to the countess,
a party of Montrose’s men entered the house, which they plundered
of all its valuable contents. They then proceeded to set the house
on fire, but the countess entreated Montrose to order his men to
desist, and promised that if her husband did not come to Montrose
and give him satisfaction within fifteen days, she would pay him
20,000 merks, of which sum she instantly paid down 5,000. Montrose
complied with her request, and also spared the lands, although the
earl was “a great Covenanter.” Montrose’s men next laid waste the
lands in the Boyne, burnt the houses, and plundered the minister of
the place of all his goods and effects, including his books. The
laird of Boyne shut himself up in his stronghold, the Crag, where he
was out of danger; but he had the misfortune to see his lands laid
waste and destroyed. Montrose then went to Banff, which he gave up
to indiscriminate plunder. His troops did not leave a vestige of
moveable property in the town, and they even stripped to the skin
every man they met with in the streets. They also burned two or three
houses of little value, but not a drop of blood was shed.

From Banff Montrose proceeded to Turriff, where a deputation from
the town council of Aberdeen waited upon him, to represent the
many miseries which the loyal city had suffered from its frequent
occupation by hostile armies since the first outbreaking of the
unfortunate troubles which molested the kingdom. They further
represented, that such was the terror of the inhabitants at the idea
of another visit from his Irish troops, that all the men and women,
on hearing of his approach, had made preparations for abandoning the
town, and that they would certainly leave it if they did not get an
assurance from the marquis of safety and protection. Montrose heard
the commissioners patiently, expressed his regret at the calamities
which had befallen their town, and bade them not be afraid, as he
would take care that none of his foot, or Irish, soldiers should
come within eight miles of Aberdeen; and that if he himself should
enter the town, he would support himself at his own expense. The
commissioners returned to Aberdeen, and related the successful issue
of their journey, to the great joy of all the inhabitants.[287]

Whilst Montrose lay at Turriff, Sir Nathaniel Gordon, with some
troopers, went to Aberdeen, which he entered on Sunday, the 9th
of March, on which day there had been “no sermon in either of the
Aberdeens,” as the ministers had fled the town. The keys of the
churches, gates, and jail were delivered to him by the magistrates.
The following morning Sir Nathaniel was joined by 100 Irish dragoons.
After releasing some prisoners, he went to Torry, and took, after a
slight resistance, 1,800 muskets, pikes, and other arms, which had
been left in charge of a troop of horse. Besides receiving orders
to watch the town, Sir Nathaniel was instructed to send out scouts
as far as Cowie to watch the enemy, who were daily expected from
the south. When reconnoitring, a skirmish took place at the bridge
of Dee, in which Captain Keith’s troop was routed. Finding the
country quite clear, and no appearance of the covenanting forces,
Gordon returned back to the army, which had advanced to Frendraught.
No attempt was made upon the house of Frendraught, which was kept
by the young viscount in absence of his father, who was then at
Muchallis with his godson, Lord Fraser; but Montrose destroyed 60
ploughs of land belonging to Frendraught within the parishes of
Forgue, Inverkeithnie, and Drumblade, and the house of the minister
of Forgue, with all the other houses, and buildings, and their
contents. Nothing, in fact, was spared. All the cattle, horses,
sheep, and other domestic animals, were carried off, and the whole of
Frendraught’s lands were left a dreary and uninhabitable waste.

From Pennyburn, Montrose despatched, on the 10th of March, a letter
to the authorities of Aberdeen, commanding them to issue an order
that all men, of whatever description, between the age of sixteen
and sixty, should meet him equipped in their best arms, and such
of them as had horses, mounted on the best of them, on the 15th of
March, at his camp at Inverury, under the pain of fire and sword.
In consequence of this mandate he was joined by a considerable
number of horse and foot. On the 12th of March, Montrose arrived at
Kintore, and took up his own quarters in the house of John Cheyne,
the minister of the place, whence he issued an order commanding
each parish within the presbytery of Aberdeen, (with the exception
of the town of Aberdeen,) to send to him two commissioners, who
were required to bring along with them a complete roll of the whole
heritors, feuars, and liferenters of each parish. His object, in
requiring such a list, was to ascertain the number of men capable
of serving, and also the names of those who should refuse to join
him. Commissioners were accordingly sent from the parishes, and the
consequence was, that Montrose was joined daily by many men who would
not otherwise have assisted him, but who were now alarmed for the
safety of their properties. While at Kintore, an occurrence took
place which vexed Montrose exceedingly.

To reconnoitre and watch the motions of the enemy, Montrose had,
on the 12th of March, sent Sir Nathaniel Gordon, along with Donald
Farquharson, Captain Mortimer, and other well-mounted cavaliers, to
the number of about 80, to Aberdeen. This party, perceiving no enemy
in the neighbourhood of Aberdeen, utterly neglected to place any
sentinels at the gates of the town, and spent their time at their
lodgings in entertainments and amusements. This careless conduct
did not pass unobserved by some of the Covenanters in the town,
who, it is said, sent notice thereof to Major-general Hurry, the
second in command under General Baillie, who was then lying at the
North Water Bridge with Lord Balcarras’s and other foot regiments.
On receiving this intelligence, Hurry put himself at the head of
160 horse and foot, taken from the regular regiments, and some
troopers and musketeers, and rode off to Aberdeen in great haste,
where he arrived on the 15th of March, at 8 o’clock in the evening.
Having posted sentinels at the gates to prevent any of Montrose’s
party from escaping, he entered the town at an hour when they
were all carelessly enjoying themselves in their lodgings, quite
unapprehensive of such a visit. The noise in the streets, occasioned
by the tramping of the horses, was the first indication they had
of the presence of the enemy, but it was then too late for them to
defend themselves. Donald Farquharson was killed in the street,
opposite the guard-house; “a brave gentleman,” says Spalding, “and
one of the noblest captains amongst all the Highlanders of Scotland,
and the king’s man for life and death.” The enemy stripped him of
a rich dress he had put on the same day, and left his body lying
naked in the street. A few other gentlemen were killed, and some
taken prisoners, but the greater part escaped. Hurry left the town
next day, and, on his return to Baillie’s camp, entered the town
of Montrose, and carried off Lord Graham, Montrose’s second son, a
boy of fourteen years of age, then at school, who, along with his
teacher, was sent to Edinburgh, and committed to the castle.

The gentlemen who had escaped from Aberdeen returned to Montrose, who
was greatly offended at them for their carelessness. The magistrates
of Aberdeen, alarmed lest Montrose should inflict summary vengeance
upon the town, as being implicated in the attack upon the cavaliers,
sent two commissioners to Kintore to assure him that they were in
no way concerned in that affair. Although he heard them with great
patience, he gave them no satisfaction as to his intentions, and they
returned to Aberdeen without being able to obtain any promise from
him to spare the town. Montrose contented himself with making the
merchants furnish him with cloth, and gold and silver-lace, to the
amount of £10,000 Scots, for the use of his army, which he held the
magistrates bound to pay, by a tax upon the inhabitants. “Thus,” says
Spalding, “cross upon cross upon Aberdeen.”

When Sir Nathaniel Gordon and the remainder of his party returned
to Kintore, Montrose despatched, on the same day (March 16th), a
body of 1,000 horse and foot, the latter consisting of Irish, to
Aberdeen, under the command of Macdonald, his major-general. Many of
the inhabitants, alarmed at the approach of this party, and still
having the fear of the Irish before their eyes, were preparing
to leave the town; but Macdonald relieved their apprehensions by
assuring them that the Irish, who amounted to 700, should not enter
the town; he accordingly stationed them at the Bridge of Dee and the
Two Mile Cross, he and his troopers alone entering the town. With
the exception of the houses of one or two “remarkable Covenanters,”
which were plundered, Macdonald showed the utmost respect for private
property, a circumstance which obtained for him the esteem of the
inhabitants, who had seldom experienced such kind treatment before.

Having discharged the last duties to the brave Farquharson and his
companions, Macdonald left Aberdeen, on March 18th, to join Montrose
at Durris; but he had not proceeded far when complaints were brought
to him that some of his Irish troops, who had lagged behind, had
entered the town, and were plundering it. Macdonald, therefore,
returned immediately to the town, and drove, says Spalding, “all
these rascals with sore skins out of the town before him.”[288]

Before leaving Kintore, the Earl of Airly was attacked by a fever, in
consequence of which, Montrose sent him to Lethintie, the residence
of the earl’s son-in-law, under a guard of 300 men; but he was
afterwards removed to Strathbogie for greater security. On arriving,
March 17th, at Durris, in Kincardineshire, where he was joined by
Macdonald, Montrose burnt the house and offices to the ground, set
fire to the grain, and swept away all the cattle, horses, and sheep.
He also wasted such of the lands of Fintry as belonged to Forbes of
Craigievar, to punish him for the breach of his parole; treating
in the same way the house and grain belonging to Abercrombie, the
minister of Fintry, who was “a main Covenanter.” On the 19th,
Montrose entered Stonehaven, and took up his residence in the
house of James Clerk, the provost of the town. Here learning that
the Covenanters in the north were troubling Lord Gordon’s lands, he
despatched 500 of Gordon’s foot to defend Strathbogie and his other
possessions; but he still retained Lord Gordon himself with his
troopers.

On the day after his arrival at Stonehaven, Montrose wrote a letter
to the Earl Marshal, who, along with sixteen ministers, and some
other persons of distinction, had shut himself up in his castle of
Dunottar. The bearer of the letter was not, however, suffered to
enter within the gate, and was sent back, at the instigation probably
of the earl’s lady and the ministers who were with him, without an
answer. Montrose then endeavoured, by means of George Keith, the
Earl Marshal’s brother, to persuade the latter to declare for the
king, but he refused, in consequence of which Montrose resolved to
inflict summary vengeance upon him, by burning and laying waste his
lands and those of his retainers in the neighbourhood. Acting upon
this determination, he, on the 21st of March, set fire to the houses
adjoining the castle of Dunottar, and burnt the grain which was
stacked in the barn-yards. Even the house of the minister did not
escape. He next set fire to the town of Stonehaven, sparing only the
house of the provost, in which he resided; plundered a ship which
lay in the harbour, and then set her on fire, along with all the
fishing boats. The lands and houses of Cowie shared the same hard
fate. Whilst the work of destruction was going on, it is said that
the inhabitants appeared before the castle of Dunottar, and, setting
up cries of pity, implored the earl to save them from ruin, but they
received no answer to their supplications, and the earl witnessed
from his stronghold the total destruction of the properties of his
tenants and dependents without making any effort to stop it. After he
had effected the destruction of the barony of Dunottar, Montrose set
fire to the lands of Fetteresso, one-fourth part of which was burnt
up, together with the whole corn in the yards. A beautiful deer park
was also burnt, and its alarmed inmates were all taken and killed, as
well as all the cattle in the barony. Montrose next proceeded to
Drumlaithie and Urie, belonging to John Forbes of Leslie, a leading
Covenanter, where he committed similar depredations.

[Illustration: Dunottar Castle in the 17th century.--From Slezer’s
_Theatrum Scotiæ_ (1693).]

Montrose, on the following day, advanced to Fettercairn, where he
quartered his foot soldiers, sending out quarter-masters through the
country, and about the town of Montrose, to provide quarters for some
troopers; but, as these troopers were proceeding on their journey,
they were alarmed by the sudden appearance of some of Major-general
Hurry’s troops, who had concealed themselves within the plantation
of Halkerton. These, suddenly issuing from the wood, set up a loud
shout, on hearing which the troopers immediately turned to the right
about and went back to the camp. This party turned out to be a body
of 600 horse, under the command of Hurry himself, who had left the
head-quarters of General Baillie, at Brechin, for the purpose of
reconnoitring Montrose’s movements. In order to deceive Hurry, who
kept advancing with his 600 horse, Montrose placed his horse, which
amounted only to 200, and which he took care to line with some expert
musqueteers, in a prominent situation, and concealed his foot in
an adjoining valley. This _ruse_ had the desired effect, for Hurry
imagining that there were no other forces at hand, immediately
attacked the small body of horse opposed to him; but he was soon
undeceived by the sudden appearance of the foot, and forced to
retreat with precipitation. Though his men were greatly alarmed,
Hurry, who was a brave officer, having placed himself in the rear,
managed to retreat across the North Esk with very little loss.

After this affair Montrose allowed his men to refresh themselves for
a few days, and, on the 25th of March, put his army in motion in the
direction of Brechin. On hearing of his approach, the inhabitants of
the town concealed their effects in the castle, and in the steeples
of churches, and fled. Montrose’s troops, although they found out the
secreted goods, were so enraged at the conduct of the inhabitants
that they plundered the town, and burnt about sixty houses.

From Brechin, Montrose proceeded through Angus, with the intention
either of fighting Baillie, or of marching onwards to the south. His
whole force, at this time, did not exceed 3,000 men, and, on reaching
Kirriemuir, his cavalry was greatly diminished by his having been
obliged to send away about 160 horsemen to Strathbogie, under Lord
Gordon and his brother Lewis, to defend their father’s possessions
against the Covenanters. Montrose proceeded with his army along the
foot of the Grampians, in the direction of Dunkeld, where he intended
to cross the Tay in the sight of General Baillie, who commanded an
army greatly superior in numbers; but, although Montrose frequently
offered him battle, Baillie, contrary, it is said, to the advice
of Hurry, as often declined it. On arriving at the water of Isla,
the two armies, separated by that stream, remained motionless for
several days, as if undetermined how to act. At length Montrose sent
a trumpeter to Baillie offering him battle; and as the water could
not be safely passed by his army if opposed, Montrose proposed to
allow Baillie to pass it unmolested, on condition that he would give
him his word of honour that he would fight without delay; but Baillie
answered that he would attend to his own business himself, and that
he would fight when he himself thought proper. The conduct of Baillie
throughout seems altogether extraordinary, but it is alleged that he
had no power to act for himself, being subject to the directions of a
council of war, composed of the Earls of Crawford and Cassilis, Lords
Balmerino, Kirkcudbright, and others.[289]

As Montrose could not attempt to cross the water of Isla without
cavalry, in opposition to a force so greatly superior, he led
his army off in the direction of the Grampians, and marched upon
Dunkeld, of which he took possession. Baillie being fully aware of
his intention to cross the Tay, immediately withdrew to Perth for
the purpose of opposing Montrose’s passage; but, if Montrose really
entertained such an intention after he had sent away the Gordon
troopers, he abandoned it after reaching Dunkeld, and resolved to
retrace his steps northwards. Being anxious, however, to signalize
himself by some important achievement before he returned to the
north, and to give confidence to the royalists, he determined to
surprise Dundee, a town which had rendered itself particularly
obnoxious to him for the resistance made by the inhabitants after
the battle of Tippermuir. Having sent off the weaker part of his
troops, and those who were lightly armed, with his heavy baggage,
along the bottom of the hills with instructions to meet him at
Brechin, Montrose himself, at the head of about 150 horse, and 600
expert musketeers,[290] left Dunkeld on April 3d about mid-night, and
marched with such extraordinary expedition that he arrived at Dundee
Law at 10 o’clock in the morning, where he encamped. Montrose then
sent a trumpeter into the town with a summons requiring a surrender,
promising that, in the event of compliance, he would protect the
lives and properties of the inhabitants, but threatening, in case
of refusal, to set fire to the town and put the inhabitants to the
sword. Instead of returning an answer to this demand, the town’s
people put the messenger into prison. This insult was keenly felt by
Montrose, who immediately gave orders to his troops to storm the town
in three different places at once, and to fulfil the threat which
he had held out in case of resistance. The inhabitants, in the mean
time, made such preparations for defence as the shortness of the time
allowed, but, although they fought bravely, they could not resist
the impetuosity of Montrose’s troops, who, impelled by a spirit of
revenge, and a thirst for plunder, which Dundee, then one of the
largest and most opulent towns in Scotland, offered them considerable
opportunities of gratifying, forced the inhabitants from the stations
they occupied, and turned the cannon which they had planted in the
streets against themselves. The contest, however, continued in
various quarters of the town for several hours, during which the town
was set on fire in different places. The whole of that quarter of the
town called the Bonnet Hill fell a prey to the flames, and the entire
town would have certainly shared the same fate had not Montrose’s
men chiefly occupied themselves in plundering the houses and filling
themselves with the contents of the wine cellars. The sack of the
town continued till the evening, and the inhabitants were subjected
to every excess which an infuriated and victorious soldiery, maddened
by intoxication, could inflict.

This melancholy state of things was, however, fortunately put an end
to by intelligence having been brought to Montrose, who had viewed
the storming of the town from the neighbouring height of Dundee Law,
that General Baillie was marching in great haste down the Carse of
Gowrie, towards Dundee, with 3,000 foot and 800 horse. On receiving
this news from his scouts, Montrose gave immediate orders to his
troops to evacuate Dundee, but so intent were they upon their booty,
that it was with the utmost difficulty they could be prevailed upon
to leave the town, and, before the last of them could be induced to
retire, some of the enemy’s troops were within gun-shot of them.
The sudden appearance of Baillie’s army was quite unlooked-for, as
Montrose had been made to believe, from the reports of his scouts,
that it had crossed the Tay, and was proceeding to the Forth, when,
in fact, only a very small part, which had been mistaken by the
scouts for the entire army of Baillie, had passed.

In this critical conjuncture, Montrose held a council of war, to
consult how to act under the perilous circumstances in which he was
now placed. The council was divided between two opinions. Some of
them advised Montrose to consult his personal safety, by riding off
to the north with his horse, leaving the foot to their fate, as they
considered it utterly impossible for him to carry them off in their
present state, fatigued, and worn out as they were by a march of 24
miles during the preceding night, and rendered almost incapable of
resisting the enemy, from the debauch they had indulged in during
the day. Besides, they would require to march 20 or even 30 miles,
before they could reckon themselves secure from the attacks of their
pursuers, a journey which it was deemed impossible to perform,
without being previously allowed some hours repose. In this way, and
in no other, urged the advocates of this view, might he expect to
retrieve matters, as he could, by his presence among his friends in
the north, raise new forces; but that, if he himself was cut off, the
king’s affairs would be utterly ruined. The other part of the council
gave quite an opposite opinion, by declaring that, as the cause for
which they had fought so gloriously was now irretrievably lost, they
should remain in their position, and await the issue of an attack,
judging it more honourable to die fighting in defence of their
king, than to seek safety in an ignominious flight, which would
be rendered still more disgraceful by abandoning their unfortunate
fellow-warriors to the mercy of a revengeful foe.

Montrose, however, disapproved of both these plans. He considered the
first as unbecoming the generosity of men who had fought so often
side by side; and the second he thought extremely rash and imprudent.
He, therefore, resolved to steer a middle course, and, refusing to
abandon his brave companions in arms in the hour of danger, gave
orders for an immediate retreat, in the direction of Arbroath. This,
however, was a mere manœuvre to deceive the enemy, as Montrose
intended, after nightfall, to march towards the Grampians. In order
to make his retreat more secure, Montrose despatched 400 of his
foot, and gave them orders to march as quickly as possible, without
breaking their ranks. These were followed by 200 of his most expert
musketeers, and Montrose himself closed the rear with his horse in
open rank, so as to admit the musketeers to interline them, in case
of an attack. It was about six o’clock in the evening when Montrose
began his retreat, at which hour the last of Baillie’s foot had
reached Dundee.

Scarcely had Montrose begun to move, when intelligence was received
by Baillie, from some prisoners he had taken, of Montrose’s
intentions, which was now confirmed by ocular proof. A proposal, it
is said, was then made by Hurry, to follow Montrose with the whole
army, and attack him, but Baillie rejected it; and the better, as he
thought, to secure Montrose, and prevent his escape, he divided his
army into two parts, one of which he sent off in the direction of the
Grampians, to prevent Montrose from entering the Highlands; and the
other followed directly in the rear of Montrose. He thus expected
to be able to cut off Montrose entirely, and to encourage his men
to the pursuit, he offered a reward of 20,000 crowns to any one who
should bring him Montrose’s head. Baillie’s cavalry soon came up with
Montrose’s rear, but they were so well received by the musketeers,
who brought down some of them, that they became very cautious in
their approaches. The darkness of the night soon put an end to the
pursuit, and Montrose continued unmolested his march to Arbroath, in
the neighbourhood of which he arrived about midnight. His troops had
now marched upwards of 40 miles, 17 of which they had performed in
a few hours, in the face of a large army, and had passed two nights
and a day without sleep; but as their safety might be endangered
by allowing them to repose till daylight, Montrose entreated them
to proceed on their march. Though almost exhausted with incessant
fatigue, and over-powered with drowsiness, they readily obeyed the
order of their general, and, after a short halt, proceeded on their
route in a northwesterly direction. They arrived at the South Esk
early in the morning, which they crossed, at sunrise, near Carriston
Castle.

Montrose now sent notice to the party which he had despatched from
Dunkeld to Brechin, with his baggage, to join him, but they had, on
hearing of his retreat, already taken refuge among the neighbouring
hills. Baillie, who had passed the night at Forfar, now considered
that he had Montrose completely in his power; but, to his utter
amazement, not a trace of Montrose was to be seen next morning.
Little did he imagine that Montrose had passed close by him during
the night, and eluded his grasp. Chagrined at this unexpected
disappointment, Baillie, without waiting for his foot, galloped off
at full speed to overtake Montrose, and, with such celerity did he
travel, that he was close upon Montrose before the latter received
notice of his approach. The whole of Montrose’s men, with the
exception of a few sentinels, were now stretched upon the ground,
in a state of profound repose, and, so firmly did sleep hold their
exhausted frames in its grasp, that it was with the utmost difficulty
that they could be aroused from their slumbers, or made sensible of
their danger. The sentinels, it is said, had even to prick some of
them with their swords, before they could be awakened,[291] and when
at length the sleepers were aroused they effected a retreat, after
some skirmishing, to the foot of the Grampians, about three miles
distant from their camp, and retired, thereafter, through Glenesk
into the interior without further molestation.

This memorable retreat is certainly one of the most extraordinary
events which occurred during the whole of Montrose’s campaigns. It
is not surprising, that some of the most experienced officers in
Britain, and in France and Germany, considered it the most splendid
of all Montrose’s achievements.[292]

Being now secure from all danger in the fastnesses of the Grampians,
Montrose allowed his men to refresh themselves for some days.
Whilst enjoying this necessary relaxation from the fatigues of the
field, intelligence was brought to Montrose that a division of the
covenanting army, under Hurry, was in full march on Aberdeen, with an
intention of proceeding into Moray. Judging that an attack upon the
possessions of the Gordons would be one of Hurry’s objects, Montrose
despatched Lord Gordon with his horse to the north, for the purpose
of assisting his friends in case of attack.

It was not in the nature of Montrose to remain inactive for any
length of time, and an occurrence, of which he had received notice,
had lately taken place, which determined him to return a second
time to Dunkeld. This was the escape of Viscount Aboyne, and some
other noblemen and gentlemen, from Carlisle, who, he was informed,
were on their way north to join him. Apprehensive that they might
be interrupted by Baillie’s troops, he resolved to make a diversion
in their favour, and, by drawing off the attention of Baillie,
enable them the more effectually to elude observation. Leaving,
therefore, Macdonald, with about 200 men, to beat up the enemy in the
neighbourhood of Coupar-Angus, Montrose proceeded, with the remainder
of his forces, consisting only of 500 foot and 50 horse, to Dunkeld,
whence he marched to Crieff, which is about 17 miles west from Perth.
It was not until he had arrived at the latter town that Baillie,
who, after his pursuit of Montrose, had returned to Perth with his
army, heard of this movement. As Baillie was sufficiently aware of
the weakness of Montrose’s force, and as he was sure that, with such
a great disparity, Montrose would not risk a general engagement, he
endeavoured to surprise him, in the hope either of cutting him off
entirely, or crippling him so effectually as to prevent
him from again taking the field. He therefore left Perth during the
night of the 7th of April, with his whole army, consisting of 2,000
foot and 500 horse, with the intention of falling upon Montrose
by break of day, before he should be aware of his presence; but
Montrose’s experience had taught him the necessity of being always
upon his guard when so near an enemy’s camp, and, accordingly, he
had drawn up his army, in anticipation of Baillie’s advance, in such
order as would enable him either to give battle or retreat.

As soon as he heard of Baillie’s approach, Montrose advanced with his
horse to reconnoitre, and having ascertained the enemy’s strength and
numbers, which were too formidable to be encountered with his little
band, brave as they were, he gave immediate orders to his foot to
retreat with speed up Strathearn, and to retire into the adjoining
passes. To prevent them from being harassed in their retreat by the
enemy’s cavalry, Montrose covered their rear with his small body of
horse, sustaining a very severe attack, which he warmly repulsed.
After a march of about eight miles, Montrose’s troops arrived at
the pass of Strathearn, of which they took immediate possession,
and Baillie, thinking it useless to follow them into their retreat,
discontinued the pursuit, and retired with his army towards Perth.
Montrose passed the night on the banks of Loch Earn, and marched
next morning through Balquidder, where he was joined, at the ford
of Cardross, by the Viscount Aboyne, the Master of Napier, Hay
of Dalgetty, and Stirling of Keir, who, along with the Earl of
Nithsdale, Lord Herries, and others, had escaped from Carlisle, as
before stated.

No sooner had Baillie returned from the pursuit of Montrose than
intelligence was brought him that Macdonald, with the 200 men which
Montrose had left with him, had burnt the town of Coupar-Angus,--that
he had wasted the lands of Lord Balmerino,--killed Patrick Lindsay,
the minister of Coupar,--and finally, after routing some troopers of
Lord Balcarras, and carrying off their horses and arms, had fled to
the hills. This occurrence, withdrawing the attention of Baillie from
Montrose’s future movements, enabled the latter to proceed to the
north without opposition.

Montrose had advanced as far as Loch Katrine, when a messenger
brought him intelligence that General Hurry was in the Enzie with a
considerable force, that he had been joined by some of the Moray-men,
and, after plundering and laying waste the country, was preparing to
attack Lord Gordon, who had not a sufficient force to oppose him. On
receiving this information, Montrose resolved to proceed immediately
to the north to save the Gordons from the destruction which appeared
to hang over them, hoping that, with such accessions of force as he
might obtain in his march, united with that under Lord Gordon, he
would succeed in defeating Hurry before Baillie should be aware of
his movements.

He, therefore, returned through Balquidder, marched, with rapid
strides, along the side of Loch Tay, through Athole and Angus, and,
crossing the Grampian hills, proceeded down the Strath of Glenmuck.
In his march, Montrose was joined by the Athole-men and the other
Highlanders who had obtained, or rather taken leave of absence after
the battle of Inverlochy, and also by Macdonald and his party. On
arriving in the neighbourhood of Auchindoun, he was met by Lord
Gordon, at the head of 1,000 foot and 200 horse. Montrose crossed
the Dee on the 1st of May, at the mill of Crathie--having provided
himself with ammunition from a ship in Aberdeen harbour--continued
his march towards the Spey, and before Hurry was even aware that
the enemy had crossed the Grampians, he found them within six miles
of his camp. The sudden appearance of Montrose with such a superior
force--for Hurry had only at this time about 1,000 foot and 200
horse--greatly alarmed him, and raising his camp, he crossed the Spey
in great haste, with the intention of marching to Inverness, where
he would be joined by the troops of the garrison, and receive large
reinforcements from the neighbouring counties. Montrose immediately
pursued him, and followed close upon his heels to the distance of 14
miles beyond Forres, when, favoured by the darkness of the night,
Hurry effected his escape, with little loss, and arrived at Inverness.

The panic into which Hurry had been thrown soon gave way to a very
different feeling, as he found the Earls of Seaforth and Sutherland
with their retainers, and the clan Fraser, and others from Moray
and Caithness, all assembled at Inverness, as he had directed. This
accession of force increased his army to 3,500 foot and 400 horse.
He therefore resolved to act on the offensive, by giving battle to
Montrose immediately.

Montrose had taken up a position at the village of Auldearn,
about three miles south-east from Nairn, on the morning after
the pursuit. In the course of the day, Hurry advanced with all
his forces, including the garrison of Inverness, towards Nairn;
and, on approaching Auldearn, formed his army in order of battle.
Montrose’s force, which had been greatly weakened by the return of
the Athole-men and other Highlanders to defend their country from the
depredations of Baillie’s army, now consisted of only 1,500 foot and
250 horse. It was not, therefore, without great reluctance, that he
resolved to risk a battle with an enemy more than double in point of
numbers, and composed in great part of veteran troops; but, pressed
as he was by Hurry, and in danger of being attacked in his rear by
Baillie, who was advancing by forced marches to the north, he had
no alternative but to hazard a general engagement. He therefore
instantly looked about him for an advantageous position.

The village of Auldearn stands upon a height, behind which, or on the
east, is a valley, overlooked by a ridge of little eminences, running
in a northerly direction, and which almost conceals the valley from
view. In this hollow Montrose arranged his forces in order of battle.
Having formed them into two divisions, he posted the right wing on
the north of the village, at a place where there was a considerable
number of dikes and ditches. This body, which consisted of 400 men,
chiefly Irish, was placed under the command of Macdonald. On taking
their stations, Montrose gave them strict injunctions not to leave
their position on any account, as they were effectually protected by
the walls around them, not only from the attacks of cavalry, but of
foot, and could, without much danger to themselves, keep up a galling
and destructive fire upon their assailants. In order to attract the
best troops of the enemy to this difficult spot where they could not
act, and to make them believe that Montrose commanded this wing, he
gave the royal standard to Macdonald, intending, when they should get
entangled among the bushes and dikes, with which the ground to the
right was covered, to attack them himself with his left wing; and to
enable him to do so the more effectually, he placed the whole of his
horse and the remainder of the foot on the left wing to the south of
the village. The former he committed to the charge of Lord Gordon,
reserving the command of the latter to himself. After placing a few
chosen foot with some cannon in front of the village, under cover of
some dikes, Montrose firmly awaited the attack of the enemy.

Hurry divided his foot and his horse each into two divisions. On
the right wing of the main body of the foot, which was commanded by
Campbell of Lawers, Hurry placed the regular cavalry which he had
brought from the south, and on the left the horse of Moray and the
north, under the charge of Captain Drummond. The other division of
foot was placed behind as a reserve, and commanded by Hurry himself.

When Hurry observed the singular position which Montrose had taken
up, he was utterly at a loss to guess his designs, and though
it appeared to him, skilful as he was in the art of war, a most
extraordinary and novel sight, yet, from the well known character
of Montrose, he was satisfied that Montrose’s arrangements were
the result of a deep laid scheme. But what especially excited the
surprise of Hurry, was the appearance of the large yellow banner or
royal standard in the midst of a small body of foot stationed among
hedges and dikes and stones, almost isolated from the horse and the
main body of the foot. To attack this party, at the head of which
he naturally supposed Montrose was, was his first object. This was
precisely what Montrose had wished; his snare proved successful. With
the design of overwhelming at once the right wing, Hurry despatched
towards it the best of his horse and all his veteran troops, who
made a furious attack upon Macdonald’s party, the latter defending
themselves bravely behind the dikes and bushes. The contest continued
for some time on the right with varied success, and Hurry, who had
plenty of men to spare, relieved those who were engaged by fresh
troops. Montrose, who kept a steady eye upon the motions of the
enemy, and watched a favourable opportunity for making a grand attack
upon them with the left wing, was just preparing to carry his design
into execution, when a confidential person suddenly rode up to him
and whispered in his ear that the right wing had been put to flight.

This intelligence was not, however, quite correct. It seems that
Macdonald who, says Wishart, “was a brave enough man, but rather a
better soldier than a general, extremely violent, and daring even
to rashness,” had been so provoked with the taunts and insults of
the enemy, that in spite of the express orders he had received
from Montrose on no account to leave his position, he had unwisely
advanced beyond it to attack the enemy, and though he had been
several times repulsed he returned to the charge. But he was at last
borne down by the great numerical superiority of the enemy’s horse
and foot, consisting of veteran troops, and forced to retire in
great disorder into an adjoining enclosure. Nothing, however, could
exceed the admirable manner in which he managed this retreat, and the
courage he displayed while leading off his men. Defending his body
with a large target, he resisted, single-handed, the assaults of the
enemy, and was the last man to leave the field. So closely indeed was
he pressed by Hurry’s spearmen, that some of them actually came so
near him as to fix their spears in his target, which he cut off by
threes or fours at a time with his broadsword.[293]

It was during this retreat that Montrose received the intelligence of
the flight of the right wing; but he preserved his usual presence of
mind, and to encourage his men, who might get alarmed at hearing such
news, he thus addressed Lord Gordon, loud enough to be heard by his
troops, “What are we doing, my Lord? Our friend Macdonald has routed
the enemy on the right and is carrying all before him. Shall we look
on and let him carry off the whole honour of the day?” A crisis had
arrived, and not a moment was to be lost. Scarcely, therefore, were
the words out of Montrose’s mouth, when he ordered his men to charge
the enemy. When his men were advancing to the charge, Captain or
Major Drummond, who commanded Hurry’s horse, made an awkward movement
by wheeling about his men, and his horse coming in contact with the
foot, broke their ranks and occasioned considerable confusion. Lord
Gordon seeing this, immediately rushed in upon Drummond’s horse with
his party and put them to flight. Montrose followed hard with the
foot, and attacked the main body of Hurry’s army, which he routed
after a powerful resistance. The veterans in Hurry’s army, who had
served in Ireland, fought manfully, and chose rather to be cut down
standing in their ranks than retreat; but the new levies from Moray,
Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, fled in great consternation. They
were pursued for several miles, and might have been all killed or
captured if Lord Aboyne had not, by an unnecessary display of ensigns
and standards, which he had taken from the enemy, attracted the
notice of the pursuers, who halted for some time under the impression
that a fresh party of the enemy was coming up to attack them. In this
way Hurry and some of his troops, who were the last to leave the
field of battle, as well as the other fugitives, escaped from the
impending danger, and arrived at Inverness the following morning. As
the loss of this battle was mainly owing to Captain Drummond, he was
tried by a court-martial at Inverness, and condemned to be shot, a
sentence which was carried into immediate execution. He was accused
of having betrayed the army, and it is said that he admitted that
after the battle had commenced he had spoken with the enemy.[294]

The number of killed on both sides has been variously stated. That
on the side of the Covenanters has been reckoned by one writer
at 1,000,[295] by another[296] at 2,000, and by a third at 3,000
men.[297] Montrose, on the other hand, is said by the first of these
authors to have lost about 200 men, while the second says that he had
only “some twenty-four gentlemen hurt, and some few Irish killed,”
and Wishart informs us that Montrose only missed one private man
on the left, and that the right wing, commanded by Macdonald, “lost
only fourteen private men.” The clans who had joined Hurry suffered
considerably, particularly the Frasers, who, besides unmarried men,
are said to have left dead on the field no less than 87 married men.
Among the principal covenanting officers who were slain were Colonel
Campbell of Lawers, Sir John and Sir Gideon Murray, and Colonel James
Campbell, with several other officers of inferior note. The laird
of Lawers’s brother, Archibald Campbell, and a few other officers,
were taken prisoners. Captain Macdonald and William Macpherson of
Invereschie were the only persons of any note killed on Montrose’s
side. Montrose took several prisoners, whom, with the wounded,
he treated with great kindness. Such of the former as expressed
their sorrow for having joined the ranks of the Covenanters he
released--others who were disposed to join him he received into his
army, but such as remained obstinate he imprisoned. Besides taking
16 standards from the enemy, Montrose got possession of the whole
of their baggage, provisions, and ammunition, and a considerable
quantity of money and valuable effects. The battle of Auldearn was
fought on the 4th of May, according to Wishart,[298] and on the 9th
according to others,[299] in the year 1645.

The immense disproportion between the numbers of the slain on the
side of the Covenanters and that of the prisoners taken by Montrose
evidently shows that very little quarter had been given, the cause
of which is said to have been the murder of James Gordon, younger of
Rhiny, who was killed by a party from the garrison of Spynie, and by
some of the inhabitants of Elgin, at Struders, near Forres, where he
had been left in consequence of a severe wound he had received in a
skirmish during Hurry’s first retreat to Inverness.[300] But Montrose
revenged himself still farther by advancing to Elgin and burning the
houses of all those who had been concerned in the murder, at the same
time sending out a party[301] to treat in a similar way the town of
Garmouth, belonging to the laird of Innes.

While these proceedings were going on, Montrose sent his whole
baggage, booty, and warlike stores across the Spey, which he himself
crossed upon the 14th of May, proceeding to Birkenbog, the seat of “a
great Covenanter,” where he took up his head quarters. He quartered
his men in the neighbourhood, and, during a short stay at Birkenbog,
he sent out different parties of his troops to scour the country, and
take vengeance on the Covenanters.

When General Baillie first heard of the defeat of his colleague,
Hurry, at Auldearn, he was lying at Cromar, with his army. He had,
in the beginning of May, after Montrose’s departure to the north,
entered Athole, which he had wasted with fire and sword, and had
made an attempt upon the strong castle of Blair, in which many of
the prisoners taken at the battle of Inverlochy were confined;
but, not succeeding in his enterprise, he had, after collecting an
immense booty, marched through Athole, and, passing by Kirriemuir
and Fettercairn, encamped on the Birse on the 10th of May. His force
at this time amounted to about 2,000 foot and 120 troopers. On the
following day he had marched to Cromar, where he encamped between
the Kirks of Coull and Tarlan till he should be joined by Lord
Balcarras’s horse regiment. In a short time he was joined, not only
by Balcarras’s regiment, but by two foot regiments. The ministers
endeavoured to induce the country people also to join Baillie, by
“thundering out of pulpits,” but “they lay still,” says Spalding,
“and would not follow him.”[302]

As soon as Baillie heard of the defeat of Hurry, he raised his camp
at Cromar, upon the 19th of May, and hastened north. He arrived at
the wood of Cochlarachie, within two miles of Strathbogie, before
Montrose was aware of his approach. Here he was joined by Hurry,
who, with some horse from Inverness, had passed themselves off as
belonging to Lord Gordon’s party, and had thus been permitted to go
through Montrose’s lines without opposition.

It was on the 19th of May, when lying at Birkenbog, that Montrose
received the intelligence of Baillie’s arrival in the neighbourhood
of Strathbogie. Although Montrose’s men had not yet wholly recovered
from the fatigues of their late extraordinary march and subsequent
labours, and although their numbers had been reduced since the battle
of Auldearn, by the departure of some of the Highlanders with the
booty they had acquired, they felt no disinclination to engage the
enemy, but, on the contrary, were desirous of coming to immediate
action. But Montrose, although he had the utmost confidence in the
often tried courage of his troops, judged it more expedient to avoid
an engagement at present, and to retire, in the meantime, into his
fastnesses to recruit his exhausted strength, than risk another
battle with a fresh force, greatly superior to his own. In order to
deceive the enemy as to his intentions, he advanced, the same day,
upon Strathbogie, and, within view of their camp, began to make
intrenchments, and raise fortifications, as if preparing to defend
himself. But as soon as the darkness of the night prevented Baillie
from discovering his motions, Montrose marched rapidly up the south
side of the Spey with his foot, leaving his horse behind him, with
instructions to follow him as soon as daylight began to appear.

Baillie had passed the night in the confident expectation of a
battle next day, but was surprised to learn the following morning
that not a vestige of Montrose’s army was to be seen. Montrose had
taken the route to Balveny, which having been ascertained by Baillie,
he immediately prepared to follow. He, accordingly, crossed the
Spey, and after a rapid march, almost overtook the retiring foe in
Glenlivet; but Montrose, having outdistanced his pursuers by several
miles before night came on, got the start of them so completely,
that they were quite at a loss next morning to ascertain the route
he had taken, and could only guess at it by observing the traces
of his footsteps on the grass and the heather over which he had
passed. Following, therefore, the course thus pointed out, Baillie
came again in sight of Montrose; but he found that he had taken up
a position, which, whilst it almost defied approach from its rocky
and woody situation, commanded the entrance into Badenoch, from
which country Montrose could, without molestation, draw supplies of
both men and provisions. To attack Montrose in his stronghold was
out of the question; but, in the hope of withdrawing him from it,
Baillie encamped his army hard by. Montrose lay quite secure in his
well-chosen position, from which he sent out parties who, skirmishing
by day, and beating up the quarters of the enemy during the night, so
harassed and frightened them, that they were obliged to retreat to
Inverness, after a stay of a few days, a measure which was rendered
still more necessary from the want of provisions and of provender
for the horses. Leaving Inverness, Baillie crossed the Spey, and
proceeded to Aberdeenshire, arriving on the 3d of June at Newton, in
the Garioch, “where he encamped, destroying the country, and cutting
the green growing crops to the very clod.”[303]

Having got quit of the presence of Baillie’s army, Montrose resolved
to make a descent into Angus, and attack the Earl of Crawford, who
lay at the castle of Newtyle with an army of reserve to support
Baillie, and to prevent Montrose from crossing the Forth, and
carrying the war into the south. This nobleman, who stood next to
Argyle, as head of the Covenanters, had often complained to the
Estates against Argyle, whose rival he was, for his inactivity and
pusillanimity; and having insinuated that he would have acted a very
different part had the command of such an army as Argyle had, been
intrusted to him, he had the address to obtain the command of the
army now under him, which had been newly raised; but the earl was
without military experience, and quite unfit to cope with Montrose.

Proceeding through Badenoch, Montrose crossed the Grampians, and
arrived by rapid marches on the banks of the river Airly, within
seven miles of Crawford’s camp, but was prevented from giving battle
by the desertion of the Gordons and their friends, who almost all
returned to their country.

He now formed the resolution to attack Baillie himself, but before
he could venture on such a bold step, he saw that there was an
absolute necessity of making some additions to his force. With this
view he sent Sir Nathaniel Gordon, an influential cavalier, into the
north before him, to raise the Gordons and the other royalists; and,
on his march north through Glenshee and the Braes of Mar, Montrose
despatched Macdonald into the remoter Highlands with a party to bring
him, as speedily as possible, all the forces he could. Judging that
the influence and authority of Lord Gordon might greatly assist Sir
Nathaniel, he sent him after him, and Montrose himself encamped in
the country of Cromar, waiting for the expected reinforcements.

In the meantime, Baillie lay in camp on Dee-side, in the lower part
of Mar, where he was joined by Crawford; but he showed no disposition
to attack Montrose, who, from the inferiority, in point of number, of
his forces, retired to the old castle of Kargarf. Crawford did not,
however, remain long with Baillie; but, exchanging a thousand of his
raw recruits for a similar number of Baillie’s veterans, he returned
with these, and the remainder of his army, through the Mearns into
Angus, as if he intended some mighty exploit; he, thereafter, entered
Athole, and in imitation of Argyle, plundered and burnt the country.

Raising his camp, Baillie marched towards Strathbogie to lay siege to
the Marquis of Huntly’s castle, the Bog of Gight, now Gordon castle;
but although Montrose had not yet received any reinforcements, he
resolved to follow Baillie and prevent him from putting his design
into execution. But Montrose had marched scarcely three miles when he
was observed by Baillie’s scouts, and at the same time ascertained
that Baillie had taken up a strong position on a rising ground above
Keith, about two miles off. Next morning Montrose, not considering it
advisable to attack Baillie in the strong position he occupied, sent
a trumpeter to him offering to engage him on open ground, but Baillie
answered the hostile message by saying, that he would not receive
orders for fighting from his enemy.[304]

In this situation of matters, Montrose had recourse to stratagem to
draw Baillie from his stronghold. By retiring across the river Don,
the covenanting general was led to believe that Montrose intended to
march to the south, and he was, therefore, advised by a committee
of the Estates which always accompanied him, and in whose hands he
appears to have been a mere passive instrument, to pursue Montrose.
As soon as Montrose’s scouts brought intelligence that Baillie was
advancing, he set off by break of day to the village of Alford on
the river Don, where he intended to await the enemy. When Baillie
was informed of this movement, he imagined that Montrose was in full
retreat before him, a supposition which encouraged him so to hasten
his march, that he came up with Montrose at noon at the distance of a
few miles from Alford. Montrose, thereupon, drew up his army in order
of battle on an advantageous rising ground and waited for the enemy;
but instead of attacking him, Baillie made a detour to the left with
the intention of getting into Montrose’s rear and cutting off his
retreat. Montrose then continued his march to Alford, where he passed
the night.

On the following morning, the 2d of July, the two armies were only
the distance of about four miles from each other. Montrose drew up
his troops on a little hill behind the village of Alford. In his rear
was a marsh full of ditches and pits, which would protect him from
the inroads of Baillie’s cavalry should they attempt to assail in
that quarter, and in his front stood a steep hill, which prevented
the enemy from observing his motions. He gave the command of the
right wing to Lord Gordon and Sir Nathaniel; the left he committed to
Viscount Aboyne and Sir William Rollock; and the main body was put
under the charge of Angus Macvichalaster, chief of the Macdonells of
Glengarry, Drummond younger of Balloch, and Quarter-master George
Graham, a skilful officer. To Napier his nephew, Montrose intrusted
a body of reserve, which was concealed behind the hill.

Scarcely had Montrose completed his arrangements, when he received
intelligence that the enemy had crossed the Don, and was moving
in the direction of Alford. This was a fatal step on the part of
Baillie, who, it is said, was forced into battle by the rashness of
Lord Balcarras, “one of the bravest men of the kingdom,”[305] who
unnecessarily placed himself and his regiment in a position of such
danger that they could not be rescued without exposing the whole of
the covenanting army.[306]

When Baillie arrived in the valley adjoining the hill on which
Montrose had taken up his position, both armies remained motionless
for some time, viewing each other, as if unwilling to begin the
combat. Owing to the commanding position which Montrose occupied, the
Covenanters could not expect to gain any advantage by attacking him
even with superior forces; but now, for the first time, the number
of the respective armies was about equal, and Montrose had this
advantage over his adversary, that while Baillie’s army consisted
in part of the raw and undisciplined levies which the Earl of
Crawford had exchanged for some of his veteran troops, the greater
part of Montrose’s men had been long accustomed to service. These
circumstances determined Baillie not to attempt the ascent of the
hill, but to remain in the valley, where, in the event of a descent
by Montrose, his superiority in cavalry would give him the advantage.

This state of inaction was, however, soon put an end to by Lord
Gordon, who observing a party of Baillie’s troops driving away
before them a large quantity of cattle which they had collected in
Strathbogie and the Enzie, and being desirous of recovering the
property of his countrymen, selected a body of horse, with which
he attempted a rescue. The assailed party was protected by some
dykes and enclosures, from behind which they fired a volley upon
the Gordons, which did considerable execution amongst them. Such a
cool and determined reception, attended with a result so disastrous
and unexpected, might have been attended by dangerous consequences,
had not Montrose, on observing the party of Lord Gordon giving
indications as if undetermined how to act, resolved immediately to
commence a general attack upon the enemy with his whole army. But
as Baillie’s foot had intrenched themselves amongst the dykes and
fences which covered the ground at the bottom of the hill, and could
not be attacked in that position with success, Montrose immediately
ordered the horse, who were engaged with the enemy, to retreat to
their former position, in the expectation that Baillie’s troops would
leave their ground and follow them. And in this hope he was not
disappointed, for the Covenanters thinking that this movement of the
horse was merely the prelude to a retreat, advanced from their secure
position, and followed the supposed fugitives with their whole horse
and foot in regular order.

Both armies now came to close quarters, and fought face to face and
man to man with great obstinacy for some time, without either party
receding from the ground they occupied. At length Sir Nathaniel
Gordon, growing impatient at such a protracted resistance, resolved
to cut his way through the enemy’s left wing, consisting of Lord
Balcarras’s regiment of horse; and calling to the light musketeers
who lined his horse, he ordered them to throw aside their muskets,
which were now unnecessary, and to attack the enemy’s horse with
their drawn swords. This order was immediately obeyed, and in a
short time they cut a passage through the ranks of the enemy,
whom they hewed down with great slaughter. When the horse which
composed Baillie’s right wing, and which had been kept in check by
Lord Aboyne, perceived that their left had given way, they also
retreated.[307] An attempt was made by the covenanting general to
rally his left wing by bringing up the right, after it had retired,
to its support, but they were so alarmed at the spectacle or _mêlée_
which they had just witnessed on the left, where their comrades had
been cut down by the broad swords of Montrose’s musketeers, that they
could not be induced to take the place of their retiring friends.

Thus abandoned by the horse, Baillie’s foot were attacked on all
sides by Montrose’s forces. They fought with uncommon bravery, and
although they were cut down in great numbers, the survivors exhibited
a perseverance and determination to resist to the last extremity. An
accident now occurred, which, whilst it threw a melancholy gloom over
the fortunes of the day, and the spirits of Montrose’s men served
to hasten the work of carnage and death. This was the fall of Lord
Gordon, who having incautiously rushed in amongst the thickest of
the enemy, was unfortunately shot dead, it is said,[308] when in the
act of pulling Baillie, the covenanting general, from his horse,
having, it is said, in a moment of exultation, promised to his men,
to drag Baillie out of the ranks and present him before them. The
Gordons, on perceiving their young chief fall, set no bounds to their
fury, and falling upon the enemy with renewed vigour, hewed them
down without mercy; yet these brave men still showed no disposition
to flee, and it was not until the appearance of the reserve under
the Master of Napier, which had hitherto been kept out of view of
the enemy at the back of the hill, that their courage began to
fail them. When this body began to descend the hill, accompanied
by what appeared to them a fresh reinforcement of cavalry, but
which consisted merely of the camp or livery boys, who had mounted
the sumpter-horses to make a display for the purpose of alarming
the enemy, the entire remaining body of the covenanting foot fled
with precipitation. A hot pursuit took place, and so great was the
slaughter that very few of them escaped. The covenanting general and
his principal officers were saved by the fleetness of their horses,
and the Marquis of Argyle, who had accompanied Baillie as a member of
the committee, and who was closely pursued by Glengarry and some of
his Highlanders, made a narrow escape by repeatedly changing horses.

Thus ended one of the best contested battles which Montrose had yet
fought, yet strange as the fact may appear, his loss was, as usual,
extremely trifling, Lord Gordon being the only person of importance
slain. A considerable number of Montrose’s men, however, were
wounded, particularly the Gordons, who, for a long time, sustained
the attacks of Balcarras’s horse, amongst whom were Sir Nathaniel,
and Gordon, younger of Gicht.[309] The loss on the side of the
Covenanters was immense; by far the greater part of their foot, and
a considerable number of their cavalry having been slain. Some
prisoners were taken from them, but their number was small, owing to
their obstinacy in refusing quarter. These were sent to Strathbogie
under an escort.

The brilliant victory was, however, clouded by the death of Lord
Gordon, “a very hopeful young gentleman, able of mind and body,
about the age of twenty-eight years.”[310] Wishart gives an
affecting description of the feelings of Montrose’s army when this
amiable young nobleman was killed. “There was,” he says, “a general
lamentation for the loss of the Lord Gordon, whose death seemed to
eclipse all the glory of the victory. As the report spread among the
soldiers, every one appeared to be struck dumb with the melancholy
news, and a universal silence prevailed for some time through the
army. However, their grief soon burst through all restraint, venting
itself in the voice of lamentation and sorrow. When the first
transports were over, the soldiers exclaimed against heaven and
earth for bereaving the king, the kingdom, and themselves, of such
an excellent young nobleman; and, unmindful of the victory or of the
plunder, they thronged about the body of their dead captain, some
weeping over his wounds and kissing his lifeless limbs; while others
praised his comely appearance even in death, and extolled his noble
mind, which was enriched with every valuable qualification that could
adorn his high birth or ample fortune: they even cursed the victory
bought at so dear a rate. Nothing could have supported the army
under this immense sorrow but the presence of Montrose, whose safety
gave them joy, and not a little revived their drooping spirits. In
the meantime he could not command his grief, but mourned bitterly
over the melancholy fate of his only and dearest friend, grievously
complaining, that one who was the honour of his nation, the ornament
of the Scots nobility, and the boldest asserter of the royal
authority in the north, had fallen in the flower of his youth.”[311]

The victories of Montrose in Scotland were more than counterbalanced
by those of the parliamentary forces in England. Under different
circumstances, the success at Alford might have been attended with
consequences the most important to the royal cause; but the defeat
of the king on the 14th of June, at Naseby, had raised the hopes of
the Covenanters, and prepared their minds to receive the tidings of
Baillie’s defeat with coolness and moderation.

Upon the day on which the battle of Alford was fought, the parliament
had adjourned to Stirling from Edinburgh, on account of a destructive
pestilence which had reached the capital from Newcastle, by way of
Kelso. Thither General Baillie, Lord Balcarras, and the committee
of Estates, which had accompanied the covenanting army, repaired,
to lay a statement of the late disaster before the parliament,
and to receive instructions as to their future conduct. With the
exception of Baillie, they were well received. Balcarras, who had
particularly distinguished himself in the battle at the head of his
horse, received a vote of thanks, and a similar acknowledgment was,
after some hesitation, awarded to Baillie, notwithstanding some
attempts made to prejudice the parliament against him. But the fact
was, they could not dispense in the present emergency with an officer
of the military talents of Baillie, who, instead of shrinking from
responsibility for the loss of the battle of Alford, offered to stand
trial before a court martial, and to justify his conduct on that
occasion. To have withheld, therefore, the usual token of approbation
from him, while bestowing it upon an inferior officer, would have
been to fix a stigma upon him which he was not disposed to brook
consistently with the retention of the command of the army; and as
the parliament resolved to renew his commission, by appointing him
to the command of the army then being concentrated at Perth, they
afterwards professed their unqualified satisfaction with him.

After the battle of Alford the army of Montrose was considerably
diminished, in consequence of the Highlanders, according to custom,
taking leave of absence, and returning home with the spoil they
had taken from the enemy. This singular, though ordinary practice,
contributed more to paralyze the exertions of Montrose, and to
prevent him from following up his successes, than any event which
occurred in the whole course of his campaigns, and it may appear
strange that Montrose did not attempt to put an end to it; but the
tenure by which he held the services of these hardy mountaineers
being that they should be allowed their wonted privileges, any
attempt to deviate from their established customs would have been an
immediate signal for desertion.

As it would have been imprudent in Montrose, with forces thus
impaired, to have followed the fugitives, who would receive fresh
succours from the south, he, after allowing his men some time to
refresh themselves, marched to Aberdeen, where he celebrated the
funeral obsequies of his valued friend, Lord Gordon, with becoming
dignity.

The district of Buchan in Aberdeenshire, which, from its outlying
situation, had hitherto escaped assessment for the supply of the
hostile armies, was at this time subjected to the surveillance of
Montrose, who despatched a party from Aberdeen into that country to
collect all the horses they could find for the use of his army, and
also to obtain recruits. About the same time the Marquis of Huntly,
who had been living in Strathnaver for some time, having heard of
the death of his eldest son, Lord Gordon, meditated a return to
his own country, intending to throw the influence of his name and
authority into the royal scale. But as he might be exposed to danger
in passing through countries which were hostile to the royal cause,
it was arranged between Montrose and Viscount Aboyne, who had just
been created an earl, that the latter should proceed to Strathnaver,
with a force of 2,000 men to escort his father south. This expedition
was, however, abandoned, in consequence of intelligence having been
brought to Montrose that the Covenanters were assembling in great
strength at Perth.

The parliament which, as we have seen, had left Edinburgh, and gone
to Stirling on account of the pestilence, had been obliged, in
consequence of its appearance in Stirling, to adjourn to Perth, where
it was to meet on the 24th of July; but before leaving Stirling, they
ordered a levy of 10,000 foot to be raised in the counties to the
south of the Tay; and to insure due obedience to this mandate, all
noblemen, gentlemen, and heritors, were required to attend at Perth
on or before that day, well mounted, and to bring with them such
forces as they could raise, under a heavy penalty.[312]

On leaving Aberdeen, Montrose took up his quarters at Crabston,
situated a few miles from Aberdeen, between the rivers Don and Dee,
where he remained for some time in the expectation of being joined by
reinforcements from the Highlands under Major-general Macdonald, who
had been absent about two months from the army in quest of recruits.
As, however, these expected succours did not arrive within the time
expected, Montrose, impatient of delay, crossed the Dee, and marching
over the Grampians, descended into the Mearns, and pitched his camp
at Fordoun in Kincardineshire.

Proceeding on his march through Angus and Blairgowrie to Dunkeld,
Montrose had the good fortune to be successively joined by his
cousin, Patrick Graham of Inchbrakie, at the head of the brave
Athole Highlanders, and by Macdonald, his major-general, who brought
with him the chief of the Macleans, and about 700 of that clan, all
animated by a strong feeling of animosity against Argyle and his
partisans. He was also joined by John Muidartach, the celebrated
captain of the Clanranald, at the head of 500 of his men; by the
Macgregors and Macnabs, headed by their respective chieftains; by the
Clandonald, under the command of the uncles of Glengarry and other
officers, Glengarry himself, “who,” says Bishop Wishart, “deserves
a singular commendation for his bravery and steady loyalty to the
king, and his peculiar attachment to Montrose,”[313] having never
left Montrose since he joined him at the time of his expedition
into Argyle. Besides all these, the Stewarts of Appin, some of the
Farquharsons of Braemar, and small parties of inferior clans from
Badenoch, rallied round the standard of Montrose.

Having obtained these reinforcements, Montrose now formed the design
of marching upon Perth, and breaking up the parliament which had
there assembled, and thereafter of proceeding to the south, and
dissipating the levies which were being raised beyond the Tay. But
the want of cavalry, in which he was constantly deficient, formed
a bar to this plan, and Montrose was, therefore, obliged to defer
his project till he should be joined by the Earls of Aboyne and
Airly, whom he expected soon with a considerable body of horse. In
the meantime, Montrose crossed the Tay at Dunkeld, and encamped at
Amulree. The covenanting army, with the exception of the garrison of
Perth, was then lying on the south side of the Earn, and a body of
400 horse was posted near the town, for the protection of the Estates
or parliament.

This movement, on the part of Montrose, created some alarm in the
minds of the Covenanters, which was greatly increased by a report
from their horse, stationed in the neighbourhood of the town, who,
seeing some of his scouts approach it, had fancied that he was going
to storm it. While this panic was at its height, Montrose, who had
no intention of attacking the town, raised his camp, and took up a
position in the wood of Methven, about five miles from Perth. During
this movement, the town was thrown into a state of the greatest
consternation, from an apprehension that Montrose was about to attack
it, and the nobility and the other members of the parliament were
earnestly solicited to secure their safety by a speedy flight, but
the Estates remained firm, and could not be persuaded to abandon
their posts. In order, if possible, still farther to increase the
panic in the town, Montrose advanced almost to the very gates
of Perth with his horse the following day, which, although not
exceeding 100, were made to appear formidable by the addition of
the baggage-horses, on which some musketeers were mounted. This act
of bold defiance magnified the fears of those who were in the town,
and made them imagine that Montrose was well provided in cavalry.
The covenanting troops, therefore, were afraid to venture beyond the
gates; and Montrose having thus easily accomplished his object, was
encouraged, still farther, to cross the Earn at Dupplin, when he
openly reconnoitred the enemy’s army on the south of that river, and
surveyed the Strath with great deliberation and coolness, without
interruption.

Both armies remained in their positions for several days without
attempting any thing, each waiting for reinforcements. During all
this time, the enemy had been deceived respecting the strength of
Montrose’s horse, but having learned his weakness in that respect,
and the deception which he had practised so successfully upon them,
and being joined by three regiments from Fife, they resolved to
offer him battle. Montrose, however, from his great inferiority of
numbers, particularly in horse, was not in a condition to accept the
challenge, and wisely declined it. Accordingly, when he saw the enemy
advancing towards him, he prepared to retreat among the neighbouring
mountains; but to deceive the enemy, and to enable him to carry off
his baggage, he drew out his army as if he intended to fight, placing
his horse in front, and securing the passes into the mountains with
guards. While making these dispositions, he sent off his baggage
towards the hills under an escort; and when he thought the baggage
out of danger, gave orders to his army to march off in close rank;
and to cover its retreat and protect it from the cavalry of the
enemy, he placed his horse, lined as usual with the best musketeers,
in the rear.

As soon as Baillie, the covenanting general, perceived that Montrose
was in full retreat, he despatched General Hurry with the cavalry in
pursuit of him; but from a most unaccountable delay on Hurry’s part
in crossing the Pow--so slow, indeed, had his movements been, that
Baillie’s foot overtook him at the fords of the Almond--Montrose had
almost reached the passes of the mountains before he was overtaken.
Chagrined at his easy escape, and determined to perform some striking
exploit before Montrose should retire into his fastnesses, a body of
300 of the best mounted covenanting cavalry set off at full gallop
after him, and attacked him with great fury, using at the same time
the most insulting and abusive language. To put an end to this
annoyance, Montrose selected twenty expert Highlanders, and requested
them to bring down some of the assailants. Accordingly these marksmen
advanced in a crouching attitude, concealing their guns, and having
approached within musket-shot, took deliberate aim, and soon brought
down the more advanced of the party. This unexpected disaster made
the assailants more cautious in their advances, and caused them to
resolve upon an immediate retreat; but the marksmen were so elated
with their success that they actually pursued them down into the
plain, “and resolutely attacked the whole party, who, putting spurs
to their horses, fled with the utmost precipitation, like so many
deer before the hunters.”[314] In this retreat Montrose did not lose
a single man.

After giving over this fruitless pursuit, the enemy returned to
Montrose’s camp at Methven, where, according to Wishart, they
committed a most barbarous act in revenge of their late affront, by
butchering some of the wives of the Highlanders and Irish who had
been left behind. Montrose took up his quarters at Little Dunkeld,
both because he was there perfectly secure from the attacks of the
enemy’s cavalry, and because it was a convenient station to wait for
the reinforcements of horse which he daily expected from the north
under the Earls of Airly and Aboyne. Although both armies lay close
together for several days, nothing was attempted on either side. The
covenanting general had become quite disgusted with the service in
consequence of the jealousies and suspicions which it was too evident
the committee entertained of him. His disgust was increased by the
sudden return to their country of the Fife men, who preferred their
domestic comforts to the vicissitudes of war, but who unfortunately
were, as we shall soon see, to be sacrificed at its shrine.

At length the Earl of Aboyne, accompanied by Sir Nathaniel Gordon,
arrived at Little Dunkeld, but with a force much inferior in numbers
to what was expected. They only brought 200 horse and 120 musketeers,
which last were mounted upon carriage horses. The smallness of
their number was compensated, however, in a great measure by their
steadiness and bravery. The Earl of Airly and his son, Sir David
Ogilvie, joined Montrose at the same time, along with a troop of 80
horse, consisting chiefly of gentlemen of the name of Ogilvie, among
whom was Alexander Ogilvie, son of Sir John Ogilvie of Innerquharity,
a young man who had already distinguished himself in the field.

[Illustration: Perth in the 17th century.--From Slezer’s _Theatrum
Scotiæ_ (1693).]

Never, at any former period of his eventful career, did the
probabilities of ultimate success on the side of Montrose appear
greater than now. His army, ardent and devoted to the royal cause,
now amounted to nearly 5,000 foot and about 500 horse, the greater
part of which consisted of brave and experienced warriors whom he
had often led to victory. A considerable portion of his army was
composed of some of the most valiant of the Highland clans, led by
their respective chiefs, among whom stood conspicuous the renowned
captain of clan Ranald, in himself a host. The clans were animated by
a feeling of the most unbounded attachment to what they considered
the cause of their chiefs, and by a deadly spirit of revenge for the
cruelties which the Covenanters under Argyle had exercised in the
Highlands. The Macleans and the Athole Highlanders in particular,
longed for an opportunity of retaliating upon the covenanting
partisans of Argyle the injuries which they had repeatedly received
at his hands, and thereby wiping out the stain which, as they
conceived, had been cast upon them. But fortunate as Montrose now
was in having such an army at his disposal, the chances in his
favour were greatly enhanced by the circumstance, that whereas in
his former campaigns he had to watch the movements of different
armies, and to fight them in detail, he was now enabled, from having
annihilated or dispersed the whole armies formerly opposed to him, to
concentrate his strength and to direct all his energies to one point.
The only bar which now stood in the way of the entire subjugation
of Scotland to the authority of the king, was the army of Baillie,
and the defeat or destruction of this body now became the immediate
object of Montrose. His resolution to attack the enemy was hastened
by the receipt of information that the Fife regiments had left
Baillie’s camp and returned home, and that the general himself was
so dissatisfied with the conduct of the covenanting committee, who
thwarted all his plans and usurped his authority, that he was about
to resign the command of the army.

Montrose, therefore, without loss of time, raised his camp, and
descending into the Lowlands, arrived at Logie Almond, where he
halted his foot. Thence he went out with his cavalry to reconnoitre
the enemy, and came in full view of them before sunset. They made no
attempt to molest him, and testified their dread of this unexpected
visit by retiring within their lines. Early next morning Montrose
again rode out to make his observations, but was surprised to learn
that the enemy had abandoned their camp at Methven during the
night, and had retired across the Earn, and taken up a position at
Kilgraston, near Bridge-of-Earn. Montrose immediately put his army
in motion towards the Earn, which he crossed by the bridge of Nether
Gask, about eight miles above Kilgraston. He then proceeded forward
as far as the Kirk of Dron, by which movement he for the first time
succeeded in throwing open to the operations of his army the whole
of the country south of the Tay, from which the enemy had hitherto
carefully excluded him. The enemy, alarmed at Montrose’s approach,
made every preparation for defending themselves by strengthening
the position in which they were intrenched, and which, from the
narrowness of the passes and the nature of the ground, was well
adapted for sustaining an attack.

Montrose was most anxious to bring the enemy to an engagement before
they should be joined by a large levy then raising in Fife; but they
were too advantageously posted to be attacked with much certainty
of success. As he could not by any means induce them to leave their
ground, he marched to Kinross for the double purpose of putting
an end to the Fife levies and of withdrawing the enemy from their
position, so as to afford him an opportunity of attacking them under
more favourable circumstances. This movement had the effect of
drawing Baillie from his stronghold, who cautiously followed Montrose
at a respectful distance. In the course of his march, Baillie was
again joined by the three Fife regiments. On arriving at Kinross in
the evening, Montrose learned from an advanced party he had sent out
to collect information through the country, under the command of
Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, and Sir William Rollock, that the people
of Fife were in arms, a piece of intelligence which made him resolve
immediately to retrace his steps, judging it imprudent to risk a
battle in such a hostile district. Although the men of Fife were
stern Covenanters, and were ready to fight for the Covenant on their
own soil, yet living for the most part in towns, and following out
the sober pursuits of a quiet and domestic life, they had no relish
for war, and disliked the service of the camp. Hence the speedy
return of the Fife regiments from the camp at Methven, to their own
country, and hence another reason which induced Montrose to leave
their unfriendly soil, viz., that they would probably again abandon
Baillie, should he attempt to follow Montrose in his progress west.

Accordingly, after remaining a night at Kinross, Montrose, the
following morning, marched towards Alloa, in the neighbourhood of
which he arrived in the evening, and passed the night in the wood of
Tullybody. The Irish plundered the town of Alloa, and the adjoining
lordship, which belonged to the Earl of Mar; but notwithstanding this
unprovoked outrage, the earl and Lord Erskine gave Montrose, the
Earl of Airly, and the principal officers of the army, an elegant
entertainment in the castle of Alloa. Montrose, however, did not
delay the march of his army while partaking of the hospitality of the
Earl of Mar, but immediately despatched Macdonald west to Stirling
with the foot, retaining only the horse to serve him as a body-guard.
In this route the Macleans laid waste the parishes of Muckhart and
Dollar, of which the Marquis of Argyle was the superior, and burnt
Castle Campbell, the principal residence of the Argyle family in the
lowlands, in requital of similar acts done by the marquis and his
followers in the country of the Macleans.[315]

As the pestilence was still raging in the town of Stirling, Montrose
avoided it altogether, lest his army might catch the infection. He
halted within three miles of the town, where his army passed the
night, and being apprised next morning, by one of Baillie’s scouts
who had been taken prisoner, that Baillie was close at hand with the
whole of his army, Montrose marched quickly up to the fords of Frew,
about eight miles above Stirling bridge, and there crossed the Forth.
Pursuing his march the following morning in the direction of Glasgow,
he made a short halt about six miles from Stirling, to ascertain
the enemy’s movements, and being informed that Baillie had not yet
crossed the Forth, he marched to Kilsyth, where he encamped. During
the day, Baillie passed the Forth by Stirling bridge, and marching
forwards, came within view of Montrose’s army, and encamped that
evening within three miles of Kilsyth.[316]

The covenanting army had, in its progress westward, followed exactly
the tract of Montrose through the vale of the Devon. The Marquis of
Argyle availing himself of this circumstance, caused the house of
Menstrie, the seat of the Earl of Stirling, the king’s secretary, and
that of Airthrie, belonging to Sir John Graham of Braco, to be burnt.
He, moreover, sent an insolent message to the Earl of Mar, notifying
to him, that, on the return of the army from the pursuit of Montrose,
he, the earl, might calculate on having his castle also burnt, for
the hospitality he had shown Montrose.[317]

The conjecture of Montrose, that the Fife regiments would not cross
the Forth, was not altogether without foundation. In fact, when they
arrived near Stirling, they positively refused to advance further,
and excused themselves by alleging, that they were raised on the
express condition that they should not be called upon to serve out
of their own shire, and that, having already advanced beyond its
limits, they would on no account cross the Forth. But their obstinacy
was overcome by the all-powerful influence of the ministers, who, in
addition to the usual scriptural appeals, “told them jolly tales that
Lanark, Glencairn, and Eglinton, were lifting an army to join them,
and therefore entreated that they would, for only one day more, go
out,” until that army approached, when they should be discharged.[318]

While the Fife regiments were thus persuaded to expose themselves
to the unforeseen destruction which unfortunately awaited them, an
incident occurred on the opposite bank of the Forth, which betokened
ill for the future prospects of the covenanting army. This will be
best explained by stating the matter in General Baillie’s own words.
“A little above the park (the king’s park at Stirling), I halted
until the Fife regiments were brought up, hearing that the rebels
were marching towards Kilsyth. After the upcoming of these regiments,
the Marquis of Argyle, Earl of Crawford, and Lord Burleigh, and,
if I mistake not, the Earl of Tulliebardine, the Lords Elcho and
Balcarras, with some others, came up. My lord marquis asked me what
next was to be done. I answered, the direction should come from his
lordship and those of the committee. My lord demanded what reason
was for this? I answered, I found myself so slighted in every thing
belonging to a commander-in-chief, that, for the short time I was
to stay with them, I would absolutely submit to their direction and
follow it. The marquis desired me to explain myself, which I did
in these particulars, sufficiently known to my lord marquis and
the other lords and gentlemen then present. I told his lordship,
(1.) Prisoners of all sorts were exchanged without my knowledge;
the traffickers therein received passes from others, and, sometimes
passing within two miles of me, did neither acquaint me with their
business, nor, at their return, where, or in what posture they had
left the enemy: (2.) While I was present, others did sometimes
undertake the command of the army: (3.) Without either my order or
knowledge, fire was raised, and that destroyed which might have
been a recompense to some good deserver, for which I would not be
answerable to the public. All which things considered, I should
in any thing freely give my own opinion, but follow the judgment
of the committee, and the rather because that was the last day of
my undertaking.”[319] It is here necessary to state, by way of
explanation, that Baillie had, in consequence of the previous conduct
of the committee, resigned his commission, and had only been induced,
at the earnest solicitation of the parliament, to continue his
services for a definite period, which, it appears, was just on the
point of expiring.

The differences between Baillie and the committee being patched up,
the covenanting army proceeded on the 14th of August in the direction
of Denny, and having crossed the Carron at Hollandbush, encamped, as
we have stated, about 3 miles from Kilsyth.

Before the arrival of Baillie, Montrose had received information
which made him resolve to hazard a battle immediately. The
intelligence he had obtained was to the effect, that the Earls
of Cassilis, Eglinton, and Glencairn, and other heads of the
Covenanters, were actively engaged in levying forces in the west
of Scotland, and that the Earl of Lanark had already raised a body
of 1,000 foot and 500 horse in Clydesdale, among the vassals and
dependents of the Hamilton family, and that this force was within 12
miles of Kilsyth.

Having taken his resolution, Montrose made the necessary arrangements
for receiving the enemy, by placing his men in the best position
which the nature of the ground afforded. In front of his position
were several cottages and gardens, of which he took possession.
Baillie, seeing the advantageous position chosen by Montrose,
would have willingly delayed battle till either the expected
reinforcements from the west should arrive, or till Montrose should
be induced to become the assailant; but his plans were over-ruled
by Argyle and the other members of the committee, who insisted
that he should immediately attack Montrose. Accordingly, early
in the morning he put his army in motion from Hollandbush, and
advanced near Auchinclogh, about two miles to the east of Kilsyth,
where he halted. As the ground between him and Montrose was full
of quagmires, which effectually prevented Montrose from attacking
him in front, he proposed to take up a defensive position without
advancing farther, and await an attack. But here again the committee
interposed, and when he was in the very act of arranging the stations
of his army, they advised him to take a position on a hill on his
right, which they considered more suitable. It was in vain that
Baillie remonstrated against what he justly considered an imprudent
advice--the committee were inexorable in their resolution, and
Baillie had no alternative but to obey. In justice, however, to Lord
Balcarras, it must be mentioned that he disapproved of the views of
the committee.

When Montrose saw the covenanting army approach from Hollandbush,
he was exceedingly delighted, as, from the excellent state of his
army, the courageous bearing of his men, and the advantage of his
position, he calculated upon obtaining a decisive victory, which
might enable him to advance into England and retrieve the affairs of
his sovereign in that kingdom. But while Montrose was thus joyfully
anticipating a victory which, he flattered himself, would be crowned
with results the most favourable to the royal cause, an incident
occurred which might have proved fatal to his hopes, had he not, with
that wonderful self-possession and consummate prudence for which he
was so distinguished, turned that very incident to his own advantage.
Among the covenanting cavalry was a regiment of cuirassiers, the
appearance of whose armour, glittering in the sun, struck such terror
into Montrose’s horse, that they hesitated about engaging with such
formidable antagonists, and, while riding along the line to encourage
his men and give the necessary directions, Montrose heard his cavalry
muttering among themselves and complaining that they were now for
the first time to fight with men clad in iron, whose bodies would
be quite impenetrable to their swords. When the terror of a foe has
once taken hold of the mind, it can only be sufficiently eradicated
by supplanting it with a feeling of contempt for the object of its
dread, and no man was better fitted by nature than Montrose for
inspiring such a feeling into the minds of his troops. Accordingly,
scarcely had the murmurings of his cavalry broken upon his ears,
when he rode up to the head of his cavalry, and (pointing to the
cuirassiers) thus addressed his men:--“Gentlemen, these are the
same men you beat at Alford, that ran away from you at Auldearn,
Tippermuir, &c.; they are such cowardly rascals that their officers
could not bring them to look you in the face till they had clad them
in armour; to show our contempt of them we’ll fight them in our
shirts.”[320] No sooner had these words been uttered, when, to add
to the impression they could not fail to produce, Montrose threw off
his coat and waistcoat, and, drawing his sword with the air of a
hero, stood before his men, at once an object of their wonder and a
model for their imitation. The effect was instantaneous. The example
thus set by Montrose was immediately followed by the whole army,
every man stripping himself to his shirt, and the cavalry, partaking
in the general enthusiasm, assured themselves of victory. As the day
was uncommonly hot and oppressive, the troops found great relief by
disburdening themselves of their clothes, and the infantry were,
in consequence, enabled to display greater agility in combat. The
extraordinary appearance of Montrose’s men after they had parted with
their clothes, excited the astonishment of the Covenanters, and as
they could only attribute such a singular preparation for battle to
a fixed determination on the part of the royalists to conquer or to
die, fearful doubts arose in their minds as to the probable result of
the contest in which they were just about to engage.

In moving to take up the new position which had been assigned to it
by the committee, the utmost disorder prevailed among the covenanting
army, which the general was unable to correct. Indeed, so unruly
had the troops become, that some regiments, instead of taking
the stations assigned to them by the commander, took up, at the
suggestion of Argyle, quite different ground, while others, in utter
disregard of Baillie’s instructions, actually selected positions
for themselves. Thus, at the moment the battle was about to begin,
Baillie found all his plans completely overruled, and as he now
saw how utterly impossible it would be for him to carry any of his
contemplated arrangements into effect, he was necessitated to engage
Montrose under the most unfavourable circumstances.

The covenanting general, however, might have so accommodated himself
in the unexpected dilemma in which he had been placed as to have
prevented the disastrous result which followed, had not his horse
regiments, from an impression that Montrose had begun a retreat,
rashly commenced the action before all the infantry had come up, by
attempting to carry the cottages and gardens in which the advanced
guard of Montrose was placed. Although they made a violent charge,
they were as warmly received by Montrose’s musketeers, who, being
protected by the dikes and enclosures, kept up such a galling fire
upon their assailants as to oblige them to retreat with precipitation
and some loss.

A body of about 1,000 Highlanders, who were posted next to Montrose’s
advanced guard, became so suddenly elated with this success that,
without waiting for orders from Montrose, they immediately ran up
that part of the hill where the main body of the covenanting army
was posted. Montrose was highly displeased with the Highlanders
for this rash act, which seemed to threaten them with instant
destruction; but there was no time for remonstrance, and as he saw
an absolute necessity for supporting this intrepid body, he stifled
his displeasure, and began to consider how he could most effectually
afford support. Owing to the tardy advance of the enemy’s rear,
it was some little time before the covenanting army attacked this
resolute body. At length three troops of horse and a body of about
2,000 foot were seen advancing against them, and in a short time both
parties closed upon each other. The Highlanders, as usual, displayed
great intrepidity, and firmly maintained their ground; but as it
was evident that they could not long withstand the overwhelming
force opposed to them, the Earl of Aboyne, who, with a select body
of horsemen, had been placed by Montrose at some distance from the
main army, taking with him 12 horsemen, rode forward to see if he
could render any assistance. Seeing the critical position in which
the rash Highlanders were placed, he sent back for the cavalry to
advance immediately, at the same time bravely shouting to the few
followers that were with him, “Let us go, Monsieurs, and assist
these our distressed friends, in so great hazard through the foolish
rashness of their commander. We shall, God willing, bring them off,
at least in some good order, so as they shall neither be all lost,
nor endanger the army by their sudden flight, whereto they may be
forced.”[321] He thereupon charged the enemy’s lancers, who, seeing
him make such a furious onset, retired to the left, thus putting the
foot between themselves and Aboyne. The latter, without halting,
charged forward upon the foot, until, when within pistol-shot, he
perceived them preparing to receive him upon their pikes. He then
nimbly turned a little to the left, and charged with such impetuosity
and suddenness a regiment of musketeers, that although they received
him with three volleys from the three first ranks, he broke right
through them, till he came out to where his distressed friends were
environed with horse and foot, and so sorely straightened as to be
crying out for quarter. His presence caused them to rally, and they
took heart as he cried with a lusty voice, “Courage, my hearts,
follow me, and let them have one sound charge.” “And this he gives
with such brave and invincible resolution, as he breaks, disperses,
and discourages both foot and horse, who seek no more to pursue, but
strive to retire in order, to the which their commanders often invite
them, but in vain.” They got into complete disorder, and began to
run for their lives. What had been begun by Aboyne, was completed by
the Earl of Airly, who, at the urgent request of Montrose, now came
up at the head of the Ogilvies to the assistance of the Highlanders.
Montrose had made several ineffectual attempts to induce different
parties of his army to volunteer in defence of the brave men who
were struggling for their existence within view of their companions
in arms, and, as a _dernier ressort_, appealed to his tried friend
the Earl of Airly, in behalf of the rash men who had thus exposed
themselves to imminent danger. This appeal to the chivalrous feelings
of the venerable earl met with a ready and willing response from him,
and after stating his readiness to undertake the duty assigned him,
he immediately put himself at the head of a troop of his own horse,
commanded by Colonel John Ogilvie of Baldavie, who had distinguished
himself in the Swedish service, and rode off with great speed towards
the enemy. He instantly ordered his squadron to charge the enemy’s
horse, who were so closely pressed that they got entangled among the
covenanting foot, whom they put into disorder.

As soon as Baillie perceived that his horse were falling back, he
endeavoured to bring up his reserve to support them; but this body,
which consisted chiefly of the Fife militia, became so alarmed at
the retreat of the horse, that they immediately abandoned their ranks
and fled. On the other hand, the rest of Montrose’s men, encouraged
by the success of the Ogilvies, could no longer restrain themselves,
and rushing forward upon the enemy with a loud shout, completed the
disorder. The wild appearance of the royalists, added to the dreadful
yells which they set up, created such a panic among the astonished
Covenanters, that, in an instant, and as if by a simultaneous
impulse, every man threw away his arms, and endeavoured to secure
his personal safety by flight. In the general rout which ensued, the
covenanting horse, in their anxiety to escape, galloped through the
flying foot, and trampled many of their companions in arms almost to
death.

In the pursuit which followed, Montrose’s men cut down the
defenceless Covenanters without mercy, and so great was the carnage,
that, out of a body of upwards of 6,000 foot, probably not more than
100 escaped with their lives. The royalists were so intent upon
hewing down the unfortunate foot, that a considerable part of the
cavalry effected their escape. Some of them, however, in the hurry of
their flight, having run unawares into a large morass, called Dolater
bog, now forming a part of the bed of the Forth and Clyde canal,
there perished, and, many years afterwards, the bodies of men and
horses were dug up from the bog, without any marks of decomposition;
and there is a tradition still current, that one man was found upon
horseback, fully attired in his military costume, in the very posture
in which he had sunk.[322] Very few prisoners were taken, and with
the exception of Sir William Murray of Blebo, James Arnot, brother
to Lord Burleigh, and Colonels Dyce and Wallace, and a few other
gentlemen, who received quarter, and, after being well treated by
Montrose, were afterwards released upon parole, all the officers of
the covenanting army escaped. Some of them fled to Stirling, and
took temporary refuge in the castle; others galloped down to the
south shore of the Frith of Forth. Among the latter, Argyle was the
most conspicuous, who, according to Bishop Guthry, “never looked
over his shoulder until, after 20 miles’ riding, he reached the
South Queensferry, where he possessed himself of a boat again.”[323]
Wishart sarcastically observes, that this was the third time that
Argyle had “saved himself by means of a boat; and, even then, he did
not reckon himself secure till they had weighed anchor and carried
the vessel out to sea.”[324]

The whole of the baggage, arms, and stores, belonging to the
covenanting army were captured by the royalists. The loss on the side
of Montrose was, as usual, extremely trifling, amounting, it is said,
only to six or eight men, three of whom were Ogilvies, who fell in
the charge which decided the fortune of the day.

The news of this disastrous and melancholy defeat, speedily spread
throughout the kingdom and filled it with mourning. The plague,
which had devastated some of the most populous of the covenanting
districts, was still carrying on its depopulating career, and
the spirits of the people, already broken and subdued under that
scourge, were reduced to a state almost bordering on despair, when
they received the afflicting intelligence of the utter annihilation
of an army on which their only hopes were placed. No alternative,
therefore, now remained for them but unconditional submission to the
conqueror, and accordingly, deputies were sent to him from different
parts of the kingdom, to assure him of the return of the people to
their allegiance to the king, to proffer their obedience to Montrose
as his lieutenant, and to offer him assistance in support of the
royal cause. The nobility and other persons of note who had hitherto
kept aloof, or whose loyalty had been questionable, also crowded
to the royal standard to congratulate Montrose upon the favourable
aspect of affairs and to offer their services.

While at Kilsyth, two commissioners, Sir Robert Douglas and Mr.
Archibald Fleming, commissary, arrived at Montrose’s camp on the part
of the inhabitants of Glasgow, to obtain favour and forgiveness,
by congratulating him upon his success, and inviting him to visit
their city. Montrose received these commissioners and the other
numerous deputations and individuals who afterwards waited on him,
not merely with courtesy but with kindness, and promised to bury all
past occurrences in perfect oblivion, but on the condition that they
should return to their allegiance and conduct themselves in future
as loyal subjects. “The whole country now,” says Wishart, “resounded
Montrose’s praise. His unparalleled magnanimity and bravery, his
happiness in devising his plan of operations, and his quickness in
executing them, his unshaken resolution and intrepidity, even in the
greatest dangers, and his patience in bearing the severest hardships
and fatigues; his faithfulness and strict observance of his promises
to such as submitted, and his clemency towards his prisoners; in
short, that heroic virtue which displayed itself in all his actions,
was extolled to the skies, and filled the mouths of all ranks of men,
and several poems and panegyrics were wrote upon this occasion.”[325]
It is believed, however, that there was little sincerity in these
professions.

This submission of the people was accelerated by the dispersion of
the Covenant nobility, an event that put a temporary end to the
government which they had established. Argyle, Crawford, Lanark, and
others, sought protection in Berwick, and Glencairn, and Cassilis
took refuge in Ireland.

Montrose might now have marched directly upon, and seized the
capital, where many of his friends were confined as prisoners; but he
considered it of more importance to march to the west and disperse
some levies which were there raising. Accordingly, after refreshing
his troops two days at Kilsyth, he dispatched a strong body under the
command of Macdonald, his major-general, into Ayrshire to suppress
a rising under the Earls of Cassilis and Glencairn; and with the
remainder of his army he proceeded towards Glasgow, which he entered
amidst the general acclamations of the citizens. Here Montrose
immediately commenced an inquiry into the conduct of the leading
Covenanters of the city, some of whom he put to death as a terror to
others. Montrose remained only a day in Glasgow, and encamped the
following day on Bothwell moor, about twelve miles from the city.
His object in doing so, was to put an end to some excesses on the
part of his Irish and Highland troops, whom, from the precarious
tenure of their services, and his inability to pay them, he could not
venture to control by the severities of martial law.[326] And as he
was apprehensive that some of his men might lurk behind, or visit the
city for the purpose of plunder, he allowed the inhabitants to form a
guard among themselves to protect it. The citizens, in gratitude for
the favour and clemency thus shown them, presented Montrose with the
sum of 10,000 merks.

In the meantime, Major-general Macdonald arrived in Ayrshire, where
he was received with open arms. The levies, which had been raised
in the west quietly dispersed; and, as above mentioned, the Earls
of Cassilis and Glencairn fled to Ireland. The Countess of Loudon,
whose husband had acted a conspicuous part against the king, received
Macdonald with great kindness at Loudon castle, embracing him in her
arms, and entertaining him with great splendour and hospitality; she
even sent a servant to Montrose to offer her respects to him.[327]

During Montrose’s stay at Bothwell, where he remained till the 4th
of September, he was waited upon by many of the nobility in person,
to congratulate him upon his recent victory, and to tender their
services. Others sent similar communications by their friends. The
Marquis of Douglas, the Earls of Linlithgow and Annandale, Lords
Seton, Drummond, Fleming, Maderty, Carnegie and Johnston, were
among the first who came forward. Deputations also arrived from the
counties of Linlithgow, Lanark, Renfrew, and Ayr, and also from the
towns of Greenock, Ayr, and Irvine, to implore forgiveness for past
offences, and to give pledges for their future loyalty. Montrose
received them all very graciously, and relying upon their assurances,
granted them an amnesty.

Montrose expected that the city of Edinburgh, which had been the
focus of rebellion, would have followed the example of Glasgow and
the other towns; but whether from obstinacy or from the dread of
a refusal of pardon, the authorities did not send commissioners to
Montrose, and it was not until a body of the royalist horse appeared
within four miles of the city, that they resolved to proffer their
submission, and to throw themselves on the mercy of the conqueror.

After the battle of Kilsyth, Montrose dispatched his nephew,
Archibald, Master of Napier, and Nathaniel Gordon, with a select body
of horse, to summon Edinburgh to surrender, to secure its obedience
and fidelity, and to set at liberty the royalist prisoners, many of
whom were confined in the Tolbooth. Should the city refuse to submit,
it was to be subjected to fire and sword. On his way to Edinburgh,
Napier set at liberty his father and wife, Stirling of Keir, his
brother-in-law, and sisters, from the prison of Linlithgow. When
four miles from Edinburgh they came to a halt, and waited to see how
the citizens would conduct themselves. The inhabitants, so far from
having any intention of resisting the royal army, were in a state
of consternation and despair lest their submission should not be
accepted by Montrose, “accusing themselves as sacrilegious, perjured
and ungrateful traitors, unworthy of that clemency and forgiveness
for which they so ardently prayed.” In the most grovelling and humble
manner they besought the prisoners, whom not long before they had
treated with harshness and contempt, to intercede with Montrose on
their behalf, promising to submit to any conditions.

The citizens, having chosen deputies, selected from the prisoners two
of the most eminent and stanch royalists, Ludovic Earl of Crawford
and James Lord Ogilvie, the Earl of Airly’s son, to wait upon
Montrose and introduce the deputation, implore his pardon, and tender
the city’s humble submission. These two noblemen and the deputies
having joined Napier, the latter returned directly to his uncle
Montrose, who was unfeignedly delighted at the sight of his dear
friends Crawford and Ogilvie.

The city delegates, on being admitted to audience, “made a free
surrender to him of the town, and humbly deprecated his vengeance
and implored his pardon and forgiveness, promising, in name of the
whole inhabitants, an inviolable fidelity and obedience for the
future, and committing themselves and all their concerns to his
patronage and protection, which they humbly entreated he would grant
them. They promised also, immediately to release all the prisoners
in their custody, and desired him to assure himself that any thing
else he should desire of them should be instantly complied with. The
town, they said, had been almost depopulated by a dreadful plague,
so that no supplies of men could be expected from it; but they were
ready to contribute all they could to defray the expense of what
troops he might raise in other places. Above all, they most earnestly
implored him to intercede for them with their most gracious and
merciful king, to obtain his pity and pardon, and that he would not
condemn the whole city for the crime of rebellion, in which they had
been involved by the craft and example of a few seditious men, armed
with power and authority. Montrose gave them reason to hope for the
royal forgiveness; and the only conditions he required of them, were,
sacredly to observe their loyalty and allegiance to his majesty for
the future; to renounce all correspondence with the rebels, whether
within or without the kingdom: the castle of Edinburgh, which he well
knew was then in their power, he required they should surrender to
the king’s officers; and that, as soon as the delegates returned to
the city, all the prisoners should be immediately set at liberty, and
sent to his camp.”[328]

Although the commissioners agreed to these conditions, and promised
to perform them, the only one they ever fulfilled was that which
stipulated the release of the prisoners, who were immediately on
the return of the commissioners sent to Montrose’s camp. Indeed, it
was scarcely to be expected, from the character of the times, that
the citizens of Edinburgh, who had all along been warm partisans
of the covenanting interest, would show a readiness to comply with
stipulations which had been extorted from their commissioners under
the circumstances we have mentioned.

While at Bothwell, Montrose received various communications from
the king, who was then at Oxford. The most important of these were
two commissions under the great seal, one appointing Montrose
Captain-general and Lieutenant-governor of Scotland, and conferring
on him full powers to raise forces, punish state offenders, and make
knights, &c.; and the other authorising him to summon a parliament
to meet at Glasgow, to settle the affairs of the kingdom. The bearer
of these important documents was Sir Robert Spottiswood, formerly
president of the Court of Session, and who now acted as secretary of
state for Scotland. As a person so well known as Sir Robert could not
travel by any of the ordinary roads without risk of apprehension,
he took a circuitous route from Oxford, passing through Wales, and
thence crossing over to the Isle of Man, took shipping and landed
in the West Highlands. From Lochaber he proceeded down into Athole,
whence he was conducted by a party of Athole-men to Montrose, at
Bothwell Moor.

The instructions brought by Sir Robert Spottiswood, regarding the
holding of a parliament and the matters connected therewith, were
in the meantime superseded by orders from the king of a later date,
brought by a more direct route. By these he was directed to march
immediately to the borders, where he would, it was said, be joined
by the Earls of Roxburgh, Traquair, and Home, and the other royalist
nobility of the southern counties, at the head of their numerous
vassals and tenants, as well as by a body of horse which his majesty
would send from England; that, with these united forces, he should
watch the motions of General David Leslie, who was advancing to the
north with a body of 6,000 cavalry. In fact, Leslie, who had acquired
great celebrity by his conduct in the battle of Marston Moor, had
reached Berwick in the beginning of September, having been called
thither on his road to Hereford by the covenanting nobility, who had
taken refuge there after the battle of Kilsyth.

Montrose reviewed his army on the 3d of September, on which occasion
Sir Robert Spottiswood delivered to him the commission appointing
him his majesty’s Lieutenant-governor for Scotland and General of
all his majesty’s forces.[329] After this and the other commission
had been read, Montrose addressed his army in a short and feeling
speech, in the course of which he took occasion to praise their
bravery and loyalty, and expressed great affection for them. In
conclusion, addressing Macdonald, his major-general, he bestowed upon
him the tribute of his praise, and, by virtue of the power with which
he had been invested, conferred upon him the honour of knighthood,
in presence of the whole army. Little did Montrose imagine, that
the man whose services he was now so justly rewarding had resolved
immediately to abandon him, and, under the pretence of revenging some
injuries which his friends had sustained at the hands of Argyle four
years before, to quit for ever the service of his royal master.

Montrose’s ranks had, before the review alluded to, been thinned
by private desertions among the Highlanders, who carried off with
them all the booty they had been able to collect; but as soon as
Montrose announced his intention, in terms of the instructions he
had received from the king, to march south, the Highlanders in a
body demanded liberty to return home for a short time to repair
their houses, which had been reduced to ruins by the enemy, and to
provide a stock of provisions for their wives and families during
the ensuing winter. To induce Montrose to comply the more readily
with their request, they promised to return to his camp within
forty days, and to bring some of their friends along with them. As
Montrose saw that the Highlanders were determined to depart, and
that consequently any attempt to retain them would be unavailing,
he dissembled the displeasure he felt, and after thanking them in
the king’s name for their services, and entreating them to return
to him as soon as possible, he granted them leave of absence with
apparent goodwill. But when Sir Alaster Macdonald also announced his
intention to return to the Highlands, Montrose could not conceal his
chagrin, and strongly remonstrated against such a step. “Montrose,”
says Guthry, “dealt most seriously with him to have staid until they
had been absolute conquerors, promising then to go thither himself,
and be concurring with him in punishing them, (Argyle and his
party,) as they deserved; and withal told him that his separating
at this time must be the occasion of ruin to them both. But all was
to no purpose; he would needs be gone, and for a reason enlarged
himself in reckoning up the Marquis of Argyle’s cruelties against
his friends, who, as he said, did four years ago draw his father
and brother to Inverary upon trust, and then made them prisoners;
and since, (his friends having retired to the isles of Jura and
Rachlin for shelter,) sent Ardkinlass and the captain of Skipness to
the said isles to murder them, which, (said he,) they did without
mercy, sparing neither women nor children. With such discourses
he justified his departure, and would not be hindered.” Macdonald
accordingly, after returning thanks to Montrose in a formal oration
for the favours he had received, and pledging himself for the early
return of the Highlanders, departed for the Highlands on the day of
the review, accompanied by about 3,000 Highlanders, the _elite_ of
Montrose’s army, and by 120 of the best of the Irish troops, whom he
had selected as a body guard.

The desertion of such a large body of men, consisting of the flower
of his army, was a subject of the deepest concern to Montrose, whose
sole reliance for support against the powerful force of Leslie, now
depended upon the precarious succours he might obtain on his march
to the south. Under such circumstances a commander more prudent than
Montrose would have hesitated about the course to be pursued, and
would probably have either remained for some time in his position,
till the levies raising in the south should assemble, or retreat
across the Forth, and there awaited reinforcements from the north;
but the ardent and chivalrous feelings of Montrose so blinded him, as
to make him altogether disregard prudential considerations, and the
splendour of his victories had dazzled his imagination so much, as to
induce him to believe that he had only to engage the enemy to defeat
him.

Accordingly, on the day following the departure of the Highlanders,
viz., the 4th of September, Montrose began his march to the south;
but he had not proceeded far, when he had the mortification to find
himself also abandoned by the Earl of Aboyne, who not only carried
off the whole of his own men, but induced the other horsemen of the
north, who were not of his party, to accompany him. Sir Nathaniel
Gordon appears to have been the only individual of the name of Gordon
who remained behind. The cause of such a hasty proceeding on the part
of the Earl of Aboyne, is not very evident; but it seems probable,
that his lordship had taken some offence at Montrose, who, according
to a partisan of the Gordon family, arrogated to himself all the
honour of the victories which the earl had greatly contributed to
obtain.[330]

The army of Montrose was now reduced to a mere handful of men,
consisting only of about 200 gentlemen who had joined him at
Bothwell, and 700 foot, chiefly Irish.[331] Yet he resolved to
proceed on his march, and reached Cranstoun-Kirk in Mid-Lothian,
on Saturday the 6th of September, where he received intelligence
that General David Leslie had arrived at Berwick with a great body
of cavalry. He encamped at Cranstoun-Kirk with the intention of
remaining there over the Sunday, and hearing Dr. Wishart preach;
but having, the following morning, been put in possession of a
correspondence between Leslie and the heads of the Covenanters, at
Berwick, which developed their plans, he quickly raised his camp,
without waiting for sermon, and advanced into the district of the
Gala. A more imprudent step than this cannot be well conceived, as
Montrose threw his little band into the jaws of Leslie’s army, which
was lying ready to pounce upon him. In his march along Gala-water, he
was joined by the Marquis of Douglas and Lord Ogilvie at the head of
a small party, the remains of a larger body which had been diminished
by desertion. Montrose was waited upon at Galashiels by the Earl of
Traquair, who professed the most fervent attachment to the king, and
promised to obtain information for him respecting Leslie’s movements;
and in proof of his sincerity, sent his son Lord Linton with a troop
of well-mounted horse, who joined him the following day.

From Galashiels Montrose marched to Kelso, where he expected to be
joined by the Earls of Home and Roxburgh, and their vassals; but on
his arrival there, he was surprised to find that these two noblemen
had taken no measures to raise the levies they had promised. He,
therefore, resolved to pay them a visit, to compel them to fulfil
their engagements; but anticipating such a step, they had allowed
themselves to be made voluntary prisoners by a party of Leslie’s
horse and carried to Berwick. Roxburgh, whom Wishart calls “a cunning
old fox,” was the contriver of this artful scheme, which, while it
secured him and his colleague Home the favour of the Covenanters, was
intended to induce the king to believe that they were suffering for
their loyalty.

This act of perfidy opened the eyes of Montrose to the danger of his
situation, and made him instantly resolve to retrace his steps, so as
to prevent his retreat to the north being cut off by David Leslie,
who had by this time crossed the Tweed. He, therefore, marched from
Kelso westward to Jedburgh, and from thence to Selkirk, where he
arrived on the 12th of September, and encamped that night in a wood,
called Hareheadwood, in the neighbourhood of the town at the head of
a long and level piece of ground called Philiphaugh, on the north
bank of the Ettrick. Montrose himself, with his horse, took up his
quarters in the town.

The position thus selected by Montrose was well calculated to prevent
his being taken by surprise, as Leslie, from the direction in which
he had necessarily to advance, could only approach it by coming up
the open vale of Philiphaugh; but unfortunately, Montrose did not,
on this occasion, take those extraordinary precautions which he had
been accustomed to do. It had always been his practice hitherto, to
superintend in person the setting of the night watches, and to give
instructions himself to the sentinels, and to the scouts he sent
out, to watch the motions of the enemy; but having important letters
to write to the king, which he was desirous of sending off before
the break of day by a trusty messenger, he intrusted these details
to his cavalry officers, whom he exhorted to great vigilance, and
to take care that the scouts kept a sharp outlook for the enemy.
Montrose had the utmost confidence in the wisdom and integrity of his
officers, whose long experience in military affairs he had many times
witnessed; and as there seemed to be no immediate danger, he thought
that, for one night at least, he could safely leave the direction of
affairs to such men.

While occupied during the night preparing his dispatches for the
king, Montrose received several loose reports, from time to time,
respecting the alleged movements of the enemy, of which he sent due
notice to his officers, but he was as often assured, both by the
reports of his officers and of the scouts, that not a vestige of an
enemy was to be seen. Thus the night passed without any apparent
foundation for the supposition that the enemy was at hand, and to
make assurance doubly sure, some of the fleetest of the cavalry
were sent out at break of day to reconnoitre. On their return, they
stated that they had examined with care all the roads and passes for
ten miles round, and solemnly averred, that there was not the least
appearance of an enemy within the range they had just scoured. Yet
singular as the fact may appear, Leslie was lying at that very time
at Melrose, with 4,000 horse, within six miles of Montrose’s camp.

It appears that on the day of Montrose’s march from Jedburgh,
General Leslie, who had a few days before crossed the Tweed at
Berwick, held a council of war on Gladsmuir in East Lothian, at
which it was determined that he should proceed towards Stirling to
cut off Montrose’s retreat to the Highlands, whither it was supposed
that he meant instantly to retire, for the purpose of obtaining
reinforcements. But the council had scarcely risen, when letters were
brought to Leslie, acquainting him with the low and impaired state
of Montrose’s forces, and his design of marching into Dumfries-shire
to procure an accession of strength. On receiving this intelligence,
Leslie abandoned his plan of marching northward, and ordering his
army to turn to the left, he immediately marched to the south, and
entering the vale of Gala, proceeded to Melrose, where he took up
his quarters for the night, intending to attack Montrose’s little
band next morning, in the hope of annihilating it altogether.
Both Wishart and Guthry suspect that the Earl of Traquair was the
informant, and they rest their conjecture upon the circumstance
of his having withdrawn during the night, (without acquainting
Montrose,) the troop of horse under his son, Lord Linton; but this
is not sufficient, of itself, to warrant us in charging him with such
an act.

But the most extraordinary and unaccountable circumstance which
preceded the battle of Philiphaugh, was, that although Leslie was
within six miles of Montrose’s camp, neither the scouts nor the
cavalry, who are stated to have scoured the country for four miles
beyond the place where Leslie lay, could discover, as they reported,
any traces of him. Did the scouts deceive Montrose, or did they not
proceed in the direction of Leslie’s camp, or did they confine their
perambulations within a more limited range? These are questions which
it is impossible to answer with any degree of certainty. But what
is to be said of the cavalry who having made their observations at
day-break, and confessedly several miles beyond the enemy’s camp,
returned as luckless as the midnight scouts? The only plausible
answer that can be given to this question is, either that they had
not visited the neighbourhood of Melrose, or that a thick mist which
prevailed on the morning of the 13th of September, had concealed
the enemy from their view. However, be this as it may, certain it
is that owing to the thickness of the fog, Leslie was enabled to
advance, unobserved, till he came within half a mile of Montrose’s
head quarters. On the alarm occasioned by this sudden and unexpected
appearance of the enemy, Montrose instantly sprung upon the first
horse that came to hand, and galloped off to his camp. On his
arrival, he fortunately found that all his men, though the hour was
very early, had risen, but considerable disorder prevailed in the
camp in consequence of preparations they were making for an immediate
march into Dumfries-shire in terms of instructions they had received
the previous evening. The cavalry, however, were quite dismounted,
some of the officers were absent, and their horses were scattered
through the adjoining fields taking their morning repast. Short as
the time was for putting his small band in a defensive position,
Montrose acted with his accustomed presence of mind, and before
the enemy commenced his attack, he had succeeded in drawing up his
men in order of battle, in the position which they had occupied
the preceding night. Nothing but self-preservation, on which the
cause of the king, his master, was chiefly dependant, could have
justified Montrose in attempting to resist the powerful force now
about to assail him. With about 1,000 foot and 500 horse, the greater
part of which was composed of raw and undisciplined levies hastily
brought into the field, and lukewarm in the cause, he had to resist
the attack of a body of about 6,000 veteran troops, chiefly English
cavalry, who had distinguished themselves at the battle of Marston
Moor, and who, though they could make no addition to their laurels
by defeating such a handful of men, may be supposed to have been
especially desirous of annihilating the remains of an army which had
been so long formidable and victorious.

The covenanting general began the battle by charging Montrose’s right
wing, consisting of horse, with the great body of his cavalry; but so
firmly was the charge received by the brave cavaliers with Montrose
at their head, that the assailants were forced to retire with loss.
A second charge met a similar fate. Thus foiled in their attempts
on the right, they next attacked Montrose’s left wing, consisting
of foot, which, after a gallant resistance, retired a little up the
face of the hill, where it was posted, to avoid the attacks of the
cavalry. While this struggle was going on on the left, a body of
2,000 covenanting foot which had made a circuitous route, appeared
in the rear of the right wing, which they attacked. The right wing
not being able to resist this force, and apprehensive that a new
attack would be made upon them by the enemy’s cavalry, and that
they would thus be surrounded and perhaps cut to pieces, fled from
the field. The foot who had taken up a position on the side of the
hill, being thus abandoned to their fate, surrendered themselves as
prisoners of war after a slight resistance; but horrible to tell,
they were afterwards shot by orders of the covenanting general, at
the instigation, it is said, of some presbyterian ministers, who
declared that no faith should be kept with such persons.

Montrose was still on the field with about 30 brave cavaliers, and
witnessed the rout of one part of his army and the surrender of
another, with the most poignant feelings of regret. He might have
instantly retreated with safety, but he could not brook the idea of
running away, and, therefore, resolved not to abandon the post of
honour, but to fight to the last extremity, and to sell his life as
dearly as possible. It was not long before he and his noble band
were nearly surrounded by the enemy, who kept pressing so hard upon
him, and in such numbers, as almost to preclude the possibility of
escape. Yet they did not venture to attack Montrose and his brave
associates in a body, but in detached parties, every one of which was
successively repulsed with loss. As the enemy grew tired of attacking
him, and seemed to be more intent upon plundering his baggage than
capturing his person, Montrose saw that the danger was not so great
as he supposed, and therefore he began to reflect upon the folly
of sacrificing his life so long as a ray of hope remained. He had
lost a battle, no doubt; but in this there was no dishonour when
the disparity of his force with that of the enemy was considered.
Besides, he had lost few of his men, and the Highlanders, on whom
he chiefly relied, were still entire, and were ready to take the
field as soon as he appeared again among them. And as to the effect
which such a defeat might be supposed to have upon the adherents of
the king, who were still numerous and powerful, it could be easily
removed as soon as they saw him again at the head of a fresh force.
That he could only expect to retrieve the present state of affairs
by escaping from the present danger and raising new troops; but
that if he rashly sacrificed his life the king’s affairs might be
irretrievably ruined. These reflections being seconded by the Marquis
of Douglas and a few trusty friends, who implored him not to throw
away a life so valuable to the king and to the country, Montrose
resolved to consult his safety by an immediate flight. Putting
himself, therefore, at the head of his troop, he cut his way through
the enemy, without the loss of a single man. They were pursued by a
party of horse, some of whom they killed, and actually carried off
one Bruce, a captain of horse, and two standard-bearers, with their
ensigns, as prisoners. Montrose went in the direction of Peebles,
which he entered about sunset, and here he was joined by various
straggling parties of his men who had escaped.

Montrose lost in this engagement very few of his horse, but a
considerable part of his foot was destroyed. He carried off, as we
have seen, two of the enemy’s standards, and fortunately preserved
his own, two in number, from the enemy. That belonging to his
infantry was saved by an Irish soldier of great bravery, who, on
seeing the battle lost, and the enemy in possession of the field,
tore it from the pole, and, wrapping it round his body, which was
without any other covering, nobly cut his way through the enemy sword
in hand. He overtook Montrose at Peebles, and delivered the standard
into his hands the same night. Montrose rewarded him for his bravery
by appointing him one of his life-guard, and by committing the
standard to his future charge. The other was preserved and delivered
to Montrose by the Honourable William Hay, brother to the Earl of
Kinnoul, a youth of a martial and enterprising spirit.

Montrose passed the night at Peebles, where he was joined by most
of his horse and part of his infantry; but some of his officers
who had mistaken their way, or fled in a different direction, were
seized by the country people and delivered over to Leslie. Among
these were the Earl of Hartfell, Lords Drummond and Ogilvie, Sir
Robert Spottiswood, Sir Alexander Leslie of Auchintoul, Sir William
Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbet, the Honourable William Murray, brother
to the Earl of Tulliebardine, Alexander Ogilvie of Inverquharity,
Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, and Mr. Andrew Guthry, son of the bishop of
Murray.[332] Montrose left Peebles early the following morning, and,
crossing the Clyde at a ford shown him by Sir John Dalziel, where he
was, to his great joy, joined by the Earls of Crawford and Airly, and
other noblemen who had effected their escape by a different route, he
proceeded rapidly to the north, and entered Athole, after dispatching
the Marquis of Douglas and the Earl of Airly into Angus, and Lord
Erskine into Mar, to raise forces. Montrose then sent letters to Sir
Alexander Macdonald and the Earl of Aboyne, requesting them to join
him without delay, and to bring with them all the forces they could
muster, to enable him to enter on a new campaign.

As soon as the members of the Committee of Estates, who had taken
refuge in Berwick, heard of Montrose’s defeat at Philiphaugh, they
joined Leslie’s army, which they accompanied to Edinburgh, and there
concocted those measures of revenge against the unhappy royalists
who had fallen into their hands, which they afterwards carried
into execution. The first who suffered were Colonel O’Kean, to
whose distinguished bravery at the battle of Fyvie we have already
alluded, and Major Lauchlan, another brave officer. Both these were
hanged, without trial, upon the Castle-hill at Edinburgh. Perhaps the
circumstance of being Irishmen appeared a sufficient reason in the
eyes of their enemies for dispatching them so summarily; but they
were, nevertheless, the subjects of the king, and as fully entitled
to all the privileges of war as the other prisoners. This hatred of
the Irish by the Covenanters was not confined to the cases of these
individuals. Having in their march westward to Glasgow fallen in,
near Linlithgow, with a body of helpless Irish women and children,
who, in consequence of the loss of their husbands and fathers at
the battle of Philiphaugh, were now seeking their way home to their
own country, they were all seized by orders of the heads of the
Covenanters, and thrown headlong by the brutal soldiers over the
bridge of Avon into the river below. Some of these unfortunate
beings, who had sufficient strength left to reach the banks of the
river, were not allowed to save themselves from drowning, but after
being beaten on the head and stunned by blows from the butt ends of
muskets and by clubs, were pushed back into the stream, where they
all perished.[333] According to Gordon of Ruthven, many of the women
who were with child were ripped up and cut to pieces, “with such
savage and inhuman cruelty, as neither Turk nor Scythian was ever
heard to have done the like.”[334]

The covenanting army continued its march to Glasgow, where a
convention of the Estates was held, to determine upon farther
measures. To testify their gratitude to Leslie, they granted him a
present of 50,000 merks and a gold chain, and they also voted the sum
of 25,000 merks to Middleton, the second in command.[335]

FOOTNOTES:

[282] Guthry, p. 141.

[283] Idem.

[284] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 447.

[285] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 522.

[286] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 301.

[287] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 452.

[288] Vol. ii. p. 457.

[289] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 462.

[290] _Montrose Redivivus_, p. 61.

[291] _Montrose Redivivus_, p. 65.

[292] Wishart, p. 127.

[293] Wishart, p. 136.

[294] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 525.

[295] Idem.

[296] Spalding.

[297] Wishart.

[298] _Montrose Redivivus_, p. 73.

[299] Spalding, vol. ii., p. 473. _Britane’s Distemper_, p. 127.

[300] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 525.

[301] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 474.

[302] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 476.

[303] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 479.

[304] Wishart, p. 145.

[305] _Britane’s Distemper_, p. 129.

[306] Wishart, p. 147.

[307] Wishart, p. 149.

[308] This incident is extremely doubtful; it appears to be mentioned
only in the _Red Book of Clanranald_, while no mention is made of it
in Gordon of Sallagh, Wishart, or Gordon of Ruthven.

[309] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 526.

[310] Idem.

[311] _Memoirs_, p. 132.

[312] Guthrie’s _Memoirs_, p. 150.

[313] _Memoirs_, p. 155.

[314] Wishart’s _Memoirs_, p. 159.

[315] Guthry’s _Memoirs_, p. 151.

[316] Wishart, p. 156.

[317] Guthry, p. 153.

[318] Idem.

[319] General Baillie’s _Narrative_, Baillie’s _Letters_, vol. ii.
pp. 270, 271.

[320] Carte, vol. iv. p. 538. The author of _Britane’s Distemper_ (p.
139) says that Montrose ordered every man to put a white shirt above
his clothes. It is, however, highly probable that the narrative in
the text is substantially true. Wishart (_Montrose Redivivus_, p.
96,) says they were ordered to throw off their doublets and “affront
the enemy all in white, being naked unto the waist all but their
shirts.”

[321] _Britane’s Distemper_, p. 140.

[322] Nimmo’s _General History of Stirlingshire_, p. 396.

[323] _Memoirs_, p. 154.

[324] _Memoirs_, p. 171.

[325] _Memoirs_, p. 174.

[326] Burnet’s _Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton_, p. 276.

[327] Guthry’s _Memoirs_, p. 155.

[328] Wishart.

[329] Idem.

[330] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 528.

[331] Guthry’s _Memoirs_, p. 159.

[332] Guthry’s _Memoirs_, p. 161.

[333] Sir George Mackenzie’s _Vind._, vol. ii. p. 348. Gordon’s
_History of the Family of Gordon_, vol. ii. pp. 490, 491.

[334] _Britane’s Distemper_, p. 160.

[335] Guthry, p. 169.

CHAPTER XV.

A.D. 1645-1649.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--Charles I., 1625-1649.

Huntly refuses to join Montrose--Aboyne joins and shortly deserts
him--Executions by the Covenanters--Montrose has an interview
with Huntly--Defeat of the Campbells at Callander--Meeting of
the covenanting Parliament--Trials and Executions--Movements
of Montrose and Huntly--General Middleton’s movements--The
King escapes to the Scots army--Orders Montrose to disband
his army--Montrose corresponds with the King--Interview with
Middleton--Disbands his army--Embarks for the Continent--The
Scotch and the King--Proceedings of General Leslie--Defeats Sir
Alexander Macdonald--Surrender of Dunaverty Castle--Leslie in the
Western Isles--Apprehension of Huntly--Risings in Scotland in
behalf of the King--Movements of royalists under Hamilton--Rising
in the West--Enter Edinburgh--Capture of Stirling and flight of
Argyle--Cromwell arrives in Edinburgh--Trial and Execution of the
King--Also of Hamilton and Huntly.

Montrose appeared among his Athole friends at a time the most
unfavourable for obtaining their aid. Many of them were engaged
in the occupation of the harvest, securing, for the support of
themselves and their families, the scanty and precarious crops
which were then upon the ground, and which, if neglected to be cut
down in due time, might be destroyed by unfavourable weather. It
was, besides, little more than a month since they had left him at
Bothwell, for the purpose partly of repairing the damages which had
been committed by Argyle’s men upon their houses, and the interval
which had since elapsed had not been sufficient for accomplishing
their object. Yet, notwithstanding these drawbacks, Montrose
succeeded in inducing about 400 of the men of Athole to join him
immediately, and to follow him to the north in quest of additional
reinforcements; and he obtained a promise that, on his return, the
whole of the Athole Highlanders would join him in a body.

While in Athole, Montrose received promises both from Lord Aboyne
and Sir Alexander Macdonald, that they would speedily join him with
considerable reinforcements; but, growing impatient at Aboyne’s
delay, he resolved to proceed north himself to ascertain in person
the cause of it, and to urge that nobleman to fulfil his promise.
Crossing, therefore, the Grampians, he marched with great haste
through Aberdeenshire, and had an interview with Lord Aboyne, whom he
expected to rouse from his apathy. Montrose, however, soon perceived,
that whatever Lord Aboyne’s own intentions were, he was thwarted by
his father, the Marquis of Huntly, who, on hearing of Montrose’s
success at Kilsyth, had left his retreat in Strathnaver, where he
had passed a year and a half in absolute supineness, and returned to
his own country. The marquis appears to have been filled with envy
towards Montrose, and although, being a royalist in his heart, he
did not care to expose the crown and monarchy to danger to gratify
his spleen and vanity, yet he could not endure to see a man whom he
looked upon as his inferior in rank, monopolize the whole power and
authority in Scotland.

“He was,” says Bishop Wishart, “a man equally unfortunate and
inconsiderate; and, however much he would seem, or was really
attached to the king, yet he often betrayed that interest through
a pride and unaccountable envy he had conceived against Montrose,
whose glory and renown he endeavoured rather to extenuate than make
the object of his emulation. He durst not venture to depreciate
Montrose’s actions before his own people, who had been eye-witnesses
of them, and were well acquainted with his abilities, lest it might
be construed into a sign of disaffection to the king himself.
However, he gave out that he would take the charge of commanding them
himself during the remainder of the war; and in that view he headed
all his own vassals, and advised his neighbours, not without threats
if they acted otherwise, to enlist under no other authority than his
own. They remonstrated against being asked to disobey the commands
of Montrose, who was appointed by the king his deputy-governor
and captain-general of all the forces within the kingdom. Huntly
replied, that he himself should in no way be wanting in his duty to
the king; but, in the meantime, it tended no less to their honour
than his own that it should appear to the king and the whole kingdom
how much they contributed to the maintenance of the war; and this,
he said, could never be done, unless they composed a separate army
by themselves. He spoke in very magnificent terms of his own power,
and endeavoured as much as possible to extenuate that of Montrose. He
extolled immoderately the glory and achievements of his ancestors,
the Gordons; a race, worthy indeed of all due commendation, whose
power had for many ages been formidable, and an overmatch for their
neighbours; and was so even at this day. It was therefore, he said,
extremely unjust to ascribe unto another, meaning Montrose, the glory
and renown acquired by their courage, and at the expense of their
blood. But, for the future, he would take care that neither the king
should be disappointed of the help of the Gordons, nor should they be
robbed of the praise due to their merit.”

Notwithstanding Huntly’s reasoning, some of his clan perceived the
great danger to which the king’s affairs would be exposed by such
conduct, and they did everything in their power to induce him to
alter his resolution. It was, however, in vain that they represented
to him the danger and impropriety of dividing the friends of the
king at such a crisis, when union and harmony were so essentially
necessary for accomplishing the objects they had in view, and
when, by allowing petty jealousies to interfere and distract their
councils, they might ruin the royal cause in Scotland. Huntly lent a
deaf ear to all their entreaties, and instead of adopting the advice
of his friends to support Montrose, by ordering his vassals to join
him, he opposed him almost in everything he proposed by underhand
means, although affecting a seeming compliance with his wishes.
Seeing all their efforts fruitless, those friends who had advised
Huntly to join Montrose declared that they would range themselves
under Montrose’s banner, as the king’s lieutenant, regardless of
consequences, and they kept their word.

The author of the history of the family of Gordon, and Gordon of
Ruthven, author of _Britane’s Distemper_, endeavour to defend Huntly
from these charges made against him by Wishart. They assert that
Wishart has given only one side of the case, and that Huntly acted
as he did from a genuine desire to serve the highest interests of
the king, and through no envy towards Montrose. They lament that
any misunderstanding should ever have arisen between these two
eminent royalists, as it undoubtedly tended materially to prejudice
the cause of the king. No doubt Huntly sincerely wished to serve
the royal cause: but we are afraid that jealousy towards Montrose
helped considerably to obscure his mental vision and prejudice his
judgment.[336]

Among other reasons which induced Montrose to take the speedy step
he did of marching north himself, was a report which had reached
him that the king was to send from England a large body of horse to
support him, and he was most anxious to collect such forces as he
could to enable him to be in a condition to advance to the south,
and unite with this body. In fact, the king had given orders to Lord
Digby and Sir Marmaduke Langdale to proceed to Scotland with a body
of 1,500 horse; but they were, unfortunately, completely defeated,
even before Montrose’s departure to the north, by Colonel Copley at
Sherburn, with the loss of all their baggage. Digby and Langdale,
accompanied by the Earls of Carnwath and Nithsdale, fled to Skipton,
and afterwards to Dumfries, whence they took ship to the Isle of Man.

Notwithstanding the evasions of the Marquis of Huntly, Montrose
succeeded in inducing the Earl of Aboyne to join him at Drumminor,
the seat of Lord Forbes, with a force of 1,500 foot and 300 horse,
all of whom appeared to be actuated by the best spirit. To remove
every unfavourable impression from the mind of Montrose, Aboyne
assured him with great frankness, that he and his men were ready to
follow him wherever he should be pleased to lead them; that they
would obey his orders; and that his brother, Lord Lewis, would also
speedily join him, as he soon did, with an additional force.

On receiving this reinforcement, Montrose turned his face to the
south, and marched towards Mar, where he was to be joined by forces
which Lord Erskine had raised there; but he had not proceeded far,
when Lord Lewis Gordon, under some pretence or other, returned home
with a considerable party of horse, promising to return to the army
the following day. The desertion of Lord Lewis had a most pernicious
influence upon the remainder of Aboyne’s men, who, before the army
had reached Alford, were greatly diminished by desertion. As the
remainder showed great unwillingness to march forward, and as the
desertions continued, Aboyne requested leave of absence, alleging as
his reason, that his father had expressly commanded him to return
to defend his possessions against a party of the enemy who were in
Lower Mar, and who were threatening an attack. The demand of Aboyne
excited the astonishment of Montrose, who remonstrated with him, and
gave many reasons to induce him to remain. He showed that Aboyne’s
apprehensions of danger were groundless, as, with the exception
of a few troops of the enemy’s horse quartered in Aberdeen, there
were no other forces in the north which could disturb his father’s
possessions, and that these horse were too weak to attempt any
thing--that by marching south, the seat of war would be transferred
from the north country, and that, in this way, the Marquis of Huntly
would be relieved altogether of the presence of the enemy--that it
would be impossible to join the royalist forces, which were on their
way from England, without crossing the Forth, and that it was only by
adopting the latter step that they could ever expect to rescue their
brave friends from the fangs of the Covenanters, and save their lives.

Aboyne did not attempt to answer these reasons, which were urged
with Montrose’s peculiar energy, but he requested him to send some
persons who had influence with his father to acquaint him with them.
Donald, Lord Reay, at whose house Huntly had lived during his exile
in Strathnaver, and Alexander Irvine, younger of Drum, Huntly’s
son-in-law, both of whom had been indebted to Montrose for their
liberty, were accordingly sent by him to the Marquis of Huntly,
as the most likely persons he could select to induce Huntly to
allow Aboyne to remain with the army. But all their arguments and
entreaties were to no purpose. Lord Reay was so heartily ashamed
at the failure of his mission, that he declined to return to
Montrose; and Irvine, who brought some evasive letters from Huntly,
frankly declared to Montrose, that he could obtain no satisfactory
explanation from his father-in-law of his real intentions, farther,
than that he remained fixed in his resolution that Aboyne should
return home immediately. After declaring that he parted from Montrose
with reluctance, and promising to join him within a fortnight with a
force even larger than that which he had lately brought, Aboyne left
the army and returned to his father.

Montrose then continued his march through Braemar and Glenshee into
Athole, where he obtained an accession of force. He next proceeded
to Strathearn, where he was met by two messengers,--Captain Thomas
Ogilvie, younger of Pourie, and Captain Robert Nisbet,--who arrived
by different routes, with orders from the king, desiring Montrose to
join Lord George Digby, near the English border, as soon as possible.
On receiving these commands, Montrose immediately sent the messengers
north to the Marquis of Huntly, to acquaint him with the king’s
wishes, in the expectation that the use of his majesty’s name would
at once induce him to send Aboyne south with reinforcements.

While Montrose lay in Strathearn waiting for reinforcements,
intelligence was brought to him that the Covenanters were about
to imbrue their hands in the blood of his friends who had been
taken prisoners after the battle of Philiphaugh. The committee of
Estates, which had accompanied the covenanting army to Glasgow, had
now determined upon this bold and illegal step, for which hitherto,
with the recent exceptions of O’Kean and Laughlane, no example had
been set by either of the belligerent parties in Scotland since the
commencement of the war. They had wisely abstained from staining
the scaffolds with blood, but from different motives. Montrose, in
general, refrained from inflicting capital punishment, and, as we
have seen, often released his prisoners on parole. The heads of the
Covenanters had been deterred by fear alone from carrying their
bloody purposes into execution; but considering that they had now
nothing to fear, they soon appeared in their true colours.

Besides the committee of the Estates, a committee of the kirk held
sittings in Glasgow at the same time, which sittings were afterwards
transferred to Perth, where, after deposing some ministers who
were considered disaffected to the Covenant, because they had not
“mourned” for Montrose’s victory at Kilsyth, they “concerned”
themselves, as Guthry observes, about “the disposition of men’s
heads.” Accordingly, thinking the committee of Estates remiss in
condemning and executing the prisoners, they appointed Mr. William
Bennet, who acted as Moderator in the absence of Mr. Robert Douglas,
and two others of their number, to wait upon the committee of
Estates, and remonstrate with them for their supineness. Guthry
relates, that the deputation reported on their return, in his own
hearing, that some of the lords of the committee slighted the desire
of the committee of the kirk, and that they were likely to have
obtained nothing had not the Earl of Tulliebardine made a seasonable
speech to the effect, “that because he had a brother among those
men, it might be that their lordships so valued his concurrence
with them in the good cause, that for respect of him they were the
more loth to resolve upon the question. But that, as for himself,
since that young man had joined with that wicked crew, he did not
esteem him his brother, and therefore declared that he would take
it for no favour if upon that account any indulgence was granted
him.”[337],[338] This fratricidal speech made those members of the
committee, who had disliked the shedding of blood, hang down their
heads, according to Bennet’s report, and the committee, thereupon,
resolved that 10 of the prisoners should be executed, viz., the Earl
of Hartfell, Lord Ogilvie, Sir Robert Spottiswood, the Honourable
William Murray, brother to the Earl of Tulliebardine, Alexander
Ogilvie of Inverquharity, Sir William Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbet,
Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, Adjutant Stewart, and Captain Andrew Guthry.

Apprehensive, however, that Montrose might still be in a condition
to avenge the blood of his friends, the committee did not venture
to carry their sentence into immediate execution upon any of them;
but hearing of the division between Montrose and Huntly, and the
desertion of the Gordons, they thought they might now safely venture
to immolate a few victims at the shrine of the Covenant. Accordingly
three of the prisoners were ordered for execution, viz., Sir William
Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbet, chief of that name, and Alexander
Ogilvie, younger of Inverquharity, a youth not quite 18 years of age,
who had already given proofs of ability. This excellent young man
was sacrificed to gratify the malignant animosity of Argyle at the
Ogilvies. Sir William was executed at the market cross of Glasgow,
on the 28th of October, and Sir Philip and Ogilvie suffered at the
same place on the following day. Wishart relates a circumstance
connected with Sir William Rollock’s condemnation, which exhibits a
singular instance of the ferocity and fanaticism of the times. He
says, that the chief crime laid to Sir William’s charge was, that
he had not perpetrated a deed of the most villanous and atrocious
nature. Having been sent by Montrose, after the battle of Aberdeen,
with some despatches to the king, he was apprehended by the enemy,
and would undoubtedly have been immediately executed, but for Argyle,
who used all his endeavours to engage him to assassinate Montrose,
and who at length, by threatening him with immediate death, and
promising him, in case of compliance, very high rewards, prevailed
on him to undertake that barbarous office, for which, however, he
secretly entertained the utmost abhorrence. Having thereby obtained
his life and liberty, he returned straight to Montrose and disclosed
the whole matter to him, entreating him, at the same time, to look
more carefully to his own safety; as it could not be supposed that
he, Sir William, was the only person who had been practised upon in
this shameful manner or that others would equally detest the deed,
but that some persons would undoubtedly be found who, allured with
the bait, would use their utmost industry and pains to obtain the
promised reward.[339] Another instance of fanaticism is related by
Guthry, of David Dickson the “bloody preacher,” who, on witnessing
the execution of Nisbet and Ogilvie, was heard to utter the barbarous
expression--“The work goes bonnyly on,” an expression which
afterwards became proverbial.

About the time this tragedy was performing, Montrose crossed the
Forth and entered Lennox with a force of 300 horse and 1,200 foot,
and took up his quarters on the lands of Sir John Buchanan, an
ardent Covenanter, whence he sent out his cavalry every day, who
hovered about Glasgow, and plundered the neighbouring country without
opposition, although the Covenanters had a force of about 3,000
cavalry in Glasgow and the neighbourhood. When Montrose heard of the
execution of his friends, his heart was filled with the most poignant
grief, and he longed for a suitable opportunity to avenge their
deaths, but he was too weak to venture upon an immediate attack.
He sent repeated messengers from his present head-quarters to Sir
Alexander Macdonald to join him; but after hovering several weeks
about Glasgow, like a hawk ready to pounce upon its quarry, he had
the mortification to find, that Macdonald had no intention of ever
again returning to him, and that his expectations of being joined by
the Earl of Aboyne were to be equally disappointed.

Under these untoward circumstances, therefore, and as the winter,
which turned out unusually severe, was far advanced, Montrose
resolved to retire into the north where he could remain undisturbed.
With this view he began his march from the Lennox on the 19th of
November, and crossing the hills of Monteith, which were covered with
snow to a considerable depth, he entered Strathearn, and crossing
the Tay, marched into Athole. Here Montrose received the melancholy
news of the death of his brother-in-law, Archibald Lord Napier of
Merchiston, whom he had left behind him in Athole on account of
indisposition; a man, says Bishop Wishart, “not less noble in his
personal accomplishments than in his birth and descent; a man of
the greatest uprightness and integrity, and of a most happy genius,
being, as to his skill in the sciences, equal to his father and
grandfather, who were famous all the world over for their knowledge
in philosophy and mathematics, and in the doctrine of civil prudence
far beyond them.” Montrose had been accustomed from his earliest
years to look up to this gifted nobleman with feelings of reverential
and filial awe, nor were these feelings impaired as he advanced in
life. He was interred in the Kirk of Blair with becoming solemnity by
Montrose.

When Montrose arrived in Athole, he there found Captain Ogilvie and
Captain Nisbet, who had just returned from the north to give an
account of their embassy to the Marquis of Huntly. They reported that
they found him quite inflexible in his determination not to send
assistance to Montrose, that he had spoken disdainfully to them, and
even questioned the authenticity of the message which they brought
from the king. It was truly grievous for Montrose to see the cause
for which he had fought so long, and for which he had encountered
so many personal risks, thus endangered by the apparently wilful
and fatal obstinacy of an individual who had abandoned his country
and his friends in the most trying circumstances, and skulked in
Strathnaver, without showing any inclination to support the tottering
throne of his sovereign. But Montrose did not yet despair of bringing
the marquis to a due sense of his duty; and as he considered that
it was more expedient, in the present conjuncture, to endeavour to
soothe the wounded pride of the marquis than to use the language of
menace, he sent Sir John Dalziel to Huntly with a message of peace
and reconciliation; intending, if necessary, as soon as circumstances
permitted, to follow him, and enforce by his personal presence, at
a friendly conference, which Sir John was requested to ask from the
marquis, the absolute necessity of such a reconciliation.

As Dalziel was quite unsuccessful in his mission, and could not
prevail upon Huntly to agree to a conference with Montrose, the
latter hastened to put into effect his intention of paying a personal
visit to Huntly, “that nothing might be unattempted to bring him to
a right way of thinking,” and “by heaping favours and benefits upon
him, force him even against his will, to a reconciliation, and to
co-operate with him in promoting the king’s affairs.”[340] Montrose
accordingly left Athole with his army in the month of December,
and marching into Angus, crossed the Grampians, then covered with
frost and snow, by rapid marches, and arrived in Strathbogie,
before Huntly was aware of his movements. To avoid Montrose, Huntly
immediately shut himself up in his castle of Bog of Gicht, on the
Spey, but Montrose having left his head-quarters with a troop of
horse, unexpectedly surprised him very early in the morning before
he had time to secrete himself. Instead of reproaching Huntly with
his past conduct, Montrose spoke to him in the most affable manner,
and apparently succeeded in removing his dissatisfaction so far,
that a plan for conducting the future operations of the army was
agreed upon between them. The reduction of the garrison of Inverness,
which, though strong and well fortified, was but scantily stored
with provisions, and an attempt to induce the Earl of Seaforth to
join them, were the leading parts of this plan. Accordingly, while
Montrose was to march through Strathspey, on his way to Inverness,
it was agreed that Huntly should also advance upon it by a different
road along the sea-coast of Morayshire, and thereby hem in the
garrison on both sides.

In prosecution of this design, Montrose proceeded through Strathspey,
and sat down before Inverness, waiting for the arrival of Huntly.
When marching through Strathspey, Montrose received intelligence
that Athole was threatened with a visit from the Campbells--a
circumstance which induced him to despatch Graham of Inchbrakie and
John Drummond, younger of Balloch, to that country, for the purpose
of embodying the Athole Highlanders, who had remained at home, in
defence of their country. The inhabitants of Argyle, on hearing of
Sir Alexander Macdonald’s arrival in their country, after the battle
of Kilsyth, had fled to avoid his vengeance, and concealed themselves
in caverns or in the clefts of the rocks; but being compelled by the
calls of hunger to abandon their retreats, they had been collected
together by Campbell of Ardkinlass to the number of about 1,200,
and had attacked the Macgregors and Macnabs for favouring Montrose.
Being joined by the Stuarts of Balquidder, the Menzieses, and other
partisans of Argyle, to the number of about 300, they meditated an
invasion of Athole, and had advanced as far as Strathample, with the
intention of carrying their design into execution, when intelligence
was brought to Inchbrakie of their approach. Inchbrakie and Balloch
had by this time collected a body of 700 able-bodied men, and, with
this force, they immediately proceeded to meet the Campbells. These
had laid siege to Castle Ample; but, on being apprised of the advance
of the Athole-men, they retired to Monteith, whither they were hotly
pursued by the Athole-men, who overtook them at Callander, near the
village of Monteith. After crossing the river Teith, they halted and
prepared for battle, having previously stationed a large party of
musketeers to guard the ford.

Having ascertained the strength and position of the Campbells,
Inchbrakie ordered 100 of his men to advance to the ford, as if
with the intention of crossing it, in order to draw the attention
of the Campbells to this single point, while, with the remainder
of his men, he hastened to cross the river by another ford, higher
up, and nearer the village. This movement was immediately perceived
by the Argyle-men, who, alarmed at such a bold step, and probably
thinking that the Athole-men were more numerous than they really
were, abandoned their position, and fled with precipitation towards
Stirling. As soon as the Athole party, stationed at the lower ford,
saw the opposite bank deserted, they immediately crossed the river
and attacked the rear of the retiring Campbells. They were soon
joined in the pursuit by the party which had crossed the higher ford;
but, as the Athole-men had performed a tedious march of ten miles
that morning, they were unable to continue the pursuit far. About
80 of the Campbells were killed in the pursuit. They loitered about
Stirling for some time in a very pitiful state, till visited by
their chief, on his way to Ireland, who, not knowing how to dispose
of them, led them into Renfrewshire, under the impression that as
the inhabitants of that district were friendly to the Covenant, they
would be well received; but the people of Renfrewshire, instead of
showing sympathy for these unfortunate wanderers, threatened to
take arms and cut them down, unless they departed immediately. The
marquis, thereupon, sent them into Lennox, and quartered them upon
the lands of Lord Napier and other “malignants,” as the royalists
were called.[341]

The support of General Leslie’s army being heavily felt by the
people, complaints were made to the Committee of Estates for
retaining such a large body of men in Scotland, without any
necessity, and whose habits and mode of living were so different
from those of the inhabitants of North Britain. The Committee sent
Leslie back to England, retaining only a small brigade under General
Middleton, to watch the motions of Montrose.

The Covenanters, emboldened by recent events, had summoned a
parliament to meet at St. Andrews, which accordingly assembled on
the 26th of November, 1645; and, that the ministers might not be
behind their lay brethren in zeal for the blood of the “malignants,”
the general assembly of the church also met at the same time and
place. It is truly humiliating to find men, no doubt sincerely
believing they were serving the cause of religion, demanding the
lives of their countrymen as a sacrifice which they considered would
be well-pleasing to God; yet, whilst every unprejudiced mind must
condemn the fanaticism of the Covenanters, it must be remembered
that the unconstitutional attempts of the king to force Episcopacy
upon them--a system which they detested,--the severe losses which
they had sustained from the arms of Montrose, and the dread of being
subjected to the yoke of prelacy, and punished for their resistance,
had aroused them to a state of frenzy, over which reason and religion
could have little control.

As a preparative for the bloody scenes about to be enacted, Sir
Archibald Johnston of Warriston, on the day the parliament met,
addressed the house in a long harangue, in which he entreated them
to “unity amongst themselves, to lay all private respects and
interests aside, and to do justice on delinquents and malignants;
showing that their dallying formerly had provoked God’s two great
servants against them--the sword and plague of pestilence--which had
ploughed up the land with deep furrows: he showed that the massacre
of Kilsyth was never to be forgotten, and that God, who was the just
Judge of the world, would not but judge righteously, and keep in
remembrance that sea of innocent blood which lay before his throne,
crying for vengeance on these bloodthirsty rebels, the butchers of
so many innocent souls. He showed, likewise, that the times required
a more narrow and sharp looking into than formerly, in respect that
the house of parliament was become at this present like to Noah’s
ark, which had in it both foul and clean creatures, and therefore he
besought the Estates there now convened by God’s especial permission
and appointment, before that they went about the constitution of
that high court of parliament, that they would make a serious search
and inquiry after such as were ears and eyes to the enemies of the
commonwealth, and did sit there as if there was nothing to say to
them; and, therefore, he humbly desired that the house might be
adjourned till to-morrow at two o’clock in the afternoon, and that
the several Estates might consider what corrupted members were
amongst them, who had complied with the public enemy of the state,
either by themselves or by their agents or friends.”[342]

On the 4th of December, a petition was presented to the parliament
from the prisoners confined in the castle of St. Andrews, praying to
be tried either by their peers, the justice-general, or before the
whole parliament, and not by a committee, as proposed; and they very
properly objected to Sir Archibald Johnston’s sitting as a judge, he
having already prejudged their case; but the house, “in one voice,”
most iniquitously rejected the petition, reserving, however, to the
prisoners still to object to Sir Archibald before the committee, “if
they had not any personal exception against his person.”[343]

As the ministers considered the parliament tardy in their proceedings
against the royalists, the commissioners of the general assembly
presented, on the 5th of December, a remonstrance, praying them
“for justice upon delinquents and malignants who had shed the
blood of their brethren,” and on the same day, four petitions and
remonstrances to the same effect were presented to the parliament,
from the provincial assemblies and from Fife, Dumfries, Merse,
Teviotdale, and Galloway, by a body of about 200 persons. The
parliament, says Balfour, by their president, answered, that they
had taken their “_modest_ petitions and _seasonable_ remonstrances
very kindly, and rendered them hearty thanks, and wished them to
be confident that, with all alacrity and diligence, they would
go about and proceed in answering the expectations of all their
reasonable desires, as they might themselves perceive in their
procedure hitherto; and, withal, he entreated them, in the name of
the house, that they would be earnest with God to implore and beg his
blessing to assist and encourage them to the performance of what they
demanded.”[344]

Notwithstanding the entreaties of the ministers to proceed with the
condemnation of the prisoners, the parliament postponed proceedings
till the 17th of January, 1646; but, as a peace-offering, they
ordered, in the mean time, some Irish prisoners, composed partly
of those who had been taken at Philiphaugh, and who had escaped
assassination, and partly of stragglers who had been picked up after
that battle, and who were confined in various prisons throughout
the kingdom, especially in those of Selkirk, Jedburgh, Glasgow,
Dumbarton, and Perth, to be executed without trial, “conform to the
treaty betwixt both kingdoms.”[345] A more illegal act it is scarcely
possible to conceive, but in these times even the forms of justice
were set aside.

The Committee of Estates, when sitting in Glasgow, had condemned the
Earl of Hartfell and Lord Ogilvie to death, along with Sir William
Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbet, and Alexander Ogilvie; but, for some
reason or other, their execution was deferred. So that, with the
exception of Adjutant Stuart, who escaped while under the charge of
General Middleton, there remained only four persons of any note for
condemnation, viz., Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, Sir Robert Spottiswood,
the Honourable William Murray, and Captain Guthry. It appears from
the parliamentary register of Sir James Balfour, that these four
prisoners pleaded exemption from trial, or rather from condemnation,
on the ground of “quarters;” but after three hours’ debate, on the
10th of January, the parliament overruled this defence; and the
committee having, of course, found them all “guilty of high treason
against the states of the kingdom,” they fixed the 16th of that month
for taking into consideration the punishment to be inflicted upon
them.

The first case taken up on the appointed day, was that of Colonel
Nathaniel Gordon, who, after a debate of three hours’ duration, was
sentenced to be beheaded at the cross of St. Andrews, on Tuesday, the
20th of January, at twelve o’clock, noon, and his lands and goods
were declared forfeited to the public. The lord chancellor declined
voting. Similar sentences were pronounced upon the Honourable William
Murray and Captain Guthry, by a majority of votes, a few of the
members having voted that they should be imprisoned during life. Mr.
Murray’s brother, the Earl of Tulliebardine, absented himself. These
three fell under an act passed the preceding year, declaring that all
persons who, after having subscribed the Covenant, should withdraw
from it, should be held as guilty of high treason. But the case of
Sir Robert Spottiswood, who had not subscribed the Covenant, not
falling within the scope of this _ex-post-facto_ law, the committee
had stated in a special report the grounds on which they found Sir
Robert guilty of high treason, namely, 1st, that he had advised,
docketed, signed, carried, and delivered to Montrose the commission
appointing him “lieutenant-governor and captain-general” of all his
majesty’s forces in Scotland; and 2dly, that he had been taken in
arms against the country at Philiphaugh. After a lengthened debate,
the parliament decided that both these charges were capital offences,
and accordingly Sir Robert was condemned by a large majority to lose
his head.[346]

It was the intention of the parliament to have ordered the Earl
of Hartfell and Lord Ogilvie to be executed along with the other
prisoners; but on the evening of the 19th of January Lord Ogilvie
effected his escape in the following way. Pretending sickness he
applied for, and obtained, though with considerable difficulty,
liberty to his mother, wife, and sister, to visit and attend him in
prison. On entering his chamber the sentinels retired out of respect
to the ladies; and, as soon as the door was shut, his lordship jumped
out of bed, and attired himself in his sister’s clothes, who, on
undressing, took the place of her brother in bed, and put on his
night-cap. After spending some time together to prevent suspicion,
the two other ladies and his lordship, after opening the door ajar so
as to be seen by the guards, pretended to take a most affectionate
and painful leave of the unfortunate bed-ridden prisoner, and drawing
the door after them, passed the sentinels without interruption. This
happened about eight o’clock in the evening; and as horses had been
prepared for his lordship and two companions who were waiting to
escort him, he immediately mounted, and was out of all danger before
next morning, when the deception was discovered. The escape of Lord
Ogilvie highly incensed Argyle, who hated the Ogilvies, and who, it
is said, longed for the death of his lordship. He could not conceal
the chagrin he felt on the occasion, and even had the audacity to
propose that the three ladies should be immediately punished; but the
Hamiltons and Lord Lindsay, who, on account of their relationship to
Lord Ogilvie, were suspected of being privy to his escape, protected
them from his vengeance. The escape of Lord Ogilvie was a fortunate
occurrence for the Earl of Hartfell, for whose life it is alleged
the Hamiltons thirsted in their turn; and to disappoint whom Argyle
insisted that the earl’s life should be spared, a concession which he
obtained.[347]

Of the four prisoners, Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, “a man,” says
Wishart, “of excellent endowments both of body and mind,” was the
first that suffered. He had been long under the ban of the church for
adultery; but on signing a paper, declaratory of his repentance, he
was absolved from the sentence of excommunication. He died expressing
great sorrow for the vices and follies of his youth; but vindicated
himself for the part he had taken in the troubles of his country,
professed the most unshaken loyalty to his king, and declared that
if there were any thing in the instrument he had signed which might
be construed as dishonourable to the king, or repugnant to his
authority, he completely disowned it.

Colonel Gordon was followed to the scaffold by Sir Robert
Spottiswood, a man of spotless integrity, and one of the most
profound scholars of the age. He was the eldest son of Archbishop
Spottiswood, and had, by his rare endowments and great merit, been
noticed with distinction by King James and his successor Charles.
James conferred on him the order of knighthood, and made him a privy
councillor, and Charles promoted him to the high situation of lord
president of the court of session; and, upon the desertion of the
Earl of Lanark to the Covenanters, the king appointed him principal
secretary of state for Scotland instead of that nobleman. This
appointment drew down upon him the hatred of the leading Covenanters,
but still there were some among them who continued to respect him
on account of his worth and shining talents; and when the vote was
taken in parliament whether he should suffer, the Earls of Eglintoun,
Cassilis, Dunfermline, and Carnwath, voted that his life should be
spared; and the lord chancellor and the Earl of Lanark, by leave
of the house, declined voting. “Though many liked not his party,
they liked his person, which made him many friends even among the
Covenanters, insomuch, that after his sentence was read, some of the
nobility spoke in his behalf, and entreated the house to consider
the quality and parts of that excellent gentleman and most just
judge, whom they had condemned, and begged earnestly his life might
be spared. But an eminent knowledge and esteem, which, in other
cases, might be a motive to save a criminal, was here only the cause
of taking an innocent man’s life--so dangerous is it, in a corrupt
age, to be eminently constant and virtuous. The gentlemen who spoke
were told that the authority of the established government was not
secure while Sir Robert’s life was spared. Whereupon the noblemen
who presided at the meeting of the estates at Glasgow, and in the
parliament at St. Andrews, openly declared, when they signed the
respective sentences, that they did sign as preses, and in obedience
to the command of the estates, but not as to their particular
judgment.”[348]

After he had mounted the scaffold, still reeking with the blood of
Colonel Gordon, Sir Robert surveyed the terrific scene around him
with singular composure, which, added to his naturally grave and
dignified appearance, filled the breasts of the spectators with a
feeling of compassion. Sir Robert had intended to have addressed
the people, and had prepared a written speech for the occasion;
but on turning round to address the spectators, he was prevented
from proceeding by the provost of St. Andrews, formerly a servant
of Sir Robert’s father, who had been instigated to impose silence
upon him by Robert Blair, one of those ministers who, to the scandal
of religion, had dishonoured their profession by calling out for
the blood of their countrymen. Blair’s motive in occasioning this
interruption is said to have arisen from a dread he entertained that
Sir Robert would expose the designs of the Covenanters, and impress
the bystanders with an unfavourable opinion of their proceedings.
Sir Robert bore the interruption with the most unruffled composure,
and, as he saw no chance of succeeding, he threw the manuscript
of his speech amongst the crowd, and applied himself to his
private devotions. But here again he was annoyed by the officious
impertinence of Blair, who rudely asked him whether he (Blair)
and the people should pray for the salvation of his soul? To this
question Sir Robert answered, that he indeed desired the prayers of
the people; but knowing the bloodthirsty character of the man he
was addressing, who had come to tease him in his last moments, he
told him that he “would have no concern with his prayers, which he
believed were impious, and an abomination unto God; adding, that of
all the plagues with which the offended majesty of God had scourged
the nation, this was certainly by far the greatest, greater than even
the sword, fire, or pestilence; that for the sins of the people God
had sent a lying spirit into the mouths of the prophets.”[349] This
answer raised the fury of Blair, who assailed Sir Robert with the
most acrimonious imputations, and reviled the memory of his father
by the most infamous charges; but Sir Robert was too deeply absorbed
in meditation to regard such obloquy. Having finished his devotions,
this great and good man, after uttering these words, “Merciful Jesus!
gather my soul unto thy saints and martyrs who have run before me in
this race,” laid his neck upon the fatal block, and in an instant his
head was severed from his body.

After Sir Robert Spottiswood’s execution, Captain Guthry, son of the
ex-bishop of Moray, was next led to the scaffold. The fierce and
unfeeling Blair, who had already officiously witnessed, with the
most morbid complacency, the successive executions of Colonel Gordon
and Sir Robert, not satisfied with reviling the latter gentleman in
his last moments, and lacerating his feelings by heaping every sort
of obloquy upon the memory of his father, vented the dregs of his
impotent rage upon the unfortunate victim now before him; but Guthry
bore all this man’s reproaches with becoming dignity, and declared
that he considered it an honour to die in defence of the just cause
of his sovereign. He met his death with the fortitude of a hero and
the firmness of a Christian.

In consequence of an application to the parliament by the Earl
of Tulliebardine, the execution of his brother, William Murray,
was delayed till the 23d of January. The case of this unfortunate
young man excited a strong feeling of regret among the Covenanters
themselves, and some writers have not scrupled to blame the earl as
the cause of his death, that he might succeed to his patrimony. Some
countenance is afforded to this conjecture from the circumstance
that the earl not only made no exertions to save his brother from
condemnation, but that he even absented himself from parliament
the day that his brother’s case came to be discussed, when, by his
presence or his vote, he might have saved his brother’s life. Nor
is this supposition, it is contended, in any shape weakened by the
attempt he afterwards made to get off his brother; for he must have
known that the parliament had gone too far to retract, and could not,
without laying itself open to the charge of the grossest partiality,
reprieve Mr. Murray, and allow their sentence to be carried into
execution against the other prisoners. If true, however, that the
earl delivered the speech imputed to him by Bennet, there can be no
doubt of his being a participator in the death of his brother, but,
it would be hard to condemn him on such questionable authority. To
whatever cause it was owing, Mr. Murray was not, during his last
moments, subjected to the annoyances of Blair, nor was he prevented
from delivering the following speech to the persons assembled
to witness his execution. He spoke in a loud tone of voice as
follows: “I hope, my countrymen, you will reckon that the house of
Tulliebardine, and the whole family of Murray, have this day acquired
a new and no small addition of honour; that a young man, descended
of that ancient race, has, though innocent, and in the flower of his
age, with the greatest readiness and cheerfulness, delivered up his
life for his king, the father of his country, and the most munificent
patron and benefactor of that family from which he is sprung. Let not
my honoured mother, my dearest sisters, my kindred or my friends,
lament the shortness of my life, seeing that it is abundantly
recompensed by the honour of my death. Pray for my soul, and God be
with you.”[350]

Many prisoners, but of less note, still remained to be disposed
of; but the parliament, either averse to shed more blood, or from
other considerations, took no steps against them. The committee
of the kirk, however, being actuated by other motives, pressed
the parliament to dispose of some more of the “malignants;” but
the bloody zeal of these clerical enthusiasts was checked by the
better sense of the parliament; and in order to get rid of their
importunities for blood, a suggestion was made to them by the leading
men in parliament to lay before them an “overture,” proposing some
more lenient mode of punishment. The “godly” brotherhood soon met,
but a considerable difference of opinion prevailing as to the nature
of the punishment to be submitted to parliament in the proposed
overture, the moderator asked David Dickson what he thought best
to be done with the prisoners, who answered “in his homely way of
speaking, ‘shame them and herry (plunder) them.’” This proposal,
being adopted, was made the subject of an overture, which was
accordingly presented to parliament; and to meet the views of the
ministers, a remit was made to a large committee, which was appointed
to meet at Linlithgow, on the 25th of February, to fix the amount of
the fines to be imposed upon the different delinquents.

While the proceedings before detailed were going on at St. Andrews,
Montrose was ineffectually endeavouring to reduce the garrison
of Inverness, the acquisition of which would have been of some
importance to him. Had the Marquis of Huntly kept his promise, and
joined Montrose, its capture might have been effected; but that
nobleman never made his appearance, and as Inverness was thus left
open on the side which it was intended he should block up, the enemy
were enabled to supply themselves with provisions and warlike stores,
of which they stood in great need. Huntly, however, afterwards
crossed the Spey, and entered Moray with a considerable force; but
instead of joining Montrose, who repeatedly sent for him, he wasted
his time in fruitless enterprises, besieging and taking a few castles
of no importance.

As Huntly probably did not think that the capture of a few obscure
castles was sufficient to establish his pretensions as Montrose’s
rival, he resolved to seize Aberdeen, and had advanced on his way
as far as Kintore, where he was met by Ludovick Lindsay, Earl
of Crawford, who had retired from the Mearns, where he had been
stationed with Montrose’s horse, on hearing of the approach of the
parliamentary army under the command of General Middleton towards
Aberdeen. This intelligence was quite sufficient to induce the
marquis to desist from his enterprise. Lindsay then marched into
Buchan, and burnt the town of Fraserburgh. He, thereafter, went to
Banff, but was compelled to retire hastily into Moray with some
loss in February 1646, by a division of Middleton’s army under the
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomery and Major David Barclay.[351]

About this time intelligence was brought to Montrose that General
Middleton had arrived at Aberdeen with a force of 600 horse and
800 foot. He now renewed his entreaties to Huntly to join him
immediately, that they might either reduce Inverness or march jointly
upon Aberdeen and attack Middleton; Huntly, however, refused to
accede to Montrose’s request. This refusal exasperated Montrose to
such a degree that he resolved to have recourse to force to compel
compliance, as he could no longer endure to see the authority of the
sovereign, whose deputy he was, thus trampled upon and despised.
As he had already brought over to his side the Earl of Seaforth,
who had induced the heads of some of the principal clans to form
a confederation for obtaining a national peace, he was fully in a
condition to have reduced Huntly to obedience. Montrose having got
a new commission, sent a copy of it to Huntly, and, as governor and
general of the royal forces, charged him to come without delay, with
his whole force to Inverness, and there receive further orders.
Huntly appears to have made preparations for complying with this
order, but Middleton’s sudden advance on Inverness induced him to
alter his purpose.[352]

Wishart relates rather an incredible story respecting an alleged
piece of treachery on the part of Lord Lewis Gordon on this occasion.
He states that, as Montrose had no reliance on Huntly, and as he
began now to think it high time to look more carefully to his own
safety, lest Huntly’s malice might at last carry him the length even
to betray him, he sent three troops of horse to the fords of the Spey
to watch the motions of the enemy, with orders, if they approached,
to send him immediate intimation of their movements. This body, it is
said, occupied the most convenient stations, and watched with very
great diligence for some time, till Lord Lewis, who then kept the
castle of Rothes, having contrived his scheme of villany, assured
the officers who commanded the horse, that the enemy was very far
distant, and had no intention to pass the river; he, therefore,
advised them to cease watching, and having invited them to the castle
where they were sumptuously entertained by him, plied with wine and
spirits, and detained till such time as Lord Middleton had crossed
the Spey with a large army of horse and foot, and penetrated far
into Moray, he dismissed his guests with these jeering remarks--“Go,
return to your general Montrose, who will now have better work than
he had at Selkirk.” Gordon of Ruthven, however, contradicts this very
improbable story, and attributes Middleton’s unmolested crossing of
the Spey to the negligence of the troops who guarded the passage;
asserting that Lord Lewis knew nothing of it till Mortimer, one of
the captains in command of the troops, appeared at Rothes to tell
him that Middleton was on the other side of the Spey on his way to
Inverness. Moreover such a statement carries its own condemnation
upon the face of it, for even supposing that Montrose’s officers had
acted the stupid part imputed to them, they would certainly not have
forgotten their duty so far as to order their men to abandon their
posts.

It was in the month of May, 1646, that General Middleton left
Aberdeen at the head of his army, on his way to Inverness. He left
behind him in Aberdeen a regiment of horse, and another of foot, for
the protection of the town, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel
Montgomery. Middleton made a rapid march, and arrived in the
neighbourhood of Inverness on the 9th of May, driving before him the
few troops of horse which Montrose had stationed on the Spey to watch
his motions. On being warned of Middleton’s approach, Montrose drew
his troops together, and took up a position at some distance from the
town; but having ascertained that Middleton was strong in cavalry,
he hastily crossed the river Ness. Middleton, thereupon, despatched
two regiments of cavalry after him, who attacked his rear, cut off
some of his men, and captured two pieces of cannon and part of his
baggage. Montrose continued his retreat by Beauly into Ross-shire,
whither he was pursued by Middleton, who, however, suffered some loss
in the pursuit. As Montrose’s forces were far inferior, in point of
numbers, to those of Middleton, he avoided coming to an engagement,
and as Seaforth’s men, who had joined Montrose at Inverness, under
their chief, began to desert him in great numbers, and as he could
not depend on the population by which he was surrounded, Montrose
turned to the right, and passing by Lochness, marched through
Strathglass and Stratherrick to the banks of the Spey. Middleton did
not follow Montrose, but went and laid siege to the castle of the
Earl of Seaforth in the canonry of Ross, which he took after a siege
of four days. He behaved towards the Countess of Seaforth, who was
within the castle, with great politeness, and restored it to her
after taking away the ammunition which it contained.

The absence of Middleton from Aberdeen afforded Huntly an opportunity
of accomplishing the design which he formerly entertained, till
prevented by the approach of Middleton from the south, of taking
Aberdeen, and accordingly he ordered his men to march from Deeside
to Inverury, where he appointed a general rendezvous to be held on
the 10th of May. Colonel Montgomery being aware of his motions, beat
up his quarters the same night at Kintore with a party of horse, and
killed some of his men. But Montgomery was repulsed by Lord Lewis
Gordon, with some loss, and forced to retire to Aberdeen. The marquis
appeared at the gates of Aberdeen at 12 o’clock on the following
day, with a force of 1,500 Highland foot and 600 horse, and stormed
it in three different places. The garrison defended themselves with
courage, and twice repulsed the assailants, in which contest a
part of the town was set on fire; but a fresh reinforcement having
entered the town, under Lord Aboyne, the attack was renewed, and
Montgomery and his horse were forced to retire down to the edge of
the river Dee, which they crossed by swimming. The covenanting foot,
after taking refuge in the tolbooth and in the houses of the Earl
Marischal and Menzies of Pitfoddles, craved quarter and surrendered
at discretion. Although, the city of Aberdeen had done nothing to
incur Huntly’s displeasure, he allowed his Highlanders to pillage it.
About twenty officers were taken prisoners, among whom were Colonels
Hurry, Barclay, and David Leighton; besides Sir William Forbes of
Craigievar, and other country gentlemen, particularly of the name of
Forbes; but they were all released next day on their parole of honour
not to serve against the king in future. There were killed on the
side of the Covenanters, Colonel William Forbes, Captain Lockhart,
son of Sir James Lockhart of Lee, and three captains of foot, besides
a number of privates; but Huntly lost only about twenty men.

[Illustration: Old Aberdeen in the 17th century.--From Slezer’s
_Theatrum Scotiæ_ (1693).]

As Huntly’s force was considerably reduced by the return of the
Highlanders, who had accompanied him, to their own houses, with
the booty which they had collected in Aberdeen, and, as he was
apprehensive of the immediate return of Middleton from the north,
he remained but a short time in Aberdeen. Marching up the north
bank of the Dee, he encamped in Cromar; but the sudden appearance
of Middleton, who, on hearing of Huntly’s advance on Aberdeen, had
retraced his steps and re-crossed the Spey, made him retire into
Mar. Middleton, after pursuing him for a short distance, returned to
Aberdeen, which he found had suffered severely from Huntly’s visit.

After an ineffectual attempt by Montrose to obtain an interview with
Huntly at the bog of Gight, whither he had gone after Middleton’s
return to Aberdeen, Montrose resolved to make a tour through the
Highlands, in the hope that he would be able, by his personal
presence, and by promising suitable rewards, to induce the clans
to rise in defence of their sovereign; but with the determination,
in case of refusal, to enforce obedience to his commands. This
resolution was not taken by Montrose, without the concurrence of
some of his best friends, who promised to aid him by every means in
their power, in carrying it into effect. In pursuance of his design,
Montrose was just about setting out on his proposed journey, when,
on the last day of May, a messenger arrived with a letter from the
king, requesting him to disband his forces, and to retire, himself,
to France, where he would receive “further directions.” After the
disastrous battle of Naseby, which was fought on the 14th of June,
1644, between the English royalists and the parliamentary forces,
the campaign in England, on the part of the king, “presented little
more than the last and feeble struggles of an expiring party.”[353]
The king had been enabled, in consequence of the recall of the
horse, which had reached Nottingham, on their way to Hereford,
under General David Leslie, after the battle of Kilsyth, to drive
the parliamentary infantry back from the siege of Hereford; but the
surrender of Bristol to the forces of the parliament, on the 10th
of September, and the defeat of the royalists at Chester, on the
23d of the same month, completed the ruin of the king’s affairs.
Having shut himself up in Oxford, for the last time, in November
following, Charles, after the discovery of the secret treaty with
the Catholics of Ireland, which had been entered into by the Earl of
Glamorgan, endeavoured to negotiate with the English parliament in
the expectation that if he could gain either the presbyterians or
independents over to his side, by fair promises, he would be enabled
to get the upper hand of both.[354] That negotiation, however, not
succeeding, another was set on foot, through the medium of Montrevil,
the French envoy, with the Scots army before Newark, the leaders
of which offered an asylum to the king on certain conditions. At
length Charles, undetermined as to the course he should pursue, on
hearing of the approach of the parliamentary army, under Fairfax,
left Oxford at midnight, on the 27th of April, 1646, in the disguise
of a servant, accompanied by Mr. Ashburnham and Dr. Hudson, a
clergyman, and, after traversing the neighbouring country, arrived
at Southwell on the 5th of May, where he was introduced by Montrevil
to the Earl of Leven, the commander of the Scots army, and the
officers of his staff. The arrival of the king seemed to surprise
the officers very much, although it is generally supposed that they
had been made previously aware of his intentions by Hudson, who
had preceded him, and they treated him with becoming respect, the
commander tendering his bare sword upon his knee;[355] but when
Charles, who had retained Leven’s sword, indicated his intention to
take the command of the army, by giving orders to the guard, that
crafty veteran unhesitatingly thus addressed him:--“I am the older
soldier, Sire, your majesty had better leave that office to me.”[356]
The king was, in fact, now a prisoner. As soon as the intelligence
reached the capital, that the king had retired to the Scots camp, the
two parliamentary factions united in accusing the Scots of perfidy,
and sent a body of 5,000 horse to watch their motions; but the Scots
being desirous to avoid hostilities, raised their camp before
Newark, and hastily retired to Newcastle, carrying the king along
with them.

On arriving at Newcastle, the king was waited upon by the Earls of
Lanark and Callander, and Lord Balmerino, who paid their respects
to him. As Callander was understood to be favourably inclined to
the king, Lanark and Balmerino were desirous to get rid of him, and
accordingly they prevailed upon his majesty to send Callander back
to Edinburgh with a letter, which they had induced his majesty to
write to the Committee of Estates, expressive of his desire to comply
with the wishes of the Scots parliament, and containing instructions
to them to order Montrose, Huntly, and Sir Alexander Macdonald to
disband their forces. And it was also at the desire of these two
noblemen that the king wrote the letter to Montrose already referred
to.

After Montrose had read this letter he was filled with deep amazement
and concern. All those visionary schemes for accomplishing the great
object of his ambition, which a few minutes before had floated in his
vivid imagination, were now dispelled. He was now placed in one of
the most painful and difficult situations it is possible to conceive.
He had no doubt that the letter had been extorted from the king, yet
he considered that it would neither be prudent nor safe for him to
risk the responsibility of disobeying the king’s orders. Besides,
were he to attempt to act contrary to these instructions, he might
thereby compromise the safety of the king, as his enemies would find
it no difficult affair to convince the army that Montrose was acting
according to private instructions from the king himself. On the
other hand, by instantly disbanding his army, Montrose considered
that he would leave the royalists, and all those friends who had
shared his dangers, to the mercy of their enemies. In this dilemma,
he determined to convene a general meeting of all the principal
royalists, to consult as to how he should act--a resolution which
showed his good sense, and kind and just feeling towards those who
had been induced by his means to risk their lives and fortunes in
the cause of the king. Notwithstanding the many slights which had
been put upon him by the Marquis of Huntly, Montrose, anxious to
preserve a good understanding with him, sent Sir John Hurry and Sir
John Innes to Huntly, to invite him to attend the proposed meeting,
and that there might be no appearance of dictation on the part of
Montrose, the time and place of meeting was left to Huntly’s own
choice. But this nobleman answered that he himself had received
orders similar to those sent to Montrose, which he was resolved to
obey immediately, and, therefore, he declined to attend any meeting
on the subject.

In this situation of matters, Montrose considered that his best and
wisest course would be to keep his army together till he should
receive another communication from the king, in answer to a letter
which he sent by a messenger of his own, in which he begged his
majesty to acquaint him with the real situation of matters, whether
he considered his person safe in the hands of the Covenanters, and
if he could be of any farther service to him. Montrose begged also
to be informed by the king, if he persevered in his resolution to
disband an army which had fought so bravely in his defence, and that
at a time when his enemies, in both kingdoms, were still under arms;
and if so, he wished to be instructed by his majesty as to the course
he should pursue, for the protection and security of the lives and
fortunes of those brave men, who had encountered so many dangers, and
had spent their blood in his defence, as he could not endure the idea
of leaving such loyal subjects to the mercy of their enemies.[357]
The king returned an answer[358] to this letter, by the former
messenger, Ker, in which he assured him that he no less esteemed
his willingness to lay down arms at his command, “for a gallant and
real expression” of his zeal and affection to his service than any
of his former actions; but he hoped that Montrose had not such a
mean opinion of him, that for any particular or worldly respects
he would suffer him (Montrose) to be ruined,--that his only reason
for sending Montrose out of the country was that he might return
with greater glory, and, in the meantime, to have as honourable an
employment as he (the king) could confer upon him,--that Ker would
tell him the care he had of all Montrose’s friends, and his own, to
whom, although he could not promise such conditions as he would have
wished, yet they would be such, all things considered, as were most
fit for them to accept. “Wherefore,” continues his majesty, “I renew
my former directions, of laying down arms, unto you, desiring you to
let Huntly, Crawford, Airly, Seaforth, and Ogilvy, know, that want of
time hath made me now omit to reiterate my former commands unto you,
intending that this shall serve for all; assuring them, and all the
rest of my friends, that, whensoever God shall enable me, they shall
reap the fruits of their loyalty and affection to my service.”

These ‘conditions,’ which consisted of several articles, and in the
drawing up of which the king probably had no concern, were far from
satisfactory to Montrose, who refused to accede to them. He even
refused to treat with the Covenanters, and sent back the messenger to
the king to notify to him, that as he had acted under his majesty’s
commission, he would admit of no conditions for laying down his
arms, or disbanding his army, which did not come directly from the
king himself; but that if his majesty imposed conditions upon him,
he would accept of them with the most implicit submission. The king,
who had no alternative but to adopt these conditions as his own,
put his name to them and sent back the messenger with them, with
fresh instructions to Montrose to disband his army forthwith under
the pain of high treason. Besides Ker, the king despatched another
trusty messenger to Montrose with a private letter[359] urging him
to accept of the conditions offered, as in the event of his refusal
to break up his army, his majesty might be placed “in a very sad
condition,” such as he would rather leave Montrose to guess at than
seek himself to express. From this expression, it would appear that
Charles already began to entertain some apprehensions about his
personal safety. These commands of the king were too peremptory to be
any longer withstood, and as Montrose had been informed that several
of the leading royalists, particularly the Marquis of Huntly, Lord
Aboyne, and the Earl of Seaforth, were negotiating with the Estates
in their own behalf, and that Huntly and Aboyne had even offered to
compel Montrose to lay down his arms in compliance with the orders of
the king, he immediately resolved to disband his army.

As Middleton had been intrusted by the Committee of Estates with
ample powers to negotiate with the royalists, and to see the
conditions offered to Montrose implemented by him in case of
acceptance, a cessation of arms was agreed upon between Montrose and
Middleton; and in order to discuss the conditions, a conference was
held between them on the 22d day of July, on a meadow, near the river
Isla, in Angus, where they “conferred for the space of two hours,
there being none near them but one man for each of them to hold his
horse.”[360] The conditions agreed upon were these, that with the
exception of Montrose himself, the Earl of Crawford, Sir Alexander
Macdonald, and Sir John Hurry, all those who had taken up arms
against the Covenanters would be pardoned on making their submission,
and that Montrose, Crawford, Hurry, and Graham of Gorthy, should
transport themselves beyond seas, before the last day of August, in
a ship to be provided by the Estates. This arrangement was ratified
by the committee of Estates, but the committee of the kirk exclaimed
against it, and petitioned the Committee of Estates not to sanction
it.

Preparatory to disbanding his army, Montrose appointed it to
rendezvous at Rattray, in the neighbourhood of Coupar-Angus, at which
place, on the 30th of July, he discharged his men, after addressing
them with feeling and animation. After giving them due praise for
their faithful services and good behaviour, he told them his orders,
and bade them farewell, an event no less sorrowful to the whole
army than to himself; and, notwithstanding that he used his utmost
endeavours to raise their drooping spirits, and encourage them with
the flattering prospect of a speedy and desirable peace, and assured
them that he contributed to the king’s safety and interest by his
present ready submission, no less than he had formerly done by his
military attempts; yet they concluded, that a period was that day
put to the king’s authority, which would expire with the dissolution
of their army, for disbanding which, they were all convinced the
orders had been extorted from the king, or granted by him on purpose
to evite a greater and more immediate evil. And, upon whatever
favourable conditions their own safety might be provided for, yet
they lamented their fate, and would much rather have undergone the
greatest fatigue and hardships than be obliged to remain inactive
and idle spectators of the miseries and calamities befalling their
dearest sovereign. Neither were their generous souls a little
concerned for the unworthy and disgraceful opinion which foreign
nations and after ages could not fail to conceive of the Scots, as
universally dipt in rebellion, and guilty of defection from the best
of kings. Their sorrow was likewise considerably augmented by the
thoughts of being separated from their brave and successful general,
who was now obliged to enter into a kind of banishment, to the
irreparable loss of the king, the country, themselves, and all good
men, at a time when they never had greater occasion for his services:
And falling down upon their knees, with tears in their eyes, they
obtested him, that seeing the king’s safety and interest required his
immediate departure from the kingdom, he would take them along with
him to whatever corner of the world he would retire, professing their
readiness to live, to fight, nay, if it so please God, even to die
under his command. And not a few of them had privately determined,
though at the evident risk of their lives and fortunes, to follow him
without his knowledge, and even against his inclination, and to offer
him their service in a foreign land, which they could not any longer
afford him in their own distressed native country.[361]

Such is the account of the affecting farewell between Montrose and
the few remaining brave and adventurous men who had shared with him
all the dangers and vicissitudes of the battle-field, as related by a
warm partisan of fallen royalty; yet there is no reason for supposing
that he has given an exaggerated view of the feelings of the warlike
and devoted band at parting, under existing circumstances, with their
beloved commander who had so often led them to victory, and whose
banishment from his native country they regarded as the death-blow
to their hopes.

Upon the dissolution of Montrose’s army, the Scots officers and
soldiers retired to their homes, and the Irish troops marched
westward into Argyle, whence they embarked for their own country,
being accompanied thither by the Earl of Crawford, who from thence
went to Spain. Montrose, along with the few friends who were to
follow him abroad, took up his abode at his seat of Old Montrose,
there to wait the arrival of the vessel destined to convey them to
the continent. The day fixed for Montrose’s departure was the 1st
of September, and he waited with impatience for the arrival of the
expected vessel; but as the month of August was fast expiring without
such vessel making its appearance, or any apparent preparation for
the voyage, Montrose’s friends applied to the committee of the
Estates for a prorogation of the day stipulated for his departure,
but they could obtain no satisfactory answer.

At length, on the last day of August, a vessel for the reception of
the marquis entered the harbour of Montrose, in which he proposed
immediately to embark, but he was told by the shipmaster, “a violent
and rigid Covenanter,” that he meant to careen his vessel before
going to sea, an operation which would occupy a few days. In the
course of conversation, the shipmaster bluntly stated to his intended
passengers, that he had received express instructions to land them
at certain ports. The behaviour of the captain, joined to the
information he had communicated, and the fact that several English
ships of war had been seen for several days off the coast, as if
watching his embarkation and departure, created a strong suspicion
in Montrose’s mind that a plan had been laid for capturing him,
and induced him to consult his own safety and that of his friends,
by seeking another way of leaving the kingdom. The anxiety of
Montrose and his followers was speedily relieved by the arrival of
intelligence, that a small vessel belonging to Bergen, in Norway,
had been found in the neighbouring harbour of Stonehaven; and that
the master had engaged, on being promised a handsome freight, to be
in readiness, on an appointed day, to sail with such passengers as
should appear.

Accordingly, after sending off Sir John Hurry, John Drummond of
Balloch, Graham of Gorthy, Dr. Wishart, and a few other friends by
land to Stonehaven, on the 3d of September 1646, he himself left the
harbour of Montrose in a small boat, disguised as the servant of
James Wood, a clergyman, who accompanied him; and the same evening
went safely on board the vessel, into which his friends had embarked,
and setting sail with a fair wind, arrived in a few days at Bergen,
in Norway, where he received a friendly welcome from Thomas Gray, a
Scotsman, the governor of the castle of Bergen.[362]

It is beyond the province of this history to give a detailed account
of the transactions which took place between the Scotch and English
concerning the disbanding of the Scottish army and the delivery of
the king to the English parliament. Although the Scotch are certainly
not free from blame for having betrayed their king, after he had cast
himself upon their loyalty and mercy, still it must be remembered,
in extenuation, that the king was merely playing a game, that his
giving himself up to the Scotch army was his last desperate move,
and that he would not have had the least scruple in outwitting,
deceiving, and even destroying his protectors. In September, 1646,
an agreement was come to between the Scotch commissioners and the
English parliament, that the army should be disbanded, on the latter
paying £400,000 as payment in full of the arrears of pay due to
the army for its services. There was no mention then made of the
delivery of the king, and a candid examination of the evidence on
both sides proves that the one transaction was quite independent of
the other. “That fanaticism and self-interest had steeled the breasts
of the Covenanters against the more generous impulses of loyalty and
compassion, may, indeed, be granted; but more than this cannot be
legitimately inferred from any proof furnished by history.”[363]

While the negotiations for the delivery of the king were pending,
Charles, who seems to have been fully aware of them, meditated the
design of escaping from the Scots army, and putting himself at the
head of such forces as the Marquis of Huntly could raise in the
north. In pursuance of this design, his majesty, about the middle of
December, sent Robert Leslie, brother of General David Leslie, with
letters and a private commission to Huntly, by which he was informed
of his majesty’s intentions, and Huntly was, therefore, desired
to levy what forces he could, and have them in readiness to take
the field on his arrival in the north. On receipt of his majesty’s
commands, Huntly began to raise forces, and having collected them at
Banff, fortified the town, and there awaited the king’s arrival.[364]
But the king was prevented from putting his plan into execution by a
premature discovery, and was thenceforth much more strictly guarded.

After the delivery of the king to the English, on the 28th of
January, 1647, the Scots army returned to Scotland. It was thereupon
remodelled and reduced, by order of the parliament, to 6,000 foot,
and 1,200 horse; a force which was considered sufficient not only
to keep the royalists in awe, but also to reduce the Marquis of
Huntly and Sir Alexander Macdonald, who were still at the head of
some men. The dispersion, therefore, of the forces under these
two commanders became the immediate object of the parliament. An
attempt had been made in the month of January, by a division of
the covenanting army stationed in Aberdeenshire, under the command
of Major Bickerton, to surprise the Marquis of Huntly at Banff,
but it had been obliged to retire with loss; and Huntly continued
to remain in his position till the month of April, when, on the
approach of General David Leslie with a considerable force, he fled
with a few friends to the mountains of Lochaber for shelter. Leslie
thereupon reduced the castles belonging to the marquis. He first took
that of Strathbogie, and sent the commander thereof, the laird of
Newton-Gordon, to Edinburgh; then the castle of Lesmore; and lastly,
the Bog of Gicht, or Gordon castle, the commander of which, James
Gordon of Letterfurie, and his brother, Thomas Gordon of Clastirim,
and other gentlemen of the name of Gordon, were sent to Edinburgh as
prisoners. Leslie next took the isle of Lochtanner, in Aboyne, which
had been fortified by Huntly.[365] Quarter was given to the men who
garrisoned those different strengths, with the exception of the Irish
and deserters, who were hanged immediately on their capture.[366]

Having taken these different places, Leslie, in quest of the
marquis, next marched into Badenoch, where he captured the castle of
Ruthven. Thence he proceeded into Lochaber, and took the fortress
of Inverlochy. Huntly disbanded his forces in Badenoch, reserving
only a few as a body-guard for himself and his son; “showing them
that he was resolved to live an outlaw till provident heaven should
be pleased to change the king’s fortune, upon whose commandments
his life and fortune should always depend.”[367] The covenanting
general, thereupon, marched to the south with a part of his forces,
leaving the remainder in the north, under the command of Middleton,
and encamped in Strathallan, he himself taking up his head-quarters
in Dunblane. Here he remained till the middle of May, when he was
joined by the Marquis of Argyle, and ordered to advance into that
nobleman’s country to drive out Sir Alexander Macdonald. Accordingly,
he set out on the 17th of May, and arrived at Inverary on the 21st.
Sir Alexander Macdonald was at this time in Kintyre, with a force of
about 1,400 foot and two troops of horse, which would have been fully
sufficient to check Leslie, but he seems not to have been aware of
the advance of the latter, and had taken no precautions to guard the
passes leading into the peninsula, which might have been successfully
defended by a handful of men against a considerable force. Having
secured these difficult passes, Leslie advanced into Kintyre, and
after skirmishing the whole of the 25th of May with Macdonald, forced
him to retire. After throwing 300 men into a fortress on the top of
the hill of Dunaverty, and in which “there was not a drop of water
but what fell from the clouds,”[368] Macdonald, on the following day,
embarked his troops in boats provided for the occasion, and passed
over into Islay.

Leslie, thereupon, laid siege to the castle of Dunaverty, which was
well defended; but the assailants having carried a trench at the
bottom of the hill which gave the garrison the command of water,
and in the storming of which the besieged lost 40 men, the latter
craved a parley, in consequence of which Sir James Turner, Leslie’s
adjutant-general, was sent to confer with the garrison on the terms
of surrender. Leslie would not grant “any other conditions than that
they should yield on discretion or mercy. And it seemed strange to
me,” continues Sir James Turner, “to hear the lieutenant-general’s
nice distinction, that they should yield themselves to the kingdom’s
mercy, and not to his. At length they did so, and after they had
come out of the castle, they were put to the sword, every mother’s
son, except one young man, Maccoul, whose life I begged to be sent
to France, with 100 fellows which we had smoked out of a cave, as
they do foxes, who were given to Captain Campbell, the chancellor’s
brother.”[369] This atrocious act was perpetrated at the instigation
of John Nave or Neaves, “a bloody preacher,”[370] but, according to
Wodrow, an “excellent man,” who would not be satisfied with less than
the blood of the prisoners. As the account given by Sir James Turner,
an eye-witness of this infamous transaction, is curious, no apology
is necessary for inserting it. “Here it will be fit to make a stop,
till this cruel action be canvassed. First, the lieutenant-general
was two days irresolute what to do. The Marquis of Argyle was
accused at his arraignment of this murder, and I was examined as a
witness. I declared, which was true, that I never heard him advise
the lieutenant-general to it. What he did in private I know not.
Secondly, Argyle was but a colonel then, and he had no power to do
it of himself. Thirdly, though he had advised him to it, it was no
capital crime; for counsel is no command. Fourthly, I have several
times spoke to the lieutenant-general to save these men’s lives, and
he always assented to it, and I know of himself he was unwilling
to shed their blood. Fifthly, Mr. John Nave (who was appointed by
the commission of the kirk to wait on him as his chaplain) never
ceased to tempt him to that bloodshed, yea, and threatened him with
the curses befell Saul for sparing the Amalekites, for with them
his theology taught him to compare the Dunaverty men. And I verily
believe that this prevailed most with David Leslie, who looked upon
Nave as the representative of the kirk of Scotland.” The fact of
Sir James and David Leslie’s repugnance to shed the blood of those
defenceless men is fully corroborated by Bishop Guthry, on the
authority of many persons who were present, who says that while
the butchery was going on, and while Leslie, Argyle, and Neaves
were walking over the ancles in blood, Leslie turned out and thus
addressed the latter:--“Now, Mr. John, have you not once got your
fill of blood?” The sufferers on this occasion were partly Irish, and
partly belonging to the clan Dougal or Coull, to the castle of whose
chief, in Lorne, Colonel Robert Montgomerie now laid siege, while
Leslie himself, with a part of his forces, left Kintyre for Islay in
pursuit of Macdonald.

On landing in Islay, Leslie found that Macdonald had fled to Ireland,
and had left Colkittoch, his father, in the castle of Dunniveg, with
a force of 200 men to defend the island against the superior power
of Leslie. The result turned out as might have been anticipated.
Although the garrison made a brave resistance, yet, being wholly
without water, they found themselves unable to resist, and offered
to capitulate on certain conditions. These were, that the officers
should be entitled to go where they pleased, and that the privates
should be sent to France. These conditions were agreed to, and were
punctually fulfilled. Old Colkittoch had, however, the misfortune
not to be included in this capitulation, for, before the castle had
surrendered, “the old man, Coll,” says Sir James Turner, “coming
foolishly out of the house, where he was governor, on some parole or
other,[371] to speak with his old friend, the captain of Dunstaffnage
castle, was surprised, and made prisoner, not without some stain to
the lieutenant-general’s honour. He was afterwards hanged by a jury
of Argyle’s sheriff-depute, one George Campbell, from whose sentence
few are said to have escaped that kind of death.”

Leaving Islay, Leslie “boated over to Jura, a horrible isle,” says
Sir James Turner, “and a habitation fit for deer and wild beasts; and
so from isle to isle,” continues he, “till he came to Mull, which
is one of the best of the Hebrides. Here Maclaine saved his lands,
with the loss of his reputation, if he ever had any. He gave up his
strong castles to Leslie, gave his eldest son for hostage of his
fidelity, and, which was unchristian baseness in the lowest degree,
he delivered up fourteen prettie Irishmen, who had been all along
faithful to him, to the lieutenant-general, who immediately caused
hang them all. It was not well done to demand them from Maclaine, but
inexcusablie ill done in him to betray them. Here I cannot forget one
Donald Campbell, fleshed in blood from his very infancie, who with
all imaginable violence pressed that the whole clan Maclaine should
be put to the edge of the sword; nor could he be commanded to forbear
his bloody suit by the lieutenant-general and two major-generals;
and with some difficulty was he commanded silence by his chief, the
Marquis of Argyle. For my part, I said nothing, for indeed I did not
care though he had prevailed in his suit, the delivery of the Irish
had so irritated me against that whole clan and name.”

While Leslie was thus subduing the Hebrides, Middleton was occupied
in pursuing the Marquis of Huntly through Glenmoriston, Badenoch, and
other places. Huntly was at length captured by Lieutenant-Colonel
Menzies, in Strathdon, in December, 1647. Having received
intelligence of the place of the marquis’s retreat, Menzies came to
Dalnabo with a select body of horse, consisting of three troops,
about midnight, and immediately entered the house just as Huntly was
going to bed. The marquis was attended by only ten gentlemen and
servants, as a sort of body-guard, who notwithstanding the great
disparity of numbers, made a brave attempt to protect the marquis, in
which six of them were killed and the rest mortally wounded, among
whom was John Grant, the landlord. On hearing that the marquis had
been taken prisoner, the whole of his vassals in the neighbourhood,
to the number of between 400 and 500, with Grant of Carron at
their head, flew to arms to rescue him. Lieutenant-Colonel Menzies
thereupon carried the marquis to the castle of Blairfindie, in
Glenlivet, about four miles from Dalnabo, where the latter received
a notice from Grant and his party by the wife of Gordon of Munmore,
that they had solemnly sworn either to rescue him or die to a man,
and they requested him to give them such orders to carry their plan
into effect as he might judge proper. But the marquis dissuaded his
people from the intended attempt, and returned for answer that, now
almost worn out with grief and fatigue, he could no longer live in
hills and dens; and hoped that his enemies would not drive things to
the worst; but, if such was the will of heaven, he could not outlive
the sad fate he foresaw his royal master was likely to undergo; and
be the event as it would, he doubted not but the just providence of
God would restore the royal family, and his own along with it.[372]

Besides the gentlemen and servants about Huntly’s person, there were
some Irish who were quartered in the offices about Dalnabo. These
were carried prisoners by Menzies to Strathbogie, where Middleton
then was, who ordered them all to be shot. In consequence of an
order from the committee of Estates at Edinburgh, Menzies carried
the marquis under a strong guard of horse to Leith, where, after
being kept two days, he was delivered up to the magistrates, and
incarcerated in the jail of the city. The committee had previously
debated the question whether the marquis should be immediately
executed or reprieved till the meeting of parliament, but although
the Argyle faction, notwithstanding the Marquis of Argyle withdrew
before the vote was taken, and the committee of the church did every
thing in their power to procure the immediate execution of the
marquis, his life was spared till the meeting of the parliament by a
majority of one vote.[373] The Earl of Aboyne and Lord Lewis Gordon
had the good fortune to escape to the continent. The first went to
France, where he shortly thereafter died--the second took refuge in
Holland. A reward of £1,000 sterling had been promised to any person
who should apprehend Huntly, which sum was duly paid to Menzies by
the Committee of Estates.[374]

[Illustration: Second Marquis of Huntly.--From a rare print in the
collection of W. F. Watson, Esq., Edinburgh.]

There appears to be no doubt that Argyle was highly gratified at the
capture of Huntly. It is related by Spalding, that taking advantage
of Huntly’s situation, Argyle bought up all the comprisings on his
lands, and that he caused summon at the market-cross of Aberdeen by
sound of trumpet, all Huntly’s wadsetters and creditors to appear
at Edinburgh in the month of March following Huntly’s imprisonment,
calling on them to produce their securities before the lords of
session, with certification that if they did not appear, their
securities were to be declared null and void. Some of Huntly’s
creditors sold their claims to Argyle, and having thus bought up all
the rights he could obtain upon Huntly’s estate at a small or nominal
value, under the pretence that he was acting for the benefit of his
nephew, Lord Gordon, he granted bonds for the amount which, according
to Spalding, he never paid. In this way did Argyle possess himself
of the marquis’s estates, which he continued to enjoy upwards of
twelve years; viz., from 1648, till the restoration of Charles II. in
1660.

When the king, who was then a prisoner in Carisbrook castle, heard
of the capture of Huntly, he wrote a letter to the Earl of Lanark,
then in London, earnestly urging him to do all in his power in behalf
of the Marquis. The earl, however, either from unwillingness or
inability, appears to have paid no attention to this letter.

Shortly before the capture of the Marquis of Huntly, John Gordon
of Innermarkie, Gordon, younger of Newton-Gordon, and the laird of
Harthill, three of his chief friends, had been taken prisoners by
Major-General Middleton, and sent to Edinburgh, where they were
imprisoned. The two latter were condemned to die by the Committee
of Estates, and although their friends procured a remission of the
sentence from the king, they were, notwithstanding, both beheaded at
the market-cross of Edinburgh.

While the hopes of the royalists, both in England and Scotland,
seemed to be almost extinguished, a ray of light, about this time,
darted through the dark gloom of the political horizon, which they
fondly imagined was the harbinger of a new and, for them, a better
order of things; but all their expectations were destined to end in
bitter disappointment. The Duke of Hamilton, who had lately formed
an association to release the king from his captivity, which went
under the name of the “Engagement,” prevailed upon the parliament,
which met in March, 1648, to appoint a committee of danger, and to
consent to a levy of 40,000 men. The bulk of the English population,
with the exception of the army, had grown quite dissatisfied with the
state of matters. Their eyes were now directed towards Scotland, and
the news of the Scots’ levy made them indulge a hope that they would
soon be enabled, by the aid of the Scots auxiliaries, to throw off
the military yoke, and restore the king on conditions favourable to
liberty. But Hamilton, being thwarted by Argyle and his party, had it
not in his power to take advantage of the favourable disposition of
the English people, and instead of raising 40,000 men, he found, to
his great mortification, that, at the utmost, he could, after upwards
of three months’ labour, only bring about 15,000 men into the field,
and that not until several insurrections in England, in favour of the
king, had been suppressed.

It was the misfortune of Hamilton that with every disposition to
serve the cause of his royal master, he had neither the capacity to
conceive, nor the resolution to adopt bold and decisive measures
equal to the emergency of the times. Like the king, he attempted
to act the part of the cunning politician, but was wholly unfitted
for the performance of such a character. Had he had the address
to separate old Leslie and his nephew from the party of Argyle,
by placing the direction of military affairs in their hands, he
might have succeeded in raising a force sufficient to cope with
the parliamentary army of England; but he had the weakness, after
both these generals had joined the kirk in its remonstrance to
the parliament that nothing should be done without the consent of
the committee of the general assembly, to get himself appointed
commander-in-chief of the army, a measure which could not fail to
disgust these hardy veterans. He failed in an attempt to conciliate
the Marquis of Argyle, who did all in his power to thwart Hamilton’s
designs. Argyle went to Fife and induced the gentry of that county
not only to oppose the levies, but to hold themselves in readiness to
rise on the other side when called upon. He was not so successful in
Stirlingshire, none of the gentlemen of that county concurring in his
views except the laird of Buchanan, Sir William Bruce of Stenhouse,
and a few persons of inferior note; but in Dumbartonshire he
succeeded to the utmost of his wishes. After attending a meeting with
the Lord Chancellor, (Loudon,) the Earls of Cassilis and Eglinton,
and David Dick and other ministers, at Eglinton’s house, on the 29th
of May, Argyle went home to raise his own people.

Several instances of opposition to the levy took place; but the most
formidable one, and the only one worthy of notice, was in Ayrshire,
where a body of armed insurgents, to the number of 800 horse and
1,200 foot according to one writer,[375] and 500 horse and 2,000 foot
according to another,[376] headed by several ministers, assembled at
Mauchline; but they were defeated and dispersed, on the 10th of June,
by Middleton, who had been appointed lieutenant-general of horse,
with the loss of 80 men.

There are no data by which to ascertain the number of men raised
in the Highlands for Hamilton’s army; but it must necessarily
have been very inconsiderable. Not a single man was of course
raised in Argyleshire, and scarcely any in the adjoining part of
Inverness-shire, to which the influence or power of Argyle extended.
The Earl of Sutherland, who had been appointed a colonel of foot in
his own division, declined the office, and Lord Reay was so disgusted
with “Duke Hamilton’s failure,” that he took shipping at Thurso in
the month of July, and went to Norway,[377] where he was appointed
governor of Bergen, and received the colonelcy of a regiment from the
King of Denmark, whom he had formerly served. The only individual who
could have benefitted the royal-cause in the north was the Marquis
of Huntly, but by a strange fatality the Duke of Hamilton, who could
have easily procured an order from the parliament for his liberation
from prison, allowed him to continue there, and merely contented
himself with obtaining a warrant for changing the marquis’s place of
confinement from the jail to the castle of Edinburgh.

In consequence of the many difficulties which occurred in collecting
his troops, and providing the necessary _matériel_ for the use of
the army, the duke was not able to begin his march till the 8th of
July, on which day he put his army in motion towards the borders.
His force, which amounted to about 10,000 foot and 4,000 horse, was
composed of raw and undisciplined levies, and he had not a single
field-piece. He entered England by the western border, where he was
met by Sir Marmaduke Langdale and a body of 4,000 brave cavaliers,
all devotedly attached to the king. At this time Lambert, the
parliamentary general, had invested Carlisle, and Hamilton was
induced by the English royalists, contrary to his own views, to march
upon Carlisle, and force Lambert to raise the siege. That general,
who had received orders from Cromwell not to engage the Scots till he
should join him, accordingly retired, and Carlisle was delivered up
next day to Hamilton by the English royalists, who also put him in
possession of Berwick.

It is unnecessary to enter into details concerning this mismanaged
and unfortunate expedition, the result of which is well known to
every reader of English history. Sir Marmaduke Langdale was defeated
by Cromwell at Preston on the 17th of August, and on entering the
town after the defeat, was mortified to find that his Scotch allies
had abandoned it. Langdale having now no alternative but flight,
disbanded his infantry, and along with his cavalry and Hamilton, who,
refusing to follow the example of his army, had remained in the town,
swam across the Ribble.

The Scotch army retired during the night towards Wigan, where it
was joined by the duke next morning, but so reduced in spirits and
weakened by desertion as to be quite unable to make any resistance
to the victorious troops of Cromwell, who pressed hard upon them.
The foot, under the command of Baillie, continued to retreat during
the day, but were overtaken at Warrington, and, being unable either
to proceed or to resist, surrendered. The number which capitulated
amounted to about 3,000. Upwards of 6,000 had previously been
captured by the country people, and the few who had the good fortune
to escape joined Munro and returned to Scotland. These prisoners were
sold as slaves, and sent to the plantations.

The duke, abandoning Baillie to his fate, carried off the whole
cavalry; but he had not proceeded far when his rear was attacked by
the parliamentary army. Middleton made a gallant defence, and was
taken prisoner; but the duke escaped, and fled to Uttoxeter, followed
by his horse, where he surrendered himself to General Lambert and
Lord Grey of Groby, who sent him prisoner to Windsor. The Earl
of Callander, having effected his escape, went over to Holland,
disgusted at the conduct of the duke.

As soon as the news of the defeat of Hamilton reached Scotland,
the Covenanters of the west began to bestir themselves, and a
party of them, under the command of Robert Montgomery, son of the
Earl of Eglinton, attacked a troop of Lanark’s horse, quartered in
Ayrshire, killed some and routed the rest. The Committee of Estates,
apprehensive that the spirit of insurrection would speedily spread,
immediately ordered out all the fencible men in the kingdom to put
down the rising in the west. A difference, however, arose in the
committee in the choice of a commander. The Earl of Lanark and the
Earl Marischal were proposed by their respective friends. Lanark’s
chief opponent was the Earl of Roxburgh, who, (says Wishart,) “in a
grave and modest speech, earnestly entreated him, for the sake of
their dear sovereign and their distressed country, not to insist
in demanding that dignity, which was extremely unseasonable and
ill-judged at that time.”[378] Roxburgh’s remonstrance had no effect
upon Lanark, who, on a vote being taken, was found to have the
majority, and so anxious was he to obtain the command of the army
that he actually voted for himself.[379] He had even the indiscretion
to declare, that he would not permit any other person to command in
his brother’s absence. This rash and imprudent behaviour on the part
of Lanark so exasperated Roxburgh and his friends, who justly dreaded
the utter ruin of the king’s affairs, that they henceforth withdrew
altogether from public affairs.

As soon as Lanark had been appointed to the command of the new levy,
he set about raising it with great expedition. For this purpose he
sent circulars, plausibly written, to every part of Scotland, calling
upon all classes to join him without delay. These circulars had the
desired effect. The people beyond the Forth, and even the men of
Fife, showed a disposition to obey the call. The Earl of Seaforth
raised 4,000 men in the Western Islands and in Ross-shire, whom he
brought south, and the Earl of Morton also brought into Lothian 1,200
men from the Orkneys. In short, with the exception of Argyle, there
were few places in Scotland from which considerable bodies of men
might not have been expected.

Before the defeat of Hamilton’s army, Lanark had raised three
regiments of horse, which were now under his command. These, with
the accessions of force which were daily arriving from different
parts of the kingdom, were quite sufficient to have put down the
insurrection in the west; but instead of marching thither, Lanark, to
the surprise of every person, proceeded through East Lothian towards
the eastern borders to meet Sir George Munro, who was retiring
upon Berwick before the army of Cromwell. The people of the west
being thus relieved from the apprehensions of a visit, assembled
in great numbers, and taking advantage of Lanark’s absence, a body
of them, to the number of no less than 6,000 men, headed by the
chancellor, the Earl of Eglinton, and some ministers, advanced upon
the capital, which they entered without opposition, the magistrates
and ministers of the city welcoming their approach by going out to
meet them. Bishop Wishart describes this body as “a confused rabble,
composed of farmers, cow-herds, shepherds, coblers, and such like
mob, without arms, and without courage,” and says, that when they
arrived in Edinburgh, “they were provided with arms, which, as they
were unaccustomed to, were rather a burden and incumbrance than of
any use,”--that “they were mounted upon horses, or jades rather,
which had been long used to the drudgery of labour, equipped with
pack saddles and halters, in place of saddles and bridles.”[380]
This tumultuary body, however, was soon put into proper order by the
Earl of Leven, who was invested with the chief command, and by David
Leslie, as his lieutenant-general, and presented a rather formidable
appearance, for on Lanark’s return from the south, he did not venture
to engage it, though his force amounted to 4,000 or 5,000 horse and
as many foot, many of whom were veterans who had served in Ireland
under Munro.

In thus declining to attack Leslie, Lanark acted contrary to the
advice of Munro and his other officers. According to Dr. Wishart,
Lanark’s advanced guard, on arriving at Musselburgh, fell in with
some of Leslie’s outposts, who defended the bridge over the Esk, and
Lanark’s advanced guard, though inferior in number, immediately put
them in great disorder, and killed some of them without sustaining
any loss. This success was reported to Lanark, and it was represented
to him, that by following it up immediately, while the enemy
continued in the state of alarm into which this affair of outposts
had thrown them, he might, perhaps, obtain a bloodless victory, and
secure possession of the city of Edinburgh and the town of Leith,
with all the warlike stores, before sunset.

Leading his army along the base of the Pentland hills, Lanark
proceeded to Linlithgow, which he entered on the evening of the 11th
of September, where he almost surprised the Earl of Cassilis, who,
at the head of 800 horse from Carrick and Galloway, had taken up his
quarters there for the night; but a notice having been sent to him of
the Earl of Lanark’s approach by some friend, he fled precipitately
to Queensferry, leaving the supper which was cooking for him and
his men on the fire, which repast was greedily devoured by Lanark’s
troops.

Ever since Lanark’s march to the borders to meet Munro, the
Marquis of Argyle had been busily employed in raising men in his
own territory to assist the insurgents, but it had been so much
depopulated by the ravages of Montrose and Macdonald, that he could
scarcely muster 300 men. With these and 400 more which he had
collected in the Lennox and in the western part of Stirlingshire,
he advanced to Stirling, entering it upon the 12th of September
at eleven o’clock forenoon. After assigning to the troops their
different posts in the town, and making arrangements with the
magistrates for their support, Argyle went to dine with the Earl of
Mar at his residence in the town. But while the dinner was serving
up, Argyle, to his infinite alarm, heard that a part of Lanark’s
forces had entered Stirling. This was the advanced guard, commanded
by Sir George Munro, who, on hearing that Argyle was in possession of
the town when only within two miles of it, had, unknown to Lanark,
who was behind with the main body of the army, pushed forward and
entered the town before Argyle’s men were aware of his approach.
Argyle, as formerly, having a great regard for his personal safety,
immediately mounted his horse, galloped across Stirling bridge,
and never looked behind till he reached North Queensferry, where
he instantly crossed the Frith in a small boat and proceeded to
Edinburgh. Nearly 200 of Argyle’s men were either killed or drowned,
and the remainder were taken prisoners.

A negotiation for peace immediately ensued between the two parties,
and on the 15th of September a treaty was entered into by which
the Hamilton party agreed to refer all civil matters in dispute
to a Parliament, to be held before the 10th of January, and all
ecclesiastical affairs to an assembly of the kirk. It was also
stipulated that both armies should be disbanded before the 29th of
September, or at farthest on the 5th of October, that the adherents
of the king should not be disturbed, and that all the prisoners taken
in Scotland should be released. Munro perceiving that the king’s
affairs would be irretrievably ruined by this compromise, objected to
the treaty, and would have stood out had he been backed by the other
officers; but very few seconding his views, he addressed the troops,
who had accompanied him from Ireland, in St Ninian’s church, and
offered to lead back to Ireland such as were inclined to serve under
their old commander, Major-General Robert Munro; but having received
intelligence at Glasgow that that general had been taken prisoner and
sent to London, he disbanded the troops who had followed him thither,
and retired to Holland.

According to the treaty the two armies were disbanded on the
appointed day, and the “Whigamores,” as the insurgents from the west
were called, immediately returned home to cut down their corn, which
was ready for the sickle. Argyle’s men, who had been taken prisoners
at Stirling, were set at liberty, and conducted home to their own
country by one of Argyle’s officers.

[Illustration: MUNRO. (Tartan)]

The Marquis of Argyle, Loudon the chancellor, the Earls of Cassilis
and Eglinton, and others, now met at Edinburgh, and formed themselves
into a body under the title of the Committee of Estates, and having
arranged matters for the better securing their own influence, they
summoned a parliament to meet on the 4th of January. In the meantime,
Oliver Cromwell, who, after the pursuit of Munro, had laid siege
to Berwick, was waited upon by Argyle, Lord Elcho, and Sir Charles
Erskine, to compliment him upon his success at Preston, and after
making Ludovick Leslie deliver up Berwick to him, they invited him
and Lambert to Edinburgh. Cromwell took up his residence in the House
of Lady Home in the Canongate, where he received frequent visits
from Argyle, Loudon, the Earl of Lothian, Lords Arbuthnot, Elcho,
and Burleigh, and the most noted of the ministers. It is said, that
during these conferences, Cromwell communicated to his visitors his
intentions with respect to the king, and obtained their consent.[381]

In the meantime the Independents were doing their utmost to induce
the English parliament to bring the king to trial for high treason.
They, having in the meantime been disappointed in their views by
the presbyterians, prevailed upon Fairfax to order Hammond, the
governor of the Isle of Wight, to attend him at Windsor, and to
send Colonel Eure with orders to seize the king at Newport, where
he was conferring with the commissioners, and imprison him again
in Carisbrook castle; but Hammond having declined to allow Eure to
interfere without an order from the parliament, Eure left the island
without attempting to fulfil his instructions. Hammond, however,
afterwards left the island with the commissioners, and committed
Charles to the custody of one Major Rolfe, a person who, only six
months before, had been charged with a design on the life of the
king, and who had escaped trial because only one witness had attested
the fact before the grand jury.

The king seemed to be fully aware of the danger of his present
situation, and on the morning of the 28th of November, when the
commissioners left the island, he gave vent to his feelings in a
strain of the most pathetic emotions, which drew tears from his
attendants; “My lords,” said he to the commissioners, “I believe we
shall scarce ever see each other again, but God’s will be done! I
have made my peace with him, and shall undergo without fear whatever
he may suffer men to do to me. My lords, you cannot but know, that in
my fall and ruin you see your own, and that also near you. I pray God
send you better friends than I have found. I am fully informed of the
carriage of those who plot against me and mine; but nothing affects
me so much as the feeling I have of the sufferings of my subjects,
and the mischief that hangs over my three kingdoms, drawn upon them
by those who, upon pretences of good, violently pursue their own
interests and ends.”[382] As soon as the commissioners and Hammond
had quitted the island, Fairfax sent a troop of horse and a company
of foot, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Cobbett, to seize
the king, who received notice of the approach of this body and of its
object next morning from a person in disguise; but although advised
by the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Lindsay, and Colonel Coke to
make his escape, which he could easily have accomplished, he declined
to do so, because he considered himself bound in honour to remain
twenty days after the treaty. The consequence was, that Charles was
taken prisoner by Cobbett, and carried to Hurst castle.

The rest of this painful tragedy is well known. After the _purified_
house of commons had passed a vote declaring that it was high treason
in the king of England, for the time being, to levy war against the
parliament and kingdom of England, his majesty was brought to trial
before a tribunal erected _pro re nata_ by the house called the high
court of justice, which adjudged him “as a tyrant, traitor, murderer,
and public enemy to the good people of the nation, to be put to death
by the severing of his head from his body,” a sentence which was
carried into execution, in front of Whitehall, on the 30th of January
1649. The unfortunate monarch conducted himself throughout the whole
of these melancholy proceedings with becoming dignity, and braved the
terrors of death with fortitude and resignation.

The Duke of Hamilton, who, by his incapacity, had ruined the king’s
affairs when on the point of being retrieved, was not destined long
to survive his royal master. In violation of the articles of his
capitulation, he was brought to trial, and although he pleaded that
he acted under the orders of the Scottish parliament, and was not
amenable to an English tribunal, he was, under the pretence that
he was Earl of Cambridge in England, sentenced to be beheaded. He
suffered on the 9th of March.

The Marquis of Huntly had languished in prison since December 1647,
and during the life of the king the Scottish parliament had not
ventured to bring him to the block; but both the king and Hamilton,
his favourite, being now put out of the way, they felt themselves no
longer under restraint, and accordingly the parliament, on the 16th
of March, ordained the marquis to be beheaded, at the market-cross
of Edinburgh, on the 22d of that month. As he lay under sentence
of ecclesiastical excommunication, one of the “bloody ministers,”
says the author of the History of the family of Gordon, “asked him,
when brought upon the scaffold, if he desired to be absolved from
the sentence;” to which the marquis replied, “that as he was not
accustomed to give ear to false prophets, he did not wish to be
troubled by him.” And thereupon turning “towards the people, he told
them that he was going to die for having employed some years of his
life in the service of the king his master; that he was sorry he
was not the first of his majesty’s subjects who had suffered for
his cause, so glorious in itself that it sweetened to him all the
bitterness of death.” He then declared that he had charity to forgive
those who had voted for his death, although he could not admit that
he had done any thing contrary to the laws. After throwing off his
doublet, he offered up a prayer, and then embracing some friends
around him, he submitted his neck, without any symptoms of emotion,
to the fatal instrument.

FOOTNOTES:

[336] _History of the Family of Gordon_, vol. ii. p. 495. _Britane’s
Distemper_, p. 166.

[337] _Memoirs_, p. 164.

[338] This report fortunately appears to be belied by the following
entries in Balfour’s Annals, 17th and 19th January, 1646. “The earl
of Tulliebardine humbly petitions the House that they would be
pleased to pardon his brother, William Murray’s life, in respect
he averred on his honour, that he was not _compos mentis_, as also
within age.” “The earl of Tulliebardine again this day gave in a
humble petition to the House for prolonging the execution of that
sentence pronounced against his brother.” Vol. iii. pp. 362, 363.

[339] Wishart p. 223.

[340] Wishart, p. 227.

[341] Guthry, p. 172.

[342] Balfour, vol. iii. pp. 311, 312.

[343] Balfour, vol. iii. p. 323.

[344] Balfour, vol. iii. p. 325.

[345] Ibid. p. 341.

[346] Balfour, vol. iii. pp. 356-61.

[347] Wishart, p. 238; Guthry, p. 168.

[348] Life prefixed to Sir Robert’s work, entitled _Practicks_,
folio, printed in 1706.

[349] Wishart, p. 242.

[350] Guthry, p. 245.

[351] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 531.

[352] _Britane’s Distemper_, p. 182.

[353] Lingard, vol. vi. p. 539, 4to.

[354] Lingard, vol. vi. p. 543.

[355] Kirkton.

[356] Rushworth, vi.

[357] Wishart, p. 262.

[358] June 15, 1646.

[359] July 16, 1646.

[360] Guthry, p. 179.

[361] Wishart, pp. 264-5.

[362] Wishart.

[363] Lingard, vol. vi.

[364] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 536.

[365] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 537.

[366] Guthry.

[367] _Britane’s Distemper_, p. 200.

[368] Turner’s _Memoirs_.

[369] Turner’s _Memoirs_.

[370] Guthry.

[371] Spalding says that Col Kittoch came out of the castle to treat
for a surrender on an assurance of personal safety.

[372] Gordon’s _History of the Family of Gordon_, vol. ii. p. 546.

[373] Guthry, p. 207.

[374] See the Act of Sederunt of the committee in the appendix to
Gordon’s _History of the family of Gordon_, vol. ii. p. 537.

[375] Baillie.

[376] Guthry.

[377] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 541.

[378] _Memoirs_, p. 311.

[379] Guthry, p. 327.

[380] _Memoirs_, p. 316.

[381] Guthry.

[382] Appendix to Evelyn’s _Memoirs_, vol. ii. pp. 128, 390.
Clarendon, vol. iii. p. 234.

CHAPTER XVI.

A.D. 1649-1650.

Commonwealth, 1649-1660; including Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell,
1653-1658.

Negotiations with Charles II.--Proceedings of Montrose
--Pluscardine’s Insurrection--Landing of Kinnoul and Montrose
in Orkney--Montrose’s Declaration--Montrose advances southwards
--Is defeated at Carbisdale--Montrose captured and sent to
Edinburgh--His reception there--Trial and Execution.

While the dominant party in England were contemplating the erection
of a commonwealth upon the ruins of the monarchy they had just
overthrown, the faction in Scotland, with Argyle at its head, which
had usurped the reins of government in that country, in obedience to
the known wish of the nation, resolved to recognise the principle of
legitimacy by acknowledging the Prince of Wales as successor to the
crown of Scotland. No sooner, therefore, had the intelligence of the
execution of the king reached Edinburgh, than the usual preparations
were made for proclaiming Charles II., a ceremony which was performed
at the market-cross of Edinburgh, on the 5th of February, with the
usual formalities.

This proceeding was contrary to the policy of Argyle, whose
intentions were in exact accordance with those of the English
Independents; but, as the melancholy fate of the king had excited
a feeling of indignation in the Scottish nation, he was afraid to
imitate the example of his English friends, and dissembling his
views, adopted other measures without changing his object. At the
instigation of Argyle it was agreed in parliament to propose certain
conditions to the prince as the terms on which alone he should be
entitled to sway the sceptre of his father. These were, in substance,
1st, that he should sign the Covenants, and endeavour to establish
them by his authority in all his dominions; 2d, that he should
ratify and confirm all the acts of the Estates, approving of the two
Covenants, the directory, confession of faith, and the catechism,
that he should renounce episcopacy and adopt the presbyterian form
of worship; 3d, that in all civil matters he should submit to the
parliament, and in things ecclesiastical to the authority of the
general assembly; and, _lastly_, that he should remove from his
person and court the Marquis of Montrose, “a person excommunicated by
the church, and forfaulted by the parliament of Scotland, being a man
most justly, if ever any, cast out of the church of God.”

These conditions, so flattering to popular prejudice and the
prevailing ideas of the times, appear to have been proposed only
because Argyle thought they would be rejected by the youthful
monarch, surrounded as he then was by counsellors to whom these
terms would be particularly obnoxious. To carry these propositions
to Charles II., then at the Hague, seven commissioners from the
parliament and kirk were appointed, who set sail from Kirkcaldy roads
on the 17th of March,[383] arriving at the Hague on the 26th. His
court, which at first consisted of the few persons whom his father
had placed about him, had been lately increased by the arrival of
the Earl of Lanark, now become, by the death of his brother, Duke
of Hamilton, the Earls of Lauderdale and Callander, the heads of
the Engagers; and by the subsequent addition of Montrose, Kinnoul,
and Seaforth. The following graphic sketch is given by Dr. Wishart
of the appearance and reception of the commissioners:--“When these
commissioners, or deputies from the Estates were admitted to their
first audience of the king, their solemn gait, their grave dress,
and dejected countenances, had all the appearance imaginable of
humility; and many who were not acquainted with the temper and
practices of the men, from thence concluded that they were about
to implore of his majesty a general oblivion and pardon for what
was past, and to promise a perfect obedience and submission in time
coming; and that they were ready to yield every thing that was just
and reasonable, and would be sincere in all their proposals of
peace and accommodation. They acted in a double capacity, and had
instructions both from the Estates and from the commission of the
kirk, in both of which the Earl of Cassilis was the chief person,
not only in what they were charged with from the Estates, as being
a nobleman, but also from the commission of the kirk, of which
he was a ruling elder. Their address to the king was introduced
with abundance of deep sighs and heavy groans, as if they had been
labouring, as Virgil says of the Sibyl, to shake the ponderous load
from off their breasts, after which they at last exhibited their
papers, containing the ordinances of the Estates, and acts of the
commission of the kirk, and pretended that the terms demanded in them
were moderate, just, and reasonable, and absolutely necessary for
settling the present confusions, and restoring the king; with which,
if he complied, he would be immediately settled upon his father’s
throne by the unanimous consent of the people.”[384]

The king, after vainly endeavouring to induce the commissioners to
modify the conditions to which his acceptance was required, and to
declare publicly their opinions of the murder of his father, to which
they had made no allusion, declined to agree to the terms proposed.
He at the same time stated, that as he had been already proclaimed
king of Scotland by the Committee of Estates, it was their duty to
obey him, and that he should expect the Committee of Estates, the
assembly of the kirk, and the nation at large, to perform their duty
to him, humbly obeying, maintaining, and defending him as their
lawful sovereign.[385] The commissioners having got their answer
on the 19th of May, returned to Scotland, and Charles went to St.
Germain in France, to visit Queen Henrietta Maria, his mother, before
going to Ireland, whither he had been invited by the Marquis of
Ormond to join the royalist army.

During the captivity of Charles I., Montrose used every exertion at
the court of France to raise money and men to enable him to make
a descent upon the coast of England or Scotland, to rescue his
sovereign from confinement; but his endeavours proving ineffectual,
he entered into the service of the Emperor of Germany, who honoured
him with especial marks of his esteem. He had been lately residing
at Brussels engaged in the affairs of the emperor, where he received
letters from the Prince of Wales, then at the Hague, requiring his
attendance to consult on the state of his father’s affairs; but
before he set out for the Hague, he received the news of the death
of Charles I. He was so overwhelmed with grief at this intelligence,
that according to Bishop Wishart, who was an eye-witness, he fainted
and fell down in the midst of his attendants, and appeared for some
time as if quite dead. When he had sufficiently recovered to give
full vent to his feelings, he expressed a desire to die with his
sovereign, as he could no longer enjoy, as he said, a life which had
now become a grievous and heavy burden. But on Wishart remonstrating
with him upon the impropriety of entertaining such a sentiment, and
informing him that he should be rather more desirous of life that he
might avenge the death of his royal master, and place his son and
lawful successor upon the throne of his ancestors, Montrose replied
with composure, that in that view he should be satisfied to live;
“but,” continued he, “I swear before God, angels, and men, that I
will dedicate the remainder of my life to the avenging the death
of the royal martyr, and re-establishing his son upon his father’s
throne.”

On arriving at the Hague, Montrose was received by Charles II.
with marked distinction. After some consultation, a descent upon
Scotland was resolved upon, and Montrose, thereupon, received a
commission, appointing him Lieutenant-governor of Scotland, and
commander-in-chief of all the forces there both by sea and land. The
king also appointed him his ambassador to the emperor, the princes
of Germany, the King of Denmark, and other friendly sovereigns,
to solicit supplies of money and warlike stores, to enable him to
commence the war. Thus, before the commissioners had arrived, the
king had made up his mind as to the course he should pursue, and
being backed by the opinion of a man of such an ardent temperament
as Montrose, the result of the communing between the king and the
commissioners was as might have been expected.

Connected probably with Montrose’s plan of a descent, a rising took
place in the north under Thomas Mackenzie of Pluscardine, brother
of the Earl of Seaforth, Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromarty, Colonel
John Munro of Lumlair, and Colonel Hugh Fraser, who, at the head
of a number of their friends and followers, entered the town of
Inverness, on the 22d of February, expelled the troops from the
garrison, and demolished and razed the walls and fortifications of
the town. The pretext put forward by Mackenzie and his friends was,
that the parliament had sent private commissioners to apprehend
them; but the fact appears to be, that this insurrection had taken
place at the instigation of the king, between whom and Pluscardine
a correspondence had been previously opened.[386] General David
Leslie was sent to the north with a force to suppress the insurgents,
who, on his approach, fled to the mountains of Ross; but he was
soon obliged to retrace his steps, in consequence of a rising in
Athole under the direction of Lord Ogilvie, General Middleton, and
others, in favour of the king. Leslie had previously made terms with
Urquhart, Munro, and Fraser, but as Mackenzie would not listen to
any accommodation, he left behind him a garrison in the castle of
Chanonry, and also three troops of horse in Moray under the charge of
Colonel Gilbert Ker, and Lieutenant-colonels Hacket and Strachan, to
watch Pluscardine’s motions. But this force was quite insufficient to
resist Pluscardine, who, on the departure of Leslie, descended from
the mountains and attacked the castle of Chanonry, which he re-took.
He was thereupon joined by his nephew, Lord Reay, at the head of 300
well-armed able-bodied men, which increased his force to between 800
and 900.

Having suppressed the rising in Athole, Leslie was again sent north
by the parliament, accompanied by the Earl of Sutherland; but he
had not proceeded far, when he ascertained that Mackenzie had been
induced by Lord Ogilvie and General Middleton, who had lately joined
him, to advance southward into Badenoch, with the view of raising
the people in that and the neighbouring districts, and that they had
been there joined by the young Marquis of Huntly, formerly Lord Lewis
Gordon, and had taken the castle of Ruthven. Leslie thereupon divided
his army, with one part of which he himself entered Badenoch, while
he despatched the Earl of Sutherland to the north to collect forces
in Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, with another part, consisting
of five troops of horse, under the command of Ker, Hacket, and
Strachan. To hinder the royalists from retiring into Athole, Leslie
marched southward towards Glenesk, by which movement he compelled
them to leave Badenoch and to march down Spey-side towards Balveny.
On arriving at Balveny, they resolved to enter into a negotiation
with Leslie, and accordingly Pluscardine and Middleton left Balveny
with a troop of horse to meet Leslie, leaving Huntly, Reay, and
Ogilvie, in charge of the forces, the former of whom sent his brother
Lord Charles Gordon to the Enzie, to raise some horse.

While waiting for the return of Pluscardine and Middleton, the party
at Balveny had not the slightest idea that they might be taken
by surprise; but on the 8th of May at day-break, they were most
unexpectedly attacked by the horse which had been sent north with
the Earl of Sutherland, and which, returning from Ross, had speedily
crossed the Spey. Seizing the royalist sentinels, they surprised
Lord Reay at the castle of Balveny, where he and about 900 foot were
taken prisoners and about 80 killed. Huntly and Ogilvie, who had
their quarters at the church of Mortlach, about a mile from Balveny
castle, escaped. Colonel Ker at once dismissed all the prisoners to
their own homes on giving their oaths not to take up arms against the
parliament in time coming. He sent Lord Reay along with some of his
kinsmen and friends and Mackenzie of Redcastle and other prisoners
of his surname to Edinburgh; all of whom were imprisoned. Huntly,
Ogilvie, Pluscardine, and Middleton, on giving security to keep the
peace, were forgiven by Leslie and returned to their homes. Colonel
Ker afterwards returned to Ross, took Redcastle, which he demolished,
and hanged the persons who had defended it. Thus ended this premature
insurrection which, had it been delayed till the arrival of Montrose,
might have been attended with a very different result.[387]

The projected descent by Montrose upon Scotland, was considered by
many persons as a desperate measure, which none but those quite
reckless of consequences would attempt; but there were others,
chiefly among the ultra-royalists, who viewed the affair in a
different light, and who, although they considered the enterprise
as one not without considerable risk, anticipated its success. Such,
at least, were the sentiments of some of the king’s friends before
the insurrection under Mackenzie of Pluscardine had been crushed;
but it is very probable that these were greatly altered after its
suppression. The failure of Pluscardine’s ill-timed attempt was
indeed considered by Montrose as a great misfortune, but a misfortune
far from irreparable, and as he had invitations from the royalist
nobility of Scotland, requesting him to enter upon his enterprise,
and promising him every assistance in their power, and as he was
assured that the great body of the Scottish nation was ready to
second his views, he entered upon the task assigned him by his royal
master, with an alacrity and willingness which indicated a confidence
on his part of ultimate success.

In terms of the powers he had received from the king, Montrose
visited the north of Europe, and obtained promises of assistance
of men, money, and ammunition, from some of the northern princes;
but few of them fulfilled their engagements in consequence of the
intrigues of the king’s enemies with the courtiers, who thwarted
with all their influence the measures of Montrose. By the most
indefatigable industry and perseverance, however, he collected a
force of 1,200 men at Gottenburg, about 800 of whom had been raised
in Holstein and Hamburg, and having received from the Queen of Sweden
1,500 complete stands of arms, for arming such persons as might join
his standard on landing in Scotland, he resolved, without loss of
time, to send off this armament to the Orkneys, where, in consequence
of a previous arrangement with the Earl of Morton, who was
favourable to the king, it was agreed that a descent should be made.
Accordingly, the first division of the expedition, which consisted of
three parts, was despatched early in September; but it never reached
its destination, the vessels having foundered at sea in a storm. The
second division was more fortunate, and arrived at Kirkwall, about
the end of the month. It consisted of 200 common soldiers and 80
officers, under the command of the Earl of Kinnoul, who on landing
was joined by his uncle the Earl of Morton and by many of the Orkney
gentlemen. Kinnoul immediately laid siege to the castle of Birsay,
which was soon surrendered to him; and he proceeded to raise levies
among the Orcadians, but was checked in his progress in consequence
of a difference with Morton, who claimed the privilege, as superior
of Orkney, of commanding his own vassals, a claim which Kinnoul would
not allow. Morton felt the repulse keenly, and died soon thereafter
of a broken heart, as is believed. His nephew, perhaps hurt at the
treatment he had given his uncle, speedily followed him to the grave.

[Illustration: General David Leslie.]

The news of Kinnoul’s landing reached Edinburgh about the 14th of
October, when General David Leslie was despatched to the north with
seven or eight troops of horse to watch him if he attempted to cross
the Pentland Frith; but seeing no appearance of an enemy, and hearing
of intended commotions among the royalists in Angus and the Mearns,
he returned to the south after an absence of fifteen days,[388]
having previously placed strong garrisons in some of the northern
strengths.[389]

Montrose himself, with the remainder of the expedition, still
tarried at Gottenburg, in the expectation of obtaining additional
reinforcements or of procuring supplies of arms and money. It appears
from a letter[390] which he addressed to the Earl of Seaforth, of
the date of 15th December, that he intended to sail for Scotland
the following day; but owing to various causes he did not leave
Gottenburg till about the end of February 1650. He landed in Orkney
in the beginning of March, with a force of 500 men, accompanied by
Lord Frendraught, Major General Hurry, and other gentlemen who had
attached themselves to his service and fortunes.

To prepare the minds of the people of Scotland for the enterprise
he was about to undertake, Montrose, about the close of the year,
had circulated a “Declaration” in Scotland, as “Lieutenant-governor
and Captain-general for his Majesty of the Kingdom of Scotland,”
in which, after detailing the proceedings of those whom he termed
“an horrid and infamous faction of rebels within the kingdom of
Scotland,” towards his late majesty, he declared that his present
majesty was not only willing to pardon every one, with the exception
of those who upon clear evidence should be found guilty “of that most
damnable fact of murder of his father,” provided that immediately
or upon the first convenient occasion, they abandoned the rebels
and joined him, and therefore, he expected all persons who had “any
duty left them to God, their king, country, friends, homes, wives,
children, or would change now at last the tyranny, violence, and
oppression of those rebels, with the mild and innocent government
of their just prince, or revenge the horrid and execrable murdering
of their sacred king, redeem their nation from infamy, restore the
present and oblige the ages to come, would join themselves with him
in the service he was about to engage.”

This declaration which, by order of the Committee of Estates, was
publicly burnt at the market cross of Edinburgh, by the hands of the
common hangman, was answered on the 2d of January, by a “declaration
and warning of the commission of the General Assembly,” addressed
to “all the members of the kirk and kingdom,” which was followed
on the 24th of the same month, by another “declaration” from the
Committee of Estates of the parliament of Scotland, in vindication
of their proceedings from “the aspersions of a scandalous pamphlet,
published by that excommunicate traitor, James Graham, under the
title of a ‘Declaration of James, Marquis of Montrose.’” The last of
these documents vindicates at great length, and apparently with great
success, those whom Montrose had designated the “infamous faction
of rebels,” not because the committee thought “it worth the while
to answer the slanders and groundless reproaches of that viperous
brood of Satan, James Graham, whom the Estates of parliament had
long since declared traitor, the church delivered into the hands
of the devil, and the nation doth generally detest and abhor;” but
because “their silence might be subject to misconstruction, and some
of the weaker sort might be inveigled by the bold assertions and
railing accusations of this impudent braggard, presenting himself
to the view of the world clothed with his majesty’s authority, as
lieutenant-governor and captain-general of this kingdom.” These
declarations of the kirk and Estates, backed as they were by
fulminations from all the pulpits of the kingdom against Montrose,
made a deep impression on men’s minds, highly unfavourable to him;
and as the Committee of Estates discharged all persons from aiding
or assisting him under the pain of high treason, and as every action
and word of those considered friendly to him were strictly watched,
they did not attempt, and had they attempted, would have found it
impossible, to make any preparations to receive him on his arrival.

Such was the situation of matters when Montrose landed in Orkney,
where, in consequence of the death of Morton and Kinnoul, little
progress had been made in raising troops. He remained several weeks
in Orkney, without exciting much notice, and having collected about
800 of the natives, which, with the addition of the 200 troops
carried over by Kinnoul, made his whole force amount to about 1,500
men, he crossed the Pentland Frith in a number of boats collected
among the islands, and landed without opposition at the northern
extremity of Caithness, in the immediate vicinity of John o’Groat’s
house. On landing, he displayed three banners, one of which was
made of black taffeta, in the centre of which was exhibited a
representation of the bleeding head of the late king, as struck off
from the body, surrounded by two inscriptions, “Judge and avenge my
cause, O Lord,” and “Deo et victricibus armis.” Another standard
had this motto, “Quos pietas virtus et honor fecit amicus.” These
two banners were those of the king. The third, which was Montrose’s
own, bore the words, “Nil medium,” a motto strongly significant of
the uncompromising character of the man.[391] Montrose immediately
compelled the inhabitants of Caithness to swear obedience to him as
the king’s lieutenant-governor. All the ministers, with the exception
of one named William Smith, took the oath, and to punish Smith for
his disobedience, he was sent in irons on board a vessel.[392] A
number of the inhabitants, however, alarmed at the arrival of foreign
troops, with whose presence they considered carnage and murder to be
associated, were seized with a panic and fled, nor did some of them
stop till they reached Edinburgh, where they carried the alarming
intelligence of Montrose’s advance to the parliament which was then
sitting.

As soon as the Earl of Sutherland heard of Montrose’s arrival in
Caithness, he assembled all his countrymen to oppose his advance
into Sutherland. He sent, at the same time, for two troops of horse
stationed in Ross, to assist him, but their officers being in
Edinburgh, they refused to obey, as they had received no orders.
Being apprized of the earl’s movements, and anticipating that he
might secure the important pass of the Ord, and thus prevent him from
entering Sutherland, Montrose despatched a body of 500 men to the
south, who obtained possession of the pass. The next step Montrose
took, was against the castle of Dunbeath, belonging to Sir John
Sinclair, who, on Montrose’s arrival, had fled and left the place
in charge of his lady. The castle was strong and well supplied with
provisions, and the possession of it was considered very important
by Montrose, in case he should be obliged to retreat into Orkney. The
castle, which was defended by Sir John’s lady and a few servants,
surrendered to General Hurry, after a short resistance, on condition
that persons and property should be respected. Hurry put a strong
garrison in the castle, under the command of Major Whiteford.

Having secured this important strength, Montrose marched into
Sutherland, leaving Henry Graham, his natural brother, behind him
with a party to raise men for the service. While in Caithness, the
only persons that proffered their services to Montrose, were Hucheon
Mackay of Skoury, Hugh Mackay of Dirlet, and Alexander Sinclair of
Brims, whom he despatched to Strathnaver, to collect forces, but they
appear to have neglected the matter. On the approach of Montrose,
the Earl of Sutherland, not conceiving himself in a condition to
resist, retired with his men, and putting strong garrisons into
Dunrobin, Skelbo, Skibo, and Dornoch, and sending off a party with
cattle and effects to the hills to be out of the reach of the enemy,
he went himself into Ross with 300 of his men. Montrose continued to
advance, and encamped the first night at Garty and Helmsdale, the
second at Kintredwell, and the third night at Rhives. In passing by
Dunrobin, a part of his men went between the castle and the sea, some
of whom were killed, and others taken prisoners, in a sortie from
the garrison. On the following day, Montrose demanded the prisoners
from William Gordon the commander of Dunrobin, but his request
was refused. Montrose encamped at Rian in Strathfleet the fourth
night, at Gruidy on the fifth, and at Strathoikel on the sixth. He
then marched to Carbisdale, on the borders of Ross-shire, where he
halted a few days in expectation of being joined by the Mackenzies.
While reposing here in fancied security and calculating on complete
success, he sent a notification to the Earl of Sutherland to the
effect, that though he had spared his lands for the present, yet the
time was at hand when he would make his own neighbours undo him.
Little did Montrose then imagine that his own fate was so near at
hand.

As soon as intelligence of Montrose’s descent was received in
Edinburgh, the most active preparations were made to send north
troops to meet him. David Leslie, the commander-in-chief, appointed
Brechin as the place of rendezvous for the troops; but as a
considerable time would necessarily elapse before they could be
all collected, and as apprehensions were entertained that Montrose
might speedily penetrate into the heart of the Highlands, where he
could not fail to find auxiliaries, Lieutenant-Colonel Strachan, an
officer who had been particularly active in suppressing Pluscardine’s
insurrection, was despatched, in the meantime, to the north with a
few troops of horse, for the purpose of keeping Montrose in check,
and enabling the Earl of Sutherland, and the other presbyterian
leaders in the north to raise their levies. These troops, which
were those of Ker, Hacket, Montgomery, and Strachan, and an Irish
troop commanded by one Collace, were joined by a body of about 500
foot under the Earl of Sutherland, Ross of Balnagown, and Munro of
Lumlair, all of whom were assembled at Tain when Montrose encamped
at Strathoikel. This movement brought the hostile parties within
twenty miles of each other, but Montrose was not aware that his enemy
was so near at hand. Strachan, who had early intelligence brought
him of Montrose’s advance, immediately called a council of war to
deliberate, at which it was resolved that the Earl of Sutherland
should, by a circuitous movement, throw himself into Montrose’s rear,
in order to prevent a junction between him and Henry Graham, and
such of the Strathnaver and Caithness men as should attempt to join
him. It was resolved that, at the same time, Strachan with his five
troops of horse, and the Munroes, and Rosses, under Balnagown, and
Lumlair, should march directly forward and attack Montrose in the
level country before he should, as was contemplated, retire to the
hills on the approach of Leslie, who was hastening rapidly north with
a force of 4,000 horse and foot, at the rate of thirty miles a-day.

[Illustration: SUTHERLAND OR 93^D. (Tartan)]

It was Saturday the 27th of April, when Strachan’s officers were
deliberating whether they should move immediately forward or wait
till Monday, “and so decline the hazard of engaging upon the Lord’s
day,”[393] when notice being brought that Montrose had advanced from
Strathoikel to Carbisdale, a movement which brought him six miles
nearer to them, they made arrangements for attacking him without
delay. Strachan advanced without observation as far as Fearn, within
a mile and a half or two miles of Montrose, where he concealed
his men on a moor covered with broom, whence he sent out a party
of scouts under Captain Andrew Munro, son of Munro of Lumlair, to
reconnoitre Montrose. Munro soon returned and reported that Montrose
had sent out a body of 40 horse to ascertain their movements. In
order to deceive this body, Strachan ordered one troop of horse out
of the broom, which being the only force observed by Montrose’s
scouts, they returned and reported to Montrose what they had seen.
This intelligence threw Montrose completely off his guard, who,
conceiving that the whole strength of the enemy consisted of a single
troop of horse, made no preparations for defending himself.

In the meantime, Strachan formed his men into four divisions. The
first, which consisted of about 100 horsemen, he commanded himself;
the second, amounting to upwards of 80, was given in charge to
Hacket; and the third, also horse, to the number of about 40, was led
by Captain Hutcheson. The fourth division, which was composed of a
body of musketeers belonging to Lawer’s regiment, was commanded by
one Quarter-master Shaw.[394]

The deception which had been so well practised upon Montrose by
Strachan, in concealing the real amount of his force, might not have
been attended with any serious effect to Montrose, but for another
stratagem which Strachan had in reserve, and which proved Montrose’s
ruin. Strachan’s scheme was first to advance with his own division
to make it appear as if his whole strength consisted of only 100
horse, and while Montrose was impressed with this false idea, to
bring up the other three divisions in rapid succession, and thus
create a panic among Montrose’s men as if a large army were about
to attack them. This contrivance was crowned with the most complete
success. Montrose little suspecting the trick, was thrown quite off
his guard, and alarmed at the sudden appearance of successive bodies
of cavalry, he immediately gave orders for a retreat to a wood and
craggy hill at a short distance in his rear; but before Montrose’s
men could reach their intended place of retreat, they were overtaken
when almost breathless, by Strachan’s troopers, who charged them
violently. The foreign troops received the charge with firmness, and,
after discharging a volley upon the horse, flew into the wood; but
most of the Orcadians threw down their arms in terror and begged for
quarter. The Munroes and Rosses followed the Danish troops into the
wood and killed many of them. 200 of the fugitives in attempting to
cross the adjoining river were drowned.

Montrose for some time made an unavailing effort to rally some of his
men, and fought with his accustomed bravery; but having his horse
shot under him, and seeing it utterly impossible longer to resist the
enemy, he mounted the horse of Lord Frendraught, which that young
and generous nobleman proffered him, and galloped off the field; and
as soon as he got out of the reach of the enemy, he dismounted, and
throwing away his cloak, which was decorated with the star of the
garter, and his sword, sought his safety on foot.

The slaughter of Montrose’s men continued about two hours, or until
sunset, during which time ten of his best officers and 386 common
soldiers were killed. The most conspicuous among the former for
bravery was Menzies younger of Pitfoddles, the bearer of the black
standard, who repeatedly refused to receive quarter. Upwards of 400
prisoners were taken, including 31 officers, among whom were Sir
John Hurry and Lord Frendraught, the latter of whom was severely
wounded. Among the prisoners taken were two ministers. This victory
was achieved almost without bloodshed on the part of the victors,
who had only two men wounded, and one trooper drowned. After the
slaughter, the conquerors returned thanks to God on the open field
for the victory they had obtained, and returned to Tain, carrying
the prisoners along with them.[395] For several days the people of
Ross and Sutherland continued to pursue some unfortunate stragglers,
whom they despatched. The result was most calamitous to Orkney, as
appears from a petition and memorandum by the gentlemen of Orkney to
Lord Morton in 1662, in which it is stated, that there was scarcely
a gentleman’s house in that country “but lost either a son or a
brother.”[396]

Montrose, accompanied by the Earl of Kinnoul, who had lately
succeeded to the title on the death of his brother, and six or seven
companions, having, as before stated, dismounted from his horse
and thrown away his cloak and sword, and having, by the advice of
his friends, to avoid detection, exchanged his clothes for the
more homely attire of a common Highlander, wandered all night and
the two following days among bleak and solitary regions, without
knowing where to proceed, and ready to perish under the accumulated
distresses of hunger, fatigue, and anxiety of mind. The Earl of
Kinnoul, unable, from exhaustion, to follow Montrose any farther,
was left among the mountains, where it is supposed he perished. When
upon the point of starvation, Montrose was fortunate to light upon a
small cottage, where he obtained a supply of milk and bread,[397] on
receiving which he continued his lonely and dangerous course among
the mountains of Sutherland, at the risk of being seized every hour,
and dragged as a felon before the very man whom, only a few days
before, he had threatened with his vengeance.

In the meantime, active search was made after Montrose. As it was
conjectured that he might attempt to reach Caithness, where his
natural brother, Henry Graham, still remained with some troops in
possession of the castle of Dunbeath, and as it appeared probable,
from the direction Montrose was supposed to have taken, that he meant
to go through Assynt, Captain Andrew Munro sent instructions to
Neil Macleod, the laird of Assynt, his brother-in-law, to apprehend
every stranger that might enter his bounds, in the hope of catching
Montrose, for whose apprehension a splendid reward was offered. In
consequence of these instructions, Macleod sent out various parties
in quest of Montrose, but they could not fall in with him. “At
last,” says Bishop Wishart, “the laird of Assynt being abroad in arms
with some of his tenants in search of him, lighted on him in a place
where he had continued three or four days without meat or drink, and
only one man in his company.” The bishop then states, that “Assynt
had formerly been one of Montrose’s own followers; who immediately
knowing him, and believing to find friendship at his hands, willingly
discovered himself; but Assynt not daring to conceal him, and being
greedy of the reward which was promised to the person who should
apprehend him by the Council of the Estates, immediately seized and
disarmed him.”[398] This account differs a little from that of the
author of the continuation of Sir Robert Gordon’s history, who,
however, it must be remembered, represents the Earl of Sutherland and
his friends in as favourable a light as possible. Gordon says, that
it was one of Macleod’s parties that apprehended Montrose, and is
altogether silent as to Assynt’s having been his follower; but both
writers inform us that Montrose offered Macleod a large sum of money
for his liberty, which he refused to grant. Macleod kept Montrose
and his companion, Major Sinclair, an Orkney gentleman, prisoners
in the castle of Ardvraick, his principal residence. By order of
Leslie, Montrose was thence removed to Skibo castle, where he was
kept two nights, thereafter to the castle of Braan, and thence again
to Edinburgh.

In his progress to the capital, Montrose had to endure all those
indignities which vulgar minds, instigated by malevolence and
fanaticism, could suggest; but he bore every insult with perfect
composure. At a short interview which he had with two of his children
at the house of the Earl of South Esk, his father-in-law, on his
way to Edinburgh, he exhibited the same composure, for “neither at
meeting nor parting could any change of his former countenance be
discerned, or the least expression heard which was not suitable to
the greatness of his spirit, and the fame of his former actions. His
behaviour was, during the whole journey, such as became a great man;
his countenance was serene and cheerful, as one who was superior to
all those reproaches which they had prepared the people to pour out
upon him in all the places through which he was to pass.”[399]

[Illustration: Castle of Ardvraick.]

At Dundee, which had particularly suffered from his army, a very
different feeling was shown by the inhabitants, who displayed a
generosity of feeling and a sympathy for fallen greatness, which
did them immortal honour. Instead of insulting the fallen hero in
his distress, they commiserated his misfortunes, and prevailed upon
his guards to permit him to exchange the rustic and mean apparel in
which he had been apprehended, and which, to excite the derision
of the mob, they had compelled him to wear, for a more becoming
dress which had been provided for him by the people of Dundee. The
sensibilities of the inhabitants had probably been awakened by a
bold and ineffectual attempt to rescue Montrose, made by the lady
of the laird of Grange, at whose house, in the neighbourhood of
Dundee, he had passed the previous night. The author of the Memoirs
of the Somervilles gives the following characteristic account of this
affair:--

“It was at this ladye’s house that that party of the Covenanters
their standing armie, that gairded in the Marques of Montrose,
efter his forces was beat and himself betrayed in the north, lodged
him, whom this excellent lady designed to sett at libertie, by
procureing his escape from her house; in order to this, soe soon as
ther quarters was settled, and that she had observed the way and
manner of the placeing of the guairds, and what officers commanded
them, she not only ordered her butlers to let the souldiers want for
noe drink, but she herself, out of respect and kyndnesse, as she
pretended, plyed hard the officers and souldiers of the main-guaird,
(which was keeped in her owne hall) with the strongest ale and
acquavite, that before midnight, all of them, (being for the most
part Highlandmen of Lawer’s regiment) became starke drunke. If her
stewarts and other servants had obeyed her directions in giving out
what drinke the out-gairds should have called for, undoubtedly the
business had been effectuat; but unhappily, when the marques had
passed the first and second centinells that was sleeping upon their
musquets, and likewayes through the main-gaird, that was lying in
the hall lyke swyne on a midding, he was challenged a little without
the outmost guaird by a wretched trouper of Strachan’s troupe, that
had been present at his taking. This fellow was none of the guaird
that night, but being quartered hard by, was come rammelling in
for his bellieful of drinke, when he made this unluckie discovery,
which being done, the marques was presently seized upon, and with
much rudenesse (being in the ladye’s cloaths which he had put on for
a disguize) turned back to his prisone chamber. The lady, her old
husband, with the wholl servants of the house, were made prisoners
for that night, and the morrow efter, when they came to be challenged
before these that had the command of this party, and some members of
that wretched Committee of Estates, that satt allways at Edinbrough
(for mischief to the royall interest,) which they had sent for the
more security, to be still with this party, fearing the great friends
and weill-wishers this noble heroe had upon the way he was to come,
should either by force or stratageme, be taken from them. The ladie,
as she had been the only contryver of Montrose’s escape, soe did she
avow the same before them all; testifying she was heartily sorry it
had not taken effect according to her wished desyre. This confidence
of hers, as it bred some admiratione in her accusors, soe it freed
her husband and the servants from being farder challenged; only they
took security of the laird for his ladye’s appearing before the
Committie of Estates when called, which she never was. Ther worships
gott something else to thinke upon, then to conveen soe excellent
a lady before them upon such ane account, as tended greatly to her
honour and ther oune shame.”

The parliament, which had been adjourned till the 15th of May, met
on the appointed day, and named a committee to devise the mode of
his reception into the capital and the manner of his death. In terms
of the committee’s report an act was passed on the 17th of May,
ordaining “James Graham” to be conveyed bareheaded from the Water
Gate (the eastern extremity of the city) on a cart, to which he was
to be tied with a rope, and drawn by the hangman in his livery,
with his hat on, to the jail of Edinburgh, and thence to be brought
to the parliament house, and there on his knees to receive sentence
of death. It was resolved that he should be hanged on a gibbet at
the cross of Edinburgh, with the book which contained the history of
his wars and the declaration which he had issued, tied to his neck,
and after hanging for the space of three hours, that his body should
be cut down by the hangman, his head severed from his body, fixed
on an iron spike, and placed on the pinnacle on the west end of the
prison; that his hands and legs should also be cut off, the former
to be placed over the gates of Perth and Stirling, and the latter
over those of Aberdeen and Glasgow; that if at his death he showed
any signs of repentance, and should in consequence be relieved from
the sentence of excommunication which the kirk had pronounced against
him, that the trunk of his body should be interred by “pioneers” in
the Gray Friars’ churchyard; but otherwise, that it should be buried
by the hangman’s assistants, under the scaffold on the Boroughmuir,
the usual place of execution.[400]

The minds of the populace had, at this time, been wrought up to the
highest pitch of hatred at Montrose by the ministers, who, during a
fast which had lately been held in thanksgiving for his apprehension,
had launched the most dreadful and bloody invectives against him, and
to this circumstance perhaps is to be attributed the ignominious plan
devised for his reception.

On the day following the passing of the act, Montrose was brought up
from Leith, mounted on an outworn horse, to the Water Gate, along
with 23 of his officers, his fellow-prisoners, where he was met about
four o’clock, P.M., by the magistrates of the city in their robes,
followed by the “town guard,” and the common executioner. Having
been delivered by his guards to the civic authorities, whose duty it
now was to take charge of his person, Montrose was, for the first
time, made acquainted with the fate which awaited him, by one of the
magistrates putting a copy of the sentence into his hands. He perused
the paper with composure, and after he had read it he informed
the magistrates that he was ready to submit to his fate, and only
regretted, “that through him the king’s majesty, whose person he
represented, should be so much dishonoured.”[401]

[Illustration: Montrose (his signature)

THE GREAT MARQUIS OF MONTROSE.

From a rare contemporary print in possession of W. F. Watson Esq^r.
Edin^r.]

Before mounting the vehicle brought for his reception, Montrose was
ordered by the hangman to uncover his head; but as the mandate was
not immediately attended to, that abhorred instrument of the law
enforced his command with his own hands. He thereupon made Montrose
go into the cart, and placing him on a high chair fixed upon a
small platform raised at the end of the cart, he pinioned his arms
close to his sides by means of cords, which being passed across his
breast, and fastened behind the vehicle, kept him so firmly fixed as
to render his body immoveable. The other prisoners, who were tied
together in pairs, having been marshalled in front of the cart in
walking order and uncovered, the hangman, clothed in his official
attire, mounted one of the horses[402] attached to the cart, and the
procession thereupon moved off at a slow pace up the Canongate, in
presence of thousands of spectators, who lined the long street, and
filled the windows of the adjoining houses. Among the crowd which
thronged the street to view the mournful spectacle was a great number
of the inferior classes of the community, chiefly females, who had
come with the determined intention of venting abuse upon the fallen
hero, and pelting him, as he proceeded along the street, with dirt,
stones, and other missiles, incited thereto by the harangues of the
ministers on occasion of the late fast; but they were so overawed
by the dignity of his demeanour, and the undaunted courage of soul
which he displayed, that their feelings were at once overcome, and
instead of covering him with reproaches, they dissolved into tears of
pity at the sight of fallen greatness, and invoked the blessings of
heaven upon the head of the illustrious captive. A result so totally
unlooked-for, could not be but exceedingly displeasing to the enemies
of Montrose, and particularly to the ministers, who, on the following
day (Sunday), denounced the conduct of the people from the pulpits
of the city, and threatened them with the wrath of heaven.

But displeasing as the humane reception of Montrose was to the
clergy, it must have been much more mortifying to Argyle, his mortal
enemy, who, contrary to modern notions of decency and good feeling,
surrounded by his family and the marriage party of his newly-wedded
son, Lord Lorn, appeared publicly on a balcony in front of the
Earl of Moray’s house[403] in the Canongate, from which he beheld
undaunted the great Montrose, powerless now to do him personal harm.
To add to the insult, either accidentally or on purpose, the vehicle
which carried Montrose was stopped for some time beneath the place
where Argyle and his party stood, so that they were able to take a
leisurely view of the object of their hate and fear, and it would
appear that they took advantage of their fallen foe’s position to
indulge in unseemly demonstrations of triumph and insult. For the
sake of humanity and the honour of tender-hearted woman, we would
fain disbelieve the statement that the Marchioness of Argyle had the
effrontery to vent her hatred toward the fallen enemy of her house by
spitting upon him. Whatever were the inward workings of Montrose’s
soul, he betrayed no symptoms of inquietude, but preserved, during
this trying scene, a dignified demeanour which is said to have
considerably discomposed his triumphant rival and his friends.

Although the distance from the Water Gate to the prison was only
about half a mile, yet so slow had the procession moved, that it
was almost seven o’clock in the evening before it reached the
prison. When released from the cart Montrose gave the hangman some
money for his services in having driven so well his “triumphal
chariot,”[404] as he jocularly termed the cart. On being lodged in
jail, he was immediately visited by a small committee appointed
by the parliament, which had held an extraordinary meeting at
six o’clock in the evening. Balfour says, that the object of the
committee, which consisted of three members and two ministers, was to
ask “James Grahame if he had any thing to say, and to show him that
he was to repair to the house to receive his sentence.” The house
remained sitting till the return of the deputation, who reported
that Montrose had refused to answer any of the questions put to him
till he was informed upon what terms they stood with the king, and
whether they had concluded any agreement with him. In consequence
of this information, the parliament delayed passing sentence till
Monday the 20th of May; and, in the meantime, appointed seven of
their members to wait upon the marquis and examine him on some points
respecting “Duke Hamilton and others;” and to induce him to answer,
the deputation was instructed to inform him, that an agreement had
been concluded between the commissioners on the part of the estates
and his majesty, who was coming to Scotland.[405] Montrose, however,
excused himself from annoyance by stating, that as his journey had
been long, and as “the ceremony and compliment they had paid him
that day had been somewhat wearisome and tedious,” he required
repose;[406] in consequence of which the deputation left him.

Montrose meant to have spent the whole of the following day, being
Sunday, in devotional exercises suitable to his trying situation;
but he was denied this consolation by the incessant intrusions of
the ministers and members of parliament, who annoyed him by asking a
variety of ensnaring questions, which he having refused to answer,
they gave vent to the foulest reproaches against him. These insults,
however, had no effect on him, nor did he show the least symptoms
of impatience, but carried himself throughout with a firmness which
no menaces could shake. When he broke silence at last, he said that
“they were much mistaken if they imagined that they had affronted
him by carrying him in a vile cart the day before; for he esteemed
it the most honourable and cheerful journey he had ever performed
in his life; his most merciful God and Redeemer having all the
while manifested his presence to him in a most comfortable and
inexpressible manner, and supplied him by his divine grace, with
resolution and constancy to overlook the reproaches of men, and to
behold him alone for whose cause he suffered.”[407]

Agreeably to the order of parliament, Montrose was brought up by
the magistrates of Edinburgh on Monday at ten o’clock forenoon to
receive sentence. As if to give dignity and importance to the cause
for which he was about to suffer, and to show how indifferent he was
to his own fate, Montrose appeared at the bar of the parliament in a
superb dress which he had provided for the purpose, after his arrival
in Edinburgh. His small clothes consisted of a rich suit of black
silk, covered with costly silver lace, over which he wore a scarlet
rochet which reached to his knee, and which was trimmed with silver
galloons, and lined with crimson taffeta. He also wore silk stockings
of a carnation colour, with garters, roses and corresponding
ornaments, and a beaver hat having a very rich silver band.[408]

Having ascended “the place of delinquents,” a platform on which
criminals received sentence, Montrose surveyed the scene before him
with his wonted composure, and though his countenance was rather
pale, and exhibited other symptoms of care, his firmness never for a
moment forsook him. Twice indeed was he observed to heave a sigh and
to roll his eyes along the house,[409] during the virulent invectives
which the lord-chancellor (Loudon) poured out upon him, but these
emotions were only the indications of the warmth of his feelings
while suffering under reproaches which he could not resent.

The lord-chancellor, in rising to address Montrose, entered into
a long detail of his “rebellions,” as he designated the warlike
actions of Montrose, who, he said, had invaded his native country
with hostile arms, and had called in Irish rebels and foreigners to
his assistance. He then reproached Montrose with having broken not
only the national covenant, which he had bound himself to support,
but also the solemn league and covenant, to which the whole nation
had sworn; and he concluded by informing Montrose, that for the many
murders, treasons, and impieties of which he had been guilty, God had
now brought him to suffer condign punishment. After the chancellor
had concluded his harangue, Montrose requested permission to say a
few words in his own vindication, which being granted, though not
without some difficulty, he proceeded to vindicate his conduct,
showing that it was the result of sincere patriotism and devoted
loyalty.

“He had,” he said, “not spilt any blood, not even that of his most
inveterate enemies, but in the field of battle; and that even in the
greatest heat of action he had preserved the lives of many thousands;
and that as he had first taken up arms at the command of the king,
he had laid them down upon his orders, without any regard to his own
interest, and had retired beyond the seas.

“With regard to his late invasion, he said, he had undertaken it at
the command and by the express orders of the present king, (to whom
they all owed duty and allegiance, and for whose long and happy reign
he offered his sincere and earnest prayers,) in order to accelerate
the treaty which was then begun betwixt him and them--that it was his
intention, as soon as the treaty had been concluded, to lay down arms
and retire at the call of his majesty; and such being his authority
and determination, he might justly affirm, that no subject ever
acted upon more honourable grounds, nor by a more lawful power and
authority than he had done in the late expedition.

“In conclusion, he called upon the assemblage to lay aside all
prejudice, private animosity, and desire of revenge, and to consider
him, in relation to the justice of his cause, as a man and a
Christian, and an obedient subject, in relation to the commands of
his sovereign, which he had faithfully executed. He then put them in
mind of the great obligations which many of them were under to him,
for having preserved their lives and fortunes at a time when he had
the power and authority, had he inclined, of destroying both, and
entreated them not to judge him rashly, but according to the laws of
God, the laws of nature and nations, and particularly by the laws of
the land--that if they should refuse to do so, he would appeal to
the just Judge of the world, who would at last judge them all, and
pronounce a righteous sentence.”[410]

This speech was delivered without affectation or embarrassment, and
with such firmness and clearness of intonation, that, according to
a cavalier historian, many persons present were afterwards heard to
declare, that he looked and spoke as he had been accustomed when at
the head of his army.[411] The chancellor replied to Montrose, in a
strain of the most furious invective, “punctually proving him,” says
Balfour, “by his acts of hostility, to be a person most infamous,
perjured, treacherous, and of all that this land ever brought forth,
the most creuell and inhumane butcher and murtherer of his natione,
a sworne enimy to the Covenant and peace of his countrey, and one
quhosse boundlesse pryde and ambition had lost the father, and by
his wicked counsells done quhat in him lay to distroy the sone
lykwayes.”[412]

Montrose attempted to address the court a second time, but was rudely
interrupted by the chancellor, who ordered him to keep silence, and
to kneel down and receive his sentence. The prisoner at once obeyed,
but remarked, that on falling on his knees, he meant only to honour
the king his master, and not the parliament. While Sir Archibald
Johnston, the clerk-register, was reading the sentence, Montrose kept
his countenance erect and displayed his usual firmness. “He behaved
all this time in the house with a great deal of courage and modesty,
unmoved and undaunted.”[413] The execution was fixed for three
o’clock the following day.

The feelings of humanity and the voice of religion, now demanded that
the unfortunate prisoner should be allowed to spend the short time
he had to live, in those solemn preparations for death, enjoined
by religion, in privacy and without molestation; but it was his
fate to be in the hands of men in whose breasts such feelings were
stifled, and whose religion was deeply imbued with a stern and
gloomy fanaticism, to which charity was an entire stranger. However,
it would be unfair and uncharitable to look upon the conduct of
these men as if they had been surrounded with all the advantages
of the present enlightened age. We ought to bear in mind their
recent escape from the most intolerant of all religions, of whose
persecuting principles they had not yet got rid; the hard treatment
to which they had been subjected by the late king and his father;
and the fact that they really believed they were doing their duty
to God and serving the best interests of true religion. It is
indeed difficult to be charitable to the uncharitable, tolerant to
persecutors.

No sooner had Montrose returned to prison, than he was again assailed
by the ministers, who endeavoured to induce him to submit to the
kirk, no doubt considering the conversion of such an extraordinary
_malignant_ as Montrose, as a theological achievement of the first
importance. To subdue his obstinacy, they magnified the power of the
keys, which they said had been committed to them, and informed him
that unless he reconciled himself to the kirk and obtained a release
from the sentence of excommunication which had been pronounced
against him, he would be eternally damned. But Montrose, regardless
of their threats and denunciations, remained inflexible. Besides the
ministers, he was frequently waited upon by the magistrates of the
city, with whom he entered into conversation. He told them that he
was much indebted to the parliament for the great honour they had
decreed him,--that he was prouder to have his head fixed upon the top
of the prison, than if they had decreed a golden statue to be erected
to him in the market-place, or ordered his portrait to be placed in
the king’s bed-chamber,--that so far from grieving for the mutilation
which his body was about to undergo, he was happy that the parliament
had taken such an effectual method of preserving the memory of his
loyalty, by transmitting such proofs of them to the four principal
cities of the kingdom, and he only wished that he had flesh enough
to have sent a piece to every city in Christendom, as a testimony
of his unshaken love and fidelity to his king and country.[414] But
annoying as the visits of the ministers and magistrates undoubtedly
were, Montrose was still farther doomed to undergo the humiliation
of being placed under the more immediate charge of Major Weir, who
afterwards obtained an infamous notoriety in the annals of criminal
jurisprudence. This incestuous wretch, who laid claim to superior
godliness, and who pretended to be gifted with the spirit of prayer,
of which he gave proofs by many extemporary effusions, gave Montrose
great uneasiness by smoking tobacco, to the smell of which he had,
like Charles I., a particular aversion.

During the night, when free from the intrusion of the ministers,
Montrose occupied himself in devotional exercises, and even found
leisure to gratify his poetic taste, by composing the following
lines which he wrote upon the window of the chamber in which he was
confined.

“Let them bestow on every airth a limb,
Then open all my veins, that I may swim
To thee, my Maker, in that crimson lake,
Then place my parboiled head upon a stake;
Scatter my ashes, strow them in the air.
Lord, since thou knowest where all these atoms are,
I’m hopeful thou’lt recover once my dust,
And confident thou’lt raise me with the just.”

On the morning of the 21st of May, 1650, the city of Edinburgh was
put into a state of commotion by the noise of drums and trumpets,
which was heard in every quarter of the city. The sound attracted
the notice of Montrose, who inquired at the captain of the guard
the cause of it. The officer told him that the parliament, dreading
that an attempt might be made by the mob, under the influence of the
malignants, to rescue him, had given orders to call out the soldiers
and citizens to arms. “Do I,” said the marquis, “who was such a
terror to these good men when alive, continue still so formidable to
them, now that I am about to die? But let them look to themselves;
for even after I am dead, I will be continually present to their
wicked consciences, and become more formidable to them than while I
was alive.”

After partaking of a hearty breakfast, Montrose entered upon the
business of the toilet, to which he paid particular attention. While
in the act of combing his hair, he was visited by Sir Archibald
Johnston, the clerk-register, one of his most inveterate foes, who
made some remarks on the impropriety, as he thought, of a person in
the dreadful situation of the marquis, occupying some of the precious
moments he had yet to live in frivolous attentions to his person.
The marquis, who knew well the character of this morose man, thus
addressed him with a smile of contempt, “While my head is my own, I
will dress and adorn it; but to-morrow, when it becomes yours, you
may treat it as you please.”

About an hour before the time fixed for his execution, Montrose was
waited upon by the magistrates of the city, who saw him conveyed to
the scaffold on the same vehicle on which he had been carried into
the city. In addition to the dress which he wore on that occasion, he
was now habited in a superb scarlet cloak, ornamented with gold and
silver lace, which his friends had provided him with. Long before his
removal from prison, an immense assemblage of persons had congregated
around the place of execution in the High-street, all of whom were
deeply affected on Montrose’s appearance. As he proceeded along, he
had, says Wishart, “such a grand air, and so much beauty, majesty,
and gravity appeared in his countenance, as shocked the whole city at
the cruelty that was designed him; and extorted even from his enemies
this unwilling confession, that he was a man of the most lofty and
elevated soul, and of the most unshaken constancy and resolution that
the age had produced.”

It had always been the uniform practice in Scotland to permit all
persons about to suffer the last penalty of the law to address the
assembled spectators, and on mounting the scaffold Montrose was
proceeding to avail himself of this privilege; but the magistrates,
who probably had received their instructions from the parliament,
refused to allow him to harangue the multitude. His friends, however,
anticipating this, had hired a young man, skilled in stenography,
who, having stationed himself near the scaffold, was enabled to take
down the substance of some observations which Montrose was permitted
to make in answer to questions put by some persons who surrounded him.

He began by remarking that he would consider it extremely hard
indeed if the mode of his death should be esteemed any reflection
upon him, or prove offensive to any good Christian, seeing that such
occurrences often happened to the good at the hands of the wicked,
and often to the wicked at the hands of the good--and that just men
sometimes perish in their righteousness, while wicked men prosper in
their villanies. That he, therefore, expected that those who knew
him well would not esteem him the less for his present sufferings,
especially as many greater and more deserving men than he had
undergone the same untimely and disgraceful fate. Yet, that he could
not but acknowledge that all the judgments of God were just, and that
the punishment he was about to suffer was very deservedly inflicted
upon him for the many private sins he had committed, and he therefore
willingly submitted to it;--that he freely pardoned his enemies, whom
he reckoned but the instruments of the Divine will, and prayed to God
to forgive them, although they had oppressed the poor, and perverted
judgment and justice.

That he had done nothing contrary to the laws of the kingdom, and
that he had undertaken nothing but in obedience to the just commands
of his sovereign, when reduced to the greatest difficulties by his
rebellious subjects, who had risen up in arms against him--that his
principal study had always been to fear God and honour the king,
in a manner agreeable to the law of God, the laws of nature, and
those of his own country; and that, in neither of these respects,
had he transgressed against men, but against God alone, with whom
he expected to find abundant mercy, and in the confidence of which,
he was ready to approach the eternal throne without terror--that
he could not pretend to foretell what might happen, or to pry into
the secrets of Divine Providence; but he prayed to God that the
indignities and cruelties which he was that day to suffer might
not be a prelude of still greater miseries which would befall his
afflicted country, which was fast hastening to ruin.

That with regard to the grievous censure of the church, which he was
sorry some good people thought it a crime in him to die under, he
observed, that he did not incur it from any fault of his own, but in
the performance of his duty to his lawful prince, for the security
of religion, and the preservation of his sacred person and royal
authority--that the sentence of excommunication, so rashly laid upon
him by the clergy, gave him much concern, and that he earnestly
desired to be released from it, so far as that could be done,
agreeably to the laws of God, and without hurting his conscience or
allegiance, which, if they refused, he appealed to God, the righteous
judge of the world, who, ere long, was to be his impartial judge and
gracious redeemer.

In answer to the reproaches of some persons who had endeavoured to
destroy the marquis’s character and reputation by spreading a report
that he had laid the whole blame of what he had done upon the king
and his royal father, he observed that such a thought had never once
entered into his breast--that the late king had lived a saint and
died a martyr, and he prayed to God, that as his own fate was not
unlike his, so his death might be attended with the same degree of
piety and resignation; for if he could wish his soul in another man’s
stead, or to be conjoined with it in the same condition after this
life, it would be his alone.

He then requested that the people would judge charitably of him
and his actions, without prejudice and without passion. He desired
the prayers of all good men for his soul; for his part, he said he
prayed earnestly for them all; and with the greatest seriousness,
submission and humility, deprecated the vengeance of Almighty God,
which had been so long awakened, and which was still impending over
his afflicted country--that his enemies were at liberty to exult
and triumph over the perishing remains of his body, but the utmost
indignities they could inflict should never prevail on him, now
at his death, to swerve from that duty and reverence to God, and
obedience and respect to the king, which he had manifested all his
life long. “I can say no more,” concluded the marquis, “but remit
myself to your charity, and I desire your prayers. You that are
scandalized at me, give me your charity; I shall pray for you all.
I leave my soul to God, my service to my prince, my goodwill to my
friends, and my name in charity to you all. I might say more, but I
have exonered my conscience; the rest I leave to God’s mercy.”[415]

A party of ministers who occupied the lower end of the scaffold now
attempted, partly by persuasion and partly by threats, to induce
Montrose to yield to the kirk by acknowledging his own criminality;
but he denied that he had acted contrary to religion and the laws of
the land, and, of course, refused to accept of a reconciliation upon
such terms. Finding him inflexible, they refused to pray for him as
he desired, observing, that no prayers could be of any avail to a man
who was an outcast from the church of God. Being desired to pray by
himself apart, he told them that if they would not permit the people
to join with him, his prayers alone and separately before so large an
assembly would perhaps be offensive both to them and him--that he had
already poured out his soul before God, who knew his heart, and to
whom he had committed his spirit. He then shut his eyes, and holding
his hat before his face with his left hand, he raised his right in
the attitude of prayer, in which posture he continued about a quarter
of an hour in silent and fervent prayer.

As the fatal hour was fast approaching when this unfortunate
nobleman was to bid a last adieu to sublunary things, he desired the
executioner to hasten his preparations. This gloomy functionary,
accordingly, brought the book of Montrose’s wars, and his late
declaration, which, by the sentence, were ordered to be tied round
his neck with a cord. Montrose himself assisted in carrying this
part of his sentence into execution, and while the operation was
performing, good-humouredly remarked, that he considered himself as
much honoured then by having such tokens of his loyalty attached to
his person as he had been when his majesty had invested him with the
order of the garter.[416]

Hitherto, Montrose had remained uncovered; but, before ascending the
ladder that conducted to the top of the gibbet, which rose to the
height of thirty feet from the centre of the scaffold, he requested
permission to put on his hat. This request was, however, refused.
He then asked leave to keep on his cloak; but this favour was also
denied him. Irritated, probably at these refusals, he appears for a
moment to have lost his usual equanimity of temper, and when orders
were given to pinion his arms, he told the magistrates that if they
could invent any further marks of ignominy, he was ready to endure
them all for the sake of the cause for which he suffered.

On arriving at the top of the ladder, which he ascended with
astonishing firmness, Montrose asked the executioner how long his
body was to be suspended to the gibbet. “Three hours,” was the
answer. He then presented the executioner with three or four pieces
of gold, told him he freely forgave him for the part he acted, and
instructed him to throw him off as soon as he observed him uplifting
his hands. The executioner watched the fatal signal, and on the
noble victim raising his hands, obeyed the mandate, and, it is
said, burst into tears. A feeling of horror seized the assembled
multitude, who expressed their disapprobation by a general groan.
Among the spectators were many persons who had indulged during the
day in bitter invectives against Montrose, but whose feelings were
so overpowered by the sad spectacle of his death that they could not
refrain from tears.[417] Even the relentless Argyle, who had good
feeling enough to absent himself from the execution, is said to have
shed tears on hearing of Montrose’s death, but if a cavalier writer
is to be believed, his son, Lord Lorne, disgraced himself by the most
unfeeling barbarity.[418]

Thus died, at the early age of thirty-eight, James Graham, Marquis of
Montrose, who had acquired during a short career of military glory
greater reputation than perhaps ever fell to the lot of any commander
within the same compass of time. That partisans may have exaggerated
his actions, and extolled his character too highly, may be fairly
admitted; but it cannot be denied that Montrose was really a great
commander, and that there were noble and generous traits about him
which indicated a high and cultivated mind, in many respects far
superior to the age in which he lived. But however much the military
exploits of Montrose may be admired, it must never be forgotten that
his sword was drawn against his own countrymen in their struggles
against arbitrary power, and that although there was much to condemn
in the conduct of the Covenanters, subsequent events, in the reign of
the second Charles and James, showed that they were not mistaken in
the dread which they entertained of the extinction of their religious
liberties, had Charles I. succeeded in his designs.

Among Montrose’s officers five of the most distinguished were
selected for execution, all of whom perished under ‘the Maiden,’
a species of guillotine, introduced into Scotland by the Regent
Morton, to which he himself became the first victim. The officers
who suffered were Sir John Hurry,[419] Captain Spottiswood, younger
of Dairsie, Sir Francis Hay of Dalgetty, Colonel William Sibbald,
and Captain Charteris, a cadet of the ancient family of Amisfield.
All these met death with extraordinary fortitude. Sir Francis
Hay, who was a Catholic, “and therefore,” as a cavalier historian
quaintly observes, “not coming within the compass of the ministers’
prayers,”[420] displayed in particular an intrepidity worthy of his
name and family.[421] After a witty metaphorical allusion to “the
Maiden,” he kissed the fatal instrument, and kneeling down, laid his
head upon the block. Colonel Sibbald exhibited a surprising gaiety,
and, “with an undaunted behaviour, marched up to the block, as if he
had been to act the part of a gallant in a play.”[422] An instance
of the unfeeling levity with which such melancholy scenes were
witnessed, even by those who considered themselves the ministers of
the gospel, occurred on the present as on former occasions. Captain
Spottiswood, grandson of the archbishop of that name, having on his
knees said the following prayer:--“O Lord, who hath been graciously
pleased to bring me through the wilderness of this world, I trust
at this time you will waft me over this sea of blood to my heavenly
Canaan;” was rebuked by a minister who was near him in the following
words:--“Take tent (heed), take tent, sir, that you drown not by the
gate!” (way). Spottiswood replied with great modesty that “he hoped
he was no Egyptian,” an answer which forced the base intruder to
retire among the crowd to conceal his shame.

The execution of Captain Charteris (the last who suffered) was a
source of melancholy regret to his friends, and of triumph to the
ministers. He was a man of determined mind; but his health being
much impaired by wounds which he had received, he had not firmness to
resist the importunities of his friends, who, as a means of saving
his life, as they thought, prevailed upon him to agree to make a
public declaration of his errors. This unhappy man, accordingly, when
on the scaffold, read a long speech, which had been prepared for him
by the ministers, penned in a peculiarly mournful strain, in which
he lamented his apostacy from the Covenant, and acknowledged “other
things which he had vented to them (the ministers) in _auricular
confession_.”[423] Yet, notwithstanding the expectations which he and
his friends were led to entertain that his life would be spared, he
had no sooner finished his speech than he was despatched.

FOOTNOTES:

[383] Balfour, vol. iii. p. 393.

[384] _Memoirs_, p. 351.

[385] Balfour, vol. iii. p. 405.

[386] See Appendix to Wishart’s _Memoirs_, p. 440.

[387] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 547, _et seq._

[388] Balfour, vol. iii. p. 432.

[389] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 551.

[390] Appendix to Wishart’s _Memoirs_, p. 441.

[391] Balfour, vol. iii. p. 440.

[392] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 552.

[393] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 9.

[394] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 9.

[395] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 555.

[396] Vide the document in the Appendix to Peterkin’s Notes on Orkney
and Zetland, pp. 106, 107.

[397] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 555.

[398] _Memoirs_, p. 377.

[399] _Memoirs_, p. 380.

[400] Balfour, vol. iv. pp. 12, 13.

[401] Wishart, p. 385.

[402] According to _Montrose Redivivus_, p. 181, the cart was drawn
by four horses.

[403] Now the Free Church Normal School.

[404] Wishart, p. 386.

[405] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 14.

[406] Wishart, p. 386.

[407] Wishart, p. 387.

[408] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 16, note to Kirkton’s _Church History_, p.
124. _Relation of the execution of James Graham_, London, 1650.

[409] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 16.

[410] Wishart, p. 391.

[411] Monteith’s _Hist. of the Troubles_, &c., p. 514.

[412] _Annals_, vol. iv. p. 15.

[413] Idem, p. 16.

[414] Wishart, p. 393.

[415] Wishart, p. 399. Balfour, vol. iv. p. 22.

[416] Wishart, p. 400.

[417] _Montrose Redivivus._

[418] “’Tis said that Argyle’s expressions had something of grief
in them, and did likewise weep at the rehearsal of his death, (for
he was not present at the execution). Howsoever, they were by many
called crocodiles’ tears, how worthily I leave to others’ judgment.
But I am sure there did in his son, Lord Lorne, appear no such
sign, who neither had so much tenderness of heart as to be sorry,
nor so much paternal wit as to dissemble, who, entertaining his new
bride (the Earl of Moray’s daughter) with this spectacle, mocked
and laughed in the midst of that weeping assembly; and, staying
afterwards to see him hewn in pieces, triumphed at every stroke which
was bestowed upon his mangled body.” _Montrose Redivivus_, edition of
1652. Note to Wishart’s _Memoirs_, p. 401.

The dismembered portions of Montrose’s body were disposed of in terms
of the sentence. Lady Napier, the wife of Montrose’s esteemed friend
and relation, being desirous of procuring his heart, employed some
adventurous persons to obtain it for her. They accomplished this
object on the second day after the execution, and were handsomely
rewarded by her ladyship. The heart was embalmed by a surgeon, and
after being enshrined in a rich gold urn, was sent by her to the
eldest son of the marquis, then in Flanders. The family of Napier
possess a portrait of Lady Napier, in which there is a representation
of the urn.--Kirkton’s _History of the Church of Scotland_, note, p.
125; edited by the late C. K. Sharpe, Esq.

After the restoration, the trunk was disinterred, and the other
remains collected, and on 11th May, 1661, were deposited with great
solemnity by order of Charles II., in the family aisle in St. Giles’
church. The remains of Sir Francis Hay of Dalgetty were honoured with
a similar mark of respect on the same day. For an account of the
ceremonial, see Nos. 27 and 28 of the Appendix to Wishart’s _Memoirs_.

[419] Hurry was at first condemned by the parliament to perpetual
banishment, “but the commission of the kirk voted he should die, and
thereupon sent ther moderator, with other two of their number, to
the parliament house, who very saucilly, in face of that great and
honourable court, (if it had not been then a body without a head)
told the president and chancellor that the parliament had granted
life to a man whom the law had appointed for death, being a man of
blood, (citing these words of our blessed Saviour to Peter,--‘All
they that take the sword shall perish by the sword;’) whereas, it was
very weill knoune, all the blood that that unfortunate gentleman had
shed in Scotland was in ther quarrell and defence, being but then
engaged in his master’s service, when he was taken prisoner, and
executed at the kirk’s instigatione.

“The parliament was sae farre from rebuking ther bold intruders, or
resenting those acts of the commission of the kirk, now quyte besyde
ther master’s commissione, as they will have it understood, and ther
owne solemne professione not to meddle in secular affairs, that they
rescinded their former act, and passed a sentence of death upon him,
hereby imitating ther dear brethren, the parliament of England, in
the caice of the Hothams.”--_Memoirs of the Somerville Family._

[420] Wishart, p. 412.

[421] “His constancy at death show well he repented nothing he did,
in order to his allegiance and Majesty’s service, to the great shame
of those who threatened him with their apocryphal excommunications,
to which he gave no more place than our Saviour to the devil’s
temptations.”--_Relation of the True Funerals of the Great Lord
Marquesse of Montrose._

[422] Wishart.

[423] Wishart, p. 413.--The practice of auricular confession seems
to have existed to a considerable extent among the Covenanters. It
is singular that had it not been for the evidence of the minister of
Ormiston, to whom the noted Major Weir had communicated his secrets
in auricular confession, he would not have been convicted.--See
Arnot’s _Criminal Trials_.

CHAPTER XVII.

A.D. 1650-1660.

Commonwealth, 1649-1660.

Arrival of Charles II.--Cromwell invades Scotland--Attacks
the Scotch army near Edinburgh--His further movements--The
Dunfermline Declaration--Retreat of Cromwell--Battle of
Dunbar--Declaration and Warning of the kirk--Flight of the
king from Perth--Insurrections in the Highlands--Proceedings
of Cromwell--Conduct of the western army--Cromwell marches
north--Enters Perth--Scotch army invades England--Battle of
Worcester--Operations of Monk in Scotland--Administration of
affairs committed to him--Earl of Glencairn’s insurrection in the
Highlands--Chiefs of the insurrection submit to Monk--Cameron of
Lochiel--State of the country--Restoration of Charles II.

Having arranged with the commissioners the conditions on which he was
to ascend the Scottish throne, Charles, with about 500 attendants,
left Holland on the 2d of June, in some vessels furnished him by
the Prince of Orange, and after a boisterous voyage of three weeks,
during which he was daily in danger of being captured by English
cruizers, arrived in the Moray frith, and disembarked at Garmouth, a
small village at the mouth of the Spey, on the 23d of that month.
Before landing, however, Charles readily gave his signature to the
Covenant, which subsequent events showed he had no intention of
observing longer than suited his purpose.

The news of the king’s arrival reached Edinburgh on the 26th of June.
The guns of the castle were fired in honour of the event, and the
inhabitants manifested their joy by bonfires and other demonstrations
of popular feeling. The same enthusiasm spread quickly throughout the
kingdom, and his majesty was welcomed with warm congratulations as he
proceeded on his journey towards Falkland, which had been fixed upon
by parliament as the place of his residence. The pleasure he received
from these professions of loyalty was, however, not without alloy,
as he was obliged, at the request of the parliament, to dismiss from
his presence some of his best friends, both Scotch and English,
particularly the Duke of Hamilton, the Earl of Lauderdale, and
other “engagers,” who, by an act passed on the 4th of June against
“classed delinquents,” were debarred from returning to the kingdom,
or remaining therein, “without the express warrant of the Estates
of parliament.”[424] Of the English exiles the Duke of Buckingham,
Lord Wilmot, and seven gentlemen of the household were allowed to
remain with him.[425] In fact, with these exceptions, every person
even suspected of being a “malignant,” was carefully excluded from
the court, and his majesty was thus surrounded by the heads of the
Covenanters and the clergy. These last scarcely ever left his person,
watched his words and motions, and inflicted upon him long harangues,
in which he was often reminded of the misfortunes of his family.

The rulers of the English commonwealth, aware of the negotiations
which had been going on between the young king and the Scots
commissioners in Holland, became apprehensive of their own stability,
should a union take place between the Covenanters and the English
Presbyterians, to support the cause of the king, and they therefore
resolved to invade Scotland, and by reducing it to their authority
extinguish for ever the hopes of the king and his party. Fairfax
was appointed commander-in-chief, and Cromwell lieutenant-general of
the army destined for this purpose; but as Fairfax considered the
invasion of Scotland as a violation of the solemn league and covenant
which he had sworn to observe, he refused, notwithstanding the most
urgent entreaties, to accept the command, which in consequence
devolved upon Cromwell.

The preparations making in England for the invasion of Scotland were
met with corresponding activity in Scotland, the parliament of which
ordered an army of 30,000 men to be immediately raised to maintain
the independence of the country. The nominal command of this army was
given to the Earl of Leven, who had become old and infirm; but David
Leslie his relative, was in reality the commander. The levies went on
with considerable rapidity, but before they were assembled Cromwell
crossed the Tweed on the 22d of July at the head of 16,000 well
appointed and highly disciplined troops. On his march from Berwick
to Musselburgh a scene of desolation was presented to the eyes of
Cromwell, far surpassing anything he had ever before witnessed. With
the exception of a few old women and children, not a human being was
to be seen, and the whole country appeared as one great waste over
which the hand of the ruthless destroyer had exercised its ravages.
To understand the cause of this it is necessary to mention, that,
with the view of depriving the enemy of provisions, instructions
had been issued to lay waste the country between Berwick and the
capital, to remove or destroy the cattle and provisions, and that
the inhabitants should retire to other parts of the kingdom under
the severest penalties. To induce them to comply with this ferocious
command, appalling statements of the cruelties of Cromwell in Ireland
were industriously circulated among the people; that he had given
orders to put all the males between 16 and 60 to death, to cut
of the right hands of all the boys between 6 and 16, and to bore
with red-hot irons the breasts of all females of age for bearing
children.[426] Fortunately for his army Cromwell had provided a fleet
in case of exigency, which kept up with him in his march along the
coast, and supplied him with provisions.

The English general continued his course along the coast till he
arrived at Musselburgh, where he established his head-quarters. Here
he learnt that the Scots army, consisting of upwards of 30,000 men,
had taken up a strong position between Edinburgh and Leith, and
had made a deep entrenchment in front of their lines, along which
they had erected several batteries. Cromwell reconnoitered this
position, and tried all his art to induce the Scots to come to a
general engagement; but as Leslie’s plan was to act on the defensive,
and thus force Cromwell either to attack him at a considerable
disadvantage, or to retreat back into England after his supply
of provisions should be exhausted, he kept his army within their
entrenchments.

As Cromwell perceived that he would be soon reduced to the
alternative of attacking the Scots in their position, or of retracing
his steps through the ruined track over which his army had lately
passed, he resolved upon an assault, and fixed Monday the 29th of
July for advancing on the enemy. By a singular coincidence, the
king, at the instigation of the Earl of Eglinton, but contrary to
the wish of his council and the commanders, visited the army that
very day. His presence was hailed with shouts of enthusiasm by the
soldiers, who indulged in copious libations to the health of their
sovereign. The soldiers in consequence neglected their duty, and
great confusion prevailed in the camp;[427] but on the approach of
Cromwell sufficient order was restored, and they patiently waited his
attack. Having selected the centre of the enemy’s position, near a
spot called the Quarry Holes, about half-way between Edinburgh and
Leith, as appearing to him the most favourable point for commencing
the operations of the day, Cromwell led forward his army to the
assault; but after a desperate struggle he was repulsed with the
loss of a considerable number of men and horses.[428] Cromwell
renewed the attack on the 31st, and would probably have carried
Leslie’s position but for a destructive fire from some batteries
near Leith. Cromwell retired to Musselburgh in the evening, where
he was unexpectedly attacked by a body of 2,000 horse and 500 foot,
commanded by Major-General Montgomery, son of the Earl of Eglinton,
and Colonel Strachan, which had been despatched at an early part
of the day by a circuitous route to the right, for the purpose of
falling on Cromwell’s rear. If Balfour is to be credited, this party
beat Cromwell “soundlie,” and would have defeated his whole army
if they had had an additional force of 1,000 men; but an English
writer informs us, that the Scots suffered severely.[429] According
to the first-mentioned author the English had 5 colonels and 500 men
killed, while the latter states the loss of the Scots to have been
about 100 men, and a large number of prisoners. On the following day,
Cromwell, probably finding that he had enough of mouths to consume
his provisions, without the aid of prisoners, offered to exchange all
those he had taken the preceding day, and sent the wounded Scots back
to their camp.

These encounters, notwithstanding the expectations of the ministers,
and the vaunts of the parliamentary committee of their pretended
successes, inspired some of Leslie’s officers with a salutary dread
of the prowess of Cromwell’s veterans. An amusing instance of this
feeling is related by Balfour in the case of the earl of W. (he
suppresses the name) who “being commandit the nixt day (the day
after the last mentioned skirmish) in the morning, to marche out one
a partey, saw he could not goe one upone service untill he had his
brackefaste. The brackefaste was delayed above four hours in getting
until the L. General being privily advertissed by a secrett frind,
that my Lord was peaceably myndit that morning, sent him expresse
orders not to marche, to save his reputation. One this, the gallants
of the army raissed a proverbe, ‘That they wold not goe out one a
partey until they gate ther brackefaste.’”[430]

For several days Cromwell remained inactive in his camp, during which
the parliamentary committee subjected the Scots army to a purging
operation, which impaired its efficiency, and, perhaps, contributed
chiefly to its ruin. As the Solemn League and Covenant was considered
by the Covenanters a sacred pledge to God, which no true Christian
could refuse to take, they looked upon those who declined to
subscribe it as the enemies of religion, with whom it would be
criminal in the eye of Heaven to associate. Before the purgation
commenced, the king received a hint, equivalent to a command, from
the heads of the Covenanters to retire to Dunfermline, an order which
he obeyed “sore against his own mind,”[431] by taking his departure
on Friday the 2d of August, after spending the short space of two
hours at a banquet, which had been provided for him by the city of
Edinburgh. No sooner had the king departed than the purging process
was commenced, and on the 2d, 3d, and 5th of August, during which
the committee held their sittings, no less than 80 officers, all men
of unquestionable loyalty, besides a considerable number of common
soldiers, were expelled from the army.[432]

Cromwell retired with his army to Dunbar on the 5th of August. Here
he found the few inhabitants who had remained in the town in a state
of starvation. Touched with commiseration, he generously distributed
among them, on his supplies being landed, a considerable quantity of
wheat and pease.[433]

While the ministers were thanking God “for sending the sectarian army
(for so they designated the Independents) back the way they came, and
flinging such a terror into their hearts, as made them fly when none
pursued,”[434] Cromwell suddenly re-appeared at Musselburgh, and thus
put an end to their thanksgivings.

Seeing no hopes of the Scots army leaving its entrenchments, and
afraid that farther delay might be injurious to him, Cromwell made a
movement on the 13th of August to the west, as far as the village of
Colinton, three miles south-west from Edinburgh, where he posted the
main body of his army. The Scottish general thinking that Cromwell
had an intention of attacking him in his rear, raised his camp and
marched towards Corstorphine, about two miles north from Colinton,
where he drew out his army. Both armies surveyed each other for
several days, but neither attempted to bring the other to action. As
he could not, from the nature of the ground which lay between the
two armies, attack his opponents with any probability of success,
Cromwell again returned to Musselburgh with his army on a Sunday,
that he might not be harassed in his march by the Covenanters, who
never fought but on the defensive on that day.

Although the king before his landing had subscribed the Solemn League
and Covenant, and although they had purged the army to their heart’s
content, still Argyle and his party were not satisfied, and they,
therefore, required his majesty to subscribe a declaration “for the
satisfaction of all honest men.” On the 16th of August, after some
hesitation and with slight modification of the terms, Charles was
induced to sign a most humiliating declaration, which reflected upon
the conduct of his father, lamented the “idolatry” of his mother,
pledged him to renounce the friendship of all who were unfriendly to
the Covenant, establish Presbyterianism in England, in short, made
him a mere tool in the hands of the extreme Covenanters.

Although every sober and judicious person must have perceived that
there was little probability that such a declaration would be
regarded by the young monarch when released from his trammels, yet so
greatly important was his majesty’s subscription to the instrument
considered by the Covenanters, that they hailed it with the most
lively emotions of joy and gratitude; and the ministers who, only two
days before, had denounced the king from the pulpits as the root of
malignancy, and a hypocrite, who had shown, by his refusal to sign
the declaration, that he had no intention to keep the Covenant, were
the first to set the example. The army, excited by the harangues of
the ministers during a fast, which they proclaimed to appease the
anger of heaven for the sins of the king and his father, longed to
meet the enemy, and it required all the influence and authority of
General Leslie to restrain them from leaving their lines and rushing
upon the “sectaries;” but, unfortunately for the Covenanters, their
wish was soon to be gratified.

It does not appear that the chiefs of the Covenanters were actuated
by the same enthusiasm as the ministers and the common soldiers,
or that the generals of the army were very sanguine of success.
They were too well aware of the composition of Cromwell’s veteran
host, to suppose that their raw and undisciplined levies, though
numerically superior, could meet the enemy in the open field; and
hence they deemed it a wise course of policy to act on the defensive,
and to harass them by a desultory warfare as occasion offered. This
system had been so successful as to embarrass Cromwell greatly, and
to leave him no alternative but a retreat into England--a course
which he was obliged to adopt more speedily, perhaps, than he would
otherwise have done, in consequence of extensive sickness in his
army. No indications of any movement had appeared up to the 29th
of August, as on that day the Committee of Estates adjourned the
meeting of parliament, which was to have then assembled, till the
10th of September, “in respecte that Oliver Cromwell and his armey
of sectaries and blasphemers have invadit this kingdome, and are now
laying within the bosome thereof.”[435]

On the 30th of August, however, Cromwell collected his army at
Musselburgh, and having put all his sick on board his fleet, which
lay in the adjoining bay, he gave orders to his army to march next
morning to Haddington, and thence to Dunbar. He made an attempt to
obtain the consent of the Committee of Estates to retire without
molestation, promising never again to interfere in the affairs
of Scotland; but they refused to agree to his proposal, as they
considered that they would be able to cut off his retreat and compel
him to surrender at discretion.

Next morning Cromwell’s army was in full retreat towards Haddington.
The Scots army followed in close pursuit, but with the exception
of some slight skirmishing between the advanced guard of the Scots
and Cromwell’s rear, nothing important took place. Cromwell halted
during the night at Haddington, and offered battle next day; but
as the Scots declined, he continued his retreat to Dunbar, which
he reached in the evening. With the intention of cutting off his
retreat, Leslie drew off his army to the south towards the heights
of Lammermuir, and took up a position on Doon hill. Having at the
same time secured an important pass called the Peaths, through which
Cromwell had necessarily to pass on his way to Berwick, the situation
of the latter became extremely critical, as he had no chance of
escape but by cutting his way through the Scots army, which had
now completely obstructed his line of retreat. Cromwell perceived
the danger of his situation, but he was too much of an enthusiast
to give way to despair; he deliberately, and within view of the
enemy, shipped off the remainder of his sick at Dunbar, on the 2d
of September, intending, should Providence not directly interpose
in his behalf, to put his foot also on board, and at the head of
his cavalry to cut his way through the Scots army.[436] But as, in
an affair of such importance, nothing could be done without prayer,
he directed his men to “seek the Lord for a way of deliverance and
salvation.”[437] A part of the day was accordingly spent in prayer,
and at the conclusion, Cromwell declared, that while he prayed he
felt an enlargement of heart and a buoyancy of spirit which assured
him that God had hearkened to their prayers.[438]

While Cromwell and his men were employed in their devotional
exercises, a council of war was held by the Scottish commander to
deliberate upon the course to be pursued in the present crisis. As
Leslie considered himself perfectly secure in his position, which
could not be assailed by the enemy without evident risk of a defeat,
and as he was apprehensive of a most formidable and desperate
resistance should he venture to attack the brave and enthusiastic
Independents, who were drawn out within two miles of his camp; he
gave as his opinion that the Scottish army should not only remain
in its position, but that Cromwell should be allowed to retire
into England on certain easy conditions. The officers of the army
concurred in the views of the general, but this opinion was overruled
by the Committees of the Estates and kirk, who, anxious to secure
their prey, lest by any possibility it might escape, insisted that
the army should descend from the heights and attack the “army of
sectaries and blasphemers,” which they fully expected the Lord would
deliver into their hands.

In pursuance of the orders of the Committees to attack Cromwell
early the following morning, Leslie drew down his men on the evening
of the 2d of September from the heights which they occupied to the
level ground below, that he might be ready to commence the attack
before the enemy should be fully on their guard. But nothing could
escape the penetrating eye of Cromwell, who, though pondering
with solicitude upon the difficulties of his situation, was not
inattentive to the enemy, whose motions he personally watched with
the utmost vigilance and assiduity. He was about retiring for the
night, when looking through his glass for the last time that evening,
he perceived, to his infinite joy, the Scottish army in motion
down the hill. The object of this movement at once occurred to
him, and in a rapture of enthusiasm he exclaimed, “They are coming
down;--the Lord hath delivered them into our hands.” A strong spirit
of religious enthusiasm had in fact seized both armies, and each
considered itself the peculiar favourite of heaven.

Unfortunately for the Scots their movements were considerably impeded
by the state of the weather, which, during the night, became very
rainy and tempestuous. Confident in their numbers, they seem to have
disregarded the ordinary rules of military prudence, and such was the
slowness of their movements, that they found themselves unexpectedly
attacked at the dawn of day before the last of their forces had
left the hill where they had been stationed. Cromwell had, during
the night, advanced his army to the edge of a deep ravine which
had separated the advanced posts of both parties, along which his
troops reposed waiting in deep silence the order for attack. As soon
as Cromwell was enabled by the approach of day to obtain a partial
view of the position selected by the Scots, he perceived that the
Scottish general had posted a large body of cavalry on his right wing
near to a pass on the road from Dunbar to Berwick, with the evident
intention of preventing the English from effecting an escape. To this
point, therefore, Cromwell directed his attack with the main body
of his horse, and some regiments of foot, with which he endeavoured
to obtain possession of the pass; but they were charged by the
Scottish lancers, who, aided by some artillery, drove them down the
hill. Cromwell, thereupon, brought up a reserve of horse and foot
and renewed the attack, but was again repulsed. He still persevered,
however, and the cavalry were again giving way, when just as the sun
was emerging from the ocean, and beginning, through the mist of the
morning, to dart its rays upon the armour of the embattled hosts, he
exclaimed with impassioned fervour,--“Let God arise, let his enemies
be scattered.” In a moment Cromwell’s own regiment of foot, to whom
his exclamation had been more particularly addressed, advanced with
their pikes levelled, the cavalry rallied, and the Scottish horse, as
if seized with a panic, turned their backs and fled, producing the
utmost confusion among the foot, who were posted in their rear.

As soon as the Scots perceived the defeat and flight of their
cavalry, they were seized with a feeling of consternation, and
throwing away their arms, sought their safety in flight. They were
closely pursued by Cromwell’s dragoons, who followed them to the
distance of many miles in the direction of Edinburgh, and cut them
down without mercy. Out of a force of 27,000 men, who, a few hours
before, had assured themselves of victory, not more than 14,000
escaped. 3,000 of the Scots lay lifeless on the fertile plains of
East Lothian, and about 10,000 were taken prisoners, of whom not
less than 5,000 were wounded.[439] All the ammunition, artillery,
and baggage of the Scots army fell into the hands of the conquerors.
The loss on the side of Cromwell was trifling, not amounting to more
than 30 men killed. The battle of Dunbar took place on the 3d of
September, 1650, and was long familiarly known among the Scots by the
name of “the Tyesday’s chase.”

Cromwell spent the following day at Dunbar writing despatches to
the parliament. He ordered all the wounded to be taken particular
care of, and after their wounds were dressed they were released on
their parole. The remainder of the prisoners were sent to England,
where about 2,000 of them died of a pestilential disease, and the
rest were sent as slaves to the English plantations in the West
Indies. Cromwell, of course, now abandoned his intention of returning
to England. In furtherance of his design to subject Scotland to
his authority, he marched to Edinburgh, which he entered without
opposition.

In the meantime, the Scottish horse and the few foot which had
escaped from the slaughter of Dunbar were collected together at
Stirling. Here the Commissioners of the General Assembly held
a meeting on the 12th of September, at which they drew up a
“declaration and warning to all the congregations of the kirk of
Scotland,” exhorting the people to bear the recent disaster with
becoming fortitude, and to humble themselves before God that he might
turn away his anger from them; at the same time ordaining a “soleme
publicke humiliatione upone the defait of the armey,” to be kept
throughout the kingdom.

It is probable that this “declaration and warning” had little effect
upon the minds of the people, whose enthusiasm had been somewhat
cooled by Cromwell’s success, and although they did not, perhaps,
like their unfortunate countrymen, who were taken captives on the
3d of September and sent into England, curse the king and clergy
for insnaring them in misery, as Whitelock observes, they could
not but look upon the perpetual meddling of the ministers with the
affairs of the State, as the real source of all the calamities which
had recently befallen the country. As to the king he had become so
thoroughly disgusted with the conduct of the Argyle faction, whose
sole object seemed to be to use him as a tool for their own purposes,
that he regarded the recent defeat of the Covenanters in the light
of a triumph to his cause, which, by destroying the power of Argyle,
would pave the way for the due exercise of the royal authority.

The king now entertained the idea of forming a party for himself
among the numerous royalists in the Highlands, for which purpose he
opened up a correspondence with Huntly, Moray, and Athole, and other
chiefs; but before matters were fully concocted, the negotiation
was disclosed to Argyle, who took immediate means to defeat it.
Accordingly, on the 27th of September, the Committee of Estates
ordered the whole cavaliers who still remained about the king’s
person, with the exception of three, one of whom was Buckingham, to
quit the court within 24 hours, and the kingdom in 20 days.

As Charles was to be thus summarily deprived of the society and
advice of his friends, he took the resolution of leaving Perth, and
retiring to the Highlands among his friends. Accordingly, under the
pretence of hawking, he left Perth about half-past one o’clock in the
afternoon of the 4th of October, accompanied by five of his livery
servants, and rode at full gallop, until he arrived at Dudhope near
Dundee, which he did in an hour and a half. He then proceeded to
Auchter-house along with Viscount Dudhope, whence he was conveyed by
the Earl of Buchan and the Viscount to Cortuquhuy, the seat of the
Earl of Airly. After partaking of some refreshment he proceeded the
same night up the glen, under the protection of 60 or 80 Highlanders,
to a poor cottage, 42 miles from Perth, belonging to the laird of
Clova. Fatigued by such a long journey, he threw himself down on an
old mattress, but he had not enjoyed many hours repose when the house
was entered, a little before break of day, by Lieutenant-Colonel
Nairne, and Colonel Baynton, an Englishman, who had been sent by
Colonel Montgomery in quest of him. Shortly after Montgomery himself
appeared, accompanied by the laird of Scotscraig, who had given him
information of the place of his Majesty’s retreat, and Sir Alexander
Hope bearing one of the king’s hawks. This party advised the king to
get on horseback, offered to attend him, and promised to live and die
with him if necessary.

Perceiving their intention to carry him back to Perth, the king told
Montgomery that he had left Perth in consequence of information
he had received from Dr. Fraser, his physician, that it was the
intention of the Committee of Estates to have delivered him up to
the English, and to hang all his servants: Montgomery assured his
Majesty that the statement was false, and that no person but a
traitor could have invented it. While this altercation was going on,
Dudhope and the Highlanders who attended the king strongly advised
him to retire instantly to the mountains, and they gave him to
understand that a force of 2,000 horse and 5,000 foot was waiting for
him within the distance of five or six miles ready to execute his
orders; but before his Majesty had come to any resolution as to the
course he should adopt, two regiments of covenanting horse appeared,
on observing which, says Balfour, “Buchan, Dudhope and ther begerly
guard begane to shecke ther eares, and speake more calmley, and in
a lower strain.” The king thereupon gave his consent to return to
Perth, whither he was accordingly conducted by Montgomery at the head
of his horse.[440]

This attempt of the king to escape (familiarly known by the name
of “the Start”) produced a salutary effect upon the Committee of
Estates, and they now began to treat him with more respect, admitting
him to their deliberations, and even suspending the act they had
issued ordering the English cavaliers to leave the kingdom.

As a considerable part of the Highlands was now up in arms to
support the king, the committee induced him to write letters to the
chief leaders of the insurrection desiring them to lay down their
arms, which correspondence led to a protracted negotiation. An act
of indemnity was passed on the 12th of October, in favour of the
people of Athole, who had taken up arms; but as it was couched in
language which they disliked, and contained conditions of which they
disapproved, the Earl of Athole and his people presented a petition
to his majesty and the committee, craving some alteration in the
terms.

In order to enforce the orders of the king to the northern royalists,
to lay down their arms, Sir John Brown’s regiment was despatched to
the north; but they were surprised during the night of the 21st of
October, and defeated by a party under Sir David Ogilvie, brother
to Lord Ogilvie. On receiving this intelligence, General Leslie
hastened to Perth from Stirling, and crossed the Tay on the 24th,
with a force of 3,000 cavalry, with which he was ordered to proceed
to Dundee and scour Angus. At this time General Middleton was lying
at Forfar, and he, on hearing of Leslie’s advance, sent him a letter,
inclosing a copy of a “bond and oath of engagement” which had been
entered into by Huntly, Athole, Seaforth, Middleton, and other
individuals, by which they had pledged themselves to join firmly and
faithfully together, and neither for fear, threatening, allurement,
nor advantage, to relinquish the cause of religion, of the king and
of the kingdom, nor to lay down their arms without a general consent;
and as the best undertakings often did not escape censure and malice,
they promised and swore, for the satisfaction of all reasonable
persons, that they would maintain the true religion, as then
established in Scotland, the National Covenant, and the Solemn League
and Covenant; and defend the person of the king, his prerogative,
greatness, and authority, and the privileges of parliament, and the
freedom of the subject. Middleton stated that Leslie would perceive
from the terms of the document inclosed, that the only aim of himself
and friends was to unite Scotsmen in defence of their common rights,
and that the grounds on which they had entered into the association
were precisely the same as those professed by Leslie himself. As the
independence of Scotland was at stake, and as Scotsmen should unite
for the preservation of their liberties, he proposed to join Leslie,
and to put himself under his command, and he expressed a hope that
Leslie would not shed the blood of his countrymen, or force them to
the unhappy necessity of shedding the blood of their brethren in
self-defence.[441] The negotiation thus begun was finally concluded
on the 4th of November at Strathbogie, agreeably to a treaty between
Leslie and the chief royalists, by which the latter accepted an
indemnity and laid down their arms.

Cromwell did not follow up his success as might have been expected,
but contented himself with laying siege to the castle of Edinburgh,
and pushing forward his advanced posts as far as Linlithgow.

Among the leading Covenanters both in parliament and the church,
there were some whose political ideas were pretty similar to those
of Cromwell, respecting monarchical government, and who had not
only approved of the execution of the late king, but were desirous
of excluding his son from the crown of Scotland. This party, though
a minority, made up for its numerical inferiority, by the talents,
fanaticism, and restless activity of its partisans; but formidable
as their opposition in parliament was, they found themselves unable
effectually to resist the general wish of the nation in favour of
the king, and yielded to the force of circumstances. By excluding,
however, the royalists from the camp, and keeping the king in a state
of subjection to their authority, they had succeeded in usurping the
government, and had the disaster of Dunbar not occurred, might have
been enabled to carry their designs against the monarchy into effect;
but notwithstanding this catastrophe, they were not discouraged, and
as soon as they had recovered from the temporary state of alarm into
which the success of Cromwell had thrown them, they began to concert
measures, in accordance with a plan they now contemplated, for making
themselves altogether independent of parliament. For this purpose,
under the pretence of opposing the common enemy, they solicited and
obtained permission from the Committee of Estates to raise forces in
the counties of Dumfries, Galloway, Wigton, Ayr, and Renfrew, the
inhabitants of which were imbued with a sterner spirit of fanaticism,
and therefore more ready to support their plans than those of any
other parts of Scotland. By bringing in the exhortations of Gillespie
and others of the more rigid among the ministers to their aid, they
succeeded in a short time in raising a body of nearly 5,000 horse,
over which Strachan, Kerr, and two other colonels, all mere tools of
the party, were placed.

As soon as the leaders of this faction, of whom Johnston of
Warriston, the clerk-register, was chief, had collected these levies,
they began to develop the plan they had formed of withdrawing
themselves from the control of the Committee of Estates by raising
a variety of objections against the line of conduct pursued by
the Committee, and, till these were removed, they refused to unite
“the western army,” as this new force was called, with the army
under Leslie. Cromwell, aware of this division in the Scottish
army, endeavoured to widen the breach by opening a correspondence
with Strachan, who had fought under him at Preston, the consequence
being that Strachan soon went over to the English army with a body
of troopers. Leslie complained to the Estates of the refusal of the
western forces to join him, and solicited to be recalled from his
charge; but they declined to receive his resignation, and sent a
deputation, consisting of Argyle, Cassilis, and other members to the
western army, “to solicit unity for the good of the kingdom.”[442]
So unsuccessful, however, was the deputation in bringing about this
desired “unity,” that, on the 17th October, an elaborate paper,
titled, “the humble Remonstrance of the Gentlemen-Commanders, and
Ministers attending the forces in the west,” addressed to the
Committee of Estates, was drawn up and presented by Sir George
Maxwell to them at Stirling, on the 22d. The compilers of this
document proposed to remove from the presence of the king, the
judicatories and the armies, the “malignants,” whom many of the
committee were accused of having received “into intimate friendship,”
admitting them to their councils, and bringing in some of them to
the parliament and committees, and about the king, thereby affording
“many pregnant presumptions,” of a design on the part of some of the
Committee of Estates, “to set up and employ the malignant party,”
or, at least, giving “evidences of a strong inclination to intrust
them again in the managing of the work of God.”[443] The Committee
of Estates paid no regard to this remonstrance, a circumstance which
gave such umbrage to Warriston and the leaders of the western army,
that they drew up another, couched in still stronger language, on
the 30th of October, at Dumfries, whither they had retired with
the army on a movement made by Cromwell to the west. In this fresh
remonstrance the faction declared that as it was now manifest that
the king was opposed to the work of God and the Covenants, and
cleaving to the enemies of both, they would not regard him or his
interest in their quarrel with the invaders; that he ought not to be
intrusted in Scotland with the exercise of his power till he gave
proofs of a real change in his conduct; and that an effectual course
ought to be taken for preventing, in time coming, “his conjunction
with the malignant party,” and for investigating into the cause of
his late flight; and that the malignants should be rendered incapable
in future of hurting the work and people of God.[444]

A petition having been presented to the Committee of Estates on
the 9th of November, requiring a satisfactory answer to the first
remonstrance, a joint declaration was issued by the king and the
committee on the 25th, declaring “the said paper, as it related to
the parliament and civil judicatories, to be scandalous and injurious
to his majesty’s person, and prejudicial to his authority.” The
commission of the General Assembly having been required to give their
opinion upon the remonstrance, in so far as it related to religion
and church judicatories, acknowledged that, although it contained
“many sad truths,” nevertheless, the commission declared itself
dissatisfied with the remonstrance, which it considered apt to breed
division in kirk and kingdom.[445] This declaration of the commission
was not only approved of by the General Assembly, but what was of
equal importance, that venerable body passed a resolution declaring
that in such a perilous crisis all Scotsmen might be employed to
defend their country. An exception of persons “excommunicated,
forfeited, notoriously profane, or flagitious, and professed enemies
and opposers of the Covenant and cause of God,”[446] was no doubt
made, but this exemption did not exclude _all_ the “malignants.” A
breach was now made in the unity of the Scottish church, and the
nation was split into two parties--a division which paved the way for
the subjugation of Scotland by Cromwell. The party which adhered to
the king was distinguished by the name of _Resolutioners_, and the
other was denominated _Protesters_, a distinction which was kept up
for several years.

Nothing could be more gratifying to Cromwell than to see the Scots
thus divided among themselves, and keeping up two distinct armies
in the field, mutually opposed to each other. He had by negotiation
and intrigue contributed to increase the irritation between the two
parties, and had even succeeded in sowing the seeds of dissension
among the leaders of the western army itself. Strachan, his old
friend, had resigned the command which had been conferred on Kerr,
who was by no means hearty in the cause. In this situation of matters
Cromwell resolved, in the meantime, to confine his attention to the
operations of the western army, with the intention, if he succeeded
in defeating it, of marching north with the whole of his forces, and
attacking the royal army. As the castle of Edinburgh was still in
the hands of the Covenanters, Cromwell could only spare a force of
about 7,000 horse, which he accordingly sent west about the end of
November, under Lambert, to watch Kerr’s motions. Intelligence of
this movement was received by the parliament then sitting at Perth,
on the 30th of November, in consequence of which Colonel Robert
Montgomery was despatched with three regiments to support the western
army, the command of which he was requested by the parliament to
take; and, to enforce this order, the committee on military affairs
was directed to send a deputation to the western forces to intimate
to them the command of the parliament. Before the arrival however,
of Montgomery, Kerr was defeated on the 1st of December, in an
attack he made on Lambert at Hamilton, in which he himself was taken
prisoner, and the whole of his forces dispersed.[447] This victory
gave Cromwell quiet possession of the whole of Scotland, south of
the Clyde and the Forth, with the exception of Stirling, and a small
tract around it; and as the castle of Edinburgh surrendered on the
24th of December, Stirling castle was the only fortress of any note,
south of the Forth, which remained in the possession of the royalists
at the close of the year.

A considerable time, however, elapsed before Cromwell found himself
in a condition to commence his intended campaign beyond the Forth.
His inactivity is to be ascribed partly to an ague with which he was
seized in February, 1651, and which had impaired his health so much
that in May he obtained permission to return to England to recruit
his debilitated constitution; but a sudden and favourable change
having taken place in the state of his health, he gladly remained
with the army, which he put in motion towards Stirling on the 3d of
July.

The Scottish parliament was fully aware of the impending danger, and
made the necessary preparations to meet it, but the Engagers and the
party of Argyle did not always draw together; yet the king had the
address, by his accommodating and insinuating behaviour, to smooth
down many differences, and thus prepared the way for that ascendency
which his friends, the Hamiltons, afterwards obtained. The coronation
of the king took place at Scone, on the 1st of January, 1651, in
pursuance of an order of the parliament. His conduct on that occasion
added greatly to his growing popularity. The first trial of strength,
to borrow a modern parliamentary phrase, which took place in the
parliament, was on the 23d of December, 1650, on the nomination
of colonels to the different horse and foot regiments then in the
course of being raised. A list of them had been submitted to the
house on the 20th, which contained about an equal number of royalists
and Covenanters. This gave rise to a long debate, but the list was
finally approved of.

Among the colonels of foot, were the Earls of Athole and
Tulliebardine, and the Master of Gray for Perth; the lairds of
Maclean and Ardkinlass for Argyle and Bute; the laird of Grant and
the sheriff of Moray for Nairne, Elgin, and “Grant’s Lands;” the
lairds of Pluscardine, Balnagowan, the master of Lovat, and the laird
of Lumlair, for Inverness and Ross; Lord Sutherland and Henry Mackay
of Skowrie, for Sutherland and Strathnaver; the master of Caithness
for Caithness; and Duncan Macpherson for Badenoch. The clans in
the Highlands and the Isles were to be commanded respectively by
Macdonald, the tutor of Macleod, Clanranald, the tutor of Keppoch,
the laird of Lochaber, the tutor of Maclean, Lochiel, Macneil of
Barra, Lauchlane Mackintosh, and the laird of Jura.[448]

Argyle and his party made several attempts, afterwards, to check the
rising influence of the Hamiltons, by opposing the different plans
submitted to the parliament for rendering the army more efficient,
but they were outvoted. The finishing blow was given to their hopes
by the appointment of the king to the chief command of the army, and
by the repeal of the “act of classes,” which excluded the royalists
from having any share in the administration of the affairs of the
kingdom, and from serving their country.

In expectation of Cromwell’s advance, the Scots had raised, during
the spring, strong fortifications along the fords of the river
Forth, to obstruct his passage, and had entrenched themselves at the
Torwood, having the town of Stirling at their back, in which position
Cromwell found them when he advanced west in July. As he considered
it dangerous to attempt to carry such a strong position in the face
of an army of about 20,000 men, (for such it is said was the number
of the Scots), he endeavoured, by marches and countermarches, to draw
them out; but although they followed his motions, they took care not
to commit themselves, by going too far from their lines of defence.
Seeing no chance of bringing them to a general engagement, Cromwell
adopted the bold plan of crossing the Frith of Forth at Queensferry,
and of throwing himself into the rear of the Scottish army. While
therefore, he continued, by his motions along the Scottish lines, to
draw off the attention of the Scottish commanders from his plan, he,
on the 20th of July, sent over Lambert, with a large division of his
army in a number of boats which had been provided for the occasion.
He landed without opposition, and proceeded immediately to fortify
himself on the hill between the North Ferry and Inverkeithing.
General Holburn was immediately despatched with a large force to keep
Lambert in check, and though the Scots fought with great bravery,
they were defeated. A body of Highlanders particularly distinguished
themselves. The loss of the Scots was considerable; and among the
slain were the young chief of Maclean and about 100 of his friends
and followers. This victory opened a free passage to Cromwell to the
north of Scotland. He immediately, therefore, crossed the Forth with
the remainder of his army, and proceeded to Perth, of which he took
possession on the 2d of August.

While the Scottish leaders were puzzled how to extricate themselves
from the dilemma into which they had been thrown by the singular
change which had lately taken place in the relative position of the
two armies, the king alone seemed free from embarrassment, and at
once proposed to his generals, that, instead of following Cromwell,
or waiting till he should attack them, they should immediately invade
England, where he expected to be joined by numerous royalists, who
only required his presence among them at the head of such an army, to
declare themselves. Under existing circumstances, the plan, though
at once bold and decisive, was certainly judicious, and, therefore,
it is not surprising that it should have received the approbation of
the chiefs of the army. Having obtained their concurrence, the king
immediately issued a proclamation on the 30th of July, to the army,
announcing his intention of marching for England the following day,
accompanied by such of his subjects as were willing to give proofs
of their loyalty by sharing his fortunes. This appeal was not made
in vain, and Charles found himself next morning in full march on
the road to Carlisle, at the head of 11,000, or, as some accounts
state, of 14,000 men. Argyle, as was to be expected, excused himself
from accompanying the army, and obtained permission to retire to his
castle.[449]

Although Cromwell was within almost a day’s march of the Scottish
army, yet, so sudden and unexpected had been its departure, and so
secretly had the whole affair been managed, that it was not until
the 4th of August that he received the extraordinary intelligence
of its departure for England. Cromwell was now as much embarrassed
as the Scottish commander had lately been, for he had not the most
distant idea, when he threw himself so abruptly into their rear,
that they would adopt the bold resolution of marching into England.
As soon, however, as he had recovered from the surprise into which
such an alarming event had thrown him, he despatched letters to the
parliament, assuring them of his intention to follow the Scottish
army without delay, and exhorting them not to be discouraged, but
to rely on his activity. He also sent Lambert with a force of 3,000
cavalry to harass the rear of the Scottish army, and forwarded orders
to Harrison, who was then at Newcastle, to press upon their flank
with a similar number; and, in a few days, he himself crossed the
Forth with an army of 10,000 men, and proceeded along the eastern
coast, in the direction of York, leaving Monk behind him with a force
of 5,000 horse and foot to complete the reduction of Scotland.

The Scottish army reached Worcester on the 22d, and on being mustered
the king found that he had at his command only 14,000 men, 2,000
of whom were Englishmen. To attack this force, large bodies of
parliamentary troops were concentrated at Worcester, and on the
28th of August, when Cromwell arrived to take the command, the army
of the republic amounted to upwards of 30,000 men, who hailed the
presence of their commander with rapture. The two armies met on the
3d of September, the anniversary of the battle of Dunbar, and the
disastrous result is well known, it being out of place here to enter
into details. The king himself, at the head of the Highlanders,
fought with great bravery: his example animated the troops, and had
he been supported by Leslie’s cavalry, as was expected, the issue of
the struggle might have been different. As it was, the royal army was
completely defeated, and the king had to provide for his personal
safety by flight.

This battle, which Cromwell admits “was as stiff a contest for
four or five hours as ever he had seen,” was very disastrous
to the royalists, 3,000 of whom were killed on the spot, and a
considerably larger number taken prisoners, and even the greater
part of the cavalry, who escaped from the city, were afterwards
taken by detachments of the enemy. The Duke of Hamilton was mortally
wounded in the field of battle; the Earls of Derby, Lauderdale,
Rothes, Cleveland and Kelly, Lords Sinclair, Kenmure and Grandison,
and Generals Leslie, Middleton, Massey and Montgomery, were made
prisoners after the battle. When the king considered himself free
from immediate danger, he separated, during the darkness of the
night, from the body of cavalry which surrounded him, and with a
party of 60 horse proceeded to Whiteladies, a house belonging to
one Giffard a recusant and royalist, at which he arrived at an
early hour in the morning, after a ride of 25 miles. After a series
of extraordinary adventures and of the most singular hair-breadth
escapes, he landed in safety at Fecamp in Normandy, on the 17th of
October.

While Cromwell was following the king through England, Monk proceeded
to complete the subjugation of Scotland. He first laid siege to
Stirling castle, into which he threw shells from batteries he had
raised, the explosion of which so alarmed the Highlanders who
composed the garrison, that they forced the governor to surrender.
All the records of the kingdom, the royal robes, and part of the
regalia, which had been locked up in the castle as a place of perfect
security, fell into the hands of the captors, and were sent by Monk
to England. He next proceeded to Dundee, which was strongly fortified
and well garrisoned, and contained within it an immense quantity of
costly furniture and plate, besides a large sum of money, all of
which had been lodged in the town for safety. Monk, hearing that the
Committees of the Estates and of the kirk were sitting at Alyth in
Angus, sent a company of horse, who surprised the whole party and
made them prisoners.

When the necessary preparations for an assault had been completed,
Monk sent a summons to Lumsden, the governor of Dundee, to surrender,
but he rejected it with disdain. The obstinacy of Lumsden exasperated
Monk, who ordered his troops to storm the town, and to put the
garrison and all the inhabitants, without regard to age or sex, to
the sword. The town was accordingly carried by assault on the 1st of
September, and was followed by all the horrors which an infuriated
soldiery could inflict upon a defenceless population. The townsmen
gave no aid to the garrison, and when the republican troops entered
the town, they found the greater part of them lying drunk in the
streets. The carnage was stayed, but not until 800 males, including
the greater part of the garrison, and about 200 women and children,
were killed. Among the slain, was Lumsden the governor, who, although
he had quarter given him by Captain Kelly, was nevertheless shot dead
by Major Butler as Kelly was conducting him along the street to Monk.
Besides the immense booty which was in the town, about 60 ships which
were in the harbour of Dundee with their cargoes, fell into the hands
of the English.[450]

The capture of Dundee was immediately followed by the voluntary
surrender of St. Andrews, Montrose and Aberdeen. Some of the
Committee of Estates who had been absent from Alyth, held a meeting
at Inverury, to deliberate on the state of matters, at which the
Marquis of Huntly presided, and at which a motion was made, to invest
him with full authority to act in the absence of the king, but the
meeting broke up on hearing of Monk’s approach. The committee retired
across the Spey, but Huntly went to Strathdon along with his forces.
Monk did not proceed farther north than Aberdeen at this time.

The Marquis of Argyle, who had given great offence to Cromwell, by
his double dealing, seeing now no chance of opposing successfully the
republican arms, made an attempt at negotiation, and sent a letter by
a trumpeter to Monk, proposing a meeting at some convenient place,
“as a means to stop the shedding of more Christian blood.” The only
answer which Monk gave to the messenger, who arrived at Dundee on the
19th of October, was, that he could not treat without orders from the
parliament of England. This refusal on the part of Monk to negotiate,
was a sore disappointment to Argyle, as it disappointed the hopes he
entertained of getting the English government to acknowledge a debt
which he claimed from them.[451]

Monk now turned his whole attention to the state of matters in
the North, where some forces were still on foot, under the command
of the Marquis of Huntly and Lord Balcarras. With the former he
concluded an agreement on the 21st of November, under which Huntly
consented to disband his men; and on the 3d of December, a similar
treaty was entered into between Balcarras and Colonels Overton
and Lilburn. Shortly after the English army crossed the Spey and
entered Inverness, where they planted a garrison; so that before
the end of the year, the whole of the Lowlands and a part of the
Highlands had submitted to the arms of the republic.[452] To complete
the destruction of the independence of Scotland, a destruction
accomplished less by the power of her enemy than by the perversity
of her sons, and to reduce it to a province of England, the English
army was augmented to 20,000 men, and citadels erected in several
towns, and a long chain of military stations drawn across the country
to curb the inhabitants. All the crown lands were declared public
property by the English parliament, and the estates of all persons
who had joined in the English invasions, under the king and the Duke
of Hamilton, were confiscated by the same authority. A proclamation
was issued, abolishing all authority not derived from the English
parliament: all persons holding public appointments, whose fidelity
to the new order of things was suspected, were dismissed, and their
places supplied by others of more subservient principles; the supreme
courts of justice were abolished, and English judges appointed to
discharge the judicial functions, aided by a few natives.[453]

As several bodies of Highlanders still remained under arms in the
interior of the Highlands, Monk directed three distinct parties to
cross the mountains, simultaneously, in the summer of 1652. While
Colonel Lilburn advanced from Inverness towards Lochaber on one side,
General Dean led his troops from Perth in the same direction on the
other, and Colonel Overton landed in Kintyre with a force from Ayr.
But they were all obliged speedily to retrace their steps, amid the
jeers and laughter of the Highlanders.[454]

The administration of the affairs of Scotland was committed to
Monk, than whom a more prudent person, and one better calculated
to disarm the indignant feelings of the Scots at their national
degradation, could not have been selected. But as it was evident that
order could not be restored, or obedience enforced, as long as the
clergy were allowed to continue their impertinent meddling in state
affairs, he prohibited the meetings of the General Assembly, and,
in one instance, dispersed that body by a military force. In doing
so, it was afterwards admitted by some of the clergy themselves,
that he had acted wisely, as the shutting up of the assembly tended
greatly to allay those fierce contentions between the protesters and
resolutioners, which, for several years, distracted the nation, and
made them attend more to the spiritual concerns of their flocks.[455]
The spirit of dissension was not, however, confined to the clergy,
but extended its withering influence to many of the laity, who, to
gratify their revenge, accused one another of the most atrocious
crimes before the newly constituted tribunal. The English judges were
called to decide upon numerous acts alleged to have been committed
twenty or thirty years before, of which no proofs were offered, but
extorted confessions in the kirk, and no less than sixty persons were
brought before them accused of witchcraft, who had been tortured into
an admission of its practices. All these cases were dismissed, and
the new judges administered the laws throughout with an equity and
moderation which was almost unknown before in Scotland, and which
formed a singular contrast with the disregard of justice, and the
extreme violence which had of late disgraced the Scottish tribunals.

[Illustration: William, Ninth Earl of Glencairn.]

With a short interruption, occasioned by an insurrection, under
the Earl of Glencairn, in the Highlands, Scotland now enjoyed
tranquillity till the restoration of Charles II., and comparative
prosperity and happiness, a compensation in some degree for the loss
of her liberties. The interruption alluded to took place in the year
1653, on the departure of Monk from Scotland to take the command of
the English fleet.

In the month of August, 1653, a meeting was held at Lochearn,
which was attended by Glencairn, the Earl of Athole, Lord Lorn,
eldest son of the Marquis of Argyle, Glengarry, Lochiel, Graham
of Duchray, Donald Macgregor tutor of Macgregor, Farquharson of
Inverey, Robertson of Strowan, Macnaughton of Macnaughton, and
Colonel Blackadder of Tullyallan. At this meeting, which continued
several days, it was ultimately agreed that the persons present
should assemble their vassals and dependents with as little delay
as possible, and place themselves under the command of Glencairn,
who was to wait in the neighbourhood of Lochearn till the different
parties should collect and bring together their respective forces.
Six weeks were, however, allowed to expire before any assemblage
took place, during all which time Glencairn roamed through the
neighbouring mountains, attended only by one companion and three
servants. The first who made his appearance was Graham of Duchray,
at the head of 40 men. He was followed, in two or three days, by the
tutor of Macgregor, and 80 of that clan. With this force he went to
Duchray house, in Stirlingshire, near Loch Ard, where he was joined
by Lord Kenmure, and about 40 horsemen, and by Colonel Blackadder,
with 30 more from Fife. The Laird of Macnaughton also arrived with 12
horse, and a party of between 60 and 80 lowlanders, under the command
of Captain Hamilton, brother to the laird of Milntown. The earl’s
force thus amounted to nearly 300 men.

On hearing of the assemblage of this body, Colonel Kidd, the governor
of Stirling castle, at the head of the greater part of a regiment
of foot, and a troop of horse, marched towards Aberfoyle, which was
within three miles of Glencairn’s camp; but having received notice
of his approach, the earl took care to secure the adjoining pass.
He posted his foot to the best advantage on both sides, and he drew
up the horse under Lord Kenmure in the centre. Although Kidd must
have perceived the great risk he would run in attempting to carry the
pass, he nevertheless made the attempt, but his advance was driven
back at the first charge by the lowlanders and Duchray’s men, with
whom they first came in contact, with the loss of about 60 men. The
whole of Kidd’s party, thereupon, turned their backs and fled. They
were hotly pursued by Glencairn’s horse and foot, who killed about 80
of them.

The news of Kidd’s defeat, trifling as it was, raised the hopes of
the royalists, and small parties of Highlanders flocked daily to
Glencairn’s standard. Leaving Aberfoyle, he marched to Lochearn, and
thence to Loch Rannoch, where he was met by several of the clans.
Glengarry brought 300, Lochiel 400, and Macgregor about 200 men.
The Earl of Athole appeared at the head of 100 horse, and brought
also a regiment of foot, consisting of about 1,200 men, commanded by
Andrew Drummond, brother to Sir James Drummond of Mechaney, as his
lieutenant-colonel. Sir Arthur Forbes and some officers, with about
80 horsemen, also joined the royal army.

Having despatched some officers to the lowlands, with instructions
to raise forces, Glencairn marched north to join Farquharson of
Inverey, who was raising a regiment in Cromar. In the course of his
march, several gentlemen of the adjoining country joined him. Morgan,
the English general, who was lying at the time in Aberdeen, being
apprised of Farquharson’s movements, collected a force of 2,000 foot
and 1,000 horse, with which he advanced, by forced marches, towards
Cromar, and a brisk attack upon the outposts of Glencairn’s army was
the first intelligence they received of Morgan’s approach. In the
situation in which Glencairn thus found himself unexpectedly placed,
he had no remedy but an immediate retreat through a long and narrow
glen leading to the forest of Abernethy, which he was enabled to
reach chiefly by the bravery of Graham of Duchray, who, at the head
of a resolute party of 40 men, kept in check a body of the enemy who
had entered the glen before the royalists, and prevented them from
securing the passes. Morgan pursued the fugitives through the glen
very closely, and did not desist till prevented by the darkness of
the night. He thereafter returned to Aberdeen.

Glencairn passed about five weeks in Cromar and Badenoch, waiting for
additional reinforcements; and as Lord Lorn had not yet joined him,
he despatched Lord Kenmure with 100 horse into Argyleshire to urge
him to hurry forward the levies in that quarter. Lorn soon arrived in
Badenoch with 1,000 foot and about 50 horse; but he had not remained
above a fortnight in the field when, on some pretence or other, he
(January 1st, 1654) clandestinely left the army, and carried off
his men along with him, taking the direction of Ruthven castle,
which was then garrisoned by English troops. Glencairn was greatly
exasperated at Lorn’s defection, and sent a party of horse, under the
command of Glengarry and Lochiel, with instructions either to bring
him and his men back to the army, or, in case of refusal, to attack
them. Glengarry followed the Campbells so hard that he came up with
them within half a mile of the castle. Lord Lorn escaped, and was
followed by his horse, of whom about 20 were brought back by a party
sent in pursuit by Glengarry; the foot halted on a hill, and offered
to return to the camp. Glengarry, who had had a great antipathy to
the whole race of the Campbells ever since Montrose’s wars, would,
contrary to his instructions, have attacked them; but Glencairn
fortunately arrived in time to prevent bloodshed, and having ordered
Graham of Duchray to acquaint them that he could not receive any
proposals from them with arms in their hands, they delivered them
up. Glencairn, along with some officers, then rode up to them, and
having addressed them on the impropriety of their conduct, they all
declared their willingness to serve the king and to obey him as their
commander, a declaration which both officers and men confirmed with
an oath. Their arms were then restored to them, but they all deserted
within a fortnight.[456]

About this time Glencairn was joined by a small party of English
royalists, under Colonel Wogan, an enterprising officer, who had
landed at Dover, and having raised a body of volunteers in London,
traversed England under the banners of the commonwealth, and entered
Scotland by Carlisle.

Notwithstanding the desertion of the Campbells, Glencairn’s army was
so increased by daily accessions of force that he considered himself
in a condition to cope with the enemy, and, by the advice of his
officers, resolved to descend into Aberdeenshire, and beat up the
quarters of the English. Another reason which urged him to leave
the Highlands was a scarcity of provisions in the districts which
had been occupied by his army, and which could no longer afford to
support such a large body of men. Descending by Balveny, he took up
his quarters at Whitelums, near the castle of Kildrummie, belonging
to the Earl of Mar, then garrisoned by the English. After lying about
a fortnight at Whitelums unmolested, Glencairn raised his camp,
and marching into Morayshire, took possession of Elgin, where he
established his head quarters. Here he was joined by the Marquis of
Montrose, Lord Forrester, and some country gentlemen.

After spending a month at Elgin, where, according to Graham of
Duchray’s narrative, the army had “very good quarters, and where
they made themselves merry,” the earl received letters from General
Middleton, who had some time before made his escape from the tower of
London, where he had been imprisoned after the battle of Worcester,
announcing his arrival in Sutherland, with a commission from the
king, appointing him generalissimo of all the royal forces in
Scotland. Some dissensions had existed among the royalists respecting
the chief command of the army, which had been finally conceded to
Glencairn; but neither he nor the nobility who were with him, were
prepared to expect that the king would have appointed, to such
an important charge, a man so much their inferior in station as
Middleton. The intelligence was accordingly received with discontent;
but, as the king’s commission could not, without serious injury to
the royal cause, be disputed, in the present juncture they stifled
their displeasure, and Glencairn, in terms of the instructions he
had received from Middleton to march north, put his army in motion.
Morgan, the English commander, having drawn together a body of
troops, followed Glencairn, between whose rear and Morgan’s advanced
guard many warm skirmishes took place.

Glencairn and his men crossed the river Ness, eight miles above
Inverness. The earl having placed guards along the northern bank of
the river to watch the approach of the enemy, hastened to Dornoch
to meet Middleton. In a few days a grand muster of the army took
place, when it was found to amount to 3,500 foot, and 1,500 horse.
Glencairn then resigned the command to Middleton, in presence of the
army, and, riding along the lines, acquainted the troops that he was
no longer their general, and expressed a hope that they would find
themselves happy in serving under such a commander as Middleton. The
troops expressed great dissatisfaction at this announcement by their
looks, and some, “both officers and soldiers, shed tears, and vowed
that they would serve with their old general in any corner of the
world.”[457]

After the review, the earl gave a sumptuous entertainment to
Middleton and the principal officers of the army, at which an
occurrence took place which soured the temper of the officers, and
sowed the seeds of new divisions in the camp. On the cloth being
removed, Glencairn proposed the health of the commander-in-chief,
whom he thus addressed:--“My lord general, you see what a gallant
army these worthy gentlemen here present and I have gathered
together, at a time when it could hardly be expected that any number
durst meet together: these men have come out to serve his majesty,
at the hazard of their lives and all that is dear to them: I hope,
therefore, you will give them all the encouragement to do their duty
that lies in your power.” Scarcely had these words been uttered
when Sir George Munro, who had come over with Middleton from France
to act as his lieutenant-general, started up from his seat, and
addressing himself to the earl, swore by G-- that the men he had
that day seen were nothing but a number of thieves and robbers, and
that ere long he would bring a very different set of men into the
field. These imprudent observations called up Glengarry, but he was
restrained by Glencairn, who said that he was more concerned in
the affront put upon the army by Munro than he was, and, turning
to Munro, he thus addressed him:--“You, Sir, are a base liar; for
they are neither thieves nor robbers, but brave gentlemen and good
soldiers.” A meeting took place in consequence early next morning
between Glencairn and Munro, about two miles to the south of Dornoch,
when the latter was severely wounded. The parties then returned to
head-quarters, when Glencairn was put under arrest in his chamber, by
orders of Middleton, and his sword taken from him.

The partiality thus shown to Munro, who was the aggressor, and who
had sent the challenge to Glencairn, was exceedingly mortifying to
the earl, which being followed by another affair which soon took
place, and in which the same partiality was displayed, made him
resolve to retire from the army. The occurrence was this:--A dispute
having taken place on the merits of the recent quarrel between a
Captain Livingston, a friend of Munro, and a gentleman of the name
of Lindsay, who had accompanied Lord Napier from the continent, in
which Livingston maintained that Munro had acted properly, and the
contrary insisted upon by Lindsay; mutual challenges were given, and
the parties met on the links of Dornoch to decide the dispute by the
sword. Lindsay, being a superior swordsman, run Livingston through
the heart at the first thrust, and he expired immediately. Lindsay
was immediately apprehended, and although Glencairn, backed by other
officers, used every exertion to save him, he was brought to trial
before a court-martial, by order of Middleton, and condemned to be
shot at the cross of Dornoch, a sentence which was carried into
execution the same day.

These unfortunate disputes divided the officers of the army into two
parties, and afforded but a sorry prognostic of the prospects of the
royalists. Glencairn, no longer able to curb his displeasure, slipped
off about a fortnight after Lindsay’s death, with his own troop of
horse, and a few gentlemen volunteers--100 horse in all--and took the
direction of Assynt. The laird of Assynt, who had betrayed Montrose,
on the arrival of Glencairn’s party on his lands, offered to assist
him to secure the passes, so as to prevent him from being overtaken
that night, of which offer Glencairn, though distrustful of Macleod,
agreed to accept. Middleton indeed sent a party in pursuit, but they
did not come up with Glencairn, who reached Kintail the following
day, where he was well received by the Earl of Seaforth’s people. He
remained there a few days, and afterwards traversed the Highlands
till he arrived at Killin, at the head of Loch Tay, where he was
successively joined by Sir George Maxwell, the Earl of Selkirk,
and Lord Forrester, each of whom brought a small party of horse
along with him, by which additions his force was increased to 400
horsemen. The earl now appears, for the first time, to have seen the
impropriety of his conduct in withdrawing from the army; but as he
could not endure the idea of returning himself, he endeavoured to
make some reparation by sending this body north to join Middleton,
and sought a retreat with the laird of Luss at his castle of Rosedoe,
when he despatched some officers to raise men in the lowlands for the
king’s service.

In the meantime Monk had returned to Scotland, and had brought along
with him a strong reinforcement of troops from England, with which he
joined Morgan in the north, and marched directly into the Highlands
in search of Middleton. It was the intention of the latter to have
remained for some time in the Highlands, to have collected all the
forces he possibly could, to make occasional descents upon the
lowlands, and by marches and countermarches to have distracted the
enemy; but the advance of Monk into the very bosom of the Highlands,
with a large army, frustrated his design. Middleton soon found
himself sorely pressed by his able adversary, who brought forward his
army in separate divisions, yet not so isolated as not to be able
to support each other in case of attack. In an attempt to elude his
pursuers, Middleton was surprised in a defile near Lochgarry, by one
of these divisions under the command of Morgan. His men were either
slain or dispersed, and he himself escaped with difficulty. The
chiefs of the insurrection immediately made their peace with Monk,
who treated them with great lenity.[458]

There was one chief, however, whom Monk could neither bribe, cajole,
nor threaten into submission; this was the brave and intractable Sir
Ewen or Evan Cameron of Lochiel in the north-west of Argyleshire, now
about 25 years of age. Having been left an orphan, he was brought
up till his 18th year under the care of the Marquis of Argyle, who,
endeavouring to instil into him the unsavoury principles of the
Covenanters, put him to school at Inverary under the guardianship of
a gentleman of his own principles. “But young Lochiel preferred the
sports of the field to the labours of the school,” and Argyle finding
him totally intractable and utterly disgusted with covenanting
principles, allowed him to return to Lochaber, to head his clan in
the 18th year of his age. In 1651, Charles II. having written to
Lochiel inviting him and his clan to take arms and come to the aid
of his country and his sovereign, he, early in spring 1652, was the
first to join Glencairn’s expedition.

Monk left no method untried to induce Lochiel to submit, but, in
spite of his friends’ entreaties, he refused to lay down his arms.
Monk, finding all his attempts useless, resolved to plant a garrison
at Inverlochy, (now Fort William,) in order to keep the country in
awe and the chief at home. Lochiel resolved that Monk should find it
no easy matter to accomplish his task, and took up his station at
Achdalew, 3 miles west of Inverlochy, on the north side of Loch Eil.
He kept spies in and around the garrison, who informed him of all
that was going on. Lochiel, having been informed that the governor
was about to despatch 300 of his men, in two vessels, westward, to
cut down wood and carry off cattle, resolved that they “should pay
well for every tree and every hide.” He had at the time only 38 men
beside him, the rest having been sent off to secure their cattle and
other goods. In spite of the disparity of numbers, he resolved to
watch and attack the governor’s men at a favourable opportunity.

“The Camerons being some more than 30 in number, armed partly with
musquets, and partly with bows, kept up their pieces and arrows
till their very muzzles and points almost touched their enemies’
breasts, when the very first fire took down above 30. They then
laid on with their swords, and laid about with incredible fury. The
English defended themselves with their musquets and bayonets with
great bravery, but to little purpose. The skirmish continued long
and obstinate: at last the English gave way, and retreated towards
the ship, with their faces to the enemy, fighting with astonishing
resolution. But Lochiel, to prevent their flight, commanded two or
three of his men to run before, and from behind a bush to make a
noise, as if there was another party of Highlanders to intercept
their retreat. This took so effectually, that they stopped, and
animated by rage, madness, and despair, they renewed the skirmish
with greater fury than ever, and wanted nothing but proper arms to
make Lochiel repent of his stratagem. They were at last, however,
forced to give way, and betake themselves to their heels; the
Camerons pursued them chin deep in the sea; 138 were counted dead of
the English, and of the Camerons only 5 were killed.

[Illustration: Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel.--From a rare print in the
collection of W. F. Watson, Esq., Edinburgh.]

“In this engagement, Lochiel himself had several wonderful escapes.
In the retreat of the English, one of the strongest and bravest
of the officers retired behind a bush, when he observed Lochiel
pursuing, and seeing him unaccompanied with any, he leaped out,
and thought him his prey. They met one another with equal fury. The
combat was long, and doubtful. The English gentleman had by far
the advantage in strength and size; but Lochiel exceeding him in
nimbleness and agility, in the end tript the sword out of his hand:
upon which, his antagonist flew upon him with amazing rapidity; they
closed, and wrestled till both fell to the ground in each other’s
arms. The English officer got above Lochiel, and pressed him hard;
but stretching forth his neck by attempting to disengage himself,
Lochiel, who by this time had his hands at liberty, with his left
hand seized him by the collar, and jumping at his extended throat,
he bit it with his teeth quite through, and kept such a hold of his
grip, that he brought away his mouth full; this, he said, was the
sweetest bite he ever had in his life time. Immediately afterwards,
when continuing the pursuit after that encounter was over, he found
his men chin deep in the sea; he quickly followed them, and observing
a fellow on deck aiming his piece at him, plunged into the sea,
and escaped, but so narrowly that the hair on the back part of his
head was cut, and a little of the skin ruffled. In a little while
a similar attempt was made to shoot him: his foster-brother threw
himself before him, and received the shot in his mouth and breast,
preferring his chief’s life to his own.”[459]

[Illustration: CAMERON OF LOCHIEL. (Tartan)]

After Lochiel had joined General Middleton, he heard that the
governor of Inverlochy, taking advantage of his absence, was cutting
down the woods and collecting all the provisions he could lay hold
of. Middleton allowed him to return to Lochaber, but with only 150
men. He soon found that the information was quite correct, and in
order to obtain revenge, on the day after his arrival, he posted his
men in different parts of a wood, about a mile from the garrison, to
which the soldiers resorted every day, to cut down and bring in wood.
Lochiel soon observed upwards of 400 approaching the wood, and at the
most favourable moment gave his men the signal of attack. A terrible
slaughter ensued among the governor’s men; 100 fell on the spot,
and the pursuit was carried on to the very walls of the garrison.
The officers were the only persons who resisted, and not one of them
escaped.

Lochiel, in this manner, continued for a long time to harass the
garrison, frequently cutting off small detachments, partly by
stratagem and partly by force, until the garrison became so wary
that they ultimately gave him few opportunities of pouncing upon
them. Even after Middleton and the other chiefs had capitulated and
come to terms, Lochiel refused to give in. At last, however, after
long cajoling, the obstinate chief was induced to come to terms, the
Marquis of Argyle becoming his surety. He was asked simply to give
his word of honour to live in peace, on which condition, he and his
clan were allowed to keep their arms as before the war broke out.
Reparation was to be made to Lochiel and his tenants, for whatever
losses they had sustained from the garrison, and an indemnity was
granted for all past offences. In fact, the treaty was a very liberal
bribe to Lochiel to be quiet. All that was demanded of Lochiel was,
that he and his clan should lay down their arms in the name of
Charles II., before the governor of Inverlochy, and take them up in
the name of the Commonwealth, no mention being made of the Protector;
promising at the same time to do his best to make his clan behave
themselves.[460]

It would be out of place in a History of the Highlands to enter into
a detailed account of the general history of Scotland during the
Commonwealth, and of the various intrigues for the restoration of
Charles II. There appears to have been no events of any importance
during this period in the Highlands, which at that time were so
remote and inaccessible as to be almost beyond the influence of the
many wise measures introduced by Cromwell for the government of
Scotland, as well as the by no means beneficial strictness of the
presbyterian clergy. Baillie[461] thus sadly describes the state of
some of the noble families of Scotland about this time: “The country
lies very quiet; it is exceeding poor; trade is nought; the English
has all the moneys. Our noble families are almost gone: Lennox has
little in Scotland unsold; Hamilton’s estate, except Arran and the
Baronrie of Hamilton, is sold; Argyle can pay little annual rent for
seven or eight hundred thousand merks; and he is no more drowned in
debt than public hatred, almost of all, both Scottish and English;
the Gordons are gone; the Douglasses little better; Eglintoun and
Glencairn on the brink of breaking; many of our chief families
estates are cracking; nor is there any appearance of any human relief
for the time. What is become of the king and his family we do not
know.” Nicoll[462] writes in the same strain: “The condition of this
nation of Scotland yet remains sad, by reason of poverty and heavy
burdens.” “At the same time,” says Dr. Chambers,[463] “that so great
poverty prevailed, there was such a protection to life and property
as had never before been known. It was not we believe without cause,
that the famous Colonel Desborough, in a speech in the House of
Commons (March 17th, 1659), made it a boast for his party, that a man
may ride over all Scotland, with a switch in his hand and a hundred
pounds in his pocket, which he could not have done these five hundred
years.” In some of the letters sent home by the English soldiery,
we get a slight glimpse into the condition of the Highlands at this
time, which shows that the people generally had made but little
advance in civilization. Their houses, we are told, were built of
earth and turf, and were so low that the horsemen sometimes rode over
them; the people generally, both men and women, wore plaids about
their middles; they were “simple and ignorant in the things of God,”
and some of them as brutish as heathens; nevertheless “some did hear
the English preachers with great attention and groaning.”[464]

By the tact and management of General Monk, who gradually detached
himself from the cause of the parliament, and espoused that of the
exiled king, and a few other royalists, the Long Parliament, now
reduced to a “Rump,” after having sat nineteen years and a half,
dissolved itself by its own act, on the 16th of March, 1660. A new
parliament, in which the cavaliers and moderate presbyterians had the
majority, met on the 25th of April, and carried out the wishes of
the nation, by inviting his majesty to come and take possession of
his inheritance. The king was not long in obeying the invitation. He
was received at Dover by Monk, at the head of the nobility, whence
he proceeded to London, which he entered on the 29th of May, 1660,
amidst the acclamations of the citizens.

FOOTNOTES:

[424] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 42.

[425] Idem, p. 77.

[426] Whitelock, p. 465.

[427] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 86.

[428] Idem, p. 88.

[429] Whitelock.

[430] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 87.

[431] Balfour.

[432] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 89.

[433] Whitelock.

[434] Idem, p. 483.

[435] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 96.

[436] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 97.

[437] _Cromwelliana_, p. 89.

[438] Burnet’s _Own Times_, vol. i. p. 54.

[439] Whitelock, p. 471.

[440] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 115.

[441] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 129.

[442] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 123.

[443] Idem, p. 152.

[444] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 136.

[445] Idem, p. 175.

[446] Woodrow, _Introduction_, iii.

[447] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 193-195.

[448] Balfour, vol. iv. pp. 210-212.

[449] Leicester’s _Journal_, p. 110. Whitelock, p. 501. Clarendon,
vol. iii. p. 397.

[450] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 315. Echard, p. 698.

[451] Heath, pp. 304, 308, 310, 313. Whitelock, pp. 514, 534, 543.

[452] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 345. Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 561.

[453] Whitelock, pp. 528, 542. Leicester’s _Journal_, p. 129.
_Journals_, Nov. 19.

[454] Alluding to Lilburn’s expedition, Balfour says, “The Frassers
came in to them, and condiscendit to pay them cesse; bot Glengarey
stood out, and in effecte the heighlandmen fooled them home againe to
the lowlandes; some with faire wordes; others stoode to ther defence;
and the Inglishe finding nothing amongest them save hunger and
strokes, were glad, (ther bisquet and cheesse being all spent, and
ther clothes worne, with ther horsses out-tyred,) to returne, cursing
the heighlandes, to ther winter quarters.” He says that General Dean
“lost some few men and horsses in viewing of the heighlanders.” But
Overton encountered the greatest danger; for, says the same writer,
“If my Lord Marquesse of Argyle had not protected him, he and all
that wes with him had gottin ther throttes cutte. So, weill laughin
at by the heighlanders, he wes forced to returne with penurey
aneuche, werey glade all of them that ther lives were saved.”--Vol.
iv. pp. 349-50.

[455] “And I verily believe there were more souls converted to
Christ in that short period of time, than in any season since the
Reformation, though of treeple its duration. Nor was there ever
greater purity and plenty of the means of grace than was in their
time. Ministers were painful, people were diligent; and if a man hade
seen one of their solemn communions, where many congregations mett
in great multitudes, some dozen of Ministers used to preach, and the
people continued, as it were, in a sort of trance, (so serious were
they in spiritual exercises,) for three days at least, he would have
thought it a solemnity unknown to the rest of the world.”--_Kirkton._

“It is not to be forgotten, that from the year 1652 to the year 1660,
there was great good done by the preaching of the Gospell in the west
of Scotland, more than was observed to have been for twenty or thirty
years before; a great many brought in to Christ Jesus by a saving
work of conversion, which occasioned through ministers preaching
nothing all that tyme but the gospell, and had left off to preach up
parliaments, armies, leagues, resolutions, and remonstrances, which
was much in use before, from the year 1638 till that time 52, which
occasioned a great number of hypocrytes in the church, who, out of
hope of preferment, honour, riches, and worldly credit, took on the
forme of godliness, but wanted the power of it.”--_Law’s Memorials._

[456] Graham of Deuchrie’s Account of Glencairn’s Expedition.

[457] Graham.

[458] Duchray’s _Narrative_.

[459] Pennant’s _Tour in Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 353-355.

[460] Pennant’s _Tour in Scotland_, vol. i. Appendix.

[461] _Letters and Journals_, vol. iii. p. 387.

[462] Quoted in Chambers’s _Domestic Annals_, vol. ii. p. 248.

[463] _Dom. Annals_, vol. ii. p. 249.

[464] Idem, vol. ii. p. 218. Whitelocke’s _Memorials_.

CHAPTER XVIII.[465]

Highland Manners, Customs, &c.--Character of ancient Highlanders
--Highland Dress--Superstitions--Kelpies--Urisks--Daoine Shith
--Practices in the Western Islands--_Deis-iuil_--Second-sight
--Weddings--Social duties--Courage--Love of Country--Bards
--Highlanders’ feeling with regard to death--Hospitality--Clans
--Creachs--Cearnachs or Catherans--Chiefs--Relation of the Clans
to their Chiefs--Appendix on Highland Dress.

We shall take advantage of the breathing-space afforded us here,
before entering upon the stirring events of the next century, in
which the Highlanders played a most important part, to notice such
objects connected with the ancient state of the Highlands, and the
character and condition of the inhabitants in former times, as may be
considered interesting either in a local or national point of view.
It will be seen that our observations do not apply to the Highlanders
of the present day, as these have lost many of the peculiarities of
manners, speech, dress, &c., which characterized their ancestors.
The Highlands have undergone considerable change during the last
century and a half, and the alteration, in a social point of view,
has been on the whole for the better. The Highlands now are generally
as accessible as the lowlands; the manners, speech, and occupations
of the inhabitants are becoming more and more assimilated to those
of their lowland neighbours, and to all appearance, in a very
short time, there will remain little or nothing to distinguish the
Scottish Celt from the Saxon. Although this change has by no means
been altogether to the advantage of the Highlander,--although many
of the vices as well as the virtues of civilization have been forced
upon him, still, for the sake of the community at large, the change
cannot be regretted, and it is only to be desired that the lowlanders
in turn may be brought to admire and imitate the noble virtues of
their northern neighbours, their courage, fidelity, reverence,
self-respect, and love of independence.

The early history of the Highlanders presents us with a bold and
hardy race of men, filled with a romantic attachment to their native
mountains and glens, cherishing an exalted spirit of independence,
and firmly bound together in septs or clans by the ties of kindred.
Having little intercourse with the rest of the world, and pent up for
many centuries within the Grampian range, the Highlanders acquired
a peculiar character, and retained or adopted habits and manners
differing widely from those of their lowland neighbours. “The ideas
and employments, which their seclusion from the world rendered
habitual,--the familiar contemplation of the most sublime objects
of nature,--the habit of concentrating their affections within the
narrow precincts of their own glens, or the limited circle of their
own kinsmen,--and the necessity of union and self-dependence in all
difficulties and dangers, combined to form a peculiar and original
character. A certain romantic sentiment, the offspring of deep and
cherished feeling, strong attachment to their country and kindred,
and a consequent disdain of submission to strangers, formed the
character of independence; while an habitual contempt of danger was
nourished by their solitary musings, of which the honour of their
clan, and a long descent from brave and warlike ancestors, formed the
frequent theme. Thus, their exercises, their amusements, their modes
of subsistence, their motives of action, their prejudices and their
superstitions, became characteristic, permanent, and peculiar.

“Firmness and decision, fertility in resources, ardour in friendship,
and a generous enthusiasm, were the result of such a situation,
such modes of life, and such habits of thought. Feeling themselves
separated by Nature from the rest of mankind, and distinguished by
their language, their habits, their manners, and their dress, they
considered themselves the original possessors of the country, and
regarded the Saxons of the Lowlands as strangers and intruders.”[466]

Like their Celtic ancestors, the Highlanders were tall, robust, and
well formed. Early marriages were unknown among them, and it was rare
for a female who was of a puny stature and delicate constitution to
be honoured with a husband. The following observations of Martin
on the inhabitants of some of the western islands may be generally
applied to the Highlanders:--“They are not obliged to art in forming
their bodies, for Nature never fails to act her part bountifully to
them; perhaps there is no part of the habitable globe where so few
bodily imperfections are to be seen, nor any children that go more
early. I have observed several of them walk alone before they were
ten months old: they are bathed all over every morning and evening,
some in cold, some in warm water; but the latter is most commonly
used, and they wear nothing strait about them. The mother generally
suckles the child, failing of which, a nurse is provided, for they
seldom bring up any by hand: they give new born infants fresh butter
to take away the _meconium_, and this they do for several days; they
taste neither sugar, nor cinnamon, nor have they any daily allowance
of sack bestowed on them, as the custom is elsewhere, nor is the
nurse allowed to taste ale. The generality wear neither shoes nor
stockings before they are seven, eight, or ten years old; and many
among them wear no night-caps before they are sixteen years old, and
upwards; some use none all their life-time, and these are not so
liable to headaches as others who keep their heads warm.”[467]

As a proof of the indifference of the Highlanders to cold, reference
has been made to their often sleeping in the open air during the
severity of winter. Burt, who resided among them and wrote in the
year 1725, relates that he has seen the places which they occupied,
and which were known by being free from the snow that deeply covered
the ground, except where the heat of their bodies had melted it. The
same writer represents a chief as giving offence to his clan by his
degeneracy in forming the snow into a pillow before he lay down.
“The Highlanders were so accustomed to sleep in the open air, that
the want of shelter was of little consequence to them. It was usual
before they lay down to dip their plaids in water, by which the cloth
was less pervious to the wind, and the heat of their bodies produced
a warmth, which the woollen, if dry, could not afford. An old man
informed me, that a favourite place of repose was under a cover of
thick overhanging heath. The Highlanders, in 1745, could scarcely be
prevailed on to use tents. It is not long since those who frequented
Lawrence fair, St. Sair’s, and other markets in the Garioch of
Aberdeenshire, gave up the practice of sleeping in the open fields.
The horses being on these occasions left to shift for themselves, the
inhabitants no longer have their crop spoiled, by their ‘upthrough
neighbours,’ with whom they had often bloody contentions, in
consequence of these unceremonious visits.”[468]

As to the antiquity of the picturesque Highland costume, there
has been considerable discussion. Till of late years the general
opinion was that the plaid, philibeg, and bonnet, formed the ancient
garb of the Highlanders, but some writers have maintained that the
philibeg is of modern invention, and that the truis, which consisted
of breeches and stockings in one piece, and made to fit close to
the limbs, was the old costume. That the truis is very ancient
in the Highlands is probable, but it was chiefly confined to the
higher classes, who always used it when travelling on horseback.
At p. 4 of this volume, fig. 2 shows a very early form of Highland
costume; and although rude, it bears a strong resemblance to the more
modern belted plaid. In an appendix to this chapter will be found
a collection of extracts from various writers, reaching back to a
very early period, and containing allusions to the peculiar form and
pattern of the Highland dress, proving that, in its simple form, it
lays claim to considerable antiquity. For these extracts we are
indebted to the admirable publication of the Iona club, entitled
_Collectanea de rebus Albanicis_.

The following is a description of the various parts of the Highland
costume:--The Breacan-feile, literally, the variegated or chequered
covering, is the original garb of the Highlanders, and forms the
chief part of the costume; but it is now almost laid aside in its
simple form. It consisted of a plain piece of tartan from four to
six yards in length, and two yards broad. The plaid was adjusted
with much nicety, and made to surround the waist in great plaits or
folds, and was firmly bound round the loins with a leathern belt in
such a manner that the lower side fell down to the middle of the knee
joint, and then, while there were the foldings behind, the cloth
was double before. The upper part was then fastened on the left
shoulder with a large brooch or pin, so as to display to the most
advantage the tastefulness of the arrangement, the two ends being
sometimes suffered to hang down; but that on the right side, which
was necessarily the longest, was more usually tucked under the belt.
In battle, in travelling, and on other occasions, this added much to
the commodiousness and grace of the costume. By this arrangement,
the right arm of the wearer was left uncovered and at full liberty;
but in wet or very cold weather the plaid was thrown loose, by which
both body and shoulders were covered. To give free exercise for both
arms in case of need, the plaid was fastened across the breast by a
large silver bodkin, or circular brooch, often enriched with precious
stones, or imitations of them, having mottos engraved, consisting of
allegorical and figurative sentences.[469] Macculloch, we think, in
his jaunty off-hand way, has very happily conjectured what is likely
to have been the origin of this part of Highland dress. “It does
not seem very difficult,” he says,[470] “to trace the origin of the
belted plaid; the true and characteristic dress from which the other
modifications have been derived. It is precisely, as has been often
said, the expedient of a savage, unable or unwilling to convert the
web of cloth which he had procured, into a more convenient shape.
Rolling one extremity round his body, the remainder was thrown over
his shoulder, to be used as occasion should require, in covering the
rest of his person.” It indeed appears to be a well authenticated
fact that the _kilt_ or _philibeg_, as distinct from the belted
plaid, is a comparatively modern article of dress in the Highlands,
having been the invention of an Englishman who, while superintending
some works in Lochaber about 1728, induced his workmen to separate
that part of the ancient garment which came over the shoulder, and
which encumbered their movements, from the part which surrounded the
loins, retaining only the latter.

As the _breacan_ was without pockets, a purse, called _sporan_ by the
Highlanders, was fastened or tied in front, and was made of goats’
or badgers’ skin, sometimes of leather, and was neither so large nor
so gaudy as that now in use. People of rank or condition ornamented
their purses sometimes with a silver mouthpiece, and fixed the
tassels and other appendages with silver fastenings; but in general
the mouthpieces were of brass, and the cords employed were of leather
neatly interwoven. The sporan was divided into several compartments.
One of these was used for holding a watch, another money, &c. The
Highlanders even carried their shot in the sporan occasionally, but
for this purpose they commonly carried a wallet at the right side,
in which they also stowed when travelling, a quantity of meal and
other provisions. This military knapsack was called _dorlach_ by the
Highlanders.

The use of stockings and shoes is comparatively of recent date among
the Highlanders. Originally they encased their feet in a piece of
untanned hide, cut to the shape and size of the foot, and drawn close
together with leather thongs, a practice which is observed even at
the present day by the descendants of the Scandinavian settlers in
the Shetland islands, where they are called _rivelins_; but this
mode of covering the feet was far from being general, as the greater
part of the population went barefooted. Such was the state of the
Highlanders who fought at Killiecrankie; and Burt, who wrote in the
early part of the 18th century, says that he visited a well-educated
and polite Laird, in the north, who wore neither shoes nor stockings,
nor had any covering for his feet. A modern writer observes, that
when the Highland regiments were embodied during the French and
American wars, hundreds of the men were brought down without either
stockings or shoes.

The stockings, which were originally of the same pattern with the
plaid, were not knitted, but were cut out of the web, as is still
done in the case of those worn by the common soldiers in the Highland
regiments; but a great variety of fancy patterns are now in use.
The garters were of rich colours, and broad, and were wrought in a
small loom, which is now almost laid aside. Their texture was very
close, which prevented them from wrinkling, and displayed the pattern
to its full extent. On the occasion of an anniversary cavalcade,
on Michaelmas day, by the inhabitants of the island of North Uist,
when persons of all ranks and of both sexes appeared on horseback,
the women, in return for presents of knives and purses given them by
the men, presented the latter “with a pair of fine garters of divers
colours.”[471]

The bonnet, of which there were various patterns, completed the
national garb, and those who could afford had also, as essential
accompaniments, a dirk, with a knife and fork stuck in the side of
the sheath, and sometimes a spoon, together with a pair of steel
pistols.

The garb, however, differed materially in quality and in ornamental
display, according to the rank or ability of the wearer. The short
coat and waistcoat worn by the wealthy, were adorned with silver
buttons, tassels, embroidery, or lace, according to the taste of
the wearer or fashion of the times, and even “among the better and
more provident of the lower ranks,” as General Stewart remarks,
silver buttons were frequently found, which had come down to them
as an inheritance of long descent. The same author observes, that
the reason for wearing these buttons, which were of a large size and
of solid silver, was, that their value might defray the expense of
a decent funeral in the event of the wearer falling in battle, or
dying in a strange country and at a distance from his friends. The
officers of Mackay’s and Munroe’s Highland regiments, who served
under Gustavus Adolphus in the wars of 1626 and 1638, in addition to
rich buttons, wore a gold chain round the neck, to secure the owner,
in case of being wounded or taken prisoner, good treatment, or as
payment for future ransom.[472]

Although shoe buckles now form a part of the Highland costume, they
were unknown in the Highlands 150 years ago. The ancient Highlanders
did not wear neckcloths. Their shirts were of woollen cloth, and as
linen was long expensive, a considerable time elapsed before linen
shirts came into general use. We have heard an old and intelligent
Highlander remark, that rheumatism was almost, if not wholly, unknown
in the Highlands until the introduction of linen shirts.

It is observed by General Stewart, that “among the circumstances
which influenced the military character of the Highlanders, their
peculiar garb was conspicuous, which, by its freedom and lightness,
enabled them to use their limbs, and to handle their arms with ease
and celerity, and to move with great speed when employed with either
cavalry or light infantry. In the wars of Gustavus Adolphus, in
the civil wars of Charles I., and on various other occasions, they
were often mixed with the cavalry, affording to detached squadrons
the incalculable advantage of support from infantry, even in their
most rapid movements.” “I observed,” says the author of ‘Memoirs of
a Cavalier,’ speaking of the Scots army in 1640, “I observed that
these parties had always some foot with them, and yet if the horses
galloped or pushed on ever so forward, the foot were as forward as
they, which was an extraordinary advantage. These were those they
call Highlanders; they would run on foot with all their arms, and all
their accoutrements, and kept very good order too, and kept pace with
the horses, let them go at what rate they would.”

The dress of the women seems to require some little notice. Till
marriage, or till they arrived at a certain age, they went with the
head bare, the hair being tied with bandages or some slight ornament,
after which they wore a head-dress, called the curch, made of linen,
which was tied under the chin; but when a young woman lost her virtue
and character she was obliged to wear a cap, and never afterwards to
appear bare-headed. Martin’s observations on the dress of the females
of the western islands may be taken as giving a pretty correct idea
of that worn by those of the Highlands. “The women wore sleeves of
scarlet cloth, closed at the end as men’s vests, with gold lace round
them, having plate buttons set with fine stones. The head-dress was
a fine kerchief of linen, strait about the head. The plaid was tied
before on the breast, with a buckle of silver or brass, according
to the quality of the person. I have seen some of the former of
one hundred merks value; the whole curiously engraved with various
animals. There was a lesser buckle which was worn in the middle of
the larger. It had in the centre a large piece of crystal, or some
finer stone, of a lesser size.” The plaid, which, with the exception
of a few stripes of red, black, or blue, was white, reached from the
neck almost to the feet; it was plaited, and was tied round the waist
by a belt of leather, studded with small pieces of silver.

The antiquity of the tartan has been called in question by several
writers, who have maintained that it is of modern invention; but they
have given no proofs in support of their assertion. In the appendix
to this chapter it will be seen that, as far back as the years 1538
and 1597, mention is made of this species of cloth; and in the
account of charge and discharge of John, Bishop of Glasgow, Treasurer
to King James III. in 1471, the following entries occur:--

“An elne and ane halve of blue tartane
to lyne his gowne of cloth of gold, £1 10 6

“Four elne and ane halve of tartane for a
sparwurt abun his credill, price ane
elne, 10s., 2 5 0

“Halve ane elne of duble tartane to lyne
collars to her lady the Quene, price
8 shillings.”

It is not at all improbable that Joseph’s well-known “coat of many
colours” may have been somewhat of the same nature as tartan; and
the writer of the article TARTAN in _Chambers’s Encyclopædia_ says,
“this is probably the oldest pattern ever woven; at all events the
so-called shepherd’s plaid of Scotland is known to have a very remote
antiquity amongst the eastern nations of the world.” It has been
proved by Logan, from Diodorus, Pliny, and other ancient writers,
that variegated cloth was in common use for purposes of dress among
the continental Celts.

When the great improvements in the process of dyeing by means of
chemistry are considered, it will appear surprising, that without
any knowledge of this art, and without the substances now employed,
the Highlanders should have been able, from the scanty materials
which their country afforded, to produce the beautiful and lasting
colours which distinguish the old Highland tartan, some specimens
of which are understood still to exist, and which retain much of
their original brilliancy of colouring. “In dyeing and arranging
the various colours of their tartans, they displayed no small art
and taste, preserving at the same time the distinctive patterns (or
sets, as they were called) of the different clans, tribes, families,
and districts. Thus, a Macdonald, a Campbell, a Mackenzie, &c., was
known by his plaid; and, in like manner, the Athole, Glenorchy, and
other colours of different districts, were easily distinguishable.
Besides those general divisions, industrious housewives had patterns,
distinguished by the set, superior quality, and fineness of cloth, or
brightness and variety of the colours. In those times, when mutual
attachment and confidence subsisted between the proprietors and
occupiers of land in the Highlands, the removal of tenants, except in
remarkable cases, rarely occurred; and, consequently, it was easy to
preserve and perpetuate any particular set or pattern, even among the
lower orders.”[473]

The Highlanders, in common with most other nations, were much
addicted to superstition. The peculiar aspect of their country, in
which nature appears in its wildest and most romantic features,
exhibiting at a glance sharp and rugged mountains, with dreary
wastes--wide-stretched lakes, and rapid torrents, over which
the thunders and lightnings, and tempests, and rains, of heaven,
exhaust their terrific rage, wrought upon the creative powers of
the imagination, and from these appearances, the Highlanders “were
naturally led to ascribe every disaster to the influence of superior
powers, in whose character the predominating feature necessarily was
malignity towards the human race.”[474]

The most dangerous and most malignant creature was the _kelpie_,
or water-horse, which was supposed to allure women and children to
his subaqueous haunts, and there devour them. Sometimes he would
swell the lake or torrent beyond its usual limits, and overwhelm
the unguarded traveller in the flood. The shepherd, as he sat upon
the brow of a rock in a summer’s evening, often fancied he saw this
animal dashing along the surface of the lake, or browsing on the
pasture-ground upon its verge.

The _urisks_, who were supposed to be of a condition somewhat
intermediate between that of mortal men and spirits, “were a sort of
_lubbary_ supernaturals, who, like the _brownies_ of England, could
be gained over by kind attentions to perform the drudgery of the
farm; and it was believed that many families in the Highlands had
one of the order attached to it.”[475] The urisks were supposed to
live dispersed over the Highlands, each having his own wild recess;
but they were said to hold stated assemblies in the celebrated cave
called _Coire-nan-Uriskin_, situated near the base of Ben-Venue, in
Aberfoyle, on its northern shoulder. It overhangs Loch Katrine “in
solemn grandeur,” and is beautifully and faithfully described by Sir
Walter Scott.[476]

The _urisks_, though generally inclined to mischief, were supposed
to relax in their propensity, if kindly treated by the families
which they haunted. They were even serviceable in some instances,
and in this point of view were often considered an acquisition. Each
family regularly set down a bowl of cream for its urisk, and even
clothes were sometimes added. The urisk resented any omission or want
of attention on the part of the family; and tradition says, that
the urisk of _Glaschoil_, a small farm about a mile to the west of
Ben-Venue, having been disappointed one night of his bowl of cream,
after performing the task allotted him, took his departure about
day-break, uttering a horrible shriek, and never again returned.

The _Daoine Shith_, or _Shi’_ (_men of peace_), or as they are
sometimes called, _Daoine matha_ (good men), come next to be noticed.
Dr. Graham considers the part of the popular superstitions of the
Highlands which relates to these imaginary persons, and which is to
this day retained, as he observes, in some degree of purity, as “the
most beautiful and perfect branch of Highland mythology.”

Although it has been generally supposed that the mythology of the
Daoine Shi’ is the same as that respecting the fairies of England, as
portrayed by Shakspeare, in the Midsummer Night’s Dream, and perhaps,
too, of the Orientals, they differ essentially in many important
points.

The Daoine Shi’, or men of peace, who are the _fairies_ of the
Highlanders, “though not absolutely malevolent, are believed to be
a peevish repining race of beings, who, possessing themselves but a
scanty portion of happiness, are supposed to envy mankind their more
complete and substantial enjoyments. They are supposed to enjoy, in
their subterraneous recesses, a sort of shadowy happiness, a tinsel
grandeur, which, however, they would willingly exchange for the
more solid joys of mortals.”[477] Green was the colour of the dress
which these men of peace always wore, and they were supposed to take
offence when any of the mortal race presumed to wear their favourite
colour. The Highlanders ascribe the disastrous result of the battle
of Killiecrankie to the circumstance of Viscount Dundee having been
dressed in green on that ill-fated day. This colour is even yet
considered ominous to those of his name who assume it.

The abodes of the Daoine Shi’ are supposed to be below grassy
eminences or knolls, where, during the night, they celebrate their
festivities by the light of the moon, and dance to notes of the
softest music.[478] Tradition reports that they have often allured
some of the human race into their subterraneous retreats, consisting
of gorgeous apartments, and that they have been regaled with the most
sumptuous banquets and delicious wines. Their females far exceed the
daughters of men in beauty. If any mortal shall be tempted to partake
of their repast, or join in their pleasures, he at once forfeits
the society of his fellow-men, and is bound down irrevocably to the
condition of a Shi’ich, or man of peace.

“A woman,” says a Highland tradition, “was conveyed, in days of
yore, into the secret recesses of the men of peace. There she was
recognised by one who had formerly been an ordinary mortal, but who
had, by some fatality, become associated with the Shi’ichs. This
acquaintance, still retaining some portion of human benevolence,
warned her of her danger, and counselled her, as she valued her
liberty, to abstain from eating or drinking with them for a certain
space of time. She complied with the counsel of her friend; and
when the period assigned was elapsed, she found herself again upon
earth, restored to the society of mortals. It is added, that when she
had examined the viands which had been presented to her, and which
had appeared so tempting to the eye, they were found, now that the
enchantment had been removed, to consist only of the refuse of the
earth.”

Some mortals, however, who had been so unhappy as to fall into the
snares of the Shi’ichs, are generally believed to have obtained a
release from Fairyland, and to have been restored to the society of
their friends. Ethert Brand, according to the legend, was released by
the intrepidity of his sister, as related by Sir Walter Scott in the
fourth Canto of the Lady of the Lake:--

“She crossed him thrice that lady bold:
He rose beneath her hand,
The fairest knight on Scottish mould,
Her brother, Ethert Brand!”

A recent tradition gives a similar story, except in its unfortunate
catastrophe, and is thus related by Dr. Patrick Graham in his
“Sketches of Perthshire.”

The Rev. Robert Kirk, the first translator of the Psalms into Gaelic
verse, had formerly been minister at Balquidder, and died minister
of Aberfoyle, in 1688, at the early age of 42. His gravestone, which
may be seen near the east end of the church of Aberfoyle, bears the
inscription which is given underneath.[479] He was walking, it is
said, one evening in his night-gown, upon the little eminence to the
west of the present manse, which is still reckoned a _Dun_-shi’. He
fell down dead, as was believed; but this was not his fate:--

“It was between the night and day,
When the fairy king has power,
That he sunk down (but not) in sinful fray,
And, ’twixt life and death, was snatched away,
To the joyless Elfin bower.”

Mr. Kirk was the near relation of Mr. Grahame of Duchray. Shortly
after his funeral, he appeared in the dress in which he had sunk
down, to a mutual relation of his own and of Duchray. “Go,” said
he to him, “to my cousin Duchray, and tell him that I am not dead;
I fell down in a swoon, and was carried into Fairy-land, where I
now am. Tell him, that when he and my friends are assembled at the
baptism of my child--for he had left his wife pregnant--I will
appear in the room, and that if he throws the knife which he holds
in his hand over my head, I will be released, and restored to human
society.” The man, it seems, neglected for some time, to deliver the
message. Mr. Kirk appeared to him a second time, threatening to haunt
him night and day till he executed his commission, which at length
he did. The day of the baptism arrived. They were seated at table.
Mr. Kirk entered, but the laird of Duchray, by some unaccountable
fatality, neglected to perform the prescribed ceremony. Mr. Kirk
retired by another door, and was seen no more. It is firmly believed
that he is, at this day, in Fairy-land.

Another legend in a similar strain is also given as communicated by
a very intelligent young lady:--

“A young man roaming one day through the forest, observed a number
of persons, all dressed in green, issuing from one of those round
eminences which are commonly accounted fairy hills. Each of them, in
succession, called upon a person by name, _to fetch his horse_. A
caparisoned steed instantly appeared; they all mounted, and sallied
forth into the regions of the air. The young man, like Ali Baba in
the Arabian Nights, ventured to pronounce the same name, and called
for his horse. The steed immediately appeared; he mounted, and was
soon joined to the fairy choir. He remained with them for a year,
going about with them to fairs and weddings, and feasting, though
unseen by mortal eyes, on the victuals that were exhibited on those
occasions. They had, one day, gone to a wedding, where the cheer
was abundant. During the feast the bridegroom _sneezed_. The young
man, according to the usual custom, said, ‘God bless you.’ The
fairies were offended at the pronunciation of the sacred name, and
assured him, that if he dared to repeat it they would punish him.
The bridegroom _sneezed_ a second time. He repeated his _blessing_;
they threatened more than tremendous vengeance. He _sneezed_ a third
time; he _blessed_ him as before. The fairies were enraged; they
tumbled him from a precipice, but he found himself unhurt, and was
restored to the society of mortals.”

The Shi’ichs, or men of peace, are supposed to have a design
against new-born children, and women in childbed, whom, it is still
universally believed, they sometimes carry off into their secret
recesses. To prevent this abduction, women in childbed are closely
watched, and are not left alone, even for a single moment, till the
child is baptized, when the Shi’ichs are supposed to have no more
power over them.[480]

The following tradition will illustrate this branch of the popular
superstition respecting the Shi’ichs: A woman whose new-born child
had been conveyed by them into their secret abodes, was also carried
thither herself, to remain, however, only until she should suckle
her infant. She one day, during this period, observed the Shi’ichs
busily employed in mixing various ingredients in a boiling cauldron;
and as soon as the composition was prepared, she remarked that they
all carefully anointed their eyes with it, laying the remainder
aside for future use. In a moment when they were all absent, she
also attempted to anoint her eyes with the precious drug, but had
time to apply it to one eye only, when the Daoine Shi’ returned. But
with that eye, she was henceforth enabled to see every thing as it
really passed in their secret abodes; she saw every object, not as
she had hitherto done, in deceptive splendour and elegance, but in
its genuine colours and form. The gaudy ornaments of the apartment
were reduced to the naked walls of a gloomy cavern. Soon after,
having discharged her office, she was dismissed to her own home.
Still, however, she retained the faculty of seeing with her medicated
eye, every thing that was done, any where in her presence, by the
deceptive art of the order. One day, amidst a throng of people, she
chanced to observe the Shi’ich, or man of peace, in whose possession
she had left her child, though to every other eye invisible. Prompted
by maternal affection, she inadvertently accosted him, and began to
inquire after the welfare of her child. The man of peace, astonished
at thus being recognised by one of mortal race, sternly demanded how
she had been enabled to discover him. Awed by the terrible frown of
his countenance, she acknowledged what she had done. He spat into her
eye, and extinguished it for ever.

The Shi’ichs, it is still believed, have a great propensity for
attending funerals and weddings, and other public entertainments, and
even fairs. They have an object in this; for it is believed that,
though invisible to mortal eyes, they are busily employed in carrying
away the substantial articles and provisions which are exhibited, in
place of which they substitute shadowy forms, having the appearance
of the things so purloined. And so strong was the belief in this
mythology, even till a recent period, that some persons are old
enough to remember, that some individuals would not eat any thing
presented on the occasions alluded to, because they believed it to be
unsubstantial and hurtful.

As the Shi’ichs are supposed to be present on all occasions, though
invisible, the Highlanders, whenever they allude to them, do so in
terms of respect. This is, however, done as seldom as possible;
and when the Shi’ichs are casually mentioned, the Highlanders add
some propitiatory expression of praise to avert their displeasure,
which they greatly dread. This reserve and dread on the part of the
Highlanders, is said to arise from the peevish envy and jealousy
which the Shi’ichs are believed to entertain towards the human race.
Although believed to be always present, watching the doings of
mortals, the Shi’ichs are supposed to be more particular in their
attendance on Friday, on which day they are believed to possess very
extensive influence. They are believed to be especially jealous of
what may be said concerning them; and if they are at all spoken of
on that day, which is never done without great reluctance, the
Highlanders uniformly style them the _Daoine matha_, or _good men_.

According to the traditionary legends of the Highlanders, the
Shi’ichs are believed to be of both sexes; and it is the general
opinion among the Highlanders that men have sometimes cohabited with
females of the Shi’ich race, who are in consequence called Leannan
Shi’. These mistresses are believed to be very kind to their mortal
paramours, by revealing to them the knowledge of many things both
present and future, which were concealed from the rest of mankind.
The knowledge of the medicinal virtues of many herbs, it is related,
has been obtained in this way from the Leannan Shi’. The Daoine Shi’
of the other sex are said, in their turn, to have sometimes held
intercourse with mistresses of mortal race.

This popular superstition relating to the Daoine Shi’, is supposed,
with good reason, to have taken its rise in the times of the Druids,
or rather to have been invented by them after the overthrow of their
hierarchy, for the purpose of preserving the existence of their
order, after they had retreated for safety to caves and the deep
recesses of the forest. This idea receives some corroboration from
the Gaelic term, _Druidheachd_, which the Highlanders apply to the
deceptive power by which the men of peace are believed to impose
upon the senses of mankind, “founded, probably, on the opinion
entertained of old, concerning the magical powers of the Druids.
Deeply versed, according to Cæsar’s information, as the Druids were,
in the higher departments of philosophy, and probably acquainted with
electricity, and various branches of chemistry, they might find it
easy to excite the belief of their supernatural powers, in the minds
of the uninitiated vulgar.”[481] The influence of this powerful order
upon the popular belief was felt long after the supposed era of its
extinction; for it was not until Christianity was introduced into
the Highlands, that the total suppression of the Druids took place.
Adamnan mentions in his life of St. Columba, the _mocidruidi_, (or
sons of Druids,) as existing in Scotland in the time of Columba; and
he informs us, “that the saint was interrupted at the castle of the
king (of the Picts), in the discharge of his religious offices, by
certain _magi_;” a term, by the bye, applied by Pliny to the order of
the Druids. The following passage from an ancient Gaelic MS.[482] in
the possession of the Highland Society of Scotland, supposed to be
of the 12th or 13th century, is conjectured to refer to the incident
noticed by Adamnan. “After this, St. Columba went upon a time to
the king of the Picts, namely, Bruidhi, son of Milchu, and the gate
of the castle was shut against him; but the iron locks of the town
opened instantly, through the prayers of Columb Cille. Then came the
son of the king, to wit, Maelchu, and his Druid, to argue keenly
against Columb Cille, in support of paganism.”

Martin relates, that the natives of South-Uist believed that a valley
called Glenslyte, situated between two mountains on the east side of
the island, was haunted by spirits, whom they called the Great Men,
and that if any man or woman entered the valley without first making
an entire resignation of themselves to the conduct of the great
men, they would infallibly grow mad. The words by which they gave
themselves up to the guidance of these men are comprehended in three
sentences, wherein the glen is twice named. This author remonstrated
with the inhabitants upon this “piece of silly credulity,” but they
answered that there had been recently an instance of a woman who
went into the glen without resigning herself to the guidance of the
great men, “and immediately after she became mad; which confirmed
them in their unreasonable fancy.” He also observes, that the people
who resided in the glen in summer, said, they sometimes heard a loud
noise in the air like men speaking.[483]

The same writer mentions a universal custom among the inhabitants of
the Western Islands, of pouring a cow’s milk upon a little hill, or
big stone, where a spirit they called Brownie, was believed to lodge,
which spirit always appeared in the shape of a tall man, with very
long brown hair. On inquiring “from several well-meaning women, who,
until of late, had practised it,” they told Martin that it had been
transmitted to them by their ancestors, who believed it was attended
with good fortune, but the most credulous of the vulgar had then laid
it aside.

It was also customary among the “over-curious,” in the Western
Islands, to consult an invisible oracle, concerning the fate of
families, battles, &c. This was done three different ways; the
first was by a company of men, one of whom being chosen by lot, was
afterwards carried to a river, the boundary between two villages:
four of the company seized on him, and having shut his eyes, they
took him by the legs and arms, and then tossing him to and fro,
struck his posteriors with force against the bank. One of them then
cried out, What is it you have got here? Another answered, A log of
birch wood. The other cried again, Let his invisible friends appear
from all quarters, and let them relieve him, by giving an answer
to our present demands; and in a few minutes after, a number of
little creatures came from the sea, who answered the question, and
disappeared suddenly. The man was then set at liberty, and they all
returned home to take their measures according to the prediction of
their false prophets. This was always practised at night.

The second way of consulting the oracle was by a party of men, who
first retired to solitary places, remote from any house, and then
singling out one of their number, wrapt him in a large cow’s hide,
which they folded about him, covering all but his head, in which
posture they left him all night until his invisible friends relieved
him by giving a proper answer to the question put; which answer he
received, as he fancied, from several persons he found about him all
that time. His companions returned to him at break of day when he
communicated his news to them, which it is said “often proved fatal
to those concerned in such unlawful inquiries.”[484]

The third way of consulting the oracle, and which consultation was to
serve as a confirmation of the second, was this: The same company who
put the man into the hide, took a live cat and put him on a spit. One
of the company was employed to turn the spit, and when in the act of
turning, one of his companions would ask him, what are you doing? He
answered, I roast this cat, until his friends answer the question,
the same as that proposed to the man inclosed in the hide. Afterwards
a very large cat was said to come, attended by a number of lesser
cats, desiring to relieve the cat turned upon the spit, and answered
the question. And if the answer turned out to be the same that was
given to the man in the hide, then it was taken as a confirmation of
the other, which in this case was believed infallible.[485]

A singular practice called _Deis-iuil_ existed in the Western
Islands, so called from a man going round carrying fire in his right
hand, which in the Gaelic is called _Deas_. In the island of Lewis
this fiery circuit was made about the houses, corn, cattle, &c.,
of each particular family, to protect them from the power of evil
spirits. The fire was also carried round about women before they
were churched after child-bearing, and about children till they
were baptized. This ceremony was performed in the morning and at
night, and was practised by some of the old midwives in Martin’s
time. Some of them told him that ‘the fire-round was an effectual
means of preserving both the mother and the infant from the power
of evil spirits, who are ready at such times to do mischief, and
sometimes carry away the infant; and when they get them once in their
possession, return them poor meagre skeletons; and these infants are
said to have voracious appetites, constantly craving for meat. In
this case it was usual with those who believed that their children
were thus taken away, to dig a grave in the fields upon quarter-day,
and there to lay the fairy skeleton till next morning; at which
time the parents went to the place, where they doubted not to find
their own child instead of this skeleton. Some of the poorer sort of
people in these islands long retained a custom of performing rounds
sun-wise, about the persons of their benefactors three times, when
they blessed them, and wished good success to all their enterprises.
Some were very careful, when they set out to sea, that the boat
should be first rowed about sun-wise; and if this was neglected, they
were afraid their voyage would prove unfortunate.’

A prevailing superstition also existed in the Western Islands, and
among the inhabitants of the neighbouring coast, that women, by
a certain charm or by some secret influence, could withdraw and
appropriate to their own use the increase of their neighbour’s cow’s
milk. It was believed, however, that the milk so charmed did not
produce the ordinary quantity of butter usually churned from other
milk, and that the curds made of such milk were so tough that they
could not be made so firm as other cheese, and that it was also much
lighter in weight. It was also believed that the butter produced
from the charmed milk could be discovered from that yielded from
the charmer’s own milk, by a difference in the colour, the former
being of a paler hue than the latter. The woman in whose possession
butter so distinguished was found, was considered to be guilty. To
bring back the increase of milk, it was usual to take a little of the
rennet from all the suspected persons, and put it into an egg shell
full of milk, and when the rennet taken from the charmer was mingled
with it, it was said presently to curdle, but not before. Some women
put the root of groundsel among their cream as an amulet against such
charms.

In retaliation for washing dishes, wherein milk was kept, in streams
or rivulets in which trouts were, it was believed that they prevented
or took away an increase of milk, and the damage thus occasioned
could only be repaired by taking a live trout and pouring milk into
its mouth. If the milk curdled immediately, this was a sure sign of
its being taken away by trouts; if not, the inhabitants ascribed the
evil to some other cause. Some women, it was affirmed, had the art to
take away the milk of nurses.

A similar superstition existed as to malt, the virtues of which were
said to be sometimes imperceptibly filched, by some charm, before
being used, so that the drink made of this malt had neither strength
nor good taste, while, on the contrary, the supposed charmer had very
good ale all the time. The following curious story is told by Martin
in relation to this subject. “A gentleman of my acquaintance, for
the space of a year, could not have a drop of good ale in his house;
and having complained of it to all that conversed with him, he was
at last advised to get some yeast from every alehouse in the parish;
and having got a little from one particular man, he put it among his
wort, which became as good ale as could be drank, and so defeated
the charm. After which, the gentleman on whose land this man lived,
banished him thirty-six miles from thence.”[486]

A singular mode of divination was sometimes practised by the
Highlanders with bones. Having picked the flesh clean off a
shoulder-blade of mutton, which was supposed to lose its virtue
if touched by iron, they turned towards the east, and with looks
steadily fixed on the transparent bone they pretended to foretell
deaths, burials, &c.

The phases or changes of the moon were closely observed, and it
was only at particular periods of her revolution that they would
cut turf or fuel, fell wood, or cut thatch for houses, or go upon
any important expedition. They expected better crops of grain
by sowing their seed in the moon’s increase. “The moon,” as Dr.
Johnson observes, “has great influence in vulgar philosophy,” and
in his memory it was a precept annually given in one of the English
almanacs, “To kill hogs when the moon was increasing, and the bacon
would prove the better in boiling.”

The aid of superstition was sometimes resorted to for curing
diseases. For hectic and consumptive complaints, the Highlanders
used to pare the nails of the fingers and toes of the patient,--put
these parings into a bag made from a piece of his clothes,--and after
waving their hand with the bag thrice round his head, and crying,
_Deis-iuil_, they buried it in some unknown place. Pliny, in his
natural history, says that this practice existed among the Magi of
his time.

To remove any contagious disease from cattle, they used to extinguish
the fires in the surrounding villages, after which they forced fire
with a wheel, or by rubbing one piece of dry wood upon another,
with which they burned juniper in the stalls of the cattle that
the smoke might purify the air about them. When this was performed,
the fires in the houses were rekindled from the forced fire. Shaw
relates in his history of Moray, that he personally witnessed both
the last-mentioned practices.

Akin to some of the superstitions we have noticed, but differing from
them in many essential respects, is the belief--for superstition it
cannot well be called--in the Second Sight, by which, as Dr. Johnson
observes, “seems to be meant a mode of seeing, super-added to that
which nature generally bestows,”[487] and consists of “an impression
made either by the mind upon the eye, or by the eye upon the mind,
by which things distant or future are perceived, and seen as if they
were present.”[488] This “deceptive faculty” is in Gaelic called
_Taibhse_, i.e. a spectre, or a vision, and is neither voluntary nor
constant, but consists “in seeing an otherwise invisible object,
without any previous means used by the person that sees it for that
end; the vision makes such a lively impression upon the seer, that
they neither see nor think of any thing else, except the vision,
as long as it continues: and then they appear pensive or jovial,
according to the object which was represented to them.”[489]

It has been observed by lookers-on, that those persons who saw, or
were supposed to see, a vision, always kept their eye-lids erect,
and that they continued to stare until the object vanished. Martin
affirms that he and other persons that were with them, observed
this more than once, and he mentions an instance of a man in Skye,
the inner part of whose eye-lids was turned so far upwards during a
vision, that after the object disappeared he found it necessary to
draw them down with his fingers, and would sometimes employ others to
draw them down, which he indeed, Martin says, “found from experience
to be the easier way.”

The visions are said to have taken place either in the morning, at
noon, in the evening, or at night. If an object was seen early in
the morning, its accomplishment would take place in a few hours
thereafter. If at noon, that very day. If in the evening, perhaps
that night; if after the candles were lighted, the accomplishment
would take place by weeks, months, and sometimes years, according to
the time of night the vision was seen.

As the appearances which are said to have been observed in visions
and their prognostics may prove curious to the general reader, a few
of them shall be here stated, as noted by Martin.

When a shroud was perceived about one, it was a sure prognostic of
death. The time was judged according to the height of it about the
person. If not seen above the middle, death was not to be expected
for the space of a year, and perhaps some months longer; and as it
was frequently seen to ascend higher towards the head, death was
concluded to be at hand within a few days, if not hours.

If a woman was seen standing at a man’s left hand, it was a presage
that she would be his wife, whether they were married to others, or
unmarried at the time of the apparition.

If two or three women were seen at once standing near a man’s left
hand, she that was next to him would undoubtedly be his wife first,
and so on, whether all three, or the man, were single or married at
the time of the vision or not.

It was usual for the Seers to see any man that was shortly to arrive
at the house. If unknown to the Seer he would give such a description
of the person he saw as to make him to be at once recognised upon his
arrival. On the other hand, if the Seer knew the person he saw in the
vision, he would tell his name, and know by the expression of his
countenance whether he came in a good or bad humour.

The Seers often saw houses, gardens, and trees, in places where there
were none, but in the course of time these places became covered with
them.

To see a spark of fire fall upon one’s arm or breast, was a
forerunner of a dead child to be seen in the arms of those persons.
To see a seat empty when one was sitting on it, was a presage of that
person’s immediate death.

There are now few persons, if any, who pretend to this faculty,
and the belief in it is almost generally exploded. Yet it cannot
be denied that apparent proofs of its existence have been adduced
which have staggered minds not prone to superstition. When the
connexion between cause and effect can be recognised, things which
would otherwise have appeared wonderful and almost incredible, are
viewed as ordinary occurrences. The impossibility of accounting
for such an extraordinary phenomenon as the alleged faculty, on
philosophical principles, or from the laws of nature, must ever
leave the matter suspended between rational doubt and confirmed
scepticism. The strong-minded but superstitious Dr. Johnson appears,
from the following passage, to have been inclined to believe in the
genuineness of the faculty. “Strong reasons for incredulity,” says
Dr. Johnson, “will readily occur. This faculty of seeing things out
of sight is local, and commonly useless. It is a breach of the common
order of things, without any visible reason or perceptible benefit.
It is ascribed only to a people very little enlightened; and among
them, for the most part, to the mean and ignorant. To the confidence
of these objections it may be replied, that by presuming to determine
what is fit, and what is beneficial, they presuppose more knowledge
of the universal system than man has attained; and therefore depend
upon principles too complicated and extensive for our comprehension;
and that there can be no security in the consequence, when the
premises are not understood: that the Second Sight is only wonderful
because it is rare, for, considered in itself, it involves no more
difficulty than dreams, or perhaps than the regular exercises of
the cogitative faculty; that a general opinion of communicative
impulses, or visionary representations, has prevailed in all ages and
all nations; that particular instances have been given, with such
evidence as neither Bacon, nor Bayle, has been able to resist; that
sudden impressions, which the event has verified, have been felt by
more than own or publish them; that the Second Sight of the Hebrides
implies only the local frequency of a power which is no where totally
unknown; and that where we are unable to decide by antecedent reason,
we must be content to yield to the force of testimony.”[490]

Among the various modes of social intercourse which gladdened the
minds and dissipated the few worldly cares of the Highlanders,
weddings bore a distinguished part, and they were longed for with a
peculiar earnestness. Young and old, from the boy and girl of the
age of ten to the hoary-headed sire and aged matron, attended them.
The marriage invitations were given by the bride and bridegroom, in
person, for some weeks previous, and included the friends of the
betrothed parties living at the distance of many miles.

When the bride and bridegroom had completed their rounds, the custom
was for the matrons of the invited families to return the visit
within a few days, carrying along with them large presents of hams,
beef, cheese, butter, malt, spirits, and such other articles as they
inclined or thought necessary for the approaching feast. To such an
extent was this practice carried in some instances in the quantity
presented, that, along with what the guests paid (as they commonly
did) for their entertainment at the marriage, and the gifts presented
on the day after the marriage, the young couple obtained a pretty
fair competence, which warded off the shafts of poverty, and even
made them comfortable in after-life.

The joyous wedding-morning was ushered in by the notes of the
bagpipe. A party of pipers, followed by the bridegroom and some of
his friends, commenced at an early hour a round of morning calls
to remind the guests of their engagements. These hastened to join
the party, and before the circuit, which sometimes occupied several
hours, had ended, some hundreds, perhaps, had joined the wedding
standard before they reached the bridegroom’s house. The bride made
a similar round among her friends. Separate dinners were provided;
the bridegroom giving a dinner to his friends, and the bride to
hers. The marriage ceremony was seldom performed till after dinner.
The clergyman sometimes attended, but the parties preferred waiting
on him, as the appearance of a large procession to his house gave
additional importance and eclat to the ceremony of the day, which
was further heightened by a constant firing by the young men, who
supplied themselves with guns and pistols, and which firing was
responded to by every hamlet as the party passed along; “so that,
with streamers flying, pipers playing, the constant firing from all
sides, and the shouts of the young men, the whole had the appearance
of a military army passing, with all the noise of warfare, through a
hostile country.”

On the wedding-day, the bride and bridegroom avoided each other till
they met before the clergyman. Many ceremonies were performed during
the celebration of the marriage rites. These ceremonies were of an
amusing and innocent description, and added much to the cheerfulness
and happiness of the young people. One of these ceremonies consisted
in untying all the bindings and strings about the person of the
bridegroom, to denote, that nothing was to be bound on the marriage
day but the one indissoluble knot which death only can dissolve. The
bride was exempted from this operation from a delicacy of feeling
towards her sex, and from a supposition that she was so pure that
infidelity on her part could not be contemplated.

To discontinue practices in themselves innocent, and which contribute
to the social happiness of mankind, must ever be regretted, and it
is not therefore to be wondered at, that a generous and open-hearted
Highlander, like General Stewart, should have expressed his regret
at the partial disuse of these ceremonies, or that he should have
preferred a Highland wedding, where he had himself “been so happy,
and seen so many blithe countenances, and eyes sparkling with
delight, to such weddings as that of the Laird of Drum, ancestor
of the Lord Sommerville, when he married a daughter of Sir James
Bannatyne of Corehouse.”[491]

The festivities of the wedding-day were generally prolonged to a
late hour, and during the whole day the fiddlers and pipers never
ceased except at short intervals, to make sweet music. The fiddlers
performed in the house, the pipers in the field;[492] so that the
company alternately enjoyed the pleasure of dancing within and
without the house, as they felt inclined, provided the weather
permitted.

No people were more attached to the fulfilment of all the domestic
duties, and the sacred obligation of the marriage vow, than the
Highlanders. A violation thereof was of course of unfrequent
occurrence, and among the common people a separation was almost
unknown. Rarely, indeed, did a husband attempt to get rid of his
wife, however disagreeable she might be. He would have considered
his children dishonoured, if he had driven their mother from
the protection of his roof. The punishment inflicted by the
ecclesiastical authority for an infringement of the marriage vow
was, that “the guilty person, whether male or female, was made to
stand in a barrel of cold water at the church door, after which, the
delinquent, clad in a wet canvas shirt, was made to stand before the
congregation, and at close of service the minister explained the
nature of the offence.”[493] Illicit intercourse before marriage
between the sexes was also of rare occurrence, and met with condign
punishment in the public infamy which attended such breaches against
chastity.

This was the more remarkable, as early marriages were discouraged,
and the younger sons were not allowed to marry until they obtained
sufficient means to keep a house and to rent a small farm, or were
otherwise enabled to support a family.

The attachment of the Highlanders to their offspring, and the
veneration and filial piety which a reciprocal feeling produced on
the part of their children, were leading characteristics in the
Highland character, and much as these mountaineers have degenerated
in some of the other virtues, these affections still remain almost
unimpaired. Children seldom desert their parents in their old age,
and when forced to earn a subsistence from home, they always consider
themselves bound to share with their parents whatever they can save
from their wages. But the parents are never left alone, as one of
the family, by turns, remains at home for the purpose of taking
care of them in terms of an arrangement. “The sense of duty is not
extinguished by absence from the mountains. It accompanies the
Highland soldier amid the dissipations of a mode of life to which he
has not been accustomed. It prompts him to save a portion of his pay,
to enable him to assist his parents, and also to work when he has an
opportunity, that he may increase their allowance, at once preserving
himself from idle habits, and contributing to the comfort and
happiness of those who gave him birth. I have been a frequent witness
of these offerings of filial bounty, and the channel through which
they were communicated, and I have generally found that a threat of
informing their parents of misconduct, has operated as a sufficient
check on young soldiers, who always received the intimation with a
sort of horror. They knew that the report would not only grieve their
relations, but act as a sentence of banishment against themselves,
as they could not return home with a bad or blemished character.
Generals M’Kenzie, Fraser, and M’Kenzie of Suddie, who successively
commanded the 78th Highlanders, seldom had occasion to resort to any
other punishment than threats of this kind, for several years after
the embodying of that regiment.”[494]

Nor were the Highlanders less alive to the principles of honesty
and fair dealing, in their transactions with one another. Disgrace
was the usual consequence of insolvency, which was considered _ex
facie_ criminal. Bankrupts were compelled to undergo a singular
punishment. They “were forced to surrender their all, and were clad
in a party-coloured clouted garment, with the hose of different sets,
and had their hips dashed against a stone, in presence of the people,
by four men, each taking a hold of an arm or a leg. This punishment
was called _Toncruaidh_.”[495]

Such was the confidence in their honour and integrity, that in
the ordinary transactions of the people, a mere verbal obligation
without the intervention of any writing, was held quite sufficient,
although contracted in the most private manner,[496] and there were
few instances where the obligation was either unfulfilled or denied.
Their mode of concluding or confirming their money agreements or
other transactions, was by the contracting parties going out into
the open air, and with eyes erect, taking Heaven to witness their
engagements, after which, each party put a mark on some remarkable
stone or other natural object, which their ancestors had been
accustomed to notice.

Accustomed, as the Highlanders were, to interminable feuds arising
out of the pretensions of rival clans, the native courage which they
had inherited from their Celtic progenitors was preserved unimpaired.
Instances of cowardice were, therefore, of rare occurrence, and
whoever exhibited symptoms of fear before a foe, was considered
infamous and put under the ban of his party. The following anecdote,
as related by Mrs. Grant, shows, strongly, the detestation which the
Highlanders entertained towards those who had disgraced themselves
and their clan by an act of poltroonery: “There was a clan, _I must
not say what clan it is_, who had been for ages governed by a series
of chiefs, singularly estimable, and highly beloved, and who, in
one instance, provoked their leader to the extreme of indignation.
I should observe, that the transgression was partial, the culprits
being the inhabitants of one single parish. These, in a hasty
skirmish with a neighbouring clan, thinking discretion the best
part of valour, sought safety in retreat. A cruel chief would have
inflicted the worst of punishments--banishment from the bounds of
his clan,--which, indeed, fell little short of the curse of Kehama.
This good laird, however, set bounds to his wrath, yet made their
punishment severe and exemplary. He appeared himself with all the
population of the three adjacent parishes, at the parish church of
the offenders, where they were all by order convened. After divine
service, they were marched three times round the church, in presence
of their offended leader and his assembled clan. Each individual, on
coming out of the church door, was obliged to draw out his tongue
with his fingers, and then cry audibly, ‘Shud bleider heich,’ (i.e.)
‘This is the poltroon,’ and to repeat it at every corner of the
church. After this procession of ignominy, no other punishment was
inflicted, except that of being left to guard the district when the
rest were called out to battle.... It is credibly asserted, that no
enemy has seen the back of any of that name (Grant) ever since. And
it is certain, that, to this day, it is not safe for any person of
another name to mention the circumstance in presence of one of the
affronted clan.”[497]

The Highlanders, like the inhabitants of other romantic and
mountainous regions, always retain an enthusiastic attachment to
their country, which neither distance of place nor length of time
can efface. This strong feeling has, we think, been attributed
erroneously to the powerful and lasting effect which the external
objects of nature, seen in their wildest and most fantastic forms and
features, are calculated to impress upon the imagination.

No doubt the remembrance of these objects might contribute to endear
the scenes of youth to the patriotic Highlander when far removed
from his native glens; but it was the recollection of home,--sweet
home!--of the domestic circle, and of the many pleasing associations
which arise from the contemplation of the days of other years, when
mirth and innocence held mutual dalliance, that chiefly impelled
him to sigh for the land of his fathers. Mankind have naturally an
affection for the country of their birth, and this affection is
felt more or less according to the degree of social or commercial
intercourse which exists among nations. Confined, like the Swiss,
for many ages within their natural boundaries, and having little or
no intercourse with the rest of the world, the Highlanders formed
those strong local attachments for which they were long remarkably
distinguished; but which are now being gradually obliterated by the
mighty changes rapidly taking place in the state of society.

Firmly attached as they were to their country, the Highlanders had
also a singular predilection for the place of their birth. An amusing
instance of this local attachment is mentioned by General Stewart.
A tenant of his father’s, at the foot of the mountain Shichallion,
having removed and followed his son to a farm which the latter had
taken at some distance lower down the country, the old man was
missing for a considerable time one morning, and on being asked on
his return where he had been, replied, “As I was sitting by the
side of the river, a thought came across me, that, perhaps, some of
the waters from Shichallion, and the sweet fountains that watered
the farm of my forefathers, might now be passing by me, and that
if I bathed they might touch my skin. I immediately stripped, and,
from the pleasure I felt in being surrounded by the pure waters of
Leidna-breilag (the name of the farm) I could not tear myself away
sooner.” But this fondness of the Highlander was not confined to
the desire of living upon the beloved spot--it extended even to the
grave. The idea of dying at a distance from home and among strangers
could not be endured, and the aged Highlander, when absent from his
native place, felt discomposed lest death should overtake him before
his return. To be consigned to the grave among strangers, without
the attendance and sympathy of friends, and at a distance from their
family, was considered a heavy calamity; and even to this day,
people make the greatest exertions to carry home the bodies of such
relations as happen to die far from the ground hallowed by the ashes
of their forefathers.[498] This trait was exemplified in the case
of a woman aged ninety-one, who a few years ago went to Perth from
her house in Strathbrane in perfect health, and in the possession
of all her faculties. A few days after her arrival in Perth, where
she had gone to visit a daughter, she had a slight attack of fever.
One evening a considerable quantity of snow had fallen, and she
expressed great anxiety, particularly when told that a heavier fall
was expected. Next morning her bed was found empty, and no trace of
her could be discovered, till the second day, when she sent word
that she had slipt out of the house at midnight, set off on foot
through the snow, and never stopped till she reached home, a distance
of twenty miles. When questioned some time afterwards why she went
away so abruptly, she answered, “If my sickness had increased, and
if I had died, they could not have sent my remains home through the
deep snows. If I had told my daughter, perhaps she would have locked
the door upon me, and God forbid that my bones should be at such
a distance from home, and be buried among _Gall-na-machair_, The
strangers of the plain.”[499]

Among the causes which contributed to sustain the warlike character
of the Highlanders, the exertions of the bards in stimulating them
to deeds of valour in the field of battle, must not be overlooked.
One of the most important duties of the bard consisted in attending
the clans to the field, and exhorting them before battle to emulate
the glories of their ancestors, and to die if necessary in defence
of their country. The appeals of the bards, which were delivered and
enforced with great vehemence and earnestness, never failed to arouse
the feelings; and when amid the din of battle the voices of the bards
could no longer be heard, the pipers succeeded them, and cheered on
their respective parties with their warlike and inspiring strains.
After the termination of the battle, the bard celebrated the praises
of the brave warriors who had fallen in battle, and related the
heroic actions of the survivors to excite them to similar exertions
on future occasions. To impress still more deeply upon the minds of
the survivors the honour and heroism of their fallen friends, the
piper was employed to perform plaintive dirges for the slain.

From the associations raised in the mind by the great respect thus
paid to the dead, and the honours which awaited the survivors who
distinguished themselves in the field of battle, by their actions
being celebrated by the bards, and transmitted to posterity,
originated that magnanimous contempt of death for which the
Highlanders are noted. While among some people the idea of death
is avoided with studious alarm, the Highlander will speak of it
with an easy and unconcerned familiarity, as an event of ordinary
occurrence, but in a way “equally remote from dastardly affectation,
or fool-hardy presumption, and proportioned solely to the inevitable
certainty of the event itself.”[500]

To be interred decently, and in a becoming manner, is a material
consideration in the mind of a Highlander, and care is generally
taken, even by the poorest, long before the approach of death, to
provide sufficient articles to insure a respectable interment. To
wish one another an honourable death, _crioch onarach_, is considered
friendly by the Highlanders, and even children will sometimes express
the same sentiment towards their parents. “A man well known to the
writer of these pages was remarkable for his filial affection, even
among the sons and daughters of the mountains, so distinguished for
that branch of piety. His mother being a widow, and having a numerous
family, who had married very early, he continued to live single, that
he might the more sedulously attend to her comfort, and watch over
her declining years with the tenderest care. On her birth-day, he
always collected his brothers and sisters, and all their families, to
a sort of kindly feast, and, in conclusion, gave a toast, not easily
translated from the emphatic language, without circumlocution,--_An
easy and decorous departure to my mother_, comes nearest to it. This
toast, which would shake the nerves of fashionable delicacy, was
received with great applause, the old woman remarking, that God had
been always good to her, and she hoped she would die as decently as
she had lived, for it is thought of the utmost consequence to die
decently. The ritual of decorous departure, and of behaviour to be
observed by the friends of the dying on that solemn occasion, being
fully established, nothing is more common than to take a solemn leave
of old people, as if they were going on a journey, and pretty much in
the same terms. People frequently send conditional messages to the
departed. _If you are permitted, tell my dear brother, that I have
merely endured the world since he left it, and that I have been very
kind to every creature he used to cherish, for his sake._ I have,
indeed, heard a person of a very enlightened mind, seriously give a
message to an aged person, to deliver to a child he had lost not long
before, which she as seriously promised to deliver, with the wonted
salvo, if she was permitted.”[501]

In no country was “the savage virtue of hospitality” carried to a
greater extent than in the Highlands, and never did stranger receive
a heartier welcome than was given to the guest who entered a Highland
mansion or cottage. This hospitality was sometimes carried rather too
far, particularly in the island of Barra, where, according to Martin,
the custom was, that, when strangers from the northern islands went
there, “the natives, immediately after their landing, obliged them to
eat, even though they should have liberally eat and drank but an hour
before their landing there.” This meat they called _Bieyta’v_, i.e.
Ocean meat. Sir Robert Gordon informs us that it was a custom among
the western islanders, that when one was invited to another’s house,
they never separated till the whole provision was finished; and that,
when it was done, they went to the next house, and so on from one
house to another until they made a complete round, from neighbour to
neighbour, always carrying the head of the family in which they had
been last entertained to the next house along with them.[502]

The removal of the court by Malcolm Canmore to the Lowlands was an
event which was followed by results very disastrous to the future
prosperity of the Highlands. The inhabitants soon sunk into a state
of poverty, and, as by the transference of the seat of government
the administration of the laws became either inoperative or was
feebly enforced, the people gave themselves up to violence and
turbulence, and revenged in person those injuries which the laws
could no longer redress. Released from the salutary control of
monarchical government, the Highlanders soon saw the necessity of
substituting some other system in its place, to protect themselves
against the aggressions to which they were exposed. From this state
of things originated the great power of the Chiefs, who attained
their ascendancy over the different little communities into which
the population of the Highlands was naturally divided, on account
of their superior property, courage, or talent. The powers of the
chiefs were very great. They acted as judges or arbiters in the
quarrels of their clansmen and followers, and as they were backed by
resolute supporters of their rights, their property, and their power,
they established within their own territories a jurisdiction almost
independent of the kingly authority.

From this division of the people into clans and tribes under separate
chiefs, arose many of those institutions, feelings, and usages which
characterised the Highlanders. “The nature of the country, and the
motives which induced the Celts to make it their refuge, almost
necessarily prescribed the form of their institutions. Unequal to
contend with the overwhelming numbers, who drove them from the
plains, and, anxious to preserve their independence, and their blood
uncontaminated by a mixture with strangers, they defended themselves
in those strongholds which are, in every country, the sanctuaries of
national liberty, and the refuge of those who resist the oppressions
and the dominion of a more powerful neighbour. Thus, in the absence
of their monarchs, and defended by their barrier of rocks, they did
not always submit to the authority of a distant government, which
could neither enforce obedience nor afford protection.”[503]

The various little societies into which the Highland population
was, by the nature of the country, divided, having no desire to
change their residence or to keep up a communication with one
another, and having all their wants, which were few, supplied within
themselves, became individually isolated. Every district became
an independent state, and thus the Highland population, though
possessing a community of customs and the same characteristics, was
divided or broken into separate masses, and placed under different
jurisdictions. A patriarchal[504] system of government, “a sort
of hereditary monarchy founded on custom, and allowed by general
consent, rather than regulated by laws,” was thus established over
each community or clan in the persons of the chiefs.

As a consequence of the separation which was preserved by the
different clans, matrimonial alliances were rarely made with
strangers, and hence the members of the clan were generally related
to one another by the ties of consanguinity or affinity. While this
double connexion tended to preserve harmony and good will among the
members of the same clan, it also tended, on the other hand, to
excite a bitter spirit of animosity between rival clans, whenever
an affront or injury was offered by one clan to another, or by
individuals of different clans.

Although the chief had great power with his clan in the different
relations of landlord, leader, and judge, his authority was far from
absolute, as he was obliged to consult the leading men of the clan
in matters of importance--in things regarding the clan or particular
families, in removing differences, punishing or redressing injuries,
preventing lawsuits, supporting declining families, and declaring war
against, or adjusting terms of peace with other clans.

As the system of clanship was calculated to cherish a warlike spirit,
the young chiefs and heads of families were regarded or despised
according to their military or peaceable disposition. If they
revenged a quarrel with another clan by killing some of the enemy,
or carrying off their cattle and laying their lands waste, they were
highly esteemed, and great expectations were formed of their future
prowess and exploits. But if they failed in their attempts, they were
not respected; and if they appeared disinclined to engage in hostile
rencontres, they were despised.[505]

The military ranks of the clans were fixed and perpetual. The chief
was, of course, the principal commander. The oldest cadet commanded
the right wing, and the youngest the rear. Every head of a distinct
family was captain of his own tribe. An ensign or standard-bearer was
attached to each clan, who generally inherited his office, which had
been usually conferred on an ancestor who had distinguished himself.
A small salary was attached to this office.

Each clan had a stated place of rendezvous, where they met at the
call of their chief. When an emergency arose for an immediate meeting
from the incursions of a hostile clan, the cross or tarie, or
fiery-cross, was immediately despatched through the territories of
the clan. This signal consisted of two pieces of wood placed in the
form of a cross. One of the ends of the horizontal piece was either
burnt or burning, and a piece of linen or white cloth stained with
blood was suspended from the other end. Two men, each with a cross
in his hand, were despatched by the chief in different directions,
who kept running with great speed, shouting the war-cry of the tribe,
and naming the place of rendezvous, if different from the usual
place of meeting. The cross was delivered from hand to hand, and as
each fresh bearer ran at full speed, the clan assembled with great
celerity. General Stewart says, that one of the latest instances of
the fiery-cross being used, was in 1745 by Lord Breadalbane, when
it went round Loch Tay, a distance of thirty-two miles, in three
hours, to raise his people and prevent their joining the rebels, but
with less effect than in 1715 when it went the same round, and when
500 men assembled in a few hours, under the command of the Laird of
Glenlyon, to join the Earl of Mar.

Every clan had its own war-cry, (called in Scottish _slogan_,) to
which every clansman answered. It served as a watch-word in cases
of sudden alarm, in the confusion of combat, or in the darkness of
the night. The clans were also distinguished by a particular badge,
or by the peculiar arrangements or sets of the different colours of
the tartan, which will be fully noticed when we come to treat of the
history of the clans.

When a clan went upon any expedition they were much influenced
by omens. If they met an armed man they believed that good was
portended. If they observed a deer, fox, hare, or any other
four-footed beast of game, and did not succeed in killing it, they
prognosticated evil. If a woman barefooted crossed the road before
them, they seized her and drew blood from her forehead.

The _Cuid-Oidhche_, or night’s provision, was paid by many tenants to
the chief; and in hunting or going on an expedition, the tenant who
lived near the hill was bound to furnish the master and his followers
a night’s entertainment, with brawn for his dogs.

There are no sufficient data to enable us to estimate correctly the
number of fighting men which the clans could bring at any time into
the field; but a general idea may be formed of their strength in
1745, from the following statement of the respective forces of the
clans as taken from the memorial supposed to be drawn up by the Lord
President Forbes of Culloden, for the information of government. It
is to be observed, however, that besides the clans here mentioned,
there were many independent gentlemen, as General Stewart observes,
who had many followers, but being what were called broken names, or
small tribes, are omitted.

Argyle, 3000
Breadalbane, 1000
Lochnell and other chieftains of the
Campbells, 1000
Macleans, 500
Maclauchlans, 200
Stewart of Appin, 300
Macdougals, 200
Stewart of Grandtully, 300
Clan Gregor, 700
Duke of Athol, 3000
Farquarsons, 500
Duke of Gordon, 300
Grant of Grant, 850
Mackintosh, 800
Macphersons, 400
Frasers, 900
Grant of Glenmorriston, 150
Chisholms, 200
Duke of Perth, 300
Seaforth, 1000
Cromarty, Scatwell, Gairloch, and other
chieftains of the Mackenzies, 1500
Laird of Menzies, 300
Munros, 300
Rosses, 500
Sutherland, 2000
Mackays, 800
Sinclairs, 1100
Macdonald of Slate, 700
Macdonald of Clanronald, 700
Macdonell of Glengary, 500
Macdonell of Keppoch, 300
Macdonald of Glencoe, 130
Robertsons, 200
Camerons, 800
M’Kinnon, 200
Macleod, 700
The Duke of Montrose, Earls of Bute
and Moray, Macfarlanes, M’Neils
of Barra, M’Nabs, M’Naughtons,
Lamonts, &c. &c. 5600
-----
31,930

There is nothing so remarkable in the political history of any
country as the succession of the Highland chiefs, and the long
and uninterrupted sway which they held over their followers. The
authority which a chief exercised among his clan was truly paternal,
and he might, with great justice, have been called the father of
his people. We cannot account for that warm attachment and the
incorruptible and unshaken fidelity which the clans uniformly
displayed towards their chiefs, on any other ground, than the kind
and conciliatory system which they must have adopted towards their
people; for, much as the feelings of the latter might have been
awakened, by the songs and traditions of the bards, to a respect for
the successors of the heroes whose praises they heard celebrated,
a sense of wrongs committed, or of oppressions exercised, would
have obliterated every feeling of attachment in the minds of the
sufferers, and caused them to attempt to get rid of a tyrant who had
rendered himself obnoxious by his tyranny.

The division of the people into small tribes, and the establishment
of patriarchal government, were attended with many important
consequences affecting the character of the Highlanders. This
creation of an _imperium in imperio_ was an anomaly, but it was,
nevertheless, rendered necessary from the state of society in the
Highlands shortly after the transference of the seat of government
from the mountains. The authority of the king, though weak and
inefficient, continued, however, to be recognised, nominally at
least, except indeed when he interfered in the disputes between the
clans. On such occasions his authority was utterly disregarded. “His
mandates could neither stop the depredations of one clan against
another, nor allay their mutual hostilities. Delinquents could not,
with impunity, be pursued into the bosom of a clan which protected
them, nor could his judges administer the laws in opposition to
their interests or their will. Sometimes he strengthened his arm by
fomenting animosities among them, and by entering occasionally into
the interest of one, in order to weaken another. Many instances of
this species of policy occur in Scottish history, which, for a long
period, was unhappily a mere record of internal violence.”[506]

The general laws being thus superseded by the internal feuds of the
clans, and the authority of the sovereign being insufficient to
repress these disorders, a perpetual system of warfare, aggression,
depredation, and contention existed among them, which, during the
continuance of clanship, banished peace from the Highlands. The
little sovereignties of the clans “touched at so many points, yet
were so independent of one another; they approached so nearly, in
many respects, yet were, in others, so distant; there were so many
opportunities of encroachment, on the one hand, and so little of a
disposition to submit to it, on the other; and the quarrel of one
individual of the tribe so naturally involved the rest, that there
was scarcely ever a profound peace, or perfect cordiality between
them. Among their chiefs the most deadly feuds frequently arose
from opposing interests, or from wounded pride. These feuds were
warmly espoused by the whole clan, and were often transmitted, with
aggravated animosity, from generation to generation.”[507]

The disputes between opposing clans were frequently made matters
of negotiation, and their differences were often adjusted by
treaties. Opposing clans, as a means of strengthening themselves
against the attacks of their rivals, or of maintaining the balance
of power, also entered into coalitions with friendly neighbours.
These bands of amity or _manrent_, as they were called, were of
the nature of treaties of offensive and defensive alliance, by
which the contracting parties bound themselves to assist each
other; and it is remarkable that the duty of allegiance to the king
was always acknowledged in these treaties,--“always excepting my
duty to our lord the king, and to our kindred and friends,” was a
clause which was uniformly inserted in them. In the same manner,
when men who were not chiefs of clans, but of subordinate tribes,
thus bound themselves, their fidelity to their chiefs was always
excepted. The smaller clans who were unable to defend themselves,
and such clans or families who had lost their chiefs, were included
in these friendly treaties.[508] Under these treaties the smaller
clans identified themselves with the greater clans; they engaged in
the quarrels, followed the fortunes, and fought under the greater
chiefs; but their ranks, as General Stewart observes, were separately
marshalled, and led by their own subordinate chieftains and lairds,
who owned submission only when necessary, for the success of combined
operations. Several instances of this union will be found in the
history of the clans.

As the system of clanship, by ignoring the authority of the sovereign
and of the laws, prevented the clans from ever coming to any general
terms of accommodation for settling their differences, their feuds
were interminable, and the Highlands were, therefore, for ages,
the theatre of a constant petty warfare destructive of the social
virtues. “The spirit of opposition and rivalry between the clans
perpetuated a system of hostility, encouraged the cultivation of
the military at the expense of the social virtues, and perverted
their ideas of both law and morality. Revenge was accounted a
duty, the destruction of a neighbour a meritorious exploit, and
rapine an honourable occupation. Their love of distinction, and
their conscious reliance on their courage, when under the direction
of these perverted notions, only tended to make their feuds more
implacable, their condition more agitated, and their depredations
more rapacious and desolating. Superstition added its influence in
exasperating animosities, by teaching the clansmen, that, to revenge
the death of a relation or friend, was a sacrifice agreeable to their
shades: thus engaging on the side of the most implacable hatred,
and the darkest vengeance, the most amiable and domestic of all our
feelings,--reverence for the memory of the dead, and affection for
the virtues of the living.”[509]

As the causes out of which feuds originated were innumerable, so many
of them were trivial and unimportant, but as submission to the most
trifling insult was considered disgraceful, and might, if overlooked,
lead to fresh aggression, the clan was immediately summoned, and
the cry for revenge met with a ready response in every breast. The
most glaring insult that could be offered to a clan, was to speak
disrespectfully of its chief,[510] an offence which was considered as
a personal affront by all his followers, and was resented accordingly.

It often happened that the insulted clan was unable to take the field
to repel aggression or to vindicate its honour; but the injury was
never forgotten, and the memory of it was treasured up till a fitting
opportunity for taking revenge should arrive. The want of strength
was sometimes supplied by cunning, and the blackest and deadliest
intentions of hatred and revenge were sought to be perpetrated under
the mask of conciliation and friendship. This was the natural result
of the inefficiency of the laws which could afford no redress for
wrongs, and which, therefore, left every individual to vindicate
his rights with his own hand. The feeling of revenge, when directed
against rival tribes, was cherished and honoured, and to such an
extent was it carried, that there are well authenticated instances
where one of the adverse parties has been exterminated in the bloody
and ferocious conflicts which the feuds occasioned.

As the wealth of the Highlanders consisted chiefly in flocks and
herds, “the usual mode of commencing attacks, or of making reprisals,
was by an incursion to carry off the cattle of the hostile clan.
A predatory expedition was the general declaration of enmity, and
a command given by the chief to clear the pastures of the enemy,
constituted the usual letters of marque.”[511] These _Creachs_, as
such depredations were termed, were carried on with systematic order,
and were considered as perfectly justifiable. If lives were lost
in these forays, revenge full and ample was taken, but in general
personal hostilities were avoided in these incursions either against
the Lowlanders or rival tribes. These predatory expeditions were more
frequently directed against the Lowlanders, whom the Highlanders
considered as aliens, and whose cattle they, therefore, considered
as fair spoil at all times. The forays were generally executed with
great secrecy, and the cattle were often _lifted_ and secured for
a considerable time before they were missed. To trace the cattle
which had been thus carried off, the owners endeavoured to discover
their foot-marks in the grass, or by the yielding of the heath over
which they had passed; and so acute had habit rendered their sight,
that they frequently succeeded, in this manner, in discovering their
property. The man on whose property the tract of the cattle was lost
was held liable if he did not succeed in following out the trace or
discovering the cattle; and if he did not make restitution, or offer
to compensate the loss, an immediate quarrel was the consequence. A
reward, called _Tasgal_ money, was sometimes offered for the recovery
of stolen cattle; but as this was considered in the light of a bribe,
it was generally discouraged. The Camerons and some other clans, it
is said, bound themselves by oath never to accept such a reward, and
to put to death all who should receive it.

Besides those who took part in the _Creachs_ there was another and a
peculiar class called _Cearnachs_, a term of similar import with the
_Catherans_ of the Lowlands, the _Kernes_ of the English, and the
_Catervæ_ of the Romans. The Cearnachs were originally a select body
of men employed in difficult and dangerous enterprises where more
than ordinary honour was to be acquired; but, in process of time,
they were employed in the degrading and dishonourable task of levying
contributions on their Lowland neighbours, or in forcing them to pay
tribute or _black mail_ for protection. Young men of the second order
of gentry who were desirous of entering the military profession,
frequently joined in these exploits, as they were considered well
fitted for accustoming those who engaged in them to the fatigues
and exercises incident to a military life. The celebrated Robert
Macgregor Campbell, or Rob Roy,[512] was the most noted of these
freebooters.

The cearnachs were principally the borderers living close to and
within the Grampian range, but cearnachs from the more northerly
parts of the Highlands also paid frequent visits to the Lowlands,
and carried off large quantities of booty. The border cearnachs
judging such irruptions as an invasion of their rights, frequently
attacked the northern cearnachs on their return homewards; and if
they succeeded in capturing the spoil, they either appropriated it to
their own use or restored it to the owners.

It might be supposed that the system of spoliation we have described,
would have led these freebooters occasionally to steal from one
another. Such, however, was not the case; for they observed the
strictest honesty in this respect. No precautions were taken--because
unnecessary--to protect property; and the usual securities of locks,
bolts, and bars, were never used, nor even thought of. Instances of
theft from dwelling-houses were very rare; and, with the exception
of one case which happened so late as the year 1770, highway robbery
was totally unknown. Yet, notwithstanding the laudable regard thus
shown by the freebooters to the property of their own society, they
attached no ideas of moral turpitude to the acts of spoliation we
have alluded to. Donald Cameron, or Donald Bane Leane, an active
leader of a party of banditti who had associated together after the
troubles of 1745, tried at Perth for cattle-stealing, and executed
at Kinloch Rannoch, in 1752, expressed surprise and indignation
at his hard fate, as he considered it, as he had never committed
murder nor robbery, or taken any thing but cattle off the grass
of those with whom he had quarrelled. The practice of “lifting of
cattle” seems to have been viewed as a very venial offence, even by
persons holding very different views of morality from the actors, in
proof of which, General Stewart refers to a letter of Field-Marshal
Wade to Mr. Forbes of Culloden, then Lord Advocate, dated October,
1729, describing an entertainment given him on a visit to a party of
cearnachs. “The Knight and I,” says the Marshal, “travelled in my
carriage with great ease and pleasure to the feast of oxen which the
highwaymen had prepared for us, opposite Lochgarry, where we found
four oxen roasting at the same time, in great order and solemnity.
We dined in a tent pitched for that purpose. The beef was excellent;
and we had plenty of bumpers, not forgetting your Lordship’s and
Culloden’s health; and, after three hours’ stay, took leave of
our benefactors, the highwaymen,[513] and arrived at the hut at
Dalnachardoch, before it was dark.”[514]

Amid the violence and turbulence which existed in the Highlands,
no appeal for redress of wrongs committed, or injuries sustained,
could be effectually made to the legal tribunals of the country;
but to prevent the utter anarchy which would have ensued from such
a state of society, voluntary and associated tribunals, composed
of the principal men of the tribes, were appointed. A composition
in cattle being the mode of compensating injuries, these tribunals
generally determined the amount of the compensation according to the
nature of the injury, and the wealth and rank of the parties. These
compensations were called _Erig_.

Besides these tribunals, every chief held a court, in which he
decided all disputes occurring among his clansmen. He generally
resided among them. “His castle was the court where rewards were
distributed, and the most enviable distinctions conferred. All
disputes were settled by his decision, and the prosperity or poverty
of his tenants depended on his proper or improper treatment of them.
These tenants followed his standard in war--attended him in his
hunting excursions--supplied his table with the produce of their
farms--and assembled to reap his corn, and to prepare and bring home
his fuel. They looked up to him as their adviser and protector. The
cadets of his family, respected in proportion to the proximity of the
relation in which they stood to him, became a species of sub-chiefs,
scattered over different parts of his domains, holding their lands
and properties of him, with a sort of subordinate jurisdiction over
a portion of his people, and were ever ready to afford him their
counsel or assistance in all emergencies.

“Great part of the rent of land was paid in kind, and generally
consumed where it was produced. One chief was distinguished from
another, not by any additional splendour of dress or equipage, but
by being followed by more dependants, and by entertaining a greater
number of guests. What his retainers gave from their individual
property was spent amongst them in the kindest and most liberal
manner. At the castle every individual was made welcome, and was
treated according to his station, with a degree of courtesy and
regard to his feelings unknown in any other country.[515] This
condescension, while it raised the clansman in his own estimation,
and drew closer the ties between him and his superior, seldom
tempted him to use any improper familiarities. He believed himself
well born, and was taught to respect himself in the respect which
he showed to his chief; and thus, instead of complaining of the
difference of station and fortune, or considering a ready obedience
to his chieftain’s call as a slavish oppression, he felt convinced
that he was supporting his own honour in showing his gratitude and
duty to the generous head of his family. ‘Hence, the Highlanders,
whom more savage nations called savage, carried in the outward
expression of their manners the politeness of courts without their
vices, and in their bosoms the high point of honour without its
follies.’”[516]

It cannot, however, be denied, that the authority of the chief was
naturally arbitrary, and was sometimes exercised unduly and with
great severity; as a proof of which, there is said to exist among
the papers of the Perth family, an application to Lord Drummond
from the town of Perth, dated in 1707, requesting an occasional
use of his lordship’s executioner, who was considered an expert
operator, a request with which his lordship complied, reserving,
however, to himself the power of recalling the executioner when he
had occasion for his services. Another curious illustration of this
exercise of power is given by General Stewart. Sometime before the
year 1745, Lord President Forbes dined at Blair castle with the Duke
of Athole, on his way from Edinburgh to his seat at Culloden. A
petition was delivered to his Grace in the course of the evening, on
reading which, he thus addressed the President: “My lord, here is a
petition from a poor man, whom Commissary Bisset, my baron bailie (an
officer to whom the chief occasionally delegated his authority), has
condemned to be hanged; and as he is a clever fellow, and is strongly
recommended to mercy, I am much inclined to pardon him.” “But your
Grace knows,” said the President, “that, after condemnation, no
man can pardon but his Majesty.” “As to that,” replied the Duke,
“since I have the power of punishing, it is but right that I should
have the power to pardon.” Then, calling upon a servant who was in
waiting, his Grace said, “Go, send an express to Logierait, and
order Donald Stewart, presently under sentence, to be instantly set
at liberty.”[517]

The authority which the generality of the chiefs exercised, was
acquired from ancient usage and the weakness of the government;
but the lords of regality, and the great barons and chiefs, had
jurisdiction conferred on them by the Crown, both in civil and
criminal cases, which they sometimes exercised in person and
sometimes by deputy. The persons to whom they delegated this
authority were called _bailies_. In civil matters the baron or
chief could judge in questions of debt within his barony, as well
as in most of those cases known by the technical term of possessory
actions. And though it has always been an established rule of law,
that no person can be judge in his own cause, a baron might judge in
all actions between himself and his vassals and tenants, necessary
for making his rents and feu-duties effectual. Thus, he could
ascertain the price of corn due by a tenant, and pronounce sentence
against him for arrears of rent; but in all cases where the chief was
a party, he could not judge in person. The criminal jurisdiction of a
baron, according to the laws ascribed to Malcolm Mackenneth, extended
to all crimes except treason, and the four pleas of the Crown, viz.,
robbery, murder, rape, and fire-raising. Freemen could be tried by
none but their peers. Whenever the baron held a court, his vassals
were bound to attend and afford such assistance as might be required.
On these occasions many useful regulations for the good of the
community were often made, and supplies were sometimes voluntarily
granted to the chief to support his dignity. The bounty of the
vassals was especially and liberally bestowed on the marriage of the
chief, and in the portioning of his daughters and younger sons. These
donations consisted of cattle, which constituted the principal riches
of the country in those patriarchal days. In this way the younger
sons of the chief were frequently provided for on their settlement in
life.

The reciprocal ties which connected the chief and his clan were
almost indissoluble. In return for the kindness and paternal care
bestowed by the former on the latter, they yielded a ready submission
to his authority, and evinced a rare fidelity to his person, which
no adversity could shake. Innumerable instances of this devoted
attachment might be given, but two will suffice. In the battle
of Inverkeithing, between the royalists and the troops of Oliver
Cromwell, 500 of the followers of the Laird of Maclean were left
dead on the field. Sir Hector Maclean being hard pressed by the
enemy in the heat of the action, was successively covered from their
attacks by seven brothers, all of whom sacrificed their lives in his
defence; and as one fell another came up in succession to cover him,
crying, “Another for Hector.” This phrase, says General Stewart, has
continued ever since a proverb or watchword, when a man encounters
any sudden danger that requires instant succour. The other instance
is that of a servant of the late James Menzies of Culdares, who had
been engaged in the rebellion of 1715. Mr. Menzies was taken at
Preston in Lancashire, was carried to London, where he was tried and
condemned, but afterwards reprieved. This act prevented him from
turning out in 1745: but to show his good wishes towards Prince
Charles, he sent him a handsome charger as a present, when advancing
through England. The servant who led and delivered the horse was
taken prisoner and carried to Carlisle, where he was tried and
condemned. Every attempt was made, by threats of immediate execution,
in case of refusal, and promises of pardon, on giving information,
to extort a discovery from him of the person who sent the horse,
but in vain. He knew, he said, what would be the consequence of a
disclosure, and that his own life was nothing in comparison with
that which it would endanger. Being hard pressed at the place of
execution to inform on his master, he asked those about him if they
were really serious in supposing that he was such a villain as to
betray his master. He said, that if he did what they desired, and
forgot his master and his trust, he needed not return to his country,
for Glenlyon would be no home or country for him, as he would be
despised and hunted out of the glen. This trusty servant’s name was
John Macnaughton, a native of Glenlyon in Perthshire.[518]

The obedience and attachment of the Highlanders to their chiefs,
and the readiness they displayed, on all occasions, to adopt, when
called upon, the quarrels of their superiors, did not, however, make
them forget their own independence. When a chief was unfit for his
situation, or had degraded his name and family, the clan proceeded
to depose him, and set up the next in succession, if deserving, to
whom they transferred their allegiance, as happened to two chiefs of
the families of Macdonald of Clanronald and Macdonell of Keppoch.
The head of the family of Stewart of Garth, who, on account of his
ferocious disposition, was nick-named the “Fierce Wolf,” was, about
the year 1520, not only deposed, but confined for life in a cell
in the castle of Garth, which was, therefore, long regarded by the
people with a kind of superstitious terror. The clans even sometimes
interfered with the choice of the chiefs in changing their places
of abode, or in selecting a site for a new residence. The Earl of
Seaforth was prevented by his clan (the M’Kenzies) from demolishing
Brahan castle, the principal seat of the family. In the same way the
Laird of Glenorchy, ancestor of the Marquis of Breadalbane, having
some time previous to the year 1570, laid the foundation of a castle
which he intended to build on a hill on the side of Lochtay, was
compelled, or induced, by his people, to change his plan and build
the castle of Balloch or Taymouth.

From what has been stated, it will be perceived that the influence
of a chief with his clan depended much on his personal qualities,
of which kindness and a condescension, which admitted of an easy
familiarity, were necessary traits. Captain Burt, the author of
‘Letters from the North,’ thus alludes to the familiarity which
existed between a chief and his clan, and the affability and courtesy
with which they were accustomed to be treated: “And as the meanest
among them pretended to be his relations by consanguinity, they
insisted on the privilege of taking him by the hand whenever they met
him. Concerning this last, I once saw a number of very discontented
countenances when a certain lord, one of the chiefs, endeavoured to
evade this ceremony. It was in the presence of an English gentleman,
of high station, from whom he would willingly have concealed the
knowledge of such seeming familiarity with slaves of wretched
appearance; and thinking it, I suppose, a kind of contradiction to
what he had often boasted at other times, viz., his despotic power in
his clan.”

From the feeling of self-respect which the urbanity and condescension
of the chiefs naturally created in the minds of the people, arose
that honourable principle of fidelity to superiors and to their
trust, which we have already noticed, “and which,” says General
Stewart, “was so generally and so forcibly imbibed, that the man who
betrayed his trust was considered unworthy of the name which he bore,
or of the kindred to which he belonged.”

From this principle flowed a marked detestation of treachery, a vice
of very rare occurrence among the Highlanders; and so tenacious were
they on that point, that the slightest suspicion of infidelity on the
part of an individual estranged him from the society of his clan,
who shunned him as a person with whom it was dangerous any longer to
associate. The case of John Du Cameron, better known, from his large
size, by the name of Sergeant Mor,[519] affords an example of this.
This man had been a sergeant in the French service, and returned to
Scotland in the year 1745, when he engaged in the rebellion. Having
no fixed abode, and dreading the consequences of having served in
the French army, and of being afterwards engaged in the rebellion,
he formed a party of freebooters, and took up his residence among
the mountains on the borders of the counties of Perth, Inverness,
and Argyle, where he carried on a system of spoliation by carrying
off the cattle of those he called his enemies, if they did not
purchase his forbearance by the payment of _black mail_. Cameron
had long been in the habit of sleeping in a barn on the farm of
Dunan in Rannoch; but having been betrayed by some person, he was
apprehended one night when asleep in the barn, in the year 1753, by
a party of Lieutenant (after Sir Hector) Munro’s detachment. He was
carried to Perth, and there tried before the court of justiciary
for the murder alluded to in the note, and various acts of theft
and cattle-stealing. Being found guilty, he was executed at Perth
in 1753. It was generally believed in the country that Cameron had
been betrayed by the man in whose barn he had taken shelter, and the
circumstance of his renting a farm from government, on the forfeited
estate of Strowan, on advantageous terms, strengthened the suspicion;
but beyond this there was nothing to confirm the imputation. Yet
this man was ever after heartily despised, and having by various
misfortunes lost all his property, which obliged him to leave the
country in great poverty, the people firmly believed that his
misfortunes were a just judgment upon him for violating the trust
reposed in him by an unsuspecting and unfortunate person.

Such were some of the leading characteristics of this remarkable
race of people, who preserved many of their national peculiarities
till a comparatively recent period. These, whoever, are now fast
disappearing before the march of modern improvement and civilization;
and we are sorry to add that the vices which seem almost inseparable
from this new state of society have found their way into some parts
of the Highlands, and supplanted, to a certain extent, many of those
shining virtues which were once the glory of the Gael.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XVIII.,

Containing notices by contemporary writers, from the 11th century
downwards, of the dress and arms of the Highlanders; extracted
from the Iona Club publication, _Collectanea de rebus Albanicis_.

Magnus Berfaet’s Saga.

A.D. 1093. It is said when King Magnus returned from his
expedition in the west, that he adopted the costume in use in the
western lands, and likewise many of his followers; that they went
about barelegged having short tunics (W. kyrtles), and also upper
garments; and so many men called him Barelegged or Barefoot.

Andrew Wyntoun (1420), referring to the combat on N. Inch, says,

At Sanct Johnstone beside the Freris,
All thai entrit in Barreris
Wyth Bow and Ax, Knyf and Swerd,
To deil amang them their last werd.

John Major (1512).

From the middle of their thigh to the foot they have no covering
for the leg, clothing themselves with a mantle instead of an
upper garment, and a shirt dyed with saffron. They always carry a
bow and arrows, a very broad sword with a small halbert, a large
dagger, sharpened on one side only, but very sharp, under the
belt. In time of war they cover their whole body with a shirt of
mail of iron rings, and fight in that. The common people of the
Highland Scots rush into battle, having their body clothed with a
linen garment manifoldly sewed and painted or daubed with pitch,
with a covering of deerskin.

In another place he speaks much to the same purport.

In the accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, in August
1538, we find the following entries regarding a Highland dress made
for King James V., on the occasion of that monarch making a hunting
excursion into the Highlands:--

ITEM in the first for ii elnis ane quarter elne of variant
cullorit velvet to be the Kingis Grace are schort _Heland_
coit price of the elne vi^{lib} summa xiii^{lib} x^s.

ITEM for iii elnis quarter elne of grene taffatys to lyne
the said coit with, price of the elne x^s summa xxxii^s vi^d.

ITEM for iii elnis of _Heland tartane_ to be hoiss to
the Kingis Grace, price of the elne iiii^s iiii^d summa xiii^s.

ITEM for xv elnis of holland claith to be syde Heland sarkis
to the Kingis Grace, price of the elne viii^s summa vi^{lib}.

ITEM for sewing and making of the said sarkis ix^s.

ITEM for twa unce of silk to sew thame x^s.

ITEM for iiii elnis of rubanis to the handis of thame ii^s.

Letter written by John Elder, a Highland priest, to Henry VIII.
(1543).

Moreover, wherefor they call us in Scotland Reddshankes, and in
your Graces dominion of England, roghe footide Scottis, Pleas it
your Maiestie to understande, that we of all people can tollerat,
suffir, and away best with colde, for boithe somer and wyntir
(excepte when the froest is most vehemonte), goynge alwaies bair
leggide and bair footide, our delite and pleasure is not onely
in huntynge of redd deir, wolfes, foxes, and graies, whereof we
abounde, and have greate plentie, but also in rynninge, leapinge,
swymmynge, shootynge, and thrawinge of dartis: therfor, in so
moche as we use and delite so to go alwaies, the tendir delicatt
gentillmen of Scotland call us _Reddshankes_. And agayne in
wynter, whene the froest is mooste vehement (as I have saide)
which we can not suffir bair footide, so weill as snow, whiche
can never hurt us whene it cummes to our girdills, we go a
huntynge, and after that we have slayne redd deir, we flaye of
the skyne, bey and bey, and settinge of our bair foote on the
insyde therof, for neide of cunnyge shoemakers, by your Graces
pardon, we play the sutters; compasinge and mesuringe so moche
thereof, as shall retche up to our anclers, pryckynge the upper
part therof also with holis, that the water may repas when it
entres, and stretchide up with a stronge thwange of the same,
meitand above our said ancklers, so, and please your noble Grace,
we make our shoois: Therfor, we usinge such maner of shoois, the
roghe hairie syde outwart, in your Graces dominion of England,
we be callit roghe footide Scottis; which maner of schoois (and
pleas your Highnes) in Latyne be called perones, whereof the poet
Virgill makis mencioun, sayinge, That the olde auncient Latyns in
tyme of warrs uside suche maner of schoos. And althoughe a great
sorte of us Reddshankes go after this maner in our countrethe,
yeit never the les, and pleas your Grace, when we come to the
courte (the Kinges Grace our great master being alyve) waitinge
on our Lordes and maisters, who also, for velvettis and silkis,
be right well araide, we have as good garmentis as some of our
fellowis whiche gyve attendaunce in the court every day.

John de Beaugué, a Frenchman, who wrote a history of the campaigns in
Scotland in 1549, printed in Paris in 1556, states that, at the siege
of Haddington, in 1549, “they (the Scottish army) were followed by
the Highlanders, and these last go _almost naked_; they have painted
waistcoats, and a sort of woollen covering, variously coloured.”

Lindsay of Pitscottie (wrote about 1573):--

The other pairts [of Scotland] northerne are full of mountaines,
and very rud and homlie kynd of people doeth inhabite, which is
called the Reidschankis or Wyld Scottis. They be clothed with ane
mantle, with ane schirt saffroned after the Irisch manner, going
bair-legged to the knee. Thair weapones ar bowis and dartes, with
ane verie broad sword and ane dagger scharp onlie at the on edge.

John Lesley, Bishop of Ross, who published his work _De origine,
moribus et rebus gestis Scotorum_ at Rome in 1578, thus describes the
arms and dress of the old Scots, which were still in his time used by
the Highlanders and Islanders:--

In battle and hostile encounter their missile weapons were a
lance and arrows. They used also a two-edged sword which, with
the foot soldiers was pretty long, and short for the horse;
both had it broad, and with an edge so exceeding sharp that at
one blow it would easily cut a man in two. For defence, they
used a coat of mail, woven of iron rings, which they wore over
a leather jerkin, stout and of handsome appearance, which we
call an aeton. Their whole armour was light, that they might the
more easily slip from their enemies’ hands if they chanced to
fall into such a strait. Their clothing was made for use (being
chiefly suited to war), and not for ornament. All, both nobles
and common people, wore mantles of one sort (except that the
nobles preferred those of several colours). These were long and
flowing, but capable of being neatly gathered up at pleasure
into folds. I am inclined to believe that they were the same as
those to which the ancients gave the name of brachal. Wrapped up
in these for their only covering they would sleep comfortably.
They had also shaggy rugs, such as the Irish use at the present
day, some fitted for a journey, others to be placed on a bed.
The rest of their garments consisted of a short woollen jacket
with the sleeves open below for the convenience of throwing their
darts, and a covering for the thighs of the simplest kind, more
for decency than for show or a defence against cold. They made
also of linen, very large shirts, with numerous folds and wide
sleeves, which flowed abroad loosely to their knees. These, the
rich coloured with saffron, and others smeared with some grease
to preserve them longer clean among the toils and exercises of a
camp, which they held it of the highest consequence to practise
continually. In the manufacture of these, ornament and a certain
attention to taste were not altogether neglected, and they
joined the different parts of their shirts very neatly with silk
threads, chiefly of a green or red colour.

Their women’s attire was very becoming. Over a gown reaching to
the ancles, and generally embroidered, they wore large mantles of
the kind already described, and woven of different colours. Their
chief ornaments were the bracelets and necklaces with which they
decorated their arms and necks.

George Buchanan (pub. 1582, thus translated by Monypenny 1612).

They delight in marled clothes, specially that have long stripes
of sundry colours; they love chiefly purple and blew. Their
predecessors used short mantles or plaids of divers colours
sundry waies devided; and amongst some, the same custome is
observed to this day; but for the most part now they are browne,
more nere to the colour of the hadder; to the effect when they
lie amongst the hadder the bright colour of their plaids shall
not bewray them; with the which, rather coloured than clad,
they suffer the most cruel tempests that blow in the open field
in such sort, that under a wrythe of snow they slepe sound....
Their armour wherewith they cover their bodies in time of werre,
is an iron bonnet and an habbergion side (long) almost even to
their heeles. Their weapones against their enemies are bowes and
arrowes. The arrows are for the most part hooked, with a bauble
on either side, which once entered within the body cannot be
drawn forth againe, unlesse the wounde be made wider. Some of
them fight with broad swords and axes.

Nicolay d’Arfeville, Cosmographer to King of France, pub. 1583, a
vol. on Scotland, speaks thus:--

They [wild Scots] weir like the Irish, a long large and full
shirt, coloured with saffron, and over this a garment hanging
to the knee, of thick wool, after the manner of a cassock. They
go with bare heads, and allow the hair to grow very long, and
they wear neither stockings nor shoes, except some who have
buskins made in a very old fashion, which come as high as their
knees. Their arms are the bow and arrow, and some darts, which
they throw with great dexterity, and a large sword, with a
single-edged dagger. They are very swift of foot, and there is no
horse so swift as to outstrip them, as I have seen proved several
times, both in England and Scotland.

In 1594, when Red Hugh O’Donnell, Lord of Tirconall in Ulster, was in
rebellion against Queen Elizabeth, he was assisted for some time by a
body of auxiliaries from the Hebrides. These warriors are described
in the following terms in the Life of Hugh O’Donnell, originally
written in Irish by Peregrine O’Clery, and since translated by the
late Edward O’Reilly, Esq.

The outward clothing they (the auxiliaries from the isles) wore,
was a mottled garment with numerous colours hanging in folds
to the calf of the leg, with a girdle round the loins over
the garment. Some of them with horn-hafted swords, large and
military, over their shoulders. A man when he had to strike with
them, was obliged to apply both his hands to the haft.

John Taylor, the Water Poet, made an excursion to Scotland in 1618,
of which he published an amusing account under the title of _The
Pennylesse Pilgrimage_. He describes the dress of the Highlanders
in the following account he gives of his visit to Braemar for the
purpose of paying his respects to the Earl of Mar and Sir W. Moray of
Abercairney.

Thus, with extreme travell, ascending and descending, mounting
and alighting, I came at night to the place where I would be,
in the Brae of Marr, which is a large county all composed of
such mountaines, that Shooters hill, Gads hill, Highgate hill,
Hampstead hill, Birdlip hill, or Malvernes hills, are but
mole-hills in comparison, or like a liver, or a gizzard under
a capon’s wing, in respect to the altitude of their tops, or
perpendicularite of their bottomes. There I saw mount Benawne
with a furrd’d mist upon his snowy head instead of a night-cap;
for you must understand, that the oldest man alive never saw
but the snow was on the top of divers of those hills, (both in
summer as well as in winter). There did I find the truely noble
and Right Honourable Lords John Erskine, Earle of Marr, James
Stuart, Earle of Murray, George Gordon, Earle of Engye, sonne and
heire to the Marquise of Huntley, James Erskin, Earle of Bughan,
and John, Lord Erskin, sonne and heire to the Earle of Marr, and
their Countesses, with my much honoured, and my best assured
and approved friend, Sir William Murray, Knight, of Abercarny,
and hundred of others, knights, esquires, and their followers;
_all_ and every man in generall, in one habit, as if Licurgus
had been there, and made lawes of equality. For once in the
yeere, which is the whole moneth of August, and sometimes part of
September, many of the nobility and gentry of the kingdome (for
their pleasure) doe come into these Highland countries to hunt,
where they doe conforme themselves to the habite of the Highland
men, who, for the moste part, speake nothing but Irish; and in
former time were those people which were called the _Red-shanks_.
Their habite is shooes with but one sole apiece; stockings (which
they call short hose) made of a warme stuff of divers colours,
which they call tartane. As for breeches, many of them, nor their
forefathers, ever wore any, but a jerkin of the same stuffe that
their hose is of, their garters being bands or wreathes of hay or
straw, with a plaed about their shoulders, which is a mantle of
divers colours, much finer and lighter stuffe than their hose,
with blue flat caps on their heads, a handkerchiefe knit with two
knots about their necke; and thus are they attyred. Now, their
weapons are long bowes and forked arrowes, swords and targets,
harquebusses, muskets, durks, and Loquhabor-axes. With these
armes I found many of them armed for the hunting. As for their
attire, any man of what degree soever that comes amongst them,
must not disdaine to weare it; for if they doe, then they will
disdaine to hunt, or willingly to bring in their dogges; but
if men be kind unto them, and be in their habit, then are they
conquered with kindnesse, and the sport will be plentifull. This
was the reason that I found so many noblemen and gentlemen in
those shapes. But to proceed to the hunting.

My good Lord of Marr having put me into that shape, I rode with
him from his house, where I saw the ruines of an old castle,
called the castle of Kindroghit. It was built by king Malcolm
Canmore (for a hunting house), who raigned in Scotland when
Edward the Confessor, Harold, and Norman William raigned in
England; I speak of it, because it was the last house that I saw
in those parts; for I was the space of twelve dayes after, before
I saw either house, corne-field, or habitation for any creature,
but deere, wild horses, wolves, and such like creatures, which
made me doubt that I should never have seene a house againe.

Defoe, in his _Memoirs of a Cavalier_, written about 1721, and
obviously composed from authentic materials, thus describes the
Highland part of the Scottish army which invaded England in 1639, at
the commencement of the great civil war. The Cavalier having paid a
visit to the Scottish camp to satisfy his curiosity, thus proceeds:--

I confess the soldiers made a very uncouth figure, especially the
Highlanders: the oddness and barbarity of their garb and arms
seemed to have something in it remarkable. They were generally
tall swinging fellows; their swords were extravagantly and I
think insignificantly broad, and they carried great wooden
targets, large enough to cover the upper part of their bodies.
Their dress was as antique as the rest; a cap on their heads,
called by them a bonnet, long hanging sleeves behind, and their
doublet, breeches, and stockings, of a stuff they called plaid,
stripped across red and yellow, with short cloaks of the same.

William Cleland, Lieutenant-Colonel to the Earl of Angus’s regiment,
who was killed whilst gallantly defending his post at Dunkeld,
against a party of Highlanders, soon after the Revolution, wrote a
satirical poem upon the expedition of the Highland host in 1678, from
which the following extract is taken:--

Their head, their neck, their legs, their thighs
Are influenced by the skies,
Without a clout to interrupt them
They need not strip them when they whip them;
Nor loose their doublet when they’re hanged.

* * * * *

But those who were their chief Commanders,
As such who bore the pirnie standards,
Who led the van, and drove the rear,
Were right well mounted of their gear;
With brogues, trues, and pirnie plaides,
With good blew bonnets on their heads,
Which on the one side had a flipe
Adorn’d with a tobacco pipe,
With durk, and snap work, and snuff mill,
A bagg which they with onions fill,
And, as their strik observers say,
A tupe horn fill’d with usquebay;
A slasht out coat beneath her plaids,
A targe of timber, nails and hides;
With a long two-handed sword,
As good’s the country can affoord.

* * * * *

they’re smear’d with tar,
Which doth defend them heel and neck,
Just as it doth their sheep protect.

William Sacheverell, governor of the Isle of Man, made an excursion
in 1688 through the Isle of Mull, and thence to Icolmkill. An account
of this he published in 1702, in which he describes from observation,
the dress, armour, and appearance of the Highlanders.

During my stay, I generally observed the men to be large-bodied,
stout, subtle, active, patient of cold and hunger. There appeared
in all their actions a certain generous air of freedom, and
contempt of those trifles, luxury and ambition, which we so
servilely creep after. They bound their appetites by their
necessities, and their happiness consists, not in having
much, but in coveting little. The women seem to have the same
sentiments with the men; though their habits were mean, and they
had not our sort of breeding, yet in many of them there was a
natural beauty and a graceful modesty, which never fails of
attracting. The usual outward habit of both sexes is the pladd;
the women’s much finer, the colours more lively, and the squares
larger than the men’s, and put me in mind of the ancient Picts.
This serves them for a veil, and covers both head and body. The
men wear theirs after another manner, especially when designed
for ornament: it is loose and flowing, like the mantles our
painters give their heroes. Their thighs are bare, with brawny
muscles. Nature has drawn all her strokes bold and masterly;
_what is covered is only adapted to necessity_--a thin brogue
on the foot, a short buskin of various colours on the leg, tied
above the calf with a striped pair of garters. What should be
concealed is hid with a large shot-pouch, on each side of which
hangs a pistol and a dagger, as if they found it necessary to
keep those parts well guarded. A round target on their backs,
a blue bonnet on their heads, in one hand a broadsword, and a
musquet in the other. Perhaps no nation goes better armed; and
I assure you they will handle them with bravery and dexterity,
especially the sword and target, as our veteran regiments found
to their cost at Killiecrankie.

The following minute description of Highland dress is contained in
Martin’s _Western Isles of Scotland_:--

The first habit wore by persons of distinction in the islands,
was the _leni-croich_, from the Irish word _leni_, which
signifies a shirt, and _croch_, saffron, because their shirt was
died with that herb: the ordinary number of ells used to make
this robe was twenty-four; it was the upper garb, reaching below
the knees, and was tied with a belt round the middle; but the
islanders have laid it aside about a hundred years ago.

They now generally use coat, wastcoat, and breeches, as
elsewhere, and on their heads wear bonnets made of thick cloth,
some blew, some black, and some gray.

Many of the people wear _trowis_. Some have them very fine woven
like stockings of those made of cloath; some are coloured and
others striped; the latter are as well shap’d as the former,
lying close to the body from the middle downwards, and tied round
with a belt above the haunches. There is a square piece of cloth
which hangs down before. The measure for shaping the trowis is a
stick of wood whose length is a cubit, and that divided into the
length of a finger, and half a finger; so that it requires more
skill to make it, than the ordinary habit.

The shooes anciently wore, was a piece of the hide of a deer,
cow, or horse, with the hair on, being tied behind and before
with a point of leather. The generality now wear shooes having
one thin sole only, and shaped after the right and left foot; so
that what is for one foot, will not serve the other.

But persons of distinction wear the garb in fashion in the south
of Scotland.

The plad wore only by the men, is made of fine wool, the thread
as fine as can be made of that kind; it consists of divers
colours, and there is a great deal of ingenuity requir’d in
sorting the colours, so as to be agreeable to the nicest fancy.
For this reason the women are at great pains, first to give an
exact pattern of the plade upon a piece of wood, having the
number of every thread of the stripe on it. The length of it
is commonly seven double ells; the one end hangs by the middle
over the left arm, the other going round the body, hangs by the
end over the left arm also. The right hand above it is to be at
liberty to do any thing upon occasion. Every isle differs from
each other in their fancy of making plaids, as to the stripes in
breadth and colours. This humour is as different thro’ the main
land of the Highlands, insofar that they who have seen those
places, is able at the first view of a man’s plaid, to guess the
place of his residence.

When they travel on foot, the plaid is tied on the breast with a
bodkin of bone or wood, (just as the _spina_ wore by the Germans,
according to the description of C. Tacitus;) the plaid is tied
round the middle with a leather belt; it is pleated from the belt
to the knee very nicely; this dress for footmen is found much
easier and lighter than breeches, or trowis.

The ancient dress wore by the women, and which is yet wore by
some of the vulgar, called _arisad_, is a white plade, having
a few small stripes of black, blew, and red; it reached from
the neck to the heels, and was tied before on the breast with
a buckle of silver, or brass, according to the quality of the
person. I have seen some of the former of an hundred marks value;
it was broad as any ordinary pewter plate, the whole curiously
engraven with various animals, &c. There was a lesser buckle
which was wore in the middle of the larger, and above two ounces
weight; it had in the center a large piece of chrystal, or some
finer stone, and this was set all round with several finer stones
of a lesser size.

The plad being pleated all round, was tied with a belt below the
breast; the belt was of leather, and several pieces of silver
intermix’d with the leather like a chain. The lower end of the
belt has a piece of plate about eight inches long, and three
in breadth, curiously engraven; the end of which was adorned
with fine stones, or pieces of red corral. They wore sleeves of
scarlet cloth, clos’d at the end as mens vests, with gold lace
round ’em, having plate buttons set with fine stones. The head
dress was a fine kerchief of linen strait about the head, hanging
down the back taper-wise; a large lock of hair hangs down their
cheeks above their breast, the lower end tied with a knot of
ribbands.

The ancient way of fighting was by set battles, and for arms some
had broad two handed swords, and head-pieces, and others bows
and arrows. When all their arrows were spent, they attack’d one
another with sword in hand. Since the invention of guns, they
aere very early accustomed to use them, and carry their pieces
with them wherever they go: they likewise learn to handle the
broad sword, and target. The chief of each tribe advances with
his followers within shot of the enemy, having first laid aside
their upper garments; and after one general discharge, they
attack them with sword in hand, having their target on their left
hand, (as they did at Kelicranky) which soon brings the matter
to an issue, and verifies the observation made of ’em by our
historians,

Aut mors cito, aut victoria læta.

The following is taken from _Letters from a Gentleman in the North of
Scotland_, written by Captain Burt, an English officer of Engineers,
engaged under Marshal Wade on the military roads through the
Highlands, begun in the year 1726:--

The Highland dress consists of a bonnet made of thrum without a
brim, a short coat, a waistcoat, longer by five or six inches,
short stockings, and brogues, or pumps without heels. By the way,
they cut holes in their brogues, though new made, to let out the
water, when they have far to go and rivers to pass: this they do
to preserve their feet from galling.

Few besides gentlemen wear the _trowze_,--that is, the breeches
and stockings all of one piece, and drawn on together; over
this habit they wear a plaid, which is usually three yards long
and two breadths wide, and the whole garb is made of chequered
tartan, or plaiding: this, with the sword and pistol, is called a
_full dress_, and, to a well-proportioned man, with any tolerable
air, it makes an agreeable figure; but this you have seen in
London, and it is chiefly their mode of dressing when they are
in the Lowlands, or when they make a neighbouring visit, or go
anywhere on horseback; but when those among them who travel on
foot, and have not attendants to carry them over the waters,
they vary it into the _quelt_, which is a manner I am about to
describe.

The common habit of the ordinary Highlanders is far from being
acceptable to the eye: with them a small part of the plaid, which
is not so large as the former, is set in folds and girt round
the waist, to make of it a short petticoat that reaches half way
down the thigh, and the rest is brought over the shoulders, and
then fastened before, below the neck, often with a fork, and
sometimes with a bodkin or sharpened piece of stick, so that they
make pretty nearly the appearance of the poor women in London
when they bring their gowns over their heads to shelter them from
the rain. In this way of wearing the plaid, they have sometimes
nothing else to cover them, and are often barefoot; but some I
have seen shod with a kind of pumps, made out of a raw cowhide,
with the hair turned outward, which being ill made, the wearer’s
foot looked something like those of a rough-footed hen or pigeon:
these are called _quarrants_, and are not only offensive to the
sight, but intolerable to the smell of those who are near them.
The stocking rises no higher than the thick of the calf, and
from the middle of the thigh to the middle of the leg is a naked
space, which, being exposed to all weathers, becomes tanned and
freckled. This dress is called the _quelt_; and, for the most
part, they wear the petticoat so very short, that in a windy day,
going up a hill, or stooping, the indecency of it is plainly
discovered.

I have observed before that the plaid serves the ordinary people
for a cloak by day and bedding at night: by the latter it imbibes
so much perspiration, that no one day can free it from the filthy
smell; and even some of better than ordinary appearance, when
the plaid falls from the shoulder, or otherwise requires to be
re-adjusted, while you are talking with them, toss it over again,
as some people do the knots of their wigs, which conveys the
offence in whiffs that are intolerable;--of this they seem not
to be sensible, for it is often done only to give themselves airs.

The plaid is the undress of the ladies; and to a genteel woman,
who adjusts it with a good air, is a becoming veil. But as I am
pretty sure you never saw one of them in England, I shall employ
a few words to describe it to you. It is made of silk or fine
worsted, chequered with various lively colours, two breadths
wide, and three yards in length; it is brought over the head, and
may hide or discover the face according to the wearer’s fancy or
occasion: it reaches to the waist behind; one corner falls as low
as the ankle on one side; and the other part, in folds, hangs
down from the opposite arm.

The ordinary girls wear nothing upon their heads until they are
married or have a child, except sometimes a fillet of red or blue
coarse cloth, of which they are very proud; but often their hair
hangs down over the forehead like that of a wild colt. If they
wear stockings, which is very rare, they lay them in plaits one
above another, from the ancle up to the calf, to make their legs
appear as near as they can in the form of a cylinder; but I think
I have seen something like this among the poor German refugee
women and the Moorish men in London.

Mr. Gough, in his additions to Camden’s _Britannia_, gives the
following accurate description of the Highland dress and armour, as
they were to be found in the district of Breadalbane previous to the
proscription of the dress:--

The dress of the men is the _brechan_ or plaid, 12 or 13 yards
of narrow stuff wrapped round the middle, and reaching to the
knees, often girt round the waist, and in cold weather covering
the whole body, even on the open hills, all night, and fastened
on the shoulders with a brooch; short stockings tied below the
knee; _truish_, a genteeler kind of breeches, and stockings of
one piece; _cueranen_, a laced shoe of skin, with the hairy side
out, rather disused; _kilt_ or fillibeg, g. d. little plaid, or
short petticoat, reaching to the knees, substituted of late to
the longer end of the plaid; and lastly, the pouch of badger or
other skins, with tassels hanging before them.

The women’s dress is the _kerch_, or white linen pinned round
behind like a hood, and over the foreheads of married women,
whereas maidens wear only a _snood_ or ribbon round their heads;
the _tanac_ or plaid fastened over their shoulders, and drawn
over their heads in bad weather; a plaited long stocking, called
_ossan_, is their high dress.

The following detail of the complete equipment of a Highland chief
was communicated by a Highland gentleman to _Charles Grant, Vicomte
de Vaux_, by whom it was printed in his _Mémoires de la Maison de
Grant_, in 1796:--

No. 1. A full-trimmed bonnet.
2. A tartan jacket, vest, kilt, and cross-belt.
3. A tartan belted plaid.
4. -------- pair of hose, made up [of cloth].
5. A tartan pair of stockings, ditto, with yellow
garters.
6. Two pair of brogs.
7. A silver-mounted purse and belt.
8. A target with spear.
9. A broadsword.
10. A pair of pistols and bullet-mould.
11. A dirk, knife, fork, and belt.

FOOTNOTES:

[465] For much of the matter in this chapter we must confess
ourselves indebted to General Stewart’s admirable and interesting
_Sketches of the Highlanders_, a well-stored repository of
information on all points connected with the ancient manners and
customs of the Highlands.

[466] Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. pp. 7, 8.

[467] Martin’s _Western Islands_, 2d edit. pp. 194, 195.

[468] Logan, vol. i. pp. 404, 405.

[469] Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 74.

[470] _Highlands_, vol. i. p. 180.

[471] Martin’s _Western Islands_, 2d edit. p. 80.

[472] Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 78.

[473] Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 76.

[474] Graham’s _Sketches of Perthshire_.

[475] Idem.

[476]
“It was a wild and strange retreat,
As e’er was trod by outlaw’s feet.
The dell, upon the mountain’s crest,
Yawned like a gash on warrior’s breast;
Its trench had staid full many a rock,
Hurl’d by primeval earthquake shock
From Ben-Venue’s grey summit wild,
And here, in random ruin piled,
They frowned incumbent o’er the spot,
And formed the rugged sylvan grot.
The oak and birch, with mingled shade,
At noontide there a twilight made,
Unless where short and sudden shone
From straggling beam on cliff or stone,
With such a glimpse as prophet’s eye
Gains on thy depth, Futurity.

No murmur wak’d the solemn still,
Save tinkling of a fountain rill;
But when the wind chafed with the lake,
A sullen sound would upward break,
With dashing hollow voice, that spoke
The incessant war of wave and rock.
Suspended cliffs, with hideous sway,
Seem’d nodding o’er the cavern grey.

* * * * *

Grey Superstition’s whisper dread,
Debarred the spot to vulgar tread;
For there, she said, did fays resort,
And satyrs hold their sylvan court,
By moon-light tread their mystic maze,
And blast the rash beholder’s gaze.”

_Lady of the Lake_, c. iii. s. 26.

[477] Graham’s _Sketches_.

[478] The belief in _Fairies_ is a popular superstition among the
Shetlanders. The margin of a small lake called the Sandy Loch,
about two miles from Lerwick, is celebrated for having been their
favourite resort. It is said that they often walk in procession along
the sides of the loch in different costumes. Some of the natives
used frequently, when passing by a knoll, to stop and listen to the
music of the fairies, and when the music ceased, they would hear
the rattling of the pewter plates which were to be used at supper.
The fairies sometimes visit the Shetland barns, from which they are
usually ejected by means of a _flail_, which the proprietor wields
with great agility, thumping and thrashing in every direction.

[479] ROBERTUS KIRK, A. M., LINGUÆ HIBERNII(C)Æ LUMEN, OBIIT, &c.

[480] The Fairies of Shetland appear to be bolder than the Shi’ichs
of the Highlands, for they are believed to carry off young children
even after baptism, taking care, however, to substitute a cabbage
stock, or something else in lieu, which is made to assume the
appearance of the abstracted child. The unhappy mother must take
as much care of this phantom as she did of her child, and on no
account destroy it, otherwise, it is believed, the fairies will not
restore her child to her. “This is not my bairn,” said a mother to a
neighbour who was condoling with her on the wasted appearance of her
infant, then sitting on her knee,--“this is not my bairn--may the
d--l rest where my bairn now is!”

[481] Graham’s _Sketches_.

[482] MS. No. IV. noticed in the Appendix to the Report on the Poems
of Ossian, p. 310.

[483] _Western Islands_, 2d ed. p. 86.

[484] Martin, 2d ed. p. 112.

[485] Martin, 2d ed. p. 112.

[486] _Western Islands_, p. 122.

[487] _Journey to the Hebrides_, p. 166.

[488] Id.

[489] Martin, p. 300.

[490] _Journey to the Western Islands_, pp. 167, 168.

[491] “On that occasion, sanctified by the puritanical cant of
the times, there was one marquis, three earls, two lords, sixteen
barons, and eight ministers present at the solemnity, but not one
musician; they liked yet better the bleating of the calves of Dan and
Bethel--the ministers’ long-winded, and sometimes nonsensical graces,
little to purpose--than all musical instruments of the sanctuaries,
at so solemn an occasion, which, if it be lawful at all to have
them, certainly it ought to be upon a wedding-day, for divertisement
to the guests, that innocent recreation of music and dancing being
much more warrantable and far better exercise than drinking and
smoking tobacco, wherein the holy brethren of the Presbyterian
(persuasion) for the most part employed themselves, without any
formal health, or remembrance of their friends, a nod with the head,
or a sign with the turning up of the white of the eye, served for the
ceremony.”--Stewart’s _Sketches--Memoirs of the Sommerville Family_.

[492] “Playing the bagpipes within doors,” says General Stewart, “is
a Lowland and English custom. In the Highlands the piper is always in
the open air; and when people wish to dance to his music, it is on
the green, if the weather permits; nothing but necessity makes them
attempt a pipe-dance in the house. The bagpipe was a field instrument
intended to call the clans to arms, and animate them in battle, and
was no more intended for a house than a round of six-pounders. A
broadside from a first-rate, or a round from a battery, has a sublime
and impressive effect at a proper distance. In the same manner, the
sound of bagpipes, softened by distance, had an indescribable effect
on the mind and actions of the Highlanders. But as few would choose
to be under the muzzle of the guns of a battery, so I have seldom
seen a Highlander, whose ears were not grated when close to pipes,
however much his breast might be warmed, and his feelings roused,
by the sounds to which he had been accustomed in his youth, when
proceeding from the proper distance.”--_Sketches_, App. xxiii.

[493] Dr. M’Queen’s Dissertation.

[494] Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 86.

[495] Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[496] Two remarkable instances of the regard paid by the Highlanders
to their engagements, are given by General Stewart. “A gentleman of
the name of Stewart, agreed to lend a considerable sum of money to a
neighbour. When they had met, and the money was already counted down
upon the table, the borrower offered a receipt. As soon as the lender
(grandfather of the late Mr. Stewart of Ballachulish) heard this, he
immediately collected the money, saying, that a man who could not
trust his own word, without a bond, should not be trusted by him,
and should have none of his money, which he put up in his purse and
returned home.” An inhabitant of the same district kept a retail
shop for nearly fifty years, and supplied the whole district, then
full of people, with all their little merchandise. He neither gave
nor asked any receipts. At Martinmas of each year he collected the
amount of his sales, which were always paid to a day. In one of his
annual rounds, a customer happened to be from home; consequently, he
returned unpaid, but before he was out of bed the following morning,
he was awakened by a call from his customer, who came to pay his
account. After the business was settled, his neighbour said, “You are
now paid; I would not for my best cow that I should sleep while you
wanted your money after your term of payment, and that I should be
the last in the country in your debt.” Such examples of stern honesty
are now, alas! of rare occurrence. Many of the virtues which adorned
the Highland character have disappeared in the vortex of modern
improvement, by which the country has been completely revolutionized.

[497] On the Superstitions of the Highlanders.

[498] Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 82.

[499] Id.

[500] Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[501] Mrs. Grant’s _Superstitions of the Highlanders_.

[502] _Genealogical History of the Earldom of Sutherland_, p. 189.

[503] Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 22.

[504] The power of the chiefs over their clans was, from political
motives, often supported by the government, to counteract the great
influence of the feudal system which enabled the nobles frequently
to set the authority of the state at defiance. Although the Duke of
Gordon was the feudal superior of the lands held by the Camerons,
M’Phersons, M’Donells of Keppoch and others, he had no influence over
those clans who always obeyed the orders of Lochiel, Clunie, Keppoch,
&c.

[505] Martin observes that in the Western Islands, “every heir, or
young chieftain of a tribe, was obliged in honour to give a public
specimen of his valour before he was owned and declared governor or
leader of his people, who obeyed and followed him upon all occasions.
This chieftain was usually attended with a retinue of young men of
quality, who had not beforehand given any proof of their valour, and
were ambitious of such an opportunity to signalize themselves. It was
usual for the captain to lead them, to make a desperate incursion
upon some neighbour or other that they were in feud with, and they
were obliged to bring, by open force, the cattle they found on the
lands they attacked, or to die in the attempt. After the performance
of this achievement, the young chieftain was ever after reputed
valiant, and worthy of government, and such as were of his retinue
acquired the like reputation. This custom being reciprocally used
among them, was not reputed robbery, for the damage which one tribe
sustained by this essay of the chieftain of another, was repaired
when their chieftain came in his turn to make his specimen; but I
have not heard an instance of this practice for these sixty years
past.”--_Western Islands_, 2d edit. pp. 101, 102.

[506] Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 30.

[507] Idem, vol. i. pp. 30, 31.

[508] General Stewart says that the families of the name of Stewart,
whose estates lay in the district of Athole, and whose chief, by
birth, was at a distance, ranged themselves under the family of
Athole, though they were themselves sufficiently numerous to raise
1000 fighting men.

[509] Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. pp. 33, 34.

[510] “When a quarrel begins in words between two Highlanders of
different clans, it is esteemed the very height of malice and
rancour, and the greatest of all provocations, to reproach one
another with the vices or personal defects of their chiefs, or that
of the particular branch whence they sprung”--Burt’s _Letters_.

[511] Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 35.

[512] For an account of this notorious individual, see the history of
the clan Macgregor in the second part of this work.

[513] General Stewart observes, that the Marshal had not at this
period been long enough in the Highlands to distinguish a cearnach,
or “lifter of cattle,” from a highwayman. “No such character as the
latter then existed in the country; and it may be presumed he did not
consider these men in the light which the word would indicate,--for
certainly the Commander-in-chief would neither have associated with
men whom he supposed to be really highwaymen, nor partaken of their
hospitality.”

[514] _Culloden Papers._

[515] This was noticed by Dr. Johnson. He thus describes
a meeting between the young laird of Coll and some of his
“subjects:”--“Wherever we roved, we were pleased to see the reverence
with which his subjects regarded him. He did not endeavour to
dazzle them by any magnificence of dress,--his only distinction was
a feather in his bonnet; but as soon as he appeared, they forsook
their work and clustered about him: he took them by the hand, and
they seemed mutually delighted. He has the proper disposition of a
chieftain, and seems desirous to continue the customs of his house.
The bagpiper played regularly when dinner was served, whose person
and dress made a good appearance; and he brought no disgrace upon the
family of Rankin, which has long supplied the lairds of Coll with
hereditary music.”--_Journey to the Western Islands._

[516] _Stewart’s Sketches_, vol. i. p. 46, &c.--Dalrymple’s _Memoirs_.

[517] Stewart, vol. i. p. 50.

[518] A picture of the horse was in the possession of the late
General Stewart of Garth, being a legacy bequeathed to him by the
daughter of Mr. Menzies. “A brother of Macnaughton,” says the
General, “lived for many years on the estate of Garth, and died in
1790. He always went about armed, at least so far armed, that when
debarred wearing a sword or dirk, he slung a large long knife in
his belt. He was one of the last I recollect of the ancient race,
and gave a very favourable impression of their general manner and
appearance. He was a smith by trade, and although of the lowest order
of the people, he walked about with an air and manner that might have
become a field-marshal. He spoke with great force and fluency of
language, and, although most respectful to those to whom he thought
respect was due, he had an appearance of independence and ease, that
strangers, ignorant of the language and character of the people,
might have supposed to proceed from impudence. As he always carried
arms when legally permitted, so he showed on one occasion that he
knew how to handle them. When the Black Watch was quartered on the
banks of the rivers Tay and Lyon, in 1741, an affray arose between a
few of the soldiers and some of the people at a fair at Kenmore. Some
of the Breadalbane men took the part of the soldiers, and, as many
were armed, swords were quickly drawn, and one of the former killed,
when their opponents, with whom was Macnaughton, and a smith, (to
whom he was then an apprentice,) retreated and fled to the ferry-boat
across the Tay. There was no bridge, and the ferryman, on seeing the
fray, chained his boat. Macnaughton was the first at the river side,
and leaping into the boat, followed by his master, the smith, with
a stroke of his broadsword cut the chain, and crossing the river,
fixed the boat on the opposite side, and thus prevented an immediate
pursuit. Indeed no farther steps were taken. The Earl of Breadalbane,
who was then at Taymouth, was immediately sent for. On inquiry, he
found that the whole had originated from an accidental reflection
thrown out by a soldier of one of the Argyle companies against the
Atholemen, then supposed to be Jacobites, and that it was difficult
to ascertain who gave the fatal blow. The man who was killed was an
old warrior of nearly eighty years of age. He had been with Lord
Breadalbane’s men, under Campbell of Glenlyon, at the battle of
Sheriffmuir; and, as his side lost their cause, he swore never to
shave again. He kept his word, and as his beard grew till it reached
his girdle, he got the name of Padric-na-Phaisaig, ‘Peter with the
Beard.’”

[519] The following amusing anecdote of this man is related by
General Stewart:--“On one occasion he met with an officer of the
garrison of Fort-William on the mountains of Lochaber. The officer
told him that he suspected he had lost his way, and, having a large
sum of money for the garrison, was afraid of meeting the sergeant
Mor; he therefore requested that the stranger would accompany
him on his road. The other agreed; and, while they walked on,
they talked much of the sergeant and his feats, the officer using
much freedom with his name, calling him robber, murderer.--‘Stop
there,’ interrupted his companion, ‘he does indeed take the cattle
of the whigs and you Sassanachs, but neither he nor his cearnachs
ever shed innocent blood; except once,’ added he, ‘that I was
unfortunate at Braemar, when a man was killed, but I immediately
ordered the _creach_ (the spoil) to be abandoned, and left to the
owners, retreating as fast as we could after such a misfortune!’
‘_You_,’ says the officer, ‘what had _you_ to do with the affair?’
‘I am John Du Cameron,--I am the sergeant Mor; there is the road to
Inverlochay,--you cannot now mistake it. You and your money are safe.
Tell your governor to send a more wary messenger for his gold. Tell
him also, that, although an outlaw, and forced to live on the public,
I am a soldier as well as himself, and would despise taking his gold
from a defenceless man who confided in me.’ The officer lost no time
in reaching the garrison, and never forgot the adventure, which he
frequently related.”

CHAPTER XIX.

A.D. 1660-1689.

BRITISH SOVEREIGNS:--

Charles II., 1660-1685. James II., (VII. of Scotland,) 1685-1688.

Trial and Execution of the Marquis of Argyle--His character--Feud
between the Earl of Argyle and the Macleans--The “Highland
Host”--The Test--Trial and Condemnation of the Earl of
Argyle--Argyle escapes--Argyle and Monmouth’s invasion--Execution
of Argyle--Unconstitutional proceedings of the King--Designs of
the Prince of Orange--Proceedings of King James--Landing of the
Prince of Orange--State of feeling in Scotland--Flight of the
King--The Duke of Gordon--Convention of Estates--Duke of Gordon
holds Edinburgh Castle--Viscount Dundee.

The news of the king’s arrival was received in Scotland with a
burst of enthusiasm not quite in accordance with the national
character;[520] but the idea that the nation was about to regain its
liberties made Scotsmen forget their wonted propriety. Preparatory to
the assembling of the Scottish parliament, which was summoned to meet
at Edinburgh on the 1st of January, 1661, Middleton, who had lately
been created an earl, was appointed his majesty’s commissioner; the
Earl of Glencairn, chancellor; the Earl of Lauderdale, secretary of
state; the Earl of Rothes, president of the council; and the Earl of
Crawford, lord-treasurer.

It would be quite apart from the object of this work to detail the
many unconstitutional acts passed by this “terrible parliament,” as
it is well named by Kirkton; but the trial of the Marquis of Argyle
must not be overlooked. That nobleman had, on the restoration of
the king, gone to London to congratulate his majesty on his return;
but on his arrival he was immediately seized and committed to the
Tower. He petitioned the king for a personal interview, which was
refused, and, to get rid of his importunities, his majesty directed
that he should be sent back to Scotland for trial. Being brought to
trial, he applied for delay, till some witnesses at a distance should
be examined on commission; but this also was refused. He thereupon
claimed the benefit of the amnesty which the king had granted at
Stirling. This plea was sustained by desire of the king; but as
there were other charges against him, arising out of transactions
subsequent to the year 1651, to which year only the amnesty extended,
the trial was proceeded in. These charges were, that he had aided
the English in destroying the liberties of Scotland--that he had
accepted a grant of £12,000 from Cromwell--that he had repeatedly
used defamatory and traitorous language in speaking of the royal
family--and, lastly, that he had voted for a bill abjuring the right
of the royal family to the crowns of the three kingdoms, which had
been passed in the parliament of Richard Cromwell, in which he sat.
Argyle denied that he had ever given any countenance or assistance
to the English in their invasion of Scotland; but he admitted the
grant from Cromwell, which he stated was given, not in lieu of
services, but as a compensation for losses sustained by him. He,
moreover, denied that he had ever used the words attributed to him
respecting the royal family; and with regard to the charge of sitting
in Richard Cromwell’s parliament, he stated that he had taken his
seat to protect his country from oppression, and to be ready, should
occasion offer, to support by his vote the restoration of the king.
This defence staggered the parliament, and judgment was postponed.
In the meantime Glencairn and Rothes hastened to London, to lay
the matter before the king, and to urge the necessity of Argyle’s
condemnation. Unfortunately for that nobleman, they had recovered
some letters which he had written to Monk and other English officers,
in which were found some expressions very hostile to the king; but as
these letters have not been preserved, their precise contents are not
known. Argyle was again brought before parliament, and the letters
read in his presence. He had no explanation to give, and his friends,
vexed and dismayed, retired from the house and left him to his fate.
He was accordingly sentenced to death on the 25th of May, 1661, and,
that he might not have an opportunity of appealing to the clemency of
the king, he was ordered to be beheaded within forty-eight hours. He
prepared for death with a fortitude not expected from the timidity
of his nature; wrote a long letter to the king, vindicating his
memory, and imploring protection for his poor wife and family; on
the day of his execution, dined at noon with his friends with great
cheerfulness, and was accompanied by several of the nobility to the
scaffold, where he behaved with singular constancy and courage. After
dinner he retired a short time for private prayer, and, on returning,
told his friends that “the Lord had sealed his charter, and said to
him, ‘Son, be of good cheer, thy sins are forgiven.’” When brought
to the scaffold he addressed the people, protested his innocence,
declared his adherence to the Covenant, reproved “the abounding
wickedness of the land, and vindicated himself from the charge
of being accessory to the death of Charles I.” With the greatest
fortitude he laid his head upon the block, which was immediately
severed from his body by the maiden. This event took place upon
Monday, the 27th of May, 1661, the marquis being then 65 years of
age. By a singular destiny, the head of Argyle was fixed on the same
spike which had borne that of his great rival Montrose.[521]

Argyle was held in high estimation by his party, and, by whatever
motives he may have been actuated, it cannot but be admitted, that
to his exertions Scotland is chiefly indebted for the successful
stand which was made against the unconstitutional attempts of
the elder Charles upon the civil and religious liberties of his
Scottish subjects. He appears to have been naturally averse to
physical pain, deficient in personal courage, the possession of
which, in the times in which Argyle lived, “covered a multitude of
sins,” and the want of which was esteemed by some unpardonable. We
believe that it is chiefly on this account that his character is
represented by his enemies and the opponents of his principles in
such an unfavourable light, contrasting as it does so strikingly with
that of his great opponent, the brave and chivalrous Montrose. That
he was an unprincipled hypocrite, we think it would be difficult
to prove; genuine hypocrisy, in a man of his ability, would have
probably gained for its possessor a happier fate. That he was wary,
cunning, reticent, and ambitious, there cannot be any doubt;--such
qualities are almost indispensable to the politician, and were more
than ordinarily necessary in those times, especially, considering
the men Argyle had to deal with. We believe that he was actuated all
along by deep but narrow and gloomy religious principle, that he had
the welfare of his country sincerely at heart, and that he took the
means he thought best calculated to maintain freedom, and, what he
thought, true religion in the land. As he himself said in a letter to
the Earl of Strafford,[522] he thought “his duty to the king would be
best shown by maintaining the constitution of his country in church
and state.” On the whole, he appears to have been a well-meaning,
wrong-headed, narrow-minded, clever politician. Mr. Grainger, in his
_Biographical History of England_, justly observes, “The Marquis of
Argyle was in the cabinet what his enemy, the Marquis of Montrose,
was in the field, the first character of his age for political
courage and conduct.” Had he been tried by impartial judges, the
circumstances of the times would have been considered as affording
some extenuation for his conduct; but it was his misfortune to be
tried by men who were his enemies, and who did not scruple to violate
all the forms of justice to bring him to the block, in the hope of
obtaining his vast possessions.

[Illustration: The Scottish “Maiden.”--Now in the Edinburgh
Antiquarian Museum.[523]]

The execution of Argyle was not in accordance with the views of the
king, who, to show his disapprobation of the death of the marquis,
received Lord Lorn, his eldest son, with favour at court; from which
circumstance the enemies of the house of Argyle anticipated that they
would be disappointed in their expectations of sharing among them
the confiscated estates of the marquis. To impair, therefore, these
estates was their next object. Argyle had obtained from the Scottish
parliament a grant of the confiscated estate of the Marquis of
Huntly, his brother-in-law, on the ground that he was a considerable
creditor, but as Huntly was indebted to other persons to the extent
of 400,000 merks, the estate was burdened to that amount on passing
into Argyle’s possession. Middleton and his colleagues immediately
passed an act, restoring Huntly’s estate free of incumbrance, leaving
to Huntly’s creditors recourse upon the estates of Argyle for payment
of their debts. Young Argyle was exasperated at this proceeding, and
in a letter to Lord Duffus, his brother-in-law, expressed himself
in very unguarded terms respecting the parliament. This letter was
intercepted by Middleton, and on it the parliament grounded a charge
of verbal sedition, or _leasing-making_, as the crime is known in
the statutory law of Scotland, an offence which was then capital.
Upon this vague charge the young nobleman was brought to trial before
the parliament, and condemned to death. The enemies of the house of
Argyle now supposed that the estates of the family were again within
their grasp; but the king, at the intercession of Lauderdale, the
rival of Middleton, pardoned Lorn, released him from prison after
about a year’s confinement, restored to him the family estates, and
allowed him to retain the title of Earl.[524]

After the suppression of Glencairn’s short-lived insurrection, the
Highlands appear to have enjoyed repose till the year 1674, when an
outbreak took place which threatened to involve the greater part of
that country in the horrors of feudal war, the occasion of which was
as follows. The Marquis of Argyle had purchased up some debts due
by the laird of Maclean, for which his son, the earl, applied for
payment; but the laird being unwilling or unable to pay, the earl
apprised his lands, and followed out other legal proceedings, to make
the claim effectual against Maclean’s estates. In the meantime the
latter died, leaving a son under the guardianship of his brother,
to whom, on Maclean’s death, the earl renewed his application for
payment. The tutor of Maclean stated his readiness to settle, either
by appropriating as much of the rents of his ward’s lands in Mull
and Tirey as would be sufficient to pay the interest of the debt, or
by selling or conveying to him in security as much of the property
as would be sufficient to pay off the debt itself; but he required,
before entering into this arrangement, that the earl would restrict
his claim to what was justly due. The earl professed his readiness to
comply with the tutor’s offer; but the latter contrived to evade the
matter for a considerable time, and at length showed a disposition to
resist the earl’s demand by force.

The earl, therefore, resolved to enforce compliance, and armed with a
decree of the Court of Session, and supported by a body of 2,000 of
his tenants and vassals, he crossed into Mull, in which, he landed
at three different places without opposition, although the Macleans
had 700 or 800 men in the island. The Macleans had sent their cattle
into Mull for safety, a considerable number of which were killed or
houghed by Lord Neill, brother to the earl, at the head of a party of
the Campbells. The islanders at once submitted, and the earl having
obtained possession of the castle of Duart, and placed a garrison
therein, left the island. Although the Macleans had promised to pay
their rents to the earl, they refused when applied to the following
year, a refusal which induced him to prepare for a second invasion
of Mull. In September, 1675, he had collected a force of about 1,500
men, including 100 of the king’s troops from Glasgow, under the
command of Captain Crichton, and a similar number of militia-men,
under Andrew M’Farlane, the laird of M’Farlane, the use of which
corps had been granted to the earl on application to the Council. The
Macleans, aware of their danger, had strengthened themselves by an
alliance with Lord Macdonald and other chieftains, who sent a force
of about 1,000 men to their aid; but Argyle’s forces never reached
the island, his ships having been driven back damaged and dismantled
by a dreadful hurricane, which lasted two days.[525]

This misfortune, and intelligence which the earl received from the
commander of Duart castle that the Macleans were in great force in
the island, made him postpone his enterprise. With the exception
of 500 men whom he retained for the protection of his coasts, and
about 300 or 400 to protect his lands against the incursions of the
Macleans, he dismissed his forces, after giving them instructions
to re-assemble on the 18th of October, unless countermanded before
that time. The earl then went to Edinburgh to crave additional aid
from the government; but receiving no encouragement, he posted to
London, where he expected, with the help of his friend the Duke of
Lauderdale, to obtain assistance. Lord Macdonald and the other
friends of the Macleans, hearing of Argyle’s departure, immediately
followed him to London, and laid a statement of the dispute before
the king, who, in February, 1676, remitted the matter to three lords
of the Privy Council of Scotland for judgment. The earl returned to
Edinburgh in June following. A meeting of the parties took place
before the lords to whom the matter had been referred, but they
came to no decision, and the subsequent fate of Argyle put an end
to these differences, although it appears that he was allowed to
take possession of the island of Mull without resistance in the year
1680.[526]

Except upon one occasion, now to be noticed, the Highlanders took
no share in any of the public transactions in Scotland during the
reigns of Charles the Second and his brother James. Isolated from the
Lowlands by a mountain barrier which prevented almost any intercourse
between them and their southern neighbours, they happily kept free
from the contagion of that religious fanaticism which spread over
the Lowlands of Scotland, in consequence of the unconstitutional
attempts of the government to force episcopacy upon the people. Had
the Highlanders been imbued with the same spirit which actuated the
Scottish whigs, the government might have found it a difficult task
to have suppressed them; but they did not concern themselves with
these theological disputes, and they did not hesitate when their
chiefs, at the call of the government, required their services to
march to the Lowlands to suppress the disturbances in the western
counties. Accordingly, an army of about 8,000 men, known in Scottish
history by the name of the “Highland Host,” descended from the
mountains under the command of their respective chiefs, and encamped
at Stirling on the 24th of June, 1678, whence they spread themselves
over Clydesdale, Renfrew, Cunningham, Kyle, and Carrick, and overawed
the whigs so effectually, that they did not attempt to oppose the
government during the stay of these hardy mountaineers among them.
According to Wodrow and Kirkton, the Highlanders were guilty of great
oppression and cruelty, but they kept their hands free from blood,
as it has been correctly stated that not one whig lost his life
during the invasion of these Highland crusaders.[527] After remaining
about eight months in the Lowlands, the Highlanders were sent home,
the government having no further occasion for their services, but
before their departure they took care to carry along with them a
large quantity of plunder they had collected during their stay.[528]

After the departure of the Highlanders, the Covenanters again
appeared upon the stage, and proceeded so far as even to murder some
soldiers who had been quartered on some landlords who had refused to
pay cess. The assassination of Archbishop Sharp, and the insurrection
of the Covenanters under a preacher named Hamilton, followed by the
defeat of the celebrated Graham of Claverhouse at Drumclog on the
1st of June, 1679, alarmed the government; but the defeat of the
Covenanters by the king’s forces at Bothwell bridge, on the 22d
of June, quieted their apprehensions. Fresh measures of severity
were adopted against the unfortunate whigs, who, driven to despair,
again flew to arms, encouraged by the exhortations of the celebrated
Richard Cameron,--from whom the religious sect known by the name of
Cameronians takes its name,--and Donald Cargill, another enthusiast;
but they were defeated in an action at Airs-moss in Kyle, in which
Cameron, their ecclesiastical head, was killed.

To check the diffusion of anti-monarchical principles, which were
spreading fast throughout the kingdom under the auspices of the
disciples of Cameron, the government, on the meeting of the Scottish
parliament on the 28th of July, 1681, devised a test, which they
required to be taken by all persons possessed of any civil, military,
or ecclesiastical office. The parties taking this test were made to
declare their adhesion to the true Protestant religion, as contained
in the original confession of faith, ratified by parliament in the
year 1560, to recognise the supremacy of the king over all persons
civil and ecclesiastical, and to acknowledge that there “lay no
obligation from the national covenant, or the solemn league and
covenant, or any other manner of way whatsoever, to endeavour any
alteration in the government in church or state, as it was then
established by the laws of the kingdom.”[529]

The terms of this test were far from satisfactory to some even of
the best friends of the government, as it was full of contradictions
and absurdities, and it was not until the Privy Council issued
an explanatory declaration that they could be prevailed upon to
take it. The Dukes of Hamilton and Monmouth, however, rather
than take the test, resigned their offices. Among others who had
distinguished themselves in opposing the passing of the test, was
the Earl of Argyle, who supported an amendment proposed by Lord
Belhaven, for setting aside a clause excepting the Duke of York,
brother to the king, and the other princes of the blood, from its
operation. The conduct of Argyle gave great offence to the duke, who
sat as commissioner in the parliament, and encouraged his enemies
to set about accomplishing his ruin. The Earl of Errol brought in
a bill reviving some old claims upon his estates, and the king’s
advocate endeavoured to deprive him of his hereditary offices;
but the Duke of York interposed, and prevented the adoption of
these intended measures. To gratify his enemies, however, and to
show the displeasure of the court at his recent opposition, Argyle
was deprived of his seat in the Court of Session. But this did
not sufficiently appease their resentment, and, anxious for an
opportunity of gratifying their malice, they hoped that he would
refuse to take the test. Accordingly, he was required to subscribe
it: he hesitated, and craved time to deliberate. Aware of the
plot which had been long hatching against him, and as he saw that
if he refused he would be deprived of his important hereditary
jurisdictions, he resolved to take the test, with a declaratory
explanation, which, it is understood, received the approbation
of the Duke of York, to whom the earl had submitted it. The earl
then subscribed the test in presence of the council, and added the
following explanation:--“I have considered the test, and am very
desirous of giving obedience as far as I can. I am confident that the
parliament never intended to impose contradictory oaths: Therefore I
think no man can explain it but for himself. Accordingly, I take it
so far as it is consistent with itself and the Protestant religion.
And I do declare, that I mean not to bind myself, in my station, in
a lawful way, from wishing and endeavouring any alteration which I
think to the advantage of Church or State, and not repugnant to the
Protestant religion and my loyalty. And this I understand as a part
of my oath.” This declaration did not please the council, but as the
Duke appeared to be satisfied, the matter was passed over, and Argyle
kept his seat at the council board.

Although the Duke of York had been heard to declare that no honest
man could take the test,--a declaration which fully justified the
course Argyle had pursued,--yet the enemies of that nobleman wrought
so far upon the mind of his royal highness as to induce him to think
that Argyle’s declaration was a highly criminal act. The earl,
therefore, was required to take the test a second time, without
explanation; and having refused, he was committed a prisoner to the
castle of Edinburgh, and on the slight foundation of a declaration
which had been sanctioned by the next heir to the crown, was raised a
hideous superstructure of high treason, leasing-making, and perjury.

Argyle was brought to trial on Monday, the 12th of December, 1681,
before the High Court of Justiciary. The Earl of Queensberry, the
justice-general, and four other judges, sat upon the bench, and
fifteen noblemen acted as jurors. The absurdity of the charges,
and the iniquity of the attempt to deprive a nobleman, who had,
even in the worst times, shown an attachment to the royal family,
of his fortune, his honours, and his life, were ably exposed by
the counsel for the earl; but so lost was a majority of the judges
to every sense of justice, that, regardless of the infamy which
would for ever attach to them, they found the libel relevant; and
on the following day the assize or jury, of which the Marquis of
Montrose, cousin-german to Argyle, was chancellor, found him guilty.
Intelligence of Argyle’s condemnation was immediately sent to the
king, but the messenger was anticipated in his arrival by an express
from the earl himself to the king, who, although he gave orders that
sentence should be passed against Argyle, sent positive injunctions
to delay the execution till his pleasure should be known. Argyle,
however, did not wish to trust to the royal clemency, and as he
understood preparations were making for his execution, he made his
escape from the castle of Edinburgh, disguised as a page carrying the
train of Lady Sophia Lindsay, his step-daughter, daughter of Lord
Balcarres, whose widow Argyle married.[530] He went to London, where
he lay some time in concealment, whence he went over to Holland. On
the day of his escape, being the 21st of December, he was proclaimed
a fugitive at the market cross of Edinburgh, and, on the 24th, the
Court of Justiciary passed sentence of death against him, ordered his
arms to be reversed and torn at the market cross of Edinburgh, and
declared his titles and estates forfeited.

In exculpation of their infamous proceedings, the persecutors
of Argyle pretended that their only object in resorting to such
unjustifiable measures, was to force him to surrender his extensive
hereditary jurisdictions, which, they considered, gave him too great
authority in the Highlands, and the exercise of which in his family,
might obstruct the ends of justice; and that they had no designs
either upon his life or fortune. But this is an excuse which cannot
be admitted, for they had influence enough with the Crown to have
deprived Argyle of these hereditary jurisdictions, without having
recourse to measures so glaringly subversive of justice.

The only advantage taken by the king of Argyle’s forfeiture was the
retention of the heritable jurisdictions, which were parcelled out
among the friends of the court during pleasure. Lord Lorn, the earl’s
son, had the forfeited estates restored to him, after provision had
been made for satisfying the demands of his father’s creditors.

During the latter years of Charles II., a number of persons from
England and Scotland had taken refuge in Holland, to escape state
prosecutions with which they were threatened. Among the Scottish
exiles, besides Argyle, were Sir James Dalrymple, afterwards Earl
of Stair, the celebrated Fletcher of Salton, and Sir Patrick Hume
of Polwarth,--all of whom, as martyrs of liberty, longed for an
opportunity of vindicating its cause in the face of their country.
The accession of James II, in 1685, to the crown of his brother,
seemed an event favourable to their plans, and at a meeting which
some of the exiled leaders held at Rotterdam, they resolved to raise
the standard of revolt in England and Scotland, and invited the
Duke of Monmouth, also an exile, and the Earl of Argyle, to join
them.[531] Monmouth, who was then living in retirement at Brussels,
spending his time in illicit amours, accepted the invitation, and
having repaired to Rotterdam, offered either to attempt a descent on
England, at the head of the English exiles, or to go to Scotland as a
volunteer, under Argyle.[532] The latter, who had never ceased since
his flight to keep up a correspondence with his friends in Scotland,
had already been making preparations, and by means of a large sum
of money he had received from a rich widow of Amsterdam, had there
purchased a ship and arms, and ammunition. He now also repaired to
Rotterdam, where it was finally arranged that two expeditions should
be fitted out,--one for England, under Monmouth, and the other for
Scotland, under the command of Argyle, who was appointed by the
council at Rotterdam captain-general of the army, “with as full power
as was usually given to generals by the free states in Europe.”[533]

On the 2d of May, 1685, the expedition under Argyle, which consisted
of three ships and about 300 men, left the shores of Holland, and
reached Cairston in the Orkneys on the 6th, after a pleasant voyage.
The seizure, by the natives, of Spence, the earl’s secretary, and of
Blackadder, his surgeon, both of whom had incautiously ventured on
shore, afforded the government the necessary information as to the
strength and destination of the expedition. A proclamation had been
issued, on the 28th of April, for putting the kingdom in a posture
of defence, hostages had been taken from the vassals of Argyle as
sureties for their fidelity, and all persons whose loyalty was
suspected were either imprisoned or had to find security for their
fidelity to the government; but as soon as the council at Edinburgh
received the intelligence of Argyle’s having reached the Orkneys,
they despatched troops to the west, and ordered several frigates
to cruise among the Western Isles. After taking four Orcadians as
hostages for the lives of his secretary and surgeon, Argyle left
the Orkneys on the 7th of May, and arrived at Tobermory in the isle
of Mull on the 11th, whence he sailed to the mainland, and landed
in Kintyre. Here he published a declaration which had been drawn up
in Holland by Sir James Stuart, afterwards king’s advocate, full of
invective against the government, and attributing all the grievances
under which the country had laboured in the preceding reign to a
conspiracy between popery and tyranny, which had, he observed, been
evidently disclosed by the cutting off of the late king and the
ascension of the Duke of York to the throne. It declared that the
object of the invaders was to restore the true Protestant religion,
and that as the Duke of York was, from his religion, as they
supposed, incapable of giving security on that head, they declared
that they would never enter into any treaty with him. The earl
issued, a few days thereafter, a second declaration, from Tarbet,
reciting his own wrongs, and calling upon his former vassals to join
his standard. Messengers were despatched in all directions, bearing
aloft the fiery cross, and in a short time about 800 of his clan,
headed by Sir Duncan Campbell of Auchinbreck, rallied around their
chief. Other reinforcements arrived, which increased his army to
2,500 men; a force wholly insufficient to meet a body of about 7,000
militia and a considerable number of regular troops already assembled
in the west to oppose his advance.

Although Argyle’s obvious plan was at once to have dashed into
the western Lowlands, where the spirit of disaffection was deeply
prevalent, and where a great accession of force might have been
expected, he, contrary to the advice of some of his officers,
remained in Argyle a considerable time in expectation of hearing of
Monmouth’s landing, and spent the precious moments in chasing out of
his territories a few stragglers who infested his borders. Amid the
dissensions which naturally arose from this difference of opinion,
the royalists were hemming Argyle in on all sides. Whilst the Duke
of Gordon was advancing upon his rear with the northern forces, and
the Earl of Dumbarton with the regular troops pressing him in front,
the Marquis of Athole and Lord Charles Murray, at the head of 1,500
men, kept hanging on his right wing, and a fleet watched his ships
to prevent his escape by sea. In this conjuncture Argyle yielded to
the opinion of his officers, and, leaving his stores in the castle of
Allangreg, in charge of a garrison of 150 men, he began his march, on
the 10th of June, to the Lowlands, and gave orders that his vessels
should follow close along the coast. The commander of the castle,
on the approach of the king’s ships under Sir Thomas Hamilton,
abandoned it five days thereafter, without firing a single shot, and
the warlike stores which it contained, consisting of 5,000 stand
of arms and 300 barrels of powder, besides a standard bearing the
inscription “Against Popery, Prelacy, and Erastianism,” fell a prey
to the royalists. The vessels also belonging to Argyle were taken at
the same time.[534]

On the 16th of June Argyle crossed the Leven near Dumbarton, but
finding it impracticable, from the numerous forces opposed to him,
and which met him at every point, to proceed on his intended route
to Glasgow by the ordinary road, he betook himself to the hills,
in the expectation of eluding his foes during the darkness of the
night; but this desperate expedient did not succeed, and next morning
Argyle found his force diminished by desertion to 500 men. Thus
abandoned by the greater part of his men, he, in his turn, deserted
those who remained with him, and endeavoured to secure his own
safety. Disguised in a common dress he wandered for some time in
the company of Major Fullarton in the vicinity of Dumbarton, and on
the opposite side of the Clyde, but was at last taken prisoner by a
few militiamen in attempting to reach his own country.[535] About
100 of the volunteers from Holland crossed the Clyde in boats, but
being attacked by the royalists were dispersed. Thus ended this ill
concerted and unfortunate expedition.[536]

Argyle was carried to Glasgow, and thence to Edinburgh, where he
underwent the same ignominious and brutal treatment which the brave
Montrose had suffered on being brought to the capital after his
capture. As the judgment which had been pronounced against Argyle,
after his escape from the castle of Edinburgh, was still in force, no
trial was considered necessary. He was beheaded accordingly on the
26th of June, evincing in his last moments the fortitude of a Roman,
and the faith of a martyr. “When this nobleman’s death,” observes Sir
Walter Scott, “is considered as the consequence of a sentence passed
against him for presuming to comment upon and explain an oath which
was self-contradictory, it can only be termed a judicial murder.” His
two sons, Lord Lorn and Lord Neill Campbell, were banished. Monmouth,
who did not land in England till the 11th of June, was equally
unfortunate, and suffered the death of a traitor on Tower Hill on the
15th of July.

[Illustration: Ninth Earl of Argyle.]

The ill-fated result of Argyle’s expedition, and the suppression
of Monmouth’s rebellion, enabled James to turn the whole of his
attention to the accomplishment of an object more valuable, in his
opinion, than the crown itself--the restoration of the Catholic
religion. In furtherance of this design, the king adopted a series
of the most unconstitutional and impolitic measures, which destroyed
the popularity he had acquired on his accession, and finally ended
in his expulsion from the throne.

It was not, however, till the Scottish parliament, which met on the
28th of April, 1686, and on the obsequiousness of which the king
had placed great reliance, had refused to repeal the test, that he
resolved upon those desperate measures which proved so fatal to him.
This parliament was prorogued by order of the king on the 15th of
June, and in a few months thereafter, he addressed a succession of
letters to the council,--from which he had previously removed some
individuals who were opposed to his plans,--in which he stated,
that in requiring the parliament to repeal the penal statutes, he
merely meant to give them an opportunity of evincing their loyalty,
as he considered that he had sufficient power, by virtue of his
prerogative, to suspend or dispense with those laws; a most erroneous
and dangerous doctrine certainly, but which could never be said to
have been exploded till the era of the revolution. In these letters
the king ordered the council to allow the Catholics to exercise their
worship freely in private, to extend the protection of government
to his Protestant as well as Catholic subjects, to receive the
conformist clergy in general to livings in the church, and to admit
certain individuals whom he named to offices in the state without
requiring any of them to take the test.[537]

But these letters, though disapproved of in part by the council, were
merely preparatory to much more important steps, viz., the issuing
of two successive proclamations by the king on the 12th of February
and the 5th of July in the following year, granting full and free
toleration to Presbyterians, Catholics, and Quakers, with liberty
to exercise their worship in houses and chapels. He also suspended
the severe penal statutes against the Catholics, which had been
passed during the minority of his grandfather; but he declared his
resolution to preserve inviolate the rights and privileges of the
then established (Episcopal) church of Scotland, and to protect the
holders of church property in their possessions.

By the Presbyterians who had for so many years writhed under the
lash of persecution, these proclamations were received with great
satisfaction; and at a meeting which was held at Edinburgh of the
Presbyterian ministers, who had assembled from all parts of the
country to consider the matter, a great majority not only accepted
the boon with cheerfulness, but voted a loyal address to his majesty,
thanking him for the indulgence he had granted them. Some there were,
however, of the more rigorous kind, who denounced any communication
with the king, whom they declared “an apostate, bigoted,
excommunicated papist, under the malediction of the Mediator; yea,
heir to the imprecation of his grandfather,” and who found warm
abettors in the clergy of the Episcopal church in Scotland, who
displayed their anger even in their discourses from the pulpit.[538]

Although the Presbyterians reaped great advantages from the
toleration which the king had granted, by being allowed the free and
undisturbed exercise of their worship, and by being, many of them,
admitted into offices of the state, yet they perceived that a much
greater proportion of Catholics was admitted to similar employments.
Thus they began to grow suspicious of the king’s intentions, and,
instead of continuing their gratitude, they openly declared that
they did not any longer consider themselves under any obligation
to his majesty, as the toleration had been granted for the purpose
of introducing Catholics into places of trust, and of dividing
Protestants among themselves. These apprehensions were encouraged
by the Episcopal party, who, alarmed at the violent proceedings
of the king against the English universities, and the bishops who
had refused to read his proclamation for liberty of conscience in
the churches, endeavoured to instil the same dread of popery and
arbitrary power into the minds of their Presbyterian countrymen which
they themselves entertained. By these and similar means discontent
spread rapidly among the people of Scotland, who considered their
civil and religious liberties in imminent danger, and were,
therefore, ready to join in any measure which might be proposed for
their protection.

William, Prince of Orange, who had married the Princess Mary, the
eldest daughter of James, next in succession to the Crown, watched
the progress of this struggle between arbitrary power and popular
rights with extreme anxiety. He had incurred the displeasure of his
father-in-law, while Duke of York, by joining the party whose object
it was to exclude James from the throne, by the reception which
he gave the Duke of Monmouth in Holland, and by his connivance,
apparent at least, at the attempts of the latter and the Earl of
Argyle. But, upon the defeat of Monmouth, William, by offering
his congratulations on that event, reinstated himself in the good
graces of his father-in-law. As James, however, could not reconcile
the protection which the prince afforded to the numerous exiles
from England and Scotland who had taken refuge in Holland, with
the prince’s professions of friendship, he demanded their removal;
but this was refused, through the influence of the prince with the
States, and though, upon a hint being given that a war might ensue in
consequence of this refusal, they were removed from the Hague, yet
they still continued to reside in other parts of Holland, and kept
up a regular communication with the Prince. Another demand made by
the king to dismiss the officers of the British regiments serving
in Holland, whose fidelity was suspected, met with the same evasive
compliance; for although William displaced those officers, he refused
commissions to all persons whom he suspected of attachment to the
king or the Catholic faith. The wise policy of this proceeding was
exemplified in the subsequent conduct of the regiments which declared
themselves in favour of the prince’s pretensions.[539]

Early in the year 1687, William perceived that matters were
approaching to a crisis in England, but he did not think that the
time had then arrived for putting his intended design of invasion
into execution. To sound the dispositions of the people, he sent
over in February, that year, Dyckvelt, an acute statesman, who kept
up a secret communication with those who favoured the designs of his
master. Dyckvelt soon returned to Holland, with letters from several
of the nobility addressed to the prince, all couched in favourable
terms, which encouraged him to send Zuleistein, another agent, into
England to assure his friends there that if James attempted, with the
aid “of a packed parliament,” to repeal the penal laws and the test
act, he would oppose him with an armed force.[540]

Although the king was aware of the prince’s intrigues, he could
never be persuaded that the latter had any intention to dispossess
him of his crown, and continued to pursue the desperate course he
had resolved upon, with a pertinacity and zeal which blinded him to
the dangers which surrounded him. The preparations of the prince for
a descent on England went on in the meantime with activity; but a
temporary damp was cast on his hopes by reports of the pregnancy of
the queen, an event which, if a son was the result, might prevent the
accession of his wife, the Princess Mary. On the 10th of June, 1688,
the queen gave birth to a prince, afterwards known as the Pretender.

It was not till the month of September, when James was on the verge
of the precipice, that he saw the danger of his situation. He
now began, when too late, to attempt to repair the errors of his
reign, by a variety of popular concessions; but although these were
granted with apparent cheerfulness, and accepted with indications
of thankfulness, it was evident that they were forced from the king
by the necessity of his situation, and might be withdrawn when that
necessity ceased to exist, an idea which appears to have prevailed
among the people.

Being now convinced that the Prince of Orange contemplated an
invasion of England, James began to make the necessary preparations
for defence. In September, 1688, he sent down an express to Scotland
to the members of the Privy Council, acquainting them with the
prince’s preparations, and requiring them to place that part of his
dominions on the war establishment. The militia was accordingly
embodied, the castles of Edinburgh, Stirling, &c. provisioned, and
orders were sent to the chiefs of the Highland clans to be ready
to assemble their men on a short notice. Many persons at first
discredited the report of an invasion from Holland, and considered
that it was a mere device of the king either to raise money or to
collect an army for some sinister purpose; but their suspicions were
allayed by intelligence being brought by some seamen from Holland
of the warlike preparations which were making in the Dutch ports.
The jealousies which were entertained of the king’s intentions were
dissipated by the dread of a foreign invasion, and addresses were
sent in to the Privy Council from the different towns, and from the
country gentlemen, with offers of service.[541]

Whilst the Privy Council were engaged in fulfilling the king’s
instructions, they received an order from his majesty to concentrate
the regular army, and despatch it without delay into England. This
force, which did not exceed 3,000 men, was in a state of excellent
discipline, and was so advantageously posted throughout the kingdom
that any insurrection which might break out could be easily
suppressed. As the Prince of Orange had many adherents in Scotland,
and as the spirit of disaffection to the existing government in the
western counties, though subdued, had not been extinguished, the
Privy Council considered that to send the army out of the kingdom
under such circumstances would be a most imprudent step; and they,
therefore, sent an express to the king, representing the danger of
such a movement, of which the disaffected would not fail to avail
themselves, should an opportunity occur. They proposed that the army
should remain as it was then stationed, and that, in lieu thereof, a
body of militia and a detachment of Highlanders, amounting together
to 13,000 men, should be despatched to the borders, or marched into
the north of England, to watch the movements of the king’s enemies in
that quarter, and to suppress any risings which they might attempt
in favour of the prince. But, although the Council were unanimous in
giving this advice, the king disregarded it altogether, reiterated
the order he had formerly given, and intimated, that if any of them
were afraid to remain in Scotland, they might accompany the army into
England.

Accordingly, the Scottish army began its march early in October,
in two divisions. The first, consisting of the foot, at the head of
which was General Douglas, brother of the Duke of Queensberry, who
had the chief command of the army, took the road to Chester; and the
second, consisting of the horse, under the direction of Graham of
Claverhouse, as major-general, marched by York. These detachments, on
their arrival at London, joined the English army under the command of
the Earl of Feversham, about the end of October.

To supply the absence of the regular troops, and to prevent the
disaffected from making the capital the focus of insurrection,
a large body of militia, under the command of Sir George Munro,
was quartered in Edinburgh and the suburbs; but no sooner had the
army passed the borders, than crowds from all parts of the kingdom
congregated, as if by mutual consent, in the metropolis, where they
held private meetings, which were attended by the Earls of Glencairn,
Crawford, Dundonald, and others. The objects of these meetings were
made known to the council by spies, who were employed to attend them;
and although they were clearly treasonable, the council had not
the courage to arrest a single individual. Among other things, the
leaders of these meetings resolved to intercept all correspondence
between the king and the council, a task which Sir James Montgomery
undertook to see accomplished, and which he did so effectually that
very few despatches reached their destination.[542]

For several weeks the Privy Council, owing to this interruption, was
kept in a state of painful uncertainty as to the state of the king’s
affairs in England; but at last an express arrived from the Earl of
Melfort, announcing the important intelligence that the Prince of
Orange had landed in England with a considerable force, and that his
majesty had gone to meet him at the head of his army.

The landing of the prince, which was effected without opposition
on the 5th of November 1688, at Torbay in Devonshire, excited
the greatest alarm in the mind of the king, who had entertained
hopes that a well appointed fleet of thirty-seven men-of-war, and
seventeen fire-ships which had been stationed off the Gun-fleet
under the Earl of Dartmouth, an old and experienced commander, would
have intercepted the prince in his voyage. Unfortunately, however,
for the king, the cruisers which the admiral had sent out to watch
the approach of the enemy had been driven back by the violence of
the wind, and when the fleet of the prince passed the Downs towards
its destined place of disembarkation, the royal fleet was riding at
anchor abreast of the Long-sand, several miles to leeward, with the
yards and topmasts struck; and as twenty-four hours elapsed before
it could be got ready to commence the pursuit, the commander, on the
representation of his officers, desisted from the attempt.

As soon as the king had recovered from the panic into which the news
of the prince’s arrival had thrown him, he ordered twenty battalions
of infantry and thirty squadrons of cavalry to march towards
Salisbury and Marlborough, leaving six squadrons and six battalions
behind to preserve tranquillity in the capital.[543] The prince, who
had been led to expect that he would be received with open arms by
all classes on his arrival, met at first with a very cold reception,
and he felt so disappointed that he even threatened to re-embark his
army. Had James therefore adopted the advice given him by the King of
France, to push forward his troops immediately in person and attack
the invader before the spirit of disaffection should spread, he
might, perhaps, by one stroke, have for ever annihilated the hopes of
his son-in-law and preserved his crown; but James thought and acted
differently, and he soon had cause to repent bitterly of the course
he pursued. Owing to the open defection of some of his officers and
the secret machinations of others, the king soon found, that with the
exception perhaps of the Scottish regiments, he could no longer rely
upon the fidelity of his army. On the 20th of November he arrived at
Salisbury, and reviewed a division of the army stationed there; and
intended to inspect the following day, another division which lay at
Warminster; but being informed that General Kirk, its commander,
Lord Churchill and others, had entered into a conspiracy to seize him
and carry him a prisoner to the enemy’s camp, he summoned a council
of war, at which these officers were present, and without making
them aware that he was in the knowledge of such a plot, proposed a
retreat beyond the Thames. This proposition met with keen opposition
from Churchill, but was supported by the Earl of Feversham, his
brother the Count de Roye, and the Earl of Dumbarton, who commanded
one of the Scottish foot regiments. The proposal having been adopted,
Churchill and some other officers went over to the prince during the
night.[544]

The army accordingly retired behind the Thames, and the king, without
leaving any particular instructions to his officers, proceeded to
London, to attend a council of peers which he had summoned to meet
him at Whitehall. The departure of the king was a subject of deep
regret to his real friends in the army, and particularly to the Earl
of Dumbarton, and Lord Dundee, who had offered to engage the enemy
with the Scots troops alone. This offer his majesty thought proper to
decline, and in a conference which Dundee and the Earl of Balcarras
afterwards had with him in London, when he had made up his mind to
retire to France, he gave them to understand that he meant to intrust
the latter with the administration of his civil affairs in Scotland,
and to appoint the former the generalissimo of his forces.

In the Scottish Privy Council there were several persons who
were inimical to the king, and who only waited for a favourable
opportunity of offering their allegiance and services to the Prince
of Orange. These were the Marquis of Athole, the Viscount Tarbet,
and Sir John Dalrymple, the Lord-president of the Court of Session.
The two latter, in conjunction with Balcarras, had been appointed
by the council to proceed to England, to obtain personally from
the king the necessary instructions how to act on the landing of
the prince; but on some slight pretext they declined the journey,
and Balcarras, a nobleman of undoubted loyalty, was obliged to go
alone, and had the meeting with his majesty to which allusion has
been made. These counsellors were duly apprised of the advance of
the prince, the defection of some of the king’s officers, and of his
return to London; but as the result of the struggle seemed still
to be dubious, they abstained from openly declaring themselves. In
order, however, to get rid of the chancellor, the Earl of Perth, and
get the government into their own hands, as preliminary to their
designs, Viscount Tarbet proposed that, with the exception of four
companies of foot and two troops of horse to collect the revenue,
the remainder of the troops should be disbanded, as he considered
it quite unnecessary to keep up such a force in time of peace, the
Prince of Orange having stated in a declaration which he had issued,
that that was one of the grievances complained of by the nation.
The chancellor, not foreseeing the consequences, assented to the
proposal, and he had the mortification, after the order for dismissal
had been given, to receive an intimation from the Marquis of Athole
and his party, who waited personally upon him at his lodgings, that
as they considered it dangerous to act with him and other Catholic
counsellors who were incapacitated by law, they meant to take the
government into their own hands in behalf of the king, and they
demanded that he and his party should retire from the administration
of affairs. The Duke of Gordon and the other Catholic members of the
council, on hearing of this proceeding, assembled in the chancellor’s
house to consult with him as to the nature of the answer which
should be given to this extraordinary demand. As they saw resistance
hopeless, they advised the chancellor to submit, and, probably to
avoid personal danger, he retired immediately to the country.

The Marquis of Athole called a meeting of the council, and proposed
an address of congratulation to the Prince of Orange, strongly
expressive of gratitude to him for his generous undertaking to
relieve them from popery and arbitrary power, and offering a tender
of their services; but this address was warmly opposed by the two
archbishops, Sir John Dalrymple, Sir George Mackenzie and others,
and was finally negatived. They even opposed the voting of any
address under existing circumstances, but the marquis and his party
succeeded in carrying a short address, drawn up in general terms.
Lord Glammis was sent up with it, but it was so different from what
the Prince expected, that it met with a very cold reception.

The fate of the unfortunate monarch had by this time been decided.
Before his return to London a great defection had taken place among
the officers of the army, and he had at last the mortification to see
himself deserted by his son-in-law, Prince George of Denmark, and by
his daughter the Princess Anne, the wife of the Prince. “God help me!
my very children have forsaken me;” such was the exclamation uttered
by the unhappy monarch, his countenance suffused with tears, when
he received the afflicting intelligence of the flight of Anne from
Whitehall. When the king saw he could no longer resist the torrent of
popular indignation, and that an imperious necessity required that
he should leave the kingdom, his first solicitude was to provide for
the safety of the queen and his son, whom he managed to get safely
conveyed to France.

The resolution of the king to quit the kingdom was hastened after a
fruitless attempt at negotiation with the Prince of Orange, by the
appearance of an infamous proclamation against Catholics, issued
under the signature of the prince, and which, though afterwards
disowned by him, was, at the time, believed to be genuine. Having,
therefore, made up his mind to follow the queen without delay, the
king wrote a letter to the Earl of Feversham, the commander of
the forces, intimating his intention, and after thanking him and
the army for their loyalty, he informed them that he did not wish
them any longer to run the risk of resisting “a foreign army and a
poisoned nation.” Shortly after midnight, having disguised himself
as a country gentleman, he left the palace, and descending by the
back stairs, entered into a hackney coach, which conveyed him to the
horse-ferry, whence he crossed the river, into which the king threw
the great seal. Having arrived at Emley ferry near Feversham by ten
o’clock, he embarked on board the custom-house hoy, but before she
could be got ready for sea the king was apprehended, and placed under
a strong guard.

When the king’s arrest was first reported in London, the intelligence
was not believed; but all uncertainty on the subject was removed by
a communication from James himself in the shape of a letter, but
without any address, which was put into the hands of Lord Mulgrave by
a stranger at the door of the council chamber at Whitehall. A body of
about thirty peers and bishops had, on the flight of the king, formed
themselves into a council, and had assumed the reins of government,
and many of these, on this letter being read, were desirous of
taking no notice of it, lest they might, by so doing, displease
the prince. Lord Halifax, the chairman, who favoured the prince’s
designs, attempted to quash the matter, by adjourning the meeting,
but Mulgrave prevailed on the members of the council to remain, and
obtained an order to despatch the Earl of Feversham with 200 of the
life-guards to protect the person of the king.

On the arrival of Feversham the king resolved to remain in the
kingdom, and to return to London, a resolution which he adopted at
the urgent entreaty of Lord Winchelsea, whom, on his apprehension,
he had appointed lord-lieutenant of Kent. James was not without
hopes that the prince would still come to terms, and to ascertain
his sentiments he sent Feversham to Windsor to invite the prince to
a personal conference in the capital, and to inform him that St.
James’s palace would be ready for his reception. The arrival of the
earl with such a proposal was exceedingly annoying to William and
his adherents, the former of whom, on the supposition that the king
had taken a final adieu of the kingdom, had begun to act the part
of the sovereign, while the latter were already intriguing for the
great offices of the state. Instead of returning an answer to the
king’s message, William, on the pretence that Feversham had disbanded
the army without orders, and had come to Windsor without a passport,
ordered him to be arrested, and committed a prisoner to the round
tower, an order which was promptly obeyed.

At Rochester, whence he had despatched Feversham, the king was met
by his guards, and thence proceeded to London, which he entered on
the 16th of December amidst the acclamations of the citizens, and
the ringing of bells, and other popular manifestations of joy, a
remarkable proof of the instability and inconstancy of feeling which
actuate masses of people under excitement.

As James conceived that the only chance he now had of securing the
confidence of his subjects and preserving his crown, consisted in
giving some signal proof of his sincerity to act constitutionally,
he made the humiliating offer to Lewis and Stamps, two of the city
aldermen, to deliver himself up into their hands on receiving an
assurance that the civil authorities would guarantee his personal
safety, and to remain in custody till parliament should pass such
measures as might be considered necessary for securing the religion
and liberties of the nation. But Sir Robert Clayton dissuaded the
common council from entering into any engagement which the city might
possibly be unable to fulfil, and thus a negotiation was dropt,
which, if successful, might have placed William in a situation of
great embarrassment.[545]

But although James did not succeed in his offer to the city, his
return to Whitehall had changed the aspect of affairs, and had placed
William in a dilemma from which he could only extricate himself by
withdrawing altogether his pretensions to the crown, or by driving
his uncle out of it by force. William considered that the most safe
and prudent course he could pursue would be to force James to leave
the kingdom; but in such a manner as to induce the belief that he did
so freely and of his own accord. Accordingly, to excite the king’s
alarms, a body of Dutch guards, by order of the prince, marched
into Westminster, and, after taking possession of the palace of St.
James’s, marched with their matches lighted to Whitehall, of which
they also demanded possession. As resistance, owing to the great
disparity of numbers, was considered by the king to be unavailing,
he, contrary to the opinion of Lord Craven, the commander of his
guards, who, though eighty years of age, offered to oppose the
invaders, ordered the guards to resign their posts, of which the
Dutch took possession. This event took place late on the evening of
the 16th of December.[546]

The king now received orders from William to quit Whitehall by ten
o’clock next morning, as the latter meant to enter London about
noon, and that he should retire to Ham, a house in Surrey belonging
to the dowager duchess of Lauderdale, which had been provided
for his reception. The king objected to Ham as a residence being
uncomfortable, but stated his willingness to return to Rochester.
Permission being granted by the prince, James left Whitehall about
twelve o’clock noon, after taking an affectionate adieu of his
friends, many of whom burst into tears. He embarked on board the
royal barge, attended by Viscount Dundee and other noblemen, and
descended the river, surrounded by several boats filled with Dutch
guards, in presence of an immense concourse of spectators, many of
whom witnessed with sorrow the humiliating spectacle.[547]

The king arrived at Rochester the following day from Gravesend,
where he had passed the previous night. Having remained four days at
Rochester, he, accompanied by two captains in the navy, his natural
son the Duke of Berwick, and a domestic, went on board the Eagle
fireship, being unable to reach, on account of the unfavourable
state of the weather, a fishing smack which had been hired for his
reception. On the following morning he went on board the smack,
and after a boisterous voyage of two days, arrived at Ambleteuse,
in France, on the 25th of December, and joined his wife and child,
at the castle of St. Germain’s, on the 28th. Thus ingloriously and
sadly ended the reign of the last of the unfortunate and seemingly
infatuated royal race of Stuarts.

Considering the crisis at which matters had arrived, the course which
the king pursued, of withdrawing from the kingdom, was evidently the
most prudent which could be adopted. All his trusty adherents in
England were without power or influence, and in Scotland the Duke of
Gordon was the only nobleman who openly stood out for the interests
of his sovereign. He had been created a duke by Charles II. James
had appointed him governor of the castle of Edinburgh, and he had
been thereafter made a privy-counsellor and one of the lords of the
treasury. Though a firm and conscientious Catholic, he was always
opposed to the violent measures of the court, as he was afraid that
however well meant, they would turn out ruinous to the king; not
indeed that he did not wish to see the professors of the same faith
with himself enjoy the same civil privileges as were enjoyed by his
Protestant countrymen, but because he was opposed to the exercise of
the dispensing power at a time when the least favour shown to the
professors of the proscribed faith was denounced as an attempt to
introduce popery. The king, influenced by some of his flatterers,
received the duke coldly on his appearance at court in March, 1688,
and curtailed some of his rights and privileges over the lands of
some of his vassals in Badenoch. Even his fidelity appeared to be
questioned, by various acts of interference with the affairs of the
castle, of which he disapproved. He resented these indignities by
tendering his resignation of the various appointments he held from
the crown, and demanded permission from the king to retire beyond
seas for a time; but James put a negative upon both proposals, and
the duke returned to his post at Edinburgh.[548]

Notwithstanding the bad treatment he had received, the duke, true to
his trust, determined to preserve the castle of Edinburgh for the
king, although the Prince of Orange should obtain possession of every
other fortress in the kingdom. He requested the privy council to lay
in a quantity of provisions and ammunition, but this demand was but
partially attended to, for though the garrison consisted only of 120
men, there was not a sufficiency of materials for a three months’
siege. The duke shut himself up in the castle, and invited the Earl
of Perth, the chancellor, to join him; but the earl declined the
offer, and, in attempting to make his escape to the continent, was
seized near the Bass, in the Frith of Forth, by some seamen from
Kirkcaldy, under a warrant from the magistrates of that burgh, and
committed to Stirling castle, where he remained a close prisoner for
nearly four years.[549] A few days after the duke had retired to the
castle, an attempt was made by some of the prince’s adherents to
corrupt the fidelity of the garrison, by circulating a false report
that the duke meant to make the whole garrison, who were chiefly
Protestants, swear to maintain the Catholic religion. A mutiny was
on the eve of breaking out, but it was detected by the vigilance
of some officers. The duke, thereupon, drew out the garrison,
assured them that the report in question was wholly unfounded, and
informed them that all he required of them was to take the oath of
allegiance to the king, which was immediately done by the greater
part of the garrison. Those who refused were at once dismissed. To
supply the deficiency thus made, the duke sent notice to Francis
Gordon of Midstrath to bring up from the north 45 of the best and
most resolute men he could find on his lands; but, on their arrival
at Leith, a hue and cry was raised that the duke was bringing down
Papists and Highlanders to overawe the Protestants. To calm the minds
of the people, the duke ordered these men to return home.[550]

As soon as the news of the arrival of the Prince of Orange in London,
and the departure of the king, was received in Edinburgh, an immense
concourse of persons, “of all sorts, degrees, and persuasions,” who
“could (says Balcarras) scrape so much together” to defray their
expenses, went up to London, influenced by motives of interest or
patriotism. The Prince of Orange took the wise expedient of obtaining
all the legal sanction which, before the assembling of a parliament,
could be given to his assumption of the administration of affairs
in England; obtaining the concurrence of many of the spiritual and
temporal peers, and of a meeting composed of some members who had
sat in the House of Commons during the reign of Charles II., as also
of the Lord-Mayor of London, and 50 of the common council. He now
adopted the same expedient as to Scotland, and taking advantage of
the great influx into the capital of noblemen and gentlemen from
that country, he convened them together. A meeting was accordingly
held at Whitehall, at which 30 noblemen and 80 gentlemen attended.
The Duke of Hamilton, who aimed at the chief direction of affairs in
Scotland, was chosen president. At this meeting a motion was made by
the duke that a convention of the estates should be called as early
as possible, and that an address should be presented to the prince to
take upon him the direction of affairs in Scotland in the meantime;
but this motion was unexpectedly opposed by the Earl of Arran, the
duke’s eldest son, who proposed that the king should be invited back
on condition that he should call a free parliament for securing the
civil and religious liberties of Scotland. This proposition threw
the assembly into confusion, and a short adjournment took place, but
on resuming their seats, the earl’s motion was warmly opposed by Sir
Patrick Hume, and as none of the members offered to second it, the
motion was consequently lost, and the duke’s being put to the vote,
was carried.

A convention of the estates, called by circular letters from the
prince, was accordingly appointed to be held at Edinburgh, on the
14th of March, 1689, and the supporters of the prince, as well as the
adherents of the king, prepared to depart home to attend the ensuing
election. But the prince managed to detain them till he should be
declared king, that as many as might feel inclined might seal their
new-born loyalty by kissing his hand; but William had to experience
the mortification of a refusal even from some of those whom he
had ranked amongst his warmest friends. The Earl of Balcarras and
Viscount Dundee, the former of whom had, as before mentioned, been
invested by the king with the civil, the latter with the military
administration of affairs in Scotland, were the first of either party
who arrived in Scotland, but not until the end of February, when the
elections were about to commence. On their arrival at Edinburgh they
found the Duke of Gordon, who had hitherto refused to deliver up the
castle, though tempted by the most alluring offers from the prince,
about to capitulate, but they dissuaded him from this step, on the
ground that the king’s cause was not hopeless, and that the retention
of such an important fortress was of the utmost importance.

The elections commenced. The inhabitants of the southern and western
counties (for every Protestant, without distinction, was allowed to
vote), alarmed for the extinction of their religious liberties, and
excited by the recollection of the wrongs they and their forefathers
had suffered, gave their suffrages to the popular candidate, and
the adherents of the king soon perceived that the chances were
against him. Yet, when the convention met, a respectable minority
seemed, notwithstanding, to be in favour of the king, but they had
neither the courage nor address to oppose the popular current. To
overawe, as is supposed, the friends of the king, or to prevent the
convention from being overawed by the troops in the castle, the
Duke of Hamilton and his friends, a few days before the meeting of
the convention, introduced a considerable number of armed men into
Edinburgh, some of whom were concealed in cellars and houses, ready
to act as occasion might require. The first trial of strength between
the two parties took place on the election of a president. To the
Duke of Hamilton the adherents of the king opposed the Marquis of
Athole, who, in consequence of being slighted by the prince, had
promised his support to the royal party; but the duke was elected by
a considerable majority. This vote sealed the fate of the Tory party,
and many who had hitherto wavered in their allegiance now openly
abandoned the cause of James. The consequence was, that within a few
days, the number of the adherents of the king was greatly reduced.

The first act of the convention was to send the Earls of Tweeddale
and Leven, with an order to the Duke of Gordon to deliver up the
castle within twenty-four hours. The duke, overcome by the smooth and
insinuating behaviour of Tweeddale, reluctantly yielded, and promised
to surrender the castle next morning at ten o’clock. When this answer
was brought to the convention, Balcarras and Dundee were alarmed, and
immediately despatched a confidential servant to the duke reminding
him of his promise to hold out, and imploring him not to give way.
The duke wavered, but on obtaining a writing which he required under
the hands of these noblemen that the retention of the castle was
absolutely necessary for the success of the king’s affairs, and
being visited the following morning by Lord Dundee, who impressed
on him the importance of holding out, he resolved to break with the
convention. To prepare matters in the north he despatched thither
the Earl of Dunfermline, his brother-in-law, to whom he granted a
written commission, authorising him to raise his friends and vassals
in support of the king.[551]

In consequence of the refusal of the duke to deliver up the castle,
he was, by order of the convention, summoned by the heralds at the
gate of the castle to surrender, and a proclamation was read at the
same time prohibiting all persons from having any communication with
him, and promising a reward of six months’ pay to the Protestants
in the garrison who should seize him and deliver him and the castle
up to the convention. The duke addressed the heralds from within
the gate, and told them, that he kept the castle by commission from
their common master, and would defend it to the last extremity; and
after handing them some guineas, which he requested they would spend
in drinking the king’s health, and the healths of all his loyal
subjects, he facetiously advised them not to proclaim men traitors
with the king’s coats on their backs till they had turned them. Upon
the departure of the heralds, the duke drew out the garrison and gave
them their option, either to remain in the castle and share with him
the dangers that awaited them, or to depart. Upwards of a third of
the garrison took advantage of the permission to depart, and left the
castle on that and the following day.[552]

As the king’s friends saw that any efforts they could make in the
convention would be quite unavailing, they agreed at a private
meeting which they held on the 17th of March, to repair to Stirling
and there hold a convention by themselves. This resolution was
adopted agreeably to the wish of the king himself, who had sent a
written authority, dated from Ireland, empowering the Archbishop of
St. Andrews, the Earl of Balcarras, and Viscount Dundee, to call a
meeting of the estates at Stirling. Balcarras and Dundee received
an assurance from the Marquis of Athole, who, ever since the cold
reception he had met with from William, had been wonderfully loyal,
that he would accompany them, and a similar promise was obtained from
the Earl of Mar, governor of Stirling castle. Athole, however, began
to waver, a circumstance which deferred the departure of the king’s
friends.

Here it may not be improper to notice a circumstance which probably
had its weight in the deliberations preceding the departure of
Dundee. On the morning of 16th March, just as Lord Dundee was on the
point of going to the convention, he was waited upon by James Binnie,
a dyer, who informed him that he had overheard a conversation the
day before among some persons of their intention of murdering him and
Sir George Mackenzie, and Binnie offered, if a warrant were granted
him, to apprehend them. Dundee immediately went to the convention and
applied for protection, but they refused to act in the matter, and
passed to the order of the day. Whether this affair was the device of
the Whig party, as has been supposed, to get quit of two individuals
particularly obnoxious to them, there are no means of ascertaining;
but when the circumstances of the times, and the opinions then held
by many of the people are considered, the design of assassinating
them is far from improbable.[553]

But be this as it may, Dundee resolved to remain as short as
possible in a place where he might be every moment exposed to the
dagger of the assassin; and, accordingly, he and his friends fixed
on Monday the 18th of March for their departure for Stirling. With
the exception of Dundee, they all assembled at the appointed place
of rendezvous in the city at the hour which had been fixed; but
as the Marquis of Athole, who had promised to accompany them and
to protect them on their arrival at Stirling with a body of his
vassals, wished them to postpone their departure till the following
day; they consented to remain, and were in the act of dispersing
and proceeding to the convention when Dundee made his appearance.
Such an unexpected resolution greatly surprised him, but he told
Balcarras, that whatever were the views of his friends, he would not
remain another day in Edinburgh. Balcarras remonstrated with him,
and represented, that his departure would give the alarm to their
enemies, who would not fail to take advantage of the discovery;
but he replied, that as he had a select body of between forty and
fifty troopers ready mounted and prepared to start, he would not
remain any longer within the city, but would clear the walls with
his party and wait without for such friends as might choose to join
him. Dundee accordingly left the city at the head of his troopers, to
go, as he is said to have emphatically replied to a friend who put
the question to him, wherever the spirit of Montrose should direct.
After passing the Nether Bow port, he turned to the left down Leith
Wynd, and after clearing the suburbs of the Calton, he faced to the
west, and proceeded along the line of road known at the time by the
name of the Lang-gate, and which now forms the splendid terrace of
Princes’ street. On arriving opposite the castle, Dundee ordered his
men to halt, and alighting from his horse, he clambered up the steep
precipice on the west side of that fortress, and from the bottom of
the wall held a conference with the Duke of Gordon, who stood in
an adjoining postern gate immediately above. No account has been
preserved of the nature of the conversation which passed between
these two devoted adherents of the king, but it is understood that
the viscount entreated the duke to hold out the castle as long as he
could, and that he would endeavour to raise the siege as soon as he
had collected sufficient forces.[554]

The convention despatched a Major Bunting with a party of horse in
pursuit, but although he overtook Dundee, he had not the courage
to attack him, alarmed by a threat with which, it is said, Dundee
menaced him, that he would send him (Bunting) back to the convention,
in a pair of blankets, did he dare to molest him.[555] Dundee crossed
Stirling bridge the second day of his departure, and proceeded to
his residence of Dudhope, near Dundee, to ruminate over the events
which had just passed, and to concoct his plans, under the new
and extraordinary circumstances in which he was placed, for the
restoration of James.

FOOTNOTES:

[520] “I believe there was never accident in the world altered the
disposition of a people more than that (the king’s return) did
the Scottish nation. Sober men observed, it not only inebriat but
really intoxicate, and made people not only drunk but frantick; men
did not think they could handsomely express their joy except they
turned brutes for debauch, rebels, and pugeants; yea, many a sober
man was tempted to exceed, lest he should be condemned as unnatural,
disloyal, and unsensible. Most of the nobility, and many of the
gentry, and hungry old souldiers, flew to London, just as the vulture
does to the carcase. And though many of them were bare enough, they
made no bones to give 15 of the 100 of exchange.”--Kirkton, p. 65.

[521] _State Trials_, vol. v., 1369-1508.--Kirkton, 100-4.

[522] Strafford’s _Letters_, vol. ii. pp. 187-290.

[523] This is the veritable instrument devised by the Regent Morton,
and by which were beheaded the Marquis and Earl of Argyle, “and many
more of the noblest blood of Scotland.”

[524] Kirkton, pp. 143, 166.

[525] “A rumour went that there was a witch-wife named Muddock who
had promised to the M’Lains, that, so long as she lived, the Earle of
Argile should not enter Mull; and indeed many of the people imputed
the rise of that great storme under her paction with the devil, how
true I cannot assert.”--Law’s _Memorials_, p. 83.

[526] Note to Kirkton by Sharpe, p. 391.

[527] Law’s _Memorials_, pp. 80, 1, 2, 3, 94, 159.

[528] “But when this goodly army retreated homeward, you would have
thought by their baggage they had been at the sack of a besieged
city; and, therefore, when they passed Stirling bridge every man drew
his sword to show the world they hade returned conquerors from their
enemies’ land; but they might as well have showen the pots, pans,
girdles, shoes taken off country men’s feet, and other bodily and
household furniture with which they were burdened; and among all,
none purchast so well as the two earles Airly and Strathmore, chiefly
the last, who sent home the money, not in purses, but in bags and
great quantities.”--Kirkton, pp. 390-1.

[529] _Scots Acts_, 1681, c. vi.

[530] “He was lying a prisoner in Edinburgh castle in daily
expectation of the order arriving for his execution, when woman’s
wit intervened to save him, and he owed his life to the affection of
his favourite step-daughter, the sprightly Lady Sophia, who, about
eight o’clock in the evening of Tuesday, the 20th of December, 1681,
effected his escape in the following manner, as related to Lady Anne
Lindsay, by her father, Earl James, Lady Sophia’s nephew:--‘Having
obtained permission to pay him a visit of one half-hour, she
contrived to bring as her page a tall, awkward, country clown,
with a fair wig procured for the occasion, who had apparently been
engaged in a fray, having his head tied up. On entering she made
them immediately change clothes; they did so, and, on the expiration
of the half-hour, she, in a flood of tears, bade farewell to her
supposed father, and walked out of the prison with the most perfect
dignity, and with a slow pace. The sentinel at the drawbridge, a
sly Highlander, eyed her father hard, but her presence of mind did
not desert her, she twitched her train of embroidery, carried in
those days by the page, out of his hand, and, dropping it in the
mud, “Varlet,” cried she, in a fury, dashing it across his face,
“take that--and that too,” adding a box on the ear, “for knowing no
better how to carry your lady’s garment.” Her ill-treatment of him,
and the dirt with which she had besmeared his face, so confounded
the sentinel, that he let them pass the drawbridge unquestioned.’
Having passed through all the guards, attended by a gentleman from
the castle, Lady Sophia entered her carriage, which was in waiting
for her; ‘the Earl,’ says a contemporary annalist, ‘steps up on
the hinder part of her coach as her lackey, and, coming forgainst
the weighhouse, slips off and shifts for himself.’”--_Lives of the
Lindsays_, vol. ii. p. 147.

[531] Hume’s _Narrative_, pp. 5-9.

[532] Hume’s _Nar._, p. 15. Wellwood App., p. 323.

[533] Hume’s _Nar._, pp. 9, 12-14, 15-18.

[534] Hume’s _Narrative_, pp. 46-56. _Gazette_, 2044.

[535] He was attacked by two troopers who were ignorant of his
quality, till the exclamation “Unfortunate Argyle,” uttered as he
fell, betrayed him. “The clan of the Riddells,” says Dr. Burns,
editor of Wodrow, “have taken the honour, or the disgrace of having
furnished one of these two militiamen. A person of this name from
Lochwinnoch, within forty years ago, had gone to the Balloch fair,
near Dumbarton, in the capacity of a horse-dealer. The Campbells
from Argyleshire heard his hated name, which called up to their
imaginations one of the principal murderers of their chief, and
they were preparing themselves for a feudal clan battle, when the
companions of the Lowlander interposed and prevented bloodshed by
a cunning device or _ruse de guerre_, transforming his name from
_Riddell_ to _Ridet_.”--“The spot where Argyle was taken [commonly
said to have been near Inchinnan in Renfrewshire] is marked out by a
stone, which passes among the country-people by the name of ‘Argyle’s
Stone.’” _Hist._ &c., tom. iv. p. 297.

[536] Hume’s _Narrative_, pp. 56-67. Wodrow, vol. ii. pp. 533-537.
_Gazette_, 2045.

[537] Fountainhall, p. 1177.

[538] Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 624, App. 187, 192, 194, 195. Fountainhall,
_State Trials_, vol. x. p. 785, vol. xi. p. 1179. Balcarras’s
Account, p. 3.

[539] D’Avaux.

[540] Dalrymple, pp. 200-210.

[541] Balcarras, p. 9.

[542] Idem, p. 19.

[543] Barillon.

[544] James’ _Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 222. &c. Burnet, vol. iii. p. 316.

[545] _James_ (_Memoirs_), vol. ii. p. 271.--_Great Britain’s Just
Complaint_, p. 8.

[546] “A day or two after his return, Earl Colin (of Balcarras) and
his friend Dundee waited on his Majesty. Colin had been in town but
three or four days, which he had employed in endeavours to unite his
Majesty’s friends in his interest. ‘He was received affectionately,’
says his son, ‘but observed that there were none with the king but
some of the gentlemen of his bed-chamber.’ L---- came in, one of the
generals of his army disbanded about a fortnight before. He informed
the king that most of his generals and colonels of his guards had
assembled that morning upon observing the universal joy of the city
upon his return; that the result of their meeting was to appoint him
to tell his Majesty that still much was in their power to serve and
defend him; that most part of the army disbanded was either in London
or near it; and that, if he would order them to beat their drums,
they were confident twenty thousand men could be got together before
the end of next day.--‘My lord,’ says the king, ‘I know you to be
my friend, sincere and honourable; the men who sent you are not so,
and I expect nothing from them.’--He then said it was a fine day--he
would take a walk. None attended him but Colin and Lord Dundee. When
he was in the Mall, he stopped and looked at them, and asked how they
came to be with him, when all the world had forsaken him and gone to
the Prince of Orange? Colin said their fidelity to so good a master
would ever be the same; they had nothing to do with the Prince of
Orange,--Lord Dundee made the strongest professions of duty;--‘Will
you two, as gentlemen, say you have still attachment to me?’--‘Sir,
we do.’--‘Will you give me your hands upon it, as men of honour?’
they did so,--‘Well, I see you are the men I always took you to be;
you shall know all my intentions. I can no longer remain here but
as a cypher, or be a prisoner to the Prince of Orange, and you know
there is but a small distance between the prisons and the graves of
kings; therefore I go for France immediately; when there, you shall
have my instructions,--you, Lord Balcarres, shall have a commission
to manage my civil affairs, and you, Lord Dundee, to command my
troops in Scotland.’”--_Lives of the Lindsays_, vol. ii. pp. 161, 162.

[547] _James_, vol. ii. pp. 265-267.

[548] Gordon’s _Hist. of the Family of Gordon_, vol. ii. pp. 585, 586.

[549] Balcarras, p. 29.

[550] Gordon’s _Hist. of the Family of Gordon_, vol. ii. pp. 587, 588.

[551] Balcarras, pp. 41-2. Gordon’s _Hist. of the Family of Gordon_,
p. 592.

[552] Gordon’s _Hist. of the Family of Gordon_, pp. 593-4.

[553] Balcarras, p. 24.--_Minutes of Convention_, 16th March.

[554] It is to this interview that Sir Walter Scott alludes in his
well-known and stirring ballad of “Bonnie Dundee.”

--“The Gordon has asked of him whither he goes?
‘Wherever shall guide me the soul of Montrose!
Your grace in short space shall have tidings of me,
Or that low lies the bonnet of Bonnie Dundee!

‘There’s lands beyond Pentland, and hills beyond Forth,
If there’s lords in the South-land, there’s chiefs in the North,
And wild dunnie-wassels three thousand times three,
Will cry hoigh! for the bonnet of Bonnie Dundee?

‘Away to the hills, to the woods, to the rocks--
Ere I own an usurper I’ll couch with the fox;
So, tremble, false Whigs, though triumphant ye be,
For ye’ve not seen the last of my bonnet or me!’

He waved his proud arm and the trumpets were blown,
The kettle-drums clashed, and the horsemen rode on,
Till by Ravelston craigs and on Clermiston-lea
Died away the wild war-note of Bonnie Dundee.

--‘Come fill up my cup, come fill up my can,
Come saddle my horses and call up my men,
Fling all your gates open and let me go free,
For it’s up with the bonnets of Bonnie Dundee!’”

[555] _Life of Dundee._

CHAPTER XX.

March to July, 1689.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--William III., 1688-1703.

Viscount Dundee--Proceedings of the convention--General
Hugh Mackay--Attempt to apprehend Dundee, who retires
to the north--Mackay follows Dundee--Dundee joined by
Keppoch--Movements of the two commanders--Movements of Colonel
Ramsay--Disaffection among Mackay’s troops--Ruthven Castle
surrenders to Dundee--Mackay retreats down Strathspey--Followed
by Dundee--Retreat of Dundee, who disbands his forces--Mackay
returns to Edinburgh--Probabilities of success--Dundee solicits
aid from Ireland--Preparations of Mackay--Lord Murray and the
Athole-men--Departure of Mackay to Perth--Dundee marches into
Athole--Battle of Killiecrankie--Death and character of Dundee.

Before giving the details of Dundee’s insurrection, the following
short sketch will not be out of place. John Graham, Viscount Dundee,
descended from the royal line of the Stuarts by the marriage of
William, Lord Graham of Kincardine, his ancestor, with the Princess
Mary, second daughter of King Robert III., was the eldest son of
Sir William Graham of Claverhouse in Angus or Forfarshire, and was
born in 1643. Besides a royal descent, Viscount Dundee also claimed
to be descended, through the family of Morphy in Mearns, from the
illustrious house of Montrose, and was also allied to the noble
family of Northesk by his mother, Lady Jean Carnegy, who was fourth
daughter of the first earl. Young Graham entered the university
of St. Andrews in the year 1660, where, according to his partial
biographer, he made “very considerable progress” in “Humanity
and Mathematics.” He was chiefly remarkable for his enthusiastic
predilection for Highland poetry and the established order of
things. He left the university in 1670 and went to France, where
he entered as a volunteer. He afterwards transferred his services
to Holland, and received the commission of a cornet in one of the
Prince of Orange’s troops of guards. He distinguished himself at
the battle of Seneffe, in 1674, by saving the life of the prince,
who had been dismounted, and carrying him off upon his own horse.
Having been refused the command of one of the Scottish regiments
in the employment of the States, he left the Dutch service and
returned to Scotland in the year 1677, and was appointed by Charles
II. captain of one of the regiments then raising in Scotland for
the suppression of the Whigs, in which service he acquired from the
unfortunate Covenanters, on account of his severities, the unenviable
appellation of “the bloody Clavers.” The confidence which Charles
had bestowed on Captain Graham was continued by his successor James,
who, after promoting him successively to the ranks of brigadier and
major-general, raised him to the peerage under the title of Viscount
Dundee, on the 12th of November 1688, seven days after the invasion
of the Prince of Orange.

[Illustration: John Graham, Viscount Dundee.

From Original Painting in possession of the Earl of Strathmore.]

The idea of setting up a counter convention at Stirling, was
immediately abandoned on the departure of Dundee from the capital.
The Marquis of Athole, whom the adherents of the king had chosen
for their leader, showed no disposition to follow Dundee, and the
Earl of Mar, who to save his loyalty made a feint to escape by the
only guarded way, was apprehended, not unwillingly, as is supposed,
by the sentinels, and brought back, but was released on giving his
parole that he would not leave the city without the permission of
the convention. The ambiguous conduct of these two noblemen tended
to cool the ardour of the few remaining adherents of the king, some
of whom resolved to support the new order of things, whilst others,
less pliant, absented themselves wholly from the convention. That
assembly, after approving of the conduct of the English convention,
in requesting the Prince of Orange (now declared King of England)
to take upon him the administration of the affairs of that kingdom,
acknowledged their obligations to him as the assertor of their
liberties, and also entreated him to assume the management of the
affairs of Scotland.

Popular as the steps were which the convention were about to take for
settling the government of the nation, with the great body of the
people, they were not insensible to the probability of a formidable
opposition being raised to their plans by a determined band of
royalists in the north, who, headed by such a warlike and experienced
commander as Dundee, might involve the whole kingdom in a civil war.
To prepare, therefore, against such an emergency, the convention
before proceeding to the important business for which it had
assembled issued a proclamation, requiring all persons from sixteen
to sixty, and capable of bearing arms, to put themselves in readiness
to take the field when called upon; they deprived all militia
officers suspected of attachment to the king of their commissions,
and filled up the vacancies thus occasioned by others on whom they
could rely. Sir Patrick Hume, who lay under an attainder for the part
he took in Argyle’s rebellion, was appointed to the command of the
horse militia, and the Earl of Leven was nominated to the command of
a body of 800 men, raised for a guard to the city of Edinburgh.

Backed by these, and by about 1100 men of the Scotch brigade from
Holland, which arrived at Leith from England, on the 25th of
March, under General Mackay, as major-general of all the forces
in Scotland,[556] and by a force of 200 dragoons which were also
sent from England; the leaders of the convention proposed that a
committee of eight lords, eight knights, and eight burgesses, should
be appointed to prepare and report upon a plan of settling the
government.

The throne having been declared vacant, the convention, on the
motion of the Duke of Hamilton, appointed the committee to draw up
an act for settling the crown of Scotland upon William and Mary, and
they were also instructed to prepare an instrument or declaration
for preventing a recurrence of the grievances, of which the nation
complained. The Earl of Argyle on the part of the lords, Sir James
Montgomery for the knights, and Sir John Dalrymple for the burghs,
were thereupon despatched to London to offer the crown to William
and Mary, on the conditions stipulated by the convention. The
commissioners were introduced to their majesties at Whitehall, on the
11th of May, and were of course well received, but on the coronation
oath being presented to them by the Earl of Argyle, William, who
was rather disposed to support episcopacy in Scotland, demurred to
take it, as it appeared by a clause which it contained, importing
that their majesties should root out heresy, and all enemies to the
true worship of God, to lay him under an obligation to become a
persecutor. This difficulty, which it is evident was well founded,
was however got over by the commissioners declaring that such was not
the meaning or import of the oath.

The convention having thus completed the object for which it
was assembled, adjourned to the 21st of May, not however till
it had passed an act at utter variance with those principles of
constitutional liberty, which it professed to establish. By this
act the Duke of Hamilton was vested with full power and authority
to imprison any person he might suspect of disaffection to the new
government, a violent and arbitrary measure certainly, which nothing
but the extraordinary circumstances of the times could justify. The
Earl of Balcarras and Viscount Dundee were marked out as the first
victims of this unconstitutional law. The latter had been already
proclaimed an outlaw and a rebel by the convention, for absenting
himself from its meetings, but he had hitherto made no movement,
in consequence of instructions from the king, desiring him not to
take the field till a force of 5,000 foot, and 300 horse, which he
promised to send him from Ireland, should land in Scotland.

These instructions having come to the knowledge of Hamilton, hastened
his determination to arrest Balcarras and Dundee. Balcarras was
seized at his country seat, carried to Edinburgh, and imprisoned in
the common jail, from which he was afterwards transferred to the
castle after its surrender; but Dundee, who had received notice of
the approach of the party, retired from his house at Dudhope and took
refuge in the mountains.

The favourable reception which James had met with in Ireland, and
the discovery which the adherents of William in Scotland had made
of his intention to land an army in Scotland, joined to the fact
that the great body of the Highlanders, and almost the whole of the
episcopal party in the north, were hostile to the recent change
in the government, could not fail to excite alarm in the minds of
the partizans of the new dynasty. The brilliant achievements of
Montrose had shown how inadequate the peaceful inhabitants of the
south, though impelled by the spirit of religious fanaticism, were
to contend with the brave and hardy mountaineers of the north; and
as Dundee, as they were aware, was desirous of emulating his great
predecessor, and was engaged in an active correspondence with the
Highland chiefs, they must necessarily have looked forward to a long
and bloody, and perhaps a doubtful contest.

As Dundee possessed the confidence of the Highland clans,[557] and
as he looked chiefly to them for support in his attempt to restore
the exiled monarch, Viscount Tarbat, one of the ablest politicians of
the period, proposed a plan for detaching the chiefs from the cause
of James, some of whom he averred were not so inimical to William
nor so attached to James, as was supposed; but who, jealous of the
power of Argyle, were justly apprehensive that if, as appearances
indicated, that nobleman acquired an ascendency in the national
councils, he would make use of his power to oppress them, and would
obtain a revocation of the grants of certain lands which belonged
to his family, and which had been forfeited in the reign of Charles
II. Besides these reasons, there was another which was supposed
to influence others in their determination to restore the fallen
dynasty, and thereby crush the rising power of Argyle, viz. that they
were greatly in arrears to him as their superior. Tarbat, therefore,
suggested to General Mackay, that an attempt should be made, in the
first place to obtain the submission of these last by making them
an offer to discharge Argyle’s claims against their lands, which
he computed would amount to £5,000 sterling, and that a separate
offer should be made to the chief of the Macleans to make good a
transaction which had been in part entered upon between him and the
late earl for adjusting their differences. This plan was approved
of by the English government, but the affair is said to have been
marred by the appointment of Campbell of Cawdor as negotiator, who
was personally obnoxious to the chiefs. Mackay attempted to open a
correspondence with Cameron of Lochiel on the subject, but could
obtain no answer, and Macdonell of Glengary, to whom he also made a
communication, heartily despising the bribe, advised the general,
in return, to imitate the conduct of General Monk, by restoring
James.[558]

Dundee crossed the Dee, and entered the Duke of Gordon’s country,
the inhabitants of which were friendly to the cause of James, and
where he was joined by about 50 horse under the Earl of Dunfermline,
who, as has been stated, was sent north by the Duke of Gordon to
raise his vassals in support of his royal master. Whilst Dundee was
occupied in raising forces in this district, Mackay was despatched
from Edinburgh with a considerable body of troops in pursuit. Mackay
appointed the town of Dundee as the rendezvous for his troops,
being the best station he could select for keeping the adjoining
country, which was disaffected to the new government, in awe, and
whence he could send parties to the north to watch the motions of
Dundee. On arriving at Dundee, Mackay, leaving a part of his troops
there under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Livingston, proceeded
north with a body of about 500 men, consisting chiefly of dragoons,
in quest of the viscount. At Brechin he received intelligence that
Dundee, ignorant of course of Mackay’s movements, was on his return
to his seat of Glenogilvie in the braes of Angus, that he had already
passed the Cairn-a-mount, and that he was expected to pass the night
at Fettercairn, only a few miles north from Brechin. The viscount,
however, having been apprized of Mackay’s movements, recrossed the
Dee.

As soon as Mackay was informed of this retrograde movement, he
resolved to pursue Dundee, and, if possible, to overtake him before
he should have time to collect any considerable body of forces. With
a small but select body of horse and foot, therefore, he crossed the
Dee at Kincardine, in the expectation of being joined in the course
of his march by some country gentlemen who had given him assurances
of support before leaving Edinburgh. In this expectation, however,
he was sadly disappointed, for, with the exception of the Master of
Forbes, who met him after he had crossed the Dee, with a party of
40 gentlemen of his name on horseback and a body of between 500 and
600 men on foot, chiefly raw peasantry, not one of them showed any
inclination to join him. The fact was, that, with few exceptions,
the people residing to the north of the Tay, were either indifferent
to the course of events, or were opposed upon principle to any
change in the hereditary succession to the crown, which many of them
considered an infraction of the Divine law, and which they believed
no misconduct on the part of the king could justify. No man knew
these things better than Dundee, who calculated that by means of this
feeling he would soon be able to arouse the war-like north against
the more peaceful south. But valuable as such a body of auxiliaries
as that brought by the Master of Forbes may be supposed to have been
under these circumstances, Mackay, who had been accustomed to the
finest troops in Europe, considered that they would be of no service
to him, as, according to his own account, they were “ill armed,”
and appeared “little like the work” for which they were intended.
He therefore declined the services of the Forbeses in the meantime,
and after thanking the master for having brought them together, he
ordered him to dismiss them to their homes, with instructions that
they should re-assemble whenever a necessity occurred for defending
their own country against the inroads of Dundee.

Having received intelligence of Dundee’s route through Strathdon
towards Strathbogie, Mackay continued his march in that direction
through Aberdeenshire and Moray. On arriving at Strathbogie, he
was informed that Dundee had crossed the Spey with about 150 horse
without opposition, although Mackay had given particular instruction
to the laird of Grant, while in Edinburgh, to occupy all the fords of
that river. Mackay also learned, on the following day, by a letter
sent to him by the magistrates of Elgin, which had been addressed
to them by Dundee, that the viscount was at Inverness, that he had
been there joined by Macdonald of Keppoch at the head of 1,000
Highlanders, and that he intended to make Elgin his head-quarters
preparatory to an attack upon Mackay. The accession of the Macdonalds
was of immense importance to Dundee, and was as seasonable as
unexpected. A deadly feud had for some time existed between Macdonald
and Mackintosh, arising out of certain claims by the former upon
the lands of the latter; and to such a pitch of armed violence did
Keppoch carry his pretensions, that James II. felt himself called
upon to interfere, by issuing a commission of fire and sword against
him as a rebel. Keppoch, taking advantage of the unsettled state of
the government, renewed his claims against Mackintosh; and having
defeated the Mackintoshes in battle, he had advanced to Inverness,
the inhabitants of which had supported the Mackintoshes against him,
and was threatening to wreak his vengeance upon them if they did
not purchase forbearance by paying him a large pecuniary fine. It
was at this critical moment that Dundee arrived, who, anxious at
once to secure the aid of Keppoch and the friendship of the citizens
of Inverness, who had only a few days before proclaimed the Prince
of Orange, interposed between them and their exasperated foe, and
satisfied the latter’s supposed claims by collecting the amount of
his demands by subscription among the inhabitants.[559]

The news of the junction of the Keppoch Highlanders with Dundee,
and of their intention to march to the south, was exceedingly
disconcerting to Mackay, who had advanced into a hostile country
with a handful of troops quite incapable of resisting the powerful
force now opposed to them. The obvious and apparently most prudential
course which presented itself, was, on the approach of the enemy,
to make a sure and as slow a retreat as possible, and to bring up
the forces which he had left behind him; but Mackay, rightly judging
that a retreat, besides giving Dundee the command of a large tract of
country favourable to his views, might create an impression that his
adversary was much stronger than he really was, resolved not only to
stand firm, but even to cross the Spey, and take possession of Elgin
before Dundee should arrive there. Accordingly, after despatching
a courier to bring up his reserves from Brechin without delay, he
crossed the Spey and advanced upon Elgin, with his dragoons at a hard
trot, followed by 200 veteran foot, who were so desirous of coming to
action that they kept up with the horse the whole way from the river
to the town. From Elgin, Mackay despatched messengers to some of the
principal Whig proprietors in Moray, Ross, and Sutherland, desiring
them to prepare themselves for joining him as soon as they should
receive his orders.

Mackay lay a few days at Elgin in expectation of Dundee’s advance;
but as the latter did not appear, Mackay, who had just received a
reinforcement of horse from Brechin, left Elgin and took the road to
Inverness. When he reached Forres, he ascertained that Dundee had
left Inverness, and had crossed the heights of Badenoch on his way to
Athole. It is said that Dundee intended to have advanced upon Elgin,
and to have engaged Mackay, but he was counteracted in his design by
the refusal of a party of Camerons, who were under Keppoch, to march
without the consent of their chief, their real motive apparently
being that they were desirous of securing what booty they had taken.
Mackay continued his march to Inverness, where he was joined by 500
of the Mackays, Grants, and Rosses. From Inverness, he despatched
couriers to the adherents of the new government in the north to join
him; and at the same time sent an express to Colonel Balfour at
Edinburgh, to despatch Colonel Ramsay north with a select body of
600 men to be drawn from the Dutch regiments. To effect as speedy a
junction with him as possible, Mackay directed that Ramsay should
march through Athole and Badenoch. These transactions, Burton[560]
thinks happened probably about the beginning of May.

Dundee, on the other hand, was no less busy in his preparations
for the ensuing campaign. He never ceased to carry on an active
correspondence with many of the Highland chieftains whose confidence
he possessed; and on his march through Badenoch he received the
most gratifying assurances of support from the gentlemen of that
country, with the exception of Mackintosh, who had taken offence at
Dundee. Having fixed upon Lochaber as the most central and convenient
district for mustering his forces, Dundee appointed the friends of
King James to assemble there on the 18th of May, and in the meantime
he descended into Athole, with a body of 150 horse, where he met with
a cordial reception from Stewart of Ballechan, factor or steward to
the Marquis of Athole, and from the other vassals of the marquis.
Whether Stewart and the other gentlemen of the district, in taking
this decided part, acted from a private understanding with their
chief, who still remained at Edinburgh, where he had given in an
equivocal adherence to the government, or whether they were yet
ignorant of the course he meant to follow, are questions which, for
want of information, do not admit of solution. The omission on the
part of the marquis to send instructions to Stewart to raise a body
of 400 Athole Highlanders, to oppose the passage of Dundee through
his bounds to the south, should he attempt it, to which effect he
had pledged himself to Mackay, before the latter left Edinburgh for
the north, raises a suspicion that the gentlemen of Athole acted
agreeably to the understood wishes of their chief.[561]

Being informed that the lairds of Blair and Pollock were lying in
Perth with a troop of horse, which they had raised for the service of
the government, Dundee determined to surprise them, and accordingly
left Athole, and proceeded with celerity during the night towards
Perth, which he entered unawares early next morning, and seized both
these gentlemen and two other officers in their beds, carrying them
off prisoners. He also took away 30 horses, and a sum of 9,000 merks
of the public revenue which he found in the office of the collector.
Leaving Perth, Dundee ranged through Angus, augmenting his cavalry,
and after an ineffectual attempt to surprise Lord Rollo, who was
raising a troop of horse, he appeared before the town of Dundee, then
guarded by two troops of Livingston’s dragoons. Their commander,
unwilling to encounter Dundee, shut himself up in the town, and the
viscount, after spending two nights at Dudhope, his country seat,
returned to the Highlands, to meet his friends at the appointed place
of rendezvous.

During all this time, Mackay remained at Inverness, waiting for
the arrival of Ramsay’s detachment from the south, which he had
long and anxiously looked for. In conformity with Mackay’s orders,
Colonel Balfour immediately put the troops under Colonel Ramsay in
readiness to march, but just as they were about to pass across the
Frith of Forth, from Leith to Burntisland, an alarm was created by
the appearance of a large number of vessels at the mouth of the
Frith, which were at once supposed to be a French fleet with troops
on board for the purpose of making a descent upon the coast in
support of Dundee. As the seizure of the capital, it was naturally
supposed, would be the first object of the invaders, the embarkation
of Ramsay’s detachment, which in such an event would be necessary for
its defence, was countermanded; but in two or three days the fears of
the government were dispelled, by having ascertained that the fleet
in question consisted of a number of Dutch herring vessels which
were proceeding on their annual voyage to the fishing stations on
the northern coast. This delay occasioned great embarrassment to the
operations of Mackay, and almost proved fatal to him, as Dundee was
thereby enabled to throw himself with a large force between Mackay’s
and Ramsay’s corps, and to threaten both with annihilation.

In terms of his instructions, Ramsay, after reaching Perth, proceeded
through Athole, on his way to Inverness. Though the Athole-men,
many of whom he found armed, offered no opposition to his march,
yet as every thing around him assumed a warlike appearance, and
as reports were continually brought to him that Dundee had placed
himself between him and Mackay, with a very large force, he grew
alarmed, and so strong had his fears become when within a dozen of
miles of Ruthven in Badenoch, that he resolved to return to Perth.
He had previously despatched a letter to Mackay, informing him of
his advance, and appointing a meeting at Ruthven on a given day,
but he neglected to send another express acquainting Mackay of his
design to return to Perth. The retreat of Ramsay was disorderly, and
some of his men deserted. The Athole-men, who kept hovering about
him, were desirous of attacking him, but they were prevented, though
with difficulty, by the gentlemen of the district. Mackay having
received Ramsay’s despatch, was so anxious to form a speedy junction
with the latter’s detachment, that he left Inverness the following
(Sunday) morning, taking with him only two days’ provisions. When
about half-way between Inverness and Ruthven, he received an express
from the governor of the castle, informing him of Ramsay’s retreat,
and that Dundee acting on information contained in an intercepted
despatch of Mackay’s, had entered Badenoch on Sunday morning, (the
morning of Mackay’s march from Inverness,) with an immense force,
and was within a few miles of the castle.

The first person who had met Dundee in Lochaber on the appointed day
was Glengary, who had with him a body of between 200 and 300 men. He
was followed by Macdonald of Morer, at the head of nearly 200 of Clan
Ranald’s men, and by Appin and Glencoe, with about the same number.
Dundee had been subsequently joined by Lochiel (now 60 years of age),
who had 600 men under him, and by Keppoch, at the head of 200; but
Sir Alexander Maclean, who had promised also to attend, failed to
appear.

The intelligence communicated by the commander of Ruthven castle
was exceedingly perplexing to Mackay, who must have felt keenly the
disappointment of Ramsay’s flight. He saw himself with a handful
of men surrounded by a warlike and hostile population, and within
a short march of a powerful force, which he could not singly
resist--with few friends on whom he could place much reliance. He
had, in the unfortunate situation in which he was placed, only a
choice of evils before him. To have proceeded on his march with the
view of cutting his way through the enemy, would have been, even if
practicable, an imprudent and very dangerous step, and to have taken
up a position in a district where he would have been exposed to be
surrounded and cut off from his resources, would have been equally
rash. He had, therefore, no alternative which he could prudently
adopt, but either to fall back upon Inverness, or retire down the
vale of the Spey. He preferred the latter course; for, although
such a movement would leave Inverness quite exposed to Dundee’s
army, that disadvantage would be more than counterbalanced by the
protection which would be thereby afforded to the laird of Grant’s
lands, near the borders of which Dundee was now hovering, and by the
obstruction which the interposition of Mackay’s troops would present
to any attempt on the part of Dundee to recruit his army in the Duke
of Gordon’s country. Besides, by making Strathspey the scene of his
operations, Mackay expected to be able to keep up a communication
with the south through Angus and Aberdeenshire, and the adjoining
parts of Moray, which he could not maintain if he returned to
Inverness.

Accordingly, after despatching an express to Inverness, apprising
the garrison of his intentions, and promising assistance, should
Dundee venture to attack the town, Mackay began a rapid march towards
Strathspey, which he continued during the night, and did not halt
till he had descended a considerable way down that vale. Dundee, who
had closely pursued him, afraid of exposing his men to the attacks of
Mackay’s cavalry, did not follow him after he had gained the flatter
part of the Strath, but kept aloof at the distance of some miles
in a more elevated position where he encamped. Notwithstanding his
inferiority in point of numbers, the revolutionary general determined
to endeavour to allure Dundee from his stronghold by offering him
battle, and having refreshed his men, wearied by a long march of
twenty-four hours, he advanced next morning to within a mile of
Dundee’s camp, and, after reconnoitring the position of the enemy,
made preparations for receiving them; but Dundee, secure from danger,
by the nature of the ground he occupied, showed no disposition
to engage. It is probable that, in acting thus passively, he was
influenced by the conduct of the Highlanders, who were averse to
engage with cavalry, and some of whom (the Camerons, according to
Mackay,) fled to the neighbouring hills on Mackay’s approach. Seeing
no hope of drawing the viscount out of his trenches, Mackay returned
in the evening to his camp, which he removed the following day to
Colmnakill, about six miles lower down the Spey, where he considered
himself more secure from any sudden surprise or attack, and where
he was speedily joined by two troops of Livingston’s dragoons
from Dundee. The ground occupied by Mackay was a spacious plain,
bounded on the south by the Spey, which effectually protected his
rear, whilst his front was covered by a wood and some marshes which
skirted the plain on the north. The right of Mackay’s position was
protected by a small river with a rough and stony bottom. The general
himself took up his quarters at Belcastle, a summer-house in the
neighbourhood belonging to the laird of Grant, whence he despatched
ten or twelve of Grant’s tenants, selected by Grant himself as the
most intelligent and trustworthy, to watch and bring him notice of
Dundee’s motions. These scouts kept up a constant communication
with Mackay, who received a report from one or other of them almost
every alternate hour. In the meantime, he kept his whole army under
arms, and to prevent surprise, small parties of horse and dragoons
patrolled the neighbouring woods, and some foot were stationed along
the banks of the little river on the right. But these precautions
would probably have been unavailing, if the government general had
not timeously been made acquainted with the fact, that there were
enemies in his camp who were watching an opportunity to betray him.

For some time, a report had been current that Livingston’s regiment
of dragoons was disaffected to the government; but as Mackay could
not trace the rumour to any authentic source, he disbelieved it,
and to mark his confidence in its fidelity, he had ordered the two
troops which were stationed at Dundee to join him in the north. But
two days after two deserters from Dundee’s camp informed Mackay
that, with few exceptions, all the dragoon officers had entered into
a conspiracy to betray him. They said that they had heard Dundee
frequently assure the chiefs of the clans that he could depend upon
the dragoons, and heard him inform the chiefs, that till he saw a
favourable opportunity for requiring the services of the dragoons,
he would allow them to remain in the enemy’s camp, where they might
be useful to him. The deserters likewise informed Mackay that they
had not left Dundee’s camp altogether of their own accord, but partly
at the instigation of the lairds of Blair and Pollock, who had been
carried about by Dundee as prisoners ever since their capture at
Perth, and who were anxious to prevent Mackay from engaging, under
these circumstances, with such a small party of troops as he then had.

This information, though calculated to shake the general’s confidence
in the fidelity of these dragoons, was too vague and unsatisfactory
to be relied upon. Mackay appears at first to have had some doubts
of the truth of the statement; but his unwillingness to believe the
accusation gave place to an opposite impression when, after ordering
the deserters to be confined in Belcastle, and threatening them with
exemplary punishment should it turn out that they were spies sent by
Dundee, they expressed themselves quite satisfied to abide the result
of any investigation he might institute.

Mackay, though now satisfied that there were traitors in his camp,
took no steps to secure them, but continued to remain in his position
waiting for the arrival of Barclay’s dragoons and Leslie’s foot from
Forfar and Couper Angus. Mackay might have retreated down the river,
but he was advised to remain at Colmnakill by Sir Thomas Livingston
and the laird of Grant; because by retaining his ground, his expected
succours would be every day drawing nearer to him, and every day thus
spent would be lost to Dundee, who was prevented, by his presence,
from communicating with those places in the low country from which
he expected reinforcements, particularly in horse, of which he
stood in most need. Besides, by retiring, Mackay considered that he
might probably be forced to recross the Grampians before the two
regiments could join him, in which case he would leave the whole of
the north exposed to Dundee, who would probably avail himself of the
opportunity to raise a force too formidable to be encountered.

In the meantime, Dundee sent a detachment of his army to lay siege
to the old castle of Ruthven, in which Mackay, on his arrival at
Inverness, had placed a garrison of about 60 of Grant’s Highlanders,
under the command of John Forbes, brother to Culloden. The garrison
being in want of provisions, capitulated on the condition that their
lives should be spared, and that they should be allowed to return
to their homes on their parole. While conducted through Dundee’s
camp, Forbes observed all the horses saddled, and his army preparing
as if for an immediate march. In proceeding towards Colmnakill, he
met, at the distance of about a mile from Dundee’s lines, two men
on horseback, one in a red, the other in a blue uniform. The latter
immediately challenged him with the usual parole, “Qui vive?” on
which Forbes returning the “Vive le Roi Guilleaume,” as indicative
of his loyalty to the existing government, the man in red informed
him that they had been despatched from Mackay’s camp to obtain
intelligence of the enemy. Captain Forbes then cautioned the men of
the risk they would run if they proceeded farther, but regardless
of his advice, they rode forward in the direction of Dundee’s camp.
Forbes having mentioned this occurrence to Mackay the same day, the
latter immediately suspected that the officers of dragoons were in
communication with Dundee, as he had given no such order as the man
clothed in red had pretended. He, thereupon, desired inquiry to be
made if any dragoons had been sent out, and by whom; and as blue was
the uniform of Livingston’s men, he desired them to be instantly
mustered to ascertain if any were absent; but the general had
scarcely issued these instructions, when some of his scouts brought
him intelligence that Dundee’s army was moving down the Strath
towards Colmnakill. This movement, combined with the information
which had been communicated to him by Forbes, left no doubt of the
treachery of the dragoons.

Under these circumstances, Mackay had no alternative but an immediate
retreat. Calling, therefore, his commanding officers together, he
ordered them to put their men under arms, and to form them upon
the plain in marching order. He next addressed himself to the
laird of Grant, and after expressing his regret at the step he was
about to take, by which Grant’s lands would be left for a short
time exposed to the ravages of Dundee’s army, he requested him to
order his tenants to drive their cattle down the country out of
the reach of the enemy, who would probably overlook them in their
anxiety to follow him in his retreat. Grant listened to this advice
with becoming attention, but to show how little he regarded his
own personal interest, as opposed to what he conceived his duty to
his country, he observed, that though he might lose every thing
by Dundee’s invasion of his country, he would not take one step
prejudicial to the government.

In fixing the order of his retreat, Mackay adopted the plan he had
been accustomed to follow, that he might not excite the jealousy of
the dragoons, or make them suspect that he was distrustful of them.
Accordingly, as was his usual practice, he divided the dragoons into
two bodies, one of which, consisting of Major and Captain Balfour’s
companies, he placed in the rear, and the other four companies
commanded by the disaffected officers he placed in the front, that he
might overawe them by his own presence. Immediately before the two
troops of dragoons which formed the rear-guard, Mackay placed 200
foot, chiefly grenadiers of the three Scoto-Dutch regiments, and next
to them the English horse, then scarcely 70 men strong, and between
those horse and the four companies of dragoons which were led by Sir
Thomas Livingston, he posted 200 of Lord Reay’s and Balnagowan’s
Highlanders, having previously dismissed Grant’s men, whom he had
informed their chief he would leave behind to protect their own
country from Dundee’s stragglers.

There were three ways by which Mackay could retreat,--either towards
Inverness, or through Strathdown and Glenlivet, a movement which
would bring him near his expected reinforcements, or down Strathspey.
Of these routes Mackay would have preferred the southern; but as the
population of Strathdown and Glenlivet was Catholic, and of course
hostile to him, and as the ground in those districts was unfavourable
to the operations of cavalry in case of attack, he resolved to
march down Strathspey. But as he was desirous to conceal his route
from Dundee, he did not begin his march till nightfall, at which
time Dundee was within three miles of his camp. In his course down
Speyside he passed by the house of Grant of Ballindalloch, who was
serving under Dundee, and arrived early the following morning at
Balveny, where he halted to refresh his men and procure a supply
of provisions. There he met Sir George Gordon of Edinglassie, from
whom he obtained some men to act as intelligencers. Some of these he
despatched back in the direction he had come, to ascertain if Dundee
still remained in the Strath; but apprehensive that Dundee would take
a southerly course, by crossing the Strath, with the view of throwing
himself between Mackay and his reinforcements, he sent off others in
that direction. These scouts soon returned with intelligence that
Dundee was still in Strathspey. This information was satisfactory to
Mackay, and relieved him from a state of the most painful anxiety;
but he was still greatly perplexed by the want of provisions, which,
though hourly expected, had not yet arrived.

Desirous, however, to wait for supplies as long as consistent with
safety, he again despatched some of Gordon’s men in the direction
he supposed Dundee would take, and at the same time sent a sergeant
with a party of 12 dragoons back by the course he had marched, to
bring him notice of Dundee’s motions. Mackay waited with the greatest
impatience till about five o’clock in the evening for the return of
the dragoons, without any signs of their appearance, a circumstance
which alarmed him so much, that although a quantity of provisions and
oats had just reached his camp, he would not allow time for baking
bread or feeding the horses, but gave orders for an immediate march.
Accordingly, the whole party moved off in the same order as before,
and passed a small river about a mile above the place where they had
been encamped; but they had scarcely advanced half a mile when Sir
Thomas Livingston, who happened to be a little behind, observed the
enemy on the other side of the river they had just passed, marching
towards the ford by which Mackay’s men had crossed. On being informed
of this, Mackay, after ordering Lieutenant-colonel Livingston, who
was at the head of the vanguard, to continue at a pretty quick pace;
galloped to the rear, and having despatched Sir Thomas Livingston to
the front to lead the party, with instructions to keep up a constant
pace, but without wearying the troops, he posted himself upon a
rising ground with about 50 or 60 horse and dragoons in view of
Dundee’s army, where he was joined by the Master of Forbes with about
50 horse.

When Dundee observed the party of dragoons drawn up on the hillock
he immediately halted, drew in his stragglers, and marshalled his
men into battalions, keeping up the usual distinction of the clans.
In the meantime Mackay sent off his nephew, Major Mackay, to a hill
which lay about a quarter of a mile to his left, from which he
could obtain a nearer and more correct view of Dundee’s force and
his motions. The viscount’s horse immediately passed the river, and
drew up along the bank to protect the passage of the foot, who in
their turn also formed till the baggage was brought over. It was now
after sunset, but the viscount continued to advance. Mackay, who was
nearly two miles behind his rear; thereupon began to ride off with
his party, but he had not proceeded far when a cry of “halt!” met his
ears. On turning round he observed galloping after him, Major Mackay,
who, having observed a party of horse which he supposed to belong
to Dundee, moving along the face of a hill to the General’s left,
and which from the twilight appeared more numerous than it really
was, had hastened to acquaint the General of the circumstance. It
turned out, however, that this party which had occasioned such alarm
was no other than the sergeant with the 12 dragoons of Livingston’s
regiment which had been sent out by Mackay in the morning to
reconnoitre. It was afterwards ascertained that this sergeant was
concerned in the plot, and that he was the same individual in blue,
whom Captain Forbes had met with within a mile of Dundee’s camp. This
man pretended, however, that he had run great danger of capture;
and that he had taken such a round-about way merely to avoid the
enemy, though he and his party had been with Dundee the whole day,
and had conducted him over the ground which Mackay had passed on the
preceding day. The government forces continued their march all night
till they crossed the river of Bogie, where, from pure exhaustion,
they halted at four o’clock in the morning. The General then ordered
the provisions which had reached the camp previous to his retreat,
to be distributed among his troops, and desired the horsemen to
lead their horses into an adjoining corn-field and feed them. When
the men were refreshing themselves Mackay received the agreeable
intelligence that Barclay and Leslie’s regiments would join him that
day, but “to play sure game,” as he himself says, after allowing his
men two hours’ rest, he marched three miles further down towards his
succours, and took up a position at the foot of Suy-hill upon the
common road from the south to the north, by which he expected the two
regiments would march.

[Illustration: General Hugh Mackay of Scourie.]

Having sent a pressing order to Barclay and Leslie to hasten their
march, Mackay had the satisfaction of being joined by the former at
twelve o’clock noon, and by the latter at six o’clock in the evening,
after a long and fatiguing march. Resolved that no time should be
lost in turning the chase upon Dundee before he should be aware of
these reinforcements, Mackay put his army in marching order, and
advanced towards him after ten o’clock at night. But his designs were
made known to Dundee by two dragoons who had been despatched by their
officers. These men, on the departure of Dundee, were discovered in
a wood, and the general being satisfied that the sergeant before
mentioned had had a conference with Dundee, and the two dragoons
having confessed nearly as much themselves, he immediately put
Lieutenant-colonel Livingston and the other suspected officers under
arrest. He thereupon continued his march, and arrived at Balveny
that night; and on the following day reached Colmnakill, which he
had left only five days before. Here having received notice that a
party of Dundee’s men was on the other side of the adjoining river,
he sent orders to Sir Thomas Livingston to cross with 200 dragoons
and drive them away; but Sir Thomas having been previously informed
that the laird of Grant was sorely pressed by the retiring forces of
Dundee, had anticipated the general’s orders, and had advanced two
miles beyond the river with a greater force, in pursuit of a body of
Highlanders. These were, according to Balcarras, Sir John Maclean’s
men, who were on their way to join Dundee, and who, alarmed at the
appearance of such a large number of dragoons, threw away their
plaids and betook themselves to an adjoining hill, where they formed.
They are stated by the last-mentioned author to have amounted only
to 200 men, but Mackay, in his memoirs,[562] states the number at
500. Mackay observes, that but for the indiscretion of Livingston’s
adjutant, who by riding a quarter of a mile in advance, gave the
Highlanders timeous notice of the approach of the dragoons, not one
of them would have escaped, but being thereby enabled to gain the top
of the hill before the dragoons came up with them, they sustained a
loss of only 80 or 100 men. In this skirmish, a captain of Barclay’s
regiment and six dragoons were killed, and some wounded.

Having been joined by Ramsay’s detachment, which during the occupancy
of Strathspey by the hostile armies, had, unknown to Mackay,
penetrated through Athole and Badenoch and reached Inverness, Mackay
continued to pursue Dundee into Badenoch; but as the latter retired
into Lochaber, Mackay gave over the pursuit on learning that Dundee
had dismissed the greater part of his forces. Mackay, thereupon,
marched to Inverness with Livingston’s dragoons, Leslie’s foot, and
a party of Leven’s and Hastings’ regiments, and 200 Highlanders, and
sent Barclay’s regiment to Strathbogie, and the three Dutch regiments
to Elgin. From Inverness, Mackay despatched an express to the Duke
of Hamilton, urging upon him the necessity of placing “a formidable
garrison” at Inverlochy, and small ones in other places in the north,
without which he considered that it would be utterly impossible to
subdue the Highlanders, who, on the approach of an army, for which
a fortnight’s subsistence could not be found in their mountainous
regions, could easily retire to difficult passes and other places
inaccessible to regular troops. He, therefore, requested that his
grace and the parliament would consider the matter before the season
was farther spent, and provide the necessary means for carrying such
a design into effect against his arrival in the south, whither he
intended to proceed in a few days.

On his way to the south, Mackay despatched 50 horse, as many of
Barclay’s dragoons, and 60 foot, to take possession of the house
of Braemar, into which he intended to place a garrison to keep the
Braemar men in check, and to cover the county of Aberdeen; and he
ordered the captain of dragoons, after putting 20 of his men into
the house, to march forward, without halting, before break of day,
to the house of Inverey, about three miles farther off, for the
purpose of seizing Inverey and some other gentlemen who had lately
been with Dundee. But, fortunately for Inverey and his guests,
the officer trifled off his time in Braemar house, refreshing his
horses, till the dawn of the morning, and the approach of him and
his party being perceived, Inverey and his friends escaped in their
shirts to a neighbouring wood. Disappointed of their prey, the party
retired to the house of Braemar, where, after setting their horses
loose to graze, they laid themselves down to repose; but they were
soon wakened from their slumbers by some firing from a party on a
rock above, which had so alarmed the horses that they were found
galloping to and fro in the adjoining fields. As soon as the dragoons
had caught their horses, which they had some difficulty in doing,
they galloped down the country. The party on the rock was headed by
Inverey, who had collected a number of his tenantry for the purpose
of expelling the dragoons from his bounds, and who, on their retreat,
set fire to Braemar house, which was consumed.

The party of foot, which, having charge of a convoy of provisions and
ammunition for the intended garrison, had not yet arrived, on hearing
of the retreat of the dragoons, shut themselves up in a gentleman’s
house, to secure themselves from attack, and the commanding officer
sent an express after Mackay, who was then on his way to the south,
acquainting him with the failure of the enterprise. On receiving
this intelligence, Mackay, although he had not a day’s bread on hand,
and was in great haste to reach Edinburgh, “to put life in the design
of Inverlochy,” turned off his course and crossed the hills towards
Braemar, with his foot, after giving directions to Barclay’s dragoons
to march up Deeside. Finding Braemar house destroyed, and the
vaults of it incapable of holding a garrison, Mackay, after burning
Inverey’s house and laying waste all his lands, descended the river
to Abergeldie, where he left a detachment of 72 men as a check upon
the Farquharsons. And having placed the other troops which he had
brought from the north in quarters farther down the Dee, he posted
off to Edinburgh, where he arrived in the beginning of July, about
a fortnight after the surrender of the castle of Edinburgh, which
capitulated on the 14th of June, after a siege of three months.

On his arrival at Edinburgh, Mackay was exceedingly mortified to
find that no steps whatever had been taken by the government for
putting his design into execution, of erecting a fort at Inverlochy.
As the season was now too far advanced to collect materials for
such an erection, he proposed that a body of 1,500 pioneers should
be levied in the northern counties, each of whom should be obliged
to carry a spade, shovel, or pickaxe, along with him, and that a
month’s provisions of meal, with horses to carry it, should be
furnished, along with a force of 400 men. But this plan, the general
himself confesses, “considering the inability, ignorance, and little
forwardness of the government to furnish the necessary ingredients
for the advance of their service, was built upon a sandy foundation,
and much like the building of castles in the air.”[563] As an
instance of the slowness and irresolution of government, Mackay
mentions, that after his return from the north, they took three weeks
to deliberate upon the mode of conveying a fortnight’s provisions for
400 men; by which delay he says he lost the opportunity of preventing
Dundee from occupying Athole, Badenoch, and other parts of the
southern Highlands.

The return of Mackay to the capital, after a fruitless and
exceedingly harassing series of marches and countermarches,
seems to have abated the ardour of some of the supporters of the
government, who, disappointed in their expectations, and displeased
at the preference shown by the court to others they considered less
deserving than themselves, had become either indifferent about the
result of the struggle, or secretly wished for a restoration. That
such an event might occur was indeed far from improbable. James was
already in possession, with the exception of two cities, of all
Ireland, and William was by no means popular in England. To give,
therefore, a decided and favourable turn to James’s affairs in
Scotland, nothing was wanting but to aid Dundee immediately with a
few thousand men from Ireland; but although the necessity of such
a step was urged by Dundee in his communications with the exiled
monarch, the latter did not, unfortunately for himself, consider the
matter in the same light. The expectation of such a reinforcement,
which they confidently looked for, had, however, its due effect
upon the minds of the Highlanders, who gladly endured during the
recent campaign all those painful privations which necessarily
attend an army scantily provided with the means of subsistence.
No man was better fitted by nature than Dundee for command under
such difficulties, and at the head of such troops. Whilst by his
openness, frankness, and disinterestedness he acquired an ascendency
over the minds of the chiefs, he was equally successful by attending
personally to their wants, by mixing frequently among them, and by
sharing their privations and fatigues, in securing the obedience of
the clans. But valuable and important as the services were of such
a bold and devoted band, it was evident that without a sudden and
powerful diversion from Ireland, or a considerable rising in the
lowlands, it would be impossible for Dundee, from the paucity of his
forces, and the want of cavalry, to carry the war into the south with
any possible chance of success.

As the Irish reinforcements were daily expected, Dundee enjoined
the chiefs of the clans, who, with their men, had taken a temporary
leave of absence on the departure of Mackay, to rejoin him as soon as
possible, and from his head-quarters at Moy, in Lochaber, he sent
expresses to the other chiefs who had not yet joined him to hasten to
the approaching muster.[564]

About the same time he despatched a letter to the Earl of Melfort, in
which, after adverting to various circumstances, he advises him to
send over from Ireland a body of 5,000 or 6,000 men to Inverlochy,
which he considered the safest landing-place that could be selected
as being “far from the enemy,” and whence an easy entrance could be
obtained for an army into Moray, Angus, or Perthshire. On the return
of the transports from Inverlochy, Dundee advised Melfort to send
over as many foot as he conveniently could to the point of Cantyre,
on hearing of whose landing he would advance as far as the neck of
Tarbert to meet them, and that on the junction taking place, Dundee
would march “to raise the country,” and afterwards proceed to the
passes of the Forth to meet the king, who, it was supposed, would
follow the expedition. To deceive Mackay and the Scottish council,
and to induce them to withdraw their forces from the north, and thus
leave him at greater liberty to organize it, Dundee industriously
circulated a report that the forces from Ireland would land
altogether in some quarter south of the Clyde. To give an appearance
of certainty to the rumour, he wrote a letter to Lady Errol, a warm
supporter of James’s interest, acquainting her of the expected
landing in the west, and to prevent suspicion of any _ruse_ being
intended, he inclosed some proclamations, which, it is presumed, he
intended to issue when the Irish arrived. As wished and anticipated,
this despatch was intercepted and sent to Edinburgh. The device
appears to have in part succeeded, as Dundee informs Melfort, that
the government forces were afterwards withdrawn from Cantyre.[579]

Whilst Dundee was thus maturing his plans, preparatory to another
campaign, Mackay was urging the privy council to supply him with a
sufficient force, for carrying into effect his favourite plan of
erecting a strong fortification at Inverlochy. This leads to the
supposition that “the General,” a term by which Mackay distinguishes
himself in his memoirs, had not taken the bait which had been
prepared for him by his artful rival, for it is improbable, had
Mackay believed the story invented by Dundee, that he would have
insisted on carrying such a large force as 4,000 men, the number
he required, into Lochaber, so very remote from the scene of the
threatened invasion.

Having collected his forces, Mackay made the necessary preparations
for his departure, but he was detained nearly a fortnight in
Edinburgh, beyond the time he had fixed for his march, by the delays
of the government, in furnishing meal for his troops, and horses for
transporting it. In the meantime he was informed by Lord Murray,
eldest son of the Marquis of Athole, that Stewart of Ballochin, his
father’s chamberlain, and other gentlemen of the county of Angus,
had taken possession of the castle of Blair Athole, belonging to
the Marquis, and were fortifying it for behoof of King James. Lord
Murray offered to go immediately to Athole, and do everything in his
power to obtain possession of the castle of Blair, before Dundee
should arrive. As Lord Murray’s wife was known to be very zealous for
the presbyterian interest, and as his lordship and the Marquis his
father, who was secretly hostile to the government, were at variance,
Mackay gave a ready assent to the proposal, and pressed his lordship
eagerly to depart for Athole without loss of time, informing him that
all he required from him, was to prevent the Athole-men from joining
Dundee.[584]

Lord Murray accordingly proceeded to Athole, where he arrived about
the beginning of July, and lost no time in summoning his father’s
vassals to meet him. About 1,200 of them assembled, but no entreaties
could induce them to declare in favour of the government, nor could a
distinct pledge be obtained from them to observe a neutrality during
the impending contest. His lordship was equally unsuccessful in an
application which he made to Stewart of Ballochin, for delivery of
Blair castle; Stewart telling him that he held the castle for behoof
of King James, by order of his lieutenant-general. The failure of
Lord Murray’s mission could certainly occasion no disappointment, as
it was not to be imagined that a body of men who had all along been
distinguished for their attachment to the exiled family, were, at the
call of a young man, who by marriage, and the disagreement with his
father, may be supposed to have made himself obnoxious to the men of
Athole, all at once to abandon long-cherished ideas and to arm in
support of a cause in which they felt no interest.

About the period of Lord Murray’s arrival in Athole, intelligence was
brought to Dundee that a body of 500 Irish troops, under an officer
of the name of Cannon, had reached Mull. The viscount immediately
proceeded to Inverlochy to give orders respecting their landing,
but, although they all reached the mainland in perfect safety, the
ships which carried their provisions being unnecessarily detained
at Mull, were all captured by some English frigates which were
cruizing amongst the western islands. The loss of their stores was
a serious evil; and it embittered the disappointment felt by Dundee
and the chiefs, to find that instead of an efficient force of 5,000
or 6,000 men, as they had been led to expect, not more than a tenth
part had been sent, and even this paltry force was neither properly
disciplined, nor sufficiently armed; so that, according to Balcarras,
their arrival did “more harm than good.” Such also was the opinion of
Mackay at the time, as expressed in a letter to Lord Melville.[585]

Having given the necessary orders for bringing up the Irish troops,
Dundee returned to Strowan, where he had fixed his head quarters.
Here he received a letter which had arrived during his absence
at Inverlochy, from Lord Strathnaver, eldest son of the Earl of
Sutherland, couched in very friendly terms, and advising him to
follow the example of the Duke of Gordon, as the course he was
following, if persisted in, would lead inevitably to his ruin.
But Dundee was not the man who would allow his personal interest
to interfere with the allegiance which he considered he owed to
his exiled sovereign, and while in his answer he expressed a deep
sense of the obligation he lay under to his lordship for his advice
and offers of service, which he imputed to his lordship’s “sincere
goodness and concern” for him and his family, he assured him that
he (Dundee) had no less concern for him, and that he had been even
thinking of making a proposal to him, but delayed doing so till his
lordship should see things in a clearer point of view.

At Strowan, Dundee was made acquainted by Stewart of Ballochin, with
Lord Murray’s proceedings, and with a demand made by his lordship
for possession of Blair castle, a demand to which Ballochin had
given the most decided refusal. The possession of this place was
of vast importance to Dundee, as it commanded the entrance into
the southern Highlands, and lay in the line of Mackay’s intended
route to Inverlochy. To reward his fidelity, and to counteract Lord
Murray’s influence in Athole, Dundee sent a commission to Ballochin,
appointing him colonel of the Athole-men. The appointment, however,
would probably have been conferred on Lord Murray, to whom Dundee
had, on the 19th of July, two days before the date of Ballochin’s
commission, despatched a letter, stating the happiness which he
felt on hearing that his lordship had appointed a rendezvous of
the Athole-men at Blair, and expressing a hope that he would join
the viscount with his men; but, instead of answering this letter,
his lordship sent it to Lord Melville, the secretary of state for
Scotland. Such also was the fate of other letters, which Dundee
sent to Lord Murray. Along with the last, which was written on the
25th of July, Dundee despatched Major Graham and Captain Ramsay for
the purpose of obtaining a personal interview with Lord Murray;
but he declined to see them, or to give any answer to Dundee’s
communication. It appears that up to this time the Athole-men, who
had, at the call of the son of their chief, assembled to the number
of about 1,200, were ignorant of Lord Murray’s intentions; but
when he refused to receive Dundee’s officers, they at once began
to suspect his designs, and demanded with one voice an immediate
explanation, intimating at the same time, that if he would join
Dundee they would follow him to a man; but if on the contrary he
refused, they would all leave him. His lordship remonstrated with
them, and even threatened them with his vengeance if they abandoned
him; but regardless of his threats, they left him to join Dundee,
having previously filled their bonnets with water from the rivulet of
Banovy, in the neighbourhood of Blair castle, and pledged themselves
to King James by drinking his health.[586]

In the meantime the government general was busily engaged at
Edinburgh, making the necessary preparations for his march. He
appointed his troops to rendezvous at Perth, and after completing
his arrangements at Edinburgh, he went to Stirling to inspect the
castle, so as to make himself acquainted with its means of defence.
In a letter[587] dated 24th July, written to Lord Melville on his
arrival at Stirling, Mackay alludes to the distracted state of the
government in Scotland, and the difficulty he would experience in
executing the commission which the king had given him, to keep the
kingdom peaceable, in consequence of the divisions which existed
even between the adherents of the government. The removal from
office of Stair the president of the court of session, and his son,
who had rendered themselves obnoxious to the ultra whig party, by
their attempts to stretch the royal prerogative too far, appears to
have been considered by that party of more importance than keeping
Dundee in check. So high did the spirit of party run, that the Earl
of Annandale and Lord Ross, who had just been appointed colonels
of two newly raised regiments of horse, refused to accompany their
regiments, and offered to resign their commissions rather than quit
the parliament. This state of matters was highly favourable to
James’s interests in Scotland, and if Melfort had followed Dundee’s
advice, by sending over a large force from Ireland, the cause of
his royal master might have triumphed, but with that fatality which
attended the unfortunate monarch in all his undertakings, he allowed
to slip away the golden opportunity which was here offered him, of
recovering his crown.

From Stirling Mackay proceeded to Perth, after ordering the troops
of horse and dragoons of the expedition to follow him. On arriving
at Perth, a letter was shown him from Lord Murray, from which he
learned, that Dundee, who had been solicited by Stewart of Ballochin
to hasten into Athole, was already marching through Badenoch, and
so anxious was he to anticipate Mackay’s arrival in Athole, that he
had left behind him several chiefs and their men, whose junction he
daily expected. Lord Murray added, that if Mackay did not hasten his
march so as to reach Athole before Dundee, he would not undertake
to prevent his men from joining the viscount. As Mackay informs us,
that before leaving Edinburgh he had begun “already to have very ill
thoughts of the expedition in gross,” and as on reaching Stirling,
the idea that he would be straitened for provisions haunted his mind,
this information was assuredly by no means calculated to relieve
these fearful apprehensions. He had gone too far, however, to retrace
his steps with honour, and although four troops of dragoons and
two of horse had not yet joined him, he resolved, for reasons that
to him, in the position in which he was then placed, seemed most
forcible, to proceed immediately on his march to Athole.

The last and perhaps most important reason given by himself for this
step, is that, as the possession, by Mackay, of the castle of Blair,
was in his opinion the only means of keeping in awe the Athole-men,
(who, from their numbers and strict attachment to the house of
Stewart, were more to be dreaded than any other body of Highlanders,)
and preventing them from joining Dundee, he had no alternative but to
allow Dundee to roam uncontrolled through the disaffected district of
Athole, gathering strength at every step, or to attempt to gain the
important fortress of Blair.

Such were the grounds, as stated by Mackay in his own exculpation,
which made him resolve upon marching into Athole, and which, he
observes, “more capable commanders might readily be deceived in.”
Those who make the unfortunate result of this movement the rule of
their judgment, will be apt to condemn Mackay’s conduct on this
occasion as rash and injudicious, but when his own reasons are duly
weighed, it is difficult to see how he could have acted otherwise
than he did. There can be no doubt, that had he been as successful
at Killiecrankie as he was unfortunate, he would have been applauded
for the exercise of a sound discretion, and regarded as a tactician
of the highest order.

On the 26th of July, Mackay left Perth at the head of an army of
4,500 men. Of this force, notwithstanding that the four troops of
dragoons and two of horse already alluded to, had not yet arrived,
a fair proportion consisted of cavalry. At night Mackay encamped
opposite to Dunkeld, and here, at midnight, he received an express
from Lord Murray announcing the alarming intelligence, that Dundee
had entered Athole, in consequence of which event he informed him
that he had retreated from before the castle of Blair, which he had
for some time partially blockaded; and that although he had left the
narrow and difficult pass of Killiecrankie between him and Dundee, he
had posted a guard at the further extremity to secure a free passage
to Mackay’s troops through the pass which he supposed Dundee had
already reached. Mackay seems to have doubted the latter part of this
statement, and his suspicions were in some degree confirmed by the
fact, that Lieutenant-colonel Lauder, whom he despatched with a party
immediately on receipt of Murray’s letter, to secure the entrance
into the pass from the vale of Blair, did not see a single man on his
arrival there.

Discouraging as this intelligence was, Mackay still determined to
persevere in his march, and having despatched orders to Perth to
hasten the arrival of the six troops of cavalry he had left behind,
he put his army in motion next morning, July 27th, at day-break, and
proceeded in the direction of the pass, the entrance to which he
reached at ten o’clock in the morning. Here he halted, and allowed
his men two hours to rest and refresh themselves before they entered
upon the bold and hazardous enterprise of plunging themselves into
a frightful chasm, out of which they might possibly never return.
To support Lauder in case of attack, the general, on halting,
despatched through the pass a body of 200 men under the command of
the Lieutenant-colonel of the Earl of Leven’s regiment, whom he
instructed to send him any intelligence he could obtain of Dundee’s
motions. A short way below the pass Mackay fell in with Lord Murray,
who informed him, that with the exception of 200 or 300 men, who
still remained with him, the whole had gone to the hills to secure
their cattle, an answer which Mackay, with the open and unsuspecting
generosity of a soldier, considered satisfactory, and made him, as he
observes, “not so apt to judge so ill of Murray as others did.”

Having received a notice from Lauder that the pass was clear, and
that there was no appearance of Dundee, Mackay put his army again
in motion, and entered the fatal pass. Hastings’s regiment (now
the 13th), and Annandale’s horse were placed behind to protect the
baggage, from an apprehension that Dundee’s Highlanders might make a
detour round the hill to attack it, or that the country people might
attempt to plunder it if not so guarded. The idea that no opposition
would be offered to their passage through this terrific defile,
which seemed to forbid approach, and to warn the unhappy soldier of
the dangers which awaited him should he precipitate himself into
its recesses, may have afforded some consolation to the feelings of
Mackay’s troops as they entered this den of desolation; but when
they found themselves fairly within its gorge, their imaginations
must have been appalled as they gazed, at every successive step,
on the wild and terrific objects which encompassed them on every
side. They however proceeded, at the command of their general, on
their devious course, and finally cleared it, with the loss of only
a single horseman, who, according to an Athole tradition, was shot
by an intrepid adventurer, named Ian Ban Beg MacRan, who had posted
himself on a hill, from which he fired across the rivulet of the
Garry and brought down his victim. A well, called in Gaelic, _Fuaran
u trupar_,--_Anglicé_, the “Horseman’s well,”--is shown as the place
where the horseman fell.

As soon as the five battalions and the troop of horse which preceded
the baggage had debouched from the further extremity of the pass,
they halted, by command of the general, upon a corn field, along
the side of the river to await the arrival of the baggage, and of
Hastings’s regiment and the other troop of horse. Mackay then
ordered Lieutenant-colonel Lauder to advance with his 200 fusileers
and a troop of horse in the direction he supposed Dundee might be
expected to appear. Lauder had not advanced far when he discovered
some parties of Dundee’s forces between him and Blair. Being
immediately apprised of this by Lauder, Mackay, after giving orders
to Colonel Balfour to supply the troops with ammunition, and to put
them under arms without delay, galloped off to the ground, from which
Lauder had espied the enemy, to observe their motions before making
choice of the field of battle. On arriving at the advanced post,
Mackay observed several small parties of troops, scarcely a mile
distant, marching slowly along the foot of a hill in the direction
of Blair, and advancing towards him. Mackay, thereupon, sent orders
to Balfour to advance immediately up to him with the foot. But these
orders were no sooner despatched than he observed some bodies of
Dundee’s forces marching down a high hill within a quarter of a mile
from the place where he stood, in consequence of which movement, he
immediately galloped back to his men to countermand the order he had
just issued, and to put his army in order of battle.[588]

Dundee, who had been duly advertised of Mackay’s motions, had
descended from the higher district of Badenoch into Athole on
the previous day, with a force of about 2,500 men, of whom about
one-fifth part consisted of the Irish, which had lately landed at
Inverlochy under Brigadier Cannon. Some of the clans which were
expected had not yet joined, as the day appointed for the general
rendezvous had not then arrived; but as Dundee considered it of
paramount importance to prevent Mackay from establishing himself in
Athole, he did not hesitate to meet the latter, whose force numbered
about 4,000.[589]

On his arrival at the castle of Blair, intelligence was brought
Dundee that Mackay had reached the pass of Killiecrankie, which he
was preparing to enter. Dundee, against the advice of most of his
officers, resolved to allow Mackay to enter the pass undisputed. He
appealed to the feelings of the Highlanders, whose ancestors, he
said, acting upon their national maxim never to attack a foe who
could not defend himself on equal terms, would have disdained to
adopt the course proposed, (and in saying so he did not, he observed,
mean to insinuate that the persons he addressed had degenerated from
the honour and courage of their ancestors). One principal reason
stated by Dundee for allowing Mackay to advance through the Pass
unmolested, was the great advantage they would gain by engaging him
on open ground before he should be joined by his English dragoons,
who, from their being so formidable to the Highlanders, would, if
allowed by him to come up, more than compensate for any accession
of force which Dundee might receive.[590] Another reason not less
important was, that in the event of Mackay sustaining a defeat, his
army would probably be ruined, as he could not retreat back through
the Pass without the risk of evident destruction, whereas should
the Highlanders suffer a defeat, they could easily retreat to the
mountains. He added, that in anticipation of Mackay’s defeat, he had
already given orders to his friends in the neighbourhood, to cut off
the few remaining stragglers that might attempt to escape.[591]

[Illustration: KILLIECRANKIE.

A. Fullarton & C^o. London & Edinburgh.]

The forces which had been descried by Lauder, appear to have been
a body of 400 men under the command of Sir John Maclean, whom
Dundee, on learning that the advanced guard of Mackay’s army, after
traversing the pass, had taken up a position near its northern
extremity, had despatched from Blair castle to keep them in check.
But his scouts having shortly thereafter brought him notice that the
whole of Mackay’s army was preparing to enter the pass, he resolved
to make a detour with the main body of his army round the hill on
which the castle of Lude stands, in the vicinity of the pass, and
fall upon Mackay as soon as he should clear that defile. Having made
himself acquainted, by inquiries among the most intelligent of the
country people, with the localities in the immediate neighbourhood
of the pass, and of the suitableness of the ground for the operations
of such a force as his, he advanced at double-quick time from Blair
along the present line of road, and on arriving at the river Tilt,
turned off to the left round the back of the hill, and crossed that
river near its confluence with the rivulet of Ald-Chluan. This
movement will account for the sudden and unexpected appearance of
Dundee on the face of the high hill on Mackay’s right.

Immediately above the ground on which Mackay had halted his troops is
an eminence, the access to which is steep and difficult, and covered
with trees and shrubs. Alarmed lest Dundee should obtain possession
of this eminence--which being within a carabine shot from the place
on which Mackay stood, would give him such a command of the ground as
would enable him, by means of his fire, to force Mackay to cross the
river in confusion--he, immediately on his return from the position
occupied by his advanced guard, “made every battalion form by a Quart
de Conversion to the right upon the ground where they stood,”[592]
and then made them march each in succession before him up the hill
till they reached the eminence, of which they took possession. Within
a musket shot of this ground is another eminence immediately above
the house of Urrard, which Dundee had reached before Mackay had
completed his ascent, and on which he halted.

At this conjuncture, neither Hastings’s regiment nor Annandale’s
troop of horse had yet come out of the pass, but Mackay,
nevertheless, at once proceeded to arrange his men in fighting
order on a plain between the edge of the eminence and the foot or
commencement of the ascent to Dundee’s position, which, from its
extent, enabled him to form his men in one line along the eminence.
In making his dispositions, Mackay divided every battalion into two
parts, and as he meant to fight three deep, he left a small distance
between each of these sub-battalions. In the centre of his line,
however, he left a greater interval of space, behind which he placed
the two troops of horse, with the design, when the Highlanders, after
the fire of the line had been spent, should approach, to draw them
off by this larger interval, and flank the Highlanders on either
side, as occasion should offer. Mackay assigns as his reason for
placing his cavalry in his rear till the fire should be exhausted
on both sides, a dread he entertained of exposing them to Dundee’s
horse, with whom it could not be supposed that these newly-raised
levies could cope. Hastings’s regiment, which arrived after Mackay
had taken up his ground, was placed on the right; and, for greater
security, there was added to it a detachment of firelocks from each
battalion. On the extreme left on a hillock covered with trees,
Lieutenant-colonel Lauder was posted, with his party of 200 men,
composed of the _elite_ of the army. Mackay having been recognised by
Dundee’s men busily employed riding along his line, from battalion to
battalion, giving orders, was selected by some of them for a little
ball practice; but although “their popping shot,” which wounded some
of his men, fell around him wherever he moved, he escaped unhurt.

After his line had been fully formed, Mackay rode along the front,
from the left wing, which he committed to the charge of Brigadier
Balfour, to the right, and having ascertained that every thing was in
readiness to receive the enemy, he addressed the battalions nearest
him in a short speech. He requested them to reflect that their own
personal safety was involved in the issue of that day’s contest; and
assured them that if they maintained their ground, and kept firmly
and closely united together, their assailants would quickly flee
before them for refuge to the hills--that the reason for which the
Highlanders stript themselves almost naked before battle was rather
to enable them to escape, than from any hopes they entertained of
pursuing their foes. Should, however, his men unfortunately give way
before the rabble of Highlanders whom they saw marshalled on the
adjoining heights--an event which he by no means expected--there
was an absolute certainty, as these naked mountaineers were more
nimble-footed than they were, and as all the Athole-men were in arms,
ready to take advantage of their defeat, that few or none of them
would escape with their lives. In conclusion, he warned them that
the only way to avoid ruin was to stand firm to their posts, and,
like brave men, to fight to the last in defence of their religion and
liberties, against the invaders of both, to secure which, and not the
desire of a crown, was the sole reason which had induced his majesty
to send them on the present service.

Whilst Mackay was thus occupied on the lower platform, his gallant
rival was equally busy flying about on the eminence above, ranging
his men in battle array. He was particularly distinguished amongst
his officers by a favourite dun-coloured horse which he rode, and
by his plated armour, which glittered in the sun-beams. Dundee, who
had arrived upon the higher platform about the same time that Mackay
had gained the ground he now occupied, ranged his men in one line in
the following order:--On the right, he placed Sir John Maclean, with
his regiment divided into two battalions. On the left, he posted the
regiment of Sir Donald Macdonald, commanded by the young chief and
Sir George Barclay, and a battalion under Sir Alexander Maclean. In
the centre were placed four battalions, consisting of the Camerons,
the Macdonells of Glengary and Clanranald, and the Irish regiment,
with a troop of horse under the command of Sir William Wallace,
who had early that morning produced a commission, to the great
displeasure of the Earl of Dunfermline and other officers, appointing
him colonel of a horse regiment which the earl commanded.[593] It
may be observed, that neither Mackay nor Dundee placed any body of
reserve behind their lines.

The great extent of Mackay’s line, which reached considerably beyond
Dundee’s wings,[594] compelled the latter, to prevent the danger of
being outflanked, to enlarge the intervals between his battalions.
A general movement from right to left accordingly took place along
Dundee’s line. Before Dundee’s left halted, Mackay, imagining that
the object of the movement in that quarter was to get between him
and the pass, for the purpose of cutting off all communication
between him and Perth, made his line make a corresponding movement to
his right, but on observing that Dundee’s left wing halted, Mackay
brought his line to a stand. These different movements necessarily
occupied a considerable time, and both armies being now finally
arranged, they gazed upon each other with great composure for the
space of two whole hours.

During this interval of care and anxious suspense, the feelings of
both parties--their hopes or their fears--would probably be tinctured
by a deeper hue of confidence or despondency as they reflected on
the events of former days. Though more than forty years had elapsed
since the brilliant achievements of Montrose, the Highlanders,[595]
naturally brave, had lost none of their military ardour, and the
descendants of the heroes of Tippermuir, Aldearn, and Kilsyth, who
now stood in battle array on the upper plain, whence, with a scowl
of scorn and defiance, they looked down upon the _Sassenachs_ below,
calling to mind the recital of the heroic deeds of their fathers,
to which they had listened with wonder and enthusiasm in their
childhood, would burn for the moment when, at the command of their
chief, they should measure their broad swords with the bayonets of
their Lowland foes. On the other hand, Mackay’s men had no such
recollections to inspire confidence or to cheer them in their
perilous enterprise, and when they beheld the Highland host ready at
a moment’s notice to burst like a mountain torrent upon their devoted
heads, and called to mind the tales they had heard of the warlike
prowess of the Highlanders, they could not but recoil at the idea of
encountering, in deadly strife, such determined antagonists. There
were, it is true, many men in Mackay’s army to whom the dangers of
the battle field were familiar, and in whose minds such reflections
would doubtless find no place, but the great majority of his troops
consisted of newly raised levies, who had never before seen the face
of an enemy.

Mackay himself, though an old and experienced officer, and a brave
man, was not without his misgivings; and as the evening advanced
without any movement on the part of Dundee to commence the action,
his uneasiness increased. Nor were his apprehensions likely to be
allayed by the reply made by the second son of Lochiel, who held a
commission in his own regiment of Scots fusileers, in answer to a
question put to him by Mackay. “Here is your father with his wild
savages,” said Mackay to the young man, on seeing the standard of
the Camerons, putting on at the same moment an air of confidence,
“how would you like to be with him?” “It signifies little,” answered
the son of the chief, “what I would like, but I recommend to you
to be prepared; or perhaps my father and his wild savages may be
nearer to you before night than you would like.”[596] The apparent
irresolution of the Highlanders to begin the battle was considered by
Mackay as intentional, and he supposed that their design was to wait
till nightfall, when, by descending suddenly from their position,
and setting up a loud shout, according to their usual custom, they
expected to frighten his men, unaccustomed to an enemy, and put them
in disorder. As Mackay could not, without the utmost danger, advance
up the hill and commence the action, and as the risk was equally
great should he attempt to retreat down the hill and cross the river,
he resolved, at all hazards, to remain in his position, “though with
impatience,” as he observes, till Dundee should either attack him or
retire, which he had better opportunities of doing than Mackay had.
To provoke the Highlanders, and to induce them to engage, he ordered
three small leather field pieces to be discharged, but they proved of
little use, and the carriages being much too high, broke after the
third firing.

Towards the close of the evening, some of Dundee’s sharpshooters, who
had kept up, during the day, an occasional fire in the direction in
which they observed Mackay moving, by which they had wounded some of
his men, as already stated, took possession of some houses upon the
ascent which lay between the two armies, for the purpose of directing
their aim with surer effect. But they were immediately dislodged by
a party of musketeers despatched by Mackay’s brother, who commanded
the general’s regiment, and chased back to their main body with some
loss. This skirmish Mackay supposed would soon draw on a general
engagement, and his expectations were speedily realized.

It was within half an hour of sunset, and the moment was at hand,
when, at the word of command, the Highlanders and their allies
were to march down the hill, and with sword in hand, fall upon the
trembling and devoted host below, whom, like the eagle viewing
his destined prey from his lofty eyry, they had so long surveyed.
Having determined, as much to please his men as to gratify his own
inclination, to lead the charge in person, at the head of the horse,
Dundee exchanged his red coat, which he had worn during the day,
and by which he had been recognised by Mackay’s troops, for another
of darker colour, to conceal his rank, and thereby avoid the risk
of being singled out by the enemy. Dundee, after the manner of the
ancient Greek and Roman generals, is said to have harangued his men
in the following enthusiastic strain:--[597]

“You are come hither to fight, and that in the best of causes; for it
is the battle of your king, your religion, and your country, against
the foulest usurpation and rebellion. And having therefore so good
a cause in your hands, I doubt not but it will inspire you with an
equal courage to maintain it; for there is no proportion betwixt
loyalty and treason, nor should there be any betwixt the valour of
good subjects and traitors. Remember that to-day begins the fate
of your king, your religion, and your country. Behave yourselves,
therefore, like true Scotsmen, and let us by this action redeem
the credit of this nation, that is laid low by the treacheries and
cowardice of some of our countrymen, in making which request, I ask
nothing of you that I am not now ready to do myself. And if any of us
shall fall upon this occasion, we shall have the honour of dying on
our duty, and as becomes true men of valour and conscience; and such
of us as shall live and win the battle, shall have the reward of a
gracious king and the praise of all good men. In God’s name, then,
let us go on, and let this be your word--King James and the church of
Scotland, which God long preserve!”[598]

A pause now ensued, and a death-like silence prevailed along the
line, when, on a sudden, it appeared in motion, marching slowly down
the hill. The Highlanders, who stript themselves to their shirts and
doublets, advanced, according to their usual practice, with their
bodies bent forward, so as to present as small a surface as possible
to the fire of the enemy, the upper part of their bodies being
covered by their targets.

To discourage the Highlanders in their advance by keeping up a
continual fire, Mackay had given instructions to his officers
commanding battalions, to commence firing by platoons, at the
distance of a hundred paces. This order was not attended to, as
Balfour’s regiment, and the half of Ramsay’s, did not fire a single
shot, and the other half fired very little. The Highlanders, however,
met with a very brisk fire from Mackay’s right, and particularly
from his own battalion, in which no less than 16 gentlemen of the
Macdonells of Glengarry fell; but, undismayed by danger, they kept
steadily advancing in the face of the enemy’s fire, of which they
received three rounds. Having now come close up to the enemy, they
halted for a moment, and having levelled and discharged their
pistols, which did little execution, they set up a loud shout and
rushed sword in hand upon the enemy, before the latter had time to
screw on their bayonets to the end of their muskets. The shock was
too impetuous to be long resisted by men who, according to their
own general, “behaved, with the exception of Hastings’s and Leven’s
regiment, like the vilest cowards in nature.” But even had these
men been more stout-hearted, their courage would not have availed
them, as their arms were insufficient to parry off the tremendous
strokes of the axes, and the broad and double-edged swords of the
Highlanders, who, with a single blow, either felled their opponents
to the earth or struck off a member from their bodies, and at once
disabled them. While the work of death was thus going on towards the
right, Dundee, at the head of the horse, made a furious charge on
Mackay’s own battalion, and broke through it, on which the English
horse which were stationed behind, fled without firing a single
shot. Dundee, thereupon, rode off to attack the enemy’s cannon, but
the officer (Sir William Wallace) who had that morning produced his
commission as colonel of the horse, appears to have misunderstood
Dundee, who, on arriving near the enemy’s cannon, found himself
alone. He, therefore, gave the horse a signal to advance quickly, on
which the Earl of Dunfermline, who then served only as a volunteer,
overlooking the affront which had been put upon him, rode out of the
ranks, followed by 16 gentlemen, attacked the party who guarded the
cannon, and captured them.

As soon as Mackay perceived that Dundee’s grand point of attack was
near the centre of his line, he immediately resolved to attack the
Highlanders in flank with the two troops of horse which he had placed
in the rear of his line, for which purpose he ordered Lord Belhaven
to proceed round the left wing with his own troop, and attack them
on their right flank; he ordered at the same time the other troop to
proceed in the contrary direction, and assail them on their left.
Mackay himself led round Belhaven’s troop, but it was scarcely in
front of the line when it got into disorder, and instead of obeying
the orders to wheel for the flank of the enemy, after some confused
firing it turned upon the right wing of Lord Kenmure’s battalion,
which it threw into disorder, and which thereupon began to give way.

At this critical moment Mackay, who was instantly surrounded by a
crowd of Highlanders, anxious to disentangle his cavalry, so as to
get them formed, called aloud to them to follow him, and putting
spurs to his horse galloped through the enemy, but with the exception
of one servant whose horse was shot under him, not a single horseman
attempted to follow their general. When he had gone sufficiently
far to be out of the reach of immediate danger, he turned round to
observe the state of matters, and to his infinite surprise he found
that both armies had disappeared. To use his own expression, “in the
twinkling of an eye, in a manner,” his own men as well as the enemy
were out of sight, having gone down pell-mell to the river where his
baggage stood. The flight of his men must have been rapid indeed, for
although the left wing, which had never been attacked, had begun to
flee before he rode off, the right wing and centre still kept their
ground.

Mackay now stood in one of the most extraordinary predicaments in
which the commander of an army was ever placed. His whole men had, as
if by some supernatural cause, disappeared almost in an instant of
time, and he found himself standing a solitary being on the mountain
side, not knowing what to do, or whither to direct his course.
Whether had they had the courage to follow him, the timid troop would
have turned the tide of victory in his favour, may indeed be well
doubted; but it is obvious that he adopted the only alternative which
could render success probable. Judging from the ease with which he
galloped through the Highlanders, who made way for him, he thinks
that if he had had but 50 resolute horse such as Colchester’s, he
“had certainly,” as he says, “by all human appearance recovered all,”
for although his whole line had begun to give way when he ordered the
horse to follow him, the right of the enemy had not then moved from
their ground.[599] While ruminating upon the “sad spectacle” which he
now beheld, his mind preyed upon by the most gloomy reflections, he
fortunately espied to the right, “a small heap of red coats,” which
he immediately galloped for, and found it to consist of a part of
the Earl of Leven’s regiment, mixed with a few stragglers from other
regiments who had escaped from the swords of the Highlanders. The
Earl himself, his Lieutenant-colonel, the Major, and most of the
other officers of the regiment, were with this body. Mackay perceived
a part of Hastings’s regiment marching up to the ground it had
occupied at the commencement of the action. Having rode up to this
party, he was informed by the Colonel that he had left his ground in
pursuit of the enemy, a detachment of which had attempted to outflank
him, but having wheeled to the right upon them with his pikes, they
abandoned the idea of attacking him, and repaired to their main body,
which they observed among the baggage at the river-side.

The plunder which the baggage offered was too tempting a lure for
the Highlanders, whose destructive progress it at once arrested. It
was in fact solely to this thirst for spoil that Mackay and the few
of his men who escaped owed their safety, for had the Highlanders
continued the pursuit, it is very probable that not a single
individual of Mackay’s army would have been left alive to relate
their sad disaster.[600]

As soon as Mackay had got up Hastings’s battalion and joined it to
that of Leven’s, he despatched his nephew, Captain Mackay,--who,
though he had received eight broad-sword wounds on his body, was
still able to ride his horse,--in quest of such of his officers as
might be within his reach, about the bottom of the hill, with orders
to collect as many of their men as they could, and join the general.

This mission was totally unsuccessful, for although he had fallen in
with several officers, few of them took any notice of him; and all
who had survived the battle were now scattered far beyond Mackay’s
reach. While receiving this afflicting intelligence, Mackay descried
in the twilight, a large body of men, who appeared to form themselves
along the edge of a wood on Balfour’s left, where Lieutenant-colonel
Lauder had been posted with 200 men. As he was not yet aware of
the fate of Lauder’s corps, which was among the first that fled, he
supposed that the body he had observed might either be that party or
another body of his men who had retired to the wood on the descent of
the Highlanders, and he therefore rode off to reconnoitre them, after
directing his officers to endeavour to put their men in a condition
to fire one discharge, at least, if attacked. Mackay approached the
party sufficiently near to discover that they were Dundee’s men,
and having turned his horse’s head he walked slowly back, that he
might not excite the apprehensions of the Highlanders. The ground
on which Mackay stood with the wreck of his army, amounting to
scarcely 400 men, was the farthest removed of any other part of the
position he had selected in the morning, from the point to which
he was necessarily obliged to direct his retreat, and over the
intervening space he could not but expect to fall in with parties
of the Highlanders, who would fall upon him, and kill or disperse
his tired followers. But he extricated himself from the difficulties
which beset him, with considerable adroitness. He advised them on no
account to show any inclination to run, as it could not add to their
personal safety, but, on the contrary, might endanger it the more,
as the Highlanders, observing their terror, would certainly break in
among them, and pursue them with the greater avidity. When about to
retire down the hill the party was joined by Lord Belhaven, and a
few other horsemen, who proved very serviceable as scouts during the
retreat. Mackay then led his men slowly down the hill, and evaded the
enemy so completely that he did not meet with the least interruption
in his march. He retired across the Garry without molestation, and
made a short halt to ascertain whether he was pursued. Seeing no
disposition on the part of the Highlanders to follow him, he began
to think of the best way of retiring out of Athole. All his officers
advised him to return to Perth through the pass of Killiecrankie, but
he saw proper to reject this advice, and resolved to march several
miles up Athole and cross over the hills to Stirling.

Giving orders, therefore, to his men to march, he proceeded to the
west along the bank of the river, and had the satisfaction, when
about two miles from the field of battle, to come up with a party of
about 150 fugitives almost without arms, under the command of Colonel
Ramsay, who was quite at a loss what direction to take. Mackay then
continued his march along the edge of a rivulet which falls into the
Garry, till he came to some little houses. Here he obtained from
one of the inhabitants, information as to the route he meant to
follow, and having made himself acquainted, as far as he could, by
an examination of his map, with the situation of the country through
which he had to pass, he crossed the stream and proceeded across the
hills towards Weem castle, the seat of the chief of the clan Menzies,
whose son had been in the action with a company of 100 Highlanders he
had raised for the service of the government. After a most fatiguing
journey, he reached the castle before morning. Here he obtained some
sleep and refreshment, of which he stood greatly in need, having
since his departure from Dunkeld, on the morning preceding, marched
about 40 miles.

[Illustration: Pass of Killiecrankie in last century. From an old
crayon drawing.]

The news of Mackay’s defeat had preceded his retreat; and on his
march during the following day, he found the country through which he
passed in an uproar, and every person arming in favour of King James.
The people of Strathtay alarmed at the approach of Mackay’s men, whom
they took to be Highlanders, and considering their houses and cattle
in danger, set up a dreadful shout, which so frightened Mackay’s men
that they began to flee back to the hills under an apprehension that
the Highlanders were at hand. Mackay and some of his officers on
horseback, by presenting their pistols and threatening the fugitives,
succeeded in rallying them, but owing to the thickness of the morning
more than 100 escaped, all of whom were killed, stripped, or taken
prisoners by the country people. Mackay continued his march with very
little halting all that day, being Sunday the 28th, and arrived late
at night at Drummond castle, in which he had a garrison. Next day he
reached Stirling with about 400 men.

On the morning after the battle--for night had thrown its curtain
over the horrors of the scene, before the extent of the carnage
could be ascertained--the field of battle and the ground between it
and the river, extending as far as the pass, presented an appalling
spectacle in the vast numbers of the dead which strewed the field,
whose mutilated bodies attested the savage and unrelenting ferocity
with which Mackay’s men had been hewn down by the Highlanders. Here
might be seen a skull which had been struck off above the ears by a
stroke from a broad-sword--there a head lying near the trunk from
which it had been severed--here an arm or a limb--there a corpse
laid open from the head to the brisket; while interspersed among
these lifeless trunks, _dejectaque membra_, were to be seen broken
pikes, small swords and muskets, which had been snapt asunder by the
athletic blows of the Lochaber axe and broad-sword.[601]

If the importance of a victory is to be reckoned by the comparative
numbers of the slain, and the brilliant achievements of the victors,
the battle of Killiecrankie may well stand high in the list of
military exploits. Considering the shortness of the combat, the
loss on the part of Mackay was prodigious. Not less than 2,000
of his men were either killed or captured. Among the slain were
Lieutenant-colonel Mackay, brother of the General, Brigadier Balfour,
and several other officers. Highland tradition reports that Balfour
was cut down by the Reverend Robert Stewart, a Catholic clergyman,
nephew to Stewart of Ballochin, for having contemptuously refused to
receive quarter when offered him by the priest. The same tradition
relates that Stewart, who was a powerful muscular man, followed
the enemy in their flight down to the river, and towards the pass,
wielding a tremendous broad-sword, with which he cut down numbers of
the fugitives, and so much did he exert himself in the use of his
fatal weapon, that, at the conclusion of the carnage, his hand had
swollen to such an extent, that it could only be extricated from the
basket-hilt of his sword, by cutting away the net-work.

But as the importance of a victory, however splendid in itself, or
distinguished by acts of individual prowess, can only be appreciated
by its results, the battle of Killiecrankie, instead of being
advantageous to the cause of King James, was, by the death of the
brave Dundee, the precursor of its ruin. After he had charged at the
head of his horse, and driven the enemy from their cannon, he was
about to proceed up the hill to bring down Sir Donald Macdonald’s
regiment, which appeared rather tardy in its motions, when he
received a musket shot in his side, through an opening of his armour,
the ball probably passing out in front through the centre of his
breastplate (See Plate of Dundee’s Armour).[602] He attempted to ride
a little, but was unable, and fell from his horse mortally wounded,
and almost immediately expired.[603] The loss on the side of Dundee
was never properly ascertained, but is supposed to have been about
900.

[Illustration: ARMOUR WORN BY VISCOUNT DUNDEE AT KILLIECRANKIE

1. Breast Plate, in possession of his Grace the Duke of Athole.
_See Page 376. Vol I._

2. Remains of Helmet in possession of J P M^cInroy Esq. of Lude,
taken out of Dundee’s grave in the church of Blair Athole in 1794.

3. Sword in possession of A Æ. Mackintosh Esq. of Mackintosh,
given to Lachlan 21^{st} Laird of Mackintosh by Dundee’s
Relations.--The hilt is silver and bears the Graham Arms--The
date on the blade is A.D. 1504.

4. Pistol, in possession of Miss Stirling Graham of
Duntrune--representative of the Claverhouse family.--In the plate
both sides of the Pistol are shown; the stock is of iron and is
richly inlaid with silver.]

Among the slain, Alister Dhu (black Alexander) the chief of
Glengarry, who, at the head of his battalion, mowed down two men at
every stroke, with his ponderous two-handed sword, had to lament the
loss of a brother, several other relatives, and still nearer and
dearer to him, of his son, Donald, surnamed Gorm, from the blueness
of his eyes. This youth, who had exhibited early proofs of bravery
worthy of his name, and the race whence he sprung, killed, it is
said, 18 of the enemy with his own hand. No less than five cousins
of Sir Donald Macdonald of the isles fell, together with the tutor
of Macdonald of Largo and his sons. Colonel Gilbert Ramsay, and the
brave laird of Pitcur, “who, like a moving castle in the shape of
men, threw fire and sword on all sides,”[604] were also numbered with
the dead on this eventful day.[605]

In the Viscount Dundee, King James lost the only man in Scotland
possessed of all the qualifications necessary for conducting to
a successful issue the great and important charge which had been
committed to him by his sovereign. Educated in the strictest
principles of toryism, he could never divest his mind of the
abstract ideas of passive obedience and hereditary right, and
to him, therefore, any attempt to resist the authority of the
sovereign, no matter how far that authority was abused, appeared
highly treasonable. Though a sincere Protestant Episcopalian, the
heresy of the successor of Charles II. as the religion of James must
have appeared to him, in no respect altered his ideas of implicit
fidelity to the sovereign, nor did his views undergo any change when
the arbitrary and unconstitutional proceedings of James seemed to
the leading men of the nation to have solved the great political
problem, when resistance should commence and obedience end.[606]
In his eye, therefore, the revolution which drove the unfortunate
James from his throne, was a great national sin, which could only
be atoned for by restoring to him his crown, an object, in the
accomplishment of which, he conceived all good men were bound to lend
a helping hand. These ideas ingrafted upon a temperament peculiarly
sanguine, made him an enthusiast in favour of hereditary right, and
his appointment by the fallen monarch as the chosen one by whose
instrumentality his restoration was to be effected, imparted a charm
to his enthusiasm which dispelled every difficulty that appeared
to obstruct the grand object of his ambition and his hopes. With an
inflexibility of purpose, which no temptation could overcome, he
steadily pursued the course which the duty he conceived he owed to
his sovereign and the natural inclination of his own mind directed
him to follow. But Dundee had not merely the will, but, what was of
no less importance, the ability, had he lived, to have executed the
commission intrusted to him, one of his highest qualifications for
such a purpose--considering the fickle and unruly bands he had to
command--being that he stood unrivalled among his contemporaries in
the art of gaining the affections of his troops, and communicating to
them a full measure of the spirit which animated himself. His death,
therefore, was a fatal blow to James’s prospects, and with him the
cause of the Stuarts may be said to have perished. Dundee and his
friend Pitcur were interred in the church of Blair-Athole. “Never
vaulted roof or marble monument covered the last abode of a more
restless and ambitious heart than that which has slept in this quiet
spot amidst peasant dust.”[607]

FOOTNOTES:

[556] General Hugh Mackay, third son of Colonel Hugh Mackay of
Scowry, was born about 1640. Soon after the Restoration in 1660, he
obtained an ensign’s commission in the Royal Scots, now the Scots
Greys, and accompanied it to France on that corps being lent by
Charles II. to the French king. In 1669 he entered the Venetian
service, in which he distinguished himself. Leaving the service of
that republic, he again went to France, where he obtained a captaincy
in Douglas’s regiment. After serving under Marshal Turenne, in the
campaign in the Netherlands, in 1672, Captain Mackay offered his
services to the Prince of Orange, who gave him the commission of
Major in one of the Scotch regiments, then serving in Holland. After
reaching the rank of Colonel in the Dutch service, Mackay was invited
to England by James II., from whom, on the 4th of June, 1685, he
received the appointment of major-general, or commander in chief, of
the forces in Scotland; and was admitted a member of the Scottish
Privy Council, by virtue of a warrant from the king, dated the
18th of the same month. But disliking the arbitrary proceedings of
James, or preferring the service of his son-in-law, Mackay resigned
his commission in 1686, and returned to Holland. The prince raised
him to the rank of Major-general, and gave him the command of the
British regiments, with which he invaded England. By a warrant
signed by William and Mary, dated from Kensington, 4th January,
1689, Mackay was appointed “Major-general of all forces whatever,
within our ancient kingdom of Scotland.” Mackay was raised to the
rank of Lieutenant-general in 1690, and was killed at the battle of
Steinkirk, 3d August, 1692.

[557] “To the regular trained officers, such an army as he commanded
was as unstable and capricious as a giddy mob. If he did not study
the peculiarities of the race, and of each individual clan, some
untoward accident was ever occurring to vex his disciplinarian
spirit, and make him suspect that the cause was ruined; and if
he did not at once recognise and yield to the peculiarities as
they occurred, a trifle might readily sacrifice the army or the
cause,--for the Highland soldier’s immediate cause was his leader or
his clan. The succession to the crown of Britain, or the preservation
of the constitution were distant and secondary objects, to be
sacrificed without hesitation to any question of precedence or
etiquette.”--Burton’s _Scotland from the Revolution_, vol. i. pp.
101-103.--“If anything good was brought him (Dundee) to eat, he sent
it to a faint or sick soldier. If a soldier was weary, he offered
to carry his arms. He kept those who were with him from sinking
under their fatigues, not so much by exhortation, as by preventing
them from attending to their sufferings. For this reason he walked
on foot with the men; now by the side of one clan, and anon by that
of another. He amused them with jokes. He flattered them with his
knowledge of their genealogies. He animated them by a recital of the
deeds of their ancestors, and of the verses of their bards. It was
one of his maxims, that no general should fight with an irregular
army, unless he was acquainted with every man he commanded. Yet,
with these habits of familiarity, the severity of his discipline was
dreadful. The only punishment he inflicted was death. ‘All other
punishments,’ he said, ‘disgraced a gentleman, and all who were
with him were of that rank; but that death was a relief from the
consciousness of crime.’ It is reported of him, that, having seen a
youth fly in his first action, he pretended he had sent him to the
rear on a message. The youth fled a second time. He brought him to
the front of the army, and saying, ‘That a gentleman’s son ought not
to fall by the hands of a common executioner,’ shot him with his own
pistol.”--Dalrymple’s _Memoirs_, part ii. p. 47.

[558] Mackay’s _Memoirs_.

[559] _Memoirs of Dundee._--Burton’s _Scotland from the Revolution_,
vol. i. p. 112.

[560] _Scotland from Revolution_, vol. i. p. 114.

[561] “Lord Athole, Lord Tarbet, and Lord Breadalbane, men of great
power in the North, were prevailed upon to give him no disturbance:
The two first because they thought themselves neglected by the new
government; the last to make himself necessary to it.”--Dalrymple’s
_Memoirs_, Part ii. p. 45.

[562] P. 38, of Bannatyne club edition.

[563] _Memoirs_, p. 46.

[564] The following letter to Macleod of Macleod shows Dundee’s
notion of his prospects at this time:--

“_For the_ LAIRD _of_ MACLEOD.[565]

“MOY, Jun 23, 1689.

“SIR,--Glengaire gave me ane account of the substance of a
letter he receaved from yow: I shall only tell yow, that if you
heasten not to land your men, I am of opinion yow will have
litle occasion to do the king great service; for if he land in
the west of Scotland, yow will come too late, as I believe yow
will thinck yourself by the news I have to tell yow. The Prince
of Orange hath wreaten to the Scots councell not to fatig his
troops any more by following us in the hills, but to draw them
together in a body to the west; and, accordingly, severall of the
forces that were in Pearthshire and Angus, are drawn to Edinr.,
and some of Mackay’s regments are marcht that way from him....
Some of the French fleet hath been seen amongst the islands, and
hath taken the two Glasgow frigats. The king, being thus master
by sea and land, hath nothing to do but bring over his army,
which many people fancy is landed alraidy in the west. He will
have little to oppose him there, and will probably march towards
England; so that we who are in the graitest readiness will
have ado to join him. I have received by Mr. Hay a commission
of lieutenant-general, which miscairied by Breidy. I have also
receaved a double of a letter miscairied by Breidy to me, and
a new letter, dated the 18th of May; both which are so kind,
that I am asham’d to tell. He counts for great services, which
I am conscious to myself that I have hardly done my deutie. He
promises not only to me, but to all that will join, such marks
of favor, as after ages shall see what honour and advantage
there is, in being loyall. He sayes, in express terms, that
his favours shall vy with our loyalty. He hath, by the same
letters, given full power of councell to such councellors here,
as shall be joined in the king’s service, and given us power,
with the rest of his freends, to meet in a convention, by his
authority, to counteract the mock convention at Edinr., whom he
hath declaired traitours, and comanded all his loyall subjects
to make warr against them; in obedience to which, I have called
all the clannes. Captain of Glenrannald[566] is near us these
severall days; the laird of Baro[567] is there with his men. I am
persuaded Sir Donald[568] is there by this. M’Clean[569] lands in
Morven to-morrow certainly. Apen,[570] Glenco,[571] Lochell,[572]
Glengaire,[573] Keppoch,[574] are all raidy. Sir Alexander[575]
and Largo[576] have been here with there men all this while
with me, so that I hope we will go out of Lochaber about thre
thousand. Yow may judge what we will gett in Strathharig,
Badenock, Athol, Marr, and the duke of Gordon’s lands, besides
the loyall shires of Bamf, Aberdeen, Merns, Angus, Perth, and
Stirling. I hope we will be masters of the north, as the king’s
army will be of the south. I had almost forgot to tell you of my
Lord Broadalban,[577] who I suppose will now come to the feelds.
Dumbeth, with two hundred hors and eight hundred foot, are said
to be endeavouring to join us. My L. Seaforth[578] will be in a
few dayes from Irland to rais his men for the king’s service.
Now, I have layd the whole business before yow, yow will easily
know what is fitt for yow to do. All I shall say further is, to
repeat and renew the desyre of my former letter, and assure yow
that I am,

“Sir

“Your most humble servant,

“DUNDIE.

“Yow will receave the king’s letter to yow.”

[565] The original of this letter, which is addressed to John Macleod
of Macleod, is in possession of the present Laird of Macleod, his
descendant.

[566] Allan Macdonald, captain of Clanranald, then under age. Ronald
Macdonald of Benbecula, his tutor, attended him.

[567] R. Macneil of Barra.

[568] Sir Donald Macdonald of Slate.

[569] Sir John Maclean of Dowart and Morven.

[570] Stewart of Appin.

[571] Alexander Macdonald, or MacIan of Glencoe.

[572] Sir Ewen Cameron of Locheil.

[573] Alexander Macdonell, younger of Glengary.

[574] Dundee “used to call him Coll of the Cowes, because he
found them out when they were driven to the hills out of the
way.”--_Deposition of Lieutenant Colt_ in appendix to acts of
parliament, 1690.

[575] Sir Alexander Maclean of Otter.

[576] Alexander Macdonald of Largo.

[577] John, first Earl of Breadalbane.

[578] Kenneth, fourth Earl of Seaforth.

[579]

“_For the_ EARL _of_ MELFORT.[580]

“MOY IN LOCHABER, _June 27, 1689_.

After exculpating himself from a charge made against him by
the Earl, of his name having been ‘made use of for carrying on
designs against the Earl,’ Dundee thus proceeds:--

“When we first came out I had but fifty pounds of powder; more
I could not get, all the great towns and seaports were in
rebellion, and had seized the powder, and would sell none. But
I had one advantage, the Highlanders will not fire above once,
and then take to the broadsword.... The advocate[581] is gone
to England, a very honest man, firm beyond belief; and Athol is
gone too, who did not know what to do. Earl Hume, who is very
frank, is taken prisoner to Edinburgh, but he will be let out
on security. Earl Breadalbin keeps close in a strong house; he
has and pretends the gout. Earl Errol stays at home; so does
Aberdeen. Earl Marshall is at Edinburgh, but does not meddle.
Earl Lauderdale is right, and at home. The Bishops, I know not
where they are. They are now the kirk invisible. I will be
forced to open the letter, and send copies attested to them, and
keep the original, till I can find out our primate. The poor
ministers are sorely oppressed over all. They generally stand
right. Duke Queensberry was present at the cross, when their
new mock King was proclaimed, and I hear, voted for him, though
not for the throne vacant. His brother the Lieutenant General,
some say is made an Earl. He has come down to Edinburgh, and is
gone up again. He is the old man, and has abused me strangely,
for he swore to me to make amends. Tarbat is a great villain.
Besides what he has done at Edinburgh, he has endeavoured to
seduce Lochiel, by offers of money, which is under his hand.
He is now gone up to secure his faction, which is melting, the
two Dalrymples and others against Skelmarly,[582] Polwart,
Cardross, Ross, and others now joined with that worthy prince,
Duke Hamilton. M. Douglas is now a great knave, as well as beast;
as is Glencairne, Morton, and Eglinton, and even Cassillis is
gone astray, misled by Gibby.[583] Panmure keeps right, and at
home, so does Strathmore, Southesk, and Kinnaird. Old Airly is at
Edinburgh under caution, so is Balcarras and Dunmore. Stormont is
declared fugitive for not appearing. All these will break out,
and many more, when the King lands, or any from him. Most of the
gentry on this side the Forth, and many on the other, will do
so too. But they suffer mightily in the mean time; and will be
forced to submit, if there be not relief sent very soon. The Duke
of Gordon, they say, wanted nothing for holding out but hopes
of relief. Earl of Dunfermling stays constantly with me, and so
does Lord Dunkell, Pitcur, and many other gentlemen, who really
deserve well, for they suffer great hardships. When the troops
land there must be blank commissions sent for horse and foot, for
them and others that will join.”

[580] This letter was printed by Macpherson from the Nairne papers.

[581] Sir George Mackenzie.

[582] Sir James Montgomery.

[583] Dr. Gilbert Burnet, the historian.

[584] Mackay’s _Memoirs_.

[585] No. 14 of Appendix to Mackay’s _Memoirs_, p. 245.

[586] Balcarras, p. 68. Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 62.

[587] No. 15 of Appendix to Mackay’s _Memoirs_, p. 246.

[588] Mackay’s _Memoirs_, p. 51.

[589] “Mackay’s force was certainly not double that of his
adversary; but had it borne a far greater proportion, the trained
warriors and command of the ground, when in the hands of one well
fitted to use them, were advantages outweighing a large numerical
preponderance.”--Burton’s _Scotland from Revolution_, vol. i. p. 131.

[590] Balcarras, p. 69.

[591] Dalrymple’s _Memoirs_, part ii. p. 56.

[592] _Memoirs_, p. 51.

[593] Macpherson’s _Original Papers_, vol. i. p. 369.

[594] Mackay’s army is said to have outwinged Dundee’s by nearly a
quarter of a mile, which obliged the latter to leave large intervals
between each clan. On this account there was a deficiency of troops
in Dundee’s centre.--Memoir of Dundee in _Miscellanea Scotica_, vol.
iii.

[595] “The night before the battle, Dundee having reflected that the
Highlanders had not been tried in general actions since the battle
of Philiphaugh, which had been fought 40 years before, and being
desirous to put their courage to the test, gave an alarm, and caused
a false attack to be made upon his own camp. In an instant he found
every man at his post and firm in it. The event of the stratagem
removed the diffidence of the general, and confirmed the confidence
of the soldiers.”--Dalrymple’s _Memoirs_, part ii. p. 57.

[596] Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 63.

[597] Among the papers of the exiled prince’s secretary is a very
well composed document, called “Lord Dundee’s speech to his troops
before the battle of Killiecrankie,” which he certainly never
delivered, for the excellent reason that not a tenth of his audience
could have understood a word of it, and he was not a man tempted
either by capacity or inclination to the useless composition of
flowing sentences. Burton’s _Scotland from Revolution_, vol. i. p.
132. Burton, however, thinks we may readily believe General Mackay’s
statement as to the few homely sentences which he says he dropped to
his men.

[598] Macpherson’s _Original Papers_, vol i. p 371.

[599] _Memoirs_, p. 57.

[600] In a conversation respecting the battle between General Wade
and an old Highlander, who had fought at Killiecrankie, the latter
is reported to have spoken lightly of Mackay as a commander, calling
him a great fool, because he did not put his baggage in front of his
army at Killiecrankie. Wade dissented, of course, but the old man
insisted that the baggage should have been placed before the line,
in which case Mackay, he observed, would have gained the battle, as
the Highlanders would have first attacked the baggage, and would have
thus fallen an easy prey to Mackay’s army.

[601] In allusion to this battle, the author of the memoirs of
Viscount Dundee, (in _His. Scot._, vol. iii.,) says, “Then the
Highlanders fired, threw down their fusils, rushed in upon the enemy
with sword, target, and pistol, who did not maintain their ground two
minutes after the Highlanders were amongst them; and I dare be bold
to say, that were scarce ever such strokes given in Europe as were
given that day by the Highlanders. Many of General Mackay’s officers
and soldiers were cut down through the skull and neck to the very
breast; others had skulls cut off above their ears like night-caps;
some soldiers had both their bodies and cross-belts cut through at
one blow; pikes and small swords were cut like willows; and whoever
doubts of this, may consult the witnesses of the tragedy.”

[602] Balcarras.

[603] The authenticity of the letter alleged to have been written
by Dundee after he received his wound, may well be doubted. 1st.
No contemporary writer mentions its existence. 2d. It is probable
that Dundee died as stated in the text. King James says, that “when
crossing over the plaine to give some orders on the left where the
enemy made the most opposition, he was most unfortunately _killed_
by a random shot.” Clarke’s _James II._, vol. ii. p. 352. See the
authorities referred to by Mr. Smythe of Methven, in a note on the
letter in the Bannatyne collection of Dundee’s letters. These are
supported by the following note, written on a copy of Balcarras’s
_Memoirs_, in the Library of Christ Church, Oxford, upon the passage
relative to a bundle of papers found lying near Dundee on the field.

“N.B.--I spoke with some that were at that fight, and saw the
Viscount of Dundee’s corpse naked upon the ground, and was of the
number that wrapt it in a pladd, and brought it off the field to the
Blair of Athole; they said they saw no papers, nor was there any such
rumour among them.” ...

His Grace the Duke of Athole has kindly sent us the following note
on this matter. “Lord Dundee is reported to have been watering his
horse at a spring within gunshot of Urrard House, and at the same
time lifted his left arm to point or give some directions. At this
instant he was shot out of a window through the chinks of his armour,
_i.e._ between back- and breast-plates, which must have gaped open.
The left side of the breastplate, inside, is stained apparently with
blood, and the ball must have passed out from back to front through
the hole in the centre (See Plate). An old woman who died near here
(Blair) within the memory of persons still living, used to relate how
her grandfather was skulking on the hill above and saw Lord Dundee
fall; and his brother, who was the hostler at the inn at Blair, saw
him carried in _there_, and said that Lord Dundee died in the middle
room, upstairs, of the inn. I think I have seen it stated elsewhere
that he was taken to the Castle, but I should be inclined to believe
the country tradition.”

_The alleged letter from_ DUNDEE _to the_ KING _is as follows_:--

“SIR,

It hath pleased God to give your forces a great victory over
the rebels, in which three-fourths of them are fallen under
the weight of our swords. I might say much of the action, if I
had not the honour to command it; but of 5,000 men, which was
the best computation I could make of the rebels, it is certain
there have not escaped 1,200. We have not lost full out 900.
This absolute victory made us masters of the field and enemy’s
baggage, which I gave to the soldiers; who, to do them all right,
both officers and common men. Highlands, Lowlands, and Irish,
behaved themselves with equal gallantry to what I ever saw in the
hottest battles fought abroad by disciplined armies; and this
M’Kay’s old soldiers felt on this occasion. I cannot now, Sir,
be more particular; but take leave to assure your majesty the
kingdom is generally disposed to your service, and impatiently
wait for your coming; and this success will bring in the rest
of the nobility and gentry, having had all their assurance for
it, except the notorious rebels. Therefore, Sir, for God’s sake,
assist us, though it be with such another detachment as you sent
us before, especially of horse and dragoons; and you will crown
our beginning with a complete success, and yourself with an
entire possession of your ancient hereditary kingdom of Scotland.
My wounds forbid me to enlarge to your Majesty at this time,
though they tell me they are not mortal. However, I beseech your
Majesty to believe, whether I live or die,

I am entirely yours,

DUNDEE.”

“The letter is so happily expressed as to be a forgery on its face;
for it is not to be imagined that he who vainly struggled after
grammar with all his senses with him, would command it when mortally
wounded, and utterly unfit for that species of command with which he
was familiar.”--Burton, vol. i. p. 134.

[604] _Memoirs of Dundee._

[605] “In this battle Lochiel was attended by the son of his
foster-brother. This faithful adherent followed him like his shadow,
ready to assist him with his sword, or cover him from the shot of the
enemy. Soon after the battle began, the chief missed his friend from
his side, and turning round to look what had become of him, saw him
lying on his back, with his breast pierced by an arrow. He had hardly
breath before he expired to tell Lochiel, that, seeing an enemy, a
Highlander in General Mackay’s army, aiming at him with a bow and
arrow from the rear, he sprung behind him, and thus sheltered him
from instant death. This is a species of duty not often practised,
perhaps, by an aide-de-camp of the present day.”--_Stewart’s
Sketches._

[606] “He became a fanatic of the order he found himself in,--the
order of the cavalier who is devoted to his monarch and his monarch’s
allies, aristocratic and hierarchical. His fanaticism was that of the
gentleman. It is not common, perhaps, to associate the reproachful
term, ‘fanatic,’ with a word so expressive of estimable social
qualities as this word ‘gentleman;’ but as there is no hesitation in
applying it to religious opinions carried to excess, surely there can
be no desecration in applying it to social qualities when they become
offensively prurient.”--Burton’s _Scotland from Revolution_, vol. i.
p. 99.

[607] Burton, vol. i. p. 134.

CHAPTER XXI.

A.D. 1689-1691.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--William III., 1688-1703.

Mackay’s movements--Advances to Perth--Colonel Cannon marches
north and is joined by several clans--Followed by Mackay--Cannon
returns south--The Cameronians at Dunkeld--Movements of Mackay
--Major-General Buchan arrives from Ireland and marches north
--Skirmish at Cromdale--Mackay marches to Inverlochy--Erection
of Fort-William--Movements of Buchan and Cannon--Mackay marches
to the north--Earl of Seaforth imprisoned--Cessation of hostilities
--Departure of Dundee’s officers for France.

The news of Mackay’s defeat reached Edinburgh on Sunday the
28th of July, the day after the battle, and threw the partizans
of the government, who were there assembled, into the greatest
consternation. In the absence of official details, the most gloomy
accounts were given by a few terrified stragglers who arrived in the
capital, and who gave out that, with the exception of themselves,
the whole of Mackay’s army had been destroyed. In the state of
disorder and confusion which prevailed, the Duke of Hamilton, the
Commissioner to the revolution parliament, summoned a meeting of the
privy council, at which orders were issued to raise all the fencible
men in the west, and to concentrate all the forces in the south at
Stirling, to which point it was supposed Dundee (of whose death they
were not aware) would be rapidly hastening; and on the supposition
that Mackay was either killed or made prisoner, Sir John Lanier was
ordered west to take the command.

During two entire days the ferment continued in the capital, and
every hour added to the fears of those who had most to dread from a
counter-revolution. At length, when the minds of men were wrought
up to the highest pitch of terror and dismay, intelligence was
received of the death of Dundee, and shortly thereafter a despatch
from General Mackay, giving an account of the battle, and of his safe
retreat to Stirling. An event so unlooked for and so important as the
death of the only man in whom the hopes of King James rested, and
from the decision of whose character the supporters of the revolution
settlement anticipated the most fearful consequences, was hailed by
the Duke of Hamilton and his friends with transports of joy. They
had indeed good reason to rejoice, for although the battle had been
disastrous to their forces, the loss which King James had sustained
in the person of Dundee was irreparable.

On arriving at Stirling, Mackay met Sir John Lanier, who communicated
to him the orders that had been issued by the government on receiving
the news of his defeat. So decisive had the battle of Killiecrankie
appeared to them that they had given up all idea of maintaining a
position on the north of the Forth, all the country beyond which they
meant to abandon to the victorious arms of Dundee, and to confine
their operations to a defence of the fords of the Forth, and the
pass and bridge of Stirling. In pursuance of this design orders had
been sent to Barclay’s regiment, which was quartered in the county
of Aberdeen, to retire upon Dundee, and Lanier had despatched an
express to his own regiment, which lay partly at Alnwick and partly
at Morpeth, to hasten down to Scotland. This plan, however, was
disapproved of by Mackay, and he, therefore, as he says, “resolved
to alter these measures, knowing how hard a pull we would have, if
he left the north, which are absolutely the best men of that kingdom
for the war, to the discretion of the enemy, where he would not only
get great numbers to join him, but also take possession of towns and
seize upon the public revenues, whereby they could form a fashion of
government, and so have more plausible ways, not only to maintain but
also to engross their party, than ever they have had.”[608]

For these reasons Mackay determined to take the field again without
delay, and to give, as he observes, “some eclat to the service, and
hinder the disaffected of the shires of Perth and Angus to rise in
arms against the government,” he resolved to march direct to Perth
with the forces which were at hand, and place a garrison there.
Fortunately some of the troops which the privy council had ordered to
rendezvous at Stirling were already there, and others were at hand.
Preparatory to his march he sent Sir John Lanier to Edinburgh to
hasten the advance of his own regiment, consisting of nine troops of
horse, and also of Hayford’s dragoons, consisting of eight troops,
and ordered eight troops of horse, and four of dragoons, both of
which had been newly levied, and Lord Colchester’s regiment of horse,
not above 500 men in all, to join him at Stirling on the morning of
Wednesday, the 31st of July. Many thousands of men in the western
counties were now assembling of their own accord in consequence of
Mackay’s defeat; but disliking such auxiliaries, “whose pretensions,”
he says, “appeared already exorbitant enough,” and who, if employed,
might think that the government could not be maintained without their
assistance, he intimated that he would not require their services,
and ordered them to return to their homes.

The horse and dragoons having come to Stirling as directed, with
these he departed for Perth at two o’clock in the afternoon, giving
orders to a newly-raised battalion of foot, consisting of Mar and
Bargeny’s regiments, to follow him. On his way he could obtain no
intelligence respecting the motions of the enemy, as he found the
houses mostly deserted by their inhabitants, who had taken up arms
and had gone to join the standard of King James. On approaching the
river Earn, however, Mackay’s scouts, who, to prevent notice of his
approach, kept only a musket-shot in advance, were saluted with a
loud “qui vive” by two horsemen. The scouts, four in number, answered
this challenge by a discharge from their carabines, which brought
down the two horsemen, one of whom was shot dead. The other was
mortally wounded, and though he spoke a few words, was not able to
answer some questions put to him for eliciting information. As Mackay
conjectured from this occurrence, that the main body of the enemy
was not far off, he altered his line of march, and crossing a pretty
steep hill to the north, reached the field of Tippermuir, a few miles
west from Perth.

Having been informed at Tippermuir, that the enemy lay encamped at
Dunkeld, and that a party of their horse and foot was in Perth for
the purpose of carrying off some meal which had been sent thither
by the council for the use of Mackay’s army, the general drew off
his men to the left to throw himself between Dunkeld and Perth, and
thereby cut off the party. He himself marched down upon Perth, but
on coming within sight of the town was disappointed to observe that
about 30 of the enemy’s horse had already crossed the Tay, and were
beyond his reach. He proceeded on his march, and when within half a
mile of the town observed the foot party, which consisted of about
300 Athole-men, approaching. The Highlanders, who had not the most
distant idea that there was a single enemy nearer than Stirling, were
almost petrified with horror when they beheld such a large body of
cavalry ready to pounce upon them, and for a time they stood quite
motionless not knowing what to do. Apprehensive that they might
attempt to escape by a ford near the place where they stood, Mackay
despatched four troops of dragoons at full gallop to prevent their
passage. The Athole-men seeing that their retreat would be cut off,
threw themselves into the Tay, whither they were followed by the
horse and dragoons, who cut them down in the water without mercy.
About 120 of the Athole-men were killed and 30 made prisoners. In
this affair Mackay lost only one man, who had imprudently pursued to
a distance a small party of the Highlanders.[609]

This disastrous skirmish, whilst it raised the expectations of the
revolutionists, threw a damp over King James’s supporters, and
augured ill for the success of Colonel Cannon, who had assumed the
command of James’s army on the death of Dundee. This officer, though
a faithful adherent of his royal master, was altogether unfit for
the command of such an army. He seems to have possessed none of
Dundee’s genius, and his regular military experience rendered him
totally unfit to deal with such an irregular and capricious race as
were the Highlanders, with whose habits, feelings, and dispositions,
he was totally unacquainted. Had Dundee lived he would probably have
carried his victorious army across the Forth, seized upon the capital
and dispersed the government; but his successor did not know how to
take advantage of the victory which had been obtained, and instead
of marching instantly south, he merely advanced to Dunkeld, about 16
miles from the field of the recent battle, where he remained encamped
for several days, when the party he had sent to Perth was attacked
and almost destroyed by the dogged and steady Mackay.

At Dunkeld, Cannon was joined by the Stewarts of Appin, the
Macgregors and the Athole-men under Lord James Murray, of which
circumstance Mackay was informed soon after his arrival at Perth.
In the meantime he took care to secure the town against attack by
erecting pallisades, and sent out patrols during the night to bring
notice of the enemy should they approach the town. Cannon, however,
made no attempt to disturb Mackay, and after passing several days at
Dunkeld in inactivity, he raised his camp and proceeded northwards
along the skirts of the Grampians with a force of about 3,000 men.
It was the intention of Mackay to have returned to Edinburgh to
consult with the privy council as to the best means of speedily
settling the peace of the kingdom, and to leave Mar and Bargeny’s
regiments and six troops of cavalry in garrison at Perth; but on
hearing of Cannon’s movement to the north he abandoned his intention,
and after despatching orders to Sir John Lanier to proceed to Perth
with all possible haste along with the horse and dragoons which were
expected from England, he crossed the Tay with his whole cavalry
force, consisting of nearly 1,500 men, leaving two battalions of foot
behind, and advanced towards Coupar-Angus. At Coupar he received
intelligence from some prisoners who had been taken at Killiecrankie,
and who had escaped on the march north, that Cannon had marched
as far as Glen Isla, about eight miles from Forfar, where he had
encamped. Mackay in consequence continued his march to Forfar, where
he learned that Cannon had made another movement to Clova.

After passing two nights at Forfar, he received notice that Cannon
had crossed the mountains and entered Braemar. As Mackay considered
that these movements of Cannon were intended by him as a _ruse_ to
draw him north, and that when Cannon had accomplished his object he
meant immediately to recross the mountains and enter Angus, where
he expected some reinforcements to join him, Mackay sent orders to
Lanier to advance to Forfar, to serve as a check upon Cannon should
he again enter Angus, and proceeded himself to Aberdeen, which he
reached the second day, to the great joy, he says, of most of the
inhabitants, who were in dread of a visit from the Highlanders that
very night.[610]

[Illustration: MACPHERSON, FULL DRESS. (Tartan)]

On arriving at the Braes of Mar, Cannon was joined by the
Farquharsons, the Frasers, the Gordons of Strathdown and Glenlivet,
and by 200 of the Macphersons. Keppoch and young Lochiel also met
him.[611] At Aberdeen, Mackay received an express from the Master of
Forbes, informing him that Cannon had taken up a very strong position
upon his father’s lands, having the Highlands at his back and a
wood to cover him in front; the position being so well chosen that
he could keep up a free communication with his friends in the lower
parts of the shires of Aberdeen and Banff. Judging that Cannon’s
object in selecting such a position was to strengthen himself in
horse from the adjoining low country, of which species of force
he stood in most need, Mackay, with the view of obstructing his
levies, ordered Sir Thomas Livingston to leave the command of the
forces at Inverness with Sir James Leslie, and to repair immediately
to Strathbogie with his regiment of dragoons, with instructions,
should the enemy appear in that quarter, to march farther to the
left across the low country, and to send him despatches from time to
time, announcing the state of matters. At the same time he ordered
Sir John Lanier to send Hayford’s regiment of dragoons to Aberdeen to
strengthen him.

After remaining a day at Aberdeen, Mackay marched up Dee-side to beat
up Cannon’s quarters, but learning on his march that the Highlanders
had left Lord Forbes’s lands and had gone north in the direction of
the Duke of Gordon’s territory, he drew off his men next morning
at break of day towards Strathbogie, for the purpose of covering
Livingston’s march. Mackay having nothing but cavalry, got the start
of Cannon, and reached Strathbogie before Cannon arrived at the
castle of Auchindoun, where he intended to fix his head quarters.
At Auchindoun, Cannon was informed that Mackay was already at the
castle of Strathbogie, a distance of about six miles. He, thereupon,
called a council of war to discuss the expediency of giving battle to
Mackay. A preliminary question was agitated by the Highland chiefs
as to the right of the Lowland officers to sit in the council, the
former contending that as none of these officers had any troops
under their immediate command, and were wholly unacquainted with the
discipline of the Highlanders and their mode of fighting, they had
no right to deliberate on the subject, and were unable to form a
correct judgment on the question they were called upon to discuss.
The decision of this point lay with Cannon, who, by the advice of the
Earl of Dunfermline, decided the question against the Highlanders. A
judgment more unfortunate to the cause of King James could not have
been pronounced, as it gave rise to jealousies and strifes among
the officers, and when the question whether a battle should be
hazarded was put to the vote, the clans who were for fighting Mackay
immediately, found themselves in a minority. This was followed by
a resolution to return to Athole. As matters stood, the chances of
victory on either side may be considered to have been pretty fairly
balanced, but subsequent events showed that Cannon in the present
instance omitted the best opportunity he was ever destined to have of
gaining a victory which might have decided the fate of Scotland.

Although Mackay’s men were almost worn out with extreme fatigue,
being kept under arms every night for a considerable time, and only
allowed an occasional repose by turns during the day-time, the
general resolved to follow Cannon with all possible despatch.

The cause of Cannon’s movement was owing to the following
circumstances. The privy council wishing to obtain possession of
the castles of Blair and Finlarig, had sent a letter to Mackay at
Strathbogie with instructions to proceed to these places before the
rainy season should set in, for the purpose of reducing and putting
garrisons into them. Mackay, in answer, stated his inability to
undertake such a service in the face of the formidable force which
lay so near him, and that he did not conceive there was any necessity
for being in such a hurry, as, from the proximity of these castles to
the low country, he could make himself master of them at any time if
sufficiently strong. But he observed, that if the council was bent
upon the undertaking, they might direct Sir John Lanier to order some
foot and Barclay’s regiment to join him from Forfar, and with these
and three battalions of the Dutch regiments, then at Perth, and which
had not been at the battle of Killiecrankie, execute that piece of
service. Upon receiving Mackay’s answer, the council ordered the Earl
of Angus’s regiment, known by the name of the Cameronian regiment--a
band of stern, fearless, religious enthusiasts from the west--to
advance to Dunkeld, with the view, it is supposed, of supporting
Lanier. Mackay was quite averse to the employment of these men, and
disapproved of the plan of posting them so near the Highlands, the
effect of which, he observed, would be, that they would be instantly
attacked, “because the enemy had not such prejudice at any of
the forces as at this regiment, whom they called the Cameronian
regiment, whose oppression against all such as were not of their own
sentiments, made them generally hated and feared in the northern
counties.”[612] Accordingly, no sooner had they encamped at Dunkeld,
than some of King James’s friends in Athole resolved to put them
off, and a notice was sent to Cannon to return south with that view,
in consequence of which, he raised his camp and proceeded suddenly
towards the Dee, as already mentioned.

Mackay followed him, and on arriving at Aberdeen, warned Sir John
Lanier of the advance of Cannon, and to prevent the Highlanders from
making any inroads, he sent out small parties of his men to scour the
neighbouring country. When Lanier was informed of Cannon’s approach,
he left Forfar, where he was posted with his own and Barclay’s
regiment, for Brechin, near to which town the enemy had advanced.
Some skirmishing took place between the advanced posts, with loss on
both sides. The Highlanders, thereupon, retired to the hills, and
Lanier, who was ignorant of the object of Cannon’s march, returned
to Forfar. Here he received orders from the privy council to march
to the castles of Blair and Finlarig, in consequence of which he
proceeded to Coupar-Angus the following day, where intelligence was
brought him from Colonel Ramsay, that the Highlanders were marching
upon Dunkeld. He was informed at the same time that the Cameronian
regiment, which was disadvantageously posted, would assuredly be
defeated, if not immediately supported. Instead of sending any
instructions to Ramsay, who required his advice, Lanier delayed
forwarding an answer till he should arrive at Perth the following
day, “in which interim,” says Mackay, “if the providence of God had
not blinded Cannon, and disheartened his Highlanders from continuing
their attack, the regiment had certainly been lost, for they had two
full days’ time to carry them, and all their defence was but low
gardens, in most places not above four feet high.”[613]

On Sunday morning, the 18th of August, the Cameronians, in
expectation of an attack, began to entrench themselves within
some inclosures about the Marquis of Athole’s house at Dunkeld.
The country people, in parties of ten and twenty, appeared during
the morning on the neighbouring hills, and about four in the
afternoon a body of about 300 men drew up on a hill to the north of
Dunkeld, whence they despatched a messenger, who carried a halbert
surmounted by a white cloth as a flag of truce, with a letter
without any subscription, addressed to Lieutenant-colonel Cleland,
the commanding officer, of the following tenor:--“We the gentlemen
assembled being informed that ye intend to burn the town, desire to
know whether ye come for peace or war, and do certify you, that if
ye burn any one house, we will destroy you.” To which communication
Lieutenant-colonel Cleland replied as follows:--“We are faithful
subjects to King William and Queen Mary, and enemies to their
enemies; and if you, who send these threats, shall make any hostile
appearance, we will burn all that belongs to you, and otherwise
chastise you as you deserve.”

On the first alarm of the Highlanders’ approach to Dunkeld, Colonel
Ramsay sent up some troops of horse and dragoons under Lord
Cardross to assist the Cameronians in case of attack. This party
arrived at Dunkeld on Tuesday morning, but the Highlanders not
being yet sufficiently numerous, showed no disposition to attack
the Cameronians that day. At night, Cleland received intelligence
that the fiery cross had been sent round, and that a considerable
gathering had taken place, and next morning the Highlanders began
to appear in large parties among the hills, between whom and some
detached parties of horse and foot which Cleland sent out to scour
the country, some brisk skirmishing took place during the day. The
Highlanders having retired, Cleland’s forces returned to Dunkeld
in the evening, where Lord Cardross received an order from Colonel
Ramsay to return instantly to Perth, from an absurd apprehension that
the cavalry could be of little use in defending the position occupied
by the Cameronian regiment. When Cleland, who appears to have been
a determined, sensible, clear-headed enthusiast of about 30 years
of age, was informed of this extraordinary mandate, he remonstrated
with Cardross in the strongest manner against complying with it, as
the safety of his regiment might be involved in the result; but his
lordship pleaded his instructions, which gave him no discretionary
power, and he departed for Perth the same evening, leaving the
Cameronians to the tender mercies of their bitterest enemies, the
Highlanders. Cleland’s obvious course was to have followed the
cavalry, but though the danger was imminent, he disdained to abandon
the post which had been assigned him, and easily prevailed upon the
Cameronians to remain and meet the enemy at all hazards. Burton[614]
truly says that it is difficult to imagine a position more dangerous
for a Lowland force than the little village of Dunkeld, being deep
sunk among hills commanding it, and cutting off retreat, while a
rapid river forms the diameter of their semicircle.

The parties which had appeared during the day consisted entirely
of Athole-men, whose numbers probably did not exceed 500 or 600;
but in the evening they were joined by the whole of Cannon’s force,
amounting to nearly 4,000. To the great surprise and dismay of the
Cameronians, this formidable body appeared at six o’clock next
morning, Wednesday the 21st of August, on the hills about Dunkeld
formed in order of battle. The situation of the Cameronians was now
critical in the extreme. They had no alternative but to fight or
surrender, for retreat was not in their power. A capitulation would
have been the obvious course, but the great abhorrence in which
the Cameronians were held by the Highlanders, gave faint hopes of
obtaining the usual terms of civilized warfare from the inveterate
host which hung over them on the surrounding heights. They,
therefore, adopted the desperate resolution of defending themselves
to the last extremity, and they hoped, that by posting themselves
advantageously behind the walls and enclosures adjoining the village
and Dunkeld-house, they would be able to keep the Highlanders in
check till some relief might arrive.

The Cameronian commander accordingly made the necessary preparations
for defence. He first posted parties of his men in the cathedral
and steeple, and in Dunkeld-house. The remainder of his men he
disposed behind the walls of the adjoining gardens and parks, and
along some ditches which he caused to be thrown up to extend his line
of defence. All these arrangements were completed before 7 o’clock
in the morning, about which time the Highlanders appeared moving
down the hills towards Dunkeld. Desirous to gain possession of the
town, to dislodge the Cameronians, or to draw off their attention
from the points where he meant to direct his main attack, Cannon
despatched a small train of artillery down a little hill near the
town, accompanied by 100 men clad in armour, who were followed by
a party of Highlanders on foot. To prevent the Cameronians from
escaping by the ford across the Tay, he sent two troops of horse
round the town, who took up a position betwixt the ford and the
church, while two other troops were placed at the opposite end of
the town. When the party arrived at the bottom of the hill, they
were opposed by a small body of men whom Cleland had posted behind
a stone wall, but after some smart firing, this body was obliged
to give way and to retire to Dunkeld-house. Another party of the
Cameronians, which had been posted at the other end of the town, was
obliged also to retire. Having forced the outposts, the whole body of
the Highlanders rushed furiously into the town, which they entered
at four different points at once. The Cameronians, however, firmly
maintained their ground within the enclosures, from which they kept
up a galling and destructive fire upon the Highlanders, who in vain
attempted to dislodge them. Finding their broad-swords of little
avail against the pikes and halberts of an enemy protected by stone
walls, the Highlanders retired to the houses, and some to the heights
near the town, from which they kept up a sharp though ineffectual
fire upon the Cameronians, who returned it with much better effect.
The Cameronians, however, soon sustained a heavy loss in the death
of Cleland, their brave commander, who, in the act of exhorting his
men to stand firm to their posts, was, within an hour after the
engagement commenced, mortally wounded by two bullets, one of which
pierced his liver, the other entering his head at the same instant
Aware of his fate, he attempted to gain Dunkeld-house, lest his men,
seeing him expire, might become dispirited; but he was unable to
reach the threshold, and expired in their presence.

[Illustration: Dunkeld in the 17th century.--From Slezer’s _Theatrum
Scotiæ_.]

During three hours an incessant firing was kept up on both sides,
which might have continued for several hours longer without producing
any definite result, unless, indeed, the ammunition of either party
had become exhausted. Probably from the dread of such a contingency,
which would have been fatal to the Cameronians, Captain Munro, to
whom, on the death of Cleland, the command had fallen, resolved to
attempt to dislodge the Highlanders from the houses by setting the
town on fire. He accordingly sent into the town several small parties
of pikemen with burning faggots upon the points of their pikes to set
fire to the houses in which the Highlanders were posted. This order
was executed with such promptitude, that in a short time the whole
town was in a conflagration. The scene which the town now presented
was one of the most heart-rending description. The din of war was
indeed no longer heard, but a more terrific sound had succeeded,
from the wild shrieks of despair which issued from the dense mass of
smoke and flame which enveloped the unfortunate sufferers. To add
to the calamity, the pikemen had coolly locked the doors of such of
the houses as had keys standing in them, and the unhappy intruders
being thus cut off from escape, perished in the flames. No less than
16 Highlanders were, in consequence, burnt to death in one house.
With the exception of three houses, possessed by the Cameronians, the
whole of the town was consumed.

The Highlanders finding their ammunition all spent,[615] and seeing
that they could no longer maintain their position among the ruins
of the town, began to retire to the hills about eleven o’clock,
after having sustained a loss of about 300 men. The Cameronians,
whose loss was trifling, on seeing the Highlanders depart, set up a
loud shout, threw up their caps, beat their drums, and waved their
colours in token of triumph, demonstrations which must have been
exceedingly galling to the feelings of the Highlanders, who only
four hours before had assured themselves of an easy conquest. It is
stated in the Cameronian account of the battle, that an attempt was
made by Cannon to induce the Highlanders to renew the attack, but
they declined, for this reason, that although still ready to fight
with men, they would not again encounter devils.[616] To show their
gratitude to God for “so miraculous a victory,” the Cameronians spent
a considerable part of the afternoon in singing psalms of praise and
thanksgiving.

The Highlanders were greatly discouraged by the repulse which they
sustained at Dunkeld, and they attributed the misfortune to the
incapacity of Cannon, in whom they consequently lost all confidence.
Perceiving that they could no longer keep the field with any
probability of success under such a commander, they retired to Blair,
and after entering into a bond of association to support the cause of
King James, and for mutual protection, they departed for their homes,
leaving Cannon and his Irish troops and the few lowland gentlemen to
shift for themselves. Cannon went to Mull, and resided with the chief
of Maclean.[617]

In the meantime Mackay left Aberdeen for the purpose of joining
Lanier, leaving behind him Sir Thomas Livingston, with his regiment
and nine troops of cavalry, to keep the adjoining northern counties
in awe. At Brechin he learnt that Lanier had received an order
from the privy council to march into Athole, in consequence of
which information he joined him at Perth on the 26th of August. He
thereafter left Perth, with the greater part of the forces which he
found there assembled, and took the route to Blair. It was clearly
the interest of James’s party to have burned the castle of Blair,
so as to prevent Mackay from placing a garrison in it to overawe
the neighbouring country; but if such was the intention of the
Highlanders, they were deterred from putting it in execution by a
message from Mackay, who threatened, in the event of the castle being
burnt, to raze every house in Athole to the ground, and to burn and
destroy all the corn in that district. Mackay remained ten days at
the castle of Blair, during which time many of the Athole people
took advantage of an indemnity which he offered them, and delivered
up their arms. Having placed a garrison of 500 men in the castle, and
given orders to raise a pallisade and breast-work round it, he was
forced to return to Perth in consequence of continual rains, which
made him also forego a resolution he had entertained of marching
to the head of Loch Tay, and placing a garrison in the castle of
Finlarig, belonging to the Earl of Breadalbane, who, according to
him, was “one of the chiefest and cunningest fomenters of the trouble
of that kingdom (Scotland), not for love of King James, but to make
himself necessary to the government.”[618] The subsequent conduct
of this nobleman fully corroborated this opinion. After the rains
had subsided, a detachment of 200 men under Lord Cardross, took
possession of Finlarig castle, notwithstanding that the proprietor
had, shortly before, taken the oaths to the government, and found
bail for his allegiance.

While the death of Dundee seemed to give stability to the government
in Scotland on the one hand, its safety appeared to be endangered
on the other, by the jealousies and dissensions which agitated the
parliament. Among the persons who had been instrumental in bringing
about the revolution, there were some extreme Presbyterians, who,
seeing that their expectations were not to be realized, and that
all the offices of trust were monopolized by a few favourites about
court, became factious and impatient, and were ready to seize the
first opportunity that offered of overturning the government. Sir
James Montgomery was at the head of this disaffected party, which,
during the ensuing winter, held several private meetings. The result
was, that a most extraordinary and unnatural coalition took place
between the Jacobites and the discontented Presbyterians for the
restoration of King James. By uniting their votes in parliament
they expected to embarrass the government, and make it odious to
the people, and thereby pave the way for the return of the exiled
monarch; but their designs were disconcerted by a discovery of the
plot.

Mackay had now grown heartily tired of the service, and as his
plans for the subjugation of the Highlands had been treated with
indifference or neglect by the government, he became desirous to
resign his commission, and retire to Holland, his adopted country,
there to spend the remainder of his days in peace. There was
certainly nothing in the situation of his native country at the
period in question to induce him to remain. An unpaid, disorderly,
and mutinous army; an oppressed people, a discontented nobility,
a divided parliament and council; “church divided into two more
irreconcileable factions, though both calling themselves Protestants,
than Rome and Geneva,” matters deemed of so little importance by
the first reformers as scarcely to be mentioned in their writings,
preferred by the “religious zealots” of those days to the well-being
of the whole Protestant church, the Episcopal ministers who had
been ejected preaching “King James more than Christ, as they had
been accustomed to take passive obedience more than the gospel for
their text:”--these considerations all tended to disgust a man of
a moderate and conciliating disposition like Mackay, and made him
“look upon Scotsmen of those times in general, as void of zeal for
their religion and natural affection, seeing all men hunt after their
particular advantages, and none minding sincerely and self-deniedly
the common good, which gave him a real distaste of the country and
service; resolving from that time forward to disengage himself out
of it as soon as possible he could get it done, and that the service
could allow of.”[619] Mackay, however, failed in obtaining even a
temporary leave of absence during the winter, by the intrigues of
Lord Melville and Viscount Tarbet, who, as he says, suspecting an
interview with William, who was then in Holland, to be the object of
his proposed visit thither, were afraid that he would induce William
to adopt a system different from that hitherto followed in the
management of Scottish affairs.

Mackay finding that he would not succeed in his application for
leave of absence, began to apply himself with great perseverance
to accomplish his long-desired project of erecting a fort at
Inverlochy, capable of containing 1,000 or 1,200 men, to keep the
western Highlanders in check. In a communication which he made to
King William on the subject, he requested to be supplied with three
frigates of about 30 guns each, 10 or 12 ships of burden, and 3
or 4 dozen of large boats, 3,000 muskets, 400 _chevaux de frise_,
and 2,000 spades, shovels, and pickaxes, with money sufficient to
purchase two months’ provisions for 3,000 or 4,000 men. On receiving
these supplies he proposed to march with this force through Argyle
about the end of March, as far as Dunstaffnage, where he meant to
embark his men in the ships, and thence proceed to Inverlochy, and
land them under the protection of the guns of the ships of war.
No notice, however, was taken of this proposal either by William
or his ministers, notwithstanding that its importance was urged
in repeated letters from Mackay, who, in consequence, grew quite
impatient, and threatened to throw up his commission. At length the
privy council having, at his request, written a letter to the king
on the subject, he ordered the frigates to be sent down, with some
arms and ammunition, and implements for commencing the work; but
the required supply of money was not forthcoming, without which the
expedition could not be undertaken. Anxious, however, to get the
fort erected with as little delay as possible, Mackay offered to the
privy council to proceed to Inverlochy with a select detachment of
600 men, provided they would give him provisions for three months;
but although a sum of five or six hundred pounds would have almost
sufficed for this purpose, the council pleaded the impossibility of
raising the money.[620] In this emergency he applied to the city
of Glasgow, the magistrates of which undertook to hire vessels for
transporting the detachment, and to furnish him with the necessary
provisions, and such articles as he might require for completing
the fort, in addition to those sent down from England.[621] Major
Ferguson, who was appointed to command this expedition, repaired
to Glasgow; but he was detained there about five weeks waiting
for the provisions. The news, however, of such an armament being
in preparation, and a report purposely circulated by Mackay,
that it was much larger than it actually was, having reached the
Highlands, had the effect of preventing many of the Islanders and
the inhabitants of the adjoining mainland from joining Major-general
Buchan, who took the field in April 1690.

Before the arrival of this officer, the Highlanders had resolved to
place themselves under the command of Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel,
having, in consequence of their defeat at Dunkeld, lost confidence
in Cannon as a commander. After that disaster, Lochiel and the other
Jacobite chiefs had represented to James the precarious state of
his affairs in Scotland, and the necessity there was for sending
them aid; but James was too much occupied with preparations for
resisting a threatened invasion of Ireland, by his son-in-law, to
attend much to his Scottish concerns. He, however, sent over a vessel
with some clothes, arms, ammunition, and provisions, and a few Irish
officers, among whom was Major-general Buchan, with a commission, as
commander-in-chief of all the Jacobite forces in Scotland.

On Buchan’s arrival, a meeting of the chiefs and principal officers
was held at Keppoch, to deliberate upon the course they ought to
pursue. As no reinforcement had arrived from Ireland, and as the
plot between the Jacobites and the disappointed chiefs of the
Presbyterians, which had raised the expectations of King James’s
partizans, had been discovered, the meeting was divided in opinion,
upon the expediency of renewing hostilities. Some, thinking the cause
quite desperate, proposed to submit to the government, which they
knew was quite disposed to grant them the most favourable terms;
but this proposition was warmly resisted by Lochiel, who had great
influence with his fellow chiefs. He stated that he had adhered
to the cause of Charles II. at a time when it was more desperate
than that of his royal brother now was, who was still at the head
of an army in Ireland, and who had many friends in Britain, ready
to declare themselves, when a fit opportunity offered; that under
these circumstances, he considered they would disgrace themselves,
if they abandoned the cause they had pledged themselves to defend,
and that for his own part he would neither listen to terms from
the government, nor lay down his arms, without an express order
from King James himself. In consequence of this declaration, the
meeting unanimously resolved to continue the war; but as the labours
of the spring season were not over, they postponed the muster of
the clans, till those should be completed; and in the mean time
directed Major-general Buchan, to employ the interval in beating
up the enemy’s quarters, along the borders of the lowlands, for
which purpose a detachment of 1,200 foot was to be placed at his
disposal.[622]

When Mackay heard that Buchan had taken the field, he ordered Sir
Thomas Livingston,--whom he had despatched north from Aberdeen to
Inverness, with his regiment, in the month of January, to watch
the motions of the Highlanders,--to keep a sharp outlook after
Buchan, who, it was supposed, would probably make a descent upon the
lowlands of Moray or Banff. Sir Thomas had at this time, besides
his own regiment of dragoons, three regiments of foot, and some
troops of horse, under his command, posted in and about the town of
Inverness. Hearing that Buchan was marching through Lochaber and
Badenoch, Livingston made two successive marches up the country,
in the direction Buchan was said to be advancing, but on both
occasions, from the great difficulty he experienced in obtaining
provender for his horses, and provisions for his troops, he was
obliged to return to Inverness without seeing Buchan, or hearing
anything concerning him. Having ascertained that the feeling of
hostility towards the government was rapidly extending, and that it
had even reached the clans, who had hitherto, in appearance at least,
shown themselves favourably inclined to the revolution, Livingston,
thereupon, despatched a letter to Mackay, acquainting him of the
circumstance, and stating that if Buchan was not speedily opposed,
he was afraid that by far the greater part of the northern counties
would join him. That he might obtain early intelligence of Buchan’s
motions, and avoid the difficulties he had experienced in his former
marches for want of provisions, Livingston took up a position eight
miles from Inverness, with a select body of 1,200 men, consisting
of his own regiment, which amounted to 300 men, 400 of Leslie’s
regiment, a company of 100 of Lord Reay’s Highlanders, 300 of Grant’s
Highlanders, and two troops of horse.[623]

On receiving Livingston’s despatch, Mackay sent orders to the
different detachments which lay at Stirling, Glasgow, Dundee, and
other places, amounting together to 3,000 men, to assemble without
delay at Perth, that they might be in readiness, should a general
rising in favour of King James take place in the north, to support
Livingston, and to serve as a check upon the southern Highlands. He,
at the same time, directed Lieutenant-colonel Buchan, brother of King
James’s general, who commanded the forces in the city and county
of Aberdeen, consisting of a battalion of Ramsay’s regiment, the
Cameronian regiment, and five troops of horse and dragoons, to march
upon any point Livingston should direct.[624]

In the mean time Major-general Buchan was advancing through Badenoch
with the design of marching down Speyside into the Duke of Gordon’s
country, where he expected to be joined by some of the vassals of
that nobleman. At Culnakill he held a council of war to determine
whether to take up a position in that neighbourhood, where they
would be secure from the attacks of Livingston’s cavalry, or proceed
farther down the Spey. As Buchan’s force did not exceed 800 men,
and as they were aware that a large force of horse and foot lay at
Inverness, the Highland officers were unanimously of opinion that
they should not advance beyond Culnakill, but should march the
following day to Glenlochy, and encamp among the adjoining woods.
Buchan, who appears to have been as incapable of conducting a
Highland force, and as ignorant of the mode of warfare pursued by
the Highlanders as Cannon, his predecessor, now second in command,
rejecting the Highland officers’ advice, on the following day marched
down the Spey as far as Cromdale, where he encamped on the last day
of April.[625]

Livingston was, at this time, lying within eight miles of Strathspey,
on the grounds of the laird of Grant, where he received notice the
same day from a captain in Grant’s regiment, who, with a company
of men, held possession for the government of Balloch, now Grant
castle, in the vicinity of Cromdale, that Buchan was marching down
Strathspey. Desirous of attacking him before he should have an
opportunity of being joined by the country people, Livingston marched
off towards the Spey, in the afternoon, and continued his march till
he arrived within two miles of Balloch castle. As it was already
dark, and the night far advanced, and as a difficult pass lay between
him and the castle, Livingston proposed to encamp during the night;
but not finding a convenient place, he, by the persuasion of one of
his officers who was acquainted with the pass, and who undertook to
conduct him safely through it, renewed his march, and arrived at
the top of the hill above the castle at two o’clock in the morning.
Buchan’s men were then reposing in fancied security near Lethindie,
on the adjoining plain of Cromdale, and the fires of their camp,
which were pointed out by the captain of the castle to Livingston,
showed him that he was much nearer the enemy than he had any idea
of. Mackay says, that had Livingston been aware that the Highlanders
were encamped so near the pass, he would not have ventured through
it during the night, having little confidence in the country people;
nor would the enemy, had they suspected Livingston’s march, left
their former station and encamped upon an open plain, a considerable
distance from any secure position, “just as if they had been led
thither by the hand as an ox to the slaughter.”[626]

As several gentlemen of the adjoining country had sought an asylum in
the castle on hearing of Buchan’s advance, the commander, in order
to prevent any knowledge of Livingston’s approach being communicated
to the Highlanders, had taken the precaution to shut the gates of
the castle, and to prohibit all egress; so that the Highlanders were
as ignorant of Livingston’s arrival as he had previously been of
their encampment at Cromdale. Such being the case, the commander
of the castle advised him to attack the Highlanders without delay,
and he himself offered to conduct the troops into the plain. This
proposition having been acceded to, the troops were allowed half an
hour to refresh themselves, after which they marched down through the
valley of Auchinarrow to the river. Finding a ford below Dellachaple,
guarded by 100 Highlanders, Livingston left a detachment of foot
and a few dragoons to amuse them, while, with his main body, led
by some gentlemen of the name of Grant on horseback, he marched to
another ford through a covered way, a mile farther down the river,
which he crossed at the head of three troops of dragoons, and a
troop of horse, a company of his Highlanders forming the advanced
guard. After he reached the opposite bank of the Spey, he perceived
the Highlanders, who had received notice of his approach from their
advanced guards at the upper ford, in great confusion, and in
motion towards the hills. He thereupon sent orders to a part of his
regiment, and another troop of horse to cross the river and join
him; but, without waiting for them, he galloped off at full speed
towards the hills, so as to get between the fugitives--the greater
part of whom were almost naked--and the hills, and intercept them
in their retreat. The cavalry were accompanied by the company of
Highlanders which had crossed the river, and who are said to have
outrun their mounted companions, a circumstance which induced the
flying Highlanders, on arriving at the foot of the hill of Cromdale,
to make a stand; but, on the approach of Livingston and the remainder
of his dragoons and horse, they again took to their heels. They
turned, however, frequently round upon their pursuers, and defended
themselves with their swords and targets with great bravery. A thick
fog, which, coming down the side of the mountain, enveloped the
fugitives, compelled Livingston to discontinue the pursuit, and even
to beat a retreat. According to Mackay, the Highlanders had 400 men
killed and taken prisoners, while Livingston did not lose a single
man, and only 7 or 8 horses; but Balcarras states his loss at about
100 killed, and several prisoners; and the author of the “Memoirs
of Dundee” says, that many of Livingston’s dragoons fell.[627] A
party of the Camerons and Macleans, who had in the flight separated
from their companions in arms, crossed the Spey the following day,
but, being pursued by some of Livingston’s men, were overtaken and
dispersed on the moor of Granish near Aviemore, where some of them
were killed. The rest took shelter in Craigelachie, and, being joined
by Keppoch and his Highlanders, made an attempt to seize the castle
of Lochinclan in Rothiemurchus, but were repulsed with loss by the
proprietor and his tenants.[628]

The news of the disaster at Cromdale was received with feelings of
dismay by the partisans of King James at Edinburgh, who began to
regret that they had not embraced an offer which had been made by
King William for a cessation of arms. On the other hand, the friends
of the government were elated with Livingston’s success, and hastened
the long delayed expedition to Inverlochy, under Major Ferguson,
which accordingly set sail from Greenock on the 15th of May. Having
obtained the consent of King William to march into Lochaber, Mackay
made preparations for the expedition; and, although the Earl of
Melville, the commissioner to the Scottish parliament, gave him
notice of some dangerous plots against the government both in England
and Scotland, which might require the presence of a large force in
the lowlands to check, yet, as he considered the subjugation of
the Highlands of primary importance, he resolved to proceed on his
expedition; and, accordingly, on the 18th of June, marched from Perth
at the head of about 3,000 horse and foot. As his route to Inverlochy
would bring him within a short day’s march of the enemy, and as he
was desirous--agreeably, as he says, to a military maxim, “without
necessity, to put nothing to an apparent hazard when the success is
of great importance,”--to avoid an engagement in a country full
of defiles and difficult passes till he should join the forces in
the north under Sir Thomas Livingston, he resolved to march towards
Strathspey, and thence through Badenoch into Lochaber. To conceal
from the enemy his design of marching north, after entering Athole,
he made a movement as if he intended to enter Badenoch by the nearest
route, and then turning suddenly to the right, took the road to
Strathspey. Having joined Livingston in Strathspey on the 26th of
June, the united forces, after a day’s rest, marched towards Badenoch.

The Highlanders who, after their dispersion at Cromdale, had returned
to their homes, had re-assembled on hearing of Mackay’s approach;
but, from the fewness of their numbers, they made no attempt to
obstruct his passage through Badenoch. Being informed that they had
taken possession of a strait and difficult pass through which they
expected him to march, he, on the 1st of July,--the very day on which
the celebrated battle of the Boyne was fought,--made a feint with
four troops of horse and dragoons as if he intended to pass that
way, for the purpose of deceiving the enemy; after which he suddenly
changed his march to the left. After traversing mountains and bogs,
he entered Lochaber by Glenspean the same night, and arrived at
Inverlochy on the 3d of the month.[629]

The site of the old fort, which had been erected by Oliver Cromwell,
did not please Mackay, as it was commanded by a neighbouring hill;
but, as a more eligible one could not be found, he commenced the work
on the 5th of the month, and, in eleven days the wall was raised
to its full intended height of twenty feet from the bottom of the
fosse, and pallisaded round with a _chemin couvert_ and glacis.
Having finished the fort, which was named Fort-William, in honour
of the king, he was about proceeding to send a detachment into
Mull to reduce that island, but received despatches from the privy
council announcing the defeat of the English and Dutch fleets, and
requiring his return to the South as soon as possible, with as many
of his forces as could be spared, in consequence of an expected
invasion from France. He therefore marched from Inverlochy for the
South on the 18th, leaving behind him 1,000 men in garrison in the
new fort. He arrived in Badenoch on the 20th by easy marches, and
leaving his army in camp the whole of the 21st to rest themselves,
he went with a party of 150 horse and dragoons to inspect Ruthven
castle which the Jacobite forces had burnt the preceding year. Here
he left the company of Lord Reay’s Highlanders with instructions to
the commander to raise a breastwork round an old square wall, within
which the garrison might remain secure against surprise or attack.
He then descended into Athole, and arrived at Perth on the 26th of
July, being little more than five weeks since he set out on his long
projected expedition.

During his absence Major-general Buchan and Colonel Cannon, each at
the head of a select body of cavalier horse, had been scouring the
low country. The latter, in particular, with 200 horse, had attacked
Lord Cardross’s dragoons who were stationed in Menteith, and had
pursued them down as far as the park of Stirling. On his arrival at
Perth, Mackay being informed of the proceedings of Cannon’s party,
sent orders to the troops at Stirling to march out in quest of them,
while he himself, after receiving a supply of biscuit from Dundee,
resolved to march from Perth with a detachment for the purpose of
intercepting them; but Cannon had passed through the heights of
Athole towards Braemar before the troops at Stirling left that town.
Mackay followed after them for two days with a force of 1,000 men,
but was unable to overtake them. Being unprovided for a longer march,
he returned on the third day to Stirling, whence he despatched three
troops of Cardross’s dragoons, and one of horse, to support the
Master of Forbes who was guarding Aberdeenshire.

Buchan and Cannon having united their forces, and being joined by
Farquharson of Inverey, at the head of 500 or 600 of the Braemar
Highlanders, descended into the adjoining low parts of Aberdeenshire,
Mearns, and Banff, to unite themselves to some of the country
Jacobite gentlemen, leaving behind them a body of 160 men, to block
up Abergeldie, in which Mackay still kept a garrison. They were at
first opposed on their descent into the low country, by the Master
of Forbes, and Colonel Jackson, with eight troops of cavalry, which
was fully more than sufficient to have repulsed in a level country,
any body the Highlanders could then bring into the field. Buchan,
however, having purposely magnified the appearance of his forces, by
ranging his foot over a large extent of ground, and interspersing
his baggage and baggage horses among them, inspired the Master of
Forbes and Jackson with such dread, that they considered it prudent
to retire before a foe apparently so formidable in appearance, and
their fears increasing after they had begun their retreat, they set
off towards Aberdeen at full gallop, and never looked behind, till
they had entered the town, after a race of upwards of 20 miles.[630]
Buchan, who had no immediate design upon Aberdeen, followed the
alarmed cavalry, and such was the effect of the retreat upon some of
the neighbouring noblemen and gentlemen, that they joined Buchan in
the pursuit. The inhabitants were thrown into a state of the greatest
alarm at this occurrence, and the necessary means of defence were
adopted, but Buchan made no attempt to enter the town.

When Mackay received intelligence of this “disorder,” as he terms
the flight of Forbes and Jackson, he instantly despatched Colonel
Cunningham with 300 men, and two troops of cavalry, to the north to
join Jackson; but Cunningham was unable to effect a junction, as
Cannon lay encamped between him and Jackson. As the fears of a French
invasion had subsided, Mackay, on hearing of Cunningham’s failure,
marched north himself in such haste that he carried neither baggage
nor provisions along with him; but on his way north, he learned that
Buchan had left the neighbourhood of Aberdeen, and was marching
southward. On hearing of Mackay’s advance, Buchan drew off his men
to the right, and crossed the hills. On arriving at the Dee, he left
Cunningham with a detachment at the castle of Aboyne, and proceeded
with his own division to raise the siege of Abergeldie. In the course
of this march, a party of 60 dragoons, under Major Mackay, fell in
among the hills, with a body of 200 Highlanders, under Inverey, all
of whom were either killed or made prisoners. The chief himself made
a very narrow escape, having been trampled under the horses’ feet,
and left for dead on the field. Mackay also laid waste the fertile
country about Abergeldie, to the extent of twelve miles round, and
burnt from 1,200 to 1,400 houses, by way of reprisal, for having
blocked up the garrison.[631]

Having united all his forces in the north, with the exception
of those which lay at Inverness, Mackay marched as far north as
Strathdon, where he was told that the greater part of the north was
hostile to the government, and was ready to rise in arms, which
information made him at once resolve to proceed north with all
possible haste in order to get Buchan’s force dispersed, before any
general rising should take place. Leaving therefore his foot behind,
he proceeded north with his cavalry in great haste, and in the course
of his march was informed that Buchan was not only on his way north,
but that he expected to be joined by several thousand Highlanders.
He, therefore, continued his march with great celerity, allowing
his men no more time than was absolutely necessary for refreshing
their horses, and arrived within four hours’ march of the enemy,
before they received any notice of his approach. Buchan had reached
Inverness, and was only waiting for the Earl of Seaforth’s and other
Highlanders, whom he expected to join him in attacking the town;
but on hearing of Mackay’s advance, he crossed the river Ness, and
retired along the north side of the Loch.

The Earl of Seaforth, afraid of the consequences which might result
to him personally, for the part he had acted, sent his mother, the
Countess Dowager of Seaforth, and Mackenzie of Coul, to Mackay, to
inform him that he would accede to such conditions as might be agreed
upon between them and Mackay. An agreement was accordingly entered
into, by which it was stipulated, that the earl should deliver
himself into Mackay’s hands, to be kept as a prisoner at Inverness,
till the privy council should decide as to his future disposal; and
to conceal this arrangement from the Jacobite party, it was farther
agreed that the earl should allow himself to be seized as if by
surprise, by a party of horse under Major Mackay, at one of his seats
during the night. The earl, however, disappointed the party sent
out to apprehend him, in excuse for which, both he and his mother,
in letters to Mackay, pleaded the state of his health, which they
alleged would suffer from imprisonment. The earl cannot certainly
be blamed for having demurred placing himself at the unconditional
disposal of such a body as the privy council of Scotland, some of
whom would not have hesitated to sacrifice him, if by doing so they
could have obtained a share of his estates.

Mackay was so irritated at the deception which had been practised
upon him, that he resolved to treat the earl’s vassals “with all
the rigour of military execution.” Having, however, a warm feeling
for the earl’s friends, on account of their being “all Protestants,
and none of the most dangerous enemies,” as he says, and being more
desirous to obtain possession of the earl’s person than to ruin his
friends, he caused information of his intentions upon the earl’s
lands to be sent to Seaforth’s camp, by some of his own party,
as if from a feeling of friendship to him. Contrary to Mackay’s
anticipations, Seaforth surrendered himself, and was committed
prisoner to the castle of Inverness.[632] About this time the
Earl of Argyle--who had fled to Holland in 1685, on his father’s
execution, but returned with the Prince of Orange, and was reinstated
by the Convention in his father’s estates and title--with a force of
1,900 foot, and 60 dragoons, invaded Mull, the inhabitants of which
took the oaths of allegiance to the government, and delivered up
their arms. He was, however, from the state of the weather, obliged
to leave the island, before effecting the reduction of Duart castle,
and left 300 men behind him to keep it in check. Maclean himself,
with a few of his friends, took refuge on Carnburrow, an inaccessible
rock near Mull.

King James’s affairs had now become utterly desperate in Scotland,
and his defeat at the battle of the Boyne, on the 1st of July,
1690, almost annihilated his hopes in Ireland. Unable to collect
any considerable body of men together, Buchan, after wandering
through Lochaber, dismissed the few that still remained with him,
and along with Sir George Barclay, Lieutenant-colonel Graham, and
other officers, took up his abode with Macdonell of Glengary, Cannon
and his officers retiring to the isles, under the protection of Sir
Donald Macdonald. In their retreats, these officers who had displayed
the most heroic attachment to the cause of the unfortunate king,
under the most trying circumstances, still continued to cherish some
distant hopes of his restoration, and were prepared to enter upon any
service, however hazardous, which might lead to such a consummation.

At length, seeing no chance of making a successful effort in favour
of James, they, in connexion with the chiefs, sent over the Earl of
Dunfermline to France in the spring of 1691, to represent to him
the state of matters, and to receive his commands. Having received
instructions from his majesty to enter into a negotiation with the
government, a meeting of the principal officers and the Jacobite
chiefs was held at Achallader in Glenorchy on the 30th of June,
which was attended by the Earl of Breadalbane on the part of the
government, at which a cessation of hostilities was agreed upon till
the 1st of October. To get the chiefs to submit to the government,
money and other inducements were held out to them by Breadalbane, at
whose disposal a sum of about £15,000 or £20,000 had been placed
by King William. They, however, declined to come to any definite
arrangement at this time, and requested liberty to send Sir George
Barclay and Major Menzies to France, to obtain the sanction of King
James, to enter into a treaty with the government, a request which
was reluctantly granted. After learning from these officers the
miseries to which the clans were reduced, and the utter hopelessness
of attempting another campaign under existing circumstances, James
allowed them to make the best terms they could with the government.
Accordingly, and in terms of a proclamation issued by the government
on the 27th of August, 1691, promising an indemnity to all persons
who had been in arms, and who should take an oath of allegiance to
the government before the 1st of January 1692; all the chiefs, with
one unfortunate exception, which will be afterwards noticed, gave in
their adherence, and took the oath within the prescribed time. Buchan
and Cannon with their officers, in terms of an agreement with the
government, were transported to France, to which country they had
asked and obtained permission from their royal master to retire, as
they could no longer be serviceable to him in their native land.

We are sorry that it is beyond the province of the present work,
even did space permit, to give a detailed account of the heroic and
almost quixotically chivalrous conduct of Dundee’s officers, after
their emigration to France. In order that they might not be a burden
on their royal master King James, they entered the French service,
forming themselves into a company of “private sentinels” or common
soldiers, four of their number being appointed officers, whose
conduct gives “no opportunity of speaking well of them.”[633] They
numbered only about 150, and so effectively performed their duty
in the service of France, that, unsuited as they were for the hard
life of common soldiers, and cheated by their heartless officers
of the few comforts provided for them, in a very short time “the
earth closed over the last remains of the gentlemen-adventurers who
followed the banner of Dundee.”[634] They bore all their hardships
with cheerfulness and even gaiety, winning the tears and love of the
women wherever they passed, and the respect of their French comrades.
The following incident must suffice as an example of their fearless
hardihood.

“The Germans had made a lodgement in an island in the Rhine (near
Strasburg). The French, from an opinion that the river was impassable
without boats, had ordered a number for the passage. Among other
troops intended for the service, this company was ordered to keep
a station opposite to the island until the boats should arrive;
but finding, upon examination, the ford, though difficult, not
impassable, they, according to the custom of the Highlanders in
wading through rivers, joining their hands together, and entering
the river in a line with its current, the strongest men in the upper
part, and the weaker in the under, so that those who were highest
up the stream broke all its force, and tying their arms and clothes
on their shoulders, passed to the island in sight of both armies
on the opposite bank, and drove ten times their number from the
lodgement. The French cried out in admiration, ‘A gentleman, in
whatever station, is still a gentleman.’ ‘Le gentilhomme est toujours
gentilhomme.’ The place is called _l’Isle d’Ecosse_ to this day.”[635]

FOOTNOTES:

[608] _Memoirs_, p. 62.

[609] Mackay, pp. 63, 64.

[610] _Memoirs_, p. 66.

[611] _Memoirs of Dundee._

[612] _Memoirs_, p. 69.

[613] Idem.

[614] _Scotland_, vol. i. p. 141.

[615] Balcarras.

[616] _Life and Diary of Colonel Blackader._

[617]
“We, Lord James Murray, Patrick Stewart of Ballechan, Sir John
M’Lean, Sir Donald M’Donald, Sir Ewen Cameron, Glengarie,
Benbecula, Sir Alexander M’Lean, Appin, Enveray, Keppoch,
Glencoe, Strowan, Calochele, Lieut.-Col. M’Gregor, Bara, Large,
M’Naughten, do hereby bind and oblige ourselves, for his
Majesty’s service and our own safeties, to meet at _____________
the __________ day of September next, and bring along with us
_______ fencible men. That is to say, Lord James Murray and
Ballechan _______, Sir John M’Lean 200, Sir Donald M’Donald 200,
Sir Ewen Cameron 200, Glengarie 200, Benbecula 200, Sir Alexander
M’Lean 100, Appin 100, Enveray 100, Keppoch 100, Lieut.-Col.
M’Gregor 100, Calochele 50, Strowan 60, Bara 50, Glencoe 50,
M’Naughten 50, Large 50; but in case any of the rebels shall
assault or attack any of the above-named persons betwixt the date
hereof and the said day of rendezvous, we do all solemnly promise
to assist one another to the utmost of our power, as witness
these presents, signed by us at the castle of Blair, the 24th of
August, 1689 years.--Al. Robertson, D. M’Neil, Alex. M’Donald,
Do. M’Gregor, Alex. M’Donell, D. M’Donald, D. M’D. of Benbecula,
Al. M’Donald, Tho. Farqrson, Jo. M’Leane, E. Cameron of Lochiel,
Al. Stuart.”--_Records of Parliament._

Seven days before the date of this bond, these associates, and other
friends, sent the following characteristic letter to Mackay, in
answer to a friendly invitation from him to lay down their arms:--

“Birse, 17th August, 1689.

“Sir,

“We received your letter from Strathbogy, and we saw that you
wrote to Brigadier Cannan from St Johnstoun, to which we gave
a civil return, for by telling that you support yourselves by
fictions and stories (a thing known all the world over), is
no railing. The Christian means (as you say in your last) you
make use of to advance the good cause by, is evident to all
the world, and the argument you use to move us to address your
government, is consequential to the whole; for instead of telling
us what good Christians, men of honour, good subjects, and good
neighbours, ought to do, you tell us in both your letters, that
his Majesty has hot wars in Ireland, and cannot in haste come
to us, which, though it were as true as we know it is not, is
only an argument from safety and interest. And that you may
know the sentiments of men of honour, we declare to you and all
the world, we scorn your usurper, and the indemnities of his
government; and to save you farther trouble by your frequent
invitations, we assure you that we are satisfied our king will
take his own time and way to manage his dominions and punish
his rebels; and although he should send no assistance to us at
all, we will die with our swords in our hands before we fail in
our loyalty and sworn allegiance to our sovereign. Judge, then,
what effect Duke Hamilton’s letter has upon us; but you have got
an honourable father for this story from Ireland, and although
we can better tell you how matters go in Ireland, and that we
pity those on whom such stories have influence, yet we have no
orders to offer conditions to any rebels; we allow them and his
grace to believe on and take your measures by your success, till
his Majesty’s farther orders. Sir, We thank you for the good
meaning of your invitation, (though we are confident you had no
hope of success.) And we will shortly endeavour to give you a
requital--and those of us who live in islands have already seen
and defied the Prince of Orange his frigates. We are, Sir, your
affectionate and humble servants. Jo. MacLeane, E. Cameron of
Lochiel, C. M’Kenzie, D. Mackdonald, John Grant of Balnadaloch,
Pa. Steuart, J. M’Nachtane, Alexr. M’Donald, A. M’Nachtan, Jo.
Cameron, Tho. Farqrson, H. M’Lean of Lochbuye, Alexr. M’Donell,
D. M’D. of Benbecula, B. MacNeill of Bara, D. M’Neill, Ra.
M’Donald, J. M’Donald, Alexr. Maclaine. We have returned your
letter from Duke Hamilton, because you have more use for it than
we.”--_Parliamentary Records._

[618] _Memoirs_, p. 72.

[619] _Memoirs_, p. 77.

[620] Mackay’s _Memoirs_, p. 85.

[621] Idem, page 86.

[622] Balcarras.

[623] Mackay’s _Memoirs_, p. 93. Mackay’s account says, “six
companies of Grant’s regiment, making about 800 men,”--an evident
error.

[624] Mackay’s _Memoirs_, p. 94.

[625] _Memoirs of Dundee._

[626] _Memoirs_, p. 95.

[627] Shaw (_History of Moray_) says that above 100 of Buchan’s men
were killed, and about 60 made prisoners, who were found in the
castle of Lethindie and the mill; and he adds, as a thing deserving
of remark, that “Colonel Macdonald of Keppoch, who was ever keen for
plunder, had never once fought for his king, would not encamp with
the other rebels, but with his men quartered at Garvlin, half-a-mile
distant, and thereby escaped without loss.”

[628] Shaw’s _Moray_.

[629] _Memoirs_, p. 98.

[630] “His mastership (of Forbes) understanding the word of command,
_wheel_, better than _advance_, turned the battle into a race, and
won; for he was first at Aberdeen, and alarmed the town with a
frightful outcry, _The enemy, the enemy’s coming_.”--_Memoirs of
Dundee._

[631] Mackay’s _Memoirs_, p. 101.

[632] “I believe it shall fare so with the Earl of Seaforth, that
is, that he shall haply, (perhaps) submit, when his countrey is
ruined, and spoyled, which is the character of a true Scotsman,
_wyse behinde_ the hand!”--_Letter to the Privy Council, 1st Sept.
1690. Appendix to Memoirs, No. 73._ Mackay was directed by the privy
council, by warrant, dated 7th Oct. 1690, “to transport the person of
Colin, Earl of Seaforth, with safety from Inverness to Edinburgh, in
such way and manner, as he should think fit.” In consequence of this
removal, he was entered a prisoner within the castle of Edinburgh,
on 6th Nov. following, whence he was liberated on 7th Jan. 1692, on
finding caution to appear when called upon. He was bound not to go
ten miles beyond Edinburgh. He was again imprisoned, but made his
escape, and was apprehended at Pencaitland, on 7th May 1692, and
again kept in close confinement, within the castle of Edinburgh.
He was afterwards liberated, on giving security for his peaceable
behaviour.--_Records of the Privy Council._

[633] For details, see _An Account of Dundee’s officers after they
went to France_ in _Miscellanea Scotica_.

[634] Burton’s _Scotland from Revolution_, vol. i. p. 153.

[635] Dalrymple’s _Memoirs_, vol. i. part ii. p. 61.

CHAPTER XXII.

A.D. 1691-1702.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--William III., 1688-1703.

Negotiations with the Highland chiefs--Massacre of Glencoe
--Master of Stair--King William--Subsequent enquiry--State
of Highlands during William’s reign--Simon Fraser, Lord Lovat.

During 1690 and 1691 the Jacobites caused the government much trouble
and anxiety by their ceaseless plotting to get up an insurrection,
in which they were to be assisted by supplies from France. Many
men, professedly loyal to King William, gave, from various motives,
their secret countenance to these attempts; and the Highlanders
especially proved a galling and distracting thorn in the side of the
government. As early as 1690, Lord Tarbet, (subsequently Earl of
Cromarty,) proposed a scheme for the quieting of the Highlands, which
Lord Breadalbane offered to carry into execution; but it was at the
time abandoned. In 1691, however, negotiations were again renewed,
and, as has been seen, Breadalbane was intrusted with a sum of money
to distribute among the chiefs, or rather to buy up the claims which
Argyle and other superiors had over their feudal vassals, and which
was the real cause of the strife and dissatisfaction existing in the
Highlands. The Secretary of State, Sir John Dalrymple, known as the
Master of Stair, son of the Earl of Stair, appears latterly to have
been at the bottom of the scheme, and was certainly most anxious that
it should be successfully and speedily carried out, having at first
apparently no thought of resorting to measures of cruel severity.

[Illustration: First Earl of Breadalbane.

From Original Painting in possession of Lady Elizabeth Pringle.]

Not much appears to have resulted from the meeting which Breadalbane
had with the chiefs at Achallader; indeed, he showed very little
of an earnest desire for conciliation, as his threatening conduct
induced Alexander Macdonald, or MacIan, of Glencoe, to leave the
meeting abruptly for his own safety. Between Breadalbane, who was
a Campbell, and Macdonald much bad blood appears to have existed;
indeed, nothing but the bitterest hatred was cherished by the whole
tribe of the Macdonalds to the Campbells, as the latter had from
time to time, oftener by foul than by fair means, ousted the former
from their once extensive possessions. The Macdonalds of Glencoe
especially, still considered the lands and property of the Campbells
as their own, and without hesitation supplied their wants out of
the numerous herds of the latter. It was some recent raid of this
sort which roused the wrath of Breadalbane; and on poor Macdonald’s
head lighted all the blame and the punishment of the ineffectual
negotiation. What became of the money has never been clearly
ascertained; but much can be inferred from Breadalbane’s answer
when asked afterwards by Lord Nottingham to account for it, “The
money is spent, the Highlands are quiet, and this is the only way of
accounting among friends.”

Like many of his contemporaries, Breadalbane attached himself
openly to King William’s government only because it was for the
time the winning side; while at the same time he professed secretly
to be attached to the interest of the exiled King James. He told
the Highland chiefs that in urging them to enter into terms with
the government, he had their own interests and those of King James
at heart; for there being then “no other appearance of relief, he
thought they could not do better than sue for a cessation, which
would be a breathing to them, and give them time to represent their
circumstances to King James.”[636] A contemporary characterises him
as being “cunning as a fox; wise as a serpent; but as slippery as an
eel. No government can trust him but where his own private interest
is in view.”[637]

As the chiefs did not seem in any hurry to come to terms, a
proclamation was issued, in August 1691, requiring them to take the
oath of allegiance before the 1st of January 1692, threatening all
those who did not comply with “letters of fire and sword.” This had
the proper effect, as, one by one, the chiefs swore fealty to the
government, Macdonald of Glencoe, from pride or some other reason,
being the last to comply with the terms of the proclamation. The
difficulty in getting the chiefs to come to terms, and thus allowing
the government to pursue its other schemes without anxiety, seems
at last to have irritated Sir John Dalrymple so much against them,
that latterly he eagerly desired that some, and especially the
various tribes of Macdonalds, might hold out beyond the time, in
order that an example might be made of them by putting into execution
the penalty attached to the non-fulfilment of the terms of the
proclamation. In a letter to Breadalbane of Dec. 2d, he thinks “the
clan Donald must be rooted out and Lochiel,” and is doubtful whether
the money “had been better employed to settle the Highlands, or to
ravage them.” In another written on the following day he mentions
with approval Breadalbane’s “mauling scheme,” artfully rousing the
latter’s indignation by speaking of the chiefs’ ungratefulness to
him, using at the same time the significant phrase _delenda est
Carthago_. He and Breadalbane seemed however likely to be cheated of
their vengeance, for even the obstinate and hated Mac Ian himself,
after holding out to the very last day, hastened to fulfil the
requirements of the proclamation, and thus place himself beyond the
power of the strong arm of the law.

On the 31st of December, 1691, Glencoe made his way to Fort-William,
and presented himself to Colonel Hill the governor, asking him
to administer the required oath of allegiance. The Colonel,
however, declined to act, on the ground, that according to the
proclamation, the civil magistrate alone could administer them.
Glencoe remonstrated with Hill on account of the exigency of the
case, as there was not any magistrate whom he could reach before
the expiration of that day, but Hill persisted in asserting that
it was out of his power to act in the matter. He, however advised
Glencoe to proceed instantly to Inverary, giving him at the same
time a letter to Sir Colin Campbell of Ardkinglass, sheriff of
Argyleshire, begging him to receive Glencoe as “a lost sheep,” and
to administer to him the necessary oaths. Hill also gave Glencoe a
letter of protection, and an assurance that no proceedings should be
instituted against him under the proclamation, till he should have an
opportunity of laying his case before the king or the privy council.

Glencoe left Fort-William immediately, and so great was his anxiety
to reach Inverary with as little delay as possible, that although
his way lay through mountains almost impassable, and although the
country was deeply covered with snow, he proceeded on his journey
without even stopping to see his family, though he passed within half
a mile of his own house. On arriving at Inverary, Sir Colin Campbell
was absent, and he had to wait three days till his return, Sir Colin
having been prevented from reaching Inverary sooner, on account of
the badness of the weather. As the time allowed by the proclamation
for taking the oaths had expired, Sir Colin declined at first to
swear Glencoe, alleging that it would be of no use to take the
oaths; but Glencoe having first importuned him with tears to receive
from him the oath of allegiance, and having thereafter threatened
to protest against the sheriff should he refuse to act, Sir Colin
yielded, and administered the oaths to Glencoe and his attendants
on the 6th of January. Glencoe, thereupon, returned home in perfect
reliance that having done his utmost to comply with the injunction of
the government, he was free from danger.

Shortly after this, Campbell transmitted to Colin Campbell,
sheriff-clerk of Argyle, who was then in Edinburgh, the certificate
of Glencoe’s oath on the same paper with other certificates, sending
at the same time the letter which he had received from Hill. Campbell
showed this paper with Hill’s letter to several privy councillors,
among whom was the Earl of Stair, all of whom were of opinion
that the certificate could not be received without a warrant from
the king. Instead, however, of laying the matter before the privy
council, or informing Glencoe of the rejection of the certificate,
that he might petition the king, Campbell gave in the paper to
the clerks of the council with Glencoe’s certificate “delete and
obliterate.”

Whether this was done at the instigation of Secretary Dalrymple, it
is impossible to say; but it is not improbable that this man--who,
a few weeks before, had exulted[638] that as the winter was the
only season in which the Highlanders could not escape, they could
easily be destroyed “in the cold long nights”--was not an indifferent
spectator to Campbell’s proceedings. In fact, it appears that the
secretary contemplated the total extirpation of the clans, for,
in a letter to Sir Thomas Livingston, commander of the forces in
Scotland, dated January 7th, he says, “You know in general that these
troops posted at Inverness and Inverlochie, will be ordered to take
in the house of Innergarie, and to destroy entirely the country of
Lochaber, Lochiel’s lands, Keppoch’s, Glengarie’s, and Glencoe,” and
he adds, “I assure you your power shall be full enough, and I hope
the soldiers will not trouble the government with prisoners.” The
Macdonalds were chiefly marked out by him for destruction, and after
saying, in a letter of the 9th, that he could have wished that they
“had not divided” on the question of taking the oath of indemnity, he
expresses his regret to find that Keppoch and Glencoe were safe. When
he heard two days after from Argyle, that Glencoe had not managed to
take the oaths within the time prescribed, he expressed a joy which
might be called fiendish, and set himself busily to take proper
advantage of the opportunity.[639] _Delenda est Carthago._

That no time might be lost in enforcing the penalties in the
proclamation, now that the time allowed for taking the oath of
allegiance had expired, instructions of rather an equivocal nature,
signed and countersigned by the king on the 11th of January, were
sent down by young Stair to Sir Thomas Livingston, enclosed in
a letter from the secretary of same date. By the instructions,
Livingston was ordered “to march the troops against the rebels who
had not taken the benefit of the indemnity, and to destroy them by
fire and sword;” but lest such a course might render them desperate,
he was _allowed_ to “give terms and quarters, but in this manner
only, that chieftains and heritors, or leaders, be prisoners of war,
their lives only safe, and all other things in mercy, they taking the
oath of allegiance, and the community taking the oath of allegiance,
and rendering their arms, and submitting to the government, are to
have quarters, and indemnity for their lives and fortunes, and to
be protected from the soldiers.” As a hint to Livingston how to act
under the discretionary power with which these instructions vested
him, Dalrymple says in his letter containing them, “I have no great
kindness to Keppoch nor Glencoe, and it is well that people are in
mercy, and then just now my Lord Argyle tells me that Glencoe hath
not taken the oath, at which I rejoice. It is a great work of charity
to be exact in rooting out that damnable sect, the worst of the
Highlands.”

The purport of this letter could not be misunderstood; but lest
Livingston might not feel disposed to imbrue his hands in the blood
of Glencoe and his people, additional instructions bearing the
date (in Stair’s handwriting) of January 16th, and also signed and
countersigned by King William, were despatched to Livingston by the
Master of Stair, ordering him to extirpate the whole clan. In the
letter containing these instructions, Dalrymple informs Livingston
that “the king does not at all incline to receive any after the diet
but in mercy,” but he artfully adds, “but for a just example of
vengeance, I entreat the thieving tribe of Glencoe may be rooted out
to purpose.” Lest, however, Livingston might hesitate, a duplicate
of these additional instructions[640] was sent at the same time by
Secretary Dalrymple to Colonel Hill, the governor of Fort-William,
with a letter of an import similar to that sent to Livingston. From
the following extract it would appear that not only the Earl of
Breadalbane, but also the Earl of Argyle, was privy to this infamous
transaction. “The Earls of Argyle and Breadalbane have promised that
they (the Macdonalds of Glencoe) shall have no retreat in their
bounds, the passes to Rannoch would be secured, and the hazard
certified to the laird of Weems to reset them; in that case Argyle’s
detachment with a party that may be posted in Island Stalker must cut
them off.”

Preparatory to putting the butchering warrant in execution, a party
of Argyle’s regiment, to the number of 120 men, under the command
of Captain Campbell of Glenlyon, was ordered to proceed to Glencoe,
and take up their quarters there, about the end of January or
beginning of February. On approaching the Glen, they were met by
John Macdonald, the elder son of the chief, at the head of about
20 men, who demanded from Campbell the reason of his coming into a
peaceful country with a military force; Glenlyon and two subalterns
who were with him explained that they came as friends, and that
their sole object was to obtain suitable quarters, where they could
conveniently collect the arrears of cess and hearth-money,--a new
tax laid on by the Scottish parliament in 1690,--in proof of which,
Lieutenant Lindsay produced the instructions of Colonel Hill to that
effect. They thereupon received a hearty welcome, and were hospitably
entertained by Glencoe and his people till the fatal morning of the
massacre. Indeed, so familiar was Glenlyon, that scarcely a day
passed that he did not visit the house of Alexander Macdonald, the
younger son of the chief, who was married to Glenlyon’s niece, the
sister of Rob Roy, and take his “morning drink,” agreeably to the
most approved practice of Highland hospitality.

If Secretary Dalrymple imagined that Livingston was disinclined to
follow his instructions he was mistaken, for immediately on receipt
of them he wrote Lieutenant-colonel Hamilton, who had been fixed upon
by the secretary to be the executioner, expressing his satisfaction
that Glencoe had not taken the oath within the period prescribed, and
urging him, if he wished to approve himself to the government, to
execute his commission with the utmost rigour, and “not to trouble
the government with prisoners.” In the meantime, the Master of Stair
was taking every precaution that the deed should be done suddenly
and effectively, and accordingly, on the 13th of January he wrote
two letters, one to Livingston, and the other to Hill, urging them
on. Addressing the former, he says, “I am glad Glencoe did not come
in within the time prefixed; I hope what is done there may be in
earnest, since the rest are not in a condition to draw together help.
I think to harry (plunder) their cattle and burn their houses is but
to render them desperate lawless men to rob their neighbours, but
I believe you will be satisfied, it were a great advantage to the
nation that thieving tribe were rooted out and cut off; it must be
quietly done, otherwise they will make shift for both their men and
their cattle.” And in his letter to Hill he says, “Pray, when the
thing concerning Glencoe is resolved, let it be secret and sudden,
otherwise the men will shift you, and better not meddle with them
than not to do it to purpose, to cut off that nest of robbers who
have fallen in the mercy of the law, now when there is force and
opportunity, whereby the king’s justice will be as conspicuous and
useful as his clemency to others. I apprehend the storm is so great
that for some time you can do little, but so soon as possible I know
you will be at work, for these false people will do nothing, but as
they see you in a condition to do with them.”

In pursuance of these fresh instructions from the secretary, Hill, on
the 12th of February, sent orders to Hamilton, forthwith to execute
the fatal commission. Accordingly, on the same day, Hamilton directed
Major Robert Duncanson of Argyle’s regiment to proceed immediately
with a detachment of that regiment to Glencoe, so as to reach the
post which had been assigned him by five o’clock the following
morning, at which hour Hamilton promised to reach another post with
a party of Hill’s regiment. Whether Duncanson, who appears to have
been a Campbell,[641] was averse to take an active personal part in
the bloody tragedy about to be enacted, is a question that cannot
now be solved; but it may have been from some repugnance to act in
person that immediately on receipt of Hamilton’s order, he despatched
another order from himself to Captain Campbell of Glenlyon, then
living in Glencoe, with instructions to fall upon the Macdonalds
precisely at five o’clock the following morning, and put all to the
sword under seventy years of age.[642]

Glenlyon appears to have been a man equal to any kind of loathsome
work, especially against a Macdonald; one who

“Could smile, and murder while he smiled.”

With this sanguinary order in his pocket, and with his mind made up
unhesitatingly and rigorously to execute it, he did not hesitate
to spend the eve of the massacre playing at cards with John and
Alexander Macdonald, the sons of the chief, to wish them good night
at parting, and to accept an invitation from Glencoe himself to dine
with him the following day. Little suspecting the intended butchery,
Glencoe and his sons retired to rest at their usual hour; but early
in the morning, while the preparations for the intended massacre
were going on, John Macdonald, the elder son of the chief, hearing
the sound of voices about his house, grew alarmed, and jumping out
of bed threw on his clothes and went to Inverriggen, where Glenlyon
was quartered, to ascertain the cause of the unusual bustle which had
interrupted his nocturnal slumbers. To his great surprise he found
the soldiers all in motion, as if preparing for some enterprise,
which induced him to inquire at Captain Campbell the object of
these extraordinary preparations at such an early hour. The anxiety
with which young Macdonald pressed his question, indicating a
secret distrust on his part, Campbell endeavoured by professions of
friendship to lull his suspicions, and pretended that his sole design
was to march against some of Glengarry’s men. As John Macdonald, the
younger son of Glencoe, was married to Glenlyon’s niece, that crafty
knave referred to his connexion with the family of Glencoe, and put
it to the young man, whether, if he intended any thing hostile to
the clan, he would not have provided for the safety of his niece and
her husband. Macdonald, apparently satisfied with this explanation,
returned home and retired again to rest, but he had not been long
in bed when his servant, who, apprehensive of the real intentions
of Glenlyon and his party, had prevented Macdonald from sleeping,
informed him of the approach of a party of men towards the house.
Jumping immediately out of bed he ran to the door, and perceiving a
body of about 20 soldiers with muskets and fixed bayonets coming in
the direction of his house, he fled to a hill in the neighbourhood,
where he was joined by his brother Alexander, who had escaped from
the scene of carnage, after being wakened from sleep by his servant.

The massacre commenced about five o’clock in the morning at
three different places at once. Glenlyon, with a barbarity which
fortunately for society has few parallels, undertook to butcher his
own hospitable landlord and the other inhabitants of Inverriggen,
where he and a party of his men were quartered, and despatched
Lieutenant Lindsay with another party of soldiers to Glencoe’s
house to cut off the unsuspecting chief. Under the pretence of a
friendly visit, he and his party obtained admission into the house.
Glencoe was in bed, and while in the act of rising to receive his
cruel visitors, was basely shot at by two of the soldiers, and fell
lifeless into the arms of his wife. The lady in the extremity of her
anguish leaped out of bed and put on her clothes, but the ruffians
stripped her naked, pulled the rings off her fingers with their
teeth, and treated her so cruelly that she died the following day.
The party also killed two men whom they found in the house, and
wounded a third named Duncan Don, who came occasionally to Glencoe
with letters from Braemar.

While the butchery was going on in Glencoe’s house, Glenlyon was
busily doing his bloody work at Inverriggen, where his own host was
shot by his order. Here the party seized nine men, whom they first
bound hand and foot, after which they shot them one by one. Glenlyon
was desirous of saving the life of a young man about twenty years
of age, but one Captain Drummond shot him dead. The same officer,
impelled by a thirst for blood, ran his dagger through the body of
a boy who had grasped Campbell by the legs and was supplicating for
mercy.

[Illustration: Glencoe.]

A third party under the command of one Sergeant Barker, which was
quartered in the village of Auchnaion, fired upon a body of nine
men whom they observed in a house in the village sitting before a
fire. Among these was the laird of Auchintriaten, who was killed on
the spot, along with four more of the party. This gentleman had at
the time a protection in his pocket from Colonel Hill, which he
had received three months before. The remainder of the party in the
house, two or three of whom were wounded, escaped by the back of the
house, with the exception of a brother of Auchintriaten, who having
been seized by Barker, requested him as a favour not to despatch him
in the house but to kill him without. The sergeant consented, on
account of having shared his generous hospitality; but when brought
out he threw his plaid, which he had kept loose, over the faces of
the soldiers who were appointed to shoot him, and thus escaped.

Besides the slaughter at these three places, there were some
persons dragged from their beds and murdered in other parts of
the Glen, among whom was an old man of eighty years of age; in
all, 38 persons were slaughtered. The whole male population under
70 years of age, amounting to 200, would in all likelihood have
been cut off, if, fortunately for them, a party of 400 men under
Lieutenant-colonel Hamilton, who was principally charged with the
execution of the sanguinary warrant, had not been prevented by the
severity of the weather from reaching the Glen till eleven o’clock,
six hours after the slaughter, by which time the whole surviving
male inhabitants, warned of their danger and of the fate of their
chief and other sufferers, had fled to the hills. Ignorant of this
latter circumstance, Hamilton, on arriving at the pass, appointed
several parties to proceed to different parts of the Glen, with
orders to take no prisoners, but to kill all the men that came in
their way. They had not, however, proceeded far when they fell in
with Major Duncanson’s party, by whom they were informed of the
events of the morning, and who told them that as the survivors had
escaped to the hills, they had nothing to do but to burn the houses,
and carry off the cattle. They accordingly set fire to the houses,
and having collected the cattle and effects in the Glen, carried
them to Inverlochy, where they were divided among the officers of
the garrison. That Hamilton would have executed his commission to
the very letter, is evident from the fact, that an old man, above
seventy, the only remaining male inhabitant of the desolate vale they
fell in with, was put to death by his orders.

After the destruction of the houses, a heart-rending scene ensued.
Ejected from their dwellings by the devouring element, aged matrons,
women with child, and mothers, with infants at their breasts
and followed by children on foot, clinging to them with all the
solicitude and anxiety of helplessness, were to be seen wending their
way, almost in a state of nudity, towards the mountains in quest of
some friendly hovel, beneath whose roof they might seek shelter from
the pitiless tempest and deplore their unhappy fate. But as there
were no houses within the distance of several miles, and as these
could only be reached by crossing mountains deeply covered with snow,
a great number of these unhappy beings, overcome by fatigue, cold,
and hunger, dropt down and perished miserably among the snow.

While this brutal massacre struck terror into the hearts of the
Jacobite chiefs, and thus so far served the immediate object of the
government, it was highly prejudicial to King William. In every
quarter, even at court, the account of the massacre was received at
first with incredulity, and then with horror and indignation; and
the Jacobite party did not fail to turn the affair to good account
against the government, by exaggerating, both at home and abroad, the
barbarous details. The odium of the nation rose to such a pitch, that
had the exiled monarch appeared at the head of a few thousand men, he
would, probably, have succeeded in regaining his crown. The ministry,
and even King William, grew alarmed, and to pacify the people he
dismissed the Master of Stair from his councils, and appointed a
commission of inquiry to investigate the affair.

As for the Master of Stair, at whose door the chief blame of the
infamous transaction was laid by the commission of inquiry, and who
is popularly considered to have been a heartless and bloodthirsty
wretch, he could not understand the indignant astonishment expressed
on all hands at what he considered a most patriotic, beneficial,
and in every respect highly commendable proceeding. He considered
that he had done his ungrateful country excellent service in doing a
little to root out a band of pestilential banditti, whom he regarded
in as bad a light as the Italian government of the present day does
the unscrupulous robbers who infest the country, or as the American
government did the bloodthirsty Indians who harassed the frontiers.
Letters of “fire and sword” against the Highlanders were as common,
in the days of the Stewarts, as warrants for the apprehension of
house-breakers or forgers are at the present day. They were looked
upon as semi-civilized aborigines, characterised by such names as
“rebellious and barbarous thieves, limmers, sorners,” &c.; and the
killing of a Highlandman was thought no more of than the killing
of a “nigger” was in the slave-states of America. In various acts
of the privy council of Scotland, the clan Gregor is denounced in
the above terms, and was visited with all the terrors of “fire
and sword.” “Their habitations were destroyed. They were hunted
down like wild beasts. Their very name was proscribed.”[643] We
have already referred to, in its proper place, a mandate from King
James V. in 1583, against the clan Chattan, in which he charges his
lieges to invade the clan “to their utter destruction by slaughter,
burning, drowning, and otherways; and leave no creature living of
that clan, except priests, women, and bairns.” Even Captain Burt,
in the beginning of the next century, writes of the Highlanders as
if they were an interesting race of semi-barbarians, many of whom
would cut a man’s throat for the mere sake of keeping their hands in
practice.[644] In a letter of the 5th March, 1692, after referring
to the universal talk in London about the transaction, Dalrymple
says, “All I regret is, that any of the sort got away; and there is a
necessity to prosecute them to the utmost.” Again, writing to Colonel
Hill in April of the same year, he tells him that “as for the people
of Glencoe, when you do your duty in a thing so necessary to rid
the country of thieving, you need not trouble yourself to take the
pains to vindicate yourself. When you do right, you need fear nobody.
All that can be said is, that, in the execution, it was neither so
full nor so fair as might have been.” Indeed we think that any one
who examines into the matter with unbiassed and cool mind, which
is difficult, cannot fail to conclude that neither private spite
nor heartless bloodthirstiness actuated him in bringing about the
transaction; but that he sincerely thought he was doing his country a
service in taking the only effectual means of putting down a public
pest and a hindrance to progress.

Had the clan been proceeded against in open and legitimate warfare,
resulting in its utter extinction, the affair might have occupied
no more than a short paragraph in this and other histories. There
can be no doubt that what gives the deed its nefarious stamp, is the
fiendishly deliberate and deceitful way in which it was accomplished,
in violation of laws of hospitality which are respected even by
cut-throat Arabs. And after all it was a blunder.

As to whether King William knew the full significance of the order
which he signed, and what was the extent of his knowledge of the
circumstances, are points which can never be ascertained. It is mere
meaningless declamation to talk of it as a foul and indelible blot on
his character and reign. “The best that can be done for the cause of
truth, is to give the facts abundantly and accurately. The character
of the revolution king is one of the questions which political
passion and partizanship have not yet let go, so that reason may take
it up. And with those who believe that, by his very act of heading
the revolution which drove forth the Stewarts, he was the man to
order and urge on the murder of an interesting and loyal clan, it
would be quite useless to discuss the question on the ground of
rational probabilities.”[645]

Though the nation had long desired an inquiry into this barbarous
affair, it was not until the 29th of April, 1695, upwards of three
years after the massacre, that a commission was granted. A commission
had indeed been issued in 1693 appointing the Duke of Hamilton and
others to examine into the affair, but this was never acted upon. The
Marquis of Tweeddale, lord high chancellor of Scotland, and the other
commissioners now appointed, accordingly entered upon the inquiry,
and, after examining witnesses and documents, drew up a report and
transmitted it to his majesty. The commissioners appear to have
executed their task, on the whole, with great fairness, although they
put the very best construction on William’s orders, and threw the
whole blame of the massacre upon Secretary Dalrymple.

The report of the commissioners was laid before the parliament of
Scotland on the 24th of June, which decided that the execution of the
Glencoe-men was a murder, resolved _nemine contradicente_, that the
instructions contained in the warrant of the 16th January, 1692, did
not authorise the massacre. After various sittings on the subject,
“the committee for the security of the kingdom” was appointed to draw
up an address to the king on the subject of the massacre, which being
submitted to parliament on the 10th of July, was voted and approved
of.

No active measures in the way of punishing either principals or
subordinates, however, were taken in consequence of the findings of
the commission and the recommendations of parliament, except that
Breadalbane, who they found had laid himself open to a charge of
high treason, was imprisoned for a few days in Edinburgh castle.
A curious and interesting incident came out during the sitting of
the commission, tending to show that Breadalbane was conscious of
a very large share of guilt, and was fully aware of the heinous
and nefarious character of the bloody transaction. Some days after
the slaughter, a person sent by Breadalbane’s steward waited upon
Glencoe’s sons, and told them that if they would declare that his
lordship had no concern in the slaughter, they might be assured that
the earl would procure their “remission and restitution.”

As the surviving Macdonalds, who on their humble petition and promise
of good behaviour were allowed to return to the glen, had been
reduced to great poverty and distress by the destruction of their
property, and as they had conducted themselves with great moderation
under their misfortunes, the estates solicited his majesty to order
reparation to be made to them for the losses they had sustained in
their properties. Whether the “royal charity and compassion” invoked
by the estates in behalf of these unfortunate people were ever
exercised does not appear; but it is highly probable, that this part
of the address was as little heeded as the rest.[646] In fact, the
whole matter was hushed up, and it now lives in the page of history
as a sad and somewhat inexplicable blunder, which has rendered the
memories of those who contrived it and those who executed it, for
ever infamous.[647]

These measures of the government, conciliatory and threatening, seem
to have had the effect for the time of suppressing open hostility at
least among the Highlanders; but from the nature of that people, and
the method in which government treated them, we can readily believe
that their obedience was none of the heartiest, and that they would
be glad any moment to join in an attempt to oust King William and
restore King James. During the whole of William’s reign his peace
of mind was being continually disturbed by rumours and discoveries
of plots, and by threats of a hostile descent on this country from
France. In all these the Highland chiefs had their fair share, and
were ready to receive with open arms any hostile expedition which
might be fortunate enough to effect a landing on their coasts.

The stirring events of the last fifty years, in which the Highlanders
played a conspicuous part, appear to have been the means of drawing
their attention somewhat away from their hereditary clan-quarrels,
and thus rendering their destructive internal strifes less frequent.
But now that there was no external outlet for their belligerent
propensities, they appear again to have resumed their old clan feuds.
“To be at peace, unless they were disarmed and overawed, was not in
their nature; and neither the law nor the military power of the
nation was then on a scale sufficient to have accomplished these
ends. We even find those chiefs who had ingratiated themselves with
the government, obtaining, though not so readily as formerly, the
writs known by the savage name of ‘letters of fire and sword’ against
their enemies. These were licenses for civil war, giving the sanction
of government aid and encouragement to one side in the conflict. They
authorised the favoured clan to burn, waste, and slay, far and wide,
within the territory of their enemies, setting forth--such were the
words of style used by the clerks of the privy council who prepared
these terrible documents--‘that whatever slaughter, mutilation,
blood, fire-raising, or other violence’ may be done by the persons
holding the letters, shall be held ‘laudable, good, and warrantable
service to his majesty and his government.’ There is little doubt
that the readiness with which these warrants were issued in earlier
times, arose from the view that it was a good thing to encourage the
Highlanders in slaying each other, and doubtless, even for a few
years after such an event as Glencoe, such a feeling would linger
in the usual official quarters. Though it was professed that no one
could obtain letters of fire and sword but a litigant who could
not enforce his just claims, it would be generally a vain task to
examine the relative merits of the two sides, expecting to find one
of them in the right. Any mitigation which the horrors of such a
system may have received in later times, would be from the garrison
of Fort-William being associated in arms with the holders of the
letters.”[648]

The materials for the internal history of the Highlands at this
period are scanty; doubtless there were many petty strifes carried
on between hostile clans, and many cattle-lifting raids made by the
Highland borderers upon their lowland neighbours, but no records of
these appear to have been kept.

Shortly after the Glencoe massacre, a scheme appears to have
been proposed to the king by Breadalbane[649] for utilizing the
Highlanders “in case of any insurrection at home, or invasion from
abroad.” The gist of it was that the Highland chiefs should be
ordered to raise a body of 4,000 men, who would be so disciplined
that they would be ready to be called out when required, and who
were to be commanded by “some principal man in the Highlands,” who
would have the pay of a general officer. This “principal man,”
Breadalbane doubtless meant to be himself, as he suggests that the
_second_ in command should be Lochiel, who he said was ambitious to
serve his majesty, and was a Protestant. Forty subordinate officers
were to be appointed, Breadalbane wisely suggesting that these
should be of Highland extraction, and that the soldiers themselves
should be allowed to use their own apparel, their own arms, and to
be disciplined after their own fashion. As will be afterwards seen,
government appears to have acted on this or some similar proposal,
and organized a few independent Highland companies. We give below the
number of men which, according to Breadalbane’s estimate, each of the
chiefs to which the proposal referred could raise. It is probably
considerably below the number of men capable of bearing arms, who
were at the command of the various chiefs named.[650]

It is about this time that the famous Robert Macgregor, better known
as Rob Roy, first emerges into notice. The details of his life will
be found in the account of the Clan Macgregor, in Part Second of this
work.

During this reign, and shortly after the hushing-up of the Glencoe
affair, there came into prominence another character, destined to
play a far more important part in the history of the Highlands
and of the country generally, than Rob Roy, whom he resembled in
the unscrupulous means he took to attain his ends, but whose rude
but genuine sense of honour and sincerity he appears to have been
entirely devoid of. This was the notorious Simon Fraser, so well
known afterwards as Lord Lovat. He was born, according to some
authorities, in the year 1670, but according to himself in 1676,
and was the second son of Thomas Fraser, styled of Beaufort, near
Inverness, fourth son of Hugh, ninth Lord Lovat. Simon’s mother was
dame Sybilla Macleod, daughter of the chief of the Macleods. He was
educated at King’s College, Aberdeen, where he is said highly to have
distinguished himself, and to have taken the degree of Master of
Arts.[651] “One can easily believe that Simon, with his brain ever at
work, and his ambition ever on the stretch, would let no one outstrip
him.... His subsequent full and free use of the French indicates an
aptitude for languages seldom equalled, and his tone of writing and
speaking was that of a scholar, always when he thought fit that it
should be so.”[652] In 1695, he was induced to leave the university,
just as he was about to enter upon the study of law, and accept a
company in a regiment raised for the service of King William, by Lord
Murray, son of the Marquis of Athole, whose daughter was married to
the then Lord Lovat, Simon’s cousin. Simon, who pretended the most
inviolable loyalty to the exiled King James, gives as his excuse
for accepting this commission, that it was only that “he might
have a regiment well trained and accoutred to join King James in a
descent he had promised to make in the ensuing summer.” While in Lord
Murray’s regiment, he, in 1696, entered into a plan for surprising
Edinburgh castle, and holding it in the interest of James, but this
was stifled by the decisive victory at La Hogue.

In 1696, Simon accompanied his cousin Lord Lovat, who appears to have
been of a “contracted understanding,” and Lord Murray, to London,
and while there, endeavoured to worm himself into the colonelcy of
his regiment, but was checkmated by Murray, whom, with the house of
Athole, he thenceforth regarded as his enemy.

Lord Lovat died in September 1696, immediately after his return from
London, on which Thomas of Beaufort assumed the family title, and
Simon that of Master of Lovat. To render his claims indisputable,
Simon paid his addresses to the daughter of the late lord, who had
assumed the title of baroness of Lovat, and having prevailed on
her to consent to elope with him, would have carried his design of
marrying her into execution, had not their mutual confident, Fraser
of Tenechiel, after conducting the young lady forth one night in
such precipitate haste that she is said to have walked barefooted,
failed in his trust, and restored her to her mother. The heiress was
then removed out of the reach of Simon’s artifices by her uncle,
the Marquis of Athole, to his stronghold at Dunkeld. Here it was
determined that to put an end to dispute, she should be married to
the son of Lord Saltoun, the head of a branch of the Fraser family
in Aberdeenshire. As Simon saw in this match the ruin of all his
hopes, he determined at all hazards to prevent it. As Saltoun and
Lord Mungo Murray were returning, October, 1697, from Castle Dounie,
the residence of the late lord’s widow, they were met at the wood of
Bunchrew, near Inverness, by Simon and his followers, and immediately
disarmed and carried to Fanellan, a house of Lord Lovat’s, before
the windows of which a threatening gallows was erected. They were
detained here about a week, when, on a report that Lord Murray and
the red coats were coming against him, Captain Fraser sent the
_fiery cross_ and _coronach_ through the country of his clan, and
immediately had at his command a body of 500 armed men. With this
small army, Fraser, accompanied by his prisoners, proceeded to Castle
Dounie, of which they took possession, sentinels being placed in all
the rooms, particularly Lady Lovat’s. The prisoners, after being
detained for some time in the Island of Angus in the Beauly river,
were dismissed.

Burton[653] very justly remarks, that the whole of these wild acts
were evidently the result of a series of impulses. What followed
appears to have been equally unpremeditated and the result of pure
impulse. Simon determined to atone to himself for the loss of the
daughter by forcibly wedding the mother, whom he himself describes
as a widow “old enough to be his mother, dwarfish in her person, and
deformed in her shape.”[654] For this purpose her three waiting maids
were carried by force out of the room, and about two in the morning
one of them was brought back and found her lady “sitting on the
floor, her hair dishevelled, her head reclining backwards on the bed,
Donald Beaton pulling off the lady’s shoes, and the Captain holding
burning feathers and aqua-vitae to her nose, her ladyship being in a
swoon.” A mock marriage was performed between Simon and Lady Lovat,
by a wretched minister of the name of Munro, and the lady’s clothes
having been violently pulled off her, her stays being cut off with a
dirk, she was tossed into the bed, to have the marriage consummated
with violence. Notwithstanding that the bagpipes were kept playing
in the next room, the poor lady’s cries were heard outside the
house.[655] In the morning the lady was found to be so stupified with
the brutal treatment she had received that she could not recognise
her dearest friends.

These violent proceedings caused much consternation in the country,
and the Athole family immediately set about to obtain redress, or
rather revenge. Letters of fire and sword and of intercommuning
were passed against the whole of the Frasers, and the Marquis
of Tulliebardine organised a force to carry these threats into
execution. “On the whole, the force brought against him cannot have
been very large; but in Simon’s own history of his conflicts and
escapes, the whole affair assumes the aspect of a very considerable
campaign, in which his enemies, spoken of as ‘the several regiments
of cavalry, infantry, and dragoons,’ are always defeated and baffled
in an unaccountable manner by some handful of Frasers.”[656]
There does not appear to have been any downright skirmish, the
only approach to such a thing being a meeting that took place at
Stratherrick between the Frasers and the Athole-men under the two
Lords Murray, in which the latter threw themselves on the mercy of
Simon, who made them, after the manner of the ancient Romans, pass
through the yoke, and at the same time swear by a fearful oath never
again to enter the Lovat territories.

In June, 1698, proceedings were commenced in the court of justiciary
against Fraser and his accomplices, and in September they were
condemned, in their absence, to be executed as traitors.

In 1699, died old Fraser of Beaufort, at the house of his
brother-in-law Macleod of Dunvegan Castle in Skye, and his son
thenceforth assumed the title of Lord Lovat. He appears for some
time to have led a wandering life, subsisting on pillage and the
occasional contributions of the attached mountaineers.[657] Tired
of this kind of life, he, at the recommendation of Argyle, who had
endeavoured to secure favour for him at head-quarters, sued for a
pardon, which King William granted for all his proceedings except the
rape. He was willing to stand trial on this last head, and for this
purpose appeared in Edinburgh with a small army of 100 followers as
witnesses; but as the majority of the judges were prejudiced against
him, he found it prudent again to take refuge in his mountains. He
was outlawed, and finding his enemies too powerful for him, he fled
to France in 1702, and offered his services to King James.

These details show, that amid the growing civilization and rapid
progress of the country generally, the Highlanders were yet as
barbarous and lawless as ever; the clans still cherishing the same
devotion to their chiefs, and the same readiness, in defiance of law,
to enter into an exterminating mutual strife. The government appears
to have given up in despair all hopes of making the Highlanders
amenable to the ordinary law of the country, or of rooting out from
among them those ancient customs so inconsistent with the spirit of
the British constitution. All it apparently aimed at was to confine
the lawless and belligerent propensities of these troublesome Celts
to their own country, and prevent them from taking a form that
would be injurious to the civilized Lowlanders and the interests of
the existing government generally. “From old experience in dealing
with the Highlanders, government had learned a policy which suited
temporary purposes at all events, however little it tended to the
general pacification and civilisation of the people. This was, not
to trust entirely to a Lowland government force, but to arm one clan
against another. It seemed a crafty device for the extermination of
these troublesome tribes, and a real practical adaptation of Swift’s
paradoxical project for abolishing pauperism, by making the poor
feed upon each other. But practised as it had been for centuries,
down from the celebrated battle of the antagonist clans on the Inch
of Perth, yet it never seemed to weaken the strength or abate the
ferocity of these warlike vagrants, but rather seemed to nourish
their thirst of blood, to make arms and warfare more familiar
and indispensable, and to add every year to the terrors of this
formidable people, who, in the very bosom of fast civilizing Europe,
were as little under the control of enlightened social institutions,
and as completely savage in their habits, as the Bosgesman of the
East, or the Black-foot Indian of the West.”[658]

FOOTNOTES:

[636] Carstares’ _Papers_, p. 138.

[637] _Memoirs of Mackay’s Secret Services_, p. 199. Quoted by Burton.

[638] Letters to Lieutenant-colonel Hamilton, &c. 1st and 3d Dec.
1691.

[639] Burton’s _Scotland_, 1689-1748, vol. i. p. 160.

[640] These instructions are as follow:

WILLIAM R. 16th January, 1692.

1. The copy of the paper given by Macdonald of Aughtera to you
has been shown us. We did formerly grant passes to Buchan and
Cannon, and we do authorize and allow you to grant passes to
them, and ten servants to each of them, to come freely and safely
to Leith; from that to be transported to the Netherlands before
the 15th of March next, to go from thence where they please,
without any stop or trouble.

2. We doe allow you to receive the submissions of Glengarry and
those with him upon their taking the oath of allegiance and
delivering up the house of Invergarry; to be safe as to their
lives, but as to their estates to depend upon our mercy.

3. In case you find that the house of Invergarry cannot probably
be taken in this season of the year, with the artillery and
provision you can bring there; in that case we leave it to your
discretion to give Glengarry the assurance of entire indemnity
for life and fortune, upon delivering of the house and arms,
and taking the oath of allegiance. In this you are to act as
you find the circumstances of the affair do require; but it
were much better that those who have not taken the benefit of
our indemnity, in the terms within the diet prefixt by our
proclamation, should be obliged to render upon mercy. The taking
the oath of allegiance is indispensable, others having already
taken it.

4. If M’Ean of Glencoe and that tribe can be well separated
from the rest, it will be a proper vindication of the public
justice to extirpate that set of thieves. The double of these
instructions is only communicated to Sir Thomas Livingston.

W. REX

[641] See note at p. 165, vol. i. of Burton’s _Scotland_, 1689-1748.

[642] Colonel HILL’S Order to Lieut.-Col. JAMES HAMILTON.

“Fort William, 12th Feb., 1692.

“SIR,

“You are, with 400 of my regiment, and the 400 of my Lord Argyle’s
regiment under the command of Major Duncanson, to march straight
to Glenco, and there put in due execution the orders you have
received from the commander-in-chief. Given under my hand at Fort
William, the 12th February 1692.

“J. HILL.”

“_To Lieut.-Col. James Hamilton._”

Order from Lieut.-Col. HAMILTON, to Major ROBERT DUNCANSON.

“Ballechylls, 12th Feb., 1692.

“SIR,

“Persuant to the commander-in-chief and my colonel’s order to me
for putting in execution the King’s commands against those rebels
of Glenco, wherein you with the party of the Earl of Argyle’s
regiment under your command, are to be concerned; you are
therefore forthwith to order your affair so, as that the several
posts already assigned you be by you and your several detachments
faln in activeness precisely by five of the clock to-morrow
morning, being Saturday; at which time I will endeavour the same
with those appointed from this regiment from the other places.
It will be most necessary you secure well those avenues on the
south side, that the old fox, nor none of his cubbs get away. The
orders are, that none be spared of the sword, nor the government
troubled with prisoners; which is all until I see you from,

“Sir,

“Your most humble Servant,

“JAMES HAMILTOUNE.”

“Please to order a guard to secure the ferry, and boats there;
and the boats must be all on this side the ferry after your men
are over.

“For their Majesty’s service.

“_To Major Robert Duncanson of the
Earl of Argyle’s Regt._”

Order from Major DUNCANSON to Captain ROBERT CAMPBELL of Glenlyon.

“12th Feb., 1692.

“SIR,

“You are hereby ordered to fall upon the rebells the Macdonalds of
Glenco, and put all to the sword under seventy. You are to have
a special care that the old fox and his sons do not escape your
hands; you are to secure all the avenues that no man escape. This
you are to put in execution at five of the clock precisely; and
by that time, or very shortly after it, I will strive to be at
you with a stronger party. If I do not come to you at five, you
are not to tarry for me but to fall on. This is by the king’s
speciall commands, for the good and safety of the countrey, that
these miscreants be cut off, root and branch. See that this be
put in execution without fear or favour, or you may expect to be
dealt with as one not true to king or government, nor as man fit
to carry commission in the king’s service. Expecting you will not
fail in the fulfilling hereof, as you love yourself, I subscribe
this with my hand at Ballychylls, the 12th February, 1692.

“ROBERT DUNCANSON.”

[643] _Maitland Club_, vol. containing Papers on the Condition of the
Highlands, 1686-1696. Preface.

[644] _Letters from a Gentleman in the North._

[645] Burton’s _Scotland_, 1689-1748, vol. i. p. 174.

[646] The following extraordinary anecdote is given by General
Stewart (_Sketches_, vol. i.) in reference to the punishment which,
in the opinion of the Highlanders, awaits the descendants of the
oppressor. “The belief that punishment of the cruelty, oppression,
or misconduct of an individual, descended as a curse on his children
to the third and fourth generation, was not confined to the common
people. All ranks were influenced by it, believing that if the
curse did not fall upon the first, or second generation, it would
inevitably descend upon the succeeding. The late Colonel Campbell
of Glenlyon retained this belief through a course of thirty years’
intercourse with the world, as an officer of the 42d regiment, and
of marines. He was grandson of the laird of Glenlyon, who commanded
the military at the massacre of Glencoe; and who lived in the laird
of Glencoe’s house, where he and his men were hospitably received
as friends, and entertained a fortnight before the execution of his
orders. He was playing at cards with the family when the first shot
was fired, and the murderous scene commenced. Colonel Campbell was an
additional captain in the 42d regiment in 1748, and was put on half
pay. He then entered the marines, and in 1762 was major, with the
brevet rank of lieutenant-colonel, and commanded 800 of his corps at
the Havannah. In 1771, he was ordered to superintend the execution of
the sentence of a court-martial on a soldier of marines, condemned to
be shot. A reprieve was sent, but the whole ceremony of the execution
was to proceed until the criminal was upon his knees, with a cap
over his eyes, prepared to receive the volley. It was then he was to
be informed of his pardon. No person was to be told previously, and
Colonel Campbell was directed not to inform even the firing party,
who were warned that the signal to fire would be the waving of a
white handkerchief by the commanding officer. When all was prepared,
and the clergyman had left the prisoner on his knees, in momentary
expectation of his fate, and the firing party were looking with
intense attention for the signal, Colonel Campbell put his hand into
his pocket for the reprieve, and in pulling out the packet the white
handkerchief accompanied it, and catching the eyes of the party, they
fired, and the unfortunate prisoner was shot dead.

“The paper dropped through Colonel Campbell’s fingers, and clapping
his hand to his forehead, he exclaimed, ‘The curse of God and of
Glencoe is here, I am an unfortunate ruined man.’ He desired the
soldiers to be sent to the barracks, instantly quitted the parade,
and soon afterwards retired from the service. This retirement was
not the result of any reflection or reprimand on account of this
unfortunate affair, as it was known to be entirely accidental. The
impression on his mind, however, was never effaced. Nor is the
massacre and the judgment which the people believe has fallen on the
descendants of the principal actors in this tragedy, effaced from
their recollection. They carefully note, that while the family of the
unfortunate gentleman who suffered is still entire, and his estate
preserved in direct male succession to his posterity, this is not the
case with the family, posterity, and estates, of those who were the
principals, promoters, and actors in this black affair.”

[647] Report of Commission on Glencoe: Carstare’s _State Papers_:
_Gallienus Redivivus_: Dalrymple’s _Memoirs_ and Appendix: _Papers on
the Condition of the Highlands_ in Maitland Club.

[648] Burton’s _Scotland_, 1689-1748, vol. i., pp. 175, 176.

[649] Dalrymple’s Appendix, vol. ii., part ii. p. 217.

[650] List of chieftains to which the proposals relate:--

Men.

The Earl of Seaforth, 200
The Viscount of Tarbat, 50
The Lord Lovat, 150
The Earl of Sutherland, 100
The Lord Reay, 50
The Laird of Ballingoun, 100
The Laird of Fouls, 50
The Laird of Straglasse, 20
The Laird of Glenmoriston, 30
The Laird of M’Intosh, 100
M’Pherson of Clunie,
The Laird of Kilravock, 150
The Land of Grant, 200
The Laird of Balindaloch, 20
The Duke of Gordon, 300
The Earl of Mar, 200
The Marquis of Atholl, 300
The Laird of Ashintullie, 30
The Laird of Weem, 50
The Laird of Garntully, 50
The Laird of Strowan, 20
The Earl of Perth, 150
The Earl of Murray, 100
The Earl of Monteath, 100
The Marquis of Montrose, 150
The Laird of Luss, 50
The Laird of Macfarlane, 30
The Earl of Argyle, 500
The Earl of Breadalbane, 250
The Laird of Calder, 100
The Laird of M’Lean, 100
The Laird of Lochiel, 150
The Captain of Clanronald, 100
Sir Donald M’Donald, of Sleat, 100
The Laird of M’Leod, 100
The Laird of Glengary, 100
The Laird of M’Finzone, 30
M’Donald of Keppoch, 50
The Laird of Appin, 50
The Tutor of Appin, 30
The Laird of Lochbuy, 30

[651] Anderson’s _History of the Frazers_, p. 128

[652] Burton’s _Lord Lovat_, p. 9.

[653] _Lovat_, p. 27.

[654] _Memoirs_, p. 62.

[655] Pitcairn’s _Trials_, p. 89. Anderson’s _Fraser Family_, p. 121.

[656] Burton’s _Lovat_, p. 38.

[657] Anderson, 130.

[658] Burton’s _Life of Lord Lovat_, p. 36.

CHAPTER XXIII.

A.D. 1695-1714.

BRITISH SOVEREIGNS:--William III., 1688-1703.--Anne, 1703-1714.

The Darien Scheme--Hopes of the Jacobites--Death of James
II.--Death of King William--Accession of the Princess Anne--The
Scottish Parliament--Simon Fraser, Lord Lovat--Meeting of
Scottish Parliament--Union with England--Ferment in Scotland
against it--Hooke’s Negotiation--Preparations in France to
invade Scotland--Unsuccessful result of the expedition--State of
Scotland--Proceedings of the Jacobites--Death of Queen Anne.

In the meantime, December 28, 1694, had died Queen Mary, to the great
grief of her husband and the sincere regret of the nation generally.

We are not required to enter here into a history of the Darien
scheme, which originated in 1695, and was so mismanaged as to involve
in ruin thousands of families formerly in comparative opulence. It
appears to have had little influence on the Highlands, for although a
few natives took part in the expedition out of dissatisfaction with
William’s government, the great mass of the Highlanders were too far
behind the age to resort to such a roundabout means of aggrandizing
a fortune.

The attitude assumed by King William and the government to the Darien
expedition exasperated the Scottish nation so much that there seemed
to be some danger of a counter-revolution. To the bitterness of
disappointment succeeded an implacable hostility to the king, who
was denounced, in pamphlets of the most violent and inflammatory
tendency, as a hypocrite, and as the deceiver of those who had
shed their best blood in his cause, and as the author of all the
misfortunes which had befallen Scotland. One of these pamphlets was
voted by the House of Commons a false, scandalous, and seditious
libel, and ordered to be burned by the common executioner, and
an address was voted to his majesty to issue a proclamation for
apprehending the author, printer, and publisher of the obnoxious
publication. The king was so chagrined at the conduct of the Scotch
that he refused to see Lord Basil Hamilton, who had an address to
present to his majesty from the company, praying for his interference
on behalf of their servants who were kept in captivity by the
Spaniards.

In direct contradiction to the House of Lords, the Scottish
parliament voted that the colony of Darien was a lawful and rightful
settlement which they would support; a resolution which induced the
Duke of Queensberry, the commissioner, to prorogue the session. But
this step only tended to increase the discontents of the nation;
and, to show the king that the people would be no longer trifled
with, an address to his majesty, containing a detail of national
grievances, and representing the necessity of calling an immediate
meeting of parliament, was drawn up and signed by a considerable
number of the members; and a deputation, with Lord Ross at its head,
was appointed to present the address to the king. His majesty,
however, evaded the address, by informing the deputation that they
would be made acquainted in Scotland with his intentions; and, as if
to show his displeasure, he ordered the parliament to be adjourned by
proclamation.

The Scottish nation was now fully ripe for a rebellion, but neither
James nor his advisers had the capacity to avail themselves of
passing events, to snatch the tottering crown from the head of the
illustrious foreigner, who was destined to be the happy instrument of
placing the liberties of the nation upon a more sure and permanent
footing than they had hitherto been. The hopes of the Jacobites
were, however, greatly raised by the jarrings between the king and
his Scottish subjects, and an event occurred, about this time, which
tended still farther to strengthen them. This was the death of the
young Duke of Gloucester, the only surviving child of the Princess
Anne, on the 29th of July, 1700, in the eleventh year of his age. As
the Jacobites considered that the duke was the chief obstacle in the
way of the accession of the Prince of Wales to the crown, they could
not conceal their pleasure at an occurrence which seemed to pave the
way for the restoration of the exiled family, and they privately
despatched a trusty adherent to France to assure King James that
they would settle the succession upon the Prince of Wales. Such a
proposition had indeed been made by William himself at an interview
he had with Louis XIV. in 1697, when a prospect opened of James
being elected king of Poland on the death of John Sobieski; but this
proposal was rejected by James, who told the king of France, that
though he could bear with patience the usurpation of his nephew and
son-in-law, he would not allow his own son to commit such an act of
injustice; that by permitting his son to reign while he (James) was
alive, he would, in fact, be held as having renounced his crown,
and that the Prince of Wales would also be held as having resigned
his own right, if he accepted the crown as successor to the Prince
of Orange. As James had now given up all idea of a crown, and was
wholly engrossed with the more important concerns of a future life,
it is probable that he received the proposal of his friends in a very
different spirit from that he evinced when made by William.

The designs of the Jacobites, however, were frustrated by the
intrigues of the Princess Sophia, Electress and Duchess Dowager of
Hanover, grand-daughter of King James I., who had for several years
contemplated the plan of getting the succession to the English crown
settled upon herself and her heirs. An act was accordingly passed
by the English parliament in June, 1701, at the desire of the king,
whom the princess had prevailed upon to espouse her cause, declaring
her to be the next in succession to the crown of England, after
his majesty and the Princess Anne, in default of issue of their
bodies respectively, and that after the decease of William and Anne
respectively without issue, the crown and government of England
should remain and continue to the Princess Sophia and the heirs of
her body, being Protestants. This act, which, by one swoop, cut
off the whole Catholic descendants of James I., of whom there were
fifty-three alive, all nearer heirs to the crown than the princess,
gave great offence to all the Catholic princes concerned in the
succession.

The act of settlement in favour of the Princess Sophia and her
heirs, was a death-blow to the Jacobite interest, but still the
hopes of the party were not extinguished. As James had given up all
idea of dispossessing William, and even discountenanced any attempt
to disturb the peace of the kingdom during his own life-time, the
partisans of his family had given up every expectation of his
restoration. But the death of King James, which took place at St.
Germains on the 16th of September, 1701, and the recognition of his
son by Louis XIV. as king, were events which opened up brighter
prospects than they had yet enjoyed. The unfortunate monarch had,
for several years, taken farewell of worldly objects, and had turned
his whole attention to the concerns of eternity, dying ardently
attached to the creed which, from principle, he had embraced. Of
the arbitrary and unconstitutional conduct of James, at the period
preceding the revolution, it is impossible for any lover of genuine
liberty to speak without feelings of indignation; but it must not be
forgotten that in his time the prerogatives of the crown were not
clearly defined, and that he was misled by evil counsellors, who
advised him to violate the existing constitution.

Nothing but the prospect of an immediate war with England could,
it is believed, have induced Louis to recognise, as he did, the
Prince of Wales as king of England, Ireland, and Scotland. William
remonstrated against this act of the French king, as a violation
of the treaty of Ryswick, and appealed to the King of Sweden, as
the guarantee for its observance; but Louis was inflexible, and
maintained in the face of all Europe, that he was not debarred by
the treaty from acknowledging the title of the Prince of Wales, to
which he had right by birth. He admitted that by the fourth article
of the treaty he was bound not to disturb William in the possession
of his dominions, and he declared his intention to adhere to that
stipulation; but this explanation was considered quite unsatisfactory
by William, who recalled his ambassador from Paris. The conduct of
the French king excited general indignation in England, and addresses
were sent up from all parts of the kingdom, expressive of attachment
to the government. The English parliament passed two separate acts
of attainder against the pretended Prince of Wales, as the son of
James was termed, and the queen, his mother, who acted as regent.
Great preparations were made for entering into a war with France,
and William had concerted with his allies the plan of a campaign,
but he did not live to see the gigantic schemes which he had devised
for humbling the pride of France put into execution. He expired at
Kensington on the 8th of March, 1702, in consequence of a fall from
his horse about a fortnight before, which fractured his collar-bone.
He had reigned thirteen years, and was in the fifty-second year of
his age.

The accession of the Princess Anne gave satisfaction to all parties,
particularly to the Jacobites, who imagined, that as she had no
heirs of her own body, she would be induced to concur with them
in getting the succession act repealed, so as to make way for her
brother, the Prince of Wales. At first the queen seemed disposed to
throw herself into the hands of the Tory faction, at the head of
which was the Earl of Rochester, first cousin to the queen, who was
averse to a war with France; but the Earl, (afterwards the celebrated
Duke) of Marlborough, his rival, succeeded, through the intrigues
of his countess, in altering the mind of her majesty, and war was
accordingly declared against France on the 4th of May.

The Scottish parliament, to which the Duke of Queensberry was
appointed commissioner, met on the 9th of June; but before his
commission was read, the Duke of Hamilton objected to the legality of
the meeting, the parliament having been virtually dissolved, as he
maintained, by not having met within the statutory period; and having
taken a formal protest against its proceedings, he withdrew from the
house, followed by seventy-nine members of the first rank in the
kingdom, amidst the acclamations of the people. The seceding members,
thereupon, sent up Lord Blantyre to London with an address to the
queen, but she refused to see him. This refusal highly displeased the
people, whose resentment was still farther increased by a prosecution
raised by the lord advocate against the faculty of advocates, for
having, by a vote, approved of the secession and address. Several
acts were passed by the parliament, one of the most important of
which was that authorizing the queen to name commissioners for
negotiating a treaty of union with England. An attempt was made
by the Earl of Marchmont, the lord-chancellor, (better known as
Sir Patrick Home of Polwarth) without any instructions from his
colleagues, and even contrary to the advice of the commissioner, to
alter the succession, by bringing in a bill similar to that which had
passed in England for abjuring the Prince of Wales, and settling the
succession on the Princess Sophia and her heirs; but as the ministry
had no instructions from the queen, the bill was not supported. It
is not improbable that Marchmont intended, by the introduction of
this measure, to sound the disposition of the queen in regard of her
brother.

The queen, by virtue of the powers conferred on her by the
parliaments of England and Scotland, named commissioners to treat
about a union, who met at the Cockpit, near Whitehall, on the 22d of
October; but after some of the preliminaries had been adjusted, the
conference broke off, in consequence of the Scottish commissioners
insisting that all the rights and privileges of the Darien company
should be preserved and maintained.

A partial change in the Scottish ministry having taken place, the
queen resolved upon calling a new parliament, in the spring of
1703, previous to which she issued an act of indemnity in favour of
every person who had taken any part against the government since
the revolution, and allowed such of them as were abroad to return
home. Under the protection of this amnesty many of the Jacobites
returned to Scotland, and took the oaths to the government, in the
hope of forwarding the interest of the Prince of Wales. At this time
Scotland was divided into three parties. The first consisted of the
revolutionists, who were headed by the Duke of Argyle. The second of
what was called the country party, who were opposed to the union,
and who insisted on indemnification for the losses sustained in the
Darien speculation, and satisfaction for the massacre of Glencoe and
other grievances suffered in the late reign. The Duke of Hamilton
and the Marquis of Tweeddale took the direction of this party.
The last, called Mitchell’s club, from the house they met in, was
composed entirely of the Jacobites or Cavaliers. These were headed by
the Earl of Home.[659] The two latter parties, by coalescing at the
elections, might have returned a majority favourable to their views;
but the Earl of Seafield, who had succeeded the Earl of Marchmont
as chancellor, had the address to separate the Jacobites from the
country party, and, by making them believe that he was their friend,
prevailed upon them to throw their interest at the elections into
the scale of the government. The parliament, however, which met on
the 6th of May, was not so pliable to ministerial dictation as might
have been expected, for although the royal assent was refused to
what was called the act of security for limiting the power of the
crown, “this session of parliament,” to use the words of Lockhart,
“did more for redressing the grievances and restoring the liberties
of the nation than all the parliaments since the year 1660.”[660]
It was in this parliament that the celebrated patriot, Fletcher of
Saltoun, first distinguished himself. The Earl of Marchmont again
brought in his bill for settling the crown of Scotland upon the house
of Hanover; but such was the indignation with which it was received
by the house, that some of the members proposed that the bill should
be burnt, while others moved that the proposer of the measure should
be committed to the castle of Edinburgh. On a division the bill was
thrown out by a very large majority.

After the prorogation of the parliament, the courtiers and the heads
of the cavaliers repaired to London to pay court to the queen, who
received them kindly, and conferred marks of her favour upon some of
them. The Marquis of Athole, in particular, who aspired to be leader
of the Jacobites, was made a duke, and invested with the dignity of
a knight of the order of the Thistle, which she had just revived to
enable her to extend the royal favour. Her policy seems to have been
to gain over all parties to her interest; but she was soon made to
believe that a conspiracy existed against her among the cavaliers to
supersede her, and to place her brother upon the throne. The moving
spirit in this plot, known as the Scotch Plot, was the now notorious
Lovat.

[Illustration: ROBERTSON. (Tartan)]

“An indemnity having been granted to those who had left the country
with the exiled court, on condition of their returning within a time
limited, and taking the oaths, it was observed with alarm, that many
persons were taking advantage of this opportunity to return, who were
among the most formidable of the Jacobite leaders, and who could not
be supposed to be sincerely disposed to support the Protestant line
of succession. Among these ominous apparitions were Lovat himself,
the two Murrays, Sir John Maclean, Robertson of Struan the poet
chieftain,--‘a little black man, about thirty years old,’ as he was
described by those who kept their eyes on him; and David Lindsay,
secretary to the Pretender’s prime minister, Middleton. The fiery
Lord Belhaven had just paid a visit to France. He was an opponent
of English ascendency, and a cadet of the house of Hamilton; and
his mission could, of course, have no other object but to offer the
allegiance of that house to the young prince. Political intriguers,
such as the renowned Ferguson, looked busy and mysterious. Mrs. Fox,
whose name was connected with the plot for which Sir John Fenwick
suffered, had ventured over to Britain, under a feigned name; and
sundry young men of good birth, whose avowed mission to France had
been to study medicine, had, either in vanity or carelessness,
allowed it to transpire that they had been at the court of St.
Germains, and had seen those royal personages who created so
dangerous an interest throughout the country. The general movement
of these parties was northwards, and was accompanied by incidents
such as those which happened to Lovat. Captain Hamilton, an officer
stationed at Inverness, wrote to Brigadier-general Maitland, governor
of Fortwilliam, on the 23d of July, that a great hunting match had
been planned for the 2d of the month, at which many of the Highland
chiefs were to assemble their vassals.

“‘The Duke of Hamilton is to be there, the Marquis of Athol: and our
neighbour the Laird of Grant, who has ordered 600 of his men in arms,
in good order, with tartane coats, all of one colour and fashion.
This is his order to his people in Strathspey. If it be a match of
hunting only, I know not, but I think it my duty to acquaint you,
whatever may fall out of any such body of men in arms, particularly
in our northern parts.’

“It will be remembered that this was exactly the form in which the
Earl of Mar raised the standard of rebellion at Braemar, in 1715; and
we appear to owe the suggestion to the inventive genius of Lovat.
At the same time, the British ambassador at the Hague received some
mysterious intimations about large sums forwarded in gold, through a
Dutch commercial house, to persons of importance in Scotland.”[661]

Lovat had the address before leaving France, by imposing upon Louis,
to whom he was introduced by the pope’s nuncio, to obtain from the
widow of King James, acting as regent for her son, a commission
of Major-general, with power to raise and command forces in his
behalf. As the court of St. Germains had some suspicion of Fraser’s
integrity, Captain John Murray, brother of Mr. Murray of Abercairney,
and Captain James Murray, brother of Sir David Murray of Stanhope,
were sent over to Scotland, under the protection of Queen Anne’s
indemnity, as a check upon him, and to sound the dispositions of the
people.

On arriving in Scotland, he set off for the Highlands, introduced
himself into the society of the adherents of the exiled family, and,
by producing his commission of major-general, induced some of them
to give him assurances that they would rise in arms when required,
though they regretted that such a character should have been
intrusted with so important a command. Others, however, apprehensive
of his real designs, refused to hold any intercourse with him on the
subject of his mission.

On Lovat’s return to Edinburgh, late in September, he contrived to
obtain an interview with the Duke of Queensberry, High Commissioner
to the Parliament of Scotland, and revealed to him the whole affair,
drawing considerably on his own fertile fancy for startling facts. He
also produced a letter, purporting to be from the ex-queen, signed
with the initial M., addressed to the Duke of Athole. Its words
were, “You may be sure that when my concerns require the help of my
friends, you are one of the first I have in my view. I am satisfied
you will not be wanting for any thing that may be in your power
according to your promise, and you may be assured of all such returns
as you can expect from me and mine. The bearer, who is known to you,
will tell you more of my friendship to you, and how I rely on yours
for me, and those I am concerned for.” Queensberry was delighted with
this apparent discovery, and immediately sent the letter unopened to
the queen. Lovat, however, by his plotting had made the country too
hot to hold him, and a day or two after his letter had been sent to
the queen, letters of fire and sword were issued against him, so that
he now set himself to get safely back to France. He managed to obtain
from Queensberry a pass to London, to which place the duke himself
was bound, and after a few more secret interviews in London, with
another pass which he contrived to obtain, he safely quitted England
about the middle of October.[662]

When this so-called conspiracy became publicly known it excited
considerable sensation, and the House of Lords immediately resolved
that a committee should be appointed to inquire into the matter; but
the queen, who was already well acquainted with the circumstances,
sent them a message, intimating, that as the affair was already
under investigation, she was desirous that the house should not
interfere, and she promised in a short time to inform them of the
result. Accordingly, on the 17th of December, she went to the House
of Peers, and made a speech to both houses, informing them that she
had complete evidence of evil practices and designs against her
government, carried on by the emissaries of France in Scotland. The
peers, however, proceeded in the inquiry, and after considerable
investigation they agreed to the following resolution, “that there
had been a dangerous conspiracy in Scotland toward the invading
that kingdom with a French power, in order to subvert her majesty’s
government, and the bringing in the pretended Prince of Wales; that
it was their opinion nothing had given so much encouragement to these
designs as the succession of the crown of Scotland not being declared
in favour of the Princess Sophia and her heirs; that the queen
should be addressed to use such methods as she thought convenient,
for having the succession of the crown of that kingdom settled after
that manner; and that being once done, then they would do all in
their power to promote an entire union of the two kingdoms.” Mr.
Lockhart asserts that the lords thus interfered at the instance of
the Duke of Queensberry, as he knew that the Whigs would bring him
off, and although they were so clear as to the existence of a plot,
he maintains that “it was all trick and villany.” Meanwhile Fraser,
for his imposition upon the French king, was committed a prisoner to
the Bastile, in which he remained several years.[663]

It was discovered that the address on the letter from the ex-queen
was forged by Lovat himself, she having addressed it to no one,
although it is supposed to have been meant for the Duke of Gordon.
Lovat had also to implicate the Duke of Hamilton, and as he regarded
both these noblemen as “impostors” and enemies of the exiled
family, he considered that his conduct, in thus attempting to ruin
them, “far from being a real crime, ought to be regarded as a good
and essential service to the king (James III.), and the sincere,
political, and ingenious fruit of his zeal, for his project, and the
interests of his sovereign.”[664] Such is a specimen of the morality
of this extraordinary personage, who, in his correspondence with the
revolution party, always pretended to be a friend to the revolution
settlement.

According to Lockhart, the Duke of Queensberry was at the bottom of
this sham plot, but he appears really to have been entirely innocent,
and to have acted all along for what he thought the best interests of
the government. “He was, to use a common but clear expression, made a
fool of.”[665] Although he had managed to clear himself of all blame,
still as the affair had rendered him very unpopular in Scotland, he
was dismissed from his situation as one of the Scottish secretaries
of state, and the Marquis of Tweeddale was appointed to succeed him
as lord high-commissioner to the Scottish parliament, which met on
the 6th of July, 1704.[666]

From the temper displayed in the Scottish parliament, it was obvious
that without entering into a treaty with Scotland, it would be
utterly impossible for the English ministry to carry the question
of the succession in Scotland. To accomplish this the English
parliament authorised the queen to nominate commissioners to treat
with commissioners from Scotland; but the conduct of the parliament
was by no means calculated to allay the jealousy entertained by
the Scotch, of the interference of England in imposing a foreign
sovereign upon them. Instead of simply empowering the queen to
appoint commissioners, the English parliament, instigated by the
Scottish ministry, directed the Scottish parliament in the choice of
its commissioners, and they even prohibited their own commissioners
to meet and treat with those of Scotland unless the parliament of
Scotland allowed the queen to name these commissioners herself.
Moreover all Scotsmen not settled in England, or in its service, were
declared aliens, until the succession to the crown of Scotland should
be settled on the Princess Sophia and her Protestant heirs. Several
prohibitory clauses against the trade of Scotland were also inserted
in the act, which were to take effect about eight months thereafter
if the Scottish parliament did not, before the appointed time, yield
to the instructions of that of England.

To strengthen the government party the Scottish ministry was changed,
and the Duke of Queensberry was recalled to office, being appointed
to the privy seal. The Cavaliers, thus deprived of the aid of the
duke and his friends, applied to the Marquis of Tweeddale--who, with
his displaced friends, had formed a party called the _squadrone
volante_, or “flying squadron”--to unite with them against the court;
but he declined the proposal, as being inconsistent with the object
for which it was said to be formed, namely, to keep the contending
parties in parliament in check, and to vote only for such measures,
by whatever party introduced, which should appear most beneficial to
the country.

Notwithstanding the exertions of the court party, the Scottish
ministry soon found themselves in a minority in the parliament,
which was opened on the 28th of June, 1705, by the Duke of Argyle as
commissioner. The motion of Sir James Falconer, which had hitherto
remained a dead letter, was again renewed; but although the ministry
was supported by the “squadron” in opposition to the motion, the
Cavaliers carried it by a great majority. The Dukes of Hamilton and
Athole were now desirous of pushing on the inquiry into the alleged
plot, but by advice of the Cavaliers, who insisted that such a
proceeding would be a violation of the agreement entered into between
them and the Duke of Queensberry’s friends, they desisted for a time.
But the duke having prevailed upon such of his friends as had voted
with the Cavaliers in the beginning of the session, to join the court
party, the subject was introduced before the house in the shape of a
motion, to know what answer the queen had sent to an address which
had been voted to her in the preceding session, to send down to
Scotland against the next session such persons as had been examined
respecting the plot, and the papers connected therewith. The Dukes
of Hamilton and Athole vindicated themselves against the charge of
being accessory to Fraser’s proceedings, and the latter particularly,
in a long speech, reprobated the conduct of the Duke of Queensberry,
whom he openly accused of a design to ruin him. Neither the duke nor
his friends made any answer to the charge, and Athole and Hamilton
conceiving that they had cleared themselves sufficiently, allowed
the subject to drop. The most important business of the session was
the measure of the proposed union with England, an act for effecting
which was passed, though not without considerable opposition.

Before the state of the vote upon this measure was announced, the
Duke of Athole, “in regard that by an English act of parliament made
in the last sessions thereof, entituled an act for the effectual
securing England from the dangers that may arise from several
acts passed lately in Scotland, the subjects of this kingdom were
adjudged aliens, born out of the allegiance of the queen, as queen
of England, after the 25th of December 1705,” protested that, for
saving the honour and interest of her majesty as queen of Scotland,
and maintaining and preserving the undoubted rights and privileges
of her subjects, no act for a treaty with England ought to pass
without a clause being added thereto, prohibiting and discharging
the commissioners that might be appointed for carrying on the treaty
from departing from Scotland until the English parliament should
repeal and rescind the obnoxious act alluded to. To this protest
twenty-four peers, thirty-seven barons, and eighteen of the burgh
representatives adhered. When the state of the vote was announced,
the Duke of Hamilton, to the surprise of the cavaliers and the
country party, moved that the nomination of the commissioners
should be left wholly to the queen. From twelve to fifteen members
immediately exclaimed that the duke had deserted and basely betrayed
his friends, and ran out of the house in rage and despair. A warm
debate then ensued, in which Hamilton was roughly handled, and
the inconsistency of his conduct exposed; but he persisted in his
motion, which was carried by a majority of eight votes. Had the
other members remained he would have found himself in a minority.
The Duke of Athole protested a second time for the reasons contained
in his first protest, and twenty-one peers, thirty-three barons, and
eighteen burgh representatives adhered to his second protest. The
protesters consisted of most of the cavaliers and the country party,
and the whole of the “Squadron.” The protesters, however, were not
discouraged, and they succeeded so far as to obtain an order of the
house prohibiting the Scottish commissioners from treating until the
clause in the English act, declaring the subjects of Scotland aliens,
should be repealed, a resolution which had the desired effect, the
English parliament rescinding the clause before the time fixed for
its operation arrived.[667]

In terms of the powers vested in her by the parliaments of England
and Scotland, the queen nominated commissioners, who met in the
council chamber of the Cockpit, near Whitehall, on the 16th of April,
1706. During their sittings they were twice visited by the queen, who
urged them to complete with as little delay as possible, a treaty
which, she anticipated, would be advantageous to both kingdoms. By
the second article of the treaty, it was declared that the succession
to the monarchy of the United Kingdom of Great Britain, in default of
issue of the queen, should remain and continue to the Princess Sophia
and her heirs, being Protestants.

When the terms of the treaty became publicly known in Scotland, a
shout of indignation was set up in every part of the kingdom, at a
measure which, it was supposed, would destroy the independence of
the nation; and when the Scottish parliament met for the purpose of
ratifying the treaty, considerable rioting took place in different
parts of the country, and large bodies of armed men threatened to
march upon the capital, and disperse the assembly. Numerous addresses
were sent to the parliament from every part of the kingdom against
the Union, and considerable opposition was made by the Dukes of
Hamilton and Athole, Lord Belhaven, Fletcher of Saltoun, and others,
but the court party, having obtained the support of the “Squadron,”
carried the measure by a great majority. The treaty was, however,
after strenuous opposition, ratified by the Scotch as well as the
English parliament, and ultimately completed on May 1st, 1707.

As the restoration of the son of James II. now appeared to the
Scottish nation necessary to preserve its independence, various
combinations were entered into among the people to effect it. The
inhabitants of the western shires, chiefly Cameronians, formerly
the most determined supporters of the Protestant government, all at
once became the most zealous partisans of the exiled family, whose
Catholicity they showed themselves disposed altogether to overlook.
Preparatory to more active measures for accomplishing their object,
the ringleaders among them held several meetings, divided themselves
into regiments, chose their officers, provided themselves with horses
and arms, and, notwithstanding the religious asperity which had long
existed between them and the inhabitants of the northern shires,
offered to unite with them in any measure which might be devised
for accomplishing the restoration of the young prince, who had now
assumed the title of the Chevalier de St. George.[668] The court
of St. Germains, fully aware of the strong national feeling which
existed in favour of the prince, sent, in concert with the French
king, one Hooke into Scotland to obtain intelligence, and to treat
with the people for his restoration. This gentleman had been one of
the Duke of Monmouth’s chaplains when he invaded England; but after
the execution of that unfortunate nobleman, Hooke went to France,
where he became a Catholic, and entered into the French service,
in which he rose to the rank of Colonel. He had been in Scotland
in 1705 on a mission to the heads of the Jacobite chiefs and the
country party; but though a man of sense, he conducted himself with
such indiscretion, that he could only obtain general promises, from
the parties he consulted, of their readiness to advance the prince’s
interest. The cavaliers, however, sent Captain Henry Straton, a
gentleman in whom they placed great confidence, to France, in July
the following year, to ascertain the extent of the aid they might
expect from Louis.

Hooke, on this occasion, landed in the north of Scotland, about the
end of February or beginning of March, 1707, and took up a temporary
abode in Slains Castle, the seat of the Earl of Errol, high-constable
of Scotland, where he was waited upon by the countess-dowager, the
mother of the earl, her son being then absent from home. Instead
of consulting, as he should have done, the principal chiefs upon
the subject of his mission, Hooke at first confined himself to
interviews with some gentlemen in the counties of Perth and Angus, by
whom he was received with great favour and hospitality, and looked
upon as a person of no ordinary importance. The attention thus paid
him, flattered his vanity, in return for which he made them his
confidents, and proceeded, in concert with them, to deliberate upon
the mode of accomplishing a restoration. This party, however, had not
the wisdom to conceal the negotiation with Hooke, whose presence in
the country became consequently generally known. The result was, that
the Duke of Hamilton and others, conceiving themselves slighted, and
alarmed at the imprudence of Hooke’s friends, declined to correspond
with him, and entered into direct communication with the court of St.
Germains itself.

As the French king was desirous of ascertaining the exact situation
of the affairs in Scotland, M. de Chamillard, his minister of war,
had furnished Hooke with a paper of instructions, in the shape of
questions, to which he was desired to obtain distinct answers,
to enable his majesty to judge of the extent of the assistance
required from him, and the probability of success. In answer to
these questions, a memorial, addressed to the king of France, was
drawn up, and signed by several noblemen and gentlemen, in which
they stated that the greater part of the Scottish nation had always
been disposed for the service of “its lawful king” ever since the
revolution; but that this disposition had now become universal, and
that the shires of the west, which used to be the most disaffected,
were now zealous to serve him. That to reap the benefit of so
favourable a disposition, and of so happy a conjuncture, the presence
of the king (the Chevalier) would be absolutely necessary, the people
being unwilling to take arms without being sure of having him at
their head--that the whole nation would rise upon his arrival--that
he would become master of Scotland without opposition, and that
the existing government would be entirely abolished--that of the
numbers that they would raise, the memorialists would immediately
despatch 25,000 foot, and 5,000 horse and dragoons into England,
while the other peers and chiefs would assemble all their men in
their respective counties, and that the general rendezvous of the
troops on the north of the river Tay should be at Perth, those of
the western counties at Stirling, and those of the south and east
at Dumfries and Dunse. As to the subsistence of the troops, they
informed his majesty that they would require nothing from him, as the
harvests of two years were to be found in the granaries, and that so
great was its abundance, that a crown would purchase as much flour
as would maintain a man two months--that there was also great plenty
of meat, beer and brandy in the kingdom, and cloth, linen, shoes and
bonnets, sufficient to clothe a considerable number of troops. The
principal articles they stood in most need of were arms and money. Of
the former, the memorialists begged his majesty to send them as many
as would equip 25,000 foot, and 5,000 horse or dragoons, together
with a proportionate quantity of ammunition, and also some pieces of
artillery, bombs, &c. Of money, of which the country had been almost
drained by the Darien speculation, by five years of famine, and by
the constant residence of the nobility at London, they required a
remittance of 100,000 pistoles, to enable them to march into England,
and also a regular monthly subsidy during the war. In addition to
these demands, they required that the Chevalier should be accompanied
to Scotland by a body of 8,000 troops, to protect his person against
any sudden attempt by the government forces. The memorialists
concluded, by assuring his most Christian Majesty of their resolution
to bind themselves by the strictest and most sacred ties, to assist
one another in what they deemed a common cause, to forget all family
differences, and to concur sincerely, and with all their hearts,
“without jealousy or distrust, like men of honour in so just and
glorious an enterprise.”[669]

Having finished his negotiation, Hooke returned to France in the
month of May, after assuring his friends that “the Pretender” would
land in Scotland about August following. On arriving at the court
of St. Germains, Hooke gave the most flattering account of his
reception, and of the zeal of the people in behalf of the Chevalier,
and accused the Duke of Hamilton and the other persons who had
refused openly to commit themselves, of luke-warmness in the cause.
The armament, promised by the king of France, should have been ready
in August; but the court of Versailles contrived to put it off, from
time to time, under various pretences. The fact appears to be, that
Louis was indifferent about the matter, and, although he pretended
that his object was to place the Chevalier upon the throne of his
ancestors, his real object was to create a diversion in his own
favour by embroiling Great Britain in a civil war. His reverses at
Ramillies and Turin had induced him to send Hooke into Scotland
to obtain information, but, having afterwards defeated the allies
at Almanza, he was in hopes that he would be able to retrieve his
affairs without the aid of the intended descent on Scotland.

To hasten the enterprise, the cavaliers sent the Honourable Charles
Fleming, brother of the Earl of Wigton, over to France with letters
to his most Christian Majesty and the Chevalier, in consequence of
which, preparations for the expedition were commenced at Dunkirk,
where a squadron was collected under the command of the Chevalier de
Forbin. When the news of these preparations reached England, the
greatest exertions were made to meet the threatened danger. Both
houses of parliament joined in an address to the queen, in which
they pledged themselves to defend her with their lives and fortunes
against the “pretended Prince of Wales,” and all her other enemies.
They suspended the habeas corpus act, and passed a bill enacting,
that all persons should take the oath of abjuration under the pain
of being held as convicted recusants. They also passed another bill,
releasing the Scottish clans from all vassalage to those chiefs who
should appear in arms against her majesty; and “the Pretender” and
his adherents were declared traitors and rebels. A large fleet was
equipped and assembled at Deal with extraordinary promptitude, and
despatched towards Dunkirk under the command of Sir John Leake,
Sir George Byng, and Lord Dursley, and transports were engaged to
bring over ten British battalions from Ostend. When this fleet,
which the French had supposed to be destined for Lisbon, appeared
off Mardyke, they were greatly surprised; and the embarkation of
their troops, which had commenced, was immediately countermanded.
The French admiral represented to his court the danger of proceeding
with the expedition; but he received positive orders to finish
the embarkation, and to sail with the first favourable wind. The
Chevalier de St. George, at taking farewell, was presented by Louis
with a sword studded with costly diamonds, and sumptuous services of
gold and silver plate, rich dresses, and other necessaries becoming
his high station.

While the embarkation was going on, Mr. Fleming and a gentleman
of the name of Arnott were separately despatched for Scotland
from Dunkirk, on the evening of the 6th of March, 1708, in two
frigates, with instructions from the Chevalier to the Jacobite
chiefs. Fleming arrived on the northern coast on the 13th, and,
when about two leagues off the land, entered a fishing boat which
landed him at Slains castle, where he met the Earl of Errol, who
received the intelligence of the expedition with great pleasure. On
perusing the Chevalier’s instructions, he immediately despatched
a messenger to Mr. Malcolm of Grange, in Fife, with orders to
have a boat and pilots in readiness at the mouth of the Frith
of Forth to go on board the first vessel that should give the signal
agreed on.

In the mean time, the British fleet having been forced, by stress
of weather, off their station on the 14th of March, the expedition
sailed on the 17th from the road of Dunkirk; but it was detained
in Newport-pits in consequence of a change in the wind, till the
19th, when it again set sail with a fair breeze for Scotland. The
expedition consisted of seven men-of-war, two of which were fitted
up as transports, and twenty-one frigates, having on board 5,100
troops, under the command of Monsieur le Comte de Gassé, who, on
the last-mentioned day, received from the French king the patent
of a Marshal of France, and assumed the name of Mantignon. While
at Newport, three of the frigates, which had received some damage,
returned to Dunkirk; but, at a council of war, held in the apartment
of the Chevalier, it was resolved, at his desire, to proceed
without them, although these vessels had 800 troops on board, and a
considerable quantity of arms and provisions. At the same council it
was also determined to sail directly to the Frith of Forth, and to
disembark the troops at Burnt-island, whence it was proposed to send
a detachment to take possession of Stirling.[670]

The French fleet having been observed in Newport-pits from the
steeples of Ostend, a vessel was immediately despatched thence by
Major-general Cadogan to inform Sir George Byng of their having
left Dunkirk: Sir George went immediately in quest of the enemy.
The French fleet, favoured by a strong and fair wind, reached the
Frith on the evening of the 23d, without seeing any of the English
squadron, and anchored off Crail, the commander intending to proceed
up the Frith the following morning; but he had been anticipated by
the Proteus, one of the three vessels which had returned to Dunkirk,
and which, being a superior sailer, had reached the Frith before
him, and had given notice of the approach of the French fleet to the
friends of the Chevalier, who lived on the coast, by firing five
guns, the concerted signal by which the friends of the prince along
that coast were to be apprized of his arrival. Malcolm of Grange,
who had been for some days anxiously looking out for the fleet, went
immediately on board this vessel with a pilot.

The resolution of M. de Forbin to proceed up the Frith next
morning, was, however, put an end to, by the appearance, at
day-break, of the English fleet, consisting of 28 sail, standing
in for the Frith. Alarmed for the safety of his ships, the French
commander immediately cut his cables, and by favour of a strong
land breeze which fortunately sprung up, stood out to sea under
full sail, having previously given orders to the different ships,
in case of separation, to rendezvous at Cromarty or Inverness. The
French vessels being lighter and cleaner, outstripped the English
in sailing, and all of them escaped, with the exception of the
Salisbury, a ship formerly captured from the English, which was
taken. On board of this vessel were Lord Griffin, the Earl of
Middleton’s two sons, M. La Vie, a Major-general, Colonel Francis
Wauchope, some other officers, and between 300 and 400 soldiers.
On the following day, the French commander finding himself out of
sight of the enemy, and all his vessels together, with the exception
of the Salisbury, consulted with the Marshal de Mantignon, on the
expediency of landing at some place in the north of Scotland, and
proposed Inverness. The Chevalier, who was so desirous of landing,
that he had, though in vain, entreated M. de Forbin, the preceding
day, to put him ashore, though his domestics alone should accompany
him, received this proposal with great satisfaction. The fleet
accordingly, aided by a favourable wind, steered to the north
during the whole of the 25th; but at ten o’clock at night, the wind
suddenly changed to the north, and blew directly in their teeth
with considerable violence. As the storm continued the whole of the
following day, and as M. de Forbin was afraid that the fleet would
be dispersed, and might, when separated, fall into the hands of the
enemy, a council was held, at which it was unanimously resolved, with
the entire concurrence of the Chevalier, to return to Dunkirk, where
the expedition arrived on the 7th of April.

Such was the result of an enterprise, which, but for the merest
accidental circumstance, might have been crowned with the most
complete success; for had the expedition arrived only a few hours
earlier in the Frith of Forth, the whole troops, arms and ammunition,
would have been landed without opposition. Such were the dispositions
of the people of Scotland in favour of “the Pretender,” and so
disaffected had they become towards the government, that a universal
rising would undoubtedly have taken place in his support had he set
his foot in Scotland. No effectual resistance could have been offered
to him by the regular troops, which did not exceed 2,500 men; and as
little reliance could be placed in them, from their participating
generally in the national feeling, the Earl of Leven, the
commander-in-chief, had determined to retire to Carlisle or Berwick,
with such forces as would accompany him.[671] The news of the sailing
of the expedition created a panic in England, was followed by a run
upon the bank, which would have been obliged to suspend its payments
had not the most extraordinary exertions been made to support its
credit.

The principal friends of the Chevalier de St. George, and every
person of any distinction in Scotland, suspected of favouring his
pretensions, were, upon the failure of the expedition, immediately
seized and committed to the castles of Edinburgh and Stirling, and
the common jails, whence many of them were transmitted to England,
and imprisoned in the Tower of London, or in Newgate. Among those
who were carried to London, was the Duke of Hamilton, who, taking
advantage of a quarrel between the Lord-treasurer Godolphin and
the Whigs, obtained, by offering his support to the latter in the
election of the Scottish representative peers, not only his own
liberation, but also that of all the other prisoners, with the
exception of Stirling of Kier. Seaton of Touch, Stirling of Carden,
and other gentlemen of Stirlingshire, who, on receiving intelligence
that the Chevalier had landed, had mounted their horses and advanced
in a body towards Edinburgh, to support him. These last were brought
to trial for high treason, as having appeared in arms against the
government; but as no proof was brought against them, they were
acquitted.[672] The fact is, that the queen’s advisers, fully aware
of the great danger which the government had escaped, and the risks
to which it was still exposed, were disposed to act a very lenient
part, and were afraid, under existing circumstances, to commit
themselves by sacrificing any of the disaffected to a doubtful, and,
as it must have appeared to them, a precarious expediency.

For a time, the idea of a restoration seems to have been abandoned;
but the systematic attacks made by the High Church party in England,
upon the principles of the revolution, and the popular excitement
raised against the Whig ministry in consequence of Dr. Sacheverel’s
trial, raised anew the expectations of the Jacobites, which were
still farther elevated by the expulsion of the Whigs from office in
1710, by the intrigues of the Tories. Although the queen on opening
the new parliament, which met on the 25th of November, declared to
both houses that she would employ such persons only as were warmly
attached to the Protestant succession in the House of Hanover; yet
it was generally understood that she was inclined to favour the
pretensions of her brother, the Chevalier de St. George. As his
religion was, in fact, the only bar in the way of his succession, she
endeavoured, but without success, to induce him to abandon it. “You
see,” she observed to the Duke of Buckingham, when speaking of her
brother, “he does not take the least step to oblige me. I have no
reason to think he values me or my kingdom, therefore I shall give it
to the Elector of Hanover.” On another occasion, when warmly pressed
by the duke, she replied, “What would you have me to do? You know, as
the law stands, a Papist cannot inherit the crown, and, therefore,
any will I may make will be to no purpose; the law gives all to
Hanover; and therefore I had better do that with a good grace which
I cannot help. He may thank himself for it. He knows I always loved
him better than the Elector.”[673] The Tories were by no means averse
to her majesty’s views of a successor, but afraid of a reaction in
public opinion in favour of the Whigs, who were endeavouring to
excite the fears of the nation by raising a no-popery cry, they not
only carefully abstained from any act which might be considered as
favouring the claims of “the Pretender;” but even appeared as if
hostile to them. Indeed, so desirous were some of the Tory members
of the House of Commons to settle the crown upon his head, that they
required a mere profession of Protestantism from him, till he should
be firmly seated on the throne, after which he might, they said,
again resume the exercise and profession of his religion. But the
prince refused to comply.

In Scotland, however, little reserve was shown, a remarkable instance
of which occurred in the Faculty of Advocates, which body accepted
from the Duchess of Gordon a silver medal, having on one side an
impression of the head of the Chevalier de St. George, and on the
reverse a representation of the British islands, with the motto,
“_Reddite_.” At the presentation of this treasonable device, a motion
thanking her grace for her gift was carried, after a warm debate, by
a majority of sixty-three voices against twelve. Dundas of Arniston,
to whom the task of conveying the vote was intrusted, thanked
her grace for having presented the Faculty with a medal of their
sovereign, and stated a hope that she would very soon be enabled to
present them with a second medal struck upon the restoration of the
king and royal family, and the finishing of usurpation, rebellion,
and whiggery. This proceeding created an extraordinary sensation, and
Sir David Dalrymple, the Lord Advocate, was directed by the ministry
to inquire into the matter. The Faculty grew alarmed, disclaimed the
conduct of Dundas and of Horne, another member with whom they alleged
the transaction originated, and by a solemn resolution declared their
attachment to the queen and the Protestant succession. To satisfy,
in some measure, the court of Hanover, the resident of which at
the British court had presented a memorial to the queen desiring
that Dundas and his party might be prosecuted, the Lord Advocate
was dismissed from office, because he had been remiss in bringing
the delinquents to justice; but no instructions were given to his
successor to prosecute them.

The remaining years of Queen Anne’s reign were chiefly occupied with
party struggles, which embittered her existence and impaired her
constitution. The Tories disunited among themselves, split latterly
into two factions, which were respectively headed by Harley, Earl of
Oxford, and Henry St. John, Lord Viscount Bolingbroke. The Whigs, on
the other hand, united, active and vigorous, pressed hard upon them,
and employed every art to inflame the people against the authors
of their disgrace. Popery and the Pretender were the never-ceasing
topics with which they endeavoured to enlist the feelings of the
nation in their favour, and the Duke of Argyle, in a warm debate
which took place in the House of Peers on a question proposed by
the Earl of Wharton, “Whether the Protestant succession was in
danger under the present administration?” offered to prove that the
lord-treasurer had remitted a sum of money annually to the Highland
Jacobite chiefs. Oxford did not deny the charge, but defended himself
by saying, that he had only adopted the policy of King William, who
had granted yearly pensions to the heads of the clans, the better
to secure their obedience to the government. The fate of the Tory
ministry was at length sealed by the removal of Oxford and the death
of the queen, who survived that event only a few days. Fatigued by
a long attendance at a cabinet council held immediately after the
dismissal of the lord-treasurer, she was thrown into a lethargic
disorder, which terminated her existence on the morning of the
1st of August, 1714, in the fiftieth year of her age, and in the
thirteenth of her reign. With the exception of her dereliction of
duty towards her father, which, from the circumstances in which she
was placed, may admit of considerable palliation, she left behind her
an unblemished reputation; and though not possessed of much genius
or vigour of mind, she wielded the sceptre with greater skill than
is usually to be found in sovereigns, who, like her, have allowed
themselves to be controlled by favourites.

FOOTNOTES:

[659] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. i. p. 58.

[660] Idem, vol. i. p. 71.

[661] Burton’s _Life of Lovat_, pp. 76, 77.

[662] Macpherson’s _Papers_. Burton’s _Lovat_.

[663] Lockhart, vol. i. pp. 78-83.

[664] _Memoirs of the Life of Simon, Lord Lovat._ Written by himself,
p. 179.

[665] Burton’s _Lovat_, p. 90.

[666] Lockhart, vol. i. p. 98.

[667] Lockhart, vol. i. pp. 131, 132, 133, 137, 140.

[668] Lockhart, vol. i. p. 196.

[669] _Secret History of Colonel Hooke’s Negotiation in Scotland in
1707._--Edin. 1760. Pp. 69-75.

[670] M. D’Andrezel’s Account in Hooke, p. 139.

[671] Alluding to the appearance of the French fleet in the Frith,
Lockhart says, “It is impossible to describe the different appearance
of people’s sentiments; all this day (23d March) generally speaking,
in every person’s face was to be observed an air of jollity and
satisfaction, excepting the general (Leven), those concerned in the
government, and such as were deeply dipt in the revolution. These
indeed were in the greatest terror and confusion. And it was no great
wonder that the Earl of Leven did afterwards, in one of his letters
to the secretaries of state, complain that the Jacobites were so
uppish he durst hardly look them in the face as they walked in the
streets of Edinburgh; for uppish they were indeed, expecting soon to
have an occasion of repaying him and his fellow-rebels in the same
coin he and they had treated them for these twenty years past. But
next day advice was sent from Sir George Byng, that he had come up
with and was then in pursuit of the French fleet, and then it was
that every body was in the greatest pain and anxiety imaginable; some
fearing it would, and others that it would not, determine as it did.
In this perplexity were people when, on the next day, being Sunday,
a great number of tall ships were seen sailing up the Frith. This
put our general in such a terror and confusion as can scarcely be
well expressed: he drew up his army in battle array on the sands of
Leith, as if he’d oppose a landing, and in this posture did he remain
for several hours, when at last his fears, which truly had almost
distracted him, vanished by the landing of a boat, which acquainted
him that it was the English fleet returning from chasing the French.
For Sir George Byng, after a day’s pursuit, finding the French
out-sailed him, tackt about for the Frith, which was the place he
designed chiefly to guard; besides, he had sailed so unprovided that
most of his ships wanted water and provisions. Here he lay several
weeks, and for the most part the wind was easterly, so that he could
not well have sailed down the Frith, and the French might, and every
body believed would, have landed in the north, or sailed round and
landed in the west; but instead of that they went sneakingly home,
without doing any good, but on the contrary much harm, to the king,
his country, and themselves.”--Vol. i. pp. 243, 244.

[672] Lockhart.

[673] _Stuart Papers_, July, 1712. vol. ii. p. 327.

CHAPTER XXIV.

A.D. 1714-1715.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George I., 1714-1727.

Proceedings of the Whigs--Declaration of the Chevalier de St.
George--Arrival of George I. in England--Conduct of the Earl of
Mar--Government measures--Intrigues of the Jacobites--The Earl
of Mar--Leaves England for Scotland--The “Hunting match”--The
Chevalier de St. George proclaimed by Mar, who raises the
standard of revolt in Braemar--Death of Louis XIV.--Manifesto
issued by the Jacobites.

The dismissal of the Earl of Oxford from the office of
lord-high-treasurer was gratifying to the Jacobites, whose
expectations he had disappointed, and they naturally waited with
anxiety for the appointment of his successor, whom they confidently
imagined would be Bolingbroke, his rival, who was supposed, on juster
grounds, to favour their views, and to whom they had transferred
their confidence. But all their hopes were disappointed by the
promotion of the Duke of Shrewsbury to the treasury, a nobleman
distinguished for modesty and disinterestedness, and a devoted
attachment to his country.

To counteract still farther the schemes of Bolingbroke, all the
members of the privy council in London, or the neighbourhood, had
been invited, on the proposal of Somerset and Argyle, to attend
the council without distinction of party, in consequence of which
Lord Somers, and many other Whig noblemen, repaired to Kensington.
The presence of such a number of the Whigs completely overawed
the Tories, who, confused, distracted, and disunited, were either
unable or afraid to oppose the measures proposed by the former
for effectually securing the Protestant succession, and gave a
tacit acquiescence to them. Every precaution, in short, had been
taken to prevent any movement of the Jacobite party in favour of
the Chevalier, and an express was sent to the Elector of Hanover,
informing him that the physicians despaired of the queen’s life, and
desiring him to repair to England with all convenient speed.

As soon as the death of the queen was announced, the lords of the
privy council met, and drew up and issued a proclamation the same
day, declaring that by the death of Queen Anne, the imperial crowns
of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, had “solely and rightfully
come to the High and Mighty Prince George, Elector of Brunswick,
Lunenburg,” in consequence of which, the prince was immediately
proclaimed in London, by the heralds at arms, with the usual
solemnities, and on Thursday the 5th of August, the same ceremony was
repeated at the market cross of Edinburgh, by the deputy-lord-lyon,
king at arms, in presence of the magistrates and town council of the
city, the judges of the supreme courts, a considerable number of the
nobility, and a large assemblage of the inhabitants. The Jacobites
preserved a prudent silence on this occasion, but the supporters of
the government at Edinburgh took care, notwithstanding, to provide
against any contingency. They, accordingly, cut off a part of the
wooden bridge before the castle gate, and drew up the remaining
part to cover the gate itself. They also threw up an intrenchment
between the gate and the castle wall, on which they posted a
party of soldiers. In addition to these precautions, Major-general
Wightman, the commander of the forces, ordered the different
detachments quartered at Dundee, and other places, to join his camp
in the vicinity of Edinburgh, with which order they immediately
complied.[674]

Pursuant to an act of the late reign, the parliament met on the day
the queen died. The first four days were occupied in swearing in the
members, and on the 5th of August, the parliament was opened by the
Lord Chancellor, in name of the lords justices, on whom the interim
administration of the government had devolved by an act of the 4th
and 5th of Queen Anne. Both houses thereafter voted loyal addresses
to his majesty, in which, after congratulating him upon his accession
to the throne, they expressed their anxiety for his safe and speedy
arrival in Great Britain. To these addresses his majesty returned
most gracious answers, which were reported to both houses on the 25th
of August, on which day the parliament was prorogued till the 23d of
September.

When the Chevalier de St. George heard of the death of his sister,
Queen Anne, he set off from his residence in Lorraine, to Paris,
to crave the aid of the King of France, in vindication of his
hereditary rights; but Louis declined to interfere, on the ground
that he had, by the treaty of Utrecht, acknowledged the Protestant
succession. Disappointed in his application, he retired first to
Luneville, and afterwards to Plombieres, whence, on the 29th of
August, he issued a declaration as King James III., asserting his
indefeasible right to the crowns of Great Britain and Ireland, and
solemnly protesting against every act that had been already done, or
that should thereafter be done to the prejudice of his hereditary
rights. He says, that although he had been obliged by the treaty to
remove from France, that he had still continued to have his kingdoms
and his people in view, and that he had never ceased to hope, that
God would in time open his people’s eyes, and convince them not only
of the notorious injustice done to the crown and him, but of the
dangerous consequences thereof for themselves; and that as he could
not see, without grief and sorrow, their blood and treasure lavished
in the late war, in opposition to his rights, so he could not now
with less sorrow, see them exposed to be subjected to an arbitrary
power, and become a prey to foreigners--that the settlement of the
succession upon one who was so far removed from the regular line,
was opposed to the maxims of the English constitution--that the
Elector of Brunswick was, besides, a foreigner, a powerful prince,
and absolute in his own country--that he was ignorant of the laws,
manners, customs, and language, and supported by a good many of his
own people--that there had been many thousands of aliens domiciled
in England, for the last thirty years, who would be ready to stand
by him upon all occasions--that the subversion of such a sacred and
fundamental principle as hereditary right, would lead to endless wars
and divisions, and that as there were many other princes, who had
better pretensions to the crown than the Elector of Brunswick, the
nation could never enjoy any lasting peace or happiness, till the
succession was again settled “in the rightful line.”[675]

Meanwhile, certain movements in Scotland, among the friends of
the Chevalier, indicated to the government that an insurrection
was intended. Bodies of armed men were seen marching towards
the Highlands, and a party of Highlanders appeared in arms near
Inverlochy, which was, however, soon dispersed by a detachment from
the garrison. In this situation of matters, the lords justices sent
down to Scotland a considerable number of half-pay officers, chiefly
of the Scots regiments, to officer the militia of the country, under
the direction of Major-general Whitham, then commander-in-chief in
Scotland. These prompt measures taken by the government, alarmed the
Jacobites, who, after several consultations, retired to their homes.
The Duke of Gordon was, by order of the justices, confined in the
city of Edinburgh, and the Marquis of Huntly, and Lord Drummond,
in their respective residences of Brahan, and castle Drummond. The
last, on hearing that an order for his seizure had arrived, fled to
the Highlands, but offered bail for his good behaviour. At the same
time, Captain Campbell, of Glendaruel, who had obtained a commission
from the late Tory administration, to raise an independent company in
the Highlands, was apprehended at Inverlochy, and carried prisoner
to the capital, and Sir Donald M’Donald of Slait, was also seized
and committed to the castle of Edinburgh.[676] As the lords justices
had received information that the Chevalier intended to land in the
kingdom, they, on the 15th of September, issued a proclamation, in
terms of an act passed in the last session of parliament, offering a
reward of £100,000 sterling for his apprehension, should he land or
attempt to land in Great Britain.[677]

King George, after vesting the government of his German dominions
in a council, embarked for England on the 16th of September, and
landed at Greenwich on the 18th, where he was received by the Duke
of Northumberland, captain of the life-guards, and by the lords
justices, and a large number of the nobility and other persons of
distinction. Among those who presented themselves on this occasion
was the Earl of Mar, one of the secretaries of state, but the king
had been so prepossessed against this nobleman, and indeed against
all the heads of the Tory party, that he did not vouchsafe even to
notice him. The earl suspecting that means had been used to prejudice
his majesty against him, had, in order to take off any unfavourable
impression which these might have produced upon the king’s mind,
written a letter to George when in Holland on his way to England,
congratulating him upon his accession to the throne, stating the
services which he had rendered to the government, and assuring his
majesty that he should find him as faithful and dutiful a subject
and servant as ever any of his family, which had been always loyal,
had been to the crown, or as he had been to his late mistress, the
queen. With the same view, it is supposed, or to throw the government
off its guard, Mar caused a letter to be addressed to him by some
of the heads and branches of the Jacobite clans expressive of their
loyalty to King George, and declaring, that as they had been always
ready to follow his lordship’s directions in serving Queen Anne,
they were equally ready to concur with him in faithfully serving
his majesty.[678] But the prejudices of the king against Mar were
too deeply rooted to be overcome, and within eight days after the
king’s arrival in England, Mar was dismissed from office, and the
Duke of Montrose appointed in his stead. It was very natural for
the king to prefer the Whig party, by whose influence he had been
raised to the throne; but unfortunately for the nation, he carried
this predilection too far. A wise and prudent prince would have
endeavoured to conciliate the adverse faction by acts of kindness,
but George turned his back upon the entire body of the Tories, and
threw himself completely into the arms of the Whigs, who alone shared
in the royal favour, and who used every art to confirm their own
interest, and extend their connexions. The consequence was, that a
spirit of the most violent discontent was excited throughout the
whole kingdom, and the populace, led on by the Tories or Jacobites,
raised tumults in different parts of the kingdom. The Chevalier de
St. George availing himself of this excitement, transmitted by the
French mail copies of the manifesto, or declaration, which he had
issued from Plombieres to the chief nobility, particularly the Dukes
of Shrewsbury, Marlborough, and Argyle, who delivered them to the
secretaries of state. The king, imagining that the Duke of Lorraine
was privy to the preparation and transmission of the manifesto,
refused an audience to the Marquis de Lamberti, minister from the
duke; but although the duke, on being informed by his minister of
the circumstance, denied most pointedly that he was accessory to the
affair, and declared that the Chevalier took up his residence in
Lorraine by the directions of the king of France, the king persisted
in refusing an audience to De Lamberti till his master should remove
the Chevalier from his dominions.

The parliament having been dissolved, the king, in the month of
January, 1715, issued an extraordinary proclamation, calling a new
parliament. In this proclamation he complained of the evil designs
of the disaffected, and of the misrepresentation of his principles
and conduct which had been industriously circulated throughout the
kingdom, expressing his hopes that his loving subjects would send up
to parliament the fittest persons to redress the present disorders,
and to provide for the peace and happiness of the kingdoms. In order
to secure the interest of those in civil and military employments in
the elections, a proclamation was issued on the same day, continuing
all persons who had been duly invested in their offices, civil or
military, before the demise of the queen, and who had not been since
removed therefrom, for the space of six months from the date of the
proclamation, unless his majesty should see cause to remove them
sooner. A warmly contested election followed in England, but although
the Tories made every exertion, and set up the usual shout of the
church in danger, a cry which was responded to by the populace in
many places, a majority of Whigs was returned. The Whigs were still
more successful in Scotland, where a majority of the sixteen peers,
and forty out of forty-five members returned to the commons, were in
the interest of the government. The principal struggle in Scotland
was in Inverness-shire, between M’Kenzie of Preston-hall, who was
supported by Glengarry and the other Jacobite chiefs, and Forbes of
Culloden, brother of the celebrated President Forbes, who carried the
election by the interest of Brigadier-general Grant, and the friends
of Lord Lovat.

The new parliament assembled on the 19th of March at Westminster, and
was for some time chiefly occupied in investigating the conduct of
the late ministers, against some of whom measures of extreme rigour
were resolved upon. But these proceedings were interrupted by the
necessity of devising means for the suppression of a growing spirit
of discontent and disaffection, which seemed to gain ground daily in
England, of which an insurrection in Scotland, and an invasion from
abroad, seemed about to ensue as inevitable results. To put an end
to future rioting, a bill was passed, by which it was declared, that
if any persons, to the number of twelve, riotously, tumultuously,
and unlawfully assembled, should continue together for an hour after
having been required to disperse by a justice of peace or other
officer, by proclamation publicly read,--and of which a form was
given in the act, they should be guilty of felony, without benefit
of clergy. When the king attended in the House of Lords on the 13th
of July, to give his assent to this and other bills, he informed
both houses that a rebellion had actually begun at home, and that an
invasion was threatened from abroad, and he, therefore, solicited
the commons to enable him to provide for the defence of the kingdom.
The preparations of the Chevalier de St. George for a descent upon
Great Britain were indeed already far advanced. Elated by the
intelligence which had been sent him from England by the Tories, of
the disaffection of the people to the government, and by the promises
of support which he had received from them, should he land in Great
Britain, the prince had applied a second time for succour to Louis,
who, notwithstanding the treaty of Utrecht, supplied him privately
with money, and allowed a ship to be fitted out for him, at his own
expense, in the port of Havre. The cause of the Chevalier had now
been openly espoused by the Duke of Ormond and Lord Bolingbroke, both
of whom having retired to France, had been attainted by the British
parliament without a hearing, and were busily employed corresponding
with the Tories of England. These intrigues and preparations were
early discovered by the Earl of Stair, the British ambassador at
Paris, and communicated by him to the ministry. Proceeding upon this
information, the parliament suspended the Habeas Corpus act, and
renewed the offer of one hundred thousand pounds to any person or
persons who should seize the Pretender, dead or alive. Great naval
and military preparations were made, and the trained bands were kept
in readiness to suppress tumults.

As early as May, a report was current among the Jacobites of Scotland
of the Chevalier’s design to make a descent, in consequence of
which they began to bestir themselves, by providing arms, horses,
&c. Lockhart of Carnwath, a very warm partisan of the Chevalier,
while “solacing” himself, as he says, with the expectation of
hearing “great and good news,” had his house surrounded by a strong
detachment of Lord Shannon’s regiment of foot, which carried him
prisoner to the castle of Edinburgh, by virtue of a warrant “under
the Elector of Hanover’s own hand.” The apprehension of Lockhart
served as a signal to the other Jacobites in Scotland, against whom
warrants were issued, all of whom escaped, with the exception of
the Earls of Home and Wigton, who were taken up, and also committed
prisoners to the castle.[680]

Of John Erskine, the 11th Earl of Mar, the chief leader in the
ensuing insurrection, it may be proper to say a few words. Following
the footsteps of his father, who joined the revolution party, merely
because he considered it his interest so to do, the young earl, on
entering into public life, attached himself to the party then in
power, at the head of which was the Duke of Queensberry, the leader
of the Scottish Whigs. He took the oaths and his seat in parliament
in September, 1696, was sworn in a privy councillor the following
year, and was afterwards appointed to the command of a regiment of
foot, and invested with the order of the Thistle. In 1704, when the
Whigs were superseded by the country party, the earl, pursuant to
the line of conduct he intended to follow, of making his politics
subservient to his interest, immediately paid court to the new
administration, by placing himself at the head of such of the Duke
of Queensberry’s friends as opposed the Marquis of Tweeddale and his
party. In this situation he showed so much dexterity, and managed
his opposition with so much art and address, that he was considered
by the Tories as a man of probity, and well inclined to the exiled
family. Afterwards, when the Whig party came again into power, he
gave them his support, and became very zealous in promoting all the
measures of the court, particularly the treaty of union, for which
he presented the draught of an act in parliament, in 1705. To reward
his exertions, he was, after the prorogation of the parliament,
appointed secretary of state for Scotland, instead of the Marquis of
Annandale, who was displaced, because he was suspected of holding a
correspondence with the “Squadron,” who were inclined to support the
succession to the crown without, rather than with the proposed union.
His lordship was chosen one of the sixteen representative peers in
1707, and re-elected at the general election the following year, and
in 1710 and 1713. By the share he had taken in bringing about the
union, Mar had rendered himself very unpopular in Scotland; but he
endeavoured to regain the favour of his countrymen, by attending a
deputation of Scottish members, consisting of the Duke of Argyle,
himself, Cockburn younger of Ormiston, and Lockhart of Carnwath,
who waited on Queen Anne in 1712, to inform her of their resolution
to move for a repeal of the union with England. When the Earl of
Findlater brought forward a motion for repeal in the House of Lords,
Mar spoke strongly in favour of it, and pressed the dissolution of
the union as the only means to preserve the peace of the island.[681]
He was made a privy-councillor in 1708, and on the death of the Duke
of Queensberry in 1713, the earl was again appointed secretary of
state for Scotland, and thus, for the second time, enlisted himself
under the banners of Toryism; but an end was put to his political
tergiversation by his abrupt and unceremonious dismissal from office
by George I., and he vowed revenge.

Though not possessed of shining talents, he made ample amends for
their deficiencies by artifice and an insinuating and courteous
deportment, and managed his designs with such prudence and
circumspection as to render it extremely difficult to ascertain his
object when he desired concealment; by which conduct “he showed
himself,” in the opinion of a contemporary, “to be a man of good
sense, but bad morals.”[682] The versatility of his politics was
perhaps owing rather to the peculiar circumstances in which he was
placed than to any innate viciousness of disposition. He was a
Jacobite from principle, but as the fortunes of his house had been
greatly impaired in the civil war by its attachment to the Stuarts,
and as, upon his entrance into public life, he found the cause of the
exiled family at a low ebb, he sought to retrieve the losses which
his ancestors had sustained; while, at the same time, he gratified
his ambition, by aspiring to power, which he could only hope to
acquire by attaching himself to the existing government. The loss of
a place of £5,000 a-year, without any chance of ever again enjoying
the sweets of office, was gall and wormwood to such a man. This
disappointment, and the studied insult he had received from the king,
operating upon a selfish and ambitious spirit, drove him into open
rebellion, with no other view than the gratification of his revenge.
But whatever were his qualifications in the cabinet, he was without
military experience, and consequently unfit to command an army, as
the result showed.

On the eve of Mar’s departure from England to place himself at the
head of the intended insurrection in Scotland, he resolved to show
himself at court; and, accordingly, he appeared in the presence of
King George on the 1st of August, with all the complaisance of a
courtier, and with that affability of demeanour for which he was
so distinguished. What his motives were for thus needlessly laying
himself open to the charge of studied duplicity by confronting a
sovereign whose throne he was about to attempt to overturn, it is
difficult to conjecture. Was it to solace his offended pride, or
to show the world the hardihood of his determination to unfurl the
standard of revolt, that he had the cool daring, in presence of the
nobles of the land, to look in the face the man against whom he had
inwardly vowed to wage war? Or was his object, in thus appearing as
if no treasonable design could be in his contemplation, intended as
a feint to deceive the court and lull suspicion, so as to enable him
the more effectually to conceal the preparations he had made for his
intended departure? All of these questions might be fairly answered
in the affirmative, as being in perfect conformity with the earl’s
character.

Having disguised himself by changing his usual dress, he embarked
at Gravesend on the 2d of August, 1715, on board a vessel bound for
Newcastle, accompanied by Major-general Hamilton and Colonel Hay,
and attended by two servants. On arriving at Newcastle he and his
party went on board another vessel bound for the Frith of Forth,
the property of one Spence, and were landed at Elie, a small port
on the Fife coast, near the mouth of the Frith. During the great
civil war, and for many years thereafter, a landing in Fife in
support of the Stuarts would have been a dangerous attempt, but
the opinions of many of the Fife people had, of late, undergone a
complete revolution; and, at the time in question, Fife had, as the
Jacobites would have said, many “honest” men, or in other words,
persons who were warmly attached to the interests of the exiled
family. From Elie, Mar proceeded to Crail, where he was met by Sir
Alexander Erskine, the Lord Lyon, and other friends of the Jacobite
interest, who accompanied him to the house of “the Honest Laird,”
a name by which John Bethune of Balfour, a stanch Jacobite, was
commonly known. After remaining a few days in Fife, Mar paid a visit
to his brother-in-law, the Earl of Kinnoul, at his seat of Dupplin
in the county of Perth, whence he departed on Thursday the 18th of
August, and crossed the Tay about two miles below Perth, with 40
horse, on his way to his seat of Kildrummy, in the Braes of Mar. On
the following day he despatched letters to the principal Jacobites,
inviting them to attend a grand hunting-match at Braemar, on the
27th of August. As the government was on the alert, and watched very
narrowly any unusual assemblages, the Jacobites had frequently before
had recourse to this and similar expedients to enable them to concert
their measures without exciting the suspicion of the government.[683]

That the earl had matured his plans before coming to Scotland, and
that the Jacobites were let into the secret of his designs, is
evident from the fact that, as early as the 6th of August, those
in Edinburgh and the neighbourhood were aware of his intention to
come down to Scotland. On the following morning the Honourable
John Dalzel, a captain on half pay, sent in a resignation of his
commission, that he might join with greater freedom the standard of
the earl.

Under pretence of attending the hunting-match, a considerable number
of noblemen and gentlemen arrived at Aboyne, in Aberdeenshire, about
the time appointed. Among these were the Marquis of Huntly, eldest
son of the Duke of Gordon; the Marquis of Tullibardine, eldest son
of the Duke of Athole; the Earls of Nithsdale, Marischal, Traquair,
Errol, Southesk, Carnwath, Seaforth, Linlithgow, and others; the
Viscounts Kilsyth, Kenmure, Kingston, and Stormont; Lords Rollo,
Duffus, Drummond, Strathallan, Ogilvie, and Nairne; and about
twenty-six gentlemen of influence in the Highlands, among whom were
Generals Hamilton and Gordon, Glengary, Campbell of Glendaruel, and
the lairds of Auchterhouse and Auldbar.[684]

After the meeting had assembled, the earl proceeded to address his
friends in a regular and well-ordered speech. He began by expressing
his sorrow for having been instrumental in forwarding the union of
the two kingdoms. He informed them that his eyes were now opened, and
that he clearly perceived the error he had committed; that he would
therefore do every thing in his power to make his countrymen again a
free people, and restore to them their ancient liberties which had
been surrendered into the hands of the English by the accursed treaty
of union. That this treaty, which had already done so much injury to
Scotland, was calculated to inflict additional grievances upon it,
and that such were the designs of the English appeared evident by
the measures which had been daily pursued ever since the Elector of
Hanover had ascended the throne. That this prince regarded neither
the welfare of his people, nor their religion; but had committed the
charge of both entirely to a set of men who, while they stuck to the
Protestant succession, made such alterations in church and state as
they thought fit. That they had already begun to encroach upon the
liberties of both, on which account he had resolved to vindicate
their rights by placing the lawful sovereign, James VIII., who had
promised to hear their grievances and redress their wrongs, upon the
throne of his ancestors. He then informed them of his determination
to take up arms in behalf of his lawful king: that he would summon
all the fencible men among his own tenantry, and with them hazard
his life in the cause; and he exhorted all those assembled to follow
his example. To encourage them to do so, he assured them that there
would be a general rising in England in support of the cause; that
they would receive powerful assistance from France, whither the Duke
of Ormond and Lord Bolingbroke had gone to induce Louis XIV. to aid
and assist them with men and money; and that the Duke of Berwick
would certainly land in the West of England with a large force.
That there were thousands of persons throughout the kingdom who had
solemnly pledged themselves to him, and to one another, to join
him in deposing King George, and establishing James VIII. on the
throne. He then informed them that he had received letters (which he
exhibited) under the hand of James himself, from Lorraine, promising
to come over to Scotland and place his person under the protection
of the valour and fidelity of his Scottish subjects; and that, in
the meantime, ships, provided with arms, ammunition, and other
military stores, would be sent over from France as soon as a landing
port should be fixed upon. He thereupon produced, or stated that
he had in his possession, a commission from James, appointing him
his Lieutenant-general, and commander of all the Jacobite forces in
Scotland, and informed the meeting that he was furnished with money,
and that an arrangement had been made by which he would be enabled to
pay regularly the troops that should be raised, so that no gentleman
who might join his standard, with his followers, would be put to any
expense, and the country would be quite relieved from the burden
of supporting the war. After the earl had finished his harangue,
the meeting unanimously resolved to take up arms in support of the
Chevalier; and after taking an oath of fidelity to the earl as the
representative of James VIII. and to each other, the persons present
took leave of him, and promised to return immediately to their
estates and raise their men, and to hold themselves in readiness to
join the earl on the first summons. To enlist the feelings of the
people in favour of the prince, copies of his manifesto, of which
each individual who attended the meeting obtained a supply from the
earl, were industriously circulated throughout the country, and dropt
in the streets of the different towns in Scotland during night.

The government was not inattentive to the proceedings of the
Jacobites, and measures were adopted immediately by the Lord Advocate
for securing the chiefs. Under the authority of an act passed on
the 30th of August, a large number of noblemen and gentlemen, of
whom a great proportion belonged to the Highlands, were summoned by
him to appear at Edinburgh within certain specified periods, under
the pain of a year’s imprisonment and other penalties, to give bail
for their allegiance to the government. Among them was Rob Roy. The
time allowed for the appearance of such as resided to the south of
the river Tay, was seven days, to those on the north, fifteen,
and to such as might be out of Scotland, sixty days after the day
of citation. Very few of them however appeared, and the remainder,
almost without exception, rushed at once into the insurrection.

The confederated chiefs had scarcely all of them reached their
respective homes, when they were again summoned by Mar to meet
him at Aboyne, on the 3d of September, to concert measures for
appearing immediately in arms. Some of those who resided only a
short distance from the appointed rendezvous, attended, and having
received instructions to assemble their men, and to join him without
delay, at Kirkmichael, a village in Braemar, they returned to their
estates, and sent round the fiery cross to summon their followers to
the field. With 60 followers only, Mar proclaimed the Chevalier at
Castletown in Braemar, after which he proceeded to Kirkmichael, where
on the 6th of September he raised his standard, which was consecrated
by prayer, in presence, according to some accounts, of a force of
2,000 men, mostly consisting of horse.[685] When the standard was in
the course of being erected, the ball on the top of the pole fell
off, an incident which was regarded by the superstitious Highlanders
as a bad omen, and which threw a damp over the proceedings of the day.

On the following day, Mar intimated by a circular letter to the
gentlemen of Perthshire, his appointment to the chief command of
all King James’s forces in Scotland, and he required them to hold
themselves in readiness to join him with their vassals when called
upon. He also directed them to secure the arms of such persons as
were hostile to the cause of King James, and desired they would
prevent their men from plundering, or living at free quarters, upon
his Majesty’s subjects. “The King,” he observes, “makes no doubt of
your zeal for his service, especially at this juncture when his cause
is so deeply concerned, and the relieving of our native country from
oppression and a foreign yoke, too heavy for us and our posterity to
bear, and when now is the time to endeavour the restoring, not only
our rightful and native king, but also our country to its ancient,
free, and independent constitution under him, whose ancestors have
reigned over us for so many generations.”

Two days thereafter the earl published a high-flown declaration, in
which he summons, “in his Majesty’s name and authority,” and “by
the King’s special order to me thereunto,” all faithful and loving
subjects to raise their fencible men with their best arms, and to
join him at the Inver of Mar on the following Monday, “in order to
proceed in our march to attend the king’s standard with his other
forces. The king intending that his forces shall be paid from the
time of their first setting out, he expects, as he positively orders,
that they behave themselves civilly, and commit no plundering or
other disorders, upon the highest penalties, and his displeasure,
which is expected you’l see observed.”

As a contrast to this high-flown and liberty-sounding document, the
following singular letter, written by the earl to his baillie in the
lordship of Kildrummy, on the evening of the day on which the above
declaration was issued, is curious. It exhibits, in a remarkable
point of view, the despotic power which, even down to such a modern
period, a feudal or rather a Highland chief considered himself
entitled to exercise with impunity over his vassals. Had such an
order been issued by a baron, who had scarcely ever gone beyond
the boundaries of his own demesnes, it might have been passed over
without remark, as in perfect keeping with the ideas of a feudal
despot; but to see the refined courtier threatening his own vassals
and tenants with destruction, and even extermination, merely because
they hesitated to take up arms in opposition to the government under
which they lived, and under which the earl himself had served, is
indeed very extraordinary:--

“INVERCAULD, _Sept. 9, at night, 1715_.

“Jocke,--Ye was in the right not to come with the hundred men
ye sent up to-night, when I expected four times the number. It
is a pretty thing, when all the Highlands of Scotland are now
rising upon their king and country’s account, as I have accounts
from them since they were with me, and the gentlemen of our
neighbouring lowlands expecting us down to join them, that my
men should be only refractory. Is not this the thing we are now
about, which they have been wishing these twenty-six years? And
now, when it is come, and the king and country’s cause is at
stake, will they for ever sit still and see all perish? I have
used gentle means too long, and so I shall be forced to put
other orders I have in execution. I have sent you enclosed an
order for the lordship of Kildrummy, which you are immediately
to intimate to all my vassals: if they give ready obedience,
it will make some amends, and if not ye may tell them from me,
that it will not be in my power to save them (were I willing)
from being treated as enemies, by those who are ready soon to
join me; and they may depend on it, that I will be the first
to propose, and order their being so. Particularly, let my own
tenants in Kildrummy know, that if they come not forth with their
best arms, that I will send a party immediately to burn what they
shall miss taking from them. And they may believe this not only
a threat, but, by all that’s sacred, I’ll put it in execution,
let my loss be what it will, that it may be an example to others.
You are to tell the gentlemen that I’ll expect them in their
best accoutrements, on horseback, and no excuse to be accepted
of. Go about this with all diligence, and come yourself and let
me know your having done so. All this is not only as ye will be
answerable to me, but to your king and country.

“Your assured friend and servant,

“MAR.”

“_To John Forbes of Inverau,
Bailie of Kildrummy._”

While the Jacobite chiefs were collecting their forces, an event
occurred which ought to have induced them to abandon, at least for a
time, an enterprise signalized by such an untoward beginning. This
was the death of Louis XIV., who expired on the 1st of September,
after a short illness. An occurrence more unfortunate to the cause
of the Chevalier could scarcely have happened at such a conjuncture,
as it tended to damp the spirits of his partisans, who looked upon
Louis as the main prop of the cause. On receipt of this intelligence,
the chiefs held a meeting to consult upon the course they ought to
pursue under this new aspect of matters. Some of the more moderate
were for returning home, and remaining quiet till the arrival of
the Chevalier, should he receive any encouragement from the new
government of France to proceed on his intended voyage; but the
majority argued that they had already gone too far to recede with
safety, and that as a general insurrection would take place in
England in favour of the Chevalier, they should take the field
forthwith. An immediate appeal to arms having been resolved upon,
messengers were despatched to France to urge the Chevalier to hasten
his departure, and the following notable manifesto, which had been
privately printed at Edinburgh by Freebairn, one of the king’s
printers, was issued at the same time:--

“Manifesto by the Noblemen, Gentlemen, and others, who dutifully
appear at this time in asserting the undoubted rights of their
lawful sovereign, James the Eighth, by the grace of God, king of
Scotland, England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith,
&c.; and for relieving this, his ancient kingdom, from the
oppressions and grievances it lies under.

“His majesty’s right of blood to the crowns of these realms is
undoubted, and has never been disputed or arraigned by the least
circumstance or lawful authority. By the laws of God, by the
ancient constitutions, and by the positive unrepealed laws of the
land, we are bound to pay his majesty the duty of loyal subjects.
Nothing can absolve us from this our duty of subjection and
obedience. The laws of God require our allegiance to our rightful
king--the laws of the land secure our religion and other interests;
and his majesty giving up himself to the support of his Protestant
subjects, puts the means of securing to us our concerns, religious
and civil, in our own hands. Our fundamental constitution has been
entirely altered and sunk amidst the various shocks of unstable
faction, while, in searching out new expedients pretended for our
security, it has produced nothing but daily disappointments, and
has brought us and our posterity under a precarious dependence upon
foreign councils and interests, and the power of foreign troops.
The late unhappy union which was brought about by the mistaken
notions of some, and the ruinous and selfish designs of others, has
proved so far from lessening and healing the differences betwixt
his majesty’s subjects of Scotland and England, that it has widened
and increased them. And it appears by experience so inconsistent
with the rights, privileges, and interests of us, and our good
neighbours and fellow-subjects of England, that the continuance
of it must inevitably ruin us, and hurt them; nor can any way be
found out to relieve us, and restore our ancient and independent
constitution, but by the restoring our rightful and natural king,
who has the only undoubted right to reign over us. Neither can
we hope that the party who chiefly contributed to bring us into
bondage, will at any time endeavour to work our relief, since it
is known how strenuously they opposed, in two late instances, the
efforts that were made by all Scotsmen by themselves, and supported
by the best and wisest of the English, towards so desirable an end,
as they will not adventure openly to disown the dissolution of the
union to be. Our substance has been wasted in the late ruinous
wars, and we see an unavoidable prospect of having wars continued
on us and our posterity so long as the possession of the crown
is not in the right line. The hereditary rights of the subjects,
though confirmed by conventions and parliaments, are now treated
as of no value or force, and past services to the crown and royal
family are now looked upon as grounds of suspicion. A packed up
assembly, who call themselves a British parliament, have, so far
as in them lies, inhumanely murdered their own and our sovereign,
by promising a good sum of money as the reward of so execrable
a crime. They have proscribed, by unaccountable and groundless
impeachments and attainders, the worthy patriots of England, for
their honourable and successful endeavours to restore trade,
plenty, and peace to these nations.

“They have broken in upon the sacred laws of both countries by
which the liberty of our persons was secured, and they have
empowered a foreign prince, (who, notwithstanding his expectations
of the crown for fifteen years, is still unacquainted with our
manners, customs, and language,) to make an absolute conquest (if
not timely prevented) of the three kingdoms, by investing himself
with an unlimited power, not only of raising unnecessary forces at
home, but also of calling in foreign troops, ready to promote his
uncontrollable designs. Nor can we be ever hopeful of its being
otherwise, in the way it is at present, for some generations to
come. And the sad consequences of these unexampled proceedings have
really been so fatal to great numbers of our kinsmen, friends, and
fellow-subjects of both kingdoms, that they have been constrained
to abandon their country, houses, wives and children, to give
themselves up prisoners, and perhaps victims, to be sacrificed to
the pleasure of foreigners, and a few hot-headed men of a restless
faction, whom they employ. Our troops abroad, notwithstanding their
long and remarkable good services, have been treated, since the
peace, with neglect and contempt, and particularly in Holland; and
it is not now the officers’ long service, merit, and blood they
have lost, but money and favour by which they can obtain justice
in their preferments. So that it is evident the safety of his
majesty’s person, and independency of his kingdoms, call loudly for
immediate relief and defence.

“The consideration of these unhappy circumstances, with the due
regard we have to common justice, the peace and quiet of us and
our posterity, and our duty to his majesty, and his commands,
are the powerful motives which have engaged us in our present
undertaking, which we are firmly and heartily resolved to push to
the utmost, and stand by one another to the last extremity, as the
only solid and effectual means for putting an end to so dreadful a
prospect, as by our present situation we have before our eyes, and
with faithful hearts true to our rightful king, our country, and
our neighbours, we earnestly beseech and expect, as his majesty
commands, the assistance of all our true fellow-subjects to second
our attempt; declaring hereby our sincere intentions that we will
promote and concur in all lawful means for settling a lasting peace
to these lands, under the auspicious government of our native-born
rightful sovereign, the direction of our own domestic councils, and
the protection of our native forces and troops. That we will in the
same manner concur and endeavour to have our laws, liberties, and
properties, secured by the parliaments of both kingdoms; that by
the wisdom of such parliaments we will endeavour to have such laws
enacted as shall give absolute security to us, and future ages, for
the Protestant religion, against all efforts of arbitrary power,
popery, and all its other enemies.

“Nor have we any reason to be distrustful of the goodness of God,
the truth and purity of our holy religion, or the known excellency
of his majesty’s judgment, as not to hope, that in due time, good
examples and conversation with our learned divines, will remove
those prejudices, which we know his education in a Popish country
has not riveted in his royal discerning mind; and we are sure, as
justice is a virtue in all religions and professions, so the doing
of it to him will not lessen his good opinion of ours. That as the
king is willing to give his royal indemnity for all that is past,
so he will cheerfully concur in passing general acts of oblivion,
that our fellow-subjects, who have been misled, may have a fair
opportunity of living with us in the same friendly manner that
we design to live with them. That we will use our endeavours for
redressing the bad usage of our troops abroad, and bringing the
troops at home on the same footing and establishment of pay, as
those of England. That we will sincerely and heartily go into such
measures as shall maintain effectually, and establish, a right,
firm, and lasting union betwixt his majesty’s ancient kingdom
of Scotland, and our good neighbours and fellow-subjects of the
kingdom of England.

“The peace of these nations being thus settled and we freed from
foreign dangers, we will use our endeavours to have the army
reduced to the usual number of guards and garrisons; and will
concur in such laws and methods, as shall relieve us of the
heavy taxes and debts now lying upon us, and at the same time,
will support the public credit in all its parts. And we hereby
faithfully promise and engage that every officer who joins with us
in our king and country’s cause shall not only enjoy the same post
he now does, but shall be advanced and preferred according to his
rank and station and the number of men he brings off with him to
us. And each foot soldier so joining us shall have twenty shillings
sterling, and each trooper or dragoon, who brings horse and
accoutrements along with him, £12 sterling gratuity, besides their
pay; and in general we shall concur with all our fellow subjects in
such measures as shall make us flourish at home, and be formidable
abroad, under our rightful sovereign, and the peaceable harmony of
our ancient fundamental constitution, undisturbed by a pretender’s
interests and councils from abroad, or a restless faction at home.
In so honourable, so good, and just a cause, we do not doubt of the
assistance, direction, and blessing of Almighty God, who has so
often succoured the royal family of Stuarts, and our country from
sinking under oppression.”

A document better calculated to arouse the national feeling could
not have been penned. Every topic which could excite a spirit of
disaffection against the government then existing is artfully
introduced, and enforced with an energy of diction and an apparent
strength of reasoning admirably fitted for exciting the spirit of a
people living, as they imagined, in a state of national degradation.
But this manifesto which, a few years before, would have set the
whole of Scotland in a flame, produced little or no effect in those
quarters where alone it was necessary to make such an appeal.

FOOTNOTES:

[674] Rae’s _History of the late Rebellion_. Dumfries, 1718, p. 63.

[675] _Culloden Papers_, pp. 30, 31.

[676] Rae, p. 77.

[677] _Gazette_, 25th September, 1714.

[678] This document, which was signed by the chief of Maclean,
Macdonell of Glengarry, Cameron of Lochiel, Macdonell of Keppoch, Sir
Donald Macdonald, Mackintosh of Mackintosh, Mackenzie of Fraserdale,
M’Leod of Contulick, Grant of Glenmoriston, Chisholm of Comer, and
M’Pherson of Cluny, is as follows:--

“My Lord,

“So soon as we heard of the afflicting news of the death of
her late majesty, Queen Anne, it did exceedingly comfort us,
that, after so good and great a queen, who had the hearts and
consulted the true happiness of all her people, we were to be
governed by his sacred majesty, King George, a prince so brightly
adorned with all royal virtues, that Britain, under his royal
administration, shall still be flourishing at home, and able to
hold the balance in the affairs of Europe.[679] Allow us, my
Lord, to please ourselves with this agreeable persuasion, that
his majesty’s royal and kindly influence shall reach to us, who
are the most remote, as well as to others of his subjects in this
island. We are not ignorant that there are some people forward
to misrepresent us, from particular private views of their own,
and who, to reach their own ends against us, on all occasions,
endeavour to make us, in the Highlands of Scotland, pass for
disaffected persons.

“Your lordship has an estate and interest in the Highlands, and
is so well known to bear good-will to your neighbours, that
in order to prevent any ill impressions which malicious and
ill-designing people may at this juncture labour to give of us,
we must beg leave to address your lordship, and entreat you to
assure the government, in our names, and in that of the rest of
the clans, who, by distance of place, could not be present at the
signing of this letter, of our loyalty to his sacred majesty,
King George. And we do hereby declare to your lordship, that as
we were always ready to follow your directions in serving Queen
Anne, so we will now be equally forward to concur with your
lordship in faithfully serving King George. And we entreat your
lordship would advise as how we may best offer our duty to his
majesty upon his coming over to Britain; and on all occasions we
will beg to receive your counsel and direction how we may be most
useful to his royal government.

“We are, with all truth and respect,” &c.

[679] There is little difficulty in perceiving, by comparing
this letter with that written by Mar to the king, that it is the
production of Mar himself, though said to be drawn up by his brother,
Lord Grange. “The balance in the affairs of Europe,” an expression
since changed into that of the “balance of power,” is a phrase which
could have occurred only to a secretary of state. What calamities
have been inflicted upon Europe since the sway of the _Grand
Monarque_ in attempts to adjust “this balance,” and yet the scales
vibrate as much as ever!

[680] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. i. pp. 485-6.

[681] Lockhart, vol. i. p. 436.

[682] Idem.

[683] Rae, 188. _Annals of King George_, year the second, London,
1717, p. 25.

[684] Rae, p. 189. _Annals of King George_, pp. 15, 16.

[685] _Annals of 2d Year of George I._, p. 28.

CHAPTER XXV.

A.D. 1715.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George I., 1714-1727.

Measures of the government--Attempt to surprise Edinburgh
Castle--Duke of Argyle appointed to the command of the government
forces--Expedition of General Gordon into Argyle--Proceedings
of the Earl of Mar--Insurrection in England--Affair at
Keith--Rising in the south of Scotland--Expedition of Brigadier
Mackintosh--Marches to Edinburgh and occupies Leith--Duke of
Argyle marches to Leith--Retreat of Mackintosh--Joins the forces
under Forster--Disputes among the insurgents and secession of 500
Highlanders--Rebels march into England--Battle of Preston.

While the Earl of Mar was thus busily engaged exciting a rebellion in
the north, the government was no less active in making preparations
to meet it. Apprehensive of a general rising in England, particularly
in the west, where a spirit of disaffection had often displayed
itself, and to which the insurrection in Scotland was, it was
believed, intended as a diversion; the government, instead of
despatching troops to Scotland, posted the whole disposable force
in the disaffected districts, at convenient distances, by which
disposition, considerable bodies could be assembled together to
assist each other in case of need. The wisdom of this plan soon
became apparent, as there can be no doubt, that had an army been sent
into Scotland to suppress the rebellion in the north, an insurrection
would have broken out in England, which might have been fatal to the
government.[686]

To strengthen, however, the military force in Scotland, the
regiments of Forfar, Orrery, and Hill, were recalled from Ireland.
These arrived at Edinburgh about the 24th of August, and were soon
thereafter despatched along with other troops to the west, under
Major-general Wightman, for the purpose of securing the fords of the
Forth, and the pass of Stirling. These troops being upon the reduced
establishment, did not exceed 1,600 men, a force inadequate for the
protection of such an important post. Orders were, therefore, sent
to the Earl of Stair’s regiment of dragoons and two foot regiments,
which lay in the north of England, to march to the camp in the park
of Stirling with all expedition, and at the same time, Evans’s
regiment of dragoons, and Clyton’s and Wightman’s regiments of foot
were recalled from Ireland.[687]

During the time the camp was forming at Stirling, the friends of
the Chevalier at Edinburgh formed the daring project of seizing the
castle of Edinburgh, the possession of which would have been of vast
importance to the Jacobite cause. Lord Drummond, a Catholic, was
at the head of this party, which consisted of about 90 gentlemen
selected for the purpose, about one half of whom were Highlanders.
In the event of success, each of the adventurers was to receive
£100 sterling and a commission in the army. To facilitate their
design, they employed one Arthur, who had formerly been an ensign
in the Scotch guards, to corrupt some of the soldiers in the
garrison, and who by money and promises of preferment induced a
sergeant, a corporal, and two sentinels to enter into the views of
the conspirators. These engaged to attend at a certain place upon
the wall, on the north, near the Sally-port, in order to assist the
conspirators in their ascent. The latter had prepared a scaling
ladder made of ropes, capable of holding several men abreast, and
had so contrived it, that it could be drawn up through means of
pulleys, by a small rope which the soldiers were to fasten behind the
wall. Having completed their arrangements, they fixed on the 9th of
September for the attempt, being the day after the last detachment
of the government troops quartered in camp in St. Anne’s Yards,
near Edinburgh, had set off for Stirling. But the projectors of this
well-concerted enterprise were doomed to lament its failure when
almost on the eve of completion.

[Illustration: Edinburgh Castle in 1715, from the North-East. From an
old print.]

Arthur, the officer who had bribed the soldiers, having engaged
his brother, a physician in Edinburgh, in the Jacobite interest,
let him into the secret of the design upon the castle. Dr. Arthur,
who appears to have been a man of a timorous disposition, grew
alarmed at this intelligence, and so deep had been the impression
made upon his mind while contemplating the probable consequences of
such a step, that on the day before the attempt his spirits became
so depressed as to attract the notice of his wife, who importuned
him to inform her of the cause. He complied, and his wife, without
acquainting him, sent an anonymous letter to Sir Adam Cockburn of
Ormiston, Lord-Justice-Clerk, acquainting him with the conspiracy.
Cockburn received this letter at ten o’clock at night, and sent it
off with a letter from himself to Lieutenant-colonel Stuart, the
deputy-governor of the castle, who received the communication shortly
before eleven. Stuart lost no time in ordering the officers to double
their guards and make diligent rounds; but probably supposing that
no attempt would be made that night he went to bed after issuing
these instructions. In the meantime, the conspirators had assembled
at a tavern preparatory to their attempt, but unfortunately for
its success they lingered over their cups far beyond the time they
had fixed upon for putting their project into execution. In fact,
they did not assemble at the bottom of the wall till after the
deputy-governor had issued his orders; but ignorant of what had
passed within the castle, they proceeded to tie the rope, which had
been let down by the soldiers, to the ladder. Unhappily for the
whole party, the hour for changing the sentinels had arrived, and
while the traitorous soldiers were in the act of drawing up the
ladder, one Lieutenant Lindsay, at the head of a party of fresh
sentinels, came upon them on his way to the sally-port. The soldiers,
alarmed at the approach of Lindsay’s party, immediately slipt the
rope, one of them at the same time discharging his piece at the
assailants to divert suspicion from himself. The noise which this
occurrence produced told the conspirators that they were discovered,
on which they dispersed. A party of the town-guard which the Lord
Provost, at the request of the Lord-Justice-Clerk, had sent to patrol
about the castle, attracted by the firing, immediately rushed from
the West-Port, and repaired to the spot, but all the conspirators,
with the exception of four whom they secured, had escaped. These
were one Captain Maclean, an officer who had fought under Dundee at
Killiecrankie, whom they found lying on the ground much injured by a
fall from the ladder or from a precipice; Alexander Ramsay and George
Boswell, writers in Edinburgh; and one Lesly, who had been in the
service of the same Duchess of Gordon who had distinguished herself
in the affair of the medal. This party picked up the ladder and a
quantity of muskets and carbines which the conspirators had thrown
away in their flight.[688]

Such was the result of an enterprise which had been matured with
great judgment, and which would probably have succeeded, but for
the trifling circumstance above mentioned. The capture of such an
important fortress as the castle of Edinburgh, at such a time, would
have been of vast importance to the Jacobites, inasmuch as it would
not only have afforded them an abundant supply of military stores,
with which it was then well provided, and put them in possession of a
considerable sum of money, but would also have served as a rallying
point to the disaffected living to the south of the Forth, who only
waited a favourable opportunity to declare themselves. Besides giving
them the command of the city, the possession of the castle by a
Jacobite force would have compelled the commander of the government
forces to withdraw the greater part of his troops from Stirling, and
leave that highly important post exposed to the northern insurgents.
Had the attempt succeeded, Lord Drummond, the contriver of the
design, was to have been made governor of the castle, and notice
of its capture was to have been announced to some of the Jacobite
partisans on the opposite coast of Fife, by firing three cannon-shots
from its battlements. On hearing the report of the guns, these men
were instantly to have communicated the intelligence to the Earl of
Mar, who was to hasten south with all his forces.[689]

As the appointment of a person of rank, influence, and talent, to
the command of the army, destined to oppose the Earl of Mar, was of
great importance, the Duke of Argyle, who had served with distinction
abroad, and who had formerly acted as commander-in-chief of the
forces in Scotland, was pitched upon as generalissimo of the army
encamped at Stirling. Having received instructions from his majesty
on the 8th of September, he departed for Scotland the following day,
accompanied by some of the Scottish nobility, and other persons of
distinction, and arrived at Edinburgh on the 14th. About the same
time, the Earl of Sutherland, who had offered his services to raise
the clans in the northern Highlands, in support of the government,
was sent down from London to Leith in a ship of war, with orders
to obtain a supply of arms and ammunition from the governor of the
castle of Edinburgh. He arrived on the 21st of September, and after
giving instructions for the shipment of these supplies, departed for
the north.

When the Duke of Argyle reached Edinburgh, he found that Mar had
made considerable progress in the insurrection, and that the regular
forces at Stirling were far inferior in point of numbers to those of
the Jacobite commander. He, therefore, on the day he arrived in the
capital, addressed a letter to the magistrates of Glasgow, (who, on
the first appearance of the insurrection, had offered, in a letter to
Lord Townshend, one of the secretaries of state, to raise 600 men in
support of the government, at the expense of the city,) requesting
them to send forthwith 500 or 600 men to Stirling, under the command
of such officers as they should think fit to appoint, to join the
forces stationed there. In compliance with this demand, there were
despatched to Stirling, on the 17th, 18th, and 19th of September,
three battalions, amounting to between 600 and 700 men, under the
nominal command of the Lord Provost, who deputed the active part
of his duties to Colonel Blackadder. On the arrival of the first
battalion, the duke addressed a second letter from Stirling to the
magistrates of Glasgow, thanking them for their promptitude, and
requesting them to send intimation, with the greatest despatch, to
all the friends of the government in the west, to assemble all the
fencible forces at Glasgow, and to hold them in readiness to march
when required. In connexion with these instructions, the duke, at
the same time, wrote letters of a similar import to the magistrates
of all the well affected burghs, and to private individuals who
were known to be favourably disposed. The most active measures were
accordingly adopted in the south and west by the friends of the
government, and in a short time a sufficient force was raised to keep
the disaffected in these districts in check.[690]

Meanwhile the Earl of Mar and his friends were no less active
in preparing for the campaign. Pursuant to an arrangement with
the Jacobite chiefs, General Gordon, an officer of great bravery
and experience, was despatched into the Highlands to raise the
north-western clans, with instructions either to join Mar with
such forces as he could collect at the fords of the Forth, or to
march upon Glasgow by Dumbarton. Having collected a body of between
4,000 and 5,000 men, chiefly Macdonalds, Macleans, and Camerons,
Gordon attempted to surprise Fort-William, and succeeded so far as
to carry by surprise some of the outworks, sword in hand, in which
were a lieutenant, sergeant, and 25 men; but as the garrison made
a determined resistance, he withdrew his men, and marched towards
Inverary. This route, it is said, was taken at the suggestion of
Campbell of Glendaruel, who, at the first meeting of the Jacobites,
had assured Mar and his friends that if the more northern clans
would take Argyleshire in their way to the south, their numbers
would be greatly increased by the Macleans, Macdonalds, Macdougalls,
Macneills, and the other Macs of that county, together with a
great number of Campbells, of the family and followers of the
Earl of Breadalbane, Sir James Campbell of Auchinbreck, and Sir
Duncan Campbell of Lochnell; all of whom, he said, would join in
the insurrection, when they saw the other clans in that country at
hand to protect them against those in the interest of the Duke of
Argyle.[691]

When the Earl of Islay, brother to the Duke of Argyle, heard of
General Gordon’s movements, he assembled about 2,500 men to prevent a
rising of the clans in Argyle, and of the disaffected branches of the
name of Campbell. On arriving before Inverary, General Gordon found
the place protected by entrenchments which the earl had thrown up. He
did not venture on an attack, but contented himself with encamping at
the north-east side of the town, at nearly the distance of a mile,
where he continued some days without any hostile attempt being made
on either side. It was evidently contrary to Gordon’s plan to hazard
an action, his sole design in entering Argyleshire being to give an
opportunity to the Jacobite population of that district to join his
standard, which the keeping of such a large body of men locked up in
Inverary would greatly assist.

During the continuance before Inverary of the “Black Camp,” as
General Gordon’s party was denominated by the Campbells, the Earl of
Islay and his men were kept in a state of continual alarm from the
most trifling causes. On one occasion an amusing incident occurred,
which excited the fears of the Campbells, and showed how greatly they
dreaded an attack. Some time before this occurrence, a small body
of horse from Kintyre had joined the earl: the men were quartered
in the town, but the horses were put out to graze on the east side
of the small river that runs past Inverary. The horses disliking
their quarters, took their departure one night in search of better
pasture. They sought their way along the shore for the purpose
of crossing the river at the lower end of the town. The trampling
of their hoofs on the gravel being heard at some distance by the
garrison, the earl’s men were thrown into the utmost consternation,
as they had no doubt that the enemy was advancing to attack them. As
the horses were at full gallop, and advancing nearer every moment,
the noise increasing as they approached, nothing but terror was
to be seen in every face. With trembling hands they seized their
arms and put themselves in a defensive posture to repel the attack,
but they were fortunately soon relieved from the panic they had
been thrown into by some of the horses which had passed the river
approaching without riders; so that “at last,” says the narrator
of this anecdote, “the whole was found only to be a plot among the
Kintyre horse to desert not to the enemy, but to their own country;
for ’tis to be supposed the horses, as well as their owners, were of
very loyal principles.”[692]

Shortly after this event, another occurrence took place, which
terminated not quite so ridiculously as the other. One night the
sergeant on duty, when going his rounds at the quarter of the town
opposite to the place where the clans lay, happened to make some
mistake in the watchword. The sentinel on duty supposing the sergeant
and his party to be enemies, discharged his piece at them. The earl,
alarmed at the firing, immediately ordered the drums to beat to
arms, and in a short time the whole of his men were assembled on the
castle-green, where they were drawn up in battalions in regular order
by torch or candle light, the night being extremely dark. As soon as
they were marshalled, the earl gave them orders to fire in platoons
towards the quarter whence they supposed the enemy was approaching,
and, accordingly, they opened a brisk fire, which was kept up for
a considerable time, by which several of their own sentinels in
returning from their posts were wounded. Whilst the Campbells were
thus employed upon the castle-green, several gentlemen, some say
general officers, who liked to fight “under covert,” retired to the
square tower or castle of Inverary, from the windows of which they
issued their orders. When the earl found that he had no enemy to
contend with, he ordered his men to cease firing, and to continue all
night under arms. This humorous incident, however, was attended with
good consequences to the terrified Campbells, as it had the effect of
relieving them from the presence of the enemy. General Gordon, who
had not the most distant intention of entering the town, on hearing
the close and regular firing from the garrison, concluded that some
forces had entered the town, to celebrate whose arrival the firing
had taken place, and alarmed for his own safety, sounded a retreat
towards Perthshire before day-light.[693]

No sooner, however, had the clans left Inverary, than a detachment of
the Earl of Breadalbane’s men, to the number of about 500, entered
the county under the command of Campbell of Glenlyon. To expel
them, the Earl of Islay sent a select body of about 700 men, in the
direction of Lorn, under the command of Colonel Campbell of Fanab, an
old and experienced officer, who came up with Glenlyon’s detachment
at Glenscheluch, a small village at the end of the lake called
Lochnell, in the mid division of Lorn, about 20 miles distant from
Inverary. Both sides immediately prepared for battle, and to lighten
themselves as much as possible, the men threw off their plaids and
other incumbrances. Whilst both parties were standing gazing on each
other with fury in their looks, waiting for the signal to commence
battle, a parley was proposed, in consequence of which, a conference
was held by the commanders half-way between the lines. The result
was, that the Breadalbane-men, to spare the effusion of the Campbell
blood, agreed to lay down their arms on condition of being allowed
to march out of the country without disturbance. These terms being
communicated to both detachments, were approved of by a loud shout of
joy, and hostages were immediately exchanged on both sides for the
due performance of the articles. The Earl of Islay, on coming up with
the remainder of his forces, was dissatisfied with the terms of the
capitulation, as he considered that he had it in his power to cut off
Glenlyon’s party; but he was persuaded to accede to the articles,
which were accordingly honourably observed on both sides.[694]

In the meantime, the Earl of Mar had collected a considerable force,
with which he marched, about the middle of September, to Moulinearn,
a small village in Athole, where he proclaimed the Chevalier. On
entering Athole, he was joined by 500 Athole-men, under the Marquis
of Tullibardine, and by the party of the Earl of Breadalbane’s
men, under Campbell of Glenlyon and Campbell of Glendaruel. He was
afterwards joined by the old earl himself, who, although he had, the
day preceding his arrival, procured an affidavit from a physician in
Perth, and the minister of the parish of Kenmore, of which he was
patron, certifying his total inability, from age, and a complication
of diseases, to comply with a mandate of the government requiring him
to attend at Edinburgh; yet, nevertheless, found himself able enough
to take the field in support of the Chevalier.[695] Having received
intelligence that the Earl of Rothes, and some of the gentlemen of
Fife, were advancing with 500 of the militia of that county to seize
Perth, he sent Colonel John Hay, brother to the Earl of Kinnoul,
with a detachment of 200 horse, to take possession of that town; he
accordingly entered it on the 14th of September, without opposition,
and there proclaimed the Chevalier. The provost made indeed a
demonstration of opposition by collecting between 300 and 400 men
in the market place; but Colonel Hay having been joined by a party
of 150 men which had been sent into the town a few days before by
the Duke of Athole, the provost dismissed his men. When the Earl of
Rothes, who was advancing upon Perth with a body of 500 men, heard
of its capture, he retired to Leslie, and sent notice of the event
to the Duke of Argyle. The possession of Perth was of importance to
Mar in a double point of view, as it not only gave him the command
of the whole of Fife, in addition to the country north of the Tay,
but also inspired his friends with confidence.[696] Accordingly,
the Chevalier was proclaimed at Aberdeen by the Earl Marischal; at
Castle Gordon, by the Marquis of Huntly; at Brechin, by the Earl of
Panmure; at Montrose, by the Earl of Southesk; and at Dundee, by
Graham of Claverhouse, who was afterwards created Viscount Dundee, by
the Chevalier.

As Mar had no intention of descending into the Lowlands himself
without a considerable force, he remained several days at Moulinearn
waiting for the clans who had promised to join him, and in the
meantime directed Colonel Hay, whom, on the 18th of September, he
appointed governor of Perth, to retain possession of that town at
all hazards. He also directed him to tender to the inhabitants the
oath of allegiance to the Chevalier, and to expel from the town
all persons who refused to take the oath. After this purgation had
been effected, Governor Hay was ordered to appoint a free election
of magistrates by poll, to open all letters passing through the
post-office, and to appoint a new post-master in whom he could have
confidence. To support Hay in case of an attack, Mar sent down a
party of Robertsons, on the 22d, under the command of Alexander
Robertson of Strowan, their chief, known as the elector of Strowan.

At this time, Mar’s forces did not probably exceed 3,000 men, but
their number having been increased to upwards of 5,000 within a few
days thereafter, he marched down upon Perth, which he entered on
the 28th of September, on which day the Honourable James Murray,
second son of the Viscount Stormont, arrived at Perth with letters
from the Chevalier to the earl, giving him assurances of speedy and
powerful succour, and promises from the Chevalier, as was reported,
of appearing personally in Scotland in a short time. This gentleman
had gone over to France in the month of April preceding, to meet the
Chevalier, who had appointed him principal secretary for Scotland,
and had lately landed at Dover, whence he had travelled _incognito_
overland to Edinburgh, where, although well known, he escaped
detection. After spending a few days in Edinburgh, during which time
he attended, it is said, several private meetings of the friends of
the Chevalier, he crossed the Frith in an open boat at Newhaven, and
landed at Burntisland, whence he proceeded to Perth.[697]

The first operations of the insurgents were marked by vigour and
intrepidity. The seizure of Perth, though by no means a brilliant
affair, was almost as important as a victory would have been at
such a crisis, and another dashing exploit which a party of the
earl’s army performed a few days after his arrival at Perth, was
calculated to make an impression equally favourable to the Jacobite
cause. Before the Earl of Sutherland took his departure from Leith
for Dunrobin castle, to raise a force in the north, he arranged with
the government for a supply of arms, ammunition and military stores,
which was to be furnished by the governor of Edinburgh castle, and
sent down to the north with as little delay as possible. Accordingly,
about the end of September, a vessel belonging to Burntisland
was freighted for that purpose, on board of which were put about
400 stands of arms, and a considerable quantity of ammunition
and military stores. The vessel anchored in Leith roads, but was
prevented from passing down the Frith by a strong north-easterly
wind, which, continuing to blow very hard, induced the captain
for security’s sake to weigh anchor and stand over to Burntisland
roads, on the opposite coast of Fife, under the protection of the
weather shore. The captain went on shore at Burntisland, to visit
his wife and family who resided in the town, and the destination of
the vessel, and the nature of her cargo being made known to some
persons in the Jacobite interest, information thereof was immediately
communicated by them to the Earl of Mar, who at once resolved to
send a detachment to Burntisland to seize the vessel. Accordingly,
he despatched on the evening of the 2d of October, a party of 400
horse, and 500 foot, from Perth to Burntisland, with instructions
so to order their march as not to enter the latter place till about
midnight. To draw off the attention of the Duke of Argyle from
this expedition, Mar made a movement as if he intended to march
with all his forces upon Alva, in the neighbourhood of Stirling,
in consequence of which Argyle, who had received intelligence of
Mar’s supposed design, kept his men under arms the whole day in
expectation of an attack. Meanwhile, the party having reached their
destination, the foot entered Burntisland unperceived, and while
the horse surrounded the town to prevent any person from carrying
the intelligence of their arrival out of it, the foot seized all
the boats in the harbour and along the shore, to cut off all
communication by sea. About 120 men were, thereupon, sent off in
some boats to board the ship, which they secured without opposition.
They at first attempted to bring the vessel into the harbour, but
were prevented by the state of the tide. They, however, lost no time
in discharging her cargo, and having pressed a number of carts and
horses from the neighbourhood into their service, the detachment
set off undisturbed for Perth with their booty, where they arrived
without molestation. Besides the arms and other warlike materials
which they found in the vessel, the detachment carried off 100 stands
of arms from the town, and between 30 and 40 more which they found in
another ship. Emboldened by the success of this enterprise, parties
of the insurgents spread themselves over Fife, took possession of
all the towns on the north of the Frith of Forth, from Burntisland
to Fifeness, and prohibited all communication between them and the
opposite coast. The Earl of Rothes, who was quartered at Leslie, was
now obliged, for fear of being cut off, to retire to Stirling under
the protection of a detachment of horse and foot, which had been
sent from Stirling to support him, under the command of the Earl of
Forfar, and Colonel Ker.[698]

Mar had not yet been joined by any of the northern clans, nor by
those under General Gordon; but on the 5th of October, about 500
of the Mackintoshes arrived under the command of the Laird of
Borlum, better known by the name of Brigadier Mackintosh, an old and
experienced soldier, who, as uncle of the chief, had placed himself
at the head of that clan in consequence of his nephew’s minority.
This clan had formerly sided with the revolution party; but,
influenced by Borlum, who was a zealous Jacobite, they were among the
first to espouse the cause of the Chevalier, and had seized upon
Inverness before some of the other clans had taken the field. On
the following day the earl was also joined by the Marquis of Huntly
at the head of 500 horse and 2,000 foot, chiefly Gordons; and on
the 10th by the Earl Marischal with 300 horse, among whom were many
gentlemen, and 500 foot. These different accessions increased Mar’s
army to upwards of 8,000 men.

Mar ought now to have instantly opened the campaign by advancing upon
Stirling, and attacking the Duke of Argyle, whose forces did not, at
this time, amount to 2,000 men. In his rear he had nothing to dread,
as the Earl of Seaforth, who was advancing to join him with a body
of 3,000 foot and 600 horse, had left a division of 2,000 of his men
behind him to keep the Earl of Sutherland, and the other friends of
the government in the northern Highlands, in check. As the whole of
the towns on the eastern coast from Burntisland to Inverness were in
possession of his detachments, and as there was not a single hostile
party along the whole of that extensive stretch, no obstacle could
have occurred, had he marched south, to prevent him from obtaining
a regular supply of provisions for his army and such warlike stores
as might reach any of these ports from France. One French vessel
had already safely landed a supply of arms and ammunition in a
northern port, and another during Mar’s stay at Perth boldly sailed
up the Frith of Forth, in presence of some English ships of war, and
entered the harbour of Burntisland with a fresh supply. But though
personally brave, Mar was deficient in military genius, and was
altogether devoid of that promptitude of action by which Montrose
and Dundee were distinguished. Instead, therefore, of attempting
at once to strike a decisive blow at Argyle, the insurgent general
lingered at Perth upwards of a month. This error, however, might have
been repaired had he not committed a more fatal one by detaching a
considerable part of his army, including the Macintoshes, who were
the best armed of his forces, at the solicitation of a few English
Jacobites, who, having taken up arms in the north of England, craved
his support.

About the period of Mar’s departure for Scotland, the government
had obtained information of a dangerous conspiracy in England in
favour of the Chevalier, in consequence of which the titular Duke of
Powis was committed to the Tower, and Lords Lansdowne and Dupplin
were arrested, as implicated in the conspiracy, and a warrant was
issued for the apprehension of the Earl of Jersey. At the same time,
a message from the king was sent to the house of commons, informing
them that his majesty had given orders for the apprehension of Sir
William Wyndham, Mr. Thomas Forster, junior, member for the county
of Northumberland, and other members of the lower house, as being
engaged in a design to support an invasion of the kingdom. Sir
William Wyndham was accordingly apprehended, and committed to the
Tower, but Mr. Forster having been apprised of the arrival of a
messenger at Durham with the warrant for his apprehension, avoided
him, and joined the Earl of Derwentwater, a young Catholic nobleman,
against whom a similar warrant had been issued. Tired of shifting
from place to place, they convened a meeting of their friends in
Northumberland to consult as to the course they should pursue; it was
resolved immediately to take up arms in support of the Chevalier. In
pursuance of a resolution entered into, about 60 horsemen, mostly
gentlemen, and some attendants, met on Thursday the 6th of October,
at a place called Greenrig, whence, after some consultation, they
marched to Plainfield, a place on the river Coquet, where they
were joined by a few adherents. From Plainfield they departed for
Rothbury, a small market town, where they took up their quarters for
the night.

Next morning, their numbers still increasing, they advanced to
Warkworth, where they were joined by Lord Widdrington, with 30
horse. Mr. Forster was now appointed to the command of this force,
not on account of his military abilities, for he had none, but
because he was a Protestant, and therefore less objectionable to the
high-church party than the Earl of Derwentwater, who, in the absence
of a regularly bred commander, should, on account of his rank, have
been named to the chief command. On Sunday morning, Mr. Forster
sent Mr. Buxton, a clergyman of Derbyshire, who acted as chaplain
to the insurgent party, to the parson of Warkworth, with orders
to pray for the Chevalier by name as king, and to introduce into
the Litany the name of Mary, the queen-mother, and all the dutiful
branches of the royal family, and omit the names of King George, and
the prince and princess. The minister of the parish wisely declined
to obey these orders, and for his own safety retired to Newcastle.
The parishioners, however, were not deprived of divine service, as
Mr. Buxton, on the refusal of the parson to officiate as directed,
entered the church, and performed in his stead with considerable
effect.[699]

On Monday the 10th of October, Mr. Forster was joined by 40 horse
from the Scottish border, on which day he openly proclaimed the
Chevalier. This small party remained at Warkworth till the 14th, when
they proceeded to Alnwick, where they were joined by many of their
friends, and thence marched to Morpeth. At Felton bridge they were
reinforced by another party of Scottish horse to the number of 70,
chiefly gentlemen from the border, so that on entering Morpeth their
force amounted to 300 horse. In the course of his march Forster had
numerous offers of service from the country people, which, however,
he was obliged to decline from the want of arms; but he promised to
avail himself of them as soon as he had provided himself with arms
and ammunition, which he expected to find in Newcastle, whither he
intended to proceed.

In connection with these movements, Launcelot Errington, a Newcastle
shipmaster, undertook to surprise Holy Island, which was guarded by
a few soldiers, exchanged weekly from the garrison of Berwick. In a
military point of view, the possession of such an insignificant post
was of little importance, but it was considered by the Jacobites as
useful for making signals to such French vessels as might appear off
the Northumberland coast with supplies for the insurgents. Errington,
it appears, was known to the garrison, as he had been in the habit
of visiting the island on business; and having arrived off the
island on the 10th of October, he was allowed to enter the port, no
suspicions being entertained of his design. Pursuant to the plan he
had formed for surprising the castle, he invited the greater part
of the garrison to visit his vessel, and having got them on board,
he and the party which accompanied him left the vessel, and took
possession of the castle without opposition. Errington endeavoured to
apprise his friends at Warkworth of his success by signals, but these
were not observed, and the place was retaken the following day by a
detachment of 30 men from the garrison of Berwick, and a party of 50
of the inhabitants of the town, who, crossing the sands at low water,
entered the island, and carried the fort sword in hand. Errington,
in attempting to escape, received a shot in the thigh, and being
captured, was carried prisoner to Berwick; whence he had the good
fortune to make his escape in disguise.[700]

The possession of Newcastle, where the Jacobite interest was very
powerful, was the first object of the Northumberland insurgents;
but they were frustrated in their design by the vigilance of the
magistrates. Having first secured all suspected persons, the
magistrates walled up all the gates with stone and lime, except
the Brampton gate, on which they placed two pieces of cannon. An
association of the well-affected inhabitants was formed for the
defence of the town, and the churchmen and dissenters, laying aside
their antipathies for a time, enrolled themselves as volunteers. 700
of these were immediately armed by the magistrates. The keelmen also,
who were chiefly dissenters, offered to furnish a similar number
of men to defend that town; but their services were not required,
as two successive reinforcements of regular troops from Yorkshire
arrived on the 9th and 12th of October. When the insurgents received
intelligence of the state of affairs at Newcastle, they retired to
Hexham, having a few days before sent an express to the Earl of Mar
for a reinforcement of foot.

The news of the rising under Mr. Forster having been communicated to
the Marquis of Tweeddale, Lord Lieutenant of Haddingtonshire, his
lordship called a meeting of his deputy lieutenants at Haddington
early in October, and at the same time issued instructions to them
to put the laws in execution against “papists” and other suspected
persons, by binding them over to keep the peace, and by seizing
their arms and horses in terms of a late act of parliament. In
pursuance of this order, Mr. Hepburn of Humbie, and Dr. Sinclair
of Hermandston, two of the deputy lieutenants, resolved to go the
morning after the instructions were issued, to the house of Mr.
Hepburn of Keith, a zealous Jacobite, against whom they appear to
have entertained hostile feelings. Dr. Sinclair accordingly appeared
next morning with a party of armed men at the place where Hepburn
of Humbie had agreed to meet him; but as the latter did not appear
at the appointed hour, the doctor proceeded towards Keith with his
attendants. On their way to Keith, Hepburn enjoined his party, in
case of resistance, not to fire till they should be first fired at
by Mr. Hepburn of Keith or his party; and on arriving near the house
he reiterated these instructions. When the arrival of Sinclair and
his party was announced to Mr. Hepburn of Keith, the latter at once
suspecting the cause, immediately demanded inspection of the doctor’s
orders. Sinclair, thereupon, sent forward a servant with the Marquis
of Tweeddale’s commission, who, finding the gates shut, offered to
show the commission to Hepburn at the dining-room window. On being
informed of the nature of the commission, Hepburn signified the
utmost contempt at it, and furiously exclaiming “God damn the doctor
and the marquis both,” disappeared. The servant thinking that Mr.
Hepburn had retired for a time to consult with his friends before
inspecting the commission, remained before the inner gate waiting for
his return. But instead of coming back to receive the commission,
Hepburn and his friends immediately mounted their horses and sallied
out, Hepburn discharging a pistol at the servant, which wounded
him in two places. Old Keith then rode up to the doctor, who was
standing near the outer gate, and after firing another pistol at him,
attacked him sword in hand and wounded him in the head. Sinclair’s
party, in terms of their instructions, immediately returned the
fire, and Mr. Hepburn’s younger son was unfortunately killed on the
spot. Hepburn and his party, disconcerted by this event, instantly
galloped off towards the Borders and joined the Jacobite standard.
The death of young Hepburn, who was the first person that fell in
the insurrection of 1715, highly incensed the Jacobites, who longed
for an opportunity, which was soon afforded them, of punishing its
author, Dr. Sinclair.[701]

Whilst Mr. Forster was thus employed in Northumberland, the Earl
of Kenmure, who had received a commission from the Earl of Mar to
raise the Jacobites in the south of Scotland, was assembling his
friends on the Scottish border. Early in October he had held private
meetings with some of them, at which it had been resolved to make an
attempt upon Dumfries, expecting to surprise it before the friends
of the government there should be aware of their design; but the
magistrates got timely warning. Lord Kenmure first appeared in arms,
at the head of 150 horse, on the 11th of October at Moffat, where he
proclaimed the Chevalier, on the evening of which day he was joined
by the Earl of Wintoun and 14 attendants. Next day he proceeded to
Lochmaben, where he also proclaimed “the Pretender.” Alarmed at his
approach, the magistrates of Dumfries ordered the drums to beat to
arms, and for several days the town exhibited a scene of activity
and military bustle perfectly ludicrous, when the trifling force
with which it was threatened is considered. Kenmure advanced within
two miles of the town, but being informed of the preparations which
had been made to receive him, he returned to Lochmaben. He thereupon
marched to Ecclefechan, where he was joined by Sir Patrick Maxwell of
Springkell, with 14 horsemen, and thence to Langholm, and afterwards
to Hawick, where he proclaimed the Chevalier. On the 17th of October,
Kenmure marched to Jedburgh, with the intention of proceeding to
Kelso, and there also proclaimed the prince; but learning that Kelso
was protected by a party under the command of Sir William Bennet of
Grubbet, he crossed the Border with the design of forming a junction
with Forster.[702]

We must now direct attention to the measures taken by the Earl of Mar
in compliance with the request of Mr. Forster and his friends to send
them a body of foot. As Mar had not resolution to attempt the passage
of the Forth, which, with the forces under his command, he could
have easily effected, he had no other way of reinforcing the English
Jacobites, than by attempting to transport a part of his army across
the Frith. As there were several English men-of-war in the Frith,
the idea of sending a body of 2,000 men across such an extensive arm
of the sea appeared chimerical; yet, nevertheless, Mar resolved upon
this bold and hazardous attempt.

To command this adventurous expedition, the Jacobite general
pitched upon Old Borlum, as Brigadier Mackintosh was familiarly
called, who readily undertook, with the assistance of the Earl of
Panmure, and other able officers, to perform a task which few men,
even of experience, would have undertaken without a grudge. For
this hazardous service, a picked body of 2,500 men was selected,
consisting of the whole of the Mackintoshes, and the greater part of
Mar’s own regiment, and of the regiments of the Earl of Strathmore,
Lord Nairne, Lord Charles Murray, and Drummond of Logie-Drummond.
To escape the men-of-war, which were stationed between Leith and
Burntisland, it was arranged that the expedition should embark at
Crail, Pittenweem, and Elie, three small towns near the mouth of the
Frith, whither the troops were to proceed with the utmost secrecy
and expedition by the most unfrequented ways through the interior of
Fife. At the same time, to amuse the ships of war, it was concerted
that another small and select body should openly march across the
country to Burntisland, seize upon the boats in the harbour, and make
preparations as if they intended to cross the Frith. With remarkable
foresight, Mar gave orders that the expedition should embark with
the flowing of the tide, that in case of detection, the ships of war
should be obstructed by it in their pursuit down the Frith.

Accordingly, on the 9th or 10th of October, both detachments left
Perth escorted by a body of horse under the command of Sir John
Erskine of Alva, the Master of Sinclair, and Sir James Sharp,
grandson of Archbishop Sharp of St. Andrews; and whilst the main
body proceeded in a south-easterly direction, through the district
of Fife bordering upon the Tay, so as to pass unobserved by the
men-of-war, the other division marched directly across the country
to Burntisland, where they made a feint as if preparing to embark
in presence of the ships of war which then lay at anchor in Leith
Roads. When the commanders of these vessels observed the motions of
the insurgents, they manned their boats and despatched them across to
attack them should they venture out to sea, and slipping their cables
they stood over with their vessels to the Fife shore to support
their boats. As the boats and ships approached, the insurgents, who
had already partly embarked, returned on shore; and those on land
proceeded to erect a battery, as if for the purpose of covering
the embarkation. An interchange of shots then took place without
damage on either side, till night put an end to hostilities. In the
meantime, Brigadier Mackintosh had arrived at the different stations
fixed for his embarkation, at the distance of nearly 20 miles from
the ships of war, and was actively engaged in shipping his men in
boats which had been previously secured for their reception by his
friends in these quarters. The first division crossed the same night,
being Wednesday the 12th of October, and the second followed next
morning. When almost half across the channel, which, between the
place of embarkation and the opposite coast, is about 16 or 17 miles
broad, the fleet of boats was descried from the topmasts of the
men-of-war, and the commanders then perceived, for the first time,
the deception which had been so successfully practised upon them by
the detachment at Burntisland. Unfortunately, at the time they made
this discovery, both wind and tide were against them; but they sent
out their boats fully manned, which succeeded in capturing only two
boats with 40 men, who were carried into Leith, and committed to
jail. As soon as the tide changed, the men-of-war proceeded down
the Frith, in pursuit, but they came too late, and the whole of the
boats, with the exception of eight, (which being far behind, took
refuge in the Isle of May, to avoid capture,) reached the opposite
coast in perfect safety, and disembarked their men at Gullane, North
Berwick, Aberlady, and places adjacent. The number carried over
amounted to about 1,600. Those who were driven into the Isle of May,
amounting to 200, after remaining therein a day or two, regained the
Fife coast, and returned to the camp at Perth.[703]

The news of Mackintosh’s landing occasioned a dreadful consternation
at Edinburgh, where the friends of the government, astonished at
the boldness of the enterprise, and the extraordinary success which
had attended it, at once conjectured that the brigadier would march
directly upon the capital, where he had many friends, and from which
he was only 16 miles distant. As the city was at this time wholly
unprovided with the means of defence, Campbell, the provost, a
warm partisan of the government, adopted the most active measures
for putting it in a defensive state. The well affected among the
citizens formed themselves into a body for its defence, under the
name of the Associate Volunteers, and these, with the city guards and
trained bands, had different posts assigned them, which they guarded
with great care and vigilance. Even the ministers of the city, to
show an example to the lay citizens, joined the ranks of the armed
volunteers. The provost, at the same time, sent an express to the
Duke of Argyle, requesting him to send, without delay, a detachment
of regular troops to support the citizens.

After the brigadier had mustered his men, he marched to Haddington,
in which he took up his quarters for the night to refresh his
troops, and wait for the remainder of his detachment, which he
expected would follow. According to Mackintosh’s instructions, he
should have marched directly for England, to join the insurgents in
Northumberland, but having received intelligence of the consternation
which prevailed at Edinburgh, and urged, it is believed, by pressing
solicitations from some of the Jacobite inhabitants to advance upon
the capital, as well as lured by the eclat which its capture would
confer upon his arms, and the obvious advantages which would thence
ensue, he marched rapidly towards Edinburgh the following morning.
He arrived in the evening of the same day, Friday 14th October, at
Jock’s Lodge, about a mile from the city, where, being informed of
the measures which had been taken to defend it, and that the Duke
of Argyle was hourly expected from Stirling with a reinforcement,
he immediately halted, and called a council of war. After a short
consultation, they resolved, in the meantime, to take possession of
Leith. Mackintosh, accordingly, turning off his men to the right,
marched into the town without opposition. He immediately released
from jail the 40 men who had been taken prisoners by the boats
of the men-of-war, and seized a considerable quantity of brandy
and provisions, which he found in the custom-house. He then took
possession of and quartered his men in the citadel which had been
built by Oliver Cromwell. This fort, which was of a square form,
with four demi-bastions, and surrounded by a large dry ditch, was
now in a very dismantled state, though all the outworks, with the
exception of the gates, were entire. Within the walls were several
houses, built for the convenience of sea-bathing, and which served
the new occupants in lieu of barracks. To supply the want of gates,
Mackintosh formed barricades of beams, planks, and of carts filled
with earth, stone, and other materials, and seizing six or eight
pieces of cannon which he found in some vessels in the harbour, he
planted two of them at the north end of the drawbridge, and the
remainder upon the ramparts of the citadel. Within a few hours,
therefore, after he had entered Leith, Mackintosh was fully prepared
to withstand a siege, should the Duke of Argyle venture to attack him.

Whilst Mackintosh was in full march upon the capital from the east,
the Duke of Argyle was advancing upon it with greater rapidity from
the west, at the head of 400 dragoons and 200 foot, mounted, for the
sake of greater expedition, upon farm-horses. He entered the city
by the west port about ten o’clock at night, and was joined by the
horse militia of Lothian and the Merse with a good many volunteers,
both horse and foot, who, with the Marquis of Tweeddale, Lord
Belhaven, and others, had retired into Edinburgh on the approach
of the insurgents. These, with the addition of the city guard and
volunteers, increased his force to nearly 1,200 men. With this body
the duke marched down towards Leith next morning, Saturday, 15th
October; but before he reached the town many of the “brave gentlemen
volunteers,”[704] whose enthusiasm had cooled while contemplating the
probable consequences of encountering in deadly strife the determined
band to which they were to be opposed, slunk out of the ranks and
retired to their homes. On arriving near the citadel, Argyle posted
the dragoons and foot on opposite sides, and along with Generals
Evans and Wightman, proceeded to reconnoitre the fort on the sea
side. Thereafter he sent in a summons to the citadel requiring the
rebels to surrender under the pain of high treason, and declaring
that if they obliged him to employ cannon to force them, and killed
any of his men in resisting him, he would give them no quarter. To
this message the laird of Kynnachin, a gentleman of Athole, returned
this resolute answer, that as to surrendering they did not understand
the word, which could therefore only excite laughter--that if his
grace thought he was able to make an assault, he might try, but
he would find that they were fully prepared to meet it; and as to
quarter they were resolved, in case of attack, neither to take nor to
give any.

This answer was followed by a discharge from the cannon on the
ramparts, which made Argyle soon perceive the mistake he had
committed in advancing without cannon. Had his force been equal and
even numerically superior to that of Mackintosh, he could not have
ventured without almost certain destruction, to have carried the
citadel sword in hand, as he found that before his men could reach
the foot of the wall or the barricaded positions, they would probably
have been exposed to five rounds from the besieged, which, at a
moderate computation, would have cut off one half of his men. His
cavalry, besides, on account of the nature of the ground, could have
been of little use in an assault; and as, under such circumstances,
an attack was considered impracticable, the duke retired to Edinburgh
in the evening to make the necessary preparations for a siege.
While deliberating on the expediency of making an attack, some of
the volunteers were very zealous for it, but on being informed that
it belonged to them as volunteers to lead the way, they heartily
approved of the duke’s proposal to defer the attempt till a more
seasonable opportunity.[705]

Had the Earl of Mar been apprised in due time of Mackintosh’s advance
upon Edinburgh, and of the Duke of Argyle’s departure from Stirling,
he would probably have marched towards the latter place, and might
have crossed the Forth above the bridge of Stirling, without any
very serious opposition from the small force stationed in the
neighbourhood; but he received the intelligence of the brigadier’s
movement too late to make it available, had he been inclined;
moreover it appears that he had resolved not to cross the Forth till
joined by General Gordon’s detachment.[706]

On returning to Edinburgh the Duke of Argyle gave orders for the
removal of some pieces of cannon from the castle to Leith, with
the intention of making an assault upon the citadel the following
morning with the whole of his force, including the dragoons, which
he had resolved to dismount for the occasion. But he was saved the
necessity of such a hazardous attempt, the insurgents evacuating
the place the same night. Old Borlum, seeing no chance of obtaining
possession of Edinburgh, and considering that the occupation of the
citadel, even if tenable, was not of sufficient importance to employ
such a large body of men in its defence, had resolved, shortly after
the departure of the duke, to abandon the place, and to retrace his
steps without delay, and with all the secrecy in his power. Two hours
before his departure, he sent a boat across the Frith with despatches
to the Earl of Mar, giving him a detail of his proceedings since his
landing, and informing him of his intention to retire. To deceive
the men-of-war which lay at anchor in the Roads, he caused a shot to
be fired after the boat, which had the desired effect of making the
officers in command of the ships think the boat had some friends of
the government on board, and thus allowing her to pursue her course
without obstruction.

At nine o’clock at night, every thing being in readiness, Mackintosh,
favoured by the darkness of the night and low water, left the citadel
secretly, and pursuing his course along the beach, crossed, without
observation, the small rivulet which runs through the harbour at low
water, and which was then about knee deep, and passing the point of
the pier, pursued his route south-eastward along the sands of Leith.
At his departure, Mackintosh was obliged to leave about 40 men behind
him, who having made too free with the brandy which had been found in
the custom-house, were not in a condition to march. These, with some
stragglers who lagged behind, were afterwards taken prisoners by a
detachment of Argyle’s forces, which also captured some baggage and
ammunition.

The Highlanders continued their march during the night, and arrived
at two o’clock on the morning of Sunday, the 16th of October, at
Seaton House, the seat of the Earl of Wintoun, who had already joined
the Viscount Kenmure. Here, during the day, they were joined by a
small party of their friends, who had crossed the Frith some time
after the body which marched to Leith had landed, and who, from
having disembarked farther to the eastward, had not been able to
reach their companions before their departure for the capital. As
soon as the Duke of Argyle heard of Mackintosh’s retreat, and that
he had taken up a position in Seaton House, which was encompassed by
a very strong and high stone wall, he resolved to follow and besiege
him in his new quarters. But the duke was prevented from carrying
this design into execution by receiving intelligence that Mar was
advancing upon Stirling with the intention of crossing the Forth.

Being apprised by the receipt of Mackintosh’s despatch from Leith,
of the Brigadier’s design to march to the south, Mar had resolved,
with the view principally of facilitating his retreat from Leith,
to make a movement upon Stirling, and thereby induce the Duke of
Argyle to return to the camp in the Park with the troops which he had
carried to Edinburgh. Mar, accordingly, left Perth on Monday the
17th of October, and General Witham, the commander of the royalist
forces at Stirling in Argyle’s absence, having on the previous day
received notice of Mar’s intention, immediately sent an express to
the duke, begging him to return to Stirling immediately, and bring
back the forces he had taken with him to Edinburgh. The express
reached Edinburgh at an early hour on Monday morning, and the duke
immediately left Edinburgh for Stirling, leaving behind him only 100
dragoons and 150 foot under General Wightman. On arriving at Stirling
that night he was informed that Mar was to be at Dunblane next
morning with his whole army, amounting to nearly 10,000 men.[707]

The arrival of his Grace was most opportune, for Mar had in fact
advanced the same evening, with all his horse, to Dunblane, little
more than six miles from Stirling, and his foot were only a short way
off from the latter place. Whether Mar would have really attempted
the passage of the Forth but for the intelligence he received next
morning, is very problematical; but having been informed early on
Tuesday of the duke’s return, and of the arrival of Evans’s regiment
of dragoons from Ireland, he resolved to return to Perth. In a letter
which he wrote to Mr. Forster from Perth on the 21st of October,
after alluding to the information he had received, he gives as an
additional reason for this determination, that he had left Perth
before provisions could be got ready for his army, and that he found
all the country about Stirling, where he meant to pass the Forth, so
entirely exhausted by the enemy that he could find nothing to subsist
upon. Besides, from a letter he had received from General Gordon, he
found the latter could not possibly join him that week, and he could
not think of passing the Forth, under the circumstances detailed,
till joined by him. Under these difficulties, and having accomplished
one of the objects of his march, by withdrawing the Duke of Argyle
from the pursuit of his friends in Lothian, he had thought fit, he
observes, to march back from Dunblane to Auchterarder, and thence
back to Perth, there to wait for Gordon and the Earl of Seaforth.

Mackintosh, in expectation probably of an answer to his despatch
from Leith, appeared to be in no hurry to leave Seaton House, where
his men fared sumptuously upon the best which the neighbourhood could
afford. As all communication was cut off between him and the capital
by the 100 dragoons which Argyle had left behind, and a party of 300
gentlemen-volunteers under the command of the Earl of Rothes, who
patrolled in the neighbourhood of Seaton House, Mackintosh was in
complete ignorance of Argyle’s departure from the capital, and of
Mar’s march. This was fortunate, as it seems probable that had the
Brigadier been aware of these circumstances, he would have again
advanced upon the capital, and might have captured it. During the
three days that Mackintosh lay in Seaton House, no attempt was, of
course, made to dislodge him from his position, but he was subjected
to some petty annoyances by the volunteers and dragoons, between whom
and the Highlanders some occasional shots were interchanged without
damage on either side. Having deviated from the line of instructions,
Mackintosh appears to have been anxious, before proceeding south, to
receive from Mar such new or additional directions as a change of
circumstances might require. Mar lost no time in replying to Borlum’s
communication, and on Tuesday the 18th of October, Borlum received a
despatch desiring him to march immediately towards England, and form
a junction near the borders with the English Jacobite forces under
Mr. Forster, and those of the south of Scotland under Lord Kenmure.
On the same day, Mackintosh received a despatch from Mr. Forster,
requesting him to meet him without delay at Kelso or Coldstream.[708]

To give effect to these instructions, Mackintosh left Seaton House
next morning, and proceeded across the country towards Longformacus,
which he reached that night. Doctor Sinclair, the proprietor of
Hermandston House, had incurred the Brigadier’s displeasure by his
treatment of the laird of Keith, to revenge which he threatened
to burn Sinclair’s mansion in passing it on his way south, but he
was persuaded not to carry his threat into execution. He, however,
ordered his soldiers to plunder the house, a mandate which they
obeyed with the utmost alacrity. When Major-general Wightman heard of
Mackintosh’s departure, he marched from Edinburgh with some dragoons,
militia and volunteers, and took possession of Seaton House. After
demolishing the wall which surrounded it, he returned to Edinburgh in
the evening, carrying along with him some Highlanders who had lagged
behind or deserted from Mackintosh on his march.[709]

Mackintosh took up his quarters at Longformacus during the night, and
continued his march next morning to Dunse, where he arrived during
the day and proclaimed the Chevalier. Here Mackintosh halted two
days, and on the morning of Saturday the 22d of October, set out on
his march to Kelso, the appointed place of rendezvous, whither the
Northumbrian forces under Forster were marching the same day. Sir
William Bennet of Grubbet and his friends hearing of the approach
of these two bodies, left the town the preceding night, and, after
dismissing their followers, retired to Edinburgh. The united forces
of Forster and Kenmure entered Kelso about one o’clock on Saturday.
The Highlanders had not then arrived, but hearing that they were not
far off, the Scottish cavalry, to mark their respect for the bravery
the Highlanders had shown in crossing the Frith, marched out as far
as Ednam bridge to meet them, and accompanied them into the town
about three o’clock in the afternoon, amidst the martial sounds of
bagpipes. The forces under Mackintosh now amounted to 1,400 foot and
600 horse; but a third of the latter consisted of menial servants.

The following day, being Sunday, was entirely devoted by the
Jacobites to religious duties. Patten, the historian of the
insurrection, an episcopal minister and one of their chaplains, in
terms of instructions from Lord Kenmure, who had the command of the
troops while in Scotland, preached in the morning in the great church
of Kelso, formerly the abbey of David I., to a mixed congregation
of Catholics, Presbyterians and Episcopalians, from Deuteronomy
xxi. 17. “The right of the first-born is his.”[710] The prayers on
this occasion were read by Mr. Buxton, formerly alluded to. In the
afternoon Mr. William Irvine, an old Scottish Episcopalian minister,
chaplain to the Earl of Carnwath, read prayers, and delivered a
sermon full of exhortations to his hearers to be zealous and steady
in the cause of the Chevalier. This discourse, he afterwards told
his colleague, Mr. Patten, he had formerly preached in the Highlands
about twenty-six years before, in presence of Lord Viscount Dundee
and his army.

Next morning the Highlanders were drawn up in the church-yard,
and thence marched to the market-cross with colours flying, drums
beating, and bagpipes playing, when the Chevalier was proclaimed
by Seaton of Barnes, who claimed the vacant title of Earl of
Dunfermline. After finishing the proclamation, he read the manifesto
quoted in the conclusion of last chapter, at the end of which the
people with loud acclamations shouted, “No union! no malt-tax! no
salt-tax!”[711]

The insurgents remained three days in Kelso, chiefly occupied in
searching for arms and plundering the houses of some of the loyalists
in the neighbourhood. They took possession of some pieces of cannon
which had been brought by Sir William Bennet from Hume castle for the
defence of the town, and which had formerly been employed to protect
that ancient stronghold against the attacks of the English. They also
seized some broadswords which they found in the church, and a small
quantity of gunpowder. Whilst at Kelso, Mackintosh seized the public
revenue, as was his uniform custom in every town through which he
passed.

During their stay at Kelso, the insurgents seem to have come to no
determination as to future operations; but the arrival of General
Carpenter with three regiments of dragoons, and a regiment of foot,
at Wooler, forced them to resolve upon something decisive. Lord
Kenmure, thereupon, called a council of war to deliberate upon the
course to be pursued. According to the opinions of the principal
officers, there were three ways of proceeding. The first, which
was strongly urged by the Earl of Wintoun, was to march into the
west of Scotland, to reduce Dumfries and Glasgow, and thereafter to
form a junction with the western clans, under General Gordon, to
open a communication with the Earl of Mar, and threaten the Duke of
Argyle’s rear. The second was to give battle immediately to General
Carpenter, who had scarcely 1,000 men under him, the greater part
of whom consisted of newly-raised levies, who had never seen any
service. This plan was supported by Mackintosh, who was so intent
upon it, that, sticking his pike in the ground, he declared that he
would not stir, but would wait for General Carpenter, and fight him,
as he was sure there would be no difficulty in beating him. The last
plan, which was that of the Northumberland gentlemen, was to march
directly through Cumberland and Westmoreland into Lancashire, where
the Jacobite interest was very powerful, and where they expected to
be joined by great numbers of the people. Old Borlum was strongly
opposed to this view, and pointed out the risk which they would run,
if met by an opposing force, which they might calculate upon, while
General Carpenter was left in their rear. He contended, that if they
succeeded in defeating Carpenter, they would soon be able to fight
any other troops,--that if Carpenter should beat them, they had
already advanced far enough, and that they would be better able, in
the event of a reverse, to shift for themselves in Scotland than in
England.[712]

Either of the two first-mentioned plans was far preferable to
the last, even had the troops been disposed to adopt it; but the
aversion of the Highlanders to a campaign in England was almost
insuperable; and nothing could mark more strongly the fatuity of the
Northumberland Jacobites, than to insist, under these circumstances,
upon marching into England. But they pertinaciously adhered to their
opinion, and, by doing so, may be truly said to have ruined the cause
which they had combined to support. As the comparatively small body
of troops under Argyle was the only force in Scotland from which
the insurgents had any thing to dread, their whole attention should
have been directed in the first place to that body, which could not
have withstood the combined attacks of the forces which the rebels
had in the field, amounting to about 16,000 men. The Duke of Argyle
must have been compelled, had the three divisions of the insurgent
army made a simultaneous movement upon Stirling, to have hazarded
a battle, and the result would very probably have been disastrous
to his arms. Had such an event occurred, the insurgents would have
immediately become masters of the whole of Scotland, and would soon
have been in a condition to have carried the war into England with
every hope of success.

Amidst the confusion and perplexity occasioned by these differences
of opinion, a sort of medium course was in the mean time resolved
upon, till the chiefs of the army should reconcile their divisions.
The plan agreed upon was, that they should, to avoid an immediate
encounter with General Carpenter, decamp from Kelso, and proceed
along the border in a south-westerly direction towards Jedburgh:
accordingly, on Thursday the 27th of October, the insurgents
proceeded on their march. The disagreement which had taken place had
cooled their military fervour, and a feeling of dread, at the idea of
being attacked by Carpenter’s force, soon began to display itself.
Twice, on the march to Jedburgh, were they thrown into a state of
alarm, approaching to terror,[713] by mistaking a party of their own
men for the troops of General Carpenter.

Instead of advancing upon Jedburgh, as they supposed Carpenter would
have done, the insurgents ascertained that he had taken a different
direction in entering Scotland, and that from their relative
positions, they were considerably in advance of him in the proposed
route into England. The English officers thereupon again urged their
views in council, and insisted upon them with such earnestness, that
Old Borlum was induced, though with great reluctance, and not till
after very high words had been exchanged, to yield. Preparatory
to crossing the Borders, they despatched one Captain Hunter (who,
from following the profession of a horse-stealer on the Borders, was
well acquainted with the neighbouring country,) across the hills,
to provide quarters for the army in North Tynedale; but he had not
proceeded far, when an order was sent after him countermanding his
march, in consequence of a mutiny among the Highlanders, who refused
to march into England. The English horse, after expostulating with
them, threatened to surround and compel them to march; but Mackintosh
informed them that he would not allow his men to be so treated,
and the Highlanders themselves despising the threat, gave them to
understand that they would resist the attempt.[714]

The determination, on the part of the Highlanders, not to march into
England, staggered the English gentlemen; but as they saw no hopes
of inducing their northern allies to enter into their views, they
consented to waive their resolution in the meantime, and by mutual
consent the army left Jedburgh on the 29th of October for Hawick,
about ten miles to the south-west. While on the march to Hawick, a
fresh mutiny broke out among the Highlanders, who, suspecting that
the march to England was still resolved upon, separated themselves
from the rest of the army, and going up to the top of a rising ground
on Hawick moor, grounded their arms, declaring, at the same time,
that although they were determined not to march into England, they
were ready to fight the enemy on Scottish ground. Should the chiefs
of the army decline to lead them against Carpenter’s forces, they
proposed, agreeably to the Earl of Wintoun’s advice, either to march
through the west of Scotland and join the clans under General Gordon,
by crossing the Forth above Stirling, or to co-operate with the Earl
of Mar, by falling upon the Duke of Argyle’s rear, while Mar himself
should assail him in front. But the English officers would listen to
none of these propositions, and again threatened to surround them
with the horse and force them to march. The Highlanders, exasperated
at this menace, cocked their pistols, and told their imprudent
colleagues that if they were to be made a sacrifice, they would
prefer being destroyed in their own country. By the interposition of
the Earl of Wintoun a reconciliation was effected, and the insurgents
resumed their march to Hawick, on the understanding that the
Highlanders should not be again required to march into England.[715]

The insurgents passed the night at Hawick, during which the courage
of the Highlanders was put to the test, by the appearance of a party
of horse, which was observed by their advanced posts patrolling in
front. On the alarm being given, the Highlanders immediately flew to
arms, and forming themselves in very good order by moonlight, waited
with firmness the expected attack; but the affair turned out a false
alarm, purposely got up, it is believed, by the English commanders,
to try how the Highlanders would conduct themselves, should an enemy
appear.[716] Next morning, being Sunday, the 30th of October, the
rebels marched from Hawick to Langholm, about which time General
Carpenter entered Jedburgh. They arrived at Langholm in the evening,
and with the view, it is supposed, of attacking Dumfries, they sent
forward to Ecclefechan, during the night, a detachment of 400 horse,
under the Earl of Carnwath, for the purpose of blocking up Dumfries
till the foot should come up. This detachment arrived at Ecclefechan
before day-light, and, after a short halt, proceeded in the direction
of Dumfries; but they had not advanced far, when they were met by
an express from some of their friends at Dumfries, informing them
that great preparations had been made for the defence of the town.
The Earl of Carnwath immediately forwarded the express to Langholm,
and, in the meantime, halted his men on Blacket ridge, a moor in the
neighbourhood of Ecclefechan, till further orders. The express was
met by the main body of the army about two miles west from Langholm,
on its march to Dumfries.

The intelligence thus conveyed, immediately created another schism
in the army. The English, who had been prevailed upon, from the
advantages held out to the Jacobite cause by the capture of such an
important post as Dumfries, to accede to the proposal for attacking
it, now resumed their original intention of marching into England.
The Highlanders, on the other hand, insisted upon marching instantly
upon Dumfries, which they alleged might be easily taken, as there
were no regular forces in it. It was in vain that the advocates
of this plan urged upon the English the advantages to be derived
from the possession of a place so convenient as Dumfries was, for
receiving succours from France and Ireland, and for keeping up a
communication with England and their friends in the west of Scotland.
It was to no purpose they were assured, that there were a great
many arms and a good supply of powder in the town, which they might
secure, and that the Duke of Argyle, whom they appeared to dread,
was in no condition to injure them, as he had scarcely 2,000 men
under him, and was in daily expectation of being attacked by the
Earl of Mar, whose forces were then thrice as numerous;--these and
similar arguments were entirely thrown away upon men who had already
determined at all hazards to adhere to their resolution of carrying
the war into England. To induce the Scottish commanders to concur
in their views, they pretended that they had received letters from
their friends in Lancashire inviting them thither, and assuring them
that on their arrival a general insurrection would take place, and
that they would be immediately joined by 20,000 men, and would have
money and provisions in abundance. The advantages of a speedy march
into England being urged with extreme earnestness by the English
officers, all their Scottish associates, with the exception of the
Earl of Wintoun, at last consented to try the chances of war on the
soil of England. Even Old Borlum, (who, at the time the parties were
discussing the point in dispute, was busily engaged at a distance
from the place where the main body had halted, restraining a party
of the Highlanders from deserting,) yielded to the entreaties of the
English officers, and exerted all his influence to induce his men
to follow his example. By the aid of great promises and money, the
greater part of the Highlanders was prevailed upon to follow the
fortunes of their commander, but about 500 of them marched off in
a body to the north. Before they reached Clydesdale, however, they
were almost all made prisoners by the country people, and lodged
in jail. The Earl of Wintoun, who was quite opposed to the measure
resolved upon, also went off with his adherents, but being overtaken
by a messenger who was despatched after him to remonstrate with him
for abandoning his friends, he consented to return, and immediately
rejoined the army. When overtaken, he drew up his horse, and, after
a momentary pause, as if reflecting on the judgment which posterity
would form of his conduct, observed with chivalrous feeling, that
history should not have to relate of him that he deserted King
James’s interest or his country’s good, but with a deep presentiment
of the danger of the course his associates were about to pursue,
he added, “You,” addressing the messenger, “or any man shall have
liberty to cut these (laying hold of his own ears as he spoke) out of
my head, if we do not all repent it.”

The insurgents, after spiking two pieces of cannon which they had
brought from Kelso, immediately proceeded on their march for England,
and entered Longtown in Cumberland the same night, where they were
joined by the detachment which had been sent to Ecclefechan the
previous night. On the following day, November 1st, they marched to
Brampton, a small market town in Cumberland, where they proclaimed
the Chevalier, and levied the excise duties on malt and ale. Mr.
Forster now opened a commission which he had lately received from
the Earl of Mar, appointing him general of the Jacobite forces in
England. As the men were greatly fatigued by forced marches, having
marched about 100 miles in five successive days, they took up their
quarters at Brampton for the night to refresh themselves. When
General Carpenter heard that the insurgents had entered England,
he left Jedburgh, and recrossing the hills into Northumberland,
threw himself between them and Newcastle, the seizure of which, he
erroneously supposed, was the object of their movement.

Next day the insurgents marched towards Penrith, on approaching
which they received intelligence that the _posse comitatus_ of
Cumberland, amounting to nearly 14,000 men, headed by the sheriff
of the county, and attended by Lord Lonsdale and the Bishop of
Carlisle, had assembled near Penrith on the line of their march to
oppose their advance. Mr., now General Forster, sent forward a party
to reconnoitre, but he experienced no trouble from this immense
rustic force, which broke up and dispersed in the utmost confusion
on hearing of the approach of the reconnoitring party. Patten,
the historian of the rebellion, who had formerly been curate of
Penrith, attempted, at the head of a party of horse, to intercept
his superior, the Bishop of Carlisle, but his lordship escaped. The
insurgents captured some horses and a large quantity of arms, and
also took several prisoners, who being soon released, expressed their
gratitude by shouting, “God save King James and prosper his merciful
army.”[717] To impress the inhabitants of Penrith with a favourable
idea of their strength and discipline, the insurgents halted upon
a moor in the neighbourhood, where they formed themselves in order
of battle, and thereafter entered the town in regular marching
order. The principal inhabitants, from an apprehension of being
plundered, showed great attention to them, in return for which, and
the comfortable entertainment which they received, they abstained
from doing any act which could give offence. They however raised,
according to custom, the excise and other public duties.

Next day the insurgents marched to Appleby, where, as at Penrith,
they proclaimed the Chevalier and seized the public revenue. After
halting two days at this town, they resumed their march on the 5th of
November, and arrived at Kendal, where they took up their quarters
for the night. Next morning, being Sunday, they, after a short march,
reached Kirkby-Lonsdale, where, after proclaiming the Chevalier, they
went to the church in the afternoon, where, in absence of the parson,
who had absconded, Mr. Patten read prayers. This author relates a
singular instance of Jacobite zeal on the part of a gentleman of the
name of Guin, or Gwyn, who entered the churches which lay in the
route of the army, and scratching out the name of King George from
the prayer books, substituted that of the Chevalier in its stead, in
a manner so closely resembling the print that the alteration could
scarcely be perceived.

The insurgents had now marched through two populous counties, but
they had obtained the accession of only two gentlemen to their ranks.
They would probably have received some additions in Cumberland and
Westmoreland, had not precautions been taken by the sheriffs of
these counties beforehand to secure the principal Catholics and
lodge them in the castle of Carlisle. Despairing of obtaining any
considerable accession of force, 17 gentlemen of Teviotdale had left
the army at Appleby, and the Highlanders, who had borne the fatigues
of the march with great fortitude, now began to manifest signs of
impatience at the disappointment they felt in not being joined by
large bodies of men as they were led to expect. Their prospects,
however, began to brighten by the arrival of some Lancashire Catholic
gentlemen and their servants at Kirkby-Lonsdale, and by the receipt
of intelligence the following day, when on their march to Lancaster,
that the Jacobites of Lancashire were ready to join them, and that
the Chevalier had been proclaimed at Manchester.[718]

The insurgents entered Lancaster without opposition, and instantly
marching to the market-place, proclaimed the Chevalier by sound
of trumpet, the whole body being drawn up round the cross. After
remaining two days at Lancaster, where the Highlanders regaled
themselves with claret and brandy found in the custom-house, they
took the road to Preston on Wednesday the 9th of November, with the
intention of possessing themselves of Warrington bridge and securing
Manchester, as preliminary to a descent upon Liverpool. The horse
reached Preston at night, two troops of Stanhope’s dragoons and part
of a militia regiment under Sir Henry Houghton, which were quartered
in the town, retiring to Wigan on their approach; but owing to
the badness of the road from a heavy rain which had fallen during
the day, the foot did not arrive till the following day, when the
Chevalier was proclaimed at the cross with the usual formalities. On
the march from Lancaster to Preston, and after their arrival there,
the insurgents were joined by different parties of gentlemen, chiefly
Catholics, with their tenants and servants, to the number of about
1,500 in all, by which additions Forster’s army was increased to
nearly 4,000 men.

Forster, who had kept a strict watch upon Carpenter, and of whose
movements he received regular accounts daily, was, however, utterly
ignorant of the proceedings of a more formidable antagonist, who, he
was made to understand by his Lancashire friends, was at too great
a distance to prove dangerous. This was General Wills, who had the
command in Cheshire, and who was now busily employed in concentrating
his forces for the purpose of attacking the rebels. Unfortunately for
them, the government had been induced, by the tumults and violences
of the high-church party in the west of England during the preceding
year, to quarter bodies of troops in the disaffected districts,
which being disposed at Shrewsbury, Chester, Birmingham, Stafford,
Wolverhampton, Manchester, and other adjacent places, could be
easily assembled together on a short notice. On information being
communicated to the government of the invasion of England, General
Wills had been directed to collect all the forces he could, and to
march upon Warrington bridge and Preston, to prevent the advance of
the insurgents upon Manchester.

General Wills had, accordingly, made great exertions to fulfil,
without delay, the instructions he had received, and hearing that
General Carpenter was at Durham, had sent an express to him to march
westward; but he was unable to save Preston. When the insurgents
entered this town, Wills was at Manchester, waiting for the arrival
of two regiments of foot and a regiment of dragoons, which were
within a few days’ march of him; but alarmed lest by delaying his
march the rebels might make themselves masters of Warrington bridge
and Manchester, by the possession of which they would increase their
force and secure many other advantages, he resolved instantly to
march upon Preston with such troops as he had. He left Manchester,
accordingly, on Friday the 11th of November, for Wigan, with four
regiments of dragoons, one of horse, and Preston’s regiment of foot,
formerly known as the Cameronian regiment. He arrived at Wigan in the
evening, where he met Stanhope’s dragoons and Houghton’s militia,
who had retired from Preston on the evening of the 9th. In the
meantime, the inhabitants of Liverpool anticipating a visit from the
insurgents, were actively employed in preparations for its defence.
Within three days they threw up a breastwork round that part of the
town approachable from the land side, on which they mounted 70 pieces
of cannon, and, to prevent the ships in the harbour from falling into
the hands of the enemy, they anchored them in the offing.

It was the intention of Forster to have left Preston on the morning
of Saturday the 12th; but the unexpected arrival of Wills at Wigan,
of which he received intelligence on the preceding night, made him
alter his design. Forster had been so elated by the addition which
his forces had received at Preston, that he affected to believe that
Wills would never venture to face him; but old Mackintosh advised
him not to be too confident, as they might soon find it necessary
to defend themselves. Observing from a window where they stood,
a party of the new recruits passing by, the veteran warrior thus
contemptuously addressed the inexperienced general, “Look ye there,
Forster, are yon fellows the men ye intend to fight Wills with.
Good faith, Sir, an’ ye had ten thousand of them, I’d fight them
all with a thousand of his dragoons.” In fact, a more uncouth and
unsoldier-like body had never before appeared in the field, than
these Lancashire rustics; some with rusty swords without muskets,
others with muskets without swords, some with fowling-pieces, others
with pitchforks, while others were wholly unprovided with weapons
of any sort.[719] Forster now altered his tone; and if the report
of a writer, who says he was an eye-witness, be true, the news of
Wills’s advance quite unnerved him. Undetermined how to act, he sent
the letter conveying the intelligence to Lord Kenmure, and retired
to rest. His lordship, with a few of his officers, repaired to
Forster’s lodgings to consult him, and, to their surprise, found him
in bed, though the night was not far advanced. The council, after
some deliberation, resolved to send out a party of horse towards
Wigan, to watch the motions of the enemy, to secure the pass into the
town by Ribble bridge, and to prepare the army for battle.[720]

About day-break of the 12th, General Wills commenced his march
from Wigan, and as soon as it was known that he was advancing upon
Preston, a select body of 100 well-armed Highlanders, under the
command of Farquharson of Invercauld, was posted at Ribble bridge,
and Forster himself at the head of a party of horse, crossed the
bridge, and advanced to reconnoitre.

The approach to Ribble bridge, which is about half a mile from
Preston, is by a deep path between two high banks, and so narrow
in some places that scarcely two men can ride abreast. Here it was
that Cromwell, in an action with the royalists, was nearly killed by
a large fragment of a rock thrown from above, and only escaped by
forcing his horse into a quicksand. The possession, therefore, of
this pass, was of the utmost importance to the insurgents, as Wills
was not in a condition to have forced it, being wholly unprovided
with cannon. Nor could he have been more successful in any attempt to
pass the river, which was fordable only at a considerable distance
above and below the bridge, and might have been rendered impassable
in different ways. But the Jacobite general was grossly ignorant
of every thing appertaining to the art of war, and in an evil hour
ordered the party at the bridge to abandon it, and retire into the
town.

General Wills arrived opposite Ribble bridge about one o’clock in
the afternoon, and was surprised to find it undefended. Suspecting
an ambuscade, he advanced through the way leading to the bridge
with great caution, and having cleared the bridge, marched towards
the town. He, at first, supposed that the insurgents had abandoned
the town with the intention of returning to Scotland; but he soon
ascertained that they still maintained their ground, and were
resolved to meet him. Halting, therefore, his men upon a small
rising ground near the town, he rode forward with a strong party of
horse to take a survey of the position of the insurgents.

During the morning they had been busily employed in raising
barricades in the principal streets, and making other preparations
for a vigorous defence. The Earl of Derwentwater displayed
extraordinary activity and zeal on this occasion. He distributed
money among the troops, exhorted them to stand firm to their posts,
and set them an example by throwing off his coat, and assisting them
in raising intrenchments. There were four main barriers erected
across the leading streets near the centre of the town, at each of
which, with one exception, were planted two pieces of cannon, which
had been carried by the insurgents from Lancaster, and beyond these
barriers, towards the extremities of the town, others were raised of
an inferior description. Behind the barricades bodies of men were
posted, as well as in the houses outside the barricades, particularly
in those which commanded the entrances into the principal streets.
Certainly after the abandonment of Ribble bridge, a more judicious
plan of defence could not have been devised by the ablest tactician
for meeting the coming exigency; but unfortunately for the
insurgents, the future conduct of their leaders did not correspond
with these skilful dispositions.

One of the main barriers was a little below the church, and was
commanded by Brigadier Mackintosh, the task of supporting whom was
devolved upon the gentlemen volunteers, who were drawn up in the
churchyard under the command of Viscount Kenmure and the Earls of
Derwentwater, Nithsdale, and Wintoun. A body of Highlanders, under
Lord Charles Murray, third son of the Duke of Athole, was posted at
another barrier at the end of a lane leading to the fields. Colonel
Mackintosh, at the head of the Mackintoshes, was posted at a third
barricade called the Windmill barrier, from its adjoining such a
structure on the road to Lancaster. At the remaining barrier, which
was in the street leading to the Liverpool road, were placed some
of the gentlemen volunteers, and a part of the Earl of Strathmore’s
regiment under the command of Major Miller and Mr. Douglas.

When the government general had made himself acquainted with the
plan of defence adopted by the insurgents, he returned to his main
body, and made preparations for an immediate attack. As he had
not sufficient forces to make a simultaneous assault upon all the
barriers, he resolved to confine himself at first to two only, those
commanded by Old Borlum and Colonel Mackintosh, in the streets
leading to Wigan and Lancaster respectively, at both ends of the
town. For this purpose he divided his troops into three bodies;--the
first consisted of Preston’s regiment of foot, and 250 dismounted
dragoons taken in equal proportions from the five dragoon regiments.
This division was commanded by Brigadier Honeywood, and was supported
by his own regiment of dragoons. The second body consisted of the
regiments of Wynn and Dormer, and a squadron of Stanhope’s regiment,
all of which were dismounted;--the last division, consisting of
Pitt’s horse and the remainder of Stanhope’s regiment, was kept as
a reserve for supporting the other divisions as occasion should
require, and to prevent the insurgents from escaping over the Ribble.

The action was begun by the division of Honeywood, which, after
driving a party of the insurgents from a small barricade at the
extremity of one of the leading streets, entered the town, and
attacked the barrier near the church, defended by Brigadier
Mackintosh; but Honeywood’s men were unable to make any impression,
and after sustaining a galling and destructive fire from the barrier
and from the houses on both sides of the street, they were forced
to retreat from the street with considerable loss. Some of the
officers of Preston’s regiment being informed whilst engaged in the
street, that the street leading to Wigan was not barricaded, and
that the houses on that side were not possessed by the insurgents,
Lord Forrester, the lieutenant-colonel, resolved, after Honeywood’s
division had failed to establish itself in the neighbourhood of the
church, to attempt an entrance in that direction. He accordingly
drew off his men by a narrow back passage or lane which led into the
street in the direction of Wigan, and ordering them to halt till
he should personally survey the position of the insurgents, this
intrepid officer deliberately rode into the street with his drawn
sword in his hand, and amidst a shower of bullets, coolly examined
the barrier, and returned to his troops. He then sallied into the
street at the head of his men, and whilst with one party he attacked
the barrier, another under his direction crossed the street, and took
possession of a very high house belonging to Sir Henry Houghton,
which overlooked the whole town. In this enterprise many of the
assailants fell by the fire of the insurgents who were posted in
the adjoining houses. At the same time, Forrester’s men possessed
themselves of another house opposite, which was unoccupied by the
insurgents. The possession of these houses was of immense advantage
to the government troops, as it was from the firing kept up from them
that the insurgents chiefly suffered. A party of 50 Highlanders,
under Captain Innes, had been posted in Houghton’s house, and another
body in the opposite one; but Brigadier Mackintosh had unfortunately
withdrawn both parties, contrary to their own wishes, to less
important stations.

Forrester’s men maintained the struggle with great bravery, but
were unsuccessful in every attempt to force the barrier. As the
insurgents, from their position in the houses and behind the
barricade, were enabled to take deliberate aim, many of their shots
took deadly effect, and the gallant Lord Forrester received several
wounds; but although Preston’s foot kept up a smart fire, they did
little execution among the insurgents, who were protected by the
barricade and the houses. Captain Peter Farquharson was the only
Jacobite officer who fell in this attack. He received a shot in the
leg, and being taken to the White Bull inn, where the wounded were
carried, he called for a glass of brandy, and thus addressed his
comrades:--“Come lads, here is our master’s health; though I can do
no more, I wish you good success.” Amputation being deemed necessary,
this brave man expired, almost immediately, from the unskilfulness of
the operator.

Whilst this struggle was going on near the church, a contest equally
warm was raging in another quarter of the town between Dormer’s
division and the party under Lord Charles Murray. In approaching the
barrier commanded by this young nobleman, Dormer’s men were exposed
to a well-directed and murderous fire from the houses, yet, though
newly-raised troops, they stood firm, and reached the barricade,
from which, however, they were vigorously repulsed. Lord Charles
Murray conducted himself with great bravery in repelling this attack,
and anticipating a second attempt upon the barrier, he obtained
a reinforcement of 50 gentlemen volunteers from the churchyard.
Dormer’s troops returned to the assault, but although they displayed
great courage and resolution, they were again beaten back with loss.
An attack made on the Windmill barricade, which was defended by
Colonel Mackintosh, was equally unsuccessful.

Thus repulsed in all their attacks, and as in their approaches to
the barriers the government troops had been incessantly exposed to a
regular and well-directed fire from the houses, General Wills issued
orders to set the houses at both ends of the town on fire, for the
purpose of dislodging the insurgents from such annoying positions,
and cooping them up in the centre of the town. Many houses and barns
were in consequence consumed, including almost the entire range of
houses as far as Lord Charles Murray’s barrier. As the assailants
advanced under cover of the smoke of the conflagration, many of
the insurgents, in attempting to escape from the flames, were cut
down on the spot. The rebels in their turn attempted to dislodge
the government troops from the houses of which they had obtained
possession, by setting them on fire. Fortunately there was no wind at
the time, otherwise the whole town would have been reduced to ashes.

Night came on, yet an irregular platooning was, notwithstanding,
kept up till next day by both parties. To distinguish the houses
possessed by the government forces, General Wills ordered them to
be illuminated, a circumstance which gave the besieged a decided
advantage, as the light from the windows enabled them to direct
their fire with better effect. Wills soon perceived the error he
had committed, and sent persons round to order the lights to be
extinguished, which order being promulgated aloud in the streets, was
so strangely misunderstood by those within, that, to the amusement
of both parties, they set up additional lights. During the night a
considerable number of the insurgents left the town.

Before day-break, General Wills visited the different posts, and
gave directions for opening a communication between both divisions
of the army to support each other, should necessity require. During
the morning, which was that of Sunday the 13th of November, he was
occupied in making arrangements for renewing the attack. Meantime
General Carpenter arrived about ten o’clock with Churchill’s and
Molesworth’s dragoons, accompanied by the Earl of Carlisle, Lord
Lumley, and others. This event was as exhilarating to the royalists
as it was disheartening to the besieged, who, notwithstanding the
defection of their more timorous associates during the preceding
night, were, before the accession of Carpenter, fully a match for
their assailants. Wills, after explaining to Carpenter the state of
matters, and the dispositions he had made, offered to resign the
command to him, as his superior officer; but being satisfied with
Wills’s conduct, Carpenter declined to accept it, remarking, that
as he had begun the affair so well, he ought to have the glory of
finishing it. On examining matters himself, however, Carpenter found
that the town was not sufficiently invested, particularly at the end
of Fishergate street, which led to a meadow by which the insurgents
could easily have escaped. He therefore posted Pitt’s horse along
the meadow, and lest the whole body of the besieged should attempt
to force a retreat that way, he caused a communication to be opened
through the enclosures on that side, that the other divisions of the
army might the more readily hasten thither to intercept them.

Thus invested on all sides, and pent up within a narrow compass by
the gradual encroachments of the royalists, the Jacobite general
grew alarmed, and began to think of a surrender. The Highlanders
were fully aware of their critical situation, but the idea of
surrendering had never once entered their minds, and they had been
restrained only by the most urgent entreaties from sallying out
upon the royalists, and cutting their way through their ranks, or
dying, as they remarked, like men of honour, with their swords in
their hands. Neither Forster nor any other officer durst therefore,
venture to make such a proposal to them, and Patten asserts, that
had they known that Colonel Oxburgh had been sent on the mission he
undertook, he would have never seen Tyburn, but would have been shot
by common consent before he had passed the barrier. This gentleman,
who had great influence over Forster (and who, in the opinion of the
last-named author, was better calculated, from the strictness with
which he performed his religious duties, to be a priest than a field
officer), in conjunction with Lord Widdrington and others, prevailed
upon him to make an offer of capitulation, thinking that they would
obtain favourable terms from the government general. This resolution
was adopted without the knowledge of the rest of the officers, and
Oxburgh, who had volunteered to negotiate, went off about two o’clock
in the afternoon to Wills’s head-quarters. To prevent suspicion of
his real errand, the soldiers were informed that General Wills had
sent to offer them honourable terms, if they would lay down their
arms.

The reception of Oxburgh by General Wills was very different from
what he and his friends had anticipated. Wills, in fact, absolutely
refused to hear of any terms, and upon Oxburgh making an offer
that the insurgents should lay down their arms, provided he would
recommend them to the mercy of the king, he informed him that he
would not treat with rebels, who had killed several of his Majesty’s
subjects, and who consequently must expect to undergo the same fate.
The colonel, thereupon, with great earnestness, begged the general,
as an officer and a man of honour, to show mercy to people who
were willing to submit. The royalist commander, somewhat softened,
replied, that all he would promise was, that if the insurgents
would lay down their arms and surrender themselves prisoners at
discretion, he would prevent the soldiers from cutting them to
pieces till further orders; and that he would allow them an hour
for the consideration of his offer. The result of this interview
was immediately reported by Oxburgh to his friends, but nothing had
transpired to throw any light upon their deliberations. Before the
hour had elapsed, Mr. Dalzell, brother of the Earl of Carnwath,
appeared at Wills’s head quarters, and requested to know what terms
he would grant separately to the Scots; Wills answered that he would
not treat with rebels, nor grant any other terms than those already
offered.

To bring matters to an immediate issue, General Wills sent Colonel
Cotton into the town about three o’clock in the afternoon, to require
an immediate answer to Wills’s proposal. He was told, however, that
differences existed between the English and Scottish officers upon
the subject, but they requested that the general would allow them
till seven o’clock next morning to settle their differences, and
to consult upon the best method of delivering themselves up. This
proposal being reported to Wills, he agreed to grant the Jacobite
commanders the time required, provided they would bind themselves to
throw up no new entrenchments in the streets, nor allow any of their
men to escape; for the performance of which stipulations he required
the delivery of approved hostages.--Cotton having returned to the
town, the Earl of Derwentwater and Brigadier Mackintosh were pitched
upon as hostages for the observance of these stipulations, and sent
to the royalist head-quarters.

As soon as the Highlanders perceived that a capitulation was
resolved upon, their fury knew no bounds. They declared that sooner
than surrender, they would die fighting, and that when they could
no longer defend their posts, they would attempt to cut their way
through their assailants, and make a retreat. During the night
they paraded the streets, threatening destruction to every person
who should even allude to a surrender. During these disturbances,
several persons were killed, and many wounded, and Mr. Forster, who
was openly denounced as the originator of the capitulation, would
certainly have been cut to pieces by the infuriated soldiers, had
he appeared in the streets. He made a narrow escape even in his own
chamber, a gentleman of the name of Murray having fired a pistol at
him, the ball from which would have taken effect had not Mr. Patten,
the Jacobite chaplain, struck up the pistol with his hand, and thus
diverted the course of the bullet.

At seven o’clock next morning, Forster notified to General Wills that
the insurgents were willing to surrender at discretion as he had
required. Old Borlum being present when this message was delivered,
observed that he would not be answerable for the Scots surrendering
without terms, as they were people of desperate fortunes; and that
he who had been a soldier himself, knew what it was to be a prisoner
at discretion. “Go back to your people again,” answered Wills, “and
I will attack the town, and the consequence will be I will not spare
one man of you.” After this challenge, Mackintosh could not with a
good grace remain, and returned to his friends; but he came back
immediately, and informed Wills that Lord Kenmure and the rest of the
Scots noblemen would surrender on the same conditions as the English.

Colonel Cotton was thereupon despatched with a detachment of 200 men
to take possession of the town, and the rest of the government forces
thereafter entered it in two grand divisions, amid the sound of
trumpets and beating of drums, and met in the market-place, where the
Highlanders were drawn up under arms ready to surrender. The number
of prisoners taken on this occasion was 1,468, of whom about 463 were
English, including 75 noblemen and gentlemen; of the Scots 143 were
noblemen and gentlemen. The noblemen and gentlemen were placed under
guards in the inns of the town, and the privates were confined in
the church. On the part of the insurgents there were only 17 killed
and 25 wounded in the different attacks, but the loss on the part
of the royalists was very considerable, amounting, it is believed,
to five times the number of the former. From the small number of
prisoners taken, it would appear that few of the country people who
had joined the insurgents when they entered Lancashire, had remained
in Preston. They probably left the town during the nights of Saturday
and Sunday.[721]

FOOTNOTES:

[686] _Annals of 2d year of George I._, p. 30.

[687] Idem, pp. 36-7.

[688] Patten, pp. 159, 160. _Annals of George I._, pp. 39, 40. Rae,
pp. 199, 200.

[689] _Annals of Second Year of George I._, p. 40.--Patten, p. 160.

[690] Rae.

[691] Rae, p. 223.--_Life of John, Duke of Argyle._ London, 1745, pp.
178, 179.

[692] _Life of John Duke of Argyle_, p. 180.

[693] Idem, p. 181.

[694] _Life of the Duke of Argyle_, p. 184.

[695] _Collection of original Letters and Authentic Papers relating
to the Rebellion, 1715_, p. 20.

[696] _Annals of 2d year of George I._, p. 41. Patten, p. 5-155-220.

[697] _Annals of 2d year of George I._, p. 42.

[698] _Annals of George I._, pp. 43, 44. Patten, p. 156. Rae, p. 234.

[699] “Buxton’s sermon gave mighty encouragement to the hearers,
being full of exhortations, flourishing arguments, and cunning
insinuations, to be hearty and zealous in the cause; for he was a man
of a very comely personage, and could humour his discourse to induce
his hearers to believe what he preached, having very good natural
parts, and being pretty well read.”--_Patten_, p. 29.

[700] Patten, pp. 31, 32.--_Annals of George I._, pp. 74, 75.--Rae,
pp. 241, 242.

[701] Rae, pp. 243-245.

[702] Rae. _Faithful Register of the late Rebellion._ London, 1718.

[703] _Annals of George I._, pp. 89-91. Patten, pp. 8, 9.

[704] Rae.

[705] Rae, p. 263.

[706] _Letter to Mr. Forster_, 21st October, 1715.

[707] _Annals of George I._, p. 98. Patten, p. 18. Rae, p. 265.

[708] Patten, p. 20.

[709] Patten, p. 20. _Annals of George I._, p. 101.

[710] “All the lords that were Protestants, with a vast multitude
of people, attended: It was very agreeable to see how decently and
reverently the very common Highlanders behaved, and answered the
responses according to the Rubrick, to the shame of many that pretend
to more polite breeding.”--_Patten_, p. 40.

[711] Patten, p. 49.

[712] _Annals of 2d year of George I._, p. 123. Patten, pp. 53, 64,
65.

[713] Rae.

[714] _Annals of 2d year of George I._, p. 128.

[715] Patten, pp. 67, 68. Rae, pp. 271, 272.

[716] Patten, p. 69.

[717] _Letter about the Occurrences on the way to, and at Preston. By
an Eye Witness_, p. 4.

[718] Patten, p. 89.

[719] _Annals of 2d Year of George I._, p. 136.

[720] _Letter, &c., by an eye-witness_, p. 6.

[721] Patten, p. 97, et seq. _Annals of 2d year of George I._, p.
125, et seq. _Faithful Register of the late Rebellion_, pp. 162, 163,
164.

CHAPTER XXVI.

A.D. 1715-1716.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George I., 1714-1727.

Re-capture of Inverness by the Royalists--Preparations for
opening the campaign--Mar’s departure from Perth--Junction of the
western clans--Advance of Argyle towards Dunblane--Preparations
for battle--Battle of Sheriffmuir--Mar returns to Perth and
Argyle to Stirling--Arrival of the Chevalier--Goes to Perth
--Preparations of Argyle--Jacobites retreat from Perth--Departure
of the Chevalier for France--Dispersion of the insurgents.

Having, for the sake of continuity, brought the narrative of the
English branch of the insurrection to a close, in the preceding
chapter, we now proceed to detail the operations of the royalist and
Jacobite armies under Argyle and Mar respectively, and the other
transactions in the north which preceded its total suppression.

Before, however, entering upon an account of the doings of the
main body of the rebels in Scotland, we must notice briefly the
re-capture by the royalists of Inverness, partly through the
instrumentality of our old friend Simon Fraser, afterwards Lord
Lovat. Finding it impossible to gain the confidence of the court of
St. Germains, Simon, on the breaking out of the rebellion, resolved
to seek the favour of King George by using his power as head of
his clan on behalf of the royalists. The clan had sent over some
of their number to France to bring Simon home, in order that he
might tell them what side he desired them to espouse; these had got
the length of Dumfries on the day in which that town was thrown
into a state of consternation by the Lord Justice-Clerk’s letter,
announcing its proposed capture by the rebels. Simon was received
there with much suspicion, and he and his followers placed under
guard, notwithstanding the pass he had managed to obtain from Lord
Townshend. This he obtained on volunteering to accompany the Earl of
Sutherland to the north, and induce the clan Fraser to abandon the
Jacobites and join the royalists. Although the estates and honours
were in possession of the daughter of the late Lord Lovat, and
although her husband, Mackenzie of Fraserdale, had joined the rebels
with a number of the clan, still, according to Highland custom,
Simon was the real head of the clan, and as such his influence was
paramount.[722]

[Illustration: Inverness at the end of the 17th century.--From
Slezer’s _Theatrum Scotiæ_.]

On arriving in the north “he found three hundred men, who had refused
to follow the Jacobite banner of his rival, ready at his call.
Placing himself at their head, like a sovereign with an army, he
sent notice to the disaffected clansmen who had followed the legal
owner of the estates, to return immediately to their duty to their
true chief, threatening them with ejection from their holdings,
and military execution against their families and possessions, if
they failed. As men exorcised by a command which it would be wicked
and futile to resist, the Frasers left Mar’s camp, just before the
momentous battle of Sheriffmuir, and joined their brethren. Lovat
found Duncan Forbes, afterwards the great and good Lord-President,
defending the old fortalice of Culloden, while his father-in-law,
Hugh Rose, held his neighbouring tower of Kilravock against repeated
attacks, and with a well-ordered force of 200 men, made his mansion
do the proper service of a fort in protecting the surrounding
country. Their efforts were important from their position. Northward
of Loch Ness, and the chain of minor lakes, the power of the Earl
of Sutherland, on the government side, balanced that of Seaforth,
Glengarry, and the other Jacobite leaders; and in their absence at
Mar’s camp, was superior. Thus the fortified houses near Inverness,
had all the importance of border fortresses; and the reduction of
Inverness, for the Hanover interest, would relieve their owners of
their perilous position, by giving their friends the command of
the pass between the North Highlands and the rest of Scotland. The
small body under Rose and Forbes, with Lovat’s, and a party of the
Grants, amounted in all to about 1,300 men--a considerable force
in that war of small armies. They laid plans for systematically
investing Inverness; but before it was necessary to operate on them,
the garrison silently evacuated the place, dropping down the river
in boats on the night of the 13th of November, and sailing for the
northern coast of the Moray Frith. This affair seems to have cost no
other casualty than the death of a brother of Rose of Kilravock, in
a premature and rash attack. Thus the government had the command of
the eastern pass between the North Highlands and the low country,
leaving passable only such routes, beyond the western extremity of
Loch Ness, as were not liable to be interrupted by the garrison at
Fortwilliam.”[723]

When the Jacobite general took the field he was so unprovided with
money, that after Colonel Hay entered Perth he could spare him only
fifty guineas for the use of his detachment, and so exhausted had
his little treasury become shortly after he took up his quarters
there, that he was reduced to the necessity of laying the surrounding
country, and the shires of Fife, Kinross, and Clackmannan under
contribution. By an order dated from the camp at Perth on the 4th
October, he required every man of substance attending the standard
of the Chevalier, to raise amongst his tenants and possessors, the
sum of twenty shillings on every hundred pounds Scots of valued rent,
and such landed proprietors as did not immediately or before the 12th
of October, attend his standard, were mulcted in double that amount.
This order appears to have had little effect, as it was renewed on
the 21st of October, when it was rigorously enforced, and the penalty
of military execution threatened against those who should refuse to
implement it.

To compel compliance, parties of horse and foot were despatched
through the adjoining country. One of these, consisting of 200
foot and 100 horse, being sent towards the town of Dunfermline,
information of their march was brought to the Duke of Argyle on
Sunday, the 23d of October. His grace immediately despatched
Colonel Cathcart with a detachment of dragoons to intercept them,
who, receiving intelligence that the insurgents had passed Castle
Campbell, and had taken up their quarters for the night in a village
on the road to Dunfermline, continued his march during the whole
night, and coming upon the village unperceived at five o’clock in the
morning, surprised the party, some of whom were killed and others
taken while in bed. Among these were eleven gentlemen, including
Gordon of Craig, Gordon younger of Aberlour, and Mr. Murray brother
to the laird of Abercairney.[724]

After this affair, and for want of more stirring excitements, a
sort of paper war was carried on between the two generals, which,
if attended with little practical effect on either side, served
at least to keep up in a more marked manner the distinction
between the adherents of the government and the partizans of the
Jacobite interest. When informed of the Earl of Mar’s order for
an assessment, the Duke of Argyle issued a counter one, on the
25th of October, prohibiting and discharging all persons from
giving or furnishing the insurgents with money or provisions,
under the pains of high treason, and for greater publicity he
directed the same to be intimated at each parish church door after
divine service, and before the dismissal of the congregation. This
mandate was followed two days thereafter by another from the duke,
requiring all well-affected noblemen, gentlemen, justices of the
peace, magistrates, and ministers, “to persuade and encourage all
able-bodied and well-affected men,” in their respective parishes,
in town and country, to enlist in the regular army, and promising a
bounty of forty shillings sterling, and a discharge from the service,
if required, at the end of three months after the suppression of the
insurrection. This order was answered by a proclamation from the
Earl of Mar, dated November 1st, prohibiting and discharging all
persons whatever, under the highest penalties, from giving obedience
to it; and whereas he had promised his protection, as he observes,
to all ministers who behaved themselves dutifully, and did not
acknowledge “the Elector of Brunswick as king, by praying for him as
such in their churches and congregations;” yet as several of them
continued the practice, and might thus “involve and mislead innocent
and ignorant people into traitorous and seditious practices,” he
expressly prohibited “all ministers, as well in churches as in
meeting-houses, to acknowledge the Elector of Brunswick as king, and
that upon their highest peril.” And he ordered all officers, civil
and military, to shut up the church doors of such ministers as should
act in contempt of the order, to apprehend their persons and bring
them prisoners to his camp. Many ministers, to avoid compliance
with this order, absented themselves from their charges, but others
who ventured openly to brave it, were apprehended and treated with
severity. Mar, however, found a more pliant body in the non-jurant
episcopal clergy, some of whom attached themselves to his camp, and
harangued his troops from time to time on the duties they owed to
their lawful sovereign, “King James VIII.”

Although the earl seems to have calculated greatly upon the
assistance of France, yet his stay at Perth appears to have been
prolonged rather by the tardiness of the Earl of Seaforth, in
reaching the insurgent camp, than by any intention of waiting for
supplies from France, or the expected invasion of England by the Duke
of Ormond; for no sooner did Seaforth arrive with the northern clans,
about the beginning of November, than Mar began to concert measures
with his officers for opening the campaign. The march of the Earl of
Seaforth had been retarded by the Earl of Sutherland, at the head of
a considerable number of his own men, and of the Mackays, Rosses,
Munroes, and others; but having compelled them to disperse, he
proceeded on his march with about 3,000 foot and 800 horse, leaving
a sufficient force behind to protect his own country, and keep the
royalist clans in check.

Hitherto the Jacobite commander, from the procrastinating system he
had pursued, and from jealousies which had arisen in his camp among
his officers, had experienced considerable difficulty in keeping his
forces together. Of all men, the Highlanders were the most unlikely
to relish the inactive duties of a camp, and as the duration of their
services lay entirely with themselves, it was evident that the longer
Mar delayed bringing them into action, the risk of their abandoning
him was proportionably increased. It was not therefore without reason
that one of the leaders remarked that he was afraid the Highlanders
would desert their colours in three cases:-- 1. If they were long
without being brought to action, they would tire and go home; 2. If
they fought and were victorious, they would plunder and go home; 3.
If they fought and were beaten, they would run away and go home.

To counteract the injurious effect which a state of inaction might
produce upon the minds of his men, Mar buoyed up their hopes by
issuing from time to time, by means of a printing press brought from
Aberdeen, and superintended by Freebairn of Edinburgh, a variety of
fabricated accounts, highly favourable to their cause, respecting
the progress of the rebellion in the south, and the great exertions
making by the Chevalier’s friends in France, all which accounts were
swallowed with the utmost credulity by his unsuspecting adherents.

About the time the Earl of Seaforth arrived at Perth, General Gordon
had advanced as far as Castle Drummond with the western clans on his
way to Perth; and as Mar had now resolved to attempt the passage of
the Forth, he despatched an express to Gordon, to join him on his
march. At a council of war, which was held on the 9th of November,
the Jacobite chiefs came to the determination of leaving Perth the
following day for Dunblane. On obtaining possession of this town,
Mar’s design was to detach three different bodies, of 1,000 men each,
to Stirling bridge, and the two adjacent fords above, for the purpose
of amusing Argyle, while he himself with the main body of his army,
consisting of nearly 8,000 men, should attempt to cross the river at
a ford a little way above those selected for the intended _ruse_. In
the event of success, the three detached bodies were to be directed
to form a junction and follow the main body without delay, but in
case the Duke of Argyle abandoned Stirling to oppose the passage of
the main body, they were to enter the town and fall upon his rear.

Accordingly, on the morning of Thursday, the 10th of November, Mar
departed from Perth, leaving a garrison behind under Colonel Balfour,
besides a scattered force of about 3,000 men quartered in different
parts of Fife. The earl not calculating upon a return to Perth, took
all his baggage along with him, and provisions sufficient to support
his army for twelve days. The insurgents took up their quarters for
the night at Auchterarder, and on the following day were joined by
the western clans under General Gordon. The army rested the whole
of the 11th. On the morning of the 12th, Mar ordered General Gordon
to march forward with 3,000 men of the clans, and eight squadrons
of horse under Brigadier Ogilvie and the Master of Sinclair, and
take possession of Dunblane. After ordering the rest of the army to
parade on the moor of Tullibardine, he departed for Drummond castle
to hold an interview with the Earl of Breadalbane, having previously
directed General Hamilton to follow Gordon with the main body.

As early as the morning of Thursday the 10th[725] of November, the
Duke of Argyle had received intelligence from some of his spies at
Perth, of Mar’s intended march, and of his plan for effecting the
passage of the Forth. Fortunately for Argyle, his little army had
been lately almost doubled by reinforcements from Ireland, and it now
amounted to 2,300 foot, and 1,200 cavalry, all in the best order and
condition; but though formidable from its composition when united, it
was too weak to divide into detachments for resisting at different
points the passage of an army thrice as numerous, in an attempt to
cross the Forth. As Argyle, therefore, saw he could no longer retain
his position on the banks of the river, which, from its now beginning
to freeze, would soon be rendered more passable than before, he
determined to cross and offer the insurgents battle before they
should reach its northern bank. Though he exposed himself by this
bold step to the disadvantage of fighting with a river in his rear,
he considered that the risk would be sufficiently counterbalanced by
the advantage which his cavalry would have by engaging the enemy on
level ground.

Having called in several small detachments which were quartered at
Glasgow, Kilsyth, and Falkirk, Argyle crossed Stirling bridge on the
morning of the 12th of November, for Dunblane, much about the same
time that Mar’s forces had begun to advance upon that town in an
opposite direction from Auchterarder. In a short time after their
setting out, Argyle’s advanced guard took possession of Dunblane,
of which circumstance General Gordon was apprised on his march.
Having halted his division, Gordon sent an express, announcing the
intelligence to General Hamilton, who despatched it to the Earl of
Mar, and in a short time he forwarded a second express confirming
the previous news, and adding that the enemy were in great force.
Hamilton, upon receipt of this last despatch, halted his men on the
ground adjoining the Roman camp at Ardoch, about five miles from
Dunblane, till he should receive instructions from the earl. Mar
soon thereafter returned from Drummond castle, and being desirous
of obtaining additional intelligence from the general in advance,
ordered Hamilton to remain in his position, and to hold his men in
readiness to march on a moment’s notice. This order had, however,
been scarcely issued, when a fresh despatch arrived from General
Gordon, announcing that the Duke of Argyle was in Dunblane with his
whole army. Mar thereupon desired Gordon to remain where he was till
the main body of the army should come up, and having ordered three
guns to be fired, the signal agreed upon to be given Hamilton for
putting his men in marching order, the latter immediately formed
his division and put it in motion. After a junction between the two
divisions of the army had been formed, the insurgents marched to
the bridge of Kinbuck, about four miles from Dunblane, where they
passed the frosty night under arms without covering or tent. The
Duke of Argyle, who had the most exact intelligence brought to him
of the motions of the insurgents, left Dunblane and formed his army
in order of battle in the evening, on a rising ground above the
house of Kippenross, about two miles north-east of the town. His
army was drawn up in one extended line. In the centre were eight
battalions of foot under the command of Major-General Wightman.
The right wing consisted of five squadrons of dragoons, under
Lieutenant-General Evans, and a similar number, at the head of whom
was Lieutenant-General Witham, composed the left wing. After thus
drawing up his men, his grace issued orders that no tent should be
pitched during the night either by officer or private soldier; that
all the officers without distinction should remain at their posts;
and that the troops should rest on their arms in the exact order in
which they had been formed. The severest penalties were threatened
against those who should infringe these orders. Though the night
was extremely cold, the troops lay down upon the bare ground, and
snatched a few hours’ repose. The duke himself retired to a sheep-cot
at the foot of a hill on the right of the army, where he passed the
night sitting on a bundle of straw.

[Illustration: Dunblane, about the time of the Rebellion.--From
Slezer’s _Theatrum Scotiæ_.]

Although the two armies had bivouacked during the night within three
miles of each other, and were only separated by the Sheriffmuir, an
elevated and uneven waste, skirted on the west by the high road from
Stirling to Perth, near the river Allan, yet so ignorant was Mar of
the movements of Argyle, that so far from supposing him to be within
such a short distance of his camp, he imagined that he still remained
at Dunblane; and it was not until he observed a reconnoitring party
of Argyle’s cavalry on the adjoining heights of the Sheriffmuir next
morning, that he became aware of his immediate proximity. This party
was headed by the duke himself, who had aroused his army by break of
day, and who, after issuing instructions to his men to prepare for
battle, had ascended at an early hour the hill where his advanced
guard was posted, to survey the position of the insurgents.

The Earl of Mar had also put his men under arms shortly after break
of day, and when Argyle’s party of observation was first noticed, Mar
was busily engaged ranging his men in marching order, preparatory
to advancing upon Dunblane. Conceiving that Argyle meant to offer
him battle immediately, he instantly assembled all the chiefs, and
after addressing them in an eloquent speech, in which he painted
in glowing colours the wrongs of their prince and their country,
and congratulated them that the day had at length arrived when they
could revenge their injuries in open battle, he desired to know if
they were willing to engage. The Marquis of Huntly alone raised some
objections, and some few were heard in an under-tone to advise a
return to Perth till the spring; but the voices of Huntly and his
supporters were drowned by loud shouts of “fight, fight!” from the
rest, who at once galloped off to their different posts.[726]

The Earl of Mar, thereupon, resumed the marshalling of his army,
which formed into two lines with a rapidity and decision that would
have done honour to veteran troops; but by accident, three squadrons
of horse posted on the left, misled by a cry from the Highlanders,
of “horse to the right,” left their position and took ground on the
right, an unfortunate mistake for the insurgents, as it contributed
to the defeat of their left wing. The centre of the first line
was composed of ten battalions of foot, consisting of about 4,000
men under the command of the captain of Clanranald, Glengary, Sir
John Maclean, the laird of Glenbucket, Brigadier Ogilvie, and the
two brothers of Sir Donald Macdonald of Sleat. General Gordon, who
had long served in the army of the Czar of Muscovy, was at the head
of these battalions. On the right of this line were placed two of
the Marquis of Huntly’s squadrons of horse, and another called the
Stirling squadron, which carried the Chevalier’s standard. This
squadron, which consisted wholly of gentlemen, also bore the title
of “the Restoration regiment of horse.” The Perthshire squadron
formed the left wing. The centre of the second line consisted of
eight battalions of foot, viz., three of the Earl of Seaforth’s foot,
two of the Marquis of Huntly’s, the Earl of Panmure’s battalion,
and those of the Marquis of Tullibardine, of Drummond, commanded by
the Viscount of Strathallan, and of Logie-Almond, and Robertson of
Strowan. On the right of this second line were posted two squadrons
of horse under the Earl Marischal. The Angus squadron was on the
left. The whole of the force thus formed for action may be estimated
at 8,000, besides which there was a _corps de reserve_ of 400 horse
posted considerably in the rear.

While this formation was going on, the Duke of Argyle observed for
several hours with great attention the various evolutions of the
insurgents; but from the nature of the ground[727] occupied by
them he could not obtain a full view of their line which extended
through a hollow way, the view of which was obstructed by the brow
of a hill occupied by a party of Mar’s troops. From Mar’s advanced
guards looking towards Dunblane, the duke conjectured that the
insurgents intended to march in that direction; but he was undeceived
in this idea by a movement on the part of a mass of the insurgents
towards his right, as if they intended to cross the moor and fall
upon the flank of his army. As a large morass lay in the way of
the insurgents, Argyle, in advancing from Dunblane, had conceived
himself free from danger on that side; but it had now been rendered
quite passable for foot as well as horse by a keen frost during the
preceding night. As soon as Argyle saw this large body advance up
the face of the moor, which, from the right wing of the insurgents
being concealed from his view by a rising ground, he supposed was the
main body of Mar’s army, he requested the advice of the officers who
surrounded him as to how he should act. It was the general opinion,
an opinion in which the duke himself concurred, that there would
be less risk in engaging the insurgents on the high grounds than
in waiting for them in the position occupied by the duke’s army;
but although most of the officers thought that there would not be
sufficient time to bring forward the troops and to change the order
of battle, a change which was absolutely necessary, the duke resolved
to draw out his troops upon the moor.

Having come to this determination, the duke returned quickly to the
army, and ordered the drums to beat the _General_. This order was
given about eleven o’clock; but although the drums instantly beat to
arms, an hour elapsed before the troops were ready to march. The new
order of battle was as follows. The duke’s first line consisted of
six battalions of foot, all old troops, amounting scarcely to 1,800
men. On the right were posted three squadrons of dragoons, being the
best in the army, namely, Evans’s, the Scots Greys, and the Earl of
Stair’s. On the left there were placed three squadrons of dragoons,
namely, Carpenter’s, Ker’s, and a squadron of Stair’s. The second
line was composed of only two battalions of foot, with a squadron of
dragoons on each wing. The right wing of the army was commanded by
the duke himself, the centre by General Wightman, and the left by
General Witham. Behind Evans’s dragoons, on the right wing, a body
of about sixty horse, noblemen and gentlemen volunteers, took up a
station.

The body which Argyle had observed coming up the face of the
moor, was a squadron of the Earl Marischal’s horse and Sir
Donald Macdonald’s battalion, under their respective commanders.
These had been despatched by the Earl of Mar, to drive away the
reconnoitring party under the Duke of Argyle from the height; but
on its disappearing, they returned and reported the circumstance to
the earl. On receiving this intelligence, Mar gave orders to his
troops to march up the hill in four columns. The whole army was
accordingly put in motion, but they had not proceeded far when the
Earl Marischal, who was in advance, observed Argyle forming his lines
on the southern summit of the hill, at a short distance from him. He
notified the circumstance to Mar, who instantly gave orders to his
men to quicken their pace up the hill. In the hurry of their ascent,
the second line pressed so closely upon the first as to occasion
some confusion on the left when again getting into line, and it was
in consequence of this disorder that the squadrons of horse forsook
their position on the left, and took ground on the right.

Before the insurgents reached the summit of the moor, Argyle’s right
wing was fully formed, but the greater part of his centre and left,
who were moving up the ascent by a gradual progression from right
to left, had not yet reached their ground. Argyle’s right now found
itself within pistol-shot of Mar’s left, but from the greater extent
of Mar’s line, it considerably outflanked Argyle’s left.

As soon as the Earl of Mar perceived that Argyle’s line was only
partially formed, he resolved instantly to attack him before he
should be able to complete his arrangements; and having sent orders
to his right and left to fall simultaneously upon the enemy, Mar
placed himself at the head of the clans, and being apprised by a
firing on his left that the action had commenced, he pulled off his
hat, which he waved, and with a huzza led forward his men upon the
half-formed battalions which composed the left wing of the enemy.
Arrived within pistol-shot, the Highlanders, according to custom,
poured in a volley upon the English infantry. The fire was instantly
returned, and, to the dismay of the Highlanders, Alan Muidartach,
the captain of Clanranald, was mortally wounded. He was instantly
carried off the field, and, as his men clustered around him, he
encouraged them to stand firm to their posts, and expressed a hope
that the result of the struggle in which they were engaged would be
favourable to the cause of his sovereign. The loss of a chief, who,
from the stately magnificence with which he upheld his rank, and
the urbanity of his disposition, had acquired an ascendency over
the minds of his people, could not fail to depress their spirits,
and make them almost overlook the danger of their situation. While
absorbed in grief, they were in a moment roused from their dejection
by Glengary, who, observing their conduct at this juncture, sprung
forward, and throwing his bonnet into the air, cried aloud, in the
expressive language of his country, “Revenge! Revenge! Revenge
to-day, and mourning to-morrow!” No sooner had this brave chieftain
pronounced these words, than the Highlanders rushed forward, sword
in hand, with the utmost fury, upon the royalist battalions. The
government troops attempted to stem the impetuosity of the attack,
by opposing the Highlanders with fixed bayonets, but the latter
pushed them aside with their targets, and rushing in with their
broad-swords among the enemy, spread death and terror around them.
The three battalions on Argyle’s left, which had never been properly
formed, unable to rally, instantly gave way, and falling back upon
some squadrons of horse in their rear, created such confusion,
that within seven or eight minutes after the assault, the form of
a battalion or squadron was no longer discernible. A complete rout
ensued; and there seems no doubt that the whole of Argyle’s left
would have been completely destroyed, had not General Witham, at the
head of the squadrons which were upon the left of the battalions,
checked the advance of Mar’s horse by a charge, in which he succeeded
in capturing a standard. Afraid of being outflanked by Argyle’s left
wing, which extended far beyond his position, and being ignorant of
what was passing on the right wing of the royalists, the view of
which was concealed by the unevenness of the ground, Witham retired
in the direction of Dunblane. The Earl of Mar pursued the disordered
mass to the distance of only half a mile, and having ordered his
foot to halt till he should put them in order, resolved to follow
the enemy and complete the victory; but receiving intelligence that
his left wing and second line had given way, and that his artillery
had been taken, he retraced his steps, and took up a position on the
top of the stony hill of Kippendavie, till he should receive further
information respecting the fate of his left wing.

This wing, which was the first to begin the attack, opened a fire
upon Argyle’s right wing when almost within pistol shot. The
Highlanders thereafter steadily advanced, and pouring a second volley
among the enemy, with a precision and effect not to be surpassed by
the best disciplined troops, rushed up, sword in hand, to the very
muzzles of their muskets. Though the fire was destructive, and made
Evans’s dragoons reel for a time, the English troops maintained their
ground, and the foot kept up a platooning, which checked the fury of
their assailants. The struggle continued for some time without any
decided advantage on either side; but as Argyle began to perceive
that he could make no impression in front upon the numerous masses of
the insurgents, and that he might be out-flanked by them, he resolved
to attack them on their flank with part of his cavalry, while his
foot should gall them with their fire in front. He therefore ordered
Colonel Cathcart to move along the morass to the right with a strong
body of cavalry, and to fall upon the flank of Mar’s left wing,
a movement which he executed with great skill. Cathcart, after
receiving a fire from the insurgent horse, immediately charged them,
but they sustained the assault with great firmness. Borne down by
the superior weight of the English dragoons, whose horses were much
larger than those of the insurgents, the Scottish horse, after nearly
half-an-hour’s contest, were compelled to give way. The foot of
Argyle’s right having made a simultaneous attack upon Mar’s first
line of foot, the latter also were forced to fall back, and Mar’s
horse and foot coming into contact with his second line, they mixed
indiscriminately, and a general rout in consequence ensued.

After receding a short distance, the insurgent horse, which consisted
principally of the Jacobite gentry of Perthshire and Angus, attempted
to rally, and even to charge Argyle’s cavalry in their turn, but
they were again forced to retire by the pressure of the English
dragoons, who kept advancing in regular order upon the receding
masses of the insurgents. Determined, however, not to yield one inch
of ground without the utmost necessity, the cavalier horse made
repeated efforts to drive the enemy back, and, in the course of their
retreat, made ten or twelve attempts at different places to rally
and charge the advancing foe; but unable to resist the overwhelming
pressure of the English cavalry, they were, after three hours’ hard
fighting, driven across the river Allan by Argyle’s dragoons. Some
idea may be formed of the obstinacy of the contest, when it is
considered that the distance from the field of battle to the river
is scarcely three miles. To the gallant stand made by the horse may
be ascribed the safety of the foot, who would have been probably all
cut to pieces by the dragoons, if the attention of the latter had
not been chiefly occupied by the horse. The foot, however, suffered
considerably in the retreat, notwithstanding the humanity of the Duke
of Argyle, who endeavoured to restrain the carnage. Besides offering
quarter to such of the Jacobite gentlemen as were personally known to
him, he displayed his anxiety for the preservation of his countrymen
so far, that on observing a party of his dragoons cutting down a body
of foot, into which they had thrown themselves, he exclaimed with a
feeling of deep emotion, “Oh, spare the poor Blue-bonnets!”

As Mar’s right wing had been concealed from the view of Argyle,
the latter conceived that the numerous body he was driving before
him formed the entire insurgent army. He, therefore, resolved to
continue the pursuit till dark, and to support him, he ordered
General Wightman, who commanded his foot upon the right, to follow
him with his battalions as quickly as possible. Wightman accordingly
proceeded to follow the duke with a force of rather more than three
regiments; but he had not marched far, when he heard a firing on his
left, to ascertain the cause of which, he sent his aide-de-camp in
the direction whence the firing proceeded. This officer returned in
a short time, and reported that the half of Argyle’s foot, and the
squadrons on the left, had all been cut off by the right of the
insurgents, which was superior in point of numbers to Argyle’s left.
Wightman thereupon slackened his pace, and despatched a messenger
to inform the duke of the fate of his left wing. Afraid of being
attacked in his rear by Mar’s right wing, he kept his men in perfect
order, but no demonstration was made to follow him. When informed
of the defeat of his left wing, Argyle gave over the pursuit, and
joining Wightman with five squadrons of dragoons, put his men in
order of battle and marched boldly to the bottom of the hill, on the
top of which the enemy, amounting to 4,000 men, were advantageously
posted. Argyle had now scarcely 1,000 men under him, and as these
were already greatly exhausted, he judged it expedient to act on the
defensive; but the insurgents showed no disposition to engage, and
both parties, as if by mutual consent, retired from their positions
in different directions. The duke filed off his men to the right, in
marching order, towards Dunblane; but as he still dreaded an attack,
he formed his men several times on the march, wherever he found the
ground convenient, and waited the approach of the enemy. Mar drew off
his men toward Ardoch, where he passed the night, and Argyle’s troops
lay under arms during the night in the neighbourhood of Dunblane.

[Illustration: BATTLE-FIELD OF SHERIFFMUIR

A. Fullarton & C^o. London & Edinburgh.]

As might have been expected, on an occasion of such dubious success
on either side, both parties claimed a victory, but impartiality will
confer the palm on neither.[728] Argyle, it is true, visited the
field of battle the following morning, which Mar might also have done
had he been inclined, and this circumstance, therefore, can afford no
argument in support of his pretensions. Neither can the capture of
standards and colours by Argyle be considered as a proof of success,
for although he took fourteen colours and standards, including the
royal standard called “the Restoration,” besides six pieces of cannon
and other trophies, Mar, according to the official Jacobite account,
captured four stands of colours, several drums, and about 1,400 or
1,500 stands of arms. Accounts the most contradictory have been given
by both parties of the losses sustained by them. According to the
rolls of Argyle’s muster-master general, his loss amounted to 290
men killed, 187 wounded, and 133 prisoners, making a grand total of
610, while the Jacobite account makes the loss in killed and wounded
on the side of Argyle amount to between 700 and 800. On the other
hand, the Jacobites state their loss in killed at only 60, and that
very few of their men were wounded, while the royalists say that
they lost, in killed and wounded, about 800 men.[730] Supposing the
royalist statement correct, the comparative loss of the insurgents
scarcely exceeded one-third of that sustained by the government
forces.

Several officers were killed on the royalist side. Among the
wounded was the Earl of Forfar, a brave officer who commanded
Morison’s regiment. He received a shot in the knee, and sixteen
other wounds, of which he died at Stirling about three weeks after
the battle. Several persons of distinction were killed on the side
of the insurgents, among whom were the Earl of Strathmore, and the
Captain of Clanranald. A considerable number of gentlemen were
taken prisoners by Argyle, but many of them escaped, and he was
able to carry only 82 of them to Stirling. Of this number were Lord
Strathallan, Thomas Drummond his brother, Walkinshaw of Barrowfield,
Drummond of Logie-Drummond, and Murray of Auchtertyre.

On whichsoever side success lay, the battle, in its consequences,
was most important in many respects to the government, as it was
immediately followed by the desertion of a considerable number of
the clans. With the exception of the Macdonalds, who particularly
distinguished themselves on the right, and the Perthshire and
Angus horse who withstood the repeated shocks of Argyle’s cavalry,
the remainder of the insurgent army made little resistance. The
Macphersons and the Macgregors, (the latter commanded by Rob
Roy,[731] the chief’s uncle), did not join in the contest at all,
but looked on as if unconcerned about the result. Some of the
clans, disgusted at the pusillanimity or indifference exhibited by
their associates, and others dispirited by the firmness displayed
by the government forces, returned to their homes, thus verifying
the observation made by a Jacobite in reference to the clans, that
whether victorious or beaten, they would run away and go home. The
defection of these clans was a severe blow to Mar, and made him
abandon the idea of crossing the Forth. He, therefore, returned to
Perth with the remains of his army, and to encourage the friends of
the Jacobite interest, circulated the most favourable accounts of his
alleged success at Sheriffmuir, and of the state of the Chevalier’s
affairs, although he himself began to consider them desperate.[732]
The Duke of Argyle, on the other hand, retired to his head-quarters
at Stirling, intending to resume offensive operations as soon as some
expected reinforcements should arrive.

The attempt of Mar to disguise the real state of matters was too
gross to deceive his adherents, and there were not a few who already
began to entertain thoughts of making their own terms with the
government: but the Highland chiefs and the principal officers
remained firm, and urged Mar to risk another battle even with his
reduced forces. The earl, however, though personally brave, was not
the man to comply with an advice so opposed to the rule he had laid
down for himself, never to engage without a very superior force on
his side. But had he been of a different opinion, the receipt of the
news of the re-capture of Inverness would probably have precluded him
from moving a second time upon Stirling.

It has been remarked as a singular circumstance in this history
of Mar’s insurrection, that the three important events which
decided its fate should have occurred in regular daily succession.
Inverness was captured on the 13th of November,[733] and on the
same day Mackintosh’s forces, cooped up in Preston, had to maintain
a precarious struggle against the attacks of Wells’s army. Next
day witnessed the battle of Sheriffmuir, and at the very time the
insurgents in Preston were offering terms of surrender, the right
wings of Argyle’s and Mar’s armies were pursuing, with all the
confidence of victory, the wings to which they were respectively
opposed. And lastly, while on the 14th the insurgents in England
were capitulating at Preston, the two rival armies in the north were
retiring to their head-quarters, each of them claiming a victory.

The arrival of the Chevalier had been long anxiously looked for
by his friends in Scotland. He was now about to gratify their
desire of beholding his person; but James had already missed the
golden opportunity, which presented itself at an early stage of the
insurrection, of recovering his father’s crown. Had he, on arriving
at St. Malo, whither he proceeded from Lorraine at the breaking out
of the insurrection, instantly taken shipping, he would not only have
complied with the declared wishes of his adherents, but would have
evinced at once a determination to maintain his claim. Instead of
embarking, however, immediately, as he should have done, he spent so
much time in the shipment of supplies, which he was desirous should
precede his departure, that he was at last altogether prevented
from sailing by some men-of-war, which appeared off the harbour
of St. Malo, and which had been sent by the British government to
intercept him. That he might not disappoint the expectations of his
partisans, he resolved to go to Dunkirk in quest of shipping, and
having traversed the country in disguise, he embarked at that port,
about the middle of December, on board a small French vessel of eight
guns, which had formerly been a privateer. He was attended by five
persons only, who, to prevent suspicion, were disguised as French
officers. Among these were the Marquis of Tynemouth, son of the Duke
of Berwick, and Lieutenant Allan Cameron, a son of Lochiel.

Regardless of the evident risk which he ran, by attempting a descent
upon the eastern coast of Scotland, he sailed from Dunkirk in the
small vessel in which he had embarked, after leaving instructions to
despatch after him two other vessels that lay in the harbour with
his domestics, and some stores for the use of his army. It was the
Chevalier’s intention to have landed in the vicinity of the Frith
of Tay, and accordingly, after steering in a northerly direction,
he stood across for the coast of Angus, which was descried after a
voyage of five days; but observing, at some distance, a sail, which
he judged to be unfriendly, he altered his course to northward with
the design of landing at Peterhead, of which the Earl Marischal was
the feudal superior. The vessel which carried the Chevalier came,
however, sufficiently near to land to intimate by signals to the
friends of the prince in the neighbourhood that he was on board,
which intelligence was immediately conveyed to the camp at Perth,
where it was received with a feeling of intense delight.

The Chevalier arrived off Peterhead, on the 22d of December, seven
days from the date of his departure from Dunkirk, and immediately
landed with his small retinue of five persons, all disguised as
seamen. After despatching the vessel to France with the news of his
arrival, he and his companions took up their abode in the town for
the night. He passed the next night at Newburgh, a seat of the Earl
Marischal, having previously sent Lieutenant Cameron to Perth with
the intelligence of his landing. The Chevalier continued his journey
towards Perth, and on the 24th passed _incognito_ through Aberdeen,
and arrived at Fetteresso, the principal seat of the Earl Marischal,
where he remained several days. As soon as Lieutenant Cameron reached
Perth, the Earl of Mar, the Earl Marischal, General Hamilton, and
about thirty other gentlemen, mounted their horses, and set off to
meet the Chevalier. This cavalcade arrived at Fetteresso on the 27th,
and the persons composing it were introduced to “the king,” and had
the honour of kissing his hand. After the breaking up of the court,
the Chevalier was proclaimed at the gates of the house, and printed
copies of the declaration which he had issued in Lorraine were
immediately dispersed.[734]

The Chevalier intended to have proceeded next day on his journey to
Perth, but he was detained at Fetteresso till the 2d of January, by
two successive fits of ague, which, however, did not prevent him
from receiving addresses from the “Episcopal clergy of the diocese
of Aberdeen,” and from the magistrates, town council, and Jacobite
inhabitants of the town.

While at Fetteresso the Chevalier exercised some of the functions of
royalty, by conferring titles of dignity on some of his adherents.
He raised the Earl of Mar to a dukedom; and, according to report,
conferred the honour of knighthood upon Bannerman, the Jacobite
provost of Aberdeen, who presented the address from that city. Having
recovered from his attack, the Chevalier left Fetteresso on the 2d of
January, and went to Brechin, where he passed the night. Next day he
moved forward to Kinnaird, and on the 4th reached Glammis Castle, the
principal seat of the Earl of Strathmore. At Glammis Mar drew up a
letter, in which he gave a very flattering account of the Chevalier.
As the object of this letter was to impress the people with a
favourable opinion of the Chevalier, Mar ordered it to be printed and
circulated as widely as possible. The letter is written with address,
and may still be perused with interest:

“Glames, 5 Jan. 1716.

“I met the king at Fetteresso on Tuesday se’enight, where we
staid till Friday; from thence we came to Brechin, then to
Kinnaird, and yesterday here. The king designed to have gone to
Dundee to-day, but there is such a fall of snow that he is forced
to put it off till to-morrow, if it be practicable then; and
from thence he designs to go to Scoon. There was no haste in his
being there sooner, for nothing can be done this season, else he
had not been so long by the way. People, everywhere, as we have
come along, are excessively fond to see him, and express that
duty they ought. Without any compliment to him, and to do him
nothing but justice, set aside his being a prince, he is really
the first gentleman I ever knew: He has a very good presence, and
resembles King Charles a great deal. His presence, however, is
not the best of him. He has fine parts, and despatches all his
business himself with the greatest exactness. I never saw any
body write so finely. He is affable to a great degree, without
losing that majesty he ought to have, and has the sweetest
temper in the world. In a word, he is every way fitted to make
us a happy people, were his subjects worthy of him. To have him
peaceably settled on his throne, is what these kingdoms do not
deserve; but he deserves it so much that I hope there is a good
fate attending him. I am sure there is nothing wanting to make
the rest of his subjects as fond of him as we are, but their
knowing him as we do; and it will be odd if his presence among
us, after his running so many hazards to compass it, do not turn
the hearts, even of the most obstinate. It is not fit to tell all
the particulars, but I assure you he has left nothing undone,
that well could be, to gain every body; and I hope God will touch
their hearts.

“I have reason to hope we shall very quickly see a new face of
affairs abroad in the king’s favour, which is all I dare commit
to paper.

“MAR.”

On the morning of the 6th of January the Chevalier left Glammis for
Dundee, which town he entered about eleven o’clock a.m. on horseback,
amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants, the Earl of Mar riding on
his right hand, and the Earl Marischal on his left, and followed by
a train of nearly 300 adherents on horseback. To gratify the people
who flocked round him eager to behold him and to kiss his hand, he,
at the request of his friends, remained about an hour on horseback
at the cross of the burgh, after which he rode out to the house
of Stewart of Grandtully in the neighbourhood, where he dined and
passed the night. On the following day he proceeded along the Carse
of Gowrie to Castle Lyon, a seat of the Earl of Strathmore, where
he dined, and thence to Fingask, the seat of Sir David Threipland,
where he spent the night. Next day, being Sunday, he took up his
abode in the royal palace of Scone, where he intended to stay till
the ceremony of his coronation should be performed.

[Illustration: JAMES STUART.

THE CHEVALIER DE S^T. GEORGE.

A. Fullarton & C^o. London & Edinburgh.]

On Monday the Chevalier made his public entry into Perth. He met,
however, with a cold reception, and he himself felt evidently
disappointed at the appearance of the camp. He had heard much of
the Highland chiefs and the clans, and being desirous to see “those
little kings (the chiefs,) with their armies,” a select body of
Highlanders exhibited before him. Their appearance gave him great
satisfaction, but when he ascertained the paucity of the number in
the camp, he could not repress the chagrin and disappointment he
felt. On the other hand, the friends of the Chevalier were equally
disappointed. Neither his appearance nor demeanour on the present
occasion tended in any shape to justify the exaggerated encomiums
of Mar, and his lugubrious deportment while at Perth tended more
to alienate the affections of his adherents, and depress their
spirits, than even the disappointment of supplies from France. The
following is an account, doubtfully attributed to the Master of
Sinclair, of the appearance of the Chevalier on his arrival at Perth,
his behaviour while there, and their consequent effects upon his
followers.

“His person was tall and thin, seeming to incline to be lean rather
than to fill as he grows in years. His countenance was pale, but
perhaps looked more so than usual, by reason he had three fits of
ague which took him two days after his coming on shore. Yet he seems
to be sanguine in his constitution, and there is something of a
vivacity in his eye that perhaps would have been more visible if
he had not been under dejected circumstances, and surrounded with
discouragement, which it must be acknowledged were sufficient to
alter the complexion even of his soul as well as of his body. His
speech was grave, and not very clearly expressive of his thoughts,
nor over much to the purpose; but his words were few, and his
behaviour and temper seemed always composed. What he was in his
diversions we know not: here was no room for such things. It was no
time for mirth. Neither can I say I ever saw him smile. Those who
speak so positively of his being like King James VII. must excuse me
for saying, that it seems to say they either never saw this person,
or never saw King James VII.; and yet I must not conceal that when
we saw the man whom they called our king, we found ourselves not at
all animated by his presence; and if he was disappointed in us, we
were tenfold more so in him. We saw nothing in him that looked like
spirit. He never appeared with cheerfulness and vigour to animate
us. Our men began to despise him; some asked if he could speak. His
countenance looked extremely heavy. He cared not to come abroad
amongst us soldiers, or to see us handle our arms or do our exercise.
Some said the circumstances he found us in dejected him. I am sure
the figure he made dejected us; and had he sent us but 5,000 men
of good troops, and never himself come among us, we had done other
things than we have now done. At the approach of that crisis when
he was to defend his pretensions, and either lose his life or gain
a crown, I think, as his affairs were situated, no man can say that
his appearing grave and composed was a token of his want of thought,
but rather of a significant anxiety grounded upon the prospect of his
inevitable ruin, which he could not be so void of sense as not to see
plainly before him, at least when he came to see how inconsistent his
measures were, how unsteady the resolution of his guides, and how
impossible it was to make them agree with one another.”[735]

The Chevalier returned to Scone in the evening, and notwithstanding
the ominous symptoms of the day, proceeded to form a council
preparatory to exercising the functions of royalty. From Scone
he soon issued no less than six proclamations; one for a general
thanksgiving for his safe arrival; another enjoining the ministers
to pray for him in the churches; a third, establishing the currency
of foreign coin; a fourth, ordering a meeting of the convention of
estates; a fifth, commanding all fencible men from sixteen to sixty
to repair to his standard; and a sixth, fixing the 23d of January for
his coronation at Scone. These assumptions of sovereign authority
were, however, of a very evanescent character, as they had scarcely
been issued when the Chevalier and his principal friends resolved to
abandon the contest as hopeless. Indeed, from the reduced state of
the army, and its deficiency in arms and ammunition, a determination
had been come to by his party, a month before he landed, to retire
from Perth as soon as Argyle should march against it; but being
ignorant of that resolution, and believing that the insurgents
intended to defend Perth, Argyle delayed his advance till he should
be joined by large reinforcements from England and Holland.

Though continued in the command of the army, Argyle, for some reason
or other, was not a favourite at court. Of his fidelity there could
be no suspicion, and his conduct had lately shown that he wanted
neither zeal nor ability to perform the task which had been assigned
him. It has been conjectured that the leniency which he was disposed
to show towards his unfortunate countrymen was the cause of that
hidden displeasure which ended in the dismissal of himself and of his
brother, the Earl of Islay, from all their employments. The rejection
of an application which he made to the government for extended powers
to treat with the insurgents after the battle of Sheriffmuir, goes
far to support the supposition. But whatever were his views, he
appeared to be in no hurry to pursue the insurgents, probably from
an idea that they would disperse of their own accord. By the arrival
of a body of 6,000 Dutch auxiliaries, and other reinforcements from
England, Argyle found himself, early in January, at the head of
upwards of 10,000 men, besides a large train of artillery. Desirous
of expelling the insurgents from Fife before advancing north, a
detachment of Dutch and Scotch troops crossed the Frith of Forth
by the duke’s orders, and under cover of some men-of-war, landed
at Burntisland, of which they took possession. On receiving this
intelligence the insurgents immediately abandoned all the towns
on the north side of the Frith, a circumstance which was attended
with serious consequences to their friends at Perth, who were in
consequence entirely cut off from their supplies of coals, at an
unusually inclement season.

About the end of January, Argyle was in full condition to march
north, but the snow, which had fallen to a great depth, appeared
to him to offer a formidable obstruction to the march of an army
unaccustomed to a winter’s campaign; and which, from the insurgents
having burnt and destroyed the villages on the road, would have to
bivouac two or three nights in the open air, exposed to all the
rigours of a northern winter. For these reasons Argyle urged, at a
council of war, which was held at Stirling, a postponement of the
march; but General Cadogan,[736] who had been sent down to Scotland
to hasten the duke’s motions, insisting upon an immediate advance,
and having openly accused Argyle of a want of zeal, his Grace made
preparations for marching, and to facilitate the transport of his
cannon and waggons, issued orders for assembling some thousands of
the country people to clear away the snow.

Although the Jacobite leaders had come to the resolution of
abandoning Perth as soon as the Duke of Argyle should advance upon
it, they nevertheless gave indications as if they really meant
to hold out. Pursuant to an order of a council, which was held on
the 16th of January, the most strenuous exertions were made to
fortify the town, and both officers and men vied with one another
in hastening the completion of the works. What the motives of the
leaders may have been in thus practising a deception upon the army
it is impossible to conceive; perhaps the distant hope of being
joined by the more remote clans, the chance of some fortunate, though
unlooked for, occurrence in the chapter of accidents, or an idea
that their men could not be otherwise kept together, may have been
the inducing causes of these defensive preparations; but whatever
their motives were, the apparent determination shown by the leading
men to meet the enemy, had the most beneficial effect upon the army,
which evinced a strong desire to engage. In this wish they thought
they were to be gratified sooner than they expected, by the arrival
of some country people at Perth who brought intelligence that Argyle
was advancing with all his cavalry, and 4,000 foot mounted on
horses. This news was, however, premature, and had originated in the
appearance of a reconnoitring party of 200 dragoons, which Argyle had
sent forward on the road to Perth, on the 21st of January, and which
the fears of the people had magnified into an army.

All doubts, however, were removed in a few days, by the receipt of
authentic intelligence at Perth, that Argyle having completed his
arrangements, was to leave Stirling for Perth on the 29th of January,
with his whole army. The councillors of the Chevalier were dismayed
at this intelligence, but it had quite an opposite effect upon the
mass of the army. Nothing was to be heard in the Jacobite camp but
the voice of joy and rejoicing, and congratulations, on the expected
happy result of an encounter with the enemy, were exchanged on all
sides--between the officers and gentlemen volunteers, and the common
soldiers and clansmen. While the former were pledging each other in
their cups and drinking to “the good day,” so near at hand, as they
thought, which was to crown the Chevalier’s arms with victory, the
latter, amid the din of the warlike bagpipe, were to be seen giving
each other a cordial shake of the hand as if fully assured of
success.

Whilst these congratulatory exhibitions were going on, the
councillors of the Chevalier were deliberating upon the course they
should pursue; but although they sat during the whole night they
could come to no decided resolution. When the irresolution of the
council became generally known, the men could not restrain their
indignation, and a general opinion began to prevail among them that
they had been betrayed. Impressed with this feeling, they became
mutinous, and carried their insubordination so far as to insult the
officers, whom they supposed had betrayed them, in the streets, and
to load them with reproachful epithets. The gentlemen volunteers
also participated in the same sentiments; and one of them from the
higher parts of Aberdeenshire was heard to declare before a group
of malcontents assembled in the streets, that the clans should take
the person of the Chevalier out of the hands of the weak councillors
who surrounded him, adding that he would find 10,000 gentlemen in
Scotland who would hazard their lives for him, if he was equally
ready as a prince to risk his own life in vindicating his right to
the crown. A friend of the Earl of Mar, after remonstrating with this
party, asked what they wished their officers to do.--“Do,” replied
a Highlander, “what did you call us to take arms for? Was it to run
away? What did the king come hither for? Was it to see his people
butchered by hangmen, and not strike a stroke for their lives? Let us
die like men and not like dogs.”[737]

Amid the confusion and perplexity occasioned by such a state of
things, Mar convened another meeting of the council on the evening of
the 29th, at which a resolution to retreat was entered into chiefly
at Mar’s suggestion. His reasons for advising an abandonment of the
enterprise for the present, were, 1st, the failure of the Duke of
Ormond’s attempt to invade England; 2dly, the great accession of
force which Argyle had received from abroad; and, lastly, the reduced
state of the Jacobite forces, which did not exceed 4,000 men, and
of whom only about 2,500 were properly armed.[738] Besides these
there were, according to the Master of Sinclair, other reasons of a
private nature which influenced Mar to give the advice he did, the
chief of which, says the above-named authority, was that the Earl
of Seaforth, the Marquis of Huntly, and other Jacobites who were in
treaty with the government, had basely resolved to deliver up the
Chevalier to the Duke of Argyle, that they might procure better terms
for themselves than they could otherwise expect. This odious charge,
which is not corroborated by any other writer, must be looked upon as
highly improbable.

Before communicating to the army the resolution to retreat, a general
meeting of all the officers was held at Scone on the following day,
when they were informed of the determination of the previous evening,
and of the reasons which had led to it. It was then secretly resolved
that the Chevalier and his principal officers should take shipping at
Montrose for France, and that the army should be disbanded as soon
as it reached the Highlands, or as soon as circumstances permitted;
but to save appearances with the men, it was given out, that as Perth
was untenable, it became necessary to retire to a stronger position,
where they could not only defend themselves, but keep up a more
secure and direct communication with their friends in the north. At
this time there were three ships lying in the Tay off Dundee, which
had lately arrived with supplies from France; and to secure these for
the conveyance of the Chevalier and his followers, a French officer
and clergyman were despatched to Dundee with orders to send them down
the coast to Montrose, there to wait his arrival.[739]

On the return of the officers to the camp, they promulgated the order
to retreat to their men, and, as might have been anticipated, it was
received with scorn and contempt. Among the Jacobite inhabitants of
the town who had shown themselves very zealous in the cause of the
Chevalier, the intelligence caused nothing but dismay, as from the
prominent and decided part they had taken, they had incurred the
penalties of treason against the government. The morning of the 31st
of January was fixed upon for the retreat, but a body of about 800
Highlanders, disliking the aspect of affairs, and displeased with the
conduct of the principal officers, quitted Perth the preceding night
for the Highlands by way of Dunkeld. Preparatory to his departure,
the Chevalier went from Scone to Perth in the evening, and took up
his residence in the house of Hay the provost, a stanch Jacobite,
where he supped and passed the night. At ten o’clock next morning the
rebels began their march across the Tay, which was covered with ice
of extraordinary thickness. About noon the whole army had passed, and
was on the march to Dundee along the Carse of Gowrie.

Meanwhile, the Duke of Argyle was advancing upon Perth as fast as
the nature of the difficulties he had to contend with would admit
of. He had left Stirling on the 29th of January, and marched to
Dunblane. Next day he advanced as far as Auchterarder, which had
been entirely burnt by the rebels. Here they passed the night
upon the snow without “any other covering than the fine canopy of
heaven.”[740] On the following day a detachment of 200 dragoons and
400 foot, which had been sent forward to protect the country people
who were engaged in clearing away the snow, took possession of the
castle of Tullibardine, the garrison of which had capitulated. The
Duke of Argyle had resolved to take up his quarters for the night in
this fortress; but receiving intelligence that the rebels had retired
from Perth that morning, he ordered a party of 400 dragoons and 1,000
foot to hasten forward to take possession of that town. The duke,
at the head of the dragoons, arrived at Perth about two o’clock in
the morning of the 1st of February; but the foot, who were greatly
fatigued, did not come up till ten o’clock. The remainder of the
duke’s army reached Perth that evening.

The distance from Stirling to Perth is only 34 miles, yet such was
the obstruction that Argyle’s army met with from the snow, that their
march occupied three entire days. The difficulties of the march and
the privations which his men had suffered by resting two nights on
the snow, exposed to all the severities of the weather, had so
exhausted his men, that it was not till the day after his arrival
at Perth that the duke could muster a force sufficiently strong to
pursue the enemy.

On the 2d of February Argyle left Perth at the head of six squadrons
of dragoons, three battalions of foot, and 800 Highlanders. He
stopped at Errol that night, and entered Dundee next day. Having
learned that the Chevalier had left Dundee the preceding day on
his way to Montrose, the duke sent forward a detachment towards
Arbroath, and being joined by the remainder of his army on the 4th
of February, he despatched on the same day three battalions of foot,
500 of his own Highlanders, and 50 dragoons, towards Arbroath, and
another detachment of 300 foot, and 50 dragoons, in the direction
of Brechin; but their march was retarded for some time by the snow.
On the 5th the duke followed with the remainder of the army; and
while he himself, at the head of the cavalry, took the high road to
Brechin, General Cadogan with the infantry marched in the direction
of Arbroath.

[Illustration: Second Duke of Argyle.]

During the retreat to Montrose, suspicions began to be entertained
in the Chevalier’s army, that it was his intention to embark for
France, notwithstanding the assurances of the principal officers to
the contrary. The unusual route along the sea-coast gave credence
to the rumour; but when they approached Montrose, and saw some
French vessels lying at anchor off the shore, their suspicions were
confirmed, and the men began to manifest symptoms of discontent.
The insurgent army arrived at Montrose on the 3d of February, where
it was intended they should pass the night; but the Chevalier’s
advisers, alarmed at the murmurings of the troops, ordered them to
march the same night towards Aberdeen, where it was given out they
meant to make a stand till succours should arrive from abroad. This
assurance had the desired effect upon the troops, who accordingly
began their march in the expectation that the Chevalier would follow
them. To prevent suspicion, his horses were ordered to be brought
before the door of the house where he lodged at the hour appointed
for the march, and his guards were ordered to mount, and to hold
themselves in readiness to accompany him.

Meanwhile the Chevalier was busily employed in making the necessary
preparations for his approaching departure. To relieve his memory
from the imputation of having voluntarily abandoned the brave men
who had taken up arms in his cause, it is due to him to state that
he had been all along opposed to such a step, and it was not until
he had been repeatedly and earnestly urged by his friends that he
could be prevailed upon to give his consent to retire beyond seas.
He said he was ready to suffer every hardship, and expose himself
to every danger, rather than abandon those who had risked their all
in his service; but being assured by his friends, that the course
they advised might be ultimately beneficial to both, he reluctantly
yielded to their entreaties. His principal motive for acceding
to their wishes was the consideration that, if relieved from his
presence, the government might be disposed to give better terms to
his followers than they would be otherwise disposed to grant.[741]

Before his departure he ordered a commission to be drawn up, by which
he appointed General Gordon commander-in-chief, with all necessary
powers, and particularly with authority to treat with the enemy. He
wrote, at the same time, a paper containing his reasons for leaving
the kingdom, and along with which he delivered to the general all the
money in his possession, (excepting a small sum which he reserved
for defraying the expenses of himself and suite,) with instructions,
after paying the army, to apply the residue in indemnifying the
inhabitants of the villages[742] which had been burned, for the
losses sustained by them. At the same time the Chevalier put the
following letter to the Duke of Argyle, which he dictated to
a secretary, into the hands of General Gordon, respecting the
appropriation of the money so left. It is an interesting document,
and exhibits the humanity of the prince in a favourable point of
view:--

“FOR THE DUKE OF ARGYLE.

“_Montrose, 4th February, 1716._

“It was the view of delivering this my ancient kingdom from the
hardship it lay under, and restoring it to its former happiness
and independency, that brought me into this country; and all
hopes of effectuating that at this time being taken from me, I
have been reduced much against my inclination, but by a cruel
necessity, to leave the kingdom with as many of my faithful
subjects as were desirous to follow me, or I able to carry
with me, that so at least I might secure them from the utter
destruction that threatens them, since that was the only way left
me to show them the regard I had for, and the sense I had of
their unparalleled loyalty.

“Among the manifold mortifications I have had in this unfortunate
expedition, that of being forced to burn several villages, &c.,
as the only expedient left me for the publick security, was not
the smallest. It was indeed forced upon me by the violence with
which my rebellious subjects acted against me, and what they, as
the first authors of it, must be answerable for, not I: however,
as I cannot think of leaving this country without making some
provision to repair that loss, I have, therefore, consigned to
the magistrates of ---- the sum of ----, desiring and requiring
of you, if not as an obedient subject, at least as a lover of
your country, to take care that it be employed to the designed
use, that I may at least have the satisfaction of having been
the destruction and ruin of none, at a time I came to free all.
Whether you have yet received my letter,[743] or what effect it
hath had upon you, I am as yet ignorant of; but what will become
of these unhappy nations is but too plaine. I have neglected
nothing to render them a free and prosperous people; and I fear
they will find yet more than I the smart of preferring a foreign
yoak to that obedience they owe me; and what must those who have
so obstinately resisted both my right and my clemency have to
answer for? But however things turn, or Providence is pleased
to dispose of me, I shall never abandon my just right, nor the
pursuits of it, but with my life; and beseech God so to turn at
last the hearts of my subjects, as that they may enjoy peace and
happiness by submitting to what their interest and duty equally
require of them. As for your own particular, you might, if you
had pleased, joined interest and greatness in your own person;
but, though you have refused to do that, I must earnestly request
of you to do at least all in your power to save your country from
utter ruin, and to be just at least to them, since you are it not
to me.

“[744]I thought to write this in my own hand, but had not time.

“JAMES R.”

This letter was accompanied by a note of the following letter to
General Gordon, written in the Chevalier’s own hand:--

“General Gordon is hereby empowered, as soon as he has no
other further occasion for the money left in his hands for the
subsistence of the troops, to forward, if he thinks fitt, the
enclosed letter to the duke of Argil, and to fill up the blanks
of my letter with the name of the town where he shall leave the
money, and the summ he shall leave.

“JAMES R.”

It was not until the eve of his departure, that James thought of
selecting the persons he wished to accompany him in his flight,
but the near approach of the enemy, of whose motions he had just
received intelligence, and the murmurings and jealousies of his
troops compelling him to hasten his departure, he was narrowed in
his choice, as some of the friends, whose presence he desired, were
at some distance from Montrose. The first individual he pitched upon
was Mar; but the earl begged that he might be left behind with the
army. The Chevalier, however, insisted that he should go; and on
representing to him that reasons almost equally strong existed for
Mar’s departure as for his own, that his friends would make better
terms with the government without him than with him, and that his
services could be of no use in Scotland under existing circumstances,
he gave his consent.

Matters being adjusted, the Chevalier left his lodgings privately
about nine o’clock on the evening of the 4th of February, accompanied
only by one of his domestics, and having met Mar at his lodgings,
they both proceeded by a private way to the beach, where a boat was
lying in readiness to receive them, which carried them on board a
small French vessel that lay at a little distance from the shore. The
boat was immediately sent back, and returned in about a quarter of an
hour with the Earl of Melfort, Lord Drummond, and the remainder of
the Chevalier’s suite. Being favoured with a fresh breeze from the
west-south-west, the vessel stood directly out to sea, and after a
voyage of five days, arrived in safety at Waldam, near Gravelines in
French Flanders.

The insurgents, under General Gordon, marched to Aberdeen, which they
entered on the morning of the 6th of February. Here he communicated
to his men the paper of instructions he had received from the
Chevalier, which, he informed them, he had been ordered not to open
till their arrival at Aberdeen. In this writing the prince complained
of the disappointments he had met with, particularly from abroad,
and informed the army of the necessity he was under, for his own
preservation, to leave the country. He thanked them for having
entered so cheerfully into his service, and imputed the failure of
the enterprise to the apathy of others, who had not seconded their
efforts as they had promised to do. He advised them to consult their
own safety by keeping together in a body under General Gordon till
he should order them to disperse, and concluded by encouraging them
to hope for better times. After reading this document, the General
notified to his men that their pay would cease after that day.

General Cadogan arrived at Montrose on the afternoon of the 5th
of February with three regiments of foot, and 600 of Argyle’s
Highlanders, and the duke reached Brechin with the dragoons the same
night. The whole royalist forces continued their march the following
day towards Aberdeen, but they could not overtake the insurgents,
who were nearly two days’ march in advance. The latter left Aberdeen
on the 7th, and the Duke of Argyle entered it the following day at
the head of 400 dragoons. The main body of the insurgents, chiefly
foot, marched in the direction of Old Meldrum, but a party of about
200 horse, among whom were many officers and gentlemen-volunteers,
took the route to Peterhead, where some vessels were lying to carry
them to France. The Duke of Argyle, without waiting for the coming up
of the rest of his army, immediately sent 200 dragoons, and a party
of foot under Major-General Evans, to cut off the retreat of the
latter, but he did not overtake them. Upwards of 100 of the gentlemen
composing this party escaped to France.

Meanwhile the insurgents continued their march westwards into Moray,
and after marching through Strathspey, retired into Badenoch, where
they quietly dispersed. During their retreat, however, many, whose
houses lay contiguous to their route, gradually withdrew from the
ranks, so that before their arrival in Badenoch a considerable
reduction had taken place in their numbers. Though closely pursued
by Argyle’s troops, the insurgents did not lose 100 men during the
whole retreat, so well and orderly was it conducted by the Jacobite
commander.

After the dispersion of the insurgents, about 160 officers and
gentlemen-volunteers who had followed the army into the Highlands,
hearing that two French frigates, destined to receive on board such
of the adherents of the Chevalier as might be inclined to retire
abroad, had arrived off the Orkney coast, sallied from the hills on
horseback, and crossing the low country of Moray embarked in boats at
Burgh-head, and landed in Caithness. From Caithness they proceeded
to the Orkney islands, where they had the good fortune to reach the
French ships, which carried them to Gottenburg. Among this party were
Lord Duffus, who, being a seaman, entered into the naval service of
the King of Sweden, Sir George Sinclair, Sir David Threipland of
Fingask, and General Eckline. Most of these refugees entered into the
Swedish army then about to invade Norway.

Thus ended an enterprise badly contrived, and conducted throughout
with little judgment or energy. Yet notwithstanding the disadvantages
under which it was attempted, it might have succeeded, if the efforts
of the Scottish Jacobites had been seconded by the Jacobites of
England; but the latter, though decidedly hostile to the House of
Brunswick, were not inclined to risk their lives and fortunes in a
doubtful contest, in support of the pretensions of a prince known
to them only by name, and to whose religion many of them felt a
deep-rooted repugnance.

FOOTNOTES:

[722] Burton’s _Scotland_ (1689-1748), vol. ii. p. 151.

[723] Burton’s _Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 188, 189.

[724] Rae, p. 294. _Life of Argyle_, p. 187.

[725] It must be remembered that these dates are according to the Old
Style of reckoning, and that to make them accord with the New Style,
eleven days must be added: thus, the 10th of November O. S. is the
same as the 21st N. S.

[726] MS. referred to in Lord John Russell’s _History of Europe_, p.
345. Jacobite Official Account of the battle, printed at Perth, 1715.

[727] “The muir is a hill, but a very gentle one; and it has the
peculiarity of being a regular curve, presenting in all parts a
segment of a sphere, or rather an oblate spheroid. There are no
rapid declivities and no plains. Hence, in every part of the hill,
there is a close sky line, caused by the immediate curve, and where
there is so much of the curve, as will reach a perpendicular of
some eight feet between two bodies of men, they cannot see each
other.”--Burton’s _Scotland_ (1689-1748), vol. ii. p. 193.

[728]
“There’s some say that we wan, and some say that they wan,
And some say that nane wan at a’ man;
But one thing I’m sure, that at Sherramuir
A battle there was that I saw, man.
And we ran, and they ran, and they ran, and we ran,
But Florence[729] ran fastest of a’ man.”

_The Battle of Sheriffmuir_ in Hogg’s _Jacobite Relics_.

[729] Marquis of Huntly’s horse.

[730] Colonel Harrison’s account.

[731]
“Rob Roy there stood watch on a hill, for to catch
The booty, for ought that I saw, man;
For he ne’er advanc’d from the place he was stanc’d,
Till no more was to do there at a’ man.”

_Battle of Sheriffmuir._

“A short time previous to the Earl of Mar’s rising, their (the
Macgregors’) depredations in the Lennox, and on the lower banks of
Lochlomond, had been carried to such an extremity, that the military
force of the west country was raised against them, and all the
warriors of the clan seem to have been driven from their country,
and to have retreated to the north, even as far as the mountains
of Loch-Arkaig and Glengarry. Accordingly we find Rob Roy there in
September and October 1715.

“From thence he came down with the rest of the clans, and joined
general Gordon in Strathfillan. He was with the clans before
Inverary, and was active in making some reprisals both by carrying
off cattle on the banks of Loch-Fyne, and capturing ships that lay at
anchor in the loch.

“He marched with the clans to Ardoch, and was present at the
battle of Sheriffmuir, but kept a shy distance, thereby weakening
that wing of the army to which the Macgregors were placed as a
corps-de-reserve, on what principle it is not easy to determine, if
it was not, as the bard suggests, to watch who gained the day, and
then assist them in disposing of the booty.

“Before the friends of the Stuarts, however, could be properly
brought to a head, Rob performed a very signal service to many of
them by an act worthy of his character, and exactly in his own way.
At the great hunting of Brae Mar, it has been mentioned what a number
of noblemen and chiefs signed the bond of faith and mutual support.
By the negligence of a chieftain to whose charge this important and
dangerous document was committed, it fell into the hands of Captain
Campbell, then at Fort William; and when it became known that a man
of such determined Whig principles held this bond, those who signed
it were seriously alarmed, and various plans were suggested for
recovering it. Rob Roy Macgregor, who was at this clan meeting, had
also affixed his name; but on his own account he was indifferent, as
he regarded neither king nor government. He was, however, urged by
several chiefs, particularly his patron, to exert himself, and if
possible to recover the bond. With this view he went to Fort William
in disguise, not with his usual number of attendants, and getting
access to Captain Campbell, who was a near relation of his own, he
discovered that, out of revenge for the contemptuous manner in which
the chieftains now treated the captain, he had put the bond into
the possession of the governor of the garrison, who was resolved
to forward it to the privy council; and Rob, learning by accident
the day on which it was to be sent, took his leave, and went home.
The despatch which contained the bond was made up by Governor Hill,
and sent from Fort William, escorted by an ensign’s command, which
in those countries always accompanied the messages of government.
On the third day’s march, Rob and 50 of his men met this party in
Glendochart, and ordering them to halt, demanded their despatches.
The officer refused; but Rob told him, that he would either have
their lives and the despatches together, or the despatches alone.
The ferocious looks and appearance of Rob and his men bespoke no
irresolution. The packet was given up; and Rob, having taken out the
bond he wanted, begged the officer would excuse the delay he had
occasioned, and wishing him a good journey, left the military to
proceed unmolested. By this manœuvre many chieftains kept on their
heads, and the forfeiture of many estates was prevented.

“The following notices are from Mr. Moir’s MSS.

“One of the causes of the repulse of part of Mar’s forces was the
part which Rob Roy acted; this Rob Roy, or Red Robert, was uncle
to the laird of Macgregor, and commanded that clan in his nephew’s
absence; but on the day of battle he kept his men together at some
distance, without allowing them to engage, though they showed all the
willingness imaginable; and waited only an opportunity to plunder,
which was it seems the chief design of his coming there. This clan
are a hardy rough people, but noted for pilfering, as they lie upon
the border of the Highlands, and this Rob Roy had exercised their
talents that way, pretty much in a kind of thieving war he carried on
against the Duke of Montrose, who had cheated him of a small feudal
estate.

“The conduct of this gentleman (who was wont, as occasion served,
to assume the name of Campbell, his own being prohibited by act of
parliament) was the more surprising, as he had ever been remarked for
courage and activity. When desired by one of his own officers to go
and assist his friends, he remarked, ‘If they cannot do it without
me, they cannot do it with me.’ It is more than probable, however,
that his interference would have decided the day in favour of his
own party. He continued in arms for some years, and committed great
depredations in the shires of Dumbarton and Lennox, particularly on
the Duke of Montrose’s lands, defeating several detachments sent to
reduce him.”--_Jacobite Relics_, vol. ii. pp. 248-251.

[732] _Journal of Mar’s proceedings_, printed at Paris.

[733] “The coincidence in time, of this achievement, with the
reduction of Preston, and the battle of Sheriffmuir, is remarkable,
and was much dwelt on at the time. But perhaps the day of the capture
of Inverness not being exactly known--though it was certainly about
the middle of November--it is not unlikely that the coincidence
may have created a tendency to assign it to the 13th.”--Burton’s
_Scotland_ (1689-1747), vol. ii. p. 189 (note).

[734] _Annals of 2d year of George I._, p. 189.

[735] _A true account of the proceedings at Perth_, by a Rebel.

[736] This officer appears to have been very suspicious of Argyle’s
motives, and did not hesitate to communicate his opinion to his
superiors. In a letter to the Duke of Marlborough, he says: “Argyle
grows so intolerably uneasy, that it is almost impossible to live
with him any longer; he is enraged at the success of the expedition,
though he and his creatures attribute to themselves the honour of
it. When I brought him the news of the rebels having ran from Perth,
he seemed thunderstruck; and was so visibly concerned, that even
the foreign officers that were in the room took notice of it....
Since the rebels quitting Perth, he (Argyle) has sent 500 or 600 of
his Argyleshire men, who go before the army a day’s march, to take
possession of the towns the enemy have abandoned, and to plunder
and destroy the country, which enrages our soldiers, who are forbid
under pain of death to take the value of a farthing, though out of
the rebels’ houses. Not one of these Argyle-men appeared whilst
the rebels were in Perth, and when they might have been of some
use.”--Cox’s _Marlborough_, vol. iii. p. 612.

[737] _True Account of the Proceedings at Perth_, by a Rebel.

[738] Mar’s _Journal_.

[739] _True Account of the Proceedings at Perth._

[740] _Annals of George I._, vol. ii. p. 222.

[741] Mar’s _Journal_.

[742] Dunning, Auchterarder, Blackford, Crieff, Muthil.

[743] It is presumed this is the letter alluded to in a conversation
between Lockhart of Carnwath and Captain Dougall Campbell, who is
represented by him as “a person of great worth and loyalty, and a
bosome friend of Argyle’s.” “Being with me (says Lockhart) at my
country house, he (Campbell) asked me if I heard Argyle blam’d for
having received and given no answer to a letter writt to him by the
king whilst he was at Perth. I told him I had, but could not agree
with those who censured him, for I had such an abhorrence of breach
of trust, that had I been the duke’s adviser, it should have been
to doe as he did; for tho there was nothing I so much desired as
to see him engaged in the king’s cause, I wisht it done in a way
consistent with his honour. Captain Campbell smiled and told me,
he was to acquaint me of a secret which he must previously have my
solemn word I would communicate to none, which he had given when it
was revealed to him, having however obtained liberty afterwards to
speak of it to me. After giving him the assurance he demanded, he
told me that the letter was not delivered to the duke, for in his
late Highland progress, he saw it and another to Lord Isla in the
hands of the person to whose care they were committed, (but who that
person was he would not tell me), who receiving them unseal’d, did
not, after perusal, think it for the king’s service to deliver them,
that to the duke being writt in a style by no means to be approved
of; ‘and, indeed,’ added Campbell, ‘when I read them, I was entirely
of the same mind, and could not but think that Mar or some other
person, with a view of rather widening than healing the breaches,
had prevail’d with the king to write after that manner.’ The letter
to Isla was writt as to a man of business, insisting on the unhappy
state of Scotland, and that nothing but a dissolution of the union
by the king’s restoration, could prevent the utter ruin of that
country. That to the duke did invite him to return to his loyalty
and duty, threatening him, if he neglected, with revenge and the
utter extirpation of his family, for what he and his predecessors had
done in this and the last century. I doe not pretend to narrate the
precise words of this letter, nor did Campbell mention them as such
to me; however, I have narrated what he said was the aim and purport
of the letter.”--_Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. pp. 14, 15.

[744] What follows is in the Chevalier’s own handwriting. The
original document is in the Fingask family; of course, it had never
been delivered to the duke.

CHAPTER XXVII.

A.D. 1716-1737.

BRITISH SOVEREIGNS:--George I., 1714-1727.--George II., 1727-1760.

Trial and execution of the prisoners taken in the
rebellion--Bills of attainder against the Earl of Mar and
others--Proceedings of General Cadogan in the Highlands--Trials
of the prisoners in Scotland--Act of grace--Removal of
the Chevalier from France--Duke of Argyle dismissed from
office--Continental affairs--Confederacy to restore the
Chevalier--Threatened Spanish invasion--Disarming of the
Highlanders--Means taken to prevent further disturbances by
building forts, making roads, &c.--Aversion of the Highlanders
to these innovations--The Chevalier appoints trustees to
manage his affairs in Scotland--Discovery of a new Jacobite
conspiracy--Habeas-corpus act suspended--Bolingbroke--Meeting
of Highland chiefs at Paris--The disarming act--Disgrace of the
Earl of Mar--His ambiguous conduct--Atterbury’s charges against
him--The Chevalier’s domestic affairs--Death of George I.--Views
of the Chevalier--Prospects of the Jacobites.

After the flight and dispersion of the insurgents, the Duke of
Argyle returned to Edinburgh about the end of February, where he was
magnificently entertained by the magistrates of the city, whence he
set off for London on the 1st of March. He had left instructions with
General Cadogan to keep up a communication with the Whig leaders in
the north, and to distribute the troops in quarters contiguous to the
adjoining Highlands, that they might be the more readily assembled to
repress any fresh insurrection which might break out. To keep some
of the disaffected districts in check, parties of Highlanders were
placed by Lord Lovat and Brigadier Grant, in Brahan castle, and in
Erchles and Borlum; the former the seat of the Chisholm, the latter
that of Brigadier Mackintosh.

The fate of the prisoners taken at Preston remains now to be
told. The first who were tried were Lord Charles Murray, Captain
Dalziel, brother to the earl of Carnwath, Major Nairne, Captain
Philip Lockhart, brother to Lockhart of Carnwath, Captain Shaftoe,
and Ensign Nairne. These six were tried before a court-martial at
Preston, and all, with the exception of Captain Dalziel, having been
proved to have been officers in the service of government, were
condemned to be shot. Lord Charles Murray received a pardon through
the interest of his friends. The remainder suffered on the 2d of
December.

The English parliament met on the 9th of January, 1716. The commons
agreed, on the motion of Mr. Lechmere, to impeach Lords Derwentwater,
Nithsdale, Wintoun, Carnwath, and Kenmure, of high treason. The
articles of impeachment were carried up to the lords the same night,
and on the next day these peers were brought to the bar of the house
of lords to hear the articles of impeachment read. They were brought
back from the Tower on the 19th, when they all pled guilty to the
charge of high treason, except the Earl of Wintoun, who petitioned
for a longer time to give in his answers. The rest received sentence
of death on the 9th of February, in Westminster-hall. The Countess
of Nithsdale and Lady Nairne surprised the king as he was passing
through his apartments at St. James’s, and throwing themselves at
his feet implored his mercy in behalf of their husbands; but he
turned away from them with contemptuous indifference. The Countess
of Derwentwater was equally unsuccessful, though introduced by the
Dukes of Richmond and St. Albans into the king’s bed-chamber, and
accompanied by the Duchesses of Cleveland and Bolton.

This refusal on the part of the king raised up a number of advocates
in both houses of parliament, in behalf of the unfortunate noblemen.
Availing themselves of this feeling, the ladies of the condemned
lords, accompanied by about twenty others of equal rank, waited in
the lobby of the house of peers, and at the door of the house of
commons, and solicited the intercession of both houses. Next day they
petitioned the houses. The commons rejected the application, and to
get quit of further importunity adjourned for six or seven days, by a
small majority; but the result was different in the house of lords.
Petitions, craving the intercession of that house, were presented
from the condemned peers, which being read, after considerable
opposition, a motion was made to address his majesty to grant them
a reprieve. This occasioned a warm debate; but before the vote was
taken, an amendment was proposed to the effect, that his majesty
should reprieve such of the peers as should seem to deserve his
mercy. It was contended by the supporters of the original address,
that the effect of this amendment would be to destroy the nature
of the address, as from the nature of the sentence which had been
passed, none of the condemned peers could _deserve_ mercy; but the
amendment was substituted, and on the vote being taken, whether the
address should be presented, it was carried _present_, by a majority
of five votes. It is said that on one of the peers afterwards
observing to the mover of the amendment, that it looked as if its
object was to defeat the vote, and make it of no use to the persons
for whose benefit it was intended, the proposer observed, that such
was his intention in moving it.[745]

The king was evidently chagrined at the conduct of the house, and
when the address was presented, he informed the deputation, that on
this as on all other occasions, he would do what he thought most
consistent with the dignity of the crown, and the safety of his
people. The Earl of Nottingham, president of the council, who had
supported the petitions of the condemned lords, together with Lord
Aylesford, his brother, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Lord
Finch, his son, one of the lords of the treasury, and Lord Guernsey,
master of the jewel office, were all removed from office; and to show
the determination of the king, orders were issued on the same day the
address was delivered, for executing the Earls of Derwentwater and
Nithsdale, and Viscount Kenmure the following day. The other three
peers were reprieved to the 7th of March. The Earl of Nithsdale, by
the assistance of his heroic wife, made his escape the night before
the execution, dressed in female attire. When the king heard of his
escape next morning, he observed, that “it was the best thing a man
in his condition could have done.”[746]

On the morning of the 24th of February the Earl of Derwentwater
and Viscount Kenmure were beheaded on Tower-hill. On ascending the
scaffold, Derwentwater knelt down, and having spent some time in
prayer, he got up, and drawing a paper out of his pocket, read a
short address. He hoped for forgiveness through the passion and death
of his Saviour; apologised to those who might have been scandalized
at his pleading guilty at his trial, excusing himself for doing
so on the ground that he was made to believe that it was only a
consequence of having submitted to mercy, acknowledged as his only
right and lawful sovereign, King James III., and earnestly hoped for
his speedy restoration; and died, as he had lived, a Roman Catholic.
He displayed the utmost coolness and perfect self-possession.

As soon as the remains of the Earl of Derwentwater were removed,
Viscount Kenmure was brought up to the scaffold. Like Derwentwater,
he expressed his regret for pleading guilty to the charge of high
treason, and prayed for “King James.” After praying a short time with
uplifted hands, he advanced to the fatal block, and laying down his
head, the executioner struck it off at two blows.

The Earl of Wintoun, on various frivolous pretences, got his trial
postponed till the 15th of March, when he was brought finally up,
and, after a trial which occupied two days, was found guilty, and
received sentence of death; but his lordship afterwards made his
escape from the Tower and fled to France.

On the 7th of April a commission for trying the other rebels met in
the court of Common Pleas, Westminster, when bills of high treason
were found against Mr. Forster, Brigadier Mackintosh, Colonel
Oxburgh, Mr. Menzies of Culdares, and seven of their associates, and
on the 10th bills were found against eleven more. Forster escaped
from Newgate, and so well had his friends concerted matters, that
he reached Calais in less than 24 hours. The trials of Brigadier
Mackintosh and others were fixed for the 4th of May, but about
eleven o’clock the preceding night, the brigadier and fifteen other
prisoners broke out of Newgate, after knocking down the keepers and
disarming the sentinels. Eight were retaken, but Mackintosh and
seven others escaped. The trials of the prisoners who remained
proceeded: many of them were found guilty; and five, among whom were
Colonel Oxburgh and Mr. Paul, a non-jurant clergyman of the Church of
England, were executed at Tyburn. Twenty-two prisoners were executed
in Lancashire. The remainder of the prisoners taken at Preston,
amounting to upwards of 700, submitted to the king’s mercy, and
having prayed for transportation, were sold as slaves to some West
India merchants; a cruel proceeding, when it is considered that the
greater part of these men were Highlanders, who had joined in the
insurrection in obedience to the commands of their chiefs.[747]

The severities exercised by the government, and the courage and
fortitude displayed by the unfortunate sufferers, wrought an
extraordinary change in the dispositions of the people, who began
to manifest great dissatisfaction at proceedings so revolting to
humanity. Though the rebellion was extinguished, the spirit which had
animated it still remained, being increased rather than diminished
by the proceedings of the government; and the Tories longed for an
opportunity of availing themselves of the universal dissatisfaction
to secure a majority favourable to their views at the next general
election. The Whigs, afraid of the result of an early election as
destructive to themselves as a party and to the liberties of the
country, had recourse to a bold measure, which nothing but the most
urgent necessity could justify. This was no other than a plan to
repeal the triennial act, and to prolong the duration of parliament.
It is said that at first they intended to suspend the triennial act
for one election only, but thinking that a temporary measure would
appear a greater violation of constitutional law than a permanent
one, they resolved to extend the duration of parliament to seven
years. A bill was accordingly brought into the house of lords on the
10th of April by the Duke of Devonshire, which, notwithstanding much
opposition, passed both houses, receiving the royal assent on the
7th of May. On the same day an act of attainder against the Earls
Marischal, Seaforth, Southesk, Panmure, and others, also received
his majesty’s sanction. An act of attainder against the Earl of Mar,
the Marquis of Tullibardine, the Earl of Linlithgow, Lord Drummond,
and other leaders of the insurrection, had received the royal assent
on the 17th of February preceding. Besides these bills, three others
were passed, one attainting Mr. Forster and Brigadier Mackintosh;
another for more effectually securing the peace of the Highlands; a
third appointing commissioners to inquire into the estates of those
persons who had been attainted or convicted.

While the parliament was thus engaged in devising measures for
maintaining the public tranquillity, General Cadogan was employed in
dispersing some hostile bands of the clans which still continued to
assemble with their chiefs in the remoter parts of the Highlands.
Hearing that the Earl of Seaforth had retired into the island of
Lewis, where he had collected a considerable body of his men under
the command of Brigadier Campbell of Ormundel, an officer who had
just arrived from Muscovy, where he had served in the army of the
Czar, he sent a detachment into the island under the command of
Colonel Cholmondely to reduce it. The earl, on the appearance of this
force, crossed into Ross-shire, whence he escaped to France; and
Campbell being abandoned by his men after he had formed them in order
of battle, was taken prisoner while standing in a charging posture.
Another detachment under Colonel Clayton, was sent into the isle
of Skye, where Sir Donald Macdonald was at the head of about 1,000
men; but the chief made no resistance, and having no assurance of
protection from the government in case of a surrender, retired into
one of the Uists, where he remained till he obtained a ship which
carried him to France. About this time three ships arrived among the
western islands from France with military supplies for the use of the
insurgents, but they came too late to be of any service. Two of them,
after taking 70 gentlemen on board, immediately returned to France,
and the third, which carried fifty chests of small arms, and one
hundred and fifty barrels of gunpowder, and other military stores,
was captured while at anchor near Uist by an English ship of war.

In consequence of instructions from government, General Cadogan
issued an order, which was intimated at the different parish churches
in the north, requiring the rebels to surrender themselves and to
deliver up their arms, assuring them, that such as complied should
have liberty granted to return home in safety, but threatening
to punish rigorously those who refused to comply. This order was
generally obeyed by the common people in the Lowlands, who had been
engaged in the insurrection; but few of the Highlanders seemed to
regard it. To enforce compliance, Cadogan despatched different
detachments through the Highlands, and took up his quarters at Blair
Athole, where he could more easily communicate with the disaffected
districts. He next removed to Ruthven in Badenoch, and afterwards
proceeded to Inverness, where he received Glengary’s submission.
Lochiel, Keppoch, and Clanranald, had resolved to oppose by force the
delivery of their arms; but on hearing that Clayton, who had returned
from Skye, had resolved to march from Fortwilliam to Lochiel’s house
to disarm the Camerons, these chiefs retired, and their men delivered
up their arms without resistance. Having succeeded in disarming the
Highlands, the general left Inverness on the 27th of April, leaving
General Sabine in command, and proceeded to London. The rebellion
being now considered completely extinguished, the Dutch auxiliaries
were withdrawn from Scotland, and in a short time thereafter were
embarked for Holland.

To try the prisoners confined in the castles of Edinburgh, Stirling,
Blackness, and other places in Scotland, a commission of Oyer and
Terminer was appointed to sit at Carlisle in December, 1716. There
were nearly seventy arraigned. Of twenty-nine who were brought to
trial, twenty-five pled guilty. Brigadier Campbell of Ormundel,
Tulloch of Tannachie, Stewart of Foss, and Stewart of Glenbuckie,
entered a plea of not guilty. The two last having satisfied the
solicitor-general of their innocence, he allowed a writ of _noli
prosequi_ to be entered in their behalf, and Campbell having escaped
from the castle of Carlisle, Tulloch alone stood his trial, but he
was acquitted. Sentence of death was passed upon the twenty-five who
had admitted their guilt, and thirty-six were discharged for want of
evidence; but the sentence of death was never put into execution. It
was wise in the government to pacify the national disaffection by
showing mercy.

Following up the same humane view, an act of grace was passed in
1717 by the king and both houses of parliament, granting a free and
general pardon to all persons who had committed any treasonable
offences, before the 6th of May of that year, with the exception of
those who, having committed such offences, had gone beyond the seas,
and who, before the said day, had returned into Great Britain or
Ireland without his majesty’s license, or who should on or after the
said day return into either of the kingdoms without such license.
All persons of the name and clan of Macgregor were also excepted,
as well as all such persons as should, on the 5th of May, 1717,
remain attainted for high treason. But all such persons so attainted,
unless specially named, and who had not escaped out of prison, were
freely pardoned and discharged. Under this act the Earl of Carnwath,
and Lords Widdrington and Nairne, were delivered from the Tower:
seventeen persons confined in Newgate, the prisoners still remaining
in the castles of Lancaster and Carlisle, and those in the castles of
Edinburgh and Stirling, and other places in Scotland, including Lords
Strathallan and Rollo, were likewise released.

While the Chevalier was preparing to embark for Scotland, the Earl
of Stair, (the ambassador at the court of France,) had used every
effort to prevent him. Duclos and others say that Stair not only
applied to the Duke of Orleans, the regent, to have the Chevalier
arrested, but that finding the regent insincere in his promises of
compliance, he sent persons to assassinate the Chevalier on the road
when crossing France to embark for Scotland. That Stair made such an
application, and that he employed spies to watch the progress of the
prince, are circumstances highly probable; but both Marshal Berwick
and the Earl of Mar discredited the last part of the story, as they
considered Stair incapable of ordering an action so atrocious as the
assassination of the prince.[748]

On the return of the Chevalier, Stair, afraid that he and his
partisans in France would intrigue with the court, presented a
memorial to the regent in name of his Britannic majesty, in which,
after notifying the flight of the Chevalier, and the dispersion of
his forces, he requested the regent to compel the prince to quit
France. He next insisted that such of the rebels as had retired to
France should be ordered forthwith to depart from that country. The
removal of the Jacobite exiles from the French court was all that
the earl could at that time obtain from the regent. By an agreement,
however, which was shortly thereafter entered into between France
and England, mutually guaranteeing the succession to the crown of
France, and the Hanover succession according to the provisions of
the treaty of Utrecht, it was stipulated that the Pretender should
be sent beyond the Alps, and should never be allowed to return again
to France or Lorraine on any pretence whatever, and that none of the
rebellious subjects of Great Britain should be allowed to reside in
France.

After the suppression of the insurrection, the leading supporters of
government in Scotland repaired to London to congratulate George I.
on the success of his arms, and to obtain the rewards they expected.
The Duke of Argyle, to whose exertions chiefly the king was indebted
for his peaceable accession to the throne, and the extinction of
the rebellion, was already so overloaded with favours that he could
scarcely expect any addition to be made to them, and would probably
have been contented with those he had obtained. The “squadron” party,
however, which had been long endeavouring to ruin him, now made every
exertion to get him disgraced; and being assisted by the Marlborough
faction, and a party which espoused the interests of Cadogan, they
succeeded with the king, who dismissed the duke and his brother,
the Earl of Islay, from all their employments, which were conferred
on others. General Carpenter, to whom the success at Preston was
entirely ascribed, succeeded Argyle in the chief command of the
forces in North Britain; and the Duke of Montrose was appointed
Lord-Register of Scotland in the room of the Earl of Islay.

The aspect of affairs in the north of Europe requiring the king’s
presence in his German dominions, an act was passed repealing the
clause in the act for the further limitation of the crown, which
restricted the sovereign from leaving his British dominions. He
closed the session on the 26th of June, and embarked at Gravesend
on the 7th of July for Holland, where he arrived on the 9th. He
proceeded to Loo incognito, and thence set out for Pyrmont.

For reasons which need not be stated here, Alberoni, the Spanish
prime minister, was eager that Great Britain should enter upon an
alliance with his country, and in his appeal to George I. he was
backed by the English minister at Madrid. George thus found himself
placed in a singular but fortunate situation. Equally courted by
France and Spain, he had only to choose between them, and to form
that connexion which might be most conducive to uphold the Protestant
succession and to maintain the peace of Europe, with which the
internal peace of Great Britain and the safety of the reigning family
were intimately connected. The alliance with France being considered
as more likely to secure these advantages than a connexion with
Spain, the English minister at Madrid was instructed by the cabinet
at home to decline the offers of Spain. “His majesty,” said secretary
Stanhope, in his letter to the minister, “is perfectly disposed to
enter into a new treaty with the Catholic king, to renew and confirm
the past; but the actual situation of affairs does not permit him to
form other engagements, which, far from contributing to preserve the
neutrality of Italy, would give rise to jealousies tending to disturb
it.”[749]

This was followed by the agreement with France, to which allusion
has been made, and in January, 1717, a triple alliance was entered
into between England, France, and Holland, by which the contracting
parties mutually guaranteed to one another the possession of all
places respectively held by them. The treaty also contained a
guaranty of the Protestant succession on the throne of England, as
well as that of the Duke of Orleans to the crown of France.

Baffled in all his attempts to draw England into an alliance against
the Emperor of Austria, Alberoni looked to the north, where he hoped
to find allies in the persons of the King of Sweden and the Czar of
Muscovy. Both Peter the Great and Charles XII. were highly incensed
against the Elector of Hanover, the former for resisting the attempts
of Russia to obtain a footing in the empire, the latter for having
joined the confederacy formed against him during his captivity, and
for having accepted from the King of Denmark the duchies of Bremen
and Verden, Swedish possessions, which had been conquered by Denmark
during the absence of Charles. Charles, to revenge himself, formed
the design of restoring the Stuarts, and by his instructions, Goertz,
his minister in England, began to cabal with the English Jacobites,
to whom, in name of his master, he promised to grant assistance in
any efforts they might make to rid themselves of the elector. It was
whispered among the Scottish Jacobites, that “the king,” as they
termed the Chevalier, had some hopes of prevailing on Charles to
espouse his cause, but the first notice on which they could place any
reliance was a letter from the Earl of Mar to one Captain Straiton,
which he directed to be communicated to the Bishop of Edinburgh, Lord
Balmerino, and Mr. Lockhart of Carnwath, and in which he suggested,
that as there was a great scarcity in Sweden, the friends of the
Chevalier should purchase and send 5,000 or 6,000 bolls of meal
to that country. Their poverty, however, and the impracticability
of collecting and sending such a large quantity of food out of
the kingdom, without exciting the suspicions of the government,
prevented the plan from being carried into execution.[750] Shortly
thereafter, Straiton received another letter from Mar, in which,
after stating that there was a design to attempt the restoration of
the prince by the aid of a certain foreign sovereign, and that it
would look strange if his friends at home did not put themselves in
a condition to assist him, he suggested, that as the want of money
had been hitherto a great impediment in the way of the Chevalier’s
success, the persons to whom this and his first letter were to be
communicated, should persuade their friends to have in readiness
such money as they could procure, to be employed when the proper
opportunity offered. Mr. Lockhart, who received a letter from the
Chevalier at the same time, undertook the task of acquainting the
Chevalier’s friends in Scotland with Mar’s wish, and obtained
assurances from several persons of rank that they would attend to the
prince’s request. Lord Eglinton in particular made an offer of 3,000
guineas.

The intrigues of Goertz, the Swedish minister, being discovered by
the government, he was arrested and his papers seized at the desire
of King George. This extraordinary proceeding, against which the
foreign ministers resident at the British court remonstrated, roused
the indignation of Charles to the highest pitch, and being now more
determined than ever to carry his project into effect, he, at the
instigation of Alberoni, reconciled himself to the Czar, who, in
resentment of an offer made by King George to Charles to join against
Russia, if the latter would ratify the cession of Bremen and Verden,
agreed to unite his forces with those of Sweden and Spain for placing
the Pretender on the throne of England. To strengthen the interest
of the Chevalier in the north, Alberoni sent the Duke of Ormond into
Russia to negotiate a marriage between the son of the Chevalier, and
Anne the daughter of Peter, but this project did not take effect.
The Chevalier himself, in the meantime, contracted a marriage with
the Princess Clementina Sobieski, but she was arrested at Inspruck
by order of the imperial government, when on her journey to meet her
betrothed husband, and sent to a convent.

King George returned to England towards the end of January, 1717.
The parliament met on the 20th of February, when he informed them
of the projected invasion, and mentioned that he had given orders
for laying copies of papers connected therewith before them. From
these documents it appeared, that the plan of invasion was ripe for
execution, but that it was not intended to attempt it till the Dutch
auxiliaries should be sent back to Holland.

In consequence of the conduct of his Swedish majesty, parliament
passed a bill prohibiting all intercourse with Sweden, and a fleet
was despatched to the Baltic under the command of Sir George Byng,
to observe the motions of the Swedes; but the death of Charles XII.
dissolved the confederacy between Sweden and Russia.

War was declared against Spain in December 1718; but a respectable
minority in parliament, and the nation at large, were opposed to it,
as hurtful to the commercial interests of Great Britain. France also
followed the same course.

The war with Spain revived the hopes of the Jacobites, and the
Duke of Ormond repaired to Madrid, where he held conferences with
Alberoni, and concerted an invasion of Great Britain. The Dutch,
alarmed at Ormond’s appearance at Madrid, remonstrated with Alberoni,
as they had guaranteed the Protestant succession, which might be
endangered if an insurrection in favour of the Chevalier de St.
George was encouraged by Spain; but the cardinal assured them that
the duke had no other design in coming into Spain but to consult
his personal safety. Meanwhile, under the pretence of sending
reinforcements into Sicily, preparations were made at Cadiz and in
the ports of Galicia for the projected invasion, and the Chevalier
himself proceeded to Madrid, where he was cordially received and
treated as King of Great Britain. On the 10th of March, 1719, a
fleet, consisting of ten men-of-war and twenty-one transports, having
on board 5,000 men, a great quantity of ammunition, and 30,000
muskets, sailed from Cadiz, with instructions to join the rest of the
expedition at Corunna, and to make a descent at once upon England and
Ireland. The Duke of Ormond was appointed commander of the fleet,
with the title of Captain-general of his most Catholic Majesty; and
he was provided with declarations in the name of the king, stating,
that for many good reasons he had sent forces into England and
Scotland to act as auxiliaries to King James.

To defeat this attempt the allied cabinets adopted the necessary
measures. His Britannic majesty having communicated to both houses
of parliament the advices he had received respecting the projected
invasion, they gave him every assurance of support, and requested
him to augment his forces by sea and land. He offered a reward of
£10,000 to any one who should apprehend the Duke of Ormond. Troops
were ordered to assemble in the north and west of England, and a
strong squadron, under Admiral Norris, was equipped and sent out to
sea to meet the Spanish fleet. The Dutch furnished 2,000 men, and six
battalions of Imperialists were sent from the Austrian Netherlands;
and the Duke of Orleans ordered ships to be prepared at Brest to join
the English fleet, and made an offer of twenty battalions for the
service of King George.

The expedition under Ormond, with the exception of two frigates,
never reached its destination, having been dispersed and disabled,
off Cape Finisterre, by a violent storm which lasted twelve days.
These two ships reached the coast of Scotland, having on board the
Earls Marischal and Seaforth, the Marquis of Tullibardine, some field
officers, 300 Spaniards, and arms for 2,000 men. The expedition
entered Loch Alsh about the middle of May, and the small force landed
in the western Highlands, when it was joined by some Highlanders,
chiefly Seaforth’s men. The other Jacobite clans, with the
disappointment they formerly experienced from France still fresh in
their recollection, resolved not to move till the whole forces under
Ormond should arrive. A difference arose between the Earl Marischal
and the Marquis of Tullibardine about the command, but this dispute
was put an end to by the advance of General Wightman from Inverness,
with a body of regular troops. The Highlanders and their allies had
taken possession of the pass at Glenshiel; but on the approach of
the government forces they retired to the pass at Strachell, which
they resolved to defend. General Wightman attacked and drove them,
after a smart action of three hours’ duration, and after sustaining
some loss, from one eminence to another, when night put an end to
the combat. The Highlanders seeing no chance of making a successful
resistance, dispersed, during the night, among the mountains, and the
Spaniards, on the following day, surrendered themselves prisoners
of war. Marischal, Seaforth, and Tullibardine, with the other
officers, retired to the Western Isles, and managed to escape to the
continent.[751]

After government had succeeded in putting an end to the rebellion,
it felt the necessity of doing something, not only to allay the
consequent disorders in the Highlands, but also to render the
Highlanders less capable in future of entering into rebellion, and
make them more accessible to the strong arm of the law. The estates
of most of the chiefs and proprietors who had been engaged were
forfeited, although practically in some cases it was found difficult
to carry the forfeiture into effect; as in the case of the Earl of
Seaforth, one of whose retainers seized the office of receiver, and
transmitted the rents to the exiled earl.

Lord Lovat, who, on account of his loyal conduct, had risen high
in the royal favour, drew up, in 1721, a memorial to George I.
concerning the state of the Highlands, characterised by great insight
into the source of the existing evils, and recommending to government
the adoption of measures calculated to remedy these.

From this memorial we learn that King William, possibly in accordance
with the recommendation of Breadalbane, formerly referred to, had
organized a few independent Highland companies, which appear to have
been of some service in repressing the disorders so prevalent in the
north.[752] “The independent companies, raised by King William not
long after the revolution, reduced the Highlanders to better order
than at any time they had been in since the restoration. They were
composed of the natives of the country, inured to the fatigue of
travelling the mountains, lying on the hills, wore the same habit,
and spoke the same language; but for want of being put under proper
regulations, corruptions were introduced, and some, who commanded
them, instead of bringing criminals to justice, (as I am informed)
often compounded for the theft, and, for a sum of money set them at
liberty. They are said also to have defrauded the government by
keeping not above half their numbers in constant pay, which (as I
humbly conceive) might be the reason your majesty caused them to be
disbanded.”[753]

These companies being broken up in 1717, according to Lovat and Wade,
robberies went on “without any manner of fear or restraint, and have
ever since continued to infest the country in a public and open
manner.”[754]

Wade entered upon his investigation in 1724, and his report shows
he was competent to undertake such a task. He computed that of
the 22,000 Highlandmen able to bear arms, 10,000 were “vassals to
superiors,” well affected to government, and the remainder had been
engaged in rebellions, and were ready, when called upon by their
chiefs, “to create new troubles.” One of the greatest grievances was
the robberies referred to by Lovat, accompanied with the levying of
_black mail_. According to the general, “the clans, in the Highlands,
the most addicted to rapine and plunder, are the Camerons, on the
west of the shire of Inverness; the Mackenzies and others, in the
shire of Ross, who were vassals to the late Earl of Seaforth; the
M’Donalds of Keppoch; the Broadalbin men and the M’Gregors, on the
borders of Argileshire. They go out in parties from ten to thirty
men, traverse large tracks of mountains, till they arrive at the low
lands, where they design to commit their depredations, which they
choose to do in places distant from the glens which they inhabit.
They drive the stolen cattle in the night time, and in the day
remain on the tops of the mountains or in the woods, (with which the
Highlands abound), and take the first occasion to sell them at the
fairs or markets that are annually held in many parts of the country.

“Those who are robbed of their cattle (or persons employed by them),
follow them by the tract, and often recover them from the robbers, by
compounding for a certain sum of money agreed on; but if the pursuers
are in numbers superiour to the thieves, and happen to seize any of
them, they are seldom or never prosecuted, the poorer sort being
unable to support the charges of a prosecution. They are likewise
under the apprehension of becoming the object of their revenge,
by having their houses and stacks burnt, their cattle stolen, or
hocked, and their lives at the mercy of the tribe or clan to whom the
banditti belongs. The richer sort, to keep, as they call it, good
neighbourhood, generally compound with the chieftain of the tribe or
clan for double restitution, which he willingly pays to save one of
his clan from prosecution; and this is repaid him by a contribution
from the thieves of his clan, who never refuse the payment of their
proportion to save one of their own fraternity. This composition is
seldom paid in money, but in cattle stolen from the opposite side of
the country, to make reparation to the person injured.”[755]

To remedy these evils, an act for the disarming of the Highlanders
was passed in the year 1716, but it was so badly put into force
that the most disaffected clans remained better armed than ever. By
the act, the collectors of taxes were empowered to pay for the arms
delivered up; but none were given in except such as were broken and
unfit for use, which were valued at a price far beyond what they were
worth. Not only so, but a brisk trade appears to have been carried on
with Holland and other countries in broken and useless arms, which
were imported and delivered up to the commissioners at exorbitant
prices. Wade also found in the possession of the Highlanders a great
number of arms which they had obtained from the Spaniards engaged in
the affair at Glen Shiel. Altogether he computed that the Highlanders
hostile to his majesty were in possession of about five or six
thousand arms of various kinds. Wade further reports that to keep
the Highlanders in awe, “four barracks had been built in different
parts of the Highlands, and parties of regular troops, under the
command of Highland officers, with a company of 30, established to
conduct them through the mountains, was thought an effectual scheme,
as well to prevent the rising of the Highlanders disaffected to your
majesty’s government, as to hinder depredations on your faithful
subjects. It is to be wished that, during the reign of your majesty
and your successors, no insurrection may ever happen to experience
whether the barracks will effectually answer the end proposed;
yet I am humbly of opinion, that if the number of troops they are
built to contain were constantly quartered in them (whereas there
is now in some but 30 men, and proper provisions laid in for their
support during the winter season), they might be of some use to
prevent the insurrections of the Highlanders, though, as I humbly
conceive (having seen them all), that two of the four are not built
in as proper situations as they might have been. As to the Highland
parties, I have already presumed to represent to your majesty the
little use they were of in hindering depredations, and the great
sufferings of the soldiers employed in that service, upon which your
majesty was graciously pleased to countermand them.

“I must farther beg leave to report to your majesty, that another
great cause of disorders in the Highlands is the want of proper
persons to execute the several offices of civil magistrates,
especially in the shires of Inverness, Ross, and some other parts of
the Highlands.

“The party quarrels and violent animosities among the gentlemen
equally well affected to your majesty’s government, I humbly conceive
to be one great cause of this defect. Those here in arms for your
majesty, who raised a spirit in the shire of Inverness, and recovered
the town of that name from the rebels (their main body being then
at Perth), complain that the persons employed as magistrates over
them have little interest in the country, and that three of the
deputy sheriffs in those parts were persons actually in arms against
your majesty at the time of the rebellion, which (as I am credibly
informed) is true. They likewise complain that many are left out of
the commissions of lord lieutenants, deputy lieutenants, sheriffs,
&c., and I take the liberty to observe, that the want of acting
justices of the peace is a great encouragement to the disorders so
frequently committed in that part of the country, there being but one
now residing as an acting justice for the space of above an hundred
miles in compass.”[756]

He also complained that the regular troops laboured under great
disadvantages in endeavouring to penetrate in the Highland fastnesses
from the want of roads and bridges.

[Illustration: Fort Augustus.]

As a remedy for these evils he proposed “that companies of such
Highlanders as are well affected to his majesty’s government be
established under proper regulations, and commanded by officers
speaking the language of the country, subject to martial law, and
under the inspection and orders of the governors of Fort-William,
Inverness, and the officer commanding his majesty’s forces in those
parts;”[757] that a redoubt or barrack be erected at Inverness, and
an addition be made to the one already established at Killyhuimen
(Fort Augustus), at the south end of Loch Ness, and that a small
vessel, with oars and sails, be built on the loch, capable of holding
from sixty to eighty soldiers, which would be a means of keeping up
communication between Inverness and Fort Augustus, and of sending
parties to the county bordering on the lake. Further, that the
different garrisons and castles in North Britain, especially the
castle of Edinburgh, be put in such condition as to guard against
surprise, and that a regiment of dragoons be quartered in the
district between Perth and Inverness. As to the civil government
of the country, Wade recommended that proper persons be nominated
for sheriffs and deputy sheriffs in the Highland counties, and
that justices of the peace and constables, with small salaries, be
established in proper places, and that quarter sessions be regularly
held at Killyhuimen, Ruthven in Badenoch, Fort William, and if
necessary, at Bernera, near the coast of the Isle of Skye.

By an act passed in 1725, Wade was empowered to proceed to the
Highlands and summon the clans to deliver up their arms, and to
carry most of his other recommendations into effect. After quelling
the malt-tax riots in Glasgow and Edinburgh, Wade set out for the
Highlands, and arrived in Inverness on the 10th of August 1725,
and immediately proceeded to business. As his report contains much
interesting and valuable information on the state of the Highlands
at this time, we shall give here a large extract from it.

“The laird of the M’Kenzies, and other chiefs of the clans and
tribes, tenants to the late Earl of Seaforth, came to me in a body,
to the number of about fifty, and assured me that both they and their
followers were ready to pay a dutiful obedience to your majesty’s
commands, by a peaceable surrender of their arms; that if your
majesty would be graciously pleased to procure them an indemnity for
the rents that had been misapplied for the time past, they would
for the future become faithful subjects to your majesty, and pay
them to your majesty’s receiver for the use of the public. I assured
them of your majesty’s gracious intentions towards them, and that
they might rely on your majesty’s bounty and clemency, provided they
would merit it by their future good conduct and peaceable behaviour;
that I had your majesty’s commands to send the first summons to the
country they inhabited; which would soon give them an opportunity of
showing the sincerity of their promises, and of having the merit to
set example to the rest of the Highlands, who in their turns were
to be summoned to deliver up their arms, pursuant to the disarming
act; that they might choose the place they themselves thought most
convenient to surrender their arms; and that I would answer, that
neither their persons nor their property should be molested by your
majesty’s troops.--They desired they might be permitted to deliver
up their arms at the castle of Brahan, the principal seat of their
late superior, who, they said, had promoted and encouraged them to
this their submission; but begged that none of the Highland companies
might be present; for, as they had always been reputed the bravest,
as well as the most numerous of the northern clans, they thought
it more consistent with their honour to resign their arms to your
majesty’s veteran troops;--to which I readily consented.

“Summonses were accordingly sent to the several clans and tribes,
the inhabitants of 18 parishes, who were vassals or tenants of the
late Earl of Seaforth, to bring or send in all their arms and warlike
weapons to the castle of Brahan, on or before the 28th of August.

“On the 25th of August I went to the castle of Brahan, with a
detachment of 200 of the regular troops, and was met there by the
chiefs of the several clans and tribes, who assured me they had used
their utmost diligence in collecting all the arms they were possessed
of, which should be brought thither on the Saturday following,
pursuant to the summons they had received; and telling me they were
apprehensive of insults or depredations from the neighbouring clans
of the Camerons, and others who still continued in possession of
their arms. Parties of the Highland companies were ordered to guard
the passes leading to their country; which parties continued there
for their protection, till the clans in that neighbourhood were
summoned, and had surrendered their arms.

“On the day appointed, the several clans and tribes assembled in the
adjacent villages, and marched in good order through the great avenue
that leads to the castle; and one after another laid down their arms
in the court-yard, in great quiet and decency, amounting to 784 of
the several species mentioned in the act of parliament.

“The solemnity with which this was performed, had undoubtedly a great
influence over the rest of the Highland clans; and disposed them
to pay that obedience to your majesty’s commands, by a peaceable
surrender of their arms, which they had never done to any of your
royal predecessors, or in compliance with any law either before or
since the Union.

“The next summons were sent to the clans and countries in the
neighbourhood of Killyhuimen and Fort William. The arms of the
several clans of the M’Donalds of Glengary, M’Leods of Glenelg,
Chisholms of Strathglass, and Grants of Glenmoriston, were
surrendered to me at the barrack of Killyhuimen, the 15th of
September; and those of the M’Donalds of Keppoch, Moidart, Aresaig,
and Glencoe; as also the Camerons, and Stewarts of Appin, were
delivered to the governor of Fort William. The M’Intoshes were
summoned, and brought in their arms to Inverness; and the followers
of the Duke of Gordon, with the clan of M’Phersons, to the barrack of
Ruthven in Badenoch.

“The inhabitants of the isles of Skye and Mull were also summoned;
the M’Donalds, M’Kinnons, and M’Leods delivered their arms at the
barrack of Bernera; and those of the Isle of Mull, to the officer
commanding at Castle Duart, both on the 1st day of October.

“The regiments remained till that time encamped at Inverness; and
this service was performed by sending detachments from the camp to
the several parts of the Highlands appointed for the surrender of
arms. Ammunition bread was regularly delivered to the soldiers, and
biscuits to the detachments that were sent into the mountains. The
camp was plentifully supplied with provisions, and an hospital in
the town provided for the sick men. This contributed to preserve the
soldiers in health; so that notwithstanding the excessive bad weather
and continued rains that fell during the campaign, there died of the
three regiments no more than ten soldiers:--but the weather growing
cold, and the snow falling in the mountains, obliged me to break up
the camp, and send the troops into winter quarters.

“The new-raised companies of Highlanders were for some time encamped
with the regular troops, performing the duty of the camp with the
rest of the soldiers. They mounted guard, went out upon parties, had
the articles of war read and explained to them, and were regularly
paid with the rest of the troops. When they had made some progress
in their exercise and discipline, they were sent to their respective
stations with proper orders; as well to prevent the Highlanders
from returning to the use of arms, as to hinder their committing
depredations on the low country.

“The Lord Lovat’s company was posted to guard all the passes in the
mountains, from the Isle of Skye eastward, as far as Inverness;
the company of Colonel Grant in the several passes from Inverness
southward to Dunkeld; Sir Duncan Campbell’s company, from Dunkeld
westward, as far as the country of Lorn. The three companies
commanded by lieutenants were posted, the first at Fort William; the
second at Killyhuimen; and the third at Ruthven in Badenoch; and may
in a short time be assembled in a body, to march to any part of the
Highlands as occasion may require.

“The clans of the northern Highlands having peaceably surrendered
their arms, pursuant to the several summonses sent them in your
majesty’s name, and consequently exposed to the inroads of their
neighbours, to prevent this inconvenience, (though the season of
the year was far advanced) I thought it both just and necessary to
proceed to disarm the southern clans, who had also joined in the
rebellion, and thereby to finish the campaign by summoning all the
clans and countries who had taken up arms against your majesty in the
year 1715.

“Summonses were accordingly sent to the inhabitants of the Brea of
Mar, Perth, Athol, Braidalbin, Menteth, and those parts of the shire
of Stirling and Dumbarton included in the disarming act. Parties of
the regular troops were ordered to march from the nearest garrisons
to several places appointed for the surrender of their arms, and
circular letters were sent to the principal gentlemen in those parts,
exciting them to follow the example of the northern Highlands. The
clans of these countries brought in their arms on the days and at the
places appointed by their respective summonses, but not in so great
a quantity as the northern clans had done. The gentlemen assured me
they had given strict orders to their tenants to bring in all the
arms they had in their possession; but that many of them, knowing
they were not to be paid for them, as stipulated by the former act,
several had been carried to the forges, and turned into working tools
and other peaceable instruments; there being no prohibition by the
act of parliament to hinder them from disposing of them in any manner
they thought most to their advantage, provided they had no arms in
their possession, after the day mentioned in the summons; and if
the informations I have received are true, the same thing has been
practised, more or less, by all the clans that have been summoned
pursuant to the present act of parliament, which makes no allowance
for arms delivered up, in order to prevent the notorious frauds and
abuses committed by those who had the execution of the former act,
whereby your majesty paid near £13,000 for broken and useless arms,
that were hardly worth the expense of carriage.

“The number of arms collected this year in the Highlands, of the
several species mentioned in the disarming act, amount in the whole
to 2,685. The greatest part of them are deposited in the Castle of
Edinburgh, and the rest at Fort William, and the barrack of Bernera.
At the time they were brought in by the clans, there was a mixture
of good and bad; but the damage they received in the carriage, and
growing rusty by being exposed to rain, they are of little more worth
than the value of the iron.

“In the execution of the power given me by your majesty, to grant
licences to such persons whose business or occupation required the
use of arms for their safety and defence, I have given out in the
whole 230 licences to the foresters, drovers, and dealers in cattle,
and other merchandise, belonging to the several clans who have
surrendered their arms, which are to remain in force for two years,
provided they behave themselves during that time as faithful subjects
to your majesty, and peaceably towards their neighbours. The names
of the persons empowered to wear arms by these licences are entered
in a book, as also the names of the gentlemen by whom they were
recommended, and who have promised to be answerable for their good
behaviour.

“The several summonses for the surrender of arms have been affixed
to the doors of 129 parish churches, on the market crosses of the
county towns; and copies of the same regularly entered in the
sheriff’s books in the method prescribed by the disarming act, by
which these Highlanders who shall presume to wear arms without a
legal qualification, are subject to the penalties of that law which
has already had so good an effect, that, instead of guns, swords,
durks, and pistols, they now travel to their churches, markets, and
fairs with only a staff in their hands. Since the Highland companies
have been posted at their respective stations, several of the most
notorious thieves have been seized on and committed to prison,
some of which are now under prosecution, but others, either by the
corruption or negligence of the jailers, have been set at liberty, or
suffered to make their escape.

“The imposition commonly called black-meal is now no longer paid
by the inhabitants bordering on the Highlands; and robberies and
depredations, formerly complained of, are less frequently attempted
than has been known for many years past, there having been but
one single instance where cattle have been stolen, without being
recovered and returned to their proper owners.

“At my first coming to the Highlands, I caused an exact survey to
be taken of the lakes, and that part of the country lying between
Inverness and Fort William, which extends from the east to the west
sea, in order to render the communication more practicable; and
materials were provided for the vessel which, by your majesty’s
commands, was to be built on the Lake Ness; which is now finished and
launched into the lake. It is made in the form of a gally, either
for rowing or sailing; is capable of carrying a party of 50 or 60
soldiers to any part of the country bordering on the said lake; and
will be of great use for transporting provisions and ammunition from
Inverness to the barrack of Killyhuimen, where four companies of foot
have been quartered since the beginning of last October.

“I presume also to acquaint your majesty, that parties of regular
troops have been constantly employed in making the roads of
communication between Killyhuimen and Fort William, who have already
made so good a progress in that work, that I hope, before the end of
next summer, they will be rendered both practicable and convenient
for the march of your majesty’s forces between those garrisons, and
facilitate their assembling in one body, if occasion should require.

“The fortifications and additional barracks, which, by your majesty’s
commands were to be erected at Inverness and Killyhuimen, are the
only part of your majesty’s instructions which I have not been able
to put in execution. There were no persons in that part of the
Highlands of sufficient credit or knowledge to contract for a work
of so extensive a nature. The stone must be cut out of the quarries;
nor could the timber be provided sooner than by sending to Norway to
purchase it; and, although the materials had been ready and at hand,
the excessive rains, that fell during the whole summer season, must
have rendered it impossible to have carried on the work. I have,
however, contracted for the necessary repairs of the old castle at
Inverness, which I am promised will be finished before next winter.

“I humbly beg leave to observe to your majesty, that nothing has
contributed more to the success of my endeavours in disarming the
Highlanders, and reducing the vassals of the late Earl of Seafield to
your obedience, than the power your majesty was pleased to grant me
of receiving the submissions of persons attainted of high treason.
They were dispersed in different parts of the Highlands, without the
least apprehension of being betrayed or molested by their countrymen,
and, for their safety and protection, must have contributed all they
were able to encourage the use of arms, and to infect the minds of
those people on whose protection they depended. In this situation,
they were proper instruments, and always ready to be employed in
promoting the interest of the Pretender, or any other foreign power
they thought capable of contributing to a change in that government
to which they had forfeited their lives, and from whom they expected
no favour. The greatest part of them were drawn into the rebellion
at the instigation of their superiors, and, in my humble opinion,
have continued their disaffection, rather from despair than any real
dislike to your majesty’s government; for it was no sooner known that
your majesty had empowered me to receive the submissions of those
who repented of their crimes, and were willing and desirous for the
future to live peaceably under your mild and moderate government,
but applications were made to me from several of them to intercede
with your majesty on their behalf, declaring their readiness to
abandon the Pretender’s party, and to pay a dutiful obedience to your
majesty; to which I answered, that I should be ready to intercede in
their favour, when I was farther convinced of the sincerity of their
promises; that it would soon come to their turn to be summoned to
bring in their arms; and, when they had paid that first mark of their
obedience, by peaceably surrendering them, I should thereby be better
justified in receiving their submissions, and in recommending them to
your majesty’s mercy and clemency.

“As soon as their respective clans had delivered up their arms,
several of these attainted persons came to me at different times and
places to render their submissions to your majesty. They laid down
their swords on the ground, expressed their sorrow and concern for
having made use of them in opposition to your majesty; and promised a
peaceful and dutiful obedience for the remaining part of their lives.
They afterwards sent me their several letters of submission, copies
of which I transmitted to your majesty’s principal secretary of state.

“I made use of the proper arguments to convince them of their past
folly and rashness, and gave them hopes of obtaining pardon from your
majesty’s gracious and merciful disposition; but, being a stranger
both to their persons and character, I required they would procure
gentlemen of unquestioned zeal to your majesty’s government, who
would write to me in their favour, and in some measure be answerable
for their future conduct--which was accordingly done.

“When the news came that your majesty was graciously pleased to
accept their submission, and had given the proper orders for
preparing their pardons, it was received with great joy and
satisfaction throughout the Highlands, which occasioned the Jacobites
at Edinburgh to say, (by way of reproach,) that I had not only
defrauded the Highlanders of their arms, but had also debauched them
from their loyalty and allegiance.”[758]

Barracks were built at Inverness, a fort erected at Fort-Augustus,
and at various places over the country small towers or forts, each
capable of containing a small number of soldiers.

Wade at the same time received letters of submission from a
considerable number of chiefs and other troublesome Highlanders who
were lying under the taint of high treason. These were expressed
in terms of excessive humility and contrition, and were full of
the strongest promises of future good behaviour. Wade seems, as
Burton[759] remarks, “to have known so little of the people as to
believe in their sincerity. Yet the contemporary correspondence of
the Jacobites indicates, what subsequent events confirmed, that the
Highlanders, with the inscrutable diplomatic cunning peculiar to
their race, had overreached the military negotiator, and committed
a quantity of effective arms to places of concealment.”[760]

One of the greatest services rendered by Wade to the government, and
that for which he is chiefly known to posterity, was the construction
of roads through the Highlands, in order to facilitate the march of
troops, and open up a communication between the various garrisons.
Previous to this the only substitutes for roads existing in the
Highlands were the rude tracts, sometimes scarcely distinguishable
from the surrounding waste, made by many generations of Highlanders
and their cattle over mountains, through bogs, across rapid rivers,
skirting giddy precipices, and perfectly bewildering and fraught
with danger to any but natives. Captain Burt, one of the engineers
engaged in Wade’s expedition, gives in his _Letters_ many graphic
descriptions of the difficulties and dangers attendant on travelling
in the Highlands before the making of these new roads. “The old
ways,” he says, “(for roads I shall not call them,) consisted chiefly
of stony moors, bogs, rugged, rapid fords, declivities of hills,
entangling woods, and giddy precipices.”[761] As a specimen of what
the traveller might expect in his progress among the mountains, we
give the following incident which occurred to Burt in one of his own
journeys.[762] “There was nothing remarkable afterwards, till I came
near the top of the hill; where there was a seeming plain, of about
150 yards, between me and the summit.

“No sooner was I upon the edge of it, but my guide desired me to
alight; and then I perceived it was a bog, or peat-moss, as they call
it.

“I had experience enough of these deceitful surfaces to order that
the horses should be led in separate parts, lest, if one broke the
turf, the other, treading in his steps, might sink.

“The horse I used to ride having little weight but his own, went on
pretty successfully; only now and then breaking the surface a little;
but the other, that carried my portmanteau, and being not quite so
nimble, was much in danger, till near the further end, and there he
sank. But it luckily happened to be in a part where his long legs
went to the bottom, which is generally hard gravel, or rock; but he
was in almost up to the back.

“By this time my own (for distinction) was quite free of the bog,
and being frighted, stood very tamely by himself; which he would not
have done at another time. In the mean while we were forced to wait
at a distance, while the other was flouncing and throwing the dirt
about him; for there was no means of coming near him to ease him of
the heavy burden he had upon his loins, by which he was sometimes
in danger to be turned upon his back, when he rose to break the bog
before him. But, in about a quarter of an hour, he got out, bedaubed
with the slough, shaking with fear, and his head and neck all over in
a foam.

“As for myself, I was harassed on this slough, by winding about
from place to place, to find such tufts as were within my stride or
leap, in my heavy boots with high heels; which, by my spring, when
the little hillocks were too far asunder, broke the turf, and then
I threw myself down toward the next protuberance; but to my guide
it seemed nothing; he was light of body, shod with flat _brogues_,
wide in the soles, and accustomed to a particular step, suited to the
occasion.

“This hill was about three quarters of a mile over, and had but a
short descent on the further side, rough, indeed, but not remarkable
in this country. I had now five computed miles to go before I came to
my first asylum,--that is, five Scots miles, which, as in the north
of England, are longer than yours as three is to two; and, if the
difficulty of the way were to be taken into account, it might well be
called fifteen. This, except about three quarters of a mile of heathy
ground, pretty free from stones and rocks, consisted of stony moors,
almost impracticable for a horse with his rider, and likewise of
rocky way, where we were obliged to dismount, and sometimes climb,
and otherwhile slide down. But what vexed me most of all, they called
it a road; and yet I must confess it was preferable to a boggy way.
The great difficulty was to wind about with the horses, and find such
places as they could possibly be got over.”

Wade went vigorously to work in the construction of his roads,
selecting from the regular troops and Highland companies 500
men, who were put on extra pay while at the work of road-making.
Notwithstanding the many difficulties to be encountered, the
inexperience of the workmen, and the inferior tools then at their
command for such a purpose, the undertaking was satisfactorily
accomplished in about ten years. A Scottish gentleman, who visited
the Highlands in 1737, found the roads completed, and was surprised
by the improvements which he found to have arisen from them, amongst
which he gratefully notes the existence of civilized places for
the entertainment of travellers. Formerly the only apologies for
hostelries in the Highlands were wretched huts, often with only one
apartment, swarming with lively insects, the atmosphere solid with
smoke, and the fragile walls pierced here and there with holes large
enough to admit a man’s head. Now, however, these were replaced by
small but substantial inns built of stone, located at distances of
about ten miles from each other along the new roads. The standard
breadth of the roads was sixteen feet, although where possible they
were made wider, and were carried on in straight lines, unless where
this was impracticable.

Wade’s main road, commencing at Perth, went by Dunkeld and
Blair-Athole to Dalnacardoch, where it was joined by another from
Stirling by Crieff, through Glenalmond, to Aberfeldy, where it
crossed the Tay, on what was then considered a magnificent bridge
of five arches. From Dalnacardoch the road goes on to Dalwhinny,
where it again branches into two, one branch proceeding towards the
north-west through Garva Moor, and over the Corryarrick mountain to
Fort-Augustus, the other striking almost due north to Ruthven in
Badenoch, and thence by Delmagary to Inverness. Another road, along
the shores of Lochs Ness and Lochy, joined the latter place with
the strongholds of Fort-Augustus and Fort-William. One of the most
difficult parts of the undertaking was the crossing of the lofty
Corryarrick, the road having to be carried up the south side of the
mountain by a series of about fifteen zigzags. The entire length of
road constructed measured about 250 miles.

[Illustration: Lieutenant General Wade, Commander-in-Chief of all
His Majesty’s Forces in Scotland. (From an old engraving in the
possession of D. Laing, Esq.)]

Although these roads were doubtless of considerable advantage in
a military point of view, they appear to have been of very little
use in developing the commercial resources of the country. “They
were indeed truly military roads--laid down by a practical soldier,
and destined for warlike purposes--with scarcely any view towards
the ends for which free and peaceful citizens open up a system of
internal transit.”[763] They appear to have been regarded with
suspicion and dislike by all classes of the Highlanders. The chiefs,
according to Burt,[764] complained that in time of peace they opened
up their country to strangers, who would be likely to weaken the
attachment of their vassals, and that in time of war they laid their
fastnesses open to the enemy. The bridges, especially, they said
would render the people effeminate, and less fit to ford the rivers
in other places where there were no such means of crossing. The
middle class again objected to them because, their horses being
unshod,--and necessarily so on account of the places where they had
to find pasture--the gravel would soon whet away their hoofs, and
thus render them unserviceable. “The lowest class, who, many of
them, at some times cannot compass a pair of shoes for themselves,
allege that the gravel is intolerable to their naked feet; and the
complaint has extended to their thin brogues.” For these reasons,
allied no doubt to obstinacy and hatred of innovation and government
interference, many of the Highlanders, despising the new roads,
continued to walk in the wretched ways of their fathers.

Although the Chevalier still had many adherents in the south of
Scotland, yet, as they were narrowly watched by the government, it
was considered inexpedient and unsafe to correspond with them on
the subject of the Spanish expedition. In the state of uncertainty
in which they were thus kept, they wisely abstained from committing
themselves, and when Marischal landed they were quite unprepared to
render him any assistance, and unanimously resolved not to move in
any shape till a rising should take place in England in favour of the
Chevalier.

As many inconveniences had arisen from a want of co-operation
among the friends of the Chevalier in the south of Scotland, Mr.
Lockhart, in concert with the Bishop of Edinburgh, proposed to James
that the Earls of Eglinton and Wigton, Lord Balmerino, the Bishop
of Edinburgh, (the head of the nonjuring clergy,) Mr. Paterson of
Preston-hall, and Captain Straiton, should be appointed commissioners
or trustees for transacting his affairs in Scotland. This proposal
on the whole was well received by the Chevalier, who, however,
probably influenced by the jealous schemers who surrounded him, did
not sanction the formation of a regularly organized authoritative
commission. Writing to Lockhart in February, 1721, he says, “to
appoint a certain number of persons for this effect by commission, is
by no means, at this time, advisable, because of the inconveniences
it might draw, sooner or later, upon the persons concern’d; since
it could not but be expected that the present government would, at
long run, be inform’d of such a paper which, by its nature, must be
known to a great number of people; besides, that many who might
be most fit to discharge such a trust might, with reason, not be
fond of having their names exposed in such a matter; while, on the
other hand, numbers might be disobliged for not having a share where
it is not possible all can be concerned; but I think all these
inconveniences may be obviated, the intent of the proposal comply’d
with, and equal advantages drawn from it if the persons named below,
or some of them, would meet and consult together for the intents
above-mention’d. The persons you propose I entirely approve, to
wit, the Earls of Eglinton and Wigton, Lord Balmerino, the Bishop
of Edinburgh, Mr. Paterson and Captain Straiton, to whom I would
have added Mr. Harry Maul, Sir John Erskine, Lord Dun, Pourie and
Glengary.”[765]

Mr. Lockhart acquainted the different persons, therein named, of its
contents, and all of them undertook to execute the trust reposed in
them; but as they judged it advisable to conceal the powers they had
received from their friends, they requested Mr. Lockhart, when their
advice was wanted, to communicate with them individually, and having
collected their sentiments, to give the necessary instructions with
due caution.

In June 1721, a treaty of peace was signed at Madrid between Great
Britain and Spain, and at the same time a defensive alliance was
entered into between Great Britain, France, and Spain. As the two
last were the only powers from whom the “Pretender” could expect any
effectual aid in support of his pretensions, his long-wished-for
restoration seemed now to be hopeless, and King George secure, as he
imagined, from foreign invasion and domestic plots, made preparations
for visiting his German dominions, and actually appointed a regency
to act in his absence. But early in the year 1722, a discovery
was made, on information received by the king from the regent of
France, that the Jacobites were busy in a new conspiracy against the
government. It appeared that the Chevalier de St. George, who was at
Rome, was to sail from Porto-Longone for Spain, under the protection
of three Spanish men-of-war, and there to wait the resolutions
of his friends.[766] In following the clue given by the Duke of
Orleans, it was ascertained that all the letters, in relation to the
conspiracy, were carried to Mr. George Kelly, an Irish clergyman, who
despatched them to their different destinations. The insurrection was
to have taken place during the king’s absence in Hanover; but his
majesty having deferred his journey in consequence of the discovery
of the plot, the conspirators resolved to postpone their attempt till
the dissolution of parliament.

The conspirators, finding they were watched by government, became
extremely cautious, and the ministers, desirous of getting hold of
the treasonable correspondence, ordered Kelly, the principal agent,
to be arrested. He was accordingly apprehended, but not until he had,
by keeping his assailants at bay with his sword, succeeded in burning
the greater part of his papers. Although the papers which were seized
from Kelly, and others which had been intercepted by government, bore
evident marks of a conspiracy, yet it became very difficult, from
the fictitious names used in them, to trace out the guilty persons.
“We are in trace of several things very material,” observes Robert
Walpole in a letter to his brother, in reference to this discovery,
“but we fox-hunters know that we do not always find every fox that we
cross upon.” Among other persons who were arrested on suspicion, were
the Duke of Norfolk, Lords North and Grey, Strafford, and Orrery,
Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester, and Sir Harry Goring.

To check the threatened insurrection, a camp was immediately formed
in Hyde-park, and all military officers were ordered to repair
to their respective regiments. Lieutenant-general Macartney was
despatched to Ireland to bring over some troops from that kingdom,
and the states of Holland were requested to have their auxiliary
troops in readiness for embarkation. These preparations, and the many
rumours which prevailed respecting the extent of the conspiracy,
affected public credit, and a run took place upon the bank, but the
panic soon subsided, and public confidence was restored.

Of all the persons seized of any note, the Bishop of Rochester
was the only individual against whom a charge could plausibly be
maintained. He was equally noted for his high literary attainments
and a warm attachment to the exploded dogma of passive obedience. He
had written Sacheverel’s defence _con amore_, and he had carried his
partisanship for the house of Stuart so far, that, according to Lord
Harcourt, he offered, upon the death of Queen Anne, to proclaim the
Chevalier de St. George at Charing-cross in his lawn sleeves, and
when his proposal was declined, he is said to have exclaimed, “Never
was a better cause lost for want of spirit.”

After an examination before the privy-council, the bishop was
committed to the Tower on a charge of high treason. The committal of
the bishop was highly resented by the clergy, who considered it an
outrage upon the Church of England and the Episcopal order, and they
gave full vent to their feelings by offering up public prayers for
his health in all the churches and chapels of London and Westminster.

The new parliament met in the month of October, and the first thing
the king did was to announce, by a speech from the throne, the nature
of the conspiracy. A bill for suspending the _habeas corpus_ act for
a whole year was immediately brought into the house of lords, but as
the period of suspension was double of any suspension hitherto known,
it met with some opposition. In the commons, however, the opposition
was so violent, that Mr. Robert Walpole found himself necessitated to
invent a story of a design to seize the bank and the exchequer, and
to proclaim the “Pretender” on the royal exchange. This ridiculous
tale, uttered with the greatest confidence, alarmed the commons, and
they passed the bill.

As the Catholics were supposed to be chiefly concerned in the
conspiracy, a bill was introduced into the house of commons for
raising £100,000 upon the real and personal estates of all “papists,”
or persons educated in the Catholic religion, towards defraying the
expenses incurred by the late rebellion and disorders. This bill
being justly regarded as a species of persecution, was warmly opposed
by some members, but it was sent up to the house of lords along with
another bill, obliging all persons, being “papists,” in Scotland,
and all persons in Great Britain refusing or neglecting to take the
oaths appointed for the king’s person and government, to register
their names and real estates. As might have been anticipated, both
bills were passed without amendments, and received the royal assent.

Atterbury was brought up for trial on the 9th of May, 1723, and
sentenced to banishment under pain of death if he should ever return.
He quitted the kingdom in June, and after a short stay at Brussels,
finally settled in Paris. It is said that when crossing over to
Calais he met Lord Bolingbroke, then on his way to England, whom he
thus addressed with a smile, “My lord, you and I are exchanged!”

The return of this extraordinary person to England gave rise to much
speculation, and many conjectures were hazarded as to the reasons
which had induced Walpole to promote the return of a man whose
impeachment he had himself moved; but the mystery has been cleared up
by papers which have since met the public eye. From these it appears
that several years before his appearance in England, Bolingbroke had
completely broken with the Stuarts in consequence of his deprivation
of the seals. It seems that the Earl of Mar and the duke had a
violent difference with regard to the conduct of the expedition in
1715; and Mar, to revenge himself upon his rival, prevailed upon
the Duke of Ormond to report in presence of the Chevalier de St.
George certain abusive expressions which Bolingbroke, when in a state
of intoxication, had uttered in disparagement of his master. The
Chevalier, highly exasperated at Bolingbroke, sent for the seals,
at which his lordship was so incensed that when the queen mother
attempted to reconcile them, Bolingbroke said that he wished his arm
might rot off if ever he drew his sword or employed his pen in the
service of the Stuarts. He, thereupon, proffered his services to
King George, and offered to do any thing but betray the secrets of
his friends. This offer was followed by the celebrated letter to Sir
William Wyndham, in which he dissuaded the Tories from placing any
reliance on the Pretender, and exposed the exiled family to ridicule
and contempt; but his overtures were rejected by the government, and
when an act of indemnity was hinted at, Walpole expressed in the
strongest terms his indignation at the very idea of such a measure.
Bolingbroke, however, persevered; and Walpole having been softened
by the entreaties of the Duchess of Kendal, one of the mistresses of
the king, to whom Bolingbroke made a present of £11,000, he procured
a pardon. In April, 1725, a bill was brought into the house of lords
for restoring to Bolingbroke his family estate, which, after some
opposition, passed both houses.

Upon the passing of the disarming act, some of the Highland chiefs
held a meeting at Paris, at which they resolved to apply to the
Chevalier de St. George, to know whether, in his opinion, they should
submit to the new law. James returned an answer under cover to the
restless Atterbury, in which he advised the chiefs rather to submit
than run the risk of ruining their followers; but the bishop thought
proper to keep up the letter, and having sent off an express to Rome,
James was induced to write another letter altogether different from
the first, requiring them to resist, by force, the intended attempt
of the government to disarm the Highlanders. Meanwhile, the chiefs
were apprised of James’s original sentiments by a correspondent at
Rome, and of the letter which had been sent to Atterbury’s care.
Unaware of this circumstance, the bishop, on receipt of the second
letter, convened the chiefs, and communicated to them its contents;
but these being so completely at variance with the information of
their correspondent, they insisted upon seeing the first letter,
but Atterbury refused in the most positive terms to exhibit it,
and insisted upon compliance with the injunctions contained in the
second letter. They, thereupon, desired to know what support they
were to receive in men, money, and arms; but the bishop told them,
that unless they resolved to go to Scotland and take up arms, he
would give them no further information than this, that they would be
assisted by a certain foreign power, whose name he was not at liberty
to mention.[767] The chiefs, dissatisfied with the conduct of the
bishop, refused to pledge themselves as required, and retired.

The great preparations made to carry the disarming act into
effect, indicated a dread, on the part of the government, that the
Highlanders would not deliver up their arms without a struggle.
The Chevalier de St. George, deceived as it would appear by the
representations of Atterbury, resolved to support the Highlanders,
to the effect at least of enabling them to obtain favourable terms
from the government. “I find,” says James, in a letter[768] to Mr.
Lockhart, “they (the Highlanders) are of opinion that nothing less
than utter ruin is designed for them, and those on this side are
persuaded that the English government will meet with the greatest
difficulties in executing their projects, and that the clans will
unanimously agree to oppose them to the last, and if thereby
circumstances will allow them to do nothing for my service, that
they will still, by a capitulation, be able to procure better terms
to themselves than they can propose by leaving themselves at the
government’s mercy, and delivering up their arms; and, if so, I am
resolved, and I think I owe it to them, to do all in my power to
support them, and the distance I am at has obliged me to give my
orders accordingly; and nothing in my power shall be wanting to
enable them to keep their ground against the government, at least
till they can procure good terms for themselves, though, at the same
time, I must inform you that the opposition they propose to make
may prove of the greatest advantage to my interest, considering the
hopes I have of foreign assistance, which, perhaps, you may hear of
even before you receive this letter. I should not have ventured to
call the Highlanders together, without a certainty of their being
supported, but the great probability there is of it makes me not at
all sorry they should take the resolution of defending themselves,
and not delivering up their arms, which would have rendered them, in
a great measure, useless to their countrie; and as the designs of
the government are represented to me, the laying down of their arms
is only to be the forerunner of other methods, that are to be taken
to extirpate their race for ever. They are certainly in the right to
make the government buy their slavery at as dear a rate as they can.
The distance I am at (Rome), and the imperfect accounts I have had
of this law, (for disarming the Highlanders,) have been very unlucky;
however, the orders I have sent to France I hope will not come too
late, and I can answer for the diligence in the execution of them,
which is all I can say to you at present from hence.”

A few days after the receipt of this letter, Mr. Lockhart went
to Edinburgh, where he found the Duke of Hamilton and the Earl
of Kincardine, two of James’s “trustees,” to whom he showed the
letter, and requested their opinion as to the proposed attempt to
resist the contemplated measures of the government. These noblemen
considered that the attempt would be rash as well as fatal,--that
the idea of obtaining better terms by a temporary resistance, was
vain, unless the Highlanders succeed in defeating the government;
but that if they failed, the utter extirpation of their race would
certainly follow;--that the Highlanders being a body of men of such
high value, as well in relation to the interests of the exiled
family, as to those of the kingdom, it was by no means reasonable
to hazard them upon an uncertainty, for though they should give
up their arms, it would be easier to provide them afterwards with
others, when their services were required, than to repair the loss
of their persons;--that with regard to foreign assistance, as such
undertakings were liable to many accidents, and as the best formed
designs often turned out abortive, it was by no means advisable to
hazard the Highlanders, who were hated by the government, upon the
expectancy of such aid; and that if such foreign powers as could, and
were willing to assist, would inquire into the true state of affairs
in Scotland, they would find that wherever a feasible attempt should
be made by them to restore the exiled family, the Scots would be
ready to declare themselves.

This opinion was communicated by Mr. Lockhart to James,[769] and he
informed him at the same time that a person of distinction, who had
been sent by the Highland Jacobite chiefs to obtain intelligence
and advice, had arrived in Edinburgh _incognito_, and had informed
Kincardine that the Highlanders had resolved to make a show of
submission, by giving up part of their arms under the pretence of
delivering up the whole, while their intention was to retain and
conceal the best and greater part of them. Kincardine, without giving
any opinion on the subject, recommended to the gentleman in question,
as foreign assistance might be speedily expected, the expediency
of putting off the delivery as long as possible, and that as four
or five weeks would be consumed before the forms required by the
act could be complied with, they should retain their arms till the
expiration of that period.

The advice given by Hamilton and Eglinton coincided with the
view which James, upon being made acquainted with the resolution
of the chief at Paris, had adopted; and in a letter written to
Mr. Lockhart by Colonel Hay, whom he had appointed his secretary
of state, and raised to the peerage under the title of Earl of
Inverness, he signified his approbation of the advice given by his
friends, which he said was entirely agreeable to his own sentiments
from the beginning. He stated, moreover, that the orders he had
given to assist the Highlanders were only conditional, and in the
event only that they themselves should have resolved to oppose the
government, and that if the Bishop of Rochester had pressed any
of the chiefs at Paris to go to arms, it was more with a view to
discover a correspondence which he suspected one of them had carried
on independent of the others, than with any real design to induce
them to order their followers to make opposition, as that was to have
depended as much upon the chiefs at home as upon those abroad.[770]

When James ascertained that the Highlanders were resolved to
submit, he withdrew the orders he had given for assisting them, and
despatched a trusty messenger to the Highlands to acquaint them of
his readiness to support them when a proper occasion offered, and to
collect information as to the state of the country. Allan Cameron,
the messenger in question, arrived in the Highlands in August, and
visited the heads of the clans in the interest of James, to whom
he delivered the message with which he had been intrusted. It is
said that General Wade was aware of his arrival, but it does not
appear that any measures were taken to apprehend him. After four
months’ residence in the Highlands, Cameron ventured on a journey to
Edinburgh, where, in the beginning of the year 1726, he held frequent
conferences with the Duke of Hamilton, the Earl of Kincardine, and
Lockhart of Carnwath, on the subject of his mission and the state
of affairs, but nothing of importance was resolved upon at these
meetings, and Cameron departed for the continent early in February.

About this time an event occurred, which, while it tended to create
factions amongst the adherents of James, made many of them keep
either altogether aloof from any direct management in his affairs,
or abstain from entering into any plan of co-operation for his
restoration. This was the dismissal of Mar from his post as minister
of James at Paris, on the suspicion that he had betrayed the secrets
of his master to the British government. From his situation he was
intimately acquainted with all the Chevalier’s affairs, and knew the
name of every person of any note in the three kingdoms who had taken
an interest in the restoration of the exiled family, with many of
whom he himself had corresponded. The removal, therefore, of such a
person from the Jacobite councils could not fail to excite uneasy
apprehensions in the minds of those who had intrusted him with their
confidence, and to make them extremely cautious in again committing
themselves by any act, which, if discovered, would place them in
jeopardy. To this feeling may be ascribed the great reserve which for
several years subsequent to this occurrence the Jacobites observed in
their foreign relations, and the want of unity of action which formed
so remarkable a characteristic in their subsequent proceedings. As
this affair forms an important link in the historical chain which
connects the events of the year 1715 with those of 1745, a short
account of it is necessary.

During a temporary confinement at Geneva, Mar had obtained a sum
of money, whether solicited or not does not appear, from the Earl
of Stair, the British ambassador at Paris, without the knowledge
of James. In a narrative afterwards drawn up by Mar in his own
justification, he states, that being in great straits he received
this money as a loan from the earl, who was his old friend; but
Colonel Hay, in a letter to Mr. Lockhart of the 8th of September,
1725, states that Mar had no occasion for such a loan, as “the king”
remitted him considerable supplies to Geneva, where his expense
would be trifling, as he was entertained by the town.[771] This
matter might have been overlooked, but he, soon thereafter, accepted
a pension of £2,000 from the government, over and above the sum of
£1,500 which his countess and daughter actually then received by way
of jointure and aliment out of the produce of his estate. Mar states
that before he agreed to receive this pension he took the advice of
General Dillon, a zealous supporter of the interests of the Stuarts,
whom he had been accustomed to consult in all matters of importance,
and that the general advised him to accept of the offer, as by
refusing it the government might stop his lady’s jointure, and that
his estate would be sold and lost for ever to his family; and that as
he had been released from his confinement at Geneva on condition that
he should not act or take any part against the government of Great
Britain during his abode in France, and should return when required
to Geneva, that government might insist on his being sent back to
Geneva, whence he had been allowed to go to the waters of Bourbon for
his health. Mar communicated the proposal also to James, who at once
sanctioned his acceptance of the pension, and assured him that his
sentiments in regard to him remained unaltered. Notwithstanding this
assurance, however, there is every reason to believe that James, not
without good grounds, had begun to suspect his fidelity; and as he
could clearly perceive that Mar had already taken his resolution to
close with the government, he might consider it his wisest policy to
conceal his displeasure, and not to break at once with a man who had
so much in his power to injure him and his friends.

Having thus succeeded in their advances to Mar, the government,
on receiving information of the conspiracy in which Atterbury was
concerned, sent a gentleman to Paris in May, 1722, with a letter to
Mar from Lord Carteret. This gentleman received instructions to
sound Mar as to his knowledge of the intended plot. On arriving at
Paris, the messenger, (who, it is understood, was Colonel Churchill,)
sent a letter to Mar requesting a private interview. Dillon was
present when this letter was delivered, and on reading it, Mar says
he showed it to Dillon, upon which it was arranged that Mar should
instantly call upon the person who had written the letter, and that
Dillon should remain in the house till Mar’s return, when the object
and nature of the interview would be communicated to him. On Mar’s
return he and Dillon consulted together, and they both thought that
the incident was a lucky one, as it afforded Mar an opportunity of
doing James’s affairs a good service by leading the government off
the true scent, and thereby prevent further inquiries. They thereupon
drew up a letter with that view, to be sent by Mar in answer to
Carteret’s communication, which being approved of by another person
in the confidence of the Chevalier, was sent by Mar to the bearer
of Carteret’s letter. Mar immediately sent an account of the affair
to James and the Duke of Ormond, and shortly received a letter from
the former, dated 8th June, 1722, in which he expressed himself
entirely satisfied with the course pursued by Mar on the occasion. To
justify himself still farther, Mar states, that among the vouchers
of his exculpation, there was the copy of another letter from James,
written by him to one of his agents at Paris, wherein he justifies
and approves of Mar’s conduct, and expresses his regret for the
aspersions which had been cast upon the earl about the plot.

Though James thus continued to profess his usual confidence in Mar’s
integrity, he had, ever since he became acquainted with his pecuniary
obligations to Stair, resolved to withdraw that confidence from him
by degrees, and in such a manner as might not be prejudicial to the
adherents of the exiled family in Great Britain. But Mar, who, as
James observed,[772] had put himself under such engagements that he
could not any longer serve him in a public manner, and who, from the
nature of these engagements, should have declined all knowledge of
James’s secrets, continued to meddle with his affairs as formerly,
by taking the direction and management of those intrusted to Dillon,
the confidential agent of James and the English Jacobites. In this
way was Mar enabled for several years, when distrusted by James,
to compel him in a manner to keep on good terms with him. From
the natural timidity of James, and his anxiety to avoid an open
breach with Mar, it is difficult to say how long matters might
have remained in this awkward state, had not the attention of the
Scottish Jacobites been drawn to Mar’s pension by the report of
the parliamentary committee concerning the conspiracy; and the
representations of the Bishop of Rochester respecting Mar’s conduct,
shortly after his arrival in France, brought matters to a crisis. In
the letter last referred to, James thus intimates to Mr. Lockhart the
final dismissal of Mar. “I have been always unwilling to mention Mar,
but I find myself indispensably engaged at present to let my Scots
friends know that I have withdrawn my confidence entirely from him,
as I shall be obliged to do from all who may be any ways influenced
by him. This conduct is founded on the strongest and most urgent
necessity in which my regard to my faithful subjects and servants
have the greatest share. What is here said of Mar is not with a
view of its being made public, there being no occasion for that,
since, many years ago, he put himself under such engagements that he
could not serve me in a public manner, neither has he been publicly
employ’d by me.”

The charges made by Atterbury against Mar were, _1mo_, That about the
time he, the bishop, was sent prisoner to the Tower, Mar had written
him a letter which was the cause of his banishment. _2do_, That
he had betrayed the secrets of the Chevalier de St. George to the
British government, and had entered into a correspondence with them.
_3tio_, That he had advised the Chevalier to resign his right to the
crown for a pension; and lastly, that without consulting James, he
drew up and presented a memorial to the Duke of Orleans, containing
a plan, which, under the pretence of restoring him, would, if acted
upon, have rendered his restoration for ever impracticable.

To understand the nature of the last charge against Mar, that he
laid the scheme before the Regent of France with a design to ruin
James, Mar refers to the plan itself for his justification. The
expulsion of the Stuarts from the British throne had been always
looked upon by the French court as an event which, by dividing the
nation into rival factions, would enable France to humble and weaken
an ancient and formidable rival. To encourage the Jacobites and
Tories in their opposition to the new dynasty, and to embroil the
nation in a civil war, the French ministry repeatedly promised to
aid them in any attempts they might make to overturn the government;
but true to the line of policy they had laid down for themselves, of
allowing the opposing parties in the state to weaken each other’s
strength in their contest for ascendency, they sided with the weaker
party only to prolong the struggle, in the hope that, by thus keeping
alive the spirit of discontent, France might be enabled to extend her
power, and carry into effect her designs of conquest.

[Illustration: JOHN ERSKINE, EARL OF MARR.]

To remove the objections which such a policy opposed to the
restoration of James, Mar proposed that, upon such event taking
place, Scotland and Ireland should be restored to their ancient state
of independence, and protected in their trade, and thereby enabled,
as they would be inclined, to support “the king in such a manner as
he’d be under no necessity of entering into measures contrary to
his inclinations to gratify the caprices, and allay the factions of
his English subjects.”[773] He also proposed that a certain number
of French forces should remain in Britain after James was restored,
till he had modelled and established the government on this footing,
and that 5,000 Scots and as many Irish troops should be lent to the
French king, to be kept by him in pay for a certain number of years.
Mar was fully aware that such a scheme would be highly unpopular in
England, on which account he says, that although he had long ago
formed it, he took no steps therein during the life of Cardinal
Dubois, whom he knew to be particularly attached to the existing
government of Britain; but that obstacle being removed, he laid it
before the regent of France, who, he says, he had reason to believe,
received it with approbation, as he sealed it up, and addressed it
to the Duke of Bourbon, and recommended it to his care. To excuse
himself for laying the scheme before the Duke of Orleans without the
Chevalier’s knowledge, he states that he did so to prevent James, in
case of the scheme being discovered, being blamed by those who, for
particular reasons, would be displeased at it; but that immediately
after the delivery he acquainted James thereof, and sent him a copy
of it, and at the same time represented to him the absolute necessity
of keeping it secret. Notwithstanding this injunction, Colonel Hay
sent a copy of it to the Bishop of Rochester, and Mar attributes the
bad feeling which Atterbury afterwards displayed towards him, to the
proposal he made for restoring Scotland to her independence.

The memorial was presented by Mar to the Duke of Orleans in
September, 1723; but so little secrecy was observed, that, in the
month of January following, a statement appeared in the public
newspapers, that a certain peer, then in Paris, had laid a plan
before the regent for restoring the exiled family. Though the
British government must have been aware, or at all events must have
suspected, after such a notification, that Mar was the author of the
scheme, his pension was still continued, and they even favoured him
still more by allowing the family estate, which was exposed to sale,
to fall again into the hands of the family on favourable terms.

On reviewing the whole circumstances of Mar’s conduct, evolved by
Atterbury’s charges, it must be admitted that his justification is
far from being complete. From the position in which he placed himself
as a debtor of Stair, and a pensioner of the British government, he
could no longer be trusted with safety by his Jacobite colleagues,
and as he had come under an obligation, as a condition of his
pension, not to act in behalf of the Stuarts, he was bound in honour
to have abstained from all farther interference in their affairs;
but for reasons only known to himself, he continued to act as if no
alteration of his relations with the exiled family had taken place
since he was first intrusted by them. Selfish in his disposition, and
regardless whether the Chevalier de St. George, or the Elector of
Hanover wore the crown, provided his ambition was gratified, it is
probable, that, without harbouring any intention to betray, he wished
to preserve an appearance of promoting the interests of the Stuarts,
in order that the compact which he had entered into with the British
government, might, in the event of a restoration of that family, form
no bar to his advancement under a new order of things; but whatever
were his views or motives, his design, if he entertained any such as
has been supposed, was frustrated by his disgrace in 1725.

The breach with Mar was looked upon by some of the Jacobites as a
rash act on the part of the Chevalier, and they considered that he
had been sacrificed to gratify Colonel Hay, between whom and Mar an
irreconcilable difference had for some time existed. This opinion had
a pernicious influence upon the councils of the Chevalier, and to the
rupture with Mar may be attributed the _denouement_ of an unhappy
difference between James and his consort, which, for a time, fixed
the attention of all the European courts.

In the year 1720 the Chevalier de St. George had espoused the
Princess Clementina, granddaughter of John Sobieski, king of Poland,
who had born him two sons, viz. Charles Edward, celebrated for his
exploits in 1745, and Henry Benedict, afterwards known as Cardinal
York.[774] Prince Charles was placed under the tuition of one Mrs.
Sheldon, who, it is said, obtained a complete ascendency over the
Princess Clementina. As alleged by the partisans of Colonel Hay, she
was entirely devoted to Mar, and served him as a spy in the family.
To counteract the rising influence of Hay, she is represented to
have incited the princess against him to such a degree, as to render
the whole household a scene of constant disturbance. But whatever
may have been the conduct of Mrs. Sheldon, there is good reason for
believing that the cause of irritation proceeded entirely from the
behaviour of Hay and his lady, who appear not to have treated the
princess with the respect due to her rank, and who, from the sway
they appear to have had over the mind of her husband, indulged in
liberties which did not become them.

To relieve herself from the indignities which she alleged she
suffered, the princess resolved to retire into a convent, of which
resolution the Chevalier first received notice from a confidante
of the princess, who also informed him that nothing but the
dismissal of Colonel Hay from his service would induce her to alter
her resolution. The princess afterwards personally notified her
determination to her husband, who remonstrated with her upon the
impropriety of a step which would prejudice them in the eyes of their
friends, and make their enemies triumph; but she remained inflexible.

Finding the Chevalier fully determined to retain Colonel Hay in his
service, the princess made preparations for carrying her resolution
into effect; and, accordingly, on the morning of Thursday, the 15th
of November, 1725, under the pretence of taking an airing in her
carriage, she drove off to the convent of St. Cecilia, at Rome, into
which she retired, without taking any notice of a long letter, by way
of remonstrance, which her husband had written her on the 11th.[775]

The Chevalier was anxious that his friends should form a favourable
opinion of the course he had adopted in resisting the demand of
his wife; and, accordingly, on the morning after her departure,
he assembled all his household, and explained to them fully the
different steps he had taken to prevent the extraordinary proceeding
of the princess. He also entered into a justification of his own
conduct, and concluded by assuring them that it should be his
principal care to educate his two sons in such a manner as might
contribute one day to the happiness of the people he expected to
govern. With the same view, he immediately despatched copies of
the memoir, and of the two letters he had written to the princess,
to Mr. Lockhart, to be shown to his friends in Scotland; but as
the memoir and letters had been made public, copies of them were
publicly hawked through the streets of London and Edinburgh, with a
scurrilous introduction, several weeks before Mr. Lockhart received
his communication. This was done apparently with the approbation of
the government, as the magistrates of Edinburgh compelled the porters
of the city to cry the papers through the streets.[776] At first,
the Jacobites imagined that these documents were forgeries got up
by the government, to make the Jacobite cause contemptible in the
eyes of the people; but they were soon undeceived, and great was
their consternation when they found that the papers in question were
genuine.

The court of Rome seemed to approve of the Chevalier’s conduct in
refusing to remove Hay; but when it was understood that the removal
of Murray, the young princes’ governor, was considered by their
mother even of more importance than the dismissal of Hay, the pope
sent a message to James, intimating that if Murray were removed
and Mrs. Sheldon restored to favour, a reconciliation might be
effected with the princess,--that, however, he would not insist on
Mrs. Sheldon being taken back, but that he could not approve of
nor consent to Murray being about the prince. The Chevalier did
not relish such interference, and returned for answer, that he had
no occasion for the pope’s advice, and that he did not consider
his consent necessary in an affair which related to the private
concerns of his family. As James was the pensioner of his holiness,
the answer may be considered rather uncourteous, but the Chevalier
looked upon such meddling as an insult which his dignity could not
brook. The pope, however, renewed his application to bring about
a reconciliation, and with such earnestness, that James became so
uneasy as to express a wish to retire from his dominions.[777] By
the efforts, however, it is believed, of the princess’s friends,
aided by the repeated remonstrances of a respectable portion of
the Jacobites, the Chevalier at length reluctantly dismissed Hay
from his service. According to Mr. Lockhart, Hay and his wife had
obtained such a complete ascendency over the Chevalier, that they
had the direction of all matters, whether public or domestic, and
taking advantage of the confidence which he reposed in them, they
instilled into his mind unfavourable impressions of his best
friends. By insinuating that the princess, and every person that did
not truckle to them, were factious, and that their complaints against
the colonel and his lady proceeded from a feeling of disrespect to
himself, his temper became by degrees soured towards his wife. To
escape from the insolence of these favourites, the princess, as has
been seen, embraced, for a time, a conventual life; and while some
of the Chevalier’s adherents, who had lost their estates in his
service, left his court in disgust, others were ordered away. It was
currently reported at the time that Mrs. Hay was the king’s mistress,
and that jealousy on the part of the Princess Clementina was the
cause of the rupture; the princess herself in her letters distinctly
speaks of Mrs. Hay as “the king’s mistress,” although persons who had
ample opportunities of observation could observe no impropriety. The
pertinacity with which James clung to his unworthy favourites tended
greatly to injure his affairs.[778]

The death of George I., which took place on Sunday, the 11th June,
1727, while on his journey to Hanover, raised anew the hopes of the
Chevalier. He was at Bologna when this intelligence reached him,
and so anxious was he to be nearer England to watch the progress
of events, and to be ready to avail himself of the services of his
friends in Britain to effect his restoration, that he left Bologna
privately for Lorraine, the day after the news was brought him,
although the princess, who had just left the convent, by the advice
of her friends, was at the time on her way from Rome to Bologna
to join him. The journey of the princess being publicly known,
the Chevalier availed himself of the circumstance to conceal his
real design, by giving out that he had left Bologna to meet her.
On arriving at Nancy, the Chevalier despatched couriers to Vienna,
Madrid, and Paris, announcing the object of his journey, and at
the same time sent a messenger with a letter to Mr. Lockhart, who,
in consequence of a warrant being issued by the British government
for his apprehension, had a few months before taken refuge on the
continent, and was then residing at Liege. Although he expected no
assistance from any foreign power, still, he says, “the present
conjuncture appears so favourable in all its circumstances that had
I only consulted my own inclinations, I should certainly out of hand
have crossed the seas, and seen at any rate what I could do for my
own and my subjects’ delivery; but as on this occasion I act for
them as well as myself, and cannot hope without their concurrence to
succeed in what I may undertake in our mutual behalf, I find myself
under the necessity of making no further steps without their advice.

“’Tis true the disadvantages I lie under are great and many; I have
but a small stock of money, scarce sufficient to transport what
few arms I have and what officers I may get to follow me on this
occasion. I’m sensible that it is next to impossible that a concert
should be established amongst my friends at home, such as would be
sufficient for a rising in arms in my favour before my arrival,
and by what is said before, the little hopes of foreign assistance
will be sufficiently seen; but with all this, many arguments may be
brought to authorise an undertaking which at first sight might appear
rash.... All put together it must be concluded that if the present
conjuncture is slip’d, it cannot be expected that we ever can have
so favorable a one for acting by ourselves, and that we run the
risk of allowing the general affairs of Europe to be less favorable
to us than they are at present; so that whatever is not absolutely
desperate ought certainly to be undertaken, and the sooner the better.

“I desire therefore you may think seriously on this matter, and
let me have your opinion as soon as possible, and if my going into
England be not adviseable, whether my going to the Highlands of
Scotland might not be found proper.” To this letter is appended the
following postscript in James’s own handwriting. “The contents of
this will show you the confidence I have in you, and I expect you
will let me know by the bearer, (Allan Cameron,) your advice and
opinion, particularly on this important occasion.”[779]

From Cameron Mr. Lockhart was surprised to learn that the Chevalier,
notwithstanding his certainty that he could look for no foreign
aid, and that his friends, both in Scotland and England, had made no
preparations to receive him, was not only inclined, but seemed even
resolved, to repair to the Highlands of Scotland, and there raise the
standard of insurrection, and that Colonel Hay, whom he had so lately
discarded, was one of his counsellors on the occasion. As Cameron,
who had visited the Highlands some time before, and was well aware
of the almost insuperable difficulties which opposed themselves to
the contemplated step, seemed to approve of the Chevalier’s design,
Mr. Lockhart expressed his wonder that one who knew the state of the
Highlands so well, and the determination generally of the Highlanders
not to take the field again till they saw England actually engaged,
could advise his master to risk his person, and expose the country
and his friends to certain destruction. He observed, that there were
indeed some persons who would venture their all in any attempt headed
by the Chevalier in person, but as matters then stood, the number of
such persons would be few, and that the great majority of those that
might be expected to join him would consist of idle persons, actuated
solely by the hopes of plunder, who would abandon him eventually to
the mercy of the government troops that would be poured into the
Highlands, and that, under the pretence of punishing the few who
had taken up arms, they would ravage the country and cut off the
inhabitants, for doing which the government only wanted such a handle.

In accordance with these sentiments, Mr. Lockhart represented in his
answer to the Chevalier’s letter, that the design he contemplated
was one of the greatest importance, and though it was very proper
for him to put himself in a condition to avail himself of any
favourable circumstances that might occur, yet that appearances did
not warrant such expectations,--that the people of England seemed to
have forgot all the grievances under which they had laboured during
the late reign, in hope of a better order of things, and that until
they found themselves disappointed, he could expect nothing from
them,--that with regard to such of the people of Scotland as were
favourably disposed, they could not possibly do any thing without
being previously provided with many material things they stood in
need of, and that before these could be supplied, many difficulties
had to be surmounted and much time would be lost, during which
preparations would be made on all hands to crush them,--that although
it would be of advantage to strike a blow before the government had
time to strengthen itself at home and abroad, yet the attempt was not
advisable without necessary precautions and provisions to insure its
success, as without these such an attempt would be desperate, and
might ruin the cause for ever,--that no man living would be happier
than he (Mr. Lockhart) to see the dawning of a fair day, but when
every point of the compass was black and cloudy, he could not but
dread very bad weather, and such as could give no encouragement to a
traveller to proceed on his voyage, and might prove the utter ruin
of himself and attendants.[780] This judicious advice was not thrown
away upon the Chevalier, who at once laid aside his design of going
to Scotland, and retired to Avignon, where he proposed to reside
under the protection of the pope; but his stay at Avignon was short,
being obliged to leave that place in consequence, it is believed, of
the representations of the French government to the court of Rome. He
returned to Italy.

FOOTNOTES:

[745] _Annals of the 2d year of George I._, p. 248.

[746] _State Trials_, vol. xv.

[747] “It is painful to see on the lists, the many Highland names
followed with the word ‘labourer,’ indicating that they belonged to
the humblest class. Too implicit obedience had been the weakness,
instead of rebellion being the crime, of these men; and in many
instances they had been forced into the service for which they were
punished, as absolutely as the French conscript or the British
pressed seaman.”--Burton’s _Scotland_ (1689-1747), vol. ii. p. 211.

[748] Mem. de Berwick, tome ii.

[749] Mr. Stanhope to Mr. Doddington, March 13th, 1716.

[750] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 7.

[751] Lockhart, vol. ii. p. 19.

[752] See for the information in these paragraphs the appendices to
Jamieson’s edition of Burt’s _Letters_.

[753] Burt’s _Letters_, vol. ii. pp. 277, 278.

[754] Lovat himself commanded one of these companies, and appears to
have felt pretty sore at the loss of it.

[755] Burt’s _Letters_, vol. ii. pp. 273, 274.

[756] Idem, pp. 278, 279.

[757] “The companies were six in number: three distinguished by the
name of large companies, consisted of 100 men each; and three smaller
companies, of 70 men each. The former were commanded by captains, and
the latter by captain-lieutenants, each commanding officer being, as
the name implies, independent of the others. To each company, great
and small, was attached the same number of subalterns, viz. two
lieutenants and one ensign.”

[758] Burt’s _Letters_, vol. ii. pp. 303-314.

[759] _Scotland_ (1689-1747), vol. ii. p. 247.

[760] Among Wade’s correspondents were Robert Stewart of Appin,
Alexander Macdonald of Glencoe, Grant, Laird of Glenmorison, the
Laird of Mackinnon, Robert Campbell, _alias_ Macgregor (the notorious
Rob Roy), Lord Ogilvy. “No doubt,” writes Lockhart to the Pretender,
“the government will be at pains to magnify and spread abroad their
success in disarming the Highlanders, but depend on’t, it’s all a
jest; for few or no swords or pistols are or will be surrendered, and
only such of their fire-arms as are of no value.”--Lockhart _Papers_,
vol. ii. p. 195.

[761] Letter xxvi., p. 191, vol. ii.

[762] Letter xvi.

[763] Burton (1689-1747), vol. ii. p. 256.

[764] _Letters_, vol. ii. p. 220.

[765] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 29.

[766] Robert Walpole to his brother Horace, May 1722. Coxe.

[767] Abstract of a letter from one of the Highland chiefs at Paris
to Mr. John Macleod, advocate, dated the end of June, 1725. Lockhart
_Papers_, vol. ii. pp. 192-3.

[768] Dated 23d June, 1725. Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 169.

[769] Letter from Mr. Lockhart to the Chevalier, 25th July, 1725.
Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 186.

[770] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 218.

[771] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 177-206.

[772] Letter to Mr. Lockhart, 31st August, 1724. Lockhart _Papers_,
vol. ii. p. 131.

[773] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 183.

[774] The Prince was born on 31st December 1720,--the Cardinal on 6th
March, 1725.

[775] This letter, and a previous one, dated 9th November, are
published among the Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 246.

[776] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. pp. 242-261, 360.

[777] Letters from the Chevalier to Mr. Lockhart, 3d Dec. 1725, and
19th Jan. 1726, vol. ii. pp. 253-256.

[778] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 339.

[779] Idem, p. 356.

[780] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 360.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

A.D. 1739-1745.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.

Foreign intrigues--Edinburgh Association--Maria Theresa--Jacobite
intrigues--Drummond of Bochaldy at Edinburgh, and Murray of
Broughton at Paris--Plan of a French invasion--Prince Charles
Edward, the Chevalier’s son, arrives at Paris--Preparations for
invasion--Embarkation and failure of the expedition--Murray of
Broughton proceeds to Paris--Interview with the Prince, who
resolves to proceed to Scotland.

War having been declared against Spain in the year 1739, the
Chevalier de St. George despatched Lord Marischal to Madrid to
induce the court of Spain to adopt measures for his restoration. But
however willing Spain might be to assist him, he was desirous that
no attempt should be made without the concurrence of France.[781]
About the same time, that is, in the beginning of the year 1740, some
of the more zealous and leading Jacobites, in anticipation of a war
with France, held a meeting at Edinburgh, and formed themselves into
an association, by which they engaged themselves to take arms and
venture their lives and fortunes to restore the family of Stuart,
provided the King of France would send over a body of troops to
their assistance. The association, like that which brought over King
William to England, consisted of seven persons, viz., Lord Lovat,
James Drummond, commonly called Duke of Perth, the Earl of Traquair,
Sir James Campbell of Auchinbreck, Cameron of Lochiel, John Stuart,
brother to Lord Traquair, and Lord John Drummond, uncle to the Duke
of Perth.[782] The conspirators despatched Drummond of Bochaldy, or
Balhady, (nephew to Lochiel,) to Rome with the bond of association,
and a list of those chiefs and chieftains who were considered by the
associates to be favourable to the cause. Drummond was instructed to
deliver these papers into the hands of the Chevalier de St. George,
and to entreat him to procure assistance from France in furtherance
of their design. The project was well received by James, who, after
perusing the papers, forwarded them immediately by the same messenger
to Cardinal Fleury at Paris, with a request that the court of France
would grant the required assistance. But the cardinal, with that
caution which distinguished him, would come under no engagement, but
contented himself at first by a general assurance of conditional
support.

The negotiation was, however, persevered in, but the death of the
Emperor Charles VI., which happened on the 20th of October, drew off
the cardinal’s attention to matters which appeared to him of greater
importance. The emperor was succeeded in his hereditary dominions
by his eldest daughter, Maria Theresa, married to the Grand-duke of
Tuscany, formerly Duke of Lorraine. Though this princess succeeded
under the title of the pragmatic sanction, which had been guaranteed
by England, France, Spain, Prussia, Russia, Holland, and the whole of
the Germanic body, with the exception of the elector-palatine, and
the electors of Bavaria and Saxony, a powerful confederacy was formed
against her by almost all these powers, to strip her of her dominions.

Alarmed at the formidable confederacy formed against her, the Queen
of Hungary applied to Great Britain for succour; but Sir Robert
Walpole evaded the demand, and recommended an immediate peace
with Prussia. The parliament, as well as the nation, however, had
different views; and as the minister saw that he would be compelled
to fulfil his engagements to the house of Austria, parliament was
called upon to support the Queen of Hungary, and maintain the
liberties of Europe. The commons cheerfully voted a sum of £300,000
to enable George II. to fulfil his engagements, which sum was
remitted to the Queen of Hungary, and the contingent of 12,000 Danish
and Hessian troops, which Great Britain had engaged to furnish, was
got in readiness.

While the flames of war were thus spreading over Europe, the
situation of the British ministry was every day becoming more
critical from the clamours of the Tories and the discontented Whigs.
Walpole had triumphed in both houses on motions for an address to
the king to dismiss him from his presence and councils; but his
triumph was short, and the approach of an election redoubled the
efforts of his enemies. Though the Jacobites required no incentive
to induce them to assist in displacing a minister who had been the
chief obstacle to the restoration of the exiled family; yet to make
perfectly sure of their aid, Lord Chesterfield went to France, and by
means of the Duke of Ormond, obtained, it is said, a circular letter
from the Chevalier de St. George to his friends, urging them to do
every thing in their power to ruin Walpole. To encourage the popular
clamour against the minister, reports, the most absurd and incredible
respecting him, were circulated among the people and believed;
and while the general discontent was at its height, the election
commenced. The contests between the two parties were extremely
violent; but the country party, backed by the adherents of the Prince
of Wales, who had formed a party against the minister, prevailed.
So powerful was the influence of the Duke of Argyle, who had lately
joined the opposition, that out of the forty-five members returned
for Scotland, the friends of the ministry could not secure above six.
The new parliament met on the 4th of December, 1741; and Walpole, no
longer able to contend with the forces arrayed against him, retired
from office within a few weeks thereafter.

Encouraged by appearances, and imagining that some of the old
discontented Whigs who deprecated the system which had been pursued
since the accession of the house of Hanover, of maintaining the
foreign dominions of the sovereign at the expense, as they thought,
of the honour and interests of the nation, Drummond of Bochaldy
proposed to the Chevalier to visit England, and make overtures in
his name to the “old Whigs.”[783] This plan was highly approved of
by James, who wrote him a letter in his own hand, which was intended
to be exhibited to such persons as might seem inclined to favour his
restoration. This letter was inclosed in a private letter containing
instructions for the regulation of his conduct in the proposed
negotiation, which it was intended should be kept an entire secret
from the Jacobites, both in England and Scotland. Erskine of Grange,
who enjoyed the confidence of some of the discontented Whigs, and who
privately favoured the designs of the exiled family, was pitched upon
as a fit person to make advances to the old Whigs.[784]

In pursuance of his instructions, Drummond departed for England
about the beginning of the year 1742, but it does not appear that
at this time he entered upon the subject of his mission. He came
privately to Edinburgh in the month of February, and there met some
of the persons who had entered into the association, and several
others, who, in conjunction with the original conspirators, had
formed themselves into a society, denominated by them “the Concert
of Gentlemen for managing the King’s affairs in Scotland.” To these,
among whom was Murray of Broughton, Drummond represented that, on his
return from Rome, he had been extremely well received by Cardinal
Fleury, to whom he had delivered the papers which he had carried
from Edinburgh,--that the cardinal expressed great satisfaction
with the contents of these papers, had the Pretender’s interest so
much at heart, and was so sanguine of his success, that provided he
had sufficient assurances from the friends of the exiled family in
England, that they would assist in the restoration of the Stuarts,
he would send over an army of from 13,000 to 15,000 men, the number
required. One division of this force, consisting of 1,500 men, was
to be landed on the east coast of Scotland, at or near Inverness;
another of a similar amount in the west Highlands of Scotland; and
the main body, which was to consist of 10,000 or 12,000 men, was
to be landed as near London as possible. He added, that, provided
assistance could be obtained in England, the projected invasion might
be put in execution the following autumn. Before leaving Edinburgh,
Drummond had an interview with Cameron of Lochiel, who came to town
at his desire, and to whom he communicated the result of his mission
to Rome and Paris.[785]

After a short stay at Edinburgh, Drummond returned to Paris, where,
according to his own account, as communicated in letters to Lord
Traquair and Lochiel, he had an audience of the cardinal, to whom
he represented matters in such a favourable light that he promised
to carry his design of invasion into effect in a very short time.
The French minister, however, though he appears to have seriously
contemplated such a step, was not yet in a condition to come to
an open rupture with England; and to postpone the enterprise, he
proposed to Drummond that an application should be made to Sweden
for a body of troops to invade Scotland, and that a person from
Scotland, along with another person from France whom the cardinal
would appoint, should be sent thither to urge the application at the
Swedish court. The cardinal gave as his reason for thus deviating
from his original plan, that the Swedes being Protestants, would be
more agreeable to the people of Scotland than French or Irish troops.
In accordance with this proposal, Lord Traquair suggested that Murray
of Broughton should be sent to Sweden on the proposed mission, but he
declined.[786]

From the turn which the affair of the invasion had now taken, and
the time when it was expected to take place being allowed to elapse
without any preparations on the part of France, a suspicion began
to be entertained by the members of the Concert, that the cardinal
never had any intention to invade Scotland, and that the whole was a
scheme of Drummond’s to keep alive the spirit of party in Scotland,
and to make himself pass for useful in the eyes of his employers.
To ascertain the real state of the case, Murray of Broughton, at
the suggestion of Lord Traquair, was sent to Paris in the month of
January, 1743. He took London on his way, but before he reached the
capital, he heard of the death of Cardinal Fleury. After staying
a short time in London, Murray went privately to Paris, where he
met Drummond and Sempil, who managed the Chevalier’s affairs in
France. They stated to him, that in all probability the scheme of
invasion would have been carried into effect, had not the army of
Marshal Maillebois been sent towards Hanover instead of the coast of
Flanders, as at first intended; and that from the interest taken by
the cardinal in the affairs of the Stuarts, he had put all the papers
relating to them into the hands of Monsieur Amelot, the secretary for
foreign affairs.[787]

At an audience which Murray afterwards had with Monsieur Amelot
at Versailles, the foreign secretary told him that, on being
made acquainted by Sempil with the cause of Murray’s journey, he
had informed the King of France of it, and that his majesty had
authorised him to assure Mr. Murray that he had the interest of
the Stuart family as much at heart as any of the gentlemen who had
signed the memorial of association, and that as soon as he had an
opportunity he would put the scheme into execution.[788]

Shortly after this interview, Murray left Paris for London,
accompanied by Drummond, who came over to obtain the assurances
required by the French court from the English Tories and Jacobites.
After remaining a few days in London, Murray returned to Edinburgh,
to report to his friends the result of his mission. Drummond stopped
at London, where he met Mr. Erskine of Grange,[789] but although
overtures were then, it is believed, made to Lord Barrymore, Sir
John Hynde Cotton, and Sir Watkin Williams Wynne, they declined to
give any assurance or promise of support in writing. By desire of
Drummond, Lord Traquair met him in London shortly after his arrival
to assist him in his negotiations.[790]

At first view it may appear singular, and the circumstances must
convey a very sorry idea of the councils of the Chevalier de St.
George, that a person of so little weight and influence as Drummond,
who was utterly unknown to the English Tories and Jacobites,
should have been sent on such an important mission; but when it
is considered that some of the leading Jacobites were proscribed
and in exile, and that those at home were strictly watched by the
government, and were therefore afraid to commit themselves by any
overt act, it cannot excite surprise that the Chevalier availed
himself of the services of one whom he considered “an honest and
sensible man.”[791] Drummond was, however, considered, even by his
original employers, as a person unfit to execute the trust reposed
in him, and Lord John Drummond, one of the seven who had signed the
association, was quite indignant when he found him engaged in the
mission to England.[792] Nor was Sempil, between whom and Drummond a
close intimacy subsisted, more acceptable to the Scottish Jacobites,
some of whom he offended by his forwardness.[793]

During the earlier part of the year 1743, the French ministry were
too much occupied with the war in Germany to pay much attention
to the affairs of the Stuarts; but towards the close of that year
they began to meditate an invasion of Great Britain. The British
parliament met in the beginning of December, when a motion was made
in the house of peers by the Earl of Sandwich, for an address to
the crown to discontinue the Hanoverian troops in British pay, in
order to remove the national discontent, which was represented to
be so violent, that nothing but their dismission could appease it.
The motion was negatived, but renewed in another shape on the army
estimates being brought forward, when it shared the same fate. The
attention of the French ministry being drawn to these and similar
discussions, and to the general dissatisfaction which seemed to
pervade the people of Great Britain, by the agents and partizans
of the exiled family, backed by the influence of Cardinal Tencin,
entered upon the project of an invasion in good earnest. The
cardinal, who now had great influence in the councils of France,
had, while a resident at Rome, been particularly noticed by the
Chevalier de St. George, by whose influence he had been raised to
the cardinalate, and he was moved as much by gratitude to his patron
as by ambition to bring about the restoration of the Stuarts. The
court of Versailles, indeed, required little inducement to engage
in an enterprise which, whether it succeeded or not, would at all
events operate as a diversion in favour of France in her contest
with the house of Austria, whose chief support was Great Britain;
but it is not improbable that they at this time contemplated a more
serious attempt. In intimating, however, his resolution to undertake
the expedition, the King of France notified to the Chevalier de St.
George that it was to be kept a profound secret, and that neither the
Duke of Ormond nor Lord Marischal should be told, till the enterprise
was ready to be put into execution.

The command of the troops designed for this expedition, amounting to
15,000 men, was given to the celebrated Marshal Saxe; and the naval
part, consisting of thirteen ships of the line, besides transports,
collected at Dunkirk, Calais, and Boulogne, was intrusted to Monsieur
de Roquefeuille, an officer of considerable experience and capacity.
This force was destined for the coast of Kent, and a smaller force
was to be landed in Scotland under the command of Lord Marischal.

While the preparations for the expedition were going on, Cardinal
Tencin kept up an active correspondence with the Chevalier de St.
George. As James felt rather disinclined to accompany the expedition
himself, he proposed that his eldest son, Charles, then in his
twenty-third year, should go in his stead; but as it was doubtful
whether the prince would arrive in time to join the expedition,
the Chevalier sent an express to the Duke of Ormond requesting
him to accompany the expedition, and to act as regent, by virtue
of a commission of regency formerly granted him, until the prince
should arrive. On arriving in England, the duke was directed to
advise with the principal friends of the family, among whom he
particularly enumerated the Duke of Beaufort, the Earls of Barrymore,
Westmoreland, and Orrery, Lord Cobham, and Sirs Watkin Williams
Wynne, John Hynde Cotton, and Robert Abdy. Having obtained the
consent of the French court to this arrangement, the cardinal, upon
the completion of the preparations for the expedition, despatched
a messenger to Rome to request the attendance of the young prince
at Paris. Accordingly, on the morning of the 9th of January, 1744,
Prince Charles, accompanied by his brother Henry and two or three
attendants, left Rome before break of day, but they had not proceeded
far when they parted, the prince on his route to France and the duke
to Cisterna.[794] The former was disguised as a Spanish courier, and
took only one servant along with him on his journey. To account for
the departure of the two brothers, it was given out at Rome that they
had gone to a boar hunt, and so well was the secret of the prince’s
real destination kept, that nearly a fortnight elapsed before it was
discovered.[795]

Provided with passports furnished by Cardinal Aquaviva, the prince
travelled through Tuscany and arrived at Genoa. From Genoa he
proceeded to Savona, where he embarked in a felucca, and passing by
Monaco arrived at Antibes. From the latter place he proceeded to
Paris, where he met Marshal Saxe and other officers belonging to
the expedition, and after a private audience of the French king, he
set out incognito for the coast of Picardy. The route by Genoa and
Antibes was selected as the safest, and, from the season of the year,
the most expeditious; but so unfavourable was the weather, that the
prince had to stop some days at different places, and when he reached
Antibes he was recognised, and information of his arrival there and
of his departure for Paris was sent to the British government by
persons in its interest. Hitherto the British ministry do not appear
to have had any suspicion that the armaments at Brest, Boulogne, and
other French ports, were destined for the shores of Britain, but
the appearance of the eldest son of the Chevalier de St. George in
France opened their eyes to the dangers which now menaced them. At
this time the military force in England did not exceed 6,000 men, so
that if the threatened invasion had taken place, the result might
have been disastrous to the reigning family.[796]

Meanwhile, the French fleet, consisting of 15 ships of the line and
5 frigates, under M. de Roquefeuille, sailed from Brest, and for
several days displayed itself in the channel. Knowing the object
for which these ships had put to sea, the government was greatly
alarmed, and not without cause; for, besides the paucity of troops
in the island, they had only six ships of the line at home ready for
sea, the grand fleet being then in the Mediterranean. The activity
and preparations of the government corresponded with the magnitude
of the danger with which it was threatened. Orders were instantly
sent to fit out and man all the ships of war in the different ports
of the channel. These orders were so promptly obeyed, that in a few
days an English fleet of three ships of 100 guns, four of 90, six
of 70, and six of 50, was collected at Spithead under the command
of Sir John Norris.[797] Several regiments were immediately marched
to the southern coast of England; all governors and commanders were
ordered to repair forthwith to their respective posts; the forts at
the mouth of the Thames and Medway were put in a posture of defence;
and the militia of Kent were directed to assemble to defend the coast
in case of an invasion. On the 15th of February, the arrival of
Prince Charles in France, the preparations along the French coast,
and the appearance of the French fleet in the English channel, were
announced to parliament in a message from the king. Both houses
joined in an address, in which they declared their indignation at
the design formed in favour of “a popish pretender,” and assured
his majesty they would take measures to frustrate so desperate and
insolent an attempt. The city of London, the universities of Oxford
and Cambridge,[798] the principal towns in Great Britain, almost all
the corporations and communities of the kingdom, the clergy of the
establishment, the dissenting ministers, and the Quakers, or Society
of Friends, presented similar addresses. A demand was made from the
States-general of the 6,000 auxiliaries which by treaty they had
engaged to furnish on such occasions; and this force was immediately
granted. Forgetful of the wrongs which he had suffered at the hands
of the government, the Earl of Stair tendered his services, and
was reappointed commander-in-chief of the forces in Great Britain.
Several noblemen of the first rank followed his example, among whom
was the Duke of Montague, who was permitted to raise a regiment
of horse. Orders were sent to bring over the 6,000 British troops
from Flanders; and both houses of parliament, in a second address,
exhorted the king to augment his forces by sea and land, in such
manner as he should think necessary at this dangerous juncture of
affairs. The habeas corpus act was suspended for six months; several
suspected persons were taken into custody; the usual proclamation
was issued for putting the laws in execution against the unfortunate
Catholics and nonjurors, who were ordered to retire ten miles
from London; and every other precaution, deemed necessary for the
preservation of the public tranquillity, was adopted.[799]

Meanwhile the preparations for invasion were proceeding rapidly at
Boulogne and Dunkirk, under the eye of Prince Charles. Roquefeuille
had in his excursion in the channel come in sight of Spithead; and,
as he could perceive no ships there, he imagined that the English
ships had retired within their harbours. Judging the opportunity
favourable, he detached M. de Barriel with five ships of war to
hasten the embarkation at Dunkirk, and to order the transports
thereupon to put to sea. Roquefeuille then sailed up the channel
with the remainder of his fleet as far as Dungeness, a promontory on
the coast of Kent, off which he anchored to await the arrival of the
transports. Having received intelligence of Roquefeuille’s arrival
from an English frigate which came into the Downs, Sir John Norris
left Spithead with the British fleet, and doubling the South Foreland
from the Downs, on the 23d of February discovered the French fleet
at anchor. Though the wind was against him, Sir John endeavoured,
by availing himself of the tide, to come up and engage the French
squadron; but the tide failing, he was obliged to anchor when
about two leagues from the enemy. He intended to attack them next
morning, but M. de Roquefeuille, not judging it advisable to risk
an engagement, weighed anchor after sunset, and favoured by a hard
gale of wind from the north-east which blew during the night, ran
down the channel and got into Brest harbour. So violent was the gale,
that all the English fleet (two ships only excepted,) parted with
their cables and were driven out to sea, and before they could have
returned to their station, the transports, under convoy of the five
ships of war despatched by Roquefeuille, might have disembarked the
army under Marshal Saxe had the storm not reached the French coast;
but the tempest, which merely forced the English ships to quit their
moorings, was destructive to the expedition, and utterly disconcerted
the design of invading England.

On the very day on which the two fleets discovered each other,
Marshal Saxe, accompanied by Charles Edward, arrived at Dunkirk, and
proceeded to get his troops embarked as fast as possible; 7,000 men
were actually shipped, and proceeded to sea that day with a fair
wind, but in the evening the wind changed to the east, and blew a
hurricane. The embarkation ceased, several of the transports which
had put to sea were wrecked, many soldiers and seamen perished, and
a considerable quantity of warlike stores was lost. The remainder of
the transports were damaged to such an extent that they could not be
speedily repaired.

Such was the result of an expedition planned with great judgment
and conducted with such secrecy as to have escaped the vigilance
of the government till on the very eve of its being carried into
execution. After the discomfiture it had met with from the elements,
and the formidable attitude which England, aroused to a sense of the
imminent danger she was in, had now assumed, the French court must
have instantly abandoned, as it is believed it did abandon, any idea
of renewing the enterprise; but Charles Edward, sanguine of success,
and in no shape discouraged by the catastrophe which had happened,
daily importuned Marshal Saxe to re-embark his troops and proceed to
England; but the marshal excused himself, by urging the necessity of
fresh instructions from court and the previous repair of the damaged
transports.[800] The French ministry, however, finally resolved to
postpone the expedition.

Although war may be said to have virtually commenced between Great
Britain and France by the battle of Dettingen, which was fought
between the allies and the French in the month of June, 1743, no
formal declaration of war was issued by either power till the month
of March following, after the expedition against England had been
given up.

After the failure and abandonment of the enterprise, Prince Charles
retired to Gravelines, where he lived several months in private,
under the assumed name of the Chevalier Douglas. Ever since his
arrival in France he had been forced by the French court to preserve
an incognito, which, though highly approved of by Drummond and
Sempil, his father’s agents, was productive of great uneasiness to
the Chevalier de St. George, who could not understand the reason for
affecting to conceal a fact which was notorious to all the world.[801]

The preparations for invasion had raised, not without foundation,
great hopes of a restoration in the minds of the Scottish Jacobites;
but when they ascertained that the expedition was relinquished, they
felt all that bitterness of disappointment which the miscarriage
of any cherished scheme is sure to engender. They did not however
despair of effecting their object ultimately, and, in the meantime,
the leading members of the Concert despatched a messenger to the
prince to assure him of their attachment to his cause, and inform him
of the state of the country and the dispositions of the people.[802]
About the same time Murray of Broughton went to Paris, by advice of
the Earl of Traquair, to ascertain the exact situation of affairs.
Here he was introduced to the prince by Drummond and Sempil. At
a private interview which he had with Charles the following day,
Murray stated, that from the absurd and contradictory nature of the
communications made by the prince’s agent at Paris, they had, as it
appeared to him, a design to impose upon him with the intention of
serving themselves. Charles alluded to the association which had
been formed at Edinburgh, said that he did not doubt that the King
of France intended to invade Britain in the ensuing spring,--that
he was already preparing for it, and intended to execute it as soon
as the campaign in Flanders was over; but that whether the King of
France undertook the expedition or not, he himself was determined to
go to Scotland. Murray, thereupon, endeavoured to show him that such
an attempt would be desperate, as he could not at the utmost expect
to be joined by more than 4,000 or 5,000 men; but notwithstanding
Murray’s representations, Charles repeated his determination of going
to Scotland. Murray says that he was so much against the undertaking,
that he spoke to Sir Thomas Sheridan--an Irish gentleman who enjoyed
the prince’s confidence--to endeavour to persuade him against it,
and that Sir Thomas told him, on his arrival in Scotland, that he
had done so, but to no purpose. On returning to Scotland Murray
reported to the members of the association all that had passed at
the conference with the prince; and all of them, except the Duke of
Perth, declared themselves opposed to the prince’s resolution of
coming to Scotland without troops.[803] Murray then wrote a letter
to Charles, stating the opinion of his friends, and representing the
ruinous consequences which might ensue from such a rash undertaking.
This letter was committed to the care of a gentleman who went to
London in the month of January, 1745; but he neglected to forward
it, and it was returned to Murray in the month of April. Murray made
several attempts afterwards to forward the letter to France, and at
last succeeded; but it never came to the hands of the prince, who
departed for Scotland before the letter reached its destination.

During the spring of 1745, the agents of the Chevalier de St.
George renewed their solicitations at the French court for another
expedition; but Louis and his ministers were too much occupied with
preparations for the campaign in Flanders to pay much attention to
such applications. They however continued to amuse the Jacobite
negotiators with assurances of conditional support; but James began
to perceive that little or no reliance could be placed upon such
promises. To relieve himself from the _ennui_ occasioned by the
failure of the expedition, and the state of seclusion in which he
was kept by the French government, and to obtain some knowledge of
military tactics, Charles applied for permission to make a campaign
with the French army in Flanders; but although he was warmly backed
in his application by his father, Louis refused to accede to his
wish. Though frustrated in his expectations of any immediate aid from
France, and denied the trifling gratification of making a campaign,
Charles manifested little of the restlessness and hauteur which he
afterwards displayed on his return from Scotland. Though he had
much reason, as he observed, “to be out of humour,” he resolved,
notwithstanding, to bear with patience the disappointments which he
had experienced.[804]

To ease his mind from the anxieties which pressed upon it, the Duke
of Fitzjames and other friends of his family, invited the prince
to pass the spring at their country-seats in the neighbourhood of
Paris, where, amid the society of his friends and rural recreations,
he seemed, for a time, to forget the object for which he had come to
France.

FOOTNOTES:

[781] Letters to the Duke of Ormond and Lord Marischal, 27th January,
1740, among the _Stuart Papers_. Alluding to his expectations of
assistance from France, the Chevalier, in a letter (of which a copy
is also in the same collection,) written to Marischal on the 11th
January, 1740, while the latter was on his way to Madrid, says, “I am
betwixt hopes and fears, though I think there is more room for the
first than the last, as you will have perceived by what Lord Sempil
(so an active agent of James was called,) has I suppose writ to you.
I conclude I shall sometime next month see clearer into these great
affairs.”

[782] Trial of Lord Lovat, p. 21. Home’s _Rebellion_, p. 24.

[783] This scheme was first broached by Drummond to Sempil, another
active agent of the Chevalier, and communicated by him to James, who
signified his approbation of it in a letter to Sempil, dated Nov.
22, 1741. “I approve very much in general of our making application
to the old Whigs, and take it as a new and great mark of Balhaldy’s
zeal. The offer he makes of being instrumental in that measure, I
perused with satisfaction. What you write on the subject, I shall
consider seriously on it betwixt this and next week; I shall by next
post send you a packet for Balhaldy, with all that may appear proper
and necessary for me on that particular.”--_Stuart Papers._

[784] There is, among the _Stuart Papers_, a copy of a letter from
the Chevalier de St. George to Mr. Erskine, 13th March, 1740,
thanking him for the zeal he had shown in his cause.

[785] Lord Lovat’s Trial, p. 75.

[786] Lord Lovat’s Trial, p. 76.

[787] Idem.

[788] Idem.

[789] The Chevalier alludes to this meeting in a letter to Sempil,
9th April, 1743; and in another of 16th May following, he mentions
a long paper which Mr. Erskine had sent him on the state of
affairs.--_Stuart Papers._

[790] Letter from the Chevalier to Sempil, 24th May, 1743.--_Stuart
Papers._

[791] Letter to Sempil, 16th March, 1740,--_Stuart Papers_. Drummond
was not the only person employed by the Chevalier about this time
to visit his friends in England. A Colonel Bret, and afterwards a
Colonel Cecil, with both of whom James corresponded, made frequent
journeys to England. The Duchess of Buckingham made many unsolicited
trips to Paris to hasten Cardinal Fleury’s motions, but James was by
no means satisfied with her officiousness. In writing to her on 20th
July, 1741, he cautions her as follows:--“I must seriously recommend
to you not to importune the old gentleman too much. When you have
given him what lights and information have come to your knowledge,
all the good is done, for in the present situation one would think he
should want no spur to befriend us, and in all events he will go on
in his own way, while teazing him can serve for nothing but to make
him peevish and out of humour.” The duchess must have been possessed
of some important papers, as James, in a letter to Sempil, (2d May,
1743,) written shortly after her death, expresses his concern lest
her papers should fall into the hands of the government.--_Stuart
Papers._

[792] Letter from Lord John to Secretary Edgar among the _Stuart
Papers_, Feb. 25th, 1743.

[793] Letter from Lord Marischal to Lord John Drummond.--_Stuart
Papers_, Feb. 12th, 1743.

[794] “My children,” says James in a letter to Sempil, 9th January,
1744, “parted both this morning from hence before day, the duke for
Cisterna and the prince for his long journey. We have been at so much
pains and contrivance to cover it, that I hope the secret will be
kept for some days, perhaps for several.”--_Stuart Papers._

[795] Alluding to the discovery, James says, (letter to Sempil, 23d
January, 1744,) that it made “a great noise, as you may believe,
here,” viz. at Rome.--_Stuart Papers._

[796] About this time, if we may believe the accounts of the Stuart
party, the spirit of Jacobitism was widely diffused in Scotland. “The
violentest Whigs,” says Mr. John Stuart in a letter to Secretary
Edgar from Boulogne, in February, 1744, “are become the most zealous
Jacobites. My friend says that the last night of the year with us
(that is to say, the prince’s birth-night,) was celebrated there (in
Scotland) as publicly as we could do it here,--that he was himself in
a numerous company of people of fashion, amongst whom were several
officers of the army,--that the health of the day, the merry meeting,
and a whole train of such, were drunk publicly,--that about the third
hour, when the third bottle had banished all reserve, servants were
turned out and the doors lockt, one of the company made a speech,
and filled a bumper to the restoration, and damnation to every
one that would not help; the whole stood to their feet, drunk the
(some words are here torn away in the original,) and their hands to
their swords: the officers pulled the cockades out of their hats,
trampled them under feet, and then tossed them into the fire; then
called for music, and serenaded the ladies with loyal tunes, songs,”
&c.--_Stuart Papers._

[797] _Memoirs of Europe_, vol. ii. p. 197.

[798] The Chevalier de St. George drew up an address to both
universities. It bears the same date (23d December, 1743,) as
the two declarations published in 1745. This address was not
published.--_Stuart Papers._

[799] Smollett’s _History of England_, vol. iii. book ii. chap. 5.

[800] The Marshal, in answer to a querulous note sent by the prince
on 11th of March, says in his answer on the 13th, “Vous ne pouvez,
Monseigneur, accuser que les vents et la fortune des contretemps qui
nous arrivent.” But he promises after the ships were refitted to
proceed with the expedition.--_Stuart Papers._

[801] James, however, at first approved of the incognito. Writing
to Sempil, on 10th March, 1744, he observes, “The prince will have
been tired with his confinement; but, as matters stand, the French
court was much in the right to keep him private, tho’ that will not,
it is true, hinder the Elector of Hanover from taking the alarm, and
his measures against the invasion.” His views were different when
writing Drummond on 12th June. After complaining of the disagreeable
way in which the prince had been employed on his first arrival at
Gravelines, (of which no particulars are given,) he continues, “I
shall not be easy till I know the prince is out of his strange and
long confinement and incognito, which must be so uneasy to him, and,
I think, does little honor to the King of France, while it must carry
something very odd with it in the eye of the public. But there were,
to be sure, reasons for it which the public never knew, but I hope I
shall at last.”--_Stuart Papers._

[802] The arrival of this messenger, whose name was Blair, was
announced by Drummond of Bochaldy to the prince’s father, in a
letter, dated 30th July, 1744:--“Yesterday night there arrived
here, (at Dunkirk,) a gentleman from Scotland sent by the Duke of
Perth, Lord Traquair, and young Lochiel, to inform the prince of
the state and disposition of that country, and the hazard the clans
run by Lord John Drummond attempting to raise a regiment in your
majesty’s name, which he gloriously averred to every particular,
was by his majesty’s command and order; but the dangerous effect of
this was prevented by the gentlemen of the Concert, their prudence
and influence in allowing nobody of any distinction to give either
countenance or credit to it except his brother, who, it seems, they
could not hinder from going such lengths as brought troops about him,
and forced him to abscond, till such time as the government came to
understand that the view was absolutely private in Lord John, and
that the using your majesty’s name was an imposition for private
ends, which the clans had disappointed as much as they could. It
would appear exaggeration to repeat to your majesty the accounts this
gentleman brings of the real spirit and forwardness every man showed
on hearing that the prince was coming to them, and what an universal
melancholy succeeded that flow of spirits on being made certain of a
disappointment.”--_Stuart Papers._

It appears from the Chevalier’s answer (28th August, 1744), to the
above-mentioned letter, that Lord John Drummond was authorised to
raise the regiment:--“I remarked what you said last post in relation
to Lord John: he had my approbation for endeavouring to raise a Scots
regiment in the French service; and as I think that in general the
more troops there be of my subjects in that service, the better. I
must recommend to you not to take any steps to obstruct the raising
of the said regiment.”--_Stuart Papers._

[803] The prince’s design was rumoured at Paris, and communicated
by Sempil to the Chevalier, who, in his answer, dated 23d February,
1745, remarks as follows:--“I am noways surprised that some French
people should have a notion of the prince’s going to Scotland without
troops, tho’ nobody surely can enter into such an idea except out
of ignorance, and from not knowing the true state of things. But
I am always alarmed at it, because I think it impossible that the
King of France should approve of such a project, and that it is well
known how much I should myself be averse to it. However, it will be
always well that you use your best endeavours to refute so dangerous
a scheme, and that nobody can do more solidly and effectually than
yourself, from the lights and knowledge you have of the affairs of
Britain; and I own, till I see the contrary, I shall, as long as
the war lasts, always hope that the French will take at last some
generous resolution in our favour.”--_Stuart Papers._

[804] _Stuart Papers_, February and March, 1745.

CHAPTER XXIX.

A.D. 1745.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.

Preparations--Departure of the expedition--Incidents of the
voyage--The Prince lands in Eriska--Has interviews with Macdonald
of Boisdale and young Clanranald--Kinlochmoidart, Dr. Cameron,
and others, visit the Prince--Charles lands at Borodale--Cameron,
younger, of Lochiel--His interview with the Prince--Charles
arrives at Kinlochmoidart--Commencement of hostilities--Charles
raises his standard at Glenfinnan--Manifesto--The Chevalier’s
ignorance of the expedition.

From mere auxiliaries in the war of the Austrian succession, Great
Britain and France at last entered the field as principals; and
in the spring of 1745, both parties were prepared to decide their
respective differences by force of arms. The Jacobites, who looked
upon war as the harbinger to a speedy realisation of their wishes
and their hopes, awaited the result with anxiety; though, from the
policy of France, it was not difficult to perceive that the issue,
whether favourable or unfavourable to France, would in reality
neither advance nor retard the long looked for restoration. France,
if defeated in the field, almost on her own frontiers, would require
all her forces to protect herself; and could not, therefore, be
expected to make a diversion on the shores of Britain. And, on the
other hand, if successful in the campaign about to open in Flanders,
she was likely to accomplish the objects for which the war had been
undertaken, without continuing an expensive and dubious struggle in
support of the Stuarts.

Charles Edward Stuart, the aspirant to the British throne, seems
to have viewed matters much in the same light on receiving
intelligence of the victory obtained by the French over the allies
at Fontenoy.[805] In writing to one of his father’s agents at
Paris,[806] who had sent him information of the battle, Charles
observes that it was not easy to form an opinion as to whether the
result would “prove good or bad” for his affairs. He had, however,
taken his resolution to go to Scotland, though unaccompanied even by
a single company of soldiers; and the event which had just occurred
made him determine to put that resolution into immediate execution.
At Fontenoy, the British troops maintained by their bravery the
national reputation, but they were obliged to yield to numbers;
yet, to use the words of a French historian, “they left the field
of battle without tumult, without confusion, and were defeated with
honour.”[807] The flower of the British army was, however, destroyed;
and as Great Britain had been almost drained of troops, Charles
considered the conjuncture as favourable, and made such preparations
for his departure as the shortness of the time would allow.

The French government was apprised of Charles’s intentions, and
though the French ministers were not disposed openly to sanction an
enterprise which they were not at the time in a condition to support,
they secretly favoured a design, which, whatever might be its result,
would operate as a diversion in favour of France. Accordingly, Lord
Clare, (afterwards Marshal Thomond,) then a lieutenant-general in
the French service, was authorised to open a negotiation with two
merchants of Irish extraction, named Ruttledge and Walsh, who had
made some money by trading to the West Indies. They had, since the
war, been concerned in privateering; and with the view of extending
their operations, had lately obtained from the French government a
grant of the Elizabeth, an old man-of-war of sixty-six guns, and they
had purchased a small frigate of sixteen guns named the Doutelle,
both of which ships were in the course of being fitted out for a
cruise in the north seas. Lord Clare having introduced Charles to
Ruttledge and Walsh, explained the prince’s design, and proposed that
they should lend him their ships. This proposal was at once acceded
to by the owners, who also offered to supply the prince with money
and such arms as they could procure, in fulfilment of which offer
they afterwards placed in his hands the sum of £3,800.[808]

While the preparations for the expedition were going on, Charles
resided at Navarre, a seat of the Duke of Bouillon, and occupied
himself in hunting, fishing, and shooting. A few persons only in his
own confidence were aware of his intentions; and so desirous was
he of concealing his movements from his father’s agents at Paris,
that he gave out, shortly before his departure, that he intended
to visit the monastery of La Trappe, in the vicinity of Rouen, and
would return to Paris in a few days.[809] The prince ordered the few
followers who were to accompany him to assemble at Nantes, near the
mouth of the Loire; and the better to conceal their design, they
arrived there singly, took up their residence in different parts of
the town, and when they met on the streets did not seem to recognise
one another.[810]

When informed that every thing was in readiness for his departure,
Charles went to Nantes in disguise, and having descended the Loire
in a fishing boat on the 20th of June, (O. S.) 1745, embarked on the
21st on board the Doutelle at St. Nazaire, whence he proceeded on the
following day to Belleisle, where he was joined on the 4th of July by
the Elizabeth, which had on board 100 marines raised by Lord Clare,
about 2,000 muskets, and 500 or 600 French broad-swords. The persons
who accompanied Charles were the Marquis of Tullibardine,[811] elder
brother of James, Duke of Athole; Sir Thomas Sheridan, who had been
tutor to Charles; Sir John Macdonald, an officer in the Spanish
service; Francis Strickland, an English gentleman; George Kelly,
a clergyman; Æneas or Angus Macdonald, a banker in Paris, brother
to Kinlochmoidart; and O’Sullivan, an officer in the service of
France. These were afterwards designated the “Seven Men of Moidart.”
There were also some persons of inferior note, among whom were one
Buchanan, who had been employed as a messenger to Rome by Cardinal
Tencin, and Duncan Cameron, formerly a servant of old Lochiel at
Boulogne, who was hired for the expedition, for the purpose, as he
informs us, of descrying the “Long Isle.”[812]

The expedition sailed from Belleisle on the 5th of July with a fair
wind, which continued favourable till the 8th, when a dead calm
ensued. On the following day, when in the latitude of 47° 57´ north,
and thirty-nine leagues west from the meridian of the Lizard, a sail
was descried to windward, which proved to be the Lion, a British
man-of-war of sixty guns, commanded by Captain Brett. When the Lion
hove in sight, the prince, for better accommodation, was preparing
to go on board the Elizabeth; but luckily for him he laid aside
his design on the appearance of the man-of-war. While the Lion was
bearing down on the French ships, M. D’Oe, or D’Eau, the captain of
the Elizabeth, went on board the Doutelle, where a council of war was
immediately held, at which it was determined, if possible, to avoid
an action; but if an action became inevitable, that the Elizabeth
should receive the first broadside, and should thereupon endeavour
to board her adversary. While this conference lasted, both ships
kept running before the wind; but the Lion being a fast sailing
vessel soon neared the Elizabeth, and, when within nearly a mile of
her, hove to for the purpose of reconnoitring the French ships and
preparing for action. Judging an action now unavoidable, Captain
D’Oe proposed to Walsh, one of the proprietors of the two vessels,
and who acted as commander of the Doutelle, that while the Elizabeth
and Lion were engaged, the Doutelle should assist the Elizabeth by
playing upon the Lion at a distance; but Walsh declined to interfere
in any shape. The Captain of the Elizabeth thereupon drew his sword,
and taking leave, went back to his ship, with his drawn sword in his
hand, to prepare for action.[813]

Captain D’Oe had scarcely reached the Elizabeth when the Lion bore
down upon her. Contrary to the plan laid down on board the Doutelle,
the Elizabeth gave the first broadside, which was instantly returned
by the Lion; and before the Elizabeth could get her other side
to bear upon her opponent, the latter tacked about and poured in
another broadside into the Elizabeth, which raked her fore and aft,
and killed a great number of her men. Notwithstanding this untoward
beginning, the Elizabeth maintained the fight for nearly five hours,
when night coming on, and both vessels being complete wrecks,
they parted as if by mutual consent. The prince, in the Doutelle,
viewed the battle with great anxiety, and, it is said, importuned
the captain to assist the Elizabeth, but Walsh positively refused
to engage, and intimated to the prince, that if he continued his
solicitations, he would order him down to the cabin.[814]

After the action was over, Captain Walsh bore up to the Elizabeth
to ascertain the state of matters, and was informed by a lieutenant
of the severe loss she had sustained in officers and men, and the
crippled state she was in. He, however, offered to pursue the voyage
if supplied with a main-mast and some rigging, but Walsh had no spare
materials; and after intimating that he would endeavour to finish
the voyage himself, and advising the commander of the Elizabeth to
return to France, both ships parted, the Elizabeth on her way back to
France, and the Doutelle on her voyage to the Western Highlands.[815]

On the 11th of July a sail was discovered, which gave chase to the
Doutelle; but being a swift-sailing vessel she outran her pursuer.
She encountered a rough sea and tempestuous weather on the 15th and
16th, after which the weather became fine till the midnight of the
20th, when a violent storm arose. She stood out the gale, however,
and on the 22d came within sight of land, which was discovered to be
the southern extremity of Long Island, a name by which, from their
appearing at a distance, and in a particular direction, to form one
island, the islands of Lewis, the Uists, Barra, and others, are
distinguished. On approaching the land, a large ship, which appeared
to be an English man-of-war, was descried between the Doutelle and
the island. On perceiving this vessel, Walsh changed the course of
the Doutelle, and stretching along the east side of Barra, reached
the strait between South Uist and Eriska, the largest of a cluster
of little rocky islands that lie off South Uist. When near the land,
Duncan Cameron, before mentioned, was sent on shore in the long-boat
to bring off a proper pilot, and having accidentally met the piper of
Macneil of Barra, with whom Cameron was acquainted, he took him on
board. In the strait alluded to, the Doutelle cast anchor on the 23d
of July, having been eighteen days at sea.[816]

Accompanied by his attendants, the prince immediately landed in
Eriska, and was conducted to the house of Angus Macdonald, the
tacksman, or principal tenant thereof and of the small islands
adjoining. To anticipate that prying curiosity and speculation which
the inhabitants of the western isles always display on the arrival of
strangers, the prince’s companions represented him as a young Irish
priest, a species of visitor by no means uncommon in these islands,
whither priests from the opposite coast of Ireland had been long
accustomed to resort, for the purpose of giving the islanders that
religious instruction and consolation of which, by the change in
the national religion, they had been almost debarred from receiving
from the hands of native priests. From the tacksman of Eriska, the
party learned, that Macdonald, chief of Clanranald, and Macdonald
of Boisdale, his brother, were upon the island of South Uist, and
that young Clanranald, the son of the chief, was at Moidart upon the
mainland. As Boisdale was understood to have great influence with
his brother, a messenger was immediately despatched to South Uist,
requesting his attendance on board the Doutelle.

Charles and his companions passed the night in the house of the
tacksman, but the accommodation was very indifferent. They had not
a sufficient supply of beds, but the prince, regardless of his own
ease, declined to occupy one.[817] Next morning they returned to
the ship. Boisdale soon thereafter made his appearance. As his
brother, Clanranald, was unfit, from age and bad health, to be of any
essential service, Charles was anxious to secure the assistance of
Boisdale, by whose means he expected that the clan would be induced
to rise in his support. Boisdale had, however, already made up his
mind upon the subject, and the result of the interview was extremely
discouraging to Charles. At first, the prince proposed that Boisdale
should accompany him to the mainland, and endeavour to engage his
nephew to take up arms; but Boisdale decidedly declined the proposal,
and even declared that he would do every thing in his power to
prevent his brother and nephew from engaging in an enterprise which
he considered desperate. Baffled in his first attempt, Charles
next proposed to despatch Boisdale with a message to Sir Alexander
Macdonald of Sleat and the Laird of Macleod, who had extensive
possessions in the island of Skye, requesting their assistance; but
Boisdale informed the prince that such a mission would be useless, as
he had seen Sir Alexander Macdonald and Macleod very lately,--that
they had stated to him the probability that the prince would arrive,
but that if he came without a body of regular troops, they were
determined not to join him, and were of opinion that no other person
would. Boisdale added, that he was instructed by these gentlemen to
mention their resolution to the prince in case he should meet him
on his arrival, and to advise him, should he come unprovided with
troops, to return directly to France.

Charles was sadly perplexed at Boisdale’s obduracy, but he
endeavoured to soften him by representing his affairs in the most
favourable light; but the Highlander was inflexible. Whilst this
prolonged altercation was going on, two vessels appeared making
for the strait in which the Doutelle lay, a circumstance which
induced her commander to weigh anchor and stand in for the mainland.
Boisdale, still pressed by the prince, remained on board till the
ship had advanced several miles in her course, when he entered his
boat, and left Charles to ruminate over his disappointment. The
Doutelle continued her course during the night, and next morning
cast anchor in the bay of Lochnanuagh, which partly divides the
countries of Moidart and Arisaig.[818] On approaching the strait,
the Marquis of Tullibardine, when about to retire below to dinner,
observed an eagle hovering over the frigate, which he looked upon
as a happy augury, but afraid of being taxed by his companions
with superstition, he at first took no notice of the circumstance.
On coming upon deck after dinner, he saw the eagle still hovering
above the vessel and following her in her course. No longer able
to restrain himself, he directed the attention of Charles and his
suite to the royal bird, and thereafter turning to the prince, thus
addressed him: “Sir, I hope this is an excellent omen, and promises
good things to us. The king of birds is come to welcome your royal
highness upon your arrival in Scotland.”

Though foiled in his attempt upon Boisdale, the young adventurer
resolved to repeat the same experiment upon his nephew, and
accordingly he immediately sent a boat on shore with a letter to
young Clanranald; Æneas Macdonald also went on shore to bring
off Kinlochmoidart, his brother. Kinlochmoidart came on board
immediately, and after a short interview with the prince, was
despatched with letters to Lochiel, the Duke of Perth, Murray of
Broughton and others.

Next day young Clanranald, accompanied by his kinsmen, Alexander
Macdonald of Glenalladale, Æneas Macdonald of Dalily and a Highland
officer (author of a journal and memoirs of the expedition),[819]
came to Forsy, a small village opposite to the Doutelle’s anchorage
ground. They called for the ship’s boat, and were immediately carried
on board. The feelings of the party on getting upon deck are thus
described by the writer alluded to. “Our hearts were overjoyed to
find ourselves so near our long-wished-for prince; we found a
large tent erected with poles on the ship’s deck, covered and well
furnished with variety of wines and spirits. As we entered this
pavilion we were most cheerfully welcom’d by the Duke of Athole, to
whom some of us had been known in the year 1715. While the duke was
talking with us, Clanranald was a-missing, and had, as we understood,
been called into the prince’s cabin, nor did we look for the honour
of seeing His R. H. at least for that night.”[820]

Of the conversation which took place between the prince and young
Clanranald during the three hours they were closeted together, no
account was ever given; but it is probable that if the latter stated
any objections against the enterprise, they had been overcome before
he rejoined his companions, as no allusion is made by the writer just
quoted, to any unwillingness on the part of the young chieftain to
join the prince. Maxwell of Kirkconnel, who mentions the refusal of
Boisdale, says, that young Clanranald frankly offered his services
to the prince,[821] a statement which, from the ardent and romantic
attachment for the Stuarts with which that young chieftain was
inspired, seems to approximate nearer the truth than that of Home,
who classes Kinlochmoidart and young Clanranald together, as joining
in a positive refusal to take up arms.

According to Home, young Clanranald and Kinlochmoidart came on board
together, and were addressed, with great emotion, by Charles, who had
been almost reduced to despair by his interview with Boisdale. After
using all the arguments he could for taking up arms, he conjured
them to assist their countryman, their prince, in his utmost need.
Though well inclined and warmly attached to the cause, the gentlemen
in question are said to have positively refused, and to have told
the prince, one after another, that to take up arms in their present
unprepared state, without concert or support, would bring down
certain destruction on their own heads. Charles persisted, argued,
and implored, but without effect. During this conversation the
parties walked backwards and forwards upon the deck, and were closely
eyed by a Highlander who stood near them armed at all points, as
was then the fashion of the country. He was a younger brother of
Kinlochmoidart, and had come off to the ship to inquire for news, not
knowing who was on board. When he gathered from their discourse that
the stranger was Prince Charles, and heard his chief and his brother
refuse to take up arms in his behalf, his colour went and came, his
eyes sparkled, he shifted his place and grasped his sword. Charles
observing his demeanour, stopped short, and turning towards him,
put this interrogatory, “Will not you assist me?” “I will! I will!”
exclaimed Ranald; “though no other man in the Highlands should draw
a sword, I am ready to die for you.” Charles, delighted with the
young man’s answer, evinced his gratitude by a profusion of thanks
and acknowledgments, extolled his champion to the skies, and said he
only wished that all the Highlanders were like him. Stung with the
prince’s observation, which could be regarded only as a reproach, and
smitten by the example set by the heroic youth, the two Macdonalds
instantly declared that they would unsheath their swords in support
of the claims of the house of Stuart, and would use their utmost
endeavours to rouse their countrymen to arms.[822]

After the interview with the prince, Clanranald returned to his
friends, who had, during the conference, been regaling themselves in
the pavilion. In about half-an-hour thereafter, the prince entered
the tent and took his seat without appearing to notice any of the
company. His appearance, and the scene which followed, are thus
described by an eyewitness. “There entered the tent a tall youth of
a most agreeable aspect, in a plain black coat with a plain shirt,
not very clean, and a cambrick stock fixed with a plain silver
buckle, a fair round wig out of the buckle, a plain hat with a canvas
string having one end fixed to one of his coat buttons; he had black
stockings, and brass buckles in his shoes. At his first appearance
I found my heart swell to my very throat. We were immediately told
by one Obrian, a churchman, that this youth was also an English
clergyman, who had long been possessed with a desire to see and
converse with Highlanders.

“When this youth entered, Obrian forbid any of those who were sitting
to rise; he saluted none of us, and we only made a low bow at a
distance. I chanced to be one of those who were standing when he came
in, and he took his seat near me, but immediately started up again
and caused me to sit down by him upon a chest. I at this time taking
him only to be a passenger or some clergyman, presumed to speak to
him with too much familiarity, yet still retained some suspicion he
might be one of more note than he was said to be. He asked me if I
was not cold in that habit, (viz. the Highland garb,) I answered I
was so habituated to it, that I should rather be so (feel cold) if I
was to change my dress for any other. At this he laughed heartily,
and next inquired how I lay with it at night, which I explained to
him. He said that by wrapping myself so close in my plaid I would
be unprepared for any sudden defence in the case of a surprise. I
answered that in such times of danger, or during the war, we had a
different method of using the plaid, that with one spring I could
start to my feet with drawn sword and cocked pistol in my hand,
without being the least encumbered with my bed-clothes. Several such
questions he put to me; then rising quickly from his seat he calls
for a dram, when the same person whispered me a second time to pledge
the stranger but not to drink to him, by which seasonable hint I was
confirmed in my suspicion who he was. Having taken a glass of wine in
his hand, he drank to us all round, and soon after left us.”[823]

Having thus secured the support of young Clanranald, Charles selected
him to execute the commission which his uncle, Boisdale, had refused
to undertake. Accordingly, on the 22d of July the young chieftain,
attended by Allan Macdonald, a younger brother of Kinlochmoidart, was
despatched with letters from the prince, to Sir Alexander Macdonald
and the laird of Macleod, to solicit the aid of their services. These
powerful chieftains, who could raise nearly 2,000 men between them,
had promised to join the prince if he brought a foreign force along
with him, but when they found that he had come without troops, they
considered themselves released from their engagements, and refused to
join in an enterprise which they considered desperate.[824]

During young Clanranald’s absence, Donald Macdonald of Scothouse, Dr.
Archibald Cameron on the part of his brother Donald Cameron, younger
of Lochiel, and Hugh Macdonald, brother of the laird of Morar, came
on board the Doutelle. The latter, on his way home from Edinburgh,
had met Kinlochmoidart crossing the water of Lochy, and had been
informed by him of the arrival of the prince.[825] In expectation of
seeing the prince, he went to Kinlochmoidart’s house, where he found
Æneas Macdonald, brother of Kinlochmoidart, who told him that he
might see the prince the following day if he pleased, but cautioned
him not to accost him as such, as the prince passed for a French abbé
with the crew of the vessel, who were ignorant of his rank. Next day
the two Macdonalds went on board; and Charles, being informed of the
name and character of his visitor, invited him down to the cabin. In
a conversation which ensued, Hugh Macdonald expressed his fears as
to the result of the expedition if persevered in, and hinted that,
as he had brought no forces along with him, the most eligible course
the prince could pursue, was to return to France, and wait a more
favourable opportunity. Charles remarked that he did not wish to be
indebted for the restoration of his father to foreigners, but to
his own friends; that he had now put it in their power to have the
glory of doing so, and that as to returning to France without making
an attempt, foreigners should never have to say that he had thrown
himself upon his friends, that they had turned their backs upon
him, and that he had been forced to retire for shelter to foreign
lands. He concluded by observing, that if he could get only six stout
trusty fellows to join him, he would choose rather to skulk with them
among the mountains of Scotland than return to France. Dr. Cameron
also urged Charles to return, and told him that Lochiel had made up
his mind not to join; but Charles returned the same answer he had
given to Hugh Macdonald. On the return from Skye of young Clanranald
and Allan Macdonald, who brought back an absolute refusal from Sir
Alexander Macdonald and the laird of Macleod, the whole party on
board, including even Sir Thomas Sheridan, by whose advice the prince
generally acted, importuned him to desist, chiefly on the ground that
the refusal of two such influential and powerful chieftains would
prevent others, who were well disposed to the cause, from joining;
but Charles was immoveable, and though without a single supporter,
persisted in his resolution.[826]

Charles remained on board the Doutelle till the 25th of July, the
interval between which day and that of his arrival in Lochnanuagh,
was spent in despatching letters and receiving communications from
his friends, and in consultations with his companions and the
adherents who visited him, as to the means to be adopted for raising
the clans that were favourably disposed. During the same interval,
all the arms, ammunition, and stores were landed; and every thing
being in readiness for his reception on shore, Charles, accompanied
by his suite, landed at Borodale, a farm belonging to Clanranald,
and took up his abode in the house of Angus Macdonald, the tenant
of the farm, who received him and his companions with a hearty
welcome. By orders of young Clanranald, Macdonald of Glenalladale and
another gentleman of the clan, had collected about 100 of their men
to serve as a body-guard to the prince, all of whom were hospitably
entertained at Borodale.

No situation could have been any where selected more suitable for the
circumstances and designs of Charles than the abode he had chosen.
Besides being one of the most remote and inaccessible places in the
western Highlands of Scotland, it was surrounded on all sides by the
territories of the most devoted adherents of the house of Stuart, by
the descendants of the heroes of Kilsyth and Killiecrankie, in whose
breasts the spirit of revenge had taken deep root, for the cruelties
which had followed the short-lived insurrection of 1715, and the
affronts to which they had been subjected under the disarming act.
These mountaineers had long sighed for an opportunity of retaliation,
and they were soon to imagine that the time for vengeance had arrived.

As soon as the landing of Charles was known, the whole neighbourhood
was in motion, and repaired, “without distinction of age or
sex,”[827] to the house of Borodale, to see a man with whose success
they considered the glory and happiness of their country to be
inseparably associated. To gratify his warm-hearted and generous
visitors, and to attain a full view of the assembled group, Charles
seated himself in a conspicuous part of the room where a repast had
been laid out for him and his friends. Here, amid the congregated
spectators who feasted their eyes with the sight of the lineal
descendant of a race of kings, endeared to them by many sorrowful
recollections, the prince partook of the fare provided by his
kind host, with a cheerfulness which banished all reflection of
the past or care for the future. At the conclusion of the repast,
Charles drank the grace-drink in English, which, of course, was
understood only by a few of the persons present. The guest, to whom
we are indebted for this account, says, that when his turn came
to propose a toast, wishing to distinguish himself, he gave “the
king’s health” in Gaelic in an audible voice,--“Deoch slaint an
Righ.” When the prince was informed that his father’s health had been
drunk, he requested the gentleman who had proposed it to pronounce
the words again in Gaelic, that he might repeat them himself. This
being done, Charles repeated the words, and understanding that the
proposer was skilful in Gaelic, the prince intimated to him that
he would henceforth take instructions from him in that language.
The same individual, afterwards, by desire, gave also the healths
of the prince, and his brother “the duke,” in Gaelic.[828] Such
condescension and familiarity on the part of Charles were highly
gratifying to the feelings of all present, and were better calculated
to secure the affections of the unsophisticated people, into whose
arms he had thrown himself, than all the pomp and circumstance of
regal splendour.

Though the extreme rashness of young Clanranald and his friends, in
thus exposing themselves to almost inevitable destruction, be quite
inexcusable on the score of sober reason, yet it is impossible not
to admire the daring intrepidity of the men, who, at the call of
a friendless and unprotected youth, could commit themselves in a
struggle with the government even before they had ascertained that
a single clan, except their own, would join. Their devotedness to
the cause of the Stuarts did not blind them, however, to the dangers
to which they were about to expose themselves by declaring for the
prince; but having now thrown away the scabbard, they resolved
to cling to the cause which a feeling of fidelity prompted them
to espouse, reckless of the consequences. “All may judge (says a
gentleman of the clan), how hazardous an enterprise we were now
engaged in, being for some time quite alone; but we resolved,
notwithstanding, to follow our prince, and risk our fate with
his.”[829]

Charles, before landing, had despatched messengers to several of
the chiefs who were favourably disposed. From Borodale he again
sent off fresh messengers to all the chiefs from whom he expected
assistance, requiring their attendance. Some of his friends, aware
of his arrival, had, it is said, already held a meeting to consult
as to the course they should pursue; at which Macdonald of Keppoch
had given his opinion, that as the prince had risked his person, and
generously thrown himself into the hands of his friends, they were
bound, in duty at least, to raise men instantly for the protection of
his person, whatever might be the consequences;[830] but it does not
appear that any such resolution was at that time adopted.

The person pitched upon to visit Lochiel on this occasion, was
Macdonald, younger of Scothouse, who succeeded in inducing that chief
to visit the prince at Borodale, but he went with a determination not
to take up arms. On his way to Borodale he called at the house of his
brother, John Cameron of Fassefern, who, on being told the object of
his journey, advised Lochiel not to proceed, as he was afraid that
the prince would prevail upon him to forego his resolution.[831]
Lochiel, firm in his determination, as he imagined, told his brother
that his reasons for declining to join the prince were too strong to
be overcome, and pursued his journey.

Donald Cameron of Lochiel, on whose final determination the question
of a civil war was now to depend, (for it seems to be universally
admitted, that if Lochiel had declined to take up arms the other
chiefs would have also refused,) though called young Lochiel by the
Highlanders, from his father being still alive, was rather advanced
in life. His father, for the share he had taken in the insurrection
of 1715, was attainted and in exile. In consequence of the attainder,
young Lochiel had succeeded to the family estates upon the death of
his grandfather, Sir Ewen Cameron, in 1719. Sir Ewen, the reader
knows, had served with distinction under Montrose and Dundee, and
his son and grandson had inherited from the old warrior a devoted
attachment to the house of Stuart, which no change of circumstances
had been ever able to eradicate. The Chevalier de St. George,
sensible of the inflexible integrity of the young chief, and of the
great influence which he enjoyed among his countrymen on account
of the uprightness of his character, and as being at the head of
one of the most powerful of the clans, had invested him with full
powers to negotiate with his friends in Scotland, on the subject of
his restoration.[832] Knowing the confidence which was so deservedly
reposed in him, he was consulted on all occasions by the Jacobites
in the Highlands, and, as has been elsewhere observed, was one of
the seven who, in the year 1740, signed the bond of association to
restore the Chevalier. Upon the failure of the expedition of 1743,
young Lochiel had urged the prince to continue his exertions to get
another fitted out; but he was averse to any attempts being made
without foreign assistance, and cautioned the prince accordingly.[833]

Among the chiefs who were summoned to Borodale, Lochiel was the
first to appear, and he immediately had a private interview with
the prince. Charles told him that he meant to be quite candid, and
to conceal nothing; he reprobated in severe terms the conduct of
the French ministry, who, he averred, had long amused him with fair
promises, and had at last deceived him. He admitted that he had
but a small quantity of arms, and very little money; that he had
left France without concerting anything, or even taking leave of
the French court,--that he had, however, before leaving, written to
the French king and his ministers soliciting succours, which he was
persuaded they would send as soon as they saw that he really had a
party in Scotland,--that he had appointed Earl Marischal his agent
at the court of France,--and that he depended much upon the zeal
and abilities of that nobleman, who would himself superintend the
embarkation of the succours he was soliciting.

[Illustration: Donald Cameron of Lochiel.--From the original painting
in possession of Mrs. Cameron-Campbell of Monzie.]

While Lochiel admitted the engagements which he and other chiefs
had come under to support the cause, he observed that they were
binding only in the event of the stipulated aid being furnished;
and as his royal highness had come over without such support, they
were released from the engagements they had contracted. He therefore
reiterated his resolution not to join in the present hopeless
attempt, and advised his royal highness to return to France and
await a more favourable opportunity. Charles, on the other hand,
maintained, that an opportunity more favourable than the present
might never occur again,--that, with the exception of a very few
newly raised regiments, all the British troops were occupied abroad.
He represented, that the regular troops now in the kingdom were
insufficient to withstand the body of Highlanders his friends could
bring into the field; and he stated his belief, that if in the outset
he obtained an advantage over the government forces, the country in
general would declare in his favour, and his friends abroad would
at once aid him,--that every thing, in fact, now depended upon the
Highlanders,--and that to accomplish the restoration of his father,
it was only necessary that they should instantly declare themselves
and begin the war.

These arguments, which, as the result showed, were more plausible
than solid, had no effect upon Lochiel, who continued to resist all
the entreaties of Charles to induce him to alter his resolution.
Finding the prince utterly averse to the proposal made to him to
return to France, Lochiel entreated him to be more moderate in his
views. He then suggested, that Charles should send his attendants
back to France; that he himself should remain concealed in the
country; that a report should be circulated that he also had returned
to France, and that the court of France should be made acquainted
with the state of matters, and informed that his friends would be
ready to take up arms upon the first notice of a landing, but that
nothing could be done without foreign support. Charles, however,
rejected this proposal also, and told Lochiel, that the court of
France would never be convinced that he had a considerable party in
Scotland, till there was an actual insurrection, without which he was
afraid they would not venture their troops.

As a last shift, Lochiel suggested, that Charles should remain
at Borodale till he and other friends should hold a meeting, and
concert what was best to be done. With an impatience which spurned
delay, Charles would not even listen to the proposal, and declared
his firm determination to take the field, however small the number
of his attendants might be. “In a few days,” said he, “with the few
friends that I have, I will erect the royal standard, and proclaim
to the people of Britain, that Charles Stuart is come over to claim
the crown of his ancestors--to win it, or to perish in the attempt:
Lochiel, whom my father has often told me, was our firmest friend,
may stay at home, and from the newspapers, learn the fate of his
prince.” This appeal was irresistible. “No!” exclaimed Lochiel, “I’ll
share the fate of my prince; and so shall every man over whom nature
or fortune has given me any power.”[834]

Having extorted an acquiescence from Lochiel, who, impelled by a
mistaken but chivalrous sense of honour, thus yielded to the prince’s
entreaties in spite of his own better judgment, Charles resolved to
raise his standard at Glenfinnan on the 19th of August. Accordingly,
he despatched letters from Borodale on the 6th, to the various chiefs
who were favourably disposed, informing them of his intention, and
requiring the presence of them and their followers at Glenfinnan on
the day appointed, or as soon thereafter as possible. Lochiel, at the
same time, returned to his own house, whence he despatched messengers
to the leading gentlemen of his clan to raise their men, and to hold
themselves in readiness to march with him to Glenfinnan.

After sending off his messengers, Charles left Borodale for the
house of Kinlochmoidart, about seven miles from Borodale, whither
he and his suite had been invited by the proprietor to spend a few
days, while the preparations for the appointed meeting were going
on. Charles and his party went by sea, and their baggage and some
artillery were forwarded by the same conveyance; but the body-guard,
which had been provided by Clanranald, proceeded by land along the
heads of two intervening bays. While at the hospitable mansion of his
friend, Charles expressed his sense of the services of Kinlochmoidart
in the warmest terms, offered him a colonel’s commission in a
regiment of dragoons, and promised him a peerage.[835]

During Charles’s stay at Kinlochmoidart, the arming of the
Highlanders went on with extraordinary alacrity; and several days
before the prince’s departure for Glenfinnan, detached parties of
armed Highlanders were to be seen perambulating the country in
different directions. Though three weeks had elapsed since the
arrival of the prince, and although Kinlochmoidart was only about
thirty miles from Fort William, yet so effectually had his arrival
been concealed from the officers of the government in the Highlands,
that it was not until they received intelligence of these movements,
that they began even to suspect his arrival. Alarmed by reports
which reached him for the safety of Fort William, around which
Lochiel and Keppoch were assembling their men, the governor of Fort
Augustus despatched, on the 16th of August, two companies of the
second battalion of the Scots Royals, under the command of Captain
(afterwards General) Scott, to reinforce that garrison; but they did
not reach their destination, having been taken prisoners by a party
of Lochiel’s and Keppoch’s men. As this occurrence may be regarded as
the commencement of hostilities, and as it is strongly characteristic
of the ardour with which the Highlanders took the field at the
command of their chiefs, the details of it may not here be considered
as out of place.

At the period in question, as well as at the time of the previous
insurrection of 1715, the country between Fort William and Inverness
was inhabited altogether by disaffected clans; mainly to overawe
whom, the chain of forts, namely, Fort William, Fort Augustus, and
Fort George, which reach across the Highlands from the east to the
west sea, was placed. In the centre of these, or almost equidistant
between Fort William and Fort George, stands Fort Augustus, the
distance between which and Fort William is twenty-eight miles. To
keep up a regular communication between the garrisons of the two last
mentioned forts, a road, as we have seen, was made by order of the
government along the sides of the mountains which skirt the narrow
lakes, which now form part of the bed of the Caledonian canal. It
was along this road that the detachment in question marched. That
they might reach Fort William the same day--there being no place
on the road where so many men could have taken up their quarters
during night--they left Fort Augustus early in the morning of the
16th of August, and met with no interruption till they arrived
at High Bridge, within eight miles of Fort William. This bridge,
which consists of one arch of great height, is built across the
river Spean,--a mountain torrent confined between high and steep
banks. On approaching the bridge the ears of the party were saluted
by the sound of a bagpipe,--a circumstance which could excite
little surprise in the Highlands; but when they observed a body of
Highlanders on the other side of the bridge with swords and firelocks
in their hands, the party became alarmed.

The Highlanders who had posted themselves at the bridge, were
of Keppoch’s clan, and were under the command of Macdonald of
Tierndriech; and though they did not consist of more than eleven or
twelve persons, yet by leaping and skipping about, moving from place
to place, and extending their plaids between one another to give
themselves a formidable appearance, they impressed Captain Scott with
an idea that they were a pretty numerous body. He therefore halted
his men, and sent forward a sergeant with his own servant towards the
bridge to reconnoitre; but when they came near the bridge they were
seized and carried across by two nimble Highlanders, who unexpectedly
darted upon them. Seeing the fate of his messengers, knowing that he
was in a disaffected district, and ignorant of the strength of the
Highlanders, Captain Scott deemed it more advisable to retreat than
risk an encounter. He, therefore, ordered his men to face about,
and return by the road they had come. Tierndriech had for some time
observed the march of these troops, and had sent expresses to Lochiel
and Keppoch, whose houses were within three or four miles of High
Bridge, announcing their advance, and demanding assistance. Expecting
immediate aid, and not wishing to display his weakness, which, from
the openness of the ground near the bridge, would have been easily
discernible, he did not follow Scott immediately, but kept at a
distance till the troops had passed the west end of Loch Lochy, and
were upon the narrow road between the lake and the mountain. The
Highlanders thereupon made their appearance, and ascending the
craggy eminences which overhang the road, and, sheltering themselves
among the rocks and trees, began to fire down upon the retreating
party, who, in place of returning the fire, accelerated their pace.

Before this fire had been opened, bands of Highlanders were
proceeding in the direction of the bridge to assist in the attack.
Upon hearing the report of the fire-arms, these hastened to the place
whence the firing proceeded, and in a short time a considerable body
joined the party under Tierndriech. Captain Scott continued his march
rapidly along the loch, and when he reached the east end, he observed
some Highlanders on a hill at the west end of Loch Oich, where they
had assembled apparently for the purpose of intercepting him on
his retreat. Disliking the appearance of this body, which stood in
the direct way of his retreat, Scott resolved to throw himself for
protection into Invergary castle, the seat of Macdonell of Glengarry,
and accordingly crossed the isthmus between the two lakes. This
movement, however, only rendered his situation more embarrassing, as
he had not marched far when he perceived another body of Highlanders,
the Macdonells of Glengarry, coming down the opposite hill to attack
him. In this dilemma he formed his men into a hollow square, and
proceeded on his march. Meanwhile, Tierndriech having been reinforced
by a party of Keppoch’s men, headed by the chief, hastened the
pursuit, and soon came up with the fugitives. To spare the effusion
of blood, Keppoch advanced alone to Scott’s party, required them
to surrender, and offered them quarters; but assured them, that,
in case of resistance, they would be cut to pieces. Fatigued with
a long march, and surrounded on all sides by increasing bodies of
Highlanders, Captain Scott, who had been wounded, and had had two
of his men killed, accepted the terms offered, and surrendered.
This affair was scarcely over, when Lochiel arrived on the spot
with a party of Camerons, and took charge of the prisoners, whom he
carried to his own house at Achnacarie. The result of this singular
rencounter, in which the Highlanders did not lose a single man, was
hailed by them as the harbinger of certain success, and they required
no farther inducement to prosecute the war thus auspiciously begun,
as they imagined.[836]

Charles, to whom it may be supposed intelligence of this affair
was instantly sent, left Kinlochmoidart on the 18th of August, on
which day he went by water to the seat of Alexander Macdonald of
Glenalladale, on the side of Loch Shiel, where he was joined by
Gordon of Glenbucket, who brought with him Captain Sweetenham, an
English officer of Guise’s regiment, who had been taken prisoner by
a party of Keppoch’s men while on his way to Fort William to inspect
that fortress. The prince passed the night at Glenalladale, and with
his attendants, who amounted to about 25 persons, proceeded about
six o’clock next morning, in three boats, to Glenfinnan, and landed
within a few hours at the east end of Loch Shiel, where the little
river Finnan falls into the lake.

[Illustration: LOCH SHIEL

WITH MONUMENT ON SPOT WHERE PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD FIRST RAISED HIS
STANDARD 18^{TH}. AUG^T. 1746.

A. Fullarton & C^o. London & Edinburgh.]

Glenfinnan, the place appointed for the rendezvous, is a narrow vale
bounded on both sides by high and rocky mountains, between which
the river Finnan runs. This glen forms the inlet from Moidart into
Lochaber, and at its gorge is about fifteen miles west from Fort
William. On landing, the prince was received by the laird of Morar
at the head of 150 men, with whom he marched to Glenfinnan, where he
arrived about eleven o’clock. Charles, of course, expected to find
a large “gathering of the clans” in the vale awaiting his approach;
but, to his great surprise, not a human being was to be seen
throughout the whole extent of the lonely glen, except the solitary
inhabitants of the few huts which formed the hamlet. Chagrined and
disappointed, Charles entered one of these hovels to ruminate over
the supposed causes which might have retarded the assembling of his
friends. After waiting about two hours in anxious suspense, he was
relieved from his solicitude by the distant sound of a bagpipe, which
broke upon his ear, and by its gradual increase, it soon became
evident that a party was coming in the direction of the glen. While
all eyes were turned towards the point whence the sound proceeded, a
dark mass was seen overtopping the hill and descending its side. This
was the clan Cameron, amounting to between 700 and 800 men, with
Lochiel, their chief, at their head. They advanced in two columns, of
three men deep each, with the prisoners who were taken in the late
scuffle between the lines.

If in the state of suspense in which he was kept after entering
Glenfinnan, the spirits of Charles suffered a temporary depression,
they soon recovered their wonted buoyancy when he beheld the gallant
band which now stood before him. Without waiting, therefore, for the
other clans who were expected to join, the prince at once resolved to
raise his standard, and to declare open war against “the Elector of
Hanover,” as George II. was called, “and his adherents.” The Marquis
of Tullibardine, to whom, from his rank, was allotted the honour of
unfurling the standard, took his station on a small knoll in the
centre of the vale,[837] where, supported by two men, he displayed
the banner, and proclaimed the Chevalier de St. George as king before
the assembled host, who rent the air with their acclamations. The
flag used upon this occasion was of silk, of a white, blue, and red
texture, but without any motto. After proclamation, a commission from
the Chevalier de St. George, appointing his son Prince Charles regent
of these kingdoms, was read by the Marquis of Tullibardine.

The reading of this commission was succeeded by the following
manifesto:--

“James VIII. by the Grace of God, King of Scotland, England,
France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all our loving
subjects, of what degree or quality soever, greeting.

“Having always borne the most constant affection to our ancient
kingdom of Scotland, from whence we derive our royal origin, and
where our progenitors have swayed the sceptre with glory through
a longer succession of kings than any monarchy upon earth can at
this day boast of; we cannot but behold with the deepest concern the
miseries they suffer under a foreign usurpation, and the intolerable
burdens daily added to their yoke, which become yet more sensible to
us when we consider the constant zeal and affection the generality
of our subjects of that our ancient kingdom have expressed for us on
all occasions, and particularly when we had the satisfaction of being
ourselves amongst them.

“We see a nation always famous for valour, and highly esteemed by
the greatest of foreign potentates, reduced to the condition of
a province, under the specious pretence of an union with a more
powerful neighbour. In consequence of this pretended union, grievous
and unprecedented taxes have been laid on, and levied with severity
in spite of all the representations that could be made to the
contrary; and these have not failed to produce that poverty and decay
of trade which were easily foreseen to be the necessary consequences
of such oppressive measures.

“To prevent the just resentment which could not but arise from
such usage, our faithful Highlanders, a people always trained up
and inured to arms, have been deprived of them; forts and citadels
have been built and garrisoned where no foreign invasion could
be apprehended, and a military government has been effectually
introduced, as into a conquered country. It is easy to foresee
what must be the consequences of such violent and unprecedented
proceedings, if a timely remedy be not put to them; neither is it
less manifest that such a remedy can ever be obtained but by our
restoration to the throne of our ancestors, into whose royal heart
such destructive maxims could never find admittance.

“We think it needless to call to mind how solicitous we have ever
been, and how often we have ventured our royal person, to compass
this great end; which the Divine Providence seems now to have
furnished us with the means of doing effectually by enabling our
good subjects in England to shake off the yoke, under which they
have likewise felt their share of the common calamities. Our former
experience leaves us no room to doubt of the cheerful and hearty
concurrence of our Scots subjects on this occasion, towards the
perfecting the great and glorious work; but that none may be deterred
by the memory of past miscarriages from returning to their duty, and
being restored to the happiness they formerly enjoyed, we in this
public manner think fit to make known our gracious intentions towards
all our people.

“We do therefore, by this our royal declaration, absolutely and
effectually pardon and remit all treasons, and other crimes hitherto
committed against our royal father, or ourselves. From the benefit of
which pardon we except none, but such as shall, after the publication
hereof, wilfully and maliciously oppose us, or those who shall appear
or endeavour to appear in arms for our service.

“We farther declare that we will with all convenient speed call
a free parliament; that by the advice and assistance of such an
assembly, we may be enabled to repair the breaches caused by so long
an usurpation, to redress all grievances, and to free our people from
the unsupportable burden of the malt-tax, and all other hardships
and impositions which have been the consequences of the pretended
union; that so the nation may be restored to that honour, liberty,
and independency, which it formerly enjoyed.

“We likewise promise upon our royal word to protect, secure, and
maintain all our Protestant subjects in the free exercise of their
religion, and in the full enjoyment of all their rights, privileges,
and immunities, and in the secure possession of all churches,
universities, colleges, and schools, conform to the laws of the land.

“All this we shall be ready to confirm in our first parliament;
in which we promise to pass any act or acts that shall be judged
necessary to secure each private person in the full possession of
his liberty and property, to advance trade, to relieve the poor, and
establish the general welfare and tranquillity of the nation. In all
such matters we are fully resolved to act always by the advice of
our parliaments, and to value none of our titles so much as that of
_common father of our people_, which we shall ever show ourselves to
be by our constant endeavours to promote the quiet and happiness of
all our subjects. And we shall be particularly solicitous to settle,
encourage, and maintain the fishery and linen manufactures of the
nation, which we are sensible may be of such advantage to it, and
which we hope are works reserved for us to accomplish.

“As for those who shall appear more signally zealous for the recovery
of our just rights and the prosperity of their country, we shall take
effectual care to reward them according to their respective degrees
and merits. And we particularly promise, as aforesaid, our full,
free, and general pardon to all officers, soldiers, and sailors, now
engaged in the service of the usurper, whether of the sea or land,
provided that upon the publication hereof, and before they engage in
any fight or battle against our forces, they quit the said unjust and
unwarrantable service, and return to their duty, in which case we
shall pay them all the arrears that shall be at that time due to them
from the usurper; we shall grant to the officers the same commissions
they shall then bear, if not higher; and to all soldiers and sailors
a gratification of a whole year’s pay for their forwardness in
promoting our service.

“We farther promise and declare, that the vassals of such as shall
without regard to our present declaration, obstinately persist in
their rebellion, and thereby forfeit all pretensions to our royal
clemency, shall be delivered from all servitude they were formerly
bound to, and shall have grants and charters of their lands to be
held immediately of the crown, provided they, upon the publication of
this our royal declaration, declare openly for us, and join heartily
in the cause of their country.

“And having thus declared our gracious intentions to our loving
subjects, we do hereby require and command them to be assisting to
us in the recovery of our rights, and of their own liberties; and
that all our subjects, from the age of sixteen to sixty, do, upon
the setting up of our royal standard, immediately repair to it,
or join themselves to such as shall first appear for us in their
respective shires; and also to seize the horses and arms of all
suspected persons, and all ammunition, forage, and whatever else may
be necessary for the use of our forces.

“We also strictly command all receivers, collectors, or other persons
who may be seized of any sum or sums of money levied in the name or
for the use of the usurper, to retain such sum or sums of money in
their own hands, till they can pay them to some person of distinction
appearing publicly for us, and demanding the same for our use and
service; whose receipt or receipts shall be a sufficient discharge
for all such collectors, receivers, or other persons, their heirs, &c.

“Lastly, we do hereby require all sheriffs of shires, stewards of
stewartries, and their respective deputies, magistrates of royal
boroughs, and bailies of regalities, and all others to whom it may
belong, to publish this our declaration, at the market crosses of
their respective towns and boroughs, and there to proclaim us under
the penalty of being proceeded against according to law, for their
neglect of so necessary and important a duty.”

After this manifesto had been read, the Marquis of Tullibardine
returned to the prince’s quarters with the standard under an escort
of 50 Camerons. In about an hour after the conclusion of this
ceremony, Macdonald of Keppoch joined the prince with 300 of his men;
and in the evening some gentlemen of the name of Macleod, displeased
with the conduct of their chief, arrived at Glenfinnan, proffered
their services to the prince, and offered to return to Skye, and
raise all the men they could in support of his cause. On arriving at
Glenfinnan, Macdonald of Tierndriech presented the prince with an
excellent horse which he had taken from Captain Scott. The animated
appearance of the glen, which now resounded with the martial strains
of the pibroch, contrasted strongly with the solitary gloom which
pervaded when the prince entered it. Instead of the small party which
joined him in the morning, Charles found himself within a few hours
at the head of a body of about 1,200 brave and resolute men, warmly
attached to his person and cause, at least those of them who were
chiefs, and ready and willing to hazard their lives in his service.
Charles was exceedingly delighted at the appearance of his little
army, and it has been observed that at no other time did he look more
cheerful or display a greater buoyancy of spirits.[838]

Of the many singular circumstances attending this extraordinary
insurrection, the utter ignorance in which the personage in whose
name it was undertaken was kept, is not the least. Charles had
indeed written his father on the eve of his departure from France,
acquainting him with the resolution he had taken, but before his
letter reached Rome, the prince was actually at the head of his army.
The object of Charles in concealing his design from the Chevalier
is obvious. He was aware that his father would have opposed such a
rash attempt, and might probably have applied to the court of France
to prevent his departure; and having taken his resolution, he was
determined not to put it in jeopardy by too timely an announcement
of his intentions. Whatever opinion may _now_ be formed of the
prudence of an undertaking, which, had it succeeded, would have been
considered as one of the boldest strokes of political wisdom, there
can be but one sentiment as to the conduct of the prince, in thus
withholding from his parent all knowledge of the design he had formed
for accomplishing the object of his daring ambition. Though under the
corrupt influence of a few interested persons, whom he kept about
his person,[839] he still retained a sufficient portion of filial
respect to prevent him from violating the declared injunctions of
his father; and as no opposition short of actual violence could have
induced him to forego his resolution of going to Scotland, he avoided
the disagreeable alternative of disregarding the commands which his
father would have laid upon him by taking the course he did.

When the Chevalier de St. George received the prince’s letter, which
informed him that he was to proceed instantly to Scotland, he was
greatly surprised and agitated;[840] but as the step had been taken,
he became reconciled to it, and even could not help applauding the
courage of the prince in entering upon the enterprise. Writing to
the Duke of Ormond, on the 11th of August, the Chevalier says, “I
have now by me your letters of the 14th July, and of the 27th,
which last came by the courier, which brought me an account of the
resolution the prince had taken, and executed without consulting me,
for he was very sure I would not have approved it, tho’ I cannot
but say, that the courage and sentiments he shows on this occasion,
will always do him honor.”[841] Again in writing to his agent,
Sempil, on the same day, he observes, “What takes me up wholly at
present, is the resolution the prince has taken and executed, without
my knowledge.... The question now is to look forward, and not to
blame what is past. It is true, I never should have advised the
prince to have taken such a step, but since it is taken it must be
supported, and whatever be the event, it will certainly turn much
to the prince’s personal honor, nay, even something may be said
to justify what he has done. The usage he met with in France, and
the dread of a peace, were no doubt strong motives to push him on
a rash undertaking, than to sit still; and who knows but what has
happened, may, in some measure, force the court of France out of
shame to support him, while otherwise perhaps they had continued to
neglect him, and then have abandoned him at last.... The prince’s
example will, I hope, animate our friends in England; he has ventured
generously for them, and if they abandon him, they themselves, and
indeed our country, will be ruined.”

It had always been the opinion of the Chevalier--an opinion which
experience has shown was well founded--that no attempt on Scotland
could possibly succeed, unless accompanied by a simultaneous
landing in England; and he now saw the necessity of enforcing this
consideration more strongly than ever upon the court of France. In
the letter which Charles had sent him, he desired his father to
write to the King of France and Cardinal Tencin, entreating them
for support. The Chevalier, however, did not confine himself to the
king and to the cardinal, but addressed himself also to the Maréchal
de Noailles, and the whole of the French ministers. Alluding to
the necessity of supporting the prince by a descent on England,
the Chevalier says in the letter to Ormond, from which a quotation
has already been made; “Enfin, since the step is taken, it is
certainly incumbent on all of us to do our best to support it, and I
am very sure nothing will be wanting on your side for that effect.
My darkness, my anxiety, and the multiplicity of my reflections on
this occasion, are so great that I shall not pretend to enlarge
on this subject at present. In the mean time, I now write to Lord
Marischal by the way of Paris, and write also directly to the King
of France, and all the ministers, for without a landing in England
is soon made, humanly speaking, it will be impossible for the prince
to succeed.” He repeats almost the same observations in his letter
to Sempil, also referred to: “I know not particularly the grounds he
(the prince) goes upon, but I am afraid there is little room to hope
he will succeed, except he be vigorously supported by the court of
France; and, therefore, we must all of us in our different spheres
leave nothing undone for that effect. I now write myself to the King
of France and all the ministers, and we must be all of us more than
ever solely and wholly intent on the great object.”

But the Chevalier, in his anxiety to procure early succours for the
prince, did not confine himself to words. To pay off the debts which
Charles had contracted before his departure, he immediately remitted
a sum of 200,000 francs to O’Bryan, his chief agent at Paris, and
placed another sum of 50,000 francs in the hands of Waters, junior,
his banker in Paris, at the disposal of O’Bryan, to meet instant
contingencies.[842] He afterwards remitted to Waters, through
Belloni, his banker at Rome, 80,000 Roman crowns, and promised
another remittance of 28,000 in a few weeks, which, he said, would
exhaust his treasury.

[Illustration: MACFARLANE. (Tartan)]

In his letter to the King of France, the Chevalier informed him that
he had learned with great astonishment the departure of the prince
for Scotland; that knowing well he would never have approved of such
a step, he had taken his resolution and put it into effect without
consulting him; but that being done, he was obliged in sincerity to
confess that he could not but admire the conduct of the prince in
entering upon the enterprise, which, he was certain, would make a
great and favourable impression upon the minds of his adherents. He
stated, however, his conviction, that without the aid of a foreign
force it was utterly impossible for the prince to succeed, and
he entreated his majesty to furnish the necessary assistance. He
reminded him that the prince had been invited by him into France,
and although a year and a half had since elapsed, that he certainly
had not forgot the object which brought his son thither; and that a
crisis had now arrived, when the smallest delay on the part of his
majesty might be attended with danger to the success of the brave
attempt which the prince had made, and that he might now, at little
risk and at a small expense, finish the work which the prince was
about to commence. As to himself personally, the Chevalier informed
Louis that he had formerly intimated to him that he intended to
resign his rights to the prince; and that his intentions were still
the same, with this difference, however, that while he formerly
considered that such a step would be advantageous for his family, it
had now become indispensably necessary for his own honour, on account
of his infirmities, as he considered that he should act rashly, and
be guilty of bad faith towards his subjects, if he pretended to
take upon himself the cares of government, when he was incapable of
any fatigue either of body or of mind, and consequently unable to
discharge the duties of a sovereign.

FOOTNOTES:

[805] This battle was fought on the 11th May, 1745.

[806] Letter to Colonel O’Bryan, 16th June, 1745, in _Stuart Papers_.

[807] Lettres et Mémoires du Maréchal de Saxe, Paris, 1794.

[808] Home’s _Rebellion_, p. 36.

[809] Letter to Colonel O’Bryan, 20th June, 1745, Appendix, No. II.
See also Sempil’s letter to the Chevalier, Appendix, No. III.

[810] _Forbes Papers, or Jacobite Memoirs of the Rebellion of 1745_,
edited by Dr. R. Chambers, p. 2.

[811] He was styled Duke of Athole by the Jacobites, from being the
eldest son of the preceding duke. The marquis had been attainted for
the share he took in the insurrection of 1715; and the title and
estates were, in consequence of his attainder, now enjoyed by his
immediate younger brother.

[812] _Forbes Papers_, note, p. 1.

[813] Kirkconnel MS.

[814] Kirkconnel MS. _Forbes Papers_, p. 7.

[815] _Forbes Papers_, p. 8.

[816] Kirkconnel MS. _Forbes Papers_, p. 9.

[817] Charles is said to have taken particular care of Sir Thomas
Sheridan on this occasion. He “went to examine his bed, and to see
that the sheets were well aired. The landlord observing him to search
the bed so narrowly, and at the same time hearing him declare he
would sit up all night, called out to him, and said, that it was so
good a bed, and the sheets were so good, that a prince needed not be
ashamed to lie on them. The prince not being accustomed to such fires
in the middle of the room, and there being no other chimney than a
hole in the roof, was almost choked, and was obliged to go often
to the door for fresh air. This at last made the landlord, Angus
Macdonald, call out, ‘What a plague is the matter with that fellow,
that he can neither sit nor stand still, and neither keep within nor
without doors?’”--_Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 11.

[818] Home’s _Rebellion_ (edition of 1802), p. 29.

[819] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 479.

[820] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 479.

[821] Kirkconnel MS.

[822] Home’s _Rebellion_, p. 29.

[823] Journal and Memoirs. _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. pp. 480-1.

[824] Maxwell of Kirkconnel.--“There are not wanting in Scotland
many men to follow such examples: but Lochiel’s feeling was that of
far the greater number. The Scots have often been reproached with
a spirit of sordid gain. The truth is merely--and should it not
be matter of praise?--that by their intelligence, their industry,
their superior education, they will always, in whatever country, be
singled out for employment, and rise high in the social scale. But
when a contest lies between selfish security or advancement on one
side, and generous impulse or deep-rooted conviction on the other;
when danger and conscience beckon onward, and prudence alone calls
back; let all history declare whether in any age or in any cause, as
followers of Knox or of Montrose, as Cameronians or as Jacobites, the
men--ay, and the women--of Scotland, have quailed from any degree of
sacrifice or suffering! The very fact that Charles came helpless,
obtained him the help of many. Moreover, Charles was now in the
very centre of those tribes, which, ever since they were trained by
Montrose, had continued firm and devoted adherents of the House of
Stuart.”--Mahon’s _England_, vol. iii. p. 314.

[825] The following is part of a dialogue which took place between
them. “Said Kinlochmoidart, ‘You’ll see the prince this night at my
house.’ ‘What number of men has he brought along with him?’ ‘Only
seven,’ said Kinlochmoidart. ‘What stock of money and arms has
he brought with him then?’ said Mr. Hugh. ‘A very small stock of
either,’ said Kinlochmoidart. ‘What generals or officers fit for
commanding are with him?’ said Mr. Hugh. ‘None at all,’ replied
Kinlochmoidart. Mr. Hugh said he did not like the expedition at
all, and was afraid of the consequences. ‘I cannot help it,’ said
Kinlochmoidart, ‘if the matter go wrong, then I’ll certainly be
hanged, for I am engaged already.’”--_Jacobite Memoirs_, _note_, p.
18.

[826] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 481. Note to _Jacobite Memoirs_,
p. 18.

[827] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 482.

[828] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 483.

[829] Idem.

[830] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 17.

[831] Home’s _Rebellion_, p. 42.

[832] A tribute to the memory of Lochiel, who died in 1748, appeared
in the Scots Magazine of that year, part of which we quote:--

Mistaken as he was, the man was just,
Firm to his word, and faithful to his trust:
He bade not others go, himself to stay,
As is the pretty, prudent, modern way;
But, like a warrior, bravely drew his sword,
And rear’d his target for his native lord.
Humane he was, protected countries tell;
So rude an host was never rul’d so well.
Fatal to him, and to the cause he lov’d,
Was the rash tumult which his folly mov’d;
Compell’d, by hard necessity to bear,
In _Gallia’s_ bands, a mercenary spear!
But heav’n in pity to his honest heart,
Resolv’d to snatch him from so poor a part
The mighty mandate unto death was given,
And good LOCHIEL is now a Whig in heaven.

[833] Letter from Lochiel under the signature of “Dan,” Feb. 22d,
1745, in _Stuart Papers_.

[834] Home, p. 43.

[835] As an inducement to favour his restoration, the Chevalier de
St. George promised to ennoble a considerable number of his friends.
Patents of nobility were accordingly made out and signed in favour of
all the Jacobite chiefs and other leading supporters of the cause.
See letter from the Chevalier to the prince, 7th Nov., 1747, in
_Stuart Papers_.

[836] Home, p. 46.--Kirkconnel MS.--Tour in the Highlands. Lond.,
1819.

[837] A monument was erected by the late Alexander M’Donald of
Glenalladale, on the spot where the standard was unfurled; it bears
the following inscription in Latin, Gaelic, and English:--“On this
spot, where Prince Charles Edward first raised his standard, on
the 19th day of August, 1745; when he made the daring and romantic
attempt to recover a throne lost by the imprudence of his ancestors;
this column is erected by Alexander M’Donald, Esq. of Glenalladale,
to commemorate the generous zeal, the undaunted bravery, and the
inviolable fidelity of his forefathers, and the rest of those who
fought and bled in that arduous and unfortunate enterprise.”

[838] Jacobite Memoirs, p. 24.

[839] See extract Letter from the Chevalier to O’Bryan, 16 August,
1745, in _Stuart Papers_.

[840] Writing to O’Bryan, he says, (11 August, 1745,) “Je vous avoue
que ma surprise et mon agitation étoient grandes en apprennant cette
nouvelle.”--_Stuart Papers._

[841] _Stuart Papers._

[842] “J’ai, (says the Chevalier to O’Bryan, 16th Aug. 1745,) envoyé
la semaine passée 200,000 francs à Paris pour payer ce que le Prince
avait emprunté avant que de partir, et j’espère en cas de besoin
pouvoir lever quelque argent sur quelques petits fonds qui me restent
icy, et sur les pierreries du Prince même, mais tout cela n’ira pas
fort loin, et a moins que la France ne la secours largement, je ne
sçai ce que arrivera.”--_Stuart Papers._

CHAPTER XXX.

A.D. 1745.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.

Conduct of the Government--Intelligence of the Prince’s arrival
reaches Edinburgh--Contradictory reports--Preparations of Sir
John Cope--Marches to the North--Resolves to march to Inverness
--Prince Charles issues a proclamation--Leaves Glenfinnan and
crosses Corriearrick--Flight of Cope to Inverness--The Prince
marches South--Arrives at Perth--Joined by Lord George Murray
and others--Preparations made by the Prince--Alarm in Edinburgh
--Association of Volunteers formed--Municipal intrigues.

No event was less expected on the part of the government than the
landing of Charles Edward. A flying report had, indeed, been spread
in the Highlands in the beginning of summer, that the prince was
to come over in the course of that season; but no person, not in
the secret of his design, could have imagined that Charles had
any intention to risk his person without being accompanied by a
sufficient body of troops, and no disposition appeared on the part of
France to assist him.

The report alluded to was first communicated in a letter from “a
gentleman of consideration in the Highlands” to Lord President
Forbes, who, on the 2d of July, showed it to Sir John Cope, the
commander-in-chief in Scotland. Little credit was, however, attached
to the report, either by the writer of the letter or by the
president. Cope, though equally incredulous, considered it his duty
to communicate the report to the Marquis of Tweeddale, the secretary
of state for Scotland; and to provide against any contingency that
might occur, he proposed that the forts of Scotland should be well
provided, and that arms should be transmitted for the use of the
well-affected clans. In an answer which the marquis wrote upon the
9th, he ordered Cope to keep a strict watch upon the north, but
informed him, that, as the measures he proposed were considered by
the lords of the regency acting in behalf of the king during his
majesty’s absence in Hanover, as likely to create alarm, they had
declined to enter into them.[843]

But the lords of the regency were soon aroused from their supineness
by advices from abroad that the French court was meditating an
invasion of Great Britain, and that the eldest son of the Pretender
had left Nantes in a French man-of-war, and, according to some
accounts, was actually landed in Scotland. On the 30th of July, the
Marquis of Tweeddale wrote to Sir John Cope, communicating to him
the news which had just been received, and despatched letters of the
same date to Lord Milton, the Justice Clerk,[844] and to the Lord
Advocate, with similar intelligence, and enjoining them to keep a
strict look out,--to concert what was proper to be done in the event
of a landing,--to give the necessary orders for making the strictest
inquiry into the truth of the intelligence,--and to transmit to the
marquis, from time to time, such information as they were able to
collect. The Lords Justices, however, without waiting for a return
to these letters, issued, on the 6th of August, a proclamation,
commanding all his majesty’s officers, civil and military, and all
other loving subjects of his majesty, to use their utmost endeavours
to seize and secure the son of the Pretender, promising at the same
time a reward of £30,000 to any one who should seize Prince Charles,
and “bring him to justice.”

The express sent by the Marquis of Tweeddale reached Edinburgh on the
3d of August, but the advices which had been received in London had
preceded it. The Lord President, in a letter written the day before
to Mr. Pelham,[845] mentions the alarm which, in a state of profound
tranquillity, these advices had created. The report, however, of
the prince’s intended visit was discredited by the President, who
considered the “young gentleman’s game” to be then “very desperate”
in Scotland, the President believing that there was not “the least
apparatus for his reception, even amongst the few Highlanders who
were expected to be in his interest.” As, however, where there was so
much at stake, the President wisely judged that no report respecting
the prince’s movements, however improbable, was to be disregarded,
he resolved to make his accustomed journey to the north a little
earlier than usual, to the end that, though, as he himself observes,
his “fighting days” were over, he might give countenance to the
friends of government, and prevent the seduction of the unwary,
should the report turn out well-founded. On the 8th of August, Forbes
wrote the Marquis of Tweeddale, stating that the Lord Advocate
and Sir John Cope had informed him of the advices which had been
received from abroad, but expressing his disbelief of the report,
which he considered “highly improbable.” “I consider the report as
improbable,” he observes, “because I am confident that young man
cannot with reason expect to be joined by any considerable force
in the Highlands. Some loose lawless men of desperate fortunes may
indeed resort to him; but I am persuaded that none of the Highland
gentlemen, who have ought to lose, will, after the experience
with which the year 1715 furnished them, think proper to risque
their fortunes on an attempt which to them must appear desperate;
especially as so many considerable families amongst themselves have
lately uttered their sentiments; unless the undertaking is supported
by an arm’d power from abroad, or seconded by an invasion on some
other part of his majesty’s dominions.”[846] To provide against any
emergency which might arise in the north, his lordship proposed
first, that a sufficient number of arms should be lodged in the forts
in the Highlands, with directions by whom, and to whom they might be
delivered out,--a proposal the same in substance as that made by Sir
John Cope; and secondly, that money or credit should be lodged in
the hands of confidential persons in the north, for the use of the
public service. This last-mentioned measure he considered the more
necessary, as it could not be expected, as he observed, that private
individuals would come forward with money, when they recollected that
several gentlemen, who, in the year 1715, had advanced large sums out
of their pockets for the public service, had not even been repaid,
far less rewarded by the government.

The Lord President, though a man of sound judgment, and gifted
with a considerable portion of political foresight, was in this
instance deceived in his speculations; and Lord Tweeddale, perhaps
misled by the President, on whose personal knowledge of the state
of the Highlands he placed great reliance, adopted the same views.
In an answer to the President’s letter, which the marquis wrote on
the 17th of August, he thus expresses himself: “I own I have never
been alarmed with the reports of the Pretender’s son’s landing
in Scotland. I consider it as a rash and desperate attempt, that
can have no other consequence than the ruin of those concerned in
it.”[847]

On the same day, however, on which the President’s letter to Lord
Tweeddale was written, all doubts of the arrival and landing of the
prince were removed at Edinburgh. An express came from Lord Milton,
the Justice Clerk, then at Roseneath, to Sir John Cope, with a letter
dated the 5th, which he had received from Mr. Campbell of Stonefield,
sheriff of Argyle, in which was contained a copy of a letter received
by the latter from Mr. Campbell of Aird, factor to the Duke of Argyle
in Mull and Morvern, announcing the landing of the prince in Arisaig,
and stating that some of the Macdonalds were already up in arms, and
that other Highlanders were preparing to follow their example. This
news was confirmed next day, by another express from the laird of
Macleod to the Lord President, dated the 3d of August.[848]

This intelligence, which at first was withheld from the public,
was shortly followed by the arrival of the Gazette, containing the
proclamation for the apprehension of the prince. Nothing was now
talked of at Edinburgh but the threatened invasion. In the state of
ignorance in which the public was still kept, the most contradictory
reports were circulated. A rumour of the departure of Charles from
France had indeed been inserted in the Edinburgh Courant a few days
before, and the same paper had also, on the back of this report,
stated, upon the alleged information of a foreign journal, that
the prince had actually landed in the Highlands, and was to be
supported by 30,000 men and 10 ships of war; but neither of these
statements appears to have excited any sensation, being generally
discredited.[849] Now, however, every person firmly believed that
the prince had arrived. One day it was confidently asserted that he
had landed in the western Highlands with 10,000 French troops. Next
day it was affirmed with equal confidence that he had landed without
troops; but that wherever he came the Highlanders to a man had joined
him. On the other hand, the Jacobites, who were in the secret of the
arrival, anxious to conceal the fact till Charles should be ready to
take the field, industriously circulated a report that he was still
in France, and had not the least intention of coming over. To divert
the public attention, they had recourse to the weapons of ridicule.
In their conversation they represented the preparations of the
commander-in-chief in a ludicrous light; and to make him contemptible
in the eyes of the public, sent him anonymous letters containing most
absurd articles of intelligence, which they afterwards circulated
with scurrilous comments.[850]

In the present crisis Sir John Cope acted with more wisdom than has
been usually ascribed to him, and certainly with more energy than
his superiors. Not wishing, however, to trust entirely to his own
judgment, he consulted Lord President Forbes, and the Lord Advocate
and Solicitor General, the law-officers of the crown, upon the
course to be adopted under existing circumstances. No man was better
acquainted with every thing appertaining to the Highlands than
Forbes; and in fixing upon him as an adviser, Cope showed a laudable
desire to avail himself of the best advice and information within
his reach. At the period now in question, the insurrection was in a
merely inceptive state; and, according to the opinions of those best
qualified to judge, there was little probability that it would assume
a formidable character. At all events, sound policy dictated that
the threatened insurrection should be checked in its bud, and as its
progress could only be stopped by the presence of a body of troops,
Cope proposed, and his proposal received the approbation of the
three public functionaries before named, to march to the Highlands
with such troops as he could collect. The number of regular troops
in Scotland did not, it is true, amount to 3,000 men, and some of
them were newly raised; but there can be little doubt that, by a
timely and judicious disposition of about two-thirds of this force in
the disaffected districts, the embers of rebellion might have been
extinguished. The unfortunate result of Cope’s expedition detracts in
no respect from the design he thus formed, though the propriety of
his subsequent measures may well indeed be questioned.

Having formed his resolution, the commander-in-chief sent expresses
to the Secretary of State for Scotland on the 9th and 10th of August,
announcing his intention of marching to the Highlands. In pursuance
of this resolution he ordered a camp to be formed at Stirling, and
required all the officers who were absent from their regiments, to
repair to their respective posts. About the same time he directed
the Lord President to take the command of the companies raised in
the north for Lord Loudon’s Highland regiment, and notified the
appointment to the officers of the regiment commanding in that
quarter. As there was no bread in the country through which he
intended to march, he bought up all the biscuit which the bakers of
Edinburgh and Leith had on hand, and set all the bakers there, as
well as those of Perth and Stirling, to work night and day to prepare
a quantity of bread sufficient to support his army for twenty-one
days.[851]

On receipt of Cope’s letters, the Marquis of Tweeddale laid them
before the Lords of the Treasury, who approved of the conduct of the
commander-in-chief, and particularly of his resolution to march into
the Highlands with such troops as he could assemble. The secretary
notified the approbation of their lordships in a letter to Cope; and
so satisfied were they with his plan, that when they understood that
the march had been delayed only for a day or two, they sent down an
express to him, with positive orders to begin his march to the north
instantly. Their lordships seem not to have been aware of the causes
which retarded his march, not the least of which was the want of
money, a credit for which did not arrive till the 17th of August. The
order to march reached Edinburgh on the 19th of August, on which day
Cope, accompanied by the Earl of Loudon and several officers, set off
for Stirling, where he arrived in the evening. Thus, by a singular
coincidence, Charles and his opponent placed themselves at the head
of their respective armies on the same day.

The force which Cope found upon his arrival at Stirling consisted of
twenty-five companies of foot, amounting altogether to 1,400 men, and
some of Gardiner’s dragoons. Leaving the dragoons, which could be of
no use in a campaign among the mountains, behind him, Cope began his
march towards the north on the 20th, carrying along with him four
small field-pieces, as many cohorns, and 1,000 stand of spare arms
for the use of such of the well-affected Highlanders as might join
him. He carried also with him a considerable number of black cattle
for the use of the army. Only a part, however, of the bread which
had been ordered had arrived; but so anxious was Cope to obey his
instructions, that he began his march with the limited supply he had
received, after giving orders to forward the remainder as soon as it
should arrive at Stirling.

Cope halted on the 21st at Crieff. He was here visited by the Duke
of Athole, and his younger brother, Lord George Murray, the latter
of whom, doubtless, little imagined he was to act the conspicuous
part he afterwards did, as commander of the prince’s army. The duke
attended in consequence of a notice which Cope had sent to him and
the other leading adherents of the government, through, or in the
neighbourhood of whose territories he meant to pass, requiring them
to raise their men; but neither the duke nor the other chiefs who
had been applied to seem to have been disposed to obey the call.
Lord Glenorchy, who arrived shortly after the duke and his brother,
excused himself on the ground that he had not had sufficient time.
As Cope had calculated upon the junction of a considerable body
of Highlanders on his route, he was exceedingly disappointed that
his expectations were not likely to be realized, and would have
instantly retraced his steps had the orders of government allowed
him a discretionary power; but his instructions were too peremptory
to admit of a return to Stirling. Seeing, therefore, no use for the
large quantity of spare arms, he sent 700 of them back to Stirling
castle. This was a judicious step, as from the want of carriages he
could not have got them transported to Inverness.[852]

On the 22d the army advanced to Amulree, where it stopped for a
supply of bread. Next day it proceeded to Tay bridge, on the 24th to
Trinifuir, reaching Dalnacardoch on the 25th of August. Here Cope
was met by Captain Sweetenham,--the officer who had been taken
prisoner when on his way to Fort William from Ruthven, and who had
been released on his parole. This officer informed Sir John that
he was carried to Glenfinnan, where he saw the rebels erect their
standard, and that when he left them on the 21st they amounted to
1,400 men,--that on the road to Dalwhinnie he had met several parties
of Highlanders hastening to join them,--and that on arriving at
Dalwhinnie he had been informed that they were 3,000 strong, and were
in full march towards Corriearrick, where they intended to meet him
and give him battle. Notwithstanding this alarming intelligence, Cope
proceeded on his march, and arrived at Dalwhinnie next day. Here he
received a letter from Lord President Forbes, written at his seat of
Culloden near Inverness, corroborating the intelligence received from
Sweetenham of the advance of the rebels, and of their intention to
meet him upon Corriearrick.

Corriearrick, of which the royal army had now come within sight,
and over which it was Cope’s intention to march into Lochaber,
is, as we have already seen, a lofty mountain of immense extent,
occupying no less than nine miles out of the eighteen that form the
last day’s march from Garviemore to Fort Augustus. It is extremely
steep on the south side, and appears at a distance to rise almost
as perpendicularly as a wall. Wade, we have seen, carried his road
up this steep ascent by a series of many traverses, the descent on
the north side being accomplished in much the same manner. As there
are several gullies and brooks on the south side, bridges have been
thrown across, over which the road is carried. These tortuosities,
rendered absolutely necessary from the nature of the ground, almost
quadruple the real distance, which, from base to base, does not
exceed five miles. As the mountain was peculiarly fitted for the
operations of Highlanders, it is evident that in attempting to
cross Corriearrick, Cope, if attacked, would labour under every
disadvantage; for while his men could not leave the road in pursuit
of their assailants, the latter could keep a running fire from
numerous positions, from which it would be impossible to dislodge
them. Cope was warned by the President of the dangers he would run,
and his fears were not a little increased by a report that, on
arriving at the bridge of Snugborough, a dangerous pass on the north
side of the mountain, he was to be opposed by a body of Highlanders;
and that, while this party kept him employed, he was to be attacked
in his rear by another body, which was to be sent round the west end
of the hill.[853]

[Illustration: Autograph of Sir John Cope, from an Original
Manuscript in the possession of W. F. Watson, Esq.]

Alarmed at the intelligence he had received,--distracted by a variety
of reports as to the strength of the enemy, and disgusted with
the apathy of those on whose support he had relied, Cope called a
council of war at Dalwhinnie, on the morning of the 27th of August,
to which he summoned every field officer, and the commanders of
the different corps of his little army. He would have acted more
judiciously had he convened a council at Dalnacardoch, when he first
received intelligence of the advance of the Highlanders. At this
meeting, Cope laid before his officers the orders he had received
from the secretary of state to march to the north, which were too
positive to be departed from without the most urgent necessity. After
some deliberation, the council were unanimously of opinion, that
the general’s original design of marching to Fort Augustus over
Corriearrick, was, under existing circumstances, quite impracticable.
Having abandoned the design of crossing Corriearrick, the council
next considered what other course should be adopted. The wisest
course certainly, if practicable, would have been to march back
to Stirling, and guard the passes of the Forth; but against this
proposal it was urged, that the rebels, by marching down the side
of Loch Rannoch, would be able to reach Stirling before the king’s
troops, and that, by breaking down the bridges, they would intercept
them in their retreat. As it was impossible to remain at Dalwhinnie,
no other course therefore remained, in the opinion of the council,
but to march to Inverness. This opinion, which was reduced to
writing, and signed by all the members of the council, was delivered
to Sir John Cope, who, acquiescing in its propriety, immediately
issued an order to march. We must now advert to the proceedings of
the prince and his friends.

Charles remained only one night at Glenfinnan. On the 20th of August
he marched to the head of Loch Lochy, where he encamped. At this
place, a copy of the proclamation for his apprehension was brought
him, which exasperated the Highlanders to such a degree that they
insisted on a counter one being issued, offering a reward for the
apprehension of “the Elector of Hanover.” Charles remonstrated
against such a step, but he was forced to yield, and accordingly put
forth the following answer:[854]

“Charles, Prince of Wales, &c., Regent of the Kingdoms of
Scotland, England, France, and Ireland, and the dominions
thereunto belonging:

“Whereas we have seen a certain scandalous and malicious paper
published in the style and form of a proclamation, bearing date the
6th instant, wherein, under pretence of bringing to justice, like
our royal ancestor King Charles the I. of blessed memory, there is a
reward of thirty thousand pounds sterling promised to those who shall
deliver us into the hands of our enemies, we could not but be moved
with a just indignation at so insolent an attempt. And though, from
our nature and principles, we abhor and detest a practice so unusual
among Christian princes, we cannot but, out of a just regard to the
dignity of our person, promise the like reward of thirty thousand
pounds sterling to him, or those, who shall seize and secure till
our farther orders, the person of the Elector of Hanover, whether
landed or attempting to land in any part of his majesty’s dominions.
Should any fatal accident happen from hence, let the blame be
entirely at the door of those who first set the infamous example.”
This proclamation, which was dated from the “camp at Kinlocheill,”
was countersigned by Murray of Broughton, who had lately joined the
prince, and had been appointed his secretary.

On the 23d, the prince advanced to Fassefern, the seat of Lochiel’s
brother, where he passed the night. While at Fassefern, intelligence
was received by the prince of the march of Sir John Cope from
Stirling. Having previously sent off his baggage under an escort of
200 Camerons towards Moy, in Lochaber, Charles put his army in motion
on the 24th, and arrived at Moy on the following day. On the 26th,
the prince crossed the water of Lochy with his army, and proceeded
to the castle of Invergary, in which he took up his quarters for
the night. During the night, he received an express from Gordon of
Glenbucket, acquainting him, that Sir John Cope was considerably
advanced in his march to the north, and that he intended to cross
Corriearrick. About the same time, he was visited by Fraser of
Gortuleg, who came to him in name of Lord Lovat, to assure him of his
lordship’s services. Fraser advised him to march north, and raise
the Frasers of Stratherrick, and assured him that Sir Alexander
Macdonald, the laird of Macleod, and many of the Mackenzies, Grants,
and Mackintoshes, would join him; but the proposal was opposed by
the Marquis of Tullibardine and secretary Murray, the latter of whom
considered the early possession of Edinburgh, where he alleged there
were many persons ready to join the ranks of the insurgents, of more
importance than any advantages that might be derived by remaining in
the Highlands.[855]

This opinion was adopted by Charles, who next morning proceeded
to Abertarf in Glengarry. He was joined at Low Bridge by 260 of
the Stewarts of Appin, under the command of Stewart of Ardshiel,
and at Aberchallader, near the foot of Corriearrick, by 600 of the
Macdonells of Glengarry, under the command of Macdonell of Lochgarry;
and by a party of the Grants of Glenmoriston. With these accessions
the force under Charles amounted to nearly 2,000 men. Charles now
held a council of war to deliberate upon the course he should
pursue,--whether to advance and give battle to Cope, or postpone an
engagement till he should receive additional strength. It was clearly
the interest of Charles to meet his adversary with as little delay
as possible, and as his forces already outnumbered those opposed to
him, he could not doubt but that the result of an engagement would
be favourable to his arms. The council, every member of which was
animated with an ardent desire to engage Cope, at once resolved to
meet him. This resolution corresponded with the inclinations of the
clans, all of whom, to use the expression of Fraser of Gortuleg on
the occasion, were “in top spirits,”[856] and making sure of victory.

The determination of the council, and the valorous enthusiasm of
the clans, acting upon the ardent mind of the prince, created an
excitement, to which even he, with all his dreams of glory and
ambition, had before been a stranger. The generous and devoted people
into whose hands he had committed the destinies of his house, struck
with admiration by the condescension, and that easy yet dignified
familiarity which never fails to secure attachment, were ready to
encounter any danger for his sake. No man knew better than Charles
how to improve the advantages he had thus obtained over the minds and
affections of these hardy mountaineers. Becoming, as it were, one
of themselves, he entered into their views,--showed an anxiety to
learn their language, which he daily practised,--and finally resolved
to adopt their dress. This line of policy endeared him to the
Highlanders, and to it may be ascribed the veneration in which his
memory is still held by their descendants, at the distance of more
than a century. Having in this way inspired his faithful Highlanders
with a portion of his own natural ardour, they in their turn, by the
enthusiasm they displayed, raised his expectations of success to the
highest possible pitch. A remarkable instance of this was exhibited
before commencing the march next morning, when, after putting on his
Highland dress, he solemnly declared, when in the act of tying the
latchets of his shoes, that he would not unloose them till he came up
with Cope’s army.[857]

Desirous of getting possession of the defiles of Corriearrick before
Cope should ascend that mountain, Charles began his march from
Aberchallader at four o’clock of the morning of the 27th August. His
army soon reached the top of the hill, and was beginning to descend
on the south side, when intelligence was brought the prince, that
Cope had given up his intention of crossing Corriearrick and was
in full march for Inverness. Cope had put his army in motion the
same morning towards Garviemore; but when his van reached Blarigg
Beg, about seven miles and a half from Dalwhinnie, he ordered his
troops to halt, to face about, and, in conformity with the opinion
of his council, to take the road to Inverness by Ruthven. To deceive
Charles, Cope had left behind, on the road to Fort Augustus, part
of his baggage, some companies of foot, and his camp colours. The
news of Cope’s flight (for it was nothing else) was received by
the Highland army with a rapturous shout, which was responded to
by the prince, who, taking a glass of brandy, said, with a jeering
smile, “Here’s a health to Mr. Cope; he is my friend, and if all
the usurper’s generals follow his example, I shall soon be at St.
James’s.” Every man, by the prince’s orders, drank this toast in a
glass of usquebaugh.[858] The Highlanders immediately put themselves
in motion, and marched down the traverses on the south side of the
mountain with great celerity, as if in full pursuit of a flying
enemy, on whose destruction they were wholly bent.

The Highland army continued the same rapid pace till it reached
Garviemore, where it halted. A council of war was then held, at which
various proposals were made for pursuing and intercepting the enemy;
but none of them were agreed to. The council finally resolved to
abandon the pursuit of Cope,--to march to the south, and endeavour to
seize Edinburgh; the possession of which was considered, particularly
by secretary Murray, as of the highest importance. This determination
was by no means relished by the clans, who were eager for pursuing
Cope, whose army they expected to have annihilated; but their chiefs
having concurred in the resolution, they reluctantly acquiesced. A
party of 600 Highlanders, however, volunteered to follow Cope under
cloud of night; and undertook to give a good account of his army, but
the prince dissuaded them from the enterprise.[859]

From Garviemore, Charles despatched Macdonald of Lochgary with a
party of 200 men, to seize the small fort of Ruthven, in which there
was a garrison of regular troops; but the vigilance of the commander
rendered the attempt abortive, and the Highlanders were repulsed
with a trifling loss. A party of Camerons, commanded by Dr. Cameron,
was sent to the house of Macpherson of Cluny, the chief of the
Macphersons, who commanded a company in the service of government, to
apprehend him, and succeeded.[860]

On the 29th of August, the Highland army was again put in motion,
and advanced towards Dalnacardoch. At Dalwhinnie, they were rejoined
by Dr. Cameron and his party, bringing along with them Macpherson
of Cluny, who, after a short interview with the prince, promised
to raise his clan for his service. On giving this assurance he
was released, and went home to collect his men. Next day, Charles
marched to the castle of Blair, which had been abandoned by the
Duke of Athole on his approach. The Marquis of Tullibardine took
possession of the castle as his own property, and immediately assumed
the character of host, by inviting Charles and the Highland chiefs
to supper.[861] To make his guests as comfortable as possible, the
marquis had written a letter from Dalnacardoch, to Mrs. Robertson
of Lude, a daughter of Lord Nairne, desiring her to repair to the
castle, to get it put in proper order, and to remain there to do the
honours of the house on the prince’s arrival.[862]

At Blair, Charles was joined by Lord Nairne, and several other
Perthshire gentlemen; but the greater part of the resident gentry had
fled on hearing of the entrance of the Highland army into Athole.
Charles reviewed his army the morning after his arrival at the
castle, when he found that a considerable number of his men were
wanting. Some officers were immediately sent to bring them up, and
the only reason they assigned for loitering behind, was that they had
been denied the gratification of pursuing Cope.

From Blair, Charles sent forward Lord Nairne, and Lochiel, with
400 men, to take possession of Dunkeld, which they entered on the
morning of the 3d of September. In this town they proclaimed the
Chevalier. After remaining two days at the castle of Blair, Charles
repaired on the 2d of September to the house of Lude, where he spent
the night,[863] and next day went to Dunkeld, whence he proceeded
to Lord Nairne’s house, on the road to Perth. While at dinner, the
conversation turning upon the character of the enterprise, and
the peculiarity of the prince’s situation, some of the company
took occasion to express their sympathy for the prince’s father,
on account of the state of anxiety he would be in, from the
consideration of those dangers and difficulties the prince would have
to encounter. But Charles, without meaning to depreciate his father’s
cares, observed that he did not pity him half so much as his brother;
“for,” said he, “the king has been inured to disappointments and
distresses, and has learnt to bear up easily under the misfortunes of
life; but poor Harry! his young and tender years make him much to be
pitied, for few brothers love as we do.”[864]

Charles spent the night at Nairne-house, and proceeded next day to
Perth, which had been taken possession of by a party of Camerons
the preceding evening. Attired in a superb dress of tartan, trimmed
with gold, and mounted on Captain Scott’s charger, Charles entered
the “fair city,” attended by several gentlemen on horseback. They
immediately repaired to the cross, and proclaimed the Chevalier;
after which ceremony Charles was conducted, amid the acclamations
of the people, to the house of Viscount Stormont, which had been
provided for his residence while in Perth. The magistrates and
some of the principal inhabitants, following the example set by
many of the landed proprietors of the county, abandoned the city
on the appearance of the Highlanders, and fled to Edinburgh. An
advanced party under Macdonald of Keppoch, had been sent forward to
seize Dundee; but being informed by some of the inhabitants, who
met him on the road, that his force was too small for the purpose,
Keppoch applied for a reinforcement; which was accordingly sent off
from Perth, about midnight, under Clanranald. These detachments
entered Dundee at day-break, and captured two vessels with arms and
ammunition on board, which were sent up the Tay for the use of the
royal army.

At Perth, Charles was joined by the Duke of Perth, Lord Ogilvie and
Strathallan, Robertson of Strowan, Oliphant of Gask, and several
other gentlemen; but the chief personage who rallied under Charles’s
standard at Perth, and was indeed among the first to appear there,
was Lord George Murray,[865] immediate younger brother to the Duke
of Athole. He was conducted by his eldest brother, the Marquis of
Tullibardine, into the presence of the prince. Lord George had taken
a share in the insurrection of 1715, and was one of the few persons
who joined the Spanish forces, which were defeated at Glenshiel
in 1719. He afterwards went abroad, and served several years as
an officer in the King of Sardinia’s army; but having obtained a
pardon, he returned from exile, and was presented to George I. by
his brother the Duke of Athole. Lord George was tall in person, and
though now past the meridian of life, retained all the qualities of
a robust and vigorous constitution. Besides a natural genius for
military operations, in which he had had considerable experience,
Lord George was fertile in resources, indefatigable in application,
and brave even to a fault. With sword in hand he was always the first
to rush forward upon the enemy in the day of battle, often saying
to his men, “I do not ask you, my lads, to go before, but to follow
me.” The accession therefore of such a man, at such a crisis, was
of the highest importance to the Jacobite cause. Charles, when at
Glenfinnan, had conferred the post of quarter-master-general of the
army on O’Sullivan. Aware of the brilliant qualifications of Lord
George, the prince, almost immediately on his arrival at Perth,
appointed him lieutenant-general, to the great satisfaction of the
clans, to whom he was favourably known.

Lord George appointed the Chevalier Johnstone,[866] who had also
joined the prince at Perth, his aide-de-camp, and immediately entered
on his duties with alacrity. Though the Highlanders acted in complete
subordination to their chiefs when in the field of battle, they
had so little idea of military discipline, that they would absent
themselves without permission, and roam about the country. This
happened more particularly on marches, when there was a scarcity
of food, on which occasions they would spread themselves over the
whole country, in straggling parties, in quest of provisions. The
inconveniences and loss of time, and the great abuses to which such a
practice led, had been strongly felt in the former insurrection, and
had been witnessed by Lord George himself. To prevent a recurrence of
such evils during the present contest, the first thing Lord George
did, was to advise the prince to appoint proper persons to fill the
commissariat department, by whose exertions an adequate supply of
food might be provided for the use of the army, without which, he
said, it would be impossible to keep the Highlanders together for
any length of time. That no delay might take place in waiting for
provisions, in forced marches, or in detached enterprises, which
required despatch, he caused a considerable number of small knapsacks
to be made, sufficient to contain a peck of meal each, which the men
could carry on their backs without any inconvenience. A thousand of
these knapsacks were sent to Crieff, for the use of the Athole men,
who were to march south in that direction.[867]

The march of Charles into Athole had been so rapid and unexpected,
that his friends in that district had had no time to gather any
considerable force to join him on his route to Perth. He was,
therefore, under the necessity of remaining a few days at Perth,
to give his adherents time to raise their men. In mustering their
tenants and vassals, some of them are said to have met with
considerable difficulties from the unwillingness of their people to
take up arms, and the Duke of Perth has been charged with the crime
of shooting one or two of his tenants, who were refractory, but the
charge does not appear sufficiently supported.[868]

Another reason for Charles’s stay in Perth was the want of money.
His treasury had been completely drained by his liberal advances
for the support of his army; and of the few thousand pounds which
he brought with him from France, he had only one guinea remaining
when he entered Perth. Taking the solitary coin from his pocket, he
showed it to Kelly, one of the gentlemen who came over with him, and
told him that it was all the money that now remained; but he added
with an air of confidence, that the army had received a fortnight’s
pay in advance, and that before the expiration of another fortnight
he would receive a fresh supply.[869] In order to meet pecuniary
demands, Charles had despatched a circular from Kinlochiel on the 22d
of August to his friends in different parts of Scotland, soliciting
an immediate supply; but up to the time of his arrival at Perth no
money appears to have reached him.[870] Shortly thereafter, however,
his expectations began to be realized by some private pecuniary
contributions sent by persons well affected to his cause, but who
were afraid of openly declaring themselves.[871] But Charles did not
trust to such uncertain supplies to recruit his exhausted treasury.
Besides compelling the city of Perth to contribute £500, he appointed
persons in Perth, Dundee, and other towns in the counties of Perth
and Angus, to collect the public money, by means of which, and the
contributions of his friends, his coffers were speedily replenished.

During his stay at Perth, Charles devoted almost all his time to
the disciplining and training of his men, in writing despatches,
and in a variety of military details to which he had hitherto been
unaccustomed. Though fond of amusement, he never allowed it to
occupy much of his time; and if he accepted a convivial invitation,
it was more from a wish not to disoblige than from a desire to join
in the festivities of his friends. Amid the occupations of the camp
he did not, however, neglect the outward observances of religion.
For the first time, it is believed, of his life, he attended the
Protestant service at Perth, on Sunday the 8th of September, rather,
it may be conjectured, to please his Protestant friends, than from
any predilection for a form of worship to which he was an entire
stranger. The text appropriately chosen on this occasion by the
preacher, a Mr. Armstrong, was from Isaiah xiv., verses 1, 2, “For
the Lord will have mercy on Jacob, and will yet choose Israel, and
set them in their own land; and the strangers shall be joined with
them, and they shall cleave to the house of Jacob. And the people
shall take them, and bring them to their place; and the house of
Israel shall possess them in the land of the Lord for servants
and handmaids: and they shall take them captives, whose captives
they were; and they shall rule over their oppressors.”[872] The
non-juring Jacobite discourse delivered on the occasion in question,
would certainly form an extraordinary contrast with the democratic
harangues to which Charles’s great-grandfather, Charles I., and his
grand uncle, Charles II., were accustomed to listen from the mouths
of the stern Covenanters.

While Charles was thus employed at Perth, Sir John Cope was marching
from Inverness to Aberdeen. After leaving the direct road to Fort
Augustus, Cope had proceeded by forced marches to Inverness, where
he arrived on the 29th of August. Here he met the Lord President,
who communicated to him a letter he had received on his arrival in
the north, from Sir Alexander Macdonald, informing him of the names
of the chiefs who had joined Charles, and requesting directions how
to act in the event of the insurgent chiefs being forced to retire
to the islands. After consulting with the President, Cope resolved
to march back his army to Stirling, provided he could obtain a
reinforcement of Highlanders from the Whig clans in the neighbourhood
of Inverness. An application was accordingly made to the chiefs; but
as it turned out ineffectual, Cope determined to march to Aberdeen
and embark his troops for the Frith of Forth. The feelings of alarm
and anxiety with which he was agitated on this occasion, are thus
described by himself in a letter which he wrote from Inverness, on
the 31st of August, to Lord Milton the Justice Clerk:--“I, from the
beginning, thought this affair might become serious; and sorry I am
that I was not mistaken: indeed, my lord, it is serious. I know your
activity and ability in business,--the whole is at stake,--exert your
authority,--lengths must be gone,--and rules and common course of
business must yield to the necessity of the times, or it may soon be
too late. So much fatigue of body and mind I never knew of before;
but my health continues good, and my spirits do not flag. Much
depends upon the next step we take. In this country the rebels will
not let us get at them unless we had some Highlanders with us; and,
as yet, not one single man has joined us, though I have lugged along
with us 300 stand of arms. No man could have believed that not one
man would take arms in our favour, or show countenance to us; but so
it is.”[873]

It is rather singular, that on the same day on which the
above-mentioned letter was written, the adherents of government
at Edinburgh, who had hitherto derided the attempt of the prince,
should have been at last aroused to a full sense of the danger they
were in. Lulled by a false security, they had never, for a moment,
doubted that Cope would be successful on his expedition in the north;
but certain intelligence, brought to them by James Drummond or
Macgregor, son of the celebrated Rob Roy, who arrived at Edinburgh
on the 26th, began to open their eyes. With the object of throwing
the government party in the capital off their guard, this man was
despatched from the Jacobite camp in Lochaber to Edinburgh, with
the necessary instructions. Enjoying in some degree the confidence
of the whig party, he was the better fitted to impose upon them by
his misrepresentations. When introduced to the public functionaries
on his arrival, he stated that the Highland army was not 1,500
strong,--that it was chiefly composed of old men and boys, who were
badly armed, and that from what he saw and knew of them he was sure
they would fly before Cope’s army. Though unsuccessful, as will be
seen, in this branch of his mission, he succeeded in another which
he had volunteered to perform, by getting one Drummond, a Jacobite
printer, to print the prince’s proclamations and manifestoes, which
he took care to distribute throughout the city among the friends
of the cause. When apprised of the fact of the publication, the
magistrates, without suspecting Macgregor as the importer of these
treasonable documents, issued a proclamation, offering a large reward
for the discovery of the printer.

Edinburgh, at the period in question, and for many years afterwards,
was confined within narrow limits. It had never been properly
fortified; and its castle, which majestically overtops the city,
and forms the western boundary of that division now called the “Old
town,” could afford it little security. On the south and on the
east, the ancient city was bounded by a wall varying from ten to
twenty feet high. On the north side, a lake, easily fordable, called
the North Loch, now drained and converted into beautiful gardens,
was its only defence. In several places the old wall had been built
upon, so that dwelling houses formed part of the wall, but these
erections were overlooked by rows of higher houses without the city.
There were no cannon mounted upon the wall, but in some places it was
strengthened by bastions and embrasures. The standing force of the
city consisted of two bodies, called the Town Guard and the Trained
Bands, neither of which now exist. The first, which, at the time we
are now treating of, amounted to 126 men, acted in lieu of a police;
and though pretty well versed in the manual and platoon exercise,
were, from their being generally old men, unfit for military duty.
The Trained Bands, or Burgher Guard, which was composed of citizens,
and in former times amounted to a considerable number of men, did not
at the period in question exceed 1,000. Anciently, the tallest men
were armed with pikes, and those of a lower stature with firelocks,
and both were provided with defensive armour. The captain of each
company, eight in number, instructed his men one day in every week in
the exercise of arms;[874] but the pikes and armour were afterwards
laid aside, and since the Revolution the Trained Bands had appeared
in arms only once in the year, to celebrate the king’s birth-day, on
which occasion they were furnished with arms for the service of the
day from a magazine belonging to the city.

As it was obvious that, under these circumstances, no effectual
resistance could be made to the entrance of an army into the city,
the provost and magistrates held a meeting on the 27th of August, at
which some of the principal citizens attended, to devise means of
defence. At this meeting it was resolved to repair the walls and to
raise a regiment of 1,000 men, to be paid by a voluntary contribution
of the inhabitants. A standing committee was, at the same time,
appointed to carry this resolution into effect, and to advise with
the Lord-Justice-Clerk and other judges then in town, and the crown
lawyers, as to such other steps as might be considered necessary in
the present crisis. To obtain the requisite permission to embody
the proposed regiment, an application was sent to London by the
Lord Advocate; and leave to that effect was granted on the 4th of
September.[875]

Up to the 31st of August, no certain intelligence had been received
at Edinburgh of the movements of the Highlanders; but in the evening
of that day the inhabitants were thrown into a state of great
alarm by receiving intelligence of the march of the Highland army
into Athole, and of the ominous departure of Cope for Inverness.
Instantly the drum beat to arms, and the town-council having met,
they ordained that the keys of the city should be lodged with the
captain of the city guard, and ordered sentries to be placed at each
of the gates, and the city guard to be augmented. As an additional
security, Hamilton’s dragoons, then quartered in the vicinity of
the city, were kept under arms that night. The repairs of the city
walls were commenced; orders were issued to place cannon on them, and
to throw up a ditch on the north side of the castle, and arms were
sent from the city magazine to Leith to arm its inhabitants. These
preparations, and the hurry and bustle with which it may be supposed
they were attended, may appear ludicrous when contrasted with the
result; but the public functionaries were bound to put the city in
as defensible a state as their means would admit of, and without the
least possible delay.

It would have been perhaps fortunate for the honour of the city,
if on the present occasion the civic authorities had been allowed,
in conjunction with the committee which had been named, to follow
out such measures as they might have deemed necessary for defending
the city; but, unluckily, there existed a party consisting of
ex-magistrates and councillors, who, by the course they adopted,
brought dissension among the citizens. This party, at the head of
which was ex-provost Drummond, “a zealous loyalist, and one of the
most valuable municipal chiefs whom Edinburgh has possessed,”[876]
had been succeeded in the town-council by Stewart, the then provost,
and his friends, who, for five years, had kept possession of the
municipal government, to the entire exclusion of Drummond and
his party. Desirous of regaining their lost power, they availed
themselves of the present opportunity, the elections being at hand,
to instil distrust of the existing magistracy into the minds of
the electors, by representing the members of the town-council as
Jacobitically inclined, and as indifferent to the preservation of
the city from the rebels. And indeed it appears that Stewart showed
himself incapable of performing effectually the responsible duties
of his office at this important juncture.[877] The opposition party,
partly, no doubt, to ingratiate themselves still farther with the
electors, the majority of whom were whigs, and warmly attached to the
government, really showed greater zeal in organising measures for
the defence of the city. They presented, on the 6th of September, a
petition to the provost, signed by about 100 citizens, praying that
they, the subscribers, might be authorised to form themselves into an
association for the defence of the city,--that they might be allowed
to name their own officers,--and that an application should be made
by the provost to General Guest, for a supply of arms from the castle
for their use.[878]

This petition was laid before an extraordinary meeting of the council
next day, and the law officers of the crown having given their
opinion that the council could legally authorise an arming of the
inhabitants for the contemplated purpose, they acceded to its prayer,
with the exception of that part which craved that the volunteers
should have the nomination of their own officers, a privilege which
the provost reserved to himself, in virtue of his office of chief
magistrate. To ascertain the names of the citizens who were willing
to serve as volunteers, a paper was lodged, on the 9th of September,
in the Old-church aisle, and all loyal persons were invited by
handbills to subscribe: 418 persons joined this association, and were
supplied with arms from the castle. Simultaneously with the formation
of the association, the magistrates exerted themselves to raise the
regiment they had petitioned for, the warrant for which was received
by the provost on the 8th of September; but their efforts were
ineffectual, not being able, after a week’s recruiting, to raise 200
men. This paltry force, however, was named the Edinburgh regiment, to
distinguish it from the volunteer association.

Hitherto the repairs of the city walls had been steadily progressing,
and, to the great scandal of the more religious part of the
inhabitants, no cessation took place even upon the Sunday; but
although the persons employed upon the walls might plead necessity
in justification of their work on the day of rest, they seem to
have overlooked that necessity on the 10th of September, the day
when the city elections commenced. So great was the anxiety of
all classes to ascertain the names of the craftsmen sent up by the
different incorporations to the council to represent them, that a
total suspension of every business took place, and the magistrates,
who felt little difficulty in procuring men to work upon the Sunday,
now saw the works almost entirely deserted by the artificers employed
upon them.

A few days after receipt of the intelligence of the march of the
Highlanders into the low country, Captain Rogers, an aide-de-camp of
Sir John Cope, arrived at Edinburgh from Inverness, with instructions
to General Guest to send down a number of transports to Aberdeen to
carry his men to the southern shores of the Frith of Forth. These
vessels sailed from Leith roads on the 10th, under convoy of a ship
of war, and their return was expected with the greatest anxiety by
the inhabitants of Edinburgh, who were continually looking up to the
weather-cocks to ascertain the direction of the wind.

The volunteers being officered and organised, were regularly drilled
twice every day. Cannon were brought up from Leith and mounted on
the walls, and the defensive works were proceeded with under the
superintendence of Maclaurin, the celebrated mathematician, who had
furnished the designs.

FOOTNOTES:

[843] Cope’s Trial, p 105. Home, p. 51.

[844] Appendix to Home’s works, No. V.

[845] _Culloden Papers_, p. 203.

[846] Idem, p. 204.

[847] Idem, p. 203.

[848] _Culloden Papers_, p. 203.

[849] Chambers’s _Rebellion_, p. 46.

[850] Home, p. 54.

[851] Cope’s Trial.

[852] Idem.

[853] Cope’s Trial, p. 24. Chambers’s _Rebellion_, p. 50.

[854] The prince thus relates the circumstances attending this affair
in a letter to his father, dated from Perth, 10th September, 1745.
“There is one thing, and but one, in which I had any difference with
my faithful Highlanders. It was about the price upon my kinsman’s
head, which, knowing your Majesty’s generous humanity, I am sure,
will shock you, as it did me, when I was shown the proclamation,
setting a price upon my head. I smiled, and treated it with the
disdain I thought it deserved; upon which they flew into a violent
rage, and insisted upon my doing the same by him. As this flowed
solely from the poor men’s love and concern for me, I did not know
how to be angry with them for it, and tried to bring them to temper
by representing that it was a mean barbarous principle among princes,
and must dishonour them in the eyes of all men of honour; that I did
not see how my cousin’s having set me the example, would justify me
in imitating that which I blame so much in him. But nothing I could
say would pacify them. Some went even so far as to say,--‘Shall
we venture our lives for a man who seems so indifferent of his
own?’ Thus have I been drawn in to do a thing for which I condemn
myself.”--_Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 32.

[855] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. pp. 442-484.

[856] _Culloden Papers_, p. 216.

[857] _Culloden Papers_, p. 216.

[858] Henderson’s _History of the Rebellion_, p. 34.

[859] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 25.

[860] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. pp. 443-485.

[861] Henderson’s _History of the Rebellion_, p. 36.

[862] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 26.

[863] At Lude Charles “was very cheerful, and took his share in
several dances, such as minuets, Highland reels, &c. The first reel
the prince called for was ‘This is no mine ain house,’ &c., and a
strathspey minuet.”--_Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 26.

[864] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 468.

[865] See portrait at p. 672.

[866] The author of the _Memoirs of the Rebellion in 1745-6_. He was
descended, it is believed, from an ancient and powerful family, the
Johnstones of Wamphray. When the news of the prince’s landing was
confirmed at Edinburgh, where he lived with his father, Johnstone
repaired to Duncrub, the seat of Lord Rollo, whose son was married
to Johnstone’s sister; and on the 6th of September, went from
Duncrub to Perth, accompanied by two of Lord Rollo’s daughters, who
presented him to their relations the Duke of Perth and Lord George
Murray.--_Quarterly Review_, No. lxxi. p. 211. _Memoirs_, 2d edit. p.
16.

[867] Lord George Murray’s Narrative. Jacobite Memoirs, p. 29. Some
idea may be formed of the lieutenant-general’s activity, from the
following extract from a letter written on 7th September, by him to
his brother the marquis, who was then busily employed raising the men
on his brother’s estates. “I hope the meal was with you this day--35
bolls--for it was at Inwar last night: It shall be my study to have
more meal with you on Monday night, for you must distribute a peck
a man: and, cost what it will, there must be pocks, (small sacks,)
made to each man, to contain a peck or two for the men, to have
always with them. Buy linen, harn, or any thing; for these pocks are
of absolute necessity, nothing can be done without them.... You may
please tell your own people, that there is a project to get arms for
them.”--_Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 31.

[868] “In the interior of the Highlands absolute submission seems to
have been easily exacted; but in the outskirts, where, perhaps, there
was a slight mingling of Lowland population, and where the people
were not too blind to see that their leaders alone had an interest in
the rising, considerable opposition was offered to the commands of
the chief. This was conspicuously visible in the Athole territory.
The chivalrous Tullibardine was much provoked by the obstinacy of
the retainers of his house in the valleys round Dunkeld. They had
to be repeatedly threatened with coercive measures, and appear to
have been literally forced into the service by press-gangs from the
other clans. He had been absent from the country during the whole
interval between the rebellions, and his brother, who adopted the
interest of the government, enjoyed his estate. He could not see that
this affected his divine right as chief any more than it affected
that of his royal master; but the clan appear to have imperfectly
participated in such a principle, and to have abandoned, as he
expressed it, the virtues of their ancestors.”--Burton’s _Scotland
after Revolution_, vol. ii. p. 414.

[869] _Kirkconnel MS._

[870] Lord Elcho afterwards lent the prince 1,500 guineas. A curious
correspondence on the subject of repayment will be found in the
_Stuart Papers_.

[871] _Kirkconnel MS._

[872] Caledonian Mercury, as referred to by Dr. Chambers.

[873] Home, p. 318.

[874] Maitland’s _History of Edinburgh_, p. 285. Home, p. 67.

[875] Home, p. 67.

[876] Burton.

[877] Burton, vol. ii. p. 451.

[878] Home, p. 69.

CHAPTER XXXI.

A.D. 1745.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.

Charles leaves Perth and proceeds southwards--Crosses the
Forth--Proceeds towards Edinburgh--Great confusion in
Edinburgh--The Edinburgh volunteers--Gardiner’s and Hamilton’s
dragoons--Meeting of inhabitants--Message from Prince Charles
at Corstorphine--Deputations to the Prince--Cope arrives off
Dunbar--Capture of Edinburgh by the Highlanders--Arrival of
Charles at Holyrood--The Chevalier de St. George proclaimed--Cope
marches from Dunbar towards Haddington and Preston--The Prince
leaves Edinburgh and marches towards Preston--Battle of Preston.

As early as the 7th of September, Charles had received notice of
Cope’s intention to embark at Aberdeen; and, that he might not be
anticipated by Cope in his design of seizing the capital, he began to
make arrangements for leaving Perth for the south. Before the 11th
his force was considerably augmented by tributary accessions from
the uplands of Perthshire, and, as his coffers had been pretty well
replenished, he resolved to take his departure that day. With this
view, Lord George Murray sent an express to his brother, the Marquis
of Tullibardine, on the 7th, requesting him to march with such forces
as he had collected, on the morning of Tuesday the 10th, so as to
reach Crieff next day, that he might be able to form a junction with
the main army at Dunblane or Doune the following day.[879]

Charles, accordingly, left Perth on Wednesday the 11th of September
on his route to the south. The van of the army, or rather a few of
each of the clans, reached Dunblane that night, in the neighbourhood
of which they encamped. The greater part of the men lagged behind,
and did not get up till next day, when they appeared to be greatly
fatigued. As this result was imputed to the good quarters they had
enjoyed for the last eight days at Perth, and the want of exercise,
it was resolved that henceforth the army should encamp in the open
air, and be kept constantly in motion. On his march to Dunblane, the
prince was joined by Macdonald of Glencoe,[880] with 60 of his men,
and by James Drummond or Macgregor of Glengyle at the head of 255
Macgregors, the retainers of Macgregor of Glencairnaig.[881]

Having been obliged to halt a whole day for the remainder of his
army, Charles remained in his camp till the 13th, on which day
he crossed the Forth at the fords of Frew, almost in the face of
Gardiner’s dragoons, who retired towards Stirling on the approach of
the Highland army, without attempting to dispute its passage. While
passing by Doune, Charles received particular marks of attention from
some of the ladies of Menteith, who had assembled in the house of
Mr. Edmondstone of Cambuswallace, in the neighbourhood of Doune to
see him as he passed. A collation had been provided for him, in the
expectation that he would have entered the house; but he courteously
excused himself, and stopping before the house, without alighting
from his horse, drank a glass of wine to the healths of his fair
observers. The daughters of Mr. Edmondstone, who served the prince
on this occasion, respectfully solicited the honour of kissing his
hand--a favour which he readily granted; but he was asked to grant
a higher favour by Miss Robina Edmondstone, cousin to the daughters
of the host. The favour sought was the liberty “to pree his royal
highness’s mou.” Charles not being sufficiently acquainted with broad
Scotch, was at a loss to comprehend the nature of the request; but on
its being explained to him, he instantly caught her in his arms, and
instead of allowing her to perform the operation, he himself kissed
her from ear to ear, to the great amusement of the spectators, and
the envy of the bold recipient’s cousins.[882]

The passage of the Forth had always been considered one of the most
daring and decisive steps which a Highland army could take. In their
own country the Highlanders possessed many natural advantages over an
invading foe, which gave them almost an absolute assurance of success
in any contest even with forces greatly superior in numbers; and,
in the adjoining Lowlands, they could, if worsted, easily retreat
to their fastnesses; but their situation was very different on the
south of the Forth, where they were more particularly exposed to be
attacked by cavalry,--a species of force which they greatly dreaded,
and from which they could, if routed, scarcely expect to escape. It
is said, but not upon sufficient authority, that some of Charles’s
officers at first demurred to the propriety of exposing the army to
the dangers of a Lowland campaign in the south, but that he would
listen to no arguments against the grand design he had formed of
seizing the capital. To cheer his men in the hazardous enterprise,
the dangers of which now, for the first time, began to develop
themselves, the prince is reported, on arriving on the bank of the
river, to have brandished his sword in the air, and pointing to the
other side, to have rushed into the water, and darting across, to
have taken his station on the opposite bank, on which he stood till
all the detachments had crossed, and congratulated each successive
detachment as it arrived.[883] In crossing the Forth, the prince may
be said to have passed the Rubicon: he had not only committed himself
in a struggle with a powerful government, but he had, with intrepid
daring, and with a handful of men, entered a country whence retreat
was almost impossible.

After passing the Forth, Charles, accompanied by a party of his
officers, proceeded to Leckie House, the seat of Mr. Moir, a Jacobite
gentleman, where he dined; but the proprietor was absent, having
been seized by a party of dragoons, and carried off to Stirling
castle the preceding night, in consequence of information having been
received at the castle that he was preparing to receive and entertain
the prince at his house. The army passed the night on the moor of
Sauchie, a few miles south from the ford.[884] The prince himself
slept in Bannockburn House, belonging to Sir Hugh Paterson, a zealous
Jacobite. During this day’s march great abuses were committed by the
men in taking and shooting sheep, which the Duke of Perth and others
did every thing in their power to prevent. Lochiel was so enraged
at the conduct of his men, that he is said to have shot one of them
himself, as an example to deter the rest.[885]

Next day Charles put his army in motion towards Falkirk. In passing
by Stirling, a few shots were fired at them from the castle, but
without damage. Lord George Murray sent a message to the magistrates
of the town, requiring a supply of provisions; on receiving which
they immediately opened the gates, and having given notice of the
demand to the inhabitants, the dealers in provisions went out and met
the Highland army near Bannockburn, and sold a considerable quantity
of commodities to the men. The army, after receiving this supply,
resumed its march, and finally halted on a field a little to the
eastward of Falkirk. Charles took up his abode in Callender House,
where he was entertained with the greatest hospitality by the Earl
of Kilmarnock, who gave him assurances of devoted attachment to his
cause. By the earl, Charles was informed that Gardiner’s dragoons,
who, on his approach to Falkirk, had retired in the direction of
Linlithgow, were resolved to dispute the passage of Linlithgow
bridge with him, and that they had encamped that night in its
neighbourhood.[887]

On receiving this intelligence, Charles immediately held a council
of war, at which it was resolved to attack the dragoons during the
night. For this purpose a detachment of 1,000 well-armed men was
despatched at one o’clock in the morning under the command of Lord
George Murray. They marched with the utmost order, regularity,
and quietness; but they were disappointed in their object, as the
dragoons had retired during the night to Kirkliston, eight miles
west from Edinburgh. The detachment entered Linlithgow before
break of day, where they were joined by the prince and the rest of
the army about ten o’clock that morning.[888] The day was Sunday;
but the prince does not appear to have gratified the burghers by
going to church as he had done the citizens of Perth the preceding
Sunday. He, however, partook of a repast which some of the Jacobite
inhabitants had prepared for him. The provost preserved a neutrality
by absenting himself from town; but his wife and daughters are said
to have paid their respects to the prince by waiting upon him at the
cross, attired in tartan gowns, and wearing white cockades, and doing
themselves the honour of kissing his hand.

Advancing from Linlithgow about four o’clock in the afternoon,
the Highland army encamped on a rising ground, nearly four miles
east from Linlithgow, near the twelfth milestone from Edinburgh,
where they passed the night. The prince slept in a house in the
neighbourhood. Next morning, Monday the 16th, Charles renewed his
march eastwards, and reached Corstorphine, the dragoons all the while
retiring before him as he approached.

Charles was now within three miles of Edinburgh, and could not
proceed farther in a direct line, without exposing his army to the
fire of the castle guns. To avoid them, he led it off in a southerly
direction, towards Slateford,--a small village about the distance
of a mile from Corstorphine. The prince fixed his head quarters at
Gray’s mills, between two and three miles from the city, and his
troops bivouacked during the night of the 16th, in an adjoining field
called Gray’s Park.

When intelligence of the prince’s departure from Perth reached
Edinburgh, the anxiety for the arrival of Cope increased every hour.
The Jacobites, of whom there was a respectable party in the city,
on the other hand, longed for the arrival of Charles. No certain
information of the movements of the Highland army reached Edinburgh
till the morning of Sunday the 15th, when a messenger brought
intelligence that the insurgents were in full march upon the capital,
and that their van had already reached Kirkliston. The last part of
this information was, however, incorrect.

At the time the messenger arrived, all the armed volunteers, in
terms of an order given the preceding evening, were assembled in
the college yards. About ten o’clock, Drummond, the ex-provost, who
was captain of a company, which, from its being partly composed of
students belonging to the university, was called the college company,
made his appearance. After consultation with his brother-officers,
he informed the company of the advance of the Highland army,--that
it had been proposed to General Guest to make a stand with the two
dragoon regiments, and fight the insurgents on their way to the
city; but that the general did not think the measure advisable, as
there was not a body of foot to act with the dragoons to draw off
the fire of the enemy,--that he (Drummond), knowing that he could
answer for 250 volunteers, if Provost Stewart would allow 50 of the
town-guard to go along with them, had asked the general if that
number would be sufficient; and that Guest had given him an answer
in the affirmative. “Now, gentlemen,” said the ex-provost, “you have
heard the general’s opinion, judge for yourselves. If you are willing
to risk your lives for the defence of the capital of Scotland and the
honour of your country, I am ready to lead you to the field.” The
volunteers to whom Drummond seemed particularly to address himself,
threw up their hats in the air, at the conclusion of this address,
and began a huzza, in which the rest of the company joined.[889]

Having obtained the consent of his own company to march, he went
to the other companies in succession; but instead of advising them
to follow the example which his own men had set, he told them that
though his men were, all of them, going out to conquer or die with
him, yet that such a resolution was only proper for young unmarried
men, who were at liberty to dispose of their own lives. Accordingly
very few of the volunteers in the other companies would give their
consent; but Drummond’s company becoming clamorous, the others
seemed to yield, and Drummond despatched a messenger to the castle
to inform General Guest that the volunteers were ready to march
out with the dragoons and engage the rebels. At the request of the
general, Provost Stewart ordered a detachment of the town guard
and the Edinburgh regiment to accompany the volunteers. General
Guest, on being informed of this, directed Hamilton’s dragoons, who
were encamped on Leith links, to march through the city, and join
Gardiner’s regiment at Corstorphine.[890]

For the first time since they had been embodied, the volunteers now
loaded their pieces. In terms of an order which had been issued the
preceding day, the fire-bell was rung as a signal of approaching
danger, and the volunteers, who had assembled in the college-yards,
instantly repaired in a body to the Lawnmarket, the appointed place
of rendezvous. Most of the city ministers had enrolled themselves
as volunteers, but they were absent on the present occasion, being
engaged celebrating divine service in their respective churches.
_Semper parati_ being the motto they had adopted in their new
vocation, they had gone to church equipped _à la militaire_, and
when the alarm-bell sounded, were preaching with their swords
by their sides. In an instant the churches were deserted by the
worshippers, and a universal panic seized all classes on learning
the intelligence. The Lawnmarket, where the volunteers had drawn up
waiting for the arrival of Hamilton’s dragoons, was soon crowded with
inhabitants: many of them, the wives, sisters, mothers, fathers,
and friends of the devoted volunteers who clustered around them,
and implored them, by ties the most sacred, to desist from the
dangerous enterprise they were about to engage in. The attention of
the people was diverted for a time by the appearance of Hamilton’s
dragoons who rode up the street. They were received with huzzas
by the volunteers, and the dragoons in passing huzzaed in return,
and with a gasconading air clashed their swords against each other
as they went along. The alarm among the relatives and friends of
the volunteers was increased, and nothing was to be heard but the
cries and lamentations of unhappy females. These doughty champions,
who never had any serious intention of exposing their persons to
the blows of the Highland broad-sword, moved in appearance by the
tears, the entreaties, and embraces of their female friends, seemed
rather inclined to allow the dragoons to shift for themselves; but
neither the expostulations of the men, (for the male relations of the
volunteers were equally solicitous with the females in dissuading
the volunteers from marching,) nor the tears of the women, had any
effect upon the volunteers of Drummond’s company, who had agreed to
march.

An order being given to march, Drummond placed himself at the head
of the volunteers of his company, and marched them up the Lawnmarket
and down the West Bow to the Grassmarket: they were followed by
an immense crowd of people lamenting their unhappy fate. Only 42
privates of Drummond’s company followed him, but he certainly
expected some accessions from the other companies. Not a single
individual, however, belonging to them, accompanied him. Finding
himself and his little party alone, Drummond halted his men near
the West Port, and sent a lieutenant, named Lindsay, back to the
Lawnmarket to ascertain the reason why the volunteers, who were
expected to follow, had not joined their associates. Lindsay, on his
return to the Lawnmarket, found the volunteers, who still remained in
the street, in great confusion. Several of the officers told Lindsay
that they themselves were willing to follow Drummond and his party,
but that very few of their men would consent to march out. On the
other hand, many of the privates complained that they could not get
one officer to lead them. After some altercation, Lindsay, with the
assistance of Captain Sir George Preston, and some other officers,
succeeded in collecting 141, who professed a willingness to march
with the dragoons, out of about 350 volunteers who had remained
behind; Lindsay led off these to the Grassmarket, where they joined
Drummond’s party; but if we are to believe a pamphleteer of the day,
even this small force was diminished by the way. The descent of _The
Bow_ presenting localities and facilities equally convenient for
desertion, the volunteers are said to have availed themselves of
these on their march. The author alluded to facetiously compared this
falling off “to the course of the Rhine, which rolling pompously its
waves through fertile fields, instead of augmenting in its course,
is continually drawn off by a thousand canals, and at last becomes a
small rivulet, which loses itself in the sands before it reaches the
ocean.”[891] The foot now assembled, comprehending the town guard and
the Edinburgh regiment, which numbered only 189, amounted, exclusive
of officers, to 363 men.[892]

Alarmed at the departure of the volunteers, Dr. Wishart, principal
of the university of Edinburgh, with others of the city clergy,
proceeded to the Grassmarket, and with great earnestness addressed
the volunteers, and conjured them by every thing they held most
sacred and dear, to reserve themselves for the defence of the city
by remaining within the walls. Principal Wishart addressed himself
particularly to the young men of Drummond’s company, some few of
whom affected to contemn his advice; but it was perfectly evident
that there was scarcely an individual present, who did not in his
heart desire to follow the advice of the ministers. The volunteers,
however, had offered to serve without the walls, and they could not
withdraw with honour. Drummond, on the departure of the clergy, and
after a short consultation with his officers, sent a lieutenant with
a message to the provost, to the effect, that the volunteers had
resolved not to march out of town without his express permission, and
that they would wait for his answer. In all this we have no reason
to doubt the sincerity and courage of Drummond, but to the great
satisfaction of his men, who were at first ignorant of the nature of
the message, an answer was returned by Provost Stewart, stating that
he was much opposed to the proposal of marching out of town, and was
glad to find that the volunteers had resolved to remain within the
walls. No sooner was this answer received, than Drummond returned
with his men to the college-yards, where they were dismissed for a
time. The town guard, and the men of the Edinburgh regiment, however,
although shamefully deserted by their companions in arms, marched out
of the city on receiving an order to that effect from the provost,
and joined the dragoons at Corstorphine, about four miles west from
Edinburgh, where the regiments of Hamilton and Gardiner formed a
junction.[893]

Seeing no appearance of the enemy, Colonel Gardiner retired at sunset
with the two regiments of dragoons, to a field between Edinburgh
and Leith, to pass the night, leaving a party of his men behind him
to watch the motions of the Highlanders; and the foot returned at
the same time to the city. To guard the city during the night, 600
or 700 men, consisting of the trained bands, the volunteers, and
some auxiliaries from the towns of Musselburgh and Dalkeith, were
stationed along the walls and at the different gates; but the night
passed off quietly. The same night, Brigadier General Fowkes arrived
from London. Early next morning, he received an order from General
Guest, to take the command of the dragoons, and to march to a field a
little to the east of Coltbridge, about two miles west from the city,
where he was joined in the course of the forenoon by the town guard,
and the Edinburgh regiment.

For the first time during their march, the Highlanders descried
some dragoons as they approached Corstorphine, on the morning of
the 16th of September. This was the party which Colonel Gardiner
had left at Corstorphine the preceding evening. To reconnoitre the
dragoons, a few young well-armed Highlanders were sent forward on
horseback, and ordered to go as near as possible to ascertain their
number. These young men rode close up to the dragoons, and by way of
frolic or defiance, for they could have no intention of attacking the
dragoons, fired their pistols at them. To the utter astonishment of
the Highlanders, the dragoons, instead of returning the fire, became
panic-struck, and instantly wheeling about, galloped off towards
the main body. Participating in the fears of his advanced guard,
General Fowkes immediately ordered a retreat, and between three and
four o’clock in the afternoon, the inhabitants of Edinburgh beheld
the singular spectacle of two regiments of dragoons flying along the
“Long Dykes,” now the site of Princes Street, when no one pursued.
The faint-hearted dragoons stopped a short time at Leith, and
afterwards proceeded to Musselburgh. The foot returned to the city.

Several hours before the retreat of the dragoons, a gentleman of the
city had brought in a message from the prince, requiring a surrender,
and threatening, in case of resistance, to subject the city to all
the rigours of military usage; but no regard was paid to the message,
and although the messenger had the imprudence (for which he was
sent to prison by the provost,) to communicate the message to the
inhabitants, they manifested no great symptoms of alarm, relying,
probably, on the resistance of the dragoons. After these had fled,
however, the people became exceedingly clamorous, and crowds of the
inhabitants ran about the streets crying, that since the dragoons
had fled, it was madness to think of resistance. The provost, on
returning from the West Port, where he had been giving orders after
the retreat of the dragoons, was met by some of the inhabitants, who
implored him not to persist in defending the town, for if he did,
they would all be murdered. He reproved them for their impatience,
and proceeded to the Goldsmiths’ Hall, where he met the magistrates
and town council and a considerable number of the inhabitants, who
had there assembled. After some consultation, a deputation was sent
to the law-officers of the crown, requiring their attendance and
advice; but it was ascertained that these functionaries had left the
town. The captains of the trained bands and volunteers were next sent
for, and called upon for their opinion as to defending the city,
but they were at a loss how to advise. The meeting was divided upon
the question whether the town should be defended or not, and in the
course of the debate much acrimony was displayed by the speakers
on both sides. The hall being too small to contain the crowd which
collected, the meeting adjourned to the New church aisle, which was
immediately filled with people, the great majority of whom called out
for a surrender, as they considered it impossible to defend the town.
Some persons attempted to support the contrary view, but they were
forced to desist by the noise and clamour of the majority.

While matters were in this train, a letter was handed in from the
door addressed to the lord provost, magistrates, and town council of
Edinburgh. The letter was put into the hands of Orrock, the deacon
of the shoemakers, who, on opening it, informed the meeting that it
was subscribed “Charles, P. R.” On hearing this announcement, the
provost stopped Deacon Orrock, who was about to read the letter, said
he would not be a witness to the reading of such a communication,
and rising from his seat, left the place, accompanied by the greater
part of the council and a considerable number of the inhabitants. The
provost, however, returned to the council-chamber with his friends,
and sent for the city assessors to give their opinion as to whether
the letter should be read or not. One of these lawyers appeared, but
afraid to commit himself, stated that the matter was too grave for
him to give an opinion upon. The provost still demurred, but the
assembly getting impatient to know the contents of the letter, his
lordship tacitly consented to its being read. It was as follows:

“_From our Camp, 16th September, 1745._

“Being now in a condition to make our way into the capital of
his majesty’s ancient kingdom of Scotland, we hereby summon you
to receive us, as you are in duty bound to do; and in order to
it, we hereby require you, upon receipt of this, to summon the
town-council and take proper measures for securing the peace and
quiet of the city, which we are very desirous to protect. But
if you suffer any of the usurper’s troops to enter the town, or
any of the cannon, arms, or ammunition in it, (whether belonging
to the public or private persons,) to be carried off, we shall
take it as a breach of your duty, and a heinous offence against
the king and us, and shall resent it accordingly. We promise
to preserve all the rights and liberties of the city, and the
particular property of every one of his majesty’s subjects.
But if any opposition be made to us, we cannot answer for the
consequences, being firmly resolved at any rate to enter the
city; and in that case, if any of the inhabitants are found in
arms against us, they must not expect to be treated as prisoners
of war.”

After this letter was read, the clamour for surrender became more
loud and general than ever, and, agreeably to the wish of the
meeting, a deputation, consisting of four members of the council, was
appointed to wait upon the prince immediately, and to request that he
would grant the citizens time to deliberate on the contents of his
letter.

While the meeting was debating the question as to the reading of
Charles’s letter, an incident occurred, which, it is believed, gave
the finishing stroke to the mock heroism of the volunteers. After the
retreat of the dragoons, the volunteers had assembled, on the ringing
of the fire-bell, at their respective posts, to be in readiness to
obey any instructions which might be sent to them. Four companies,
out of the six, were drawn up in the Lawnmarket between four and
five o’clock in the afternoon, but before they had sufficient time
to recover from the agitation into which they had been thrown by the
call to arms, a well-dressed person, unknown to those assembled,
entered the Lawnmarket from the West-Bow, in great haste, mounted
upon a grey horse, and galloping along the lines of the volunteers,
intimated, in a voice sufficiently high to be heard by the astonished
volunteers, that he had seen the Highland army, and that it amounted
to 16,000 men! This “lying messenger did not stop to be questioned,
and disappeared in a moment.”[894] Captain Drummond, soon after this
occurrence, arrived upon the spot, and, after consulting with his
brother officers, marched up the four companies to the castle, where
they delivered up their arms. In a short time the other companies
also went up and surrendered their arms, and were followed by the
other bodies of militia that had received arms from the castle
magazine.

About eight o’clock at night, the four deputies left the city to
wait upon the prince at Gray’s Mill; but they had scarcely cleared
the walls, when intelligence was received by the lord provost and
magistrates, (who still remained assembled in the council-chamber,)
that the transports with General Cope’s army on board had arrived
off Dunbar, about 27 miles east from Edinburgh, and that as the wind
was unfavourable for bringing them up the Frith, Cope intended to
land his troops at Dunbar and march to the relief of the city. As
this intelligence altered the aspect of affairs, messengers were
immediately despatched to bring back the deputies before they should
reach their destination, but they did not overtake them. The deputies
returned to the city about ten o’clock, and brought along with them
a letter of the following tenor, signed by Secretary Murray:--

“His royal highness the prince regent thinks his manifesto, and
the king his father’s declaration, already published, a sufficient
capitulation for all his majesty’s subjects to accept with joy. His
present demands are, to be received into the city as the son and
representative of the king his father, and obeyed as such when there.
His royal highness supposes, that since the receipt of his letter to
the provost no arms or ammunition have been suffered to be carried
off or concealed, and will expect a particular account of all things
of that nature. Lastly, he expects a positive answer before two
o’clock in the morning, otherwise he will think himself obliged to
take measures conform.”

This letter gave rise to a lengthened discussion in the town-council,
which ended in a resolution to send out a second deputation to
the prince, and, under the pretence of consulting the citizens,
to solicit a few hours’ delay. The deputies accordingly set out
in a coach to the prince’s head-quarters at two o’clock in the
morning, and had an interview with Lord George Murray, whom they
prevailed upon to second their application for delay. His lordship
went into the prince’s apartment, and one of the deputies overheard
him endeavouring to persuade Charles to agree to the request made
by them, but the prince refused. Lord George having reported the
failure of his attempt to the deputies, was induced by them to return
and make another trial, but he was again unsuccessful. Charles
then requested that the deputies should be ordered away, and being
offended at Lord George Murray’s entreaties, desired Lord Elcho, the
son of the Earl of Wemyss, who had just joined him, to intimate the
order to them, which he accordingly did.[895]

Apprehensive of the speedy arrival of Cope, Charles resolved not to
lose a moment in obtaining possession of the capital. He saw that
no effectual resistance could be made by the inhabitants in case
of an assault; but as opposition might exasperate the Highlanders,
and make them regardless of the lives of the citizens, he proposed
to his officers that an attempt should be made to carry the city by
surprise, which, if successful, would save it from the horrors which
usually befall a city taken by storm. The plan of a surprise having
been resolved upon, a select detachment of about 900 men, under
Lochiel, Keppoch, Ardshiel, and O’Sullivan, was sent under cloud of
night towards the city. They marched with great secrecy across the
Borough moor, and reached the south-eastern extremity of the city,
where they halted. A party of 24 men was thereupon despatched with
directions to post themselves on each side of the Netherbow Port, the
eastern or lower gate of the city, and another party of 60 men was
directed to follow them half-way up St. Mary’s Wynd, to be ready to
support them, while a third body, still farther removed, and finally
the remainder of the detachment, were to come up in succession to the
support of the rest. In the event of these dispositions succeeding
without observation from the sentinels on the walls, it had been
arranged that a Highlander in a lowland garb should knock at the
wicket and demand entrance as a servant of an officer of dragoons,
who had been sent by his master to bring him something he had forgot
in the city; and that if the wicket was opened, the party stationed
on each side of the gate should immediately rush in, seize the guard,
and make themselves masters of the gate. The different parties
having taken the stations assigned them without being perceived by
the guards, the disguised Highlander knocked at the gate and stated
his pretended errand; but the guard refused to open the gate, and
the sentinels on the walls threatened to fire upon the applicant if
he did not instantly retire. The commanders were puzzled by this
unexpected refusal, and were at a loss how to act. It was now near
five o’clock, and the morning was about to dawn. The alternative
of an assault seemed inevitable, but fortunately for the city, the
Highlanders were destined to obtain by accident what they could not
effect by stratagem.[896]

While the party at the gate was about to retire to the main body
in consequence of the disappointment they had met with, their
attention was attracted by the rattling of a carriage, which, from
the increasing sound, appeared to be coming down the High-street
towards the Netherbow Port. It was, in fact, the hackney coach which
had been hired by the deputies, which was now on its way back to the
Canongate, where most of the proprietors of hackney coaches at that
time lived. The Highlanders stationed at the gate stood prepared to
enter, and as soon as it was opened to let out the coach, the whole
party, headed by Captain Evan Macgregor, a younger son of Macgregor
of Glencairnaig, rushed in, made themselves masters of the gate, and
disarmed the guard in an instant. In a short time the whole of the
Highlanders followed, with drawn swords and targets, and setting up
one of those hideous and terrific yells with which they salute an
enemy they are about to encounter, marched quickly up the street in
perfect order, in expectation of meeting the foe;[897] but to the
surprise, no less than the pleasure, of the Highlanders, not a single
armed man was to be seen in the street. With the exception of a few
half-awakened spectators, who, roused from their slumbers by the
shouts of the Highlanders, had jumped out of bed, and were to be seen
peeping out at the windows in their sleeping habiliments, all the
rest of the inhabitants were sunk in profound repose.

Having secured the guard-house and disarmed the guards who were
within, the Highlanders took possession of the different gates of
the city and of the stations upon the walls. They made the guards
prisoners, and replaced them with some of their own men, with as much
quietness as if they had been merely changing their own guard.[898]
The Highlanders conducted themselves on this occasion with the
greatest order and regularity, no violence being offered to any
of the inhabitants, and the utmost respect being paid to private
property.

Anxious about the result, Charles had slept only two hours, and
that without taking off his clothes. At an early hour he received
intelligence of the capture of the city, and immediately prepared to
march towards it with the rest of the army. To avoid the castle guns,
the prince took a circuitous direction to the south of the city, till
he reached the Braid burn, when, turning towards the city, he marched
as far as the Buck Stone,[899] a mass of granite on the side of the
turnpike road, near Morningside. On reaching this stone, he drew off
his army by a solitary cross road, leading to the ground now occupied
by Causewayside and Newington. Arrived near Priestfield, he entered
the king’s park by a breach, which had been made in the wall, and
proceeded to the Hunter’s bog, a deep valley between Arthur’s Seat
and Salisbury Crags, where his army was completely sheltered from the
guns of the castle.[900]

Charles was now within the royal domains, and little more than a
quarter of a mile from the royal palace of Holyrood, where his
grandfather, James II., when Duke of York, had, about 60 years
before, exercised the functions of royalty, as the representative
of his brother Charles II. Sanguine as he was, he could scarcely
have imagined that within the space of one short month, from the
time he had raised his standard in the distant vale of the Finnan,
he was to obtain possession of the capital of Scotland, and take
up his residence in the ancient abode of his royal ancestors.
Exulting as he must have done, at the near prospect which such
fortuitous events seemed to afford him of realizing his most ardent
expectations, his feelings received a new impulse, when, on coming
within sight of the palace, he beheld the park crowded with people,
who had assembled to welcome his arrival. Attended by the Duke of
Perth and Lord Elcho, and followed by a train of gentlemen, Charles
rode down the Hunter’s bog, on his way to the palace. On reaching
the eminence below St. Anthony’s well, he alighted from his horse
for the purpose of descending on foot into the park below. On
dismounting he was surrounded by many persons who knelt down and
kissed his hand. He made suitable acknowledgments for these marks
of attachment, and after surveying for a short time the palace and
the assembled multitude which covered the intervening grounds, he
descended into the park below amid the shouts of the spectators,
whose congratulations he received with the greatest affability. On
reaching the foot-path in the park, which, from its having been much
frequented by the Duke of York, afterwards James II., when he resided
at Holyrood, obtained the name of the Duke’s walk, Charles stopped
for a few minutes to exhibit himself to the people.[901]

In person Charles appeared to great advantage. His figure and
presence are described by Mr. Home, an eye-witness, as not ill-suited
to his lofty pretensions. He was in the bloom of youth, tall[902]
and handsome, and of a fair and ruddy complexion. His face, which
in its contour exhibited a perfect oval, was remarkable for the
regularity of its features. His forehead was full and high, and
characteristic of his family. His eyes, which were large, and of a
light blue colour, were shaded by beautifully arched eye-brows, and
his nose, which was finely formed, approached nearer to the Roman
than the Grecian model. A pointed chin, and a mouth rather small,
gave him, however, rather an effeminate appearance; but on the whole,
his exterior was extremely prepossessing, and his deportment was so
graceful and winning, that few persons could resist his attractions.
The dress which he wore on the present occasion was also calculated
to set off the graces of his person to the greatest advantage in
the eyes of the vulgar. He wore a light-coloured peruke, with his
hair combed over the front. This was surmounted by a blue velvet
bonnet, encircled with a band of gold lace, and ornamented at top
with a Jacobite badge, a white satin cockade. He wore a tartan short
coat, and on his breast the star of the order of St. Andrew. Instead
of a plaid, which would have covered the star, he wore a blue sash
wrought with gold. His small clothes were of red velvet. To complete
his costume, he wore a pair of military boots, and a silver-hilted
broadsword.[903]

Charles remained some time in the park among the people, but as he
could not be sufficiently seen by all, he mounted his horse, a fine
bay gelding which the Duke of Perth had presented to him, and rode
off slowly towards the palace. Every person was in admiration at the
splendid appearance he made on horseback, and a simultaneous huzza
arose from the vast crowd which followed the prince in triumph to
Holyrood House. Overjoyed at the noble appearance of the prince, the
Jacobites set no bounds to their praises of the royal youth. They
compared him to King Robert Bruce, whom, they said, he resembled in
his figure as they hoped he would in his fortune.[904] The Whigs,
on the other hand, regarded him differently; and though they durst
not avow their opinions to the full extent, and were forced to admit
that Charles was a goodly person, yet they observed that even in
that triumphant hour when about to enter the palace of his fathers,
the air of his countenance was languid and melancholy,--that he
looked like a gentleman and a man of fashion, but not like a hero
or a conqueror. Their conclusion was, that the enterprise he had
undertaken was above the pitch of his mind, and that his heart was
not great enough for the sphere in which he moved.[905]

[Illustration: Holyrood House in 1745. From an old print.]

On arriving in front of the palace Charles alighted from his
horse, and entering the gate proceeded along the piazza within the
quadrangle, towards the Duke of Hamilton’s apartments.[906] When
the prince was about to enter the porch, the door of which stood
open to receive him, a gentleman stepped out of the crowd, drew his
sword, and raising it aloft, walked up stairs before Charles. The
person who took this singular mode of joining the prince, was James
Hepburn of Keith, a gentleman of East Lothian. When a very young man
he had been engaged in the rebellion of 1715, not from any devoted
attachment to the house of Stuart, (for he disclaimed the hereditary
indefeasible right of kings, and condemned the government of James
II.,) but because he considered the union, which he regarded as the
result of the revolution, as injurious and humiliating to Scotland,
and believed that the only way to obtain a repeal of that measure,
was to restore the Stuarts. In speaking of the union, he said that
it had made a Scottish gentleman of small fortune nobody, and that
rather than submit to it, he would die a thousand deaths. For thirty
years he had kept himself in readiness to take up arms to assert,
as he thought, the independence of his country, when an opportunity
should occur. Honoured and beloved by both Jacobites and Whigs, the
accession to the Jacobite cause of this accomplished gentleman, whom
Mr. Home describes as a model of ancient simplicity, manliness, and
honour, was hailed by the former with delight, and deeply regretted
by the latter, who lamented that a man whom they so highly revered,
should sacrifice himself to the visionary idea of a repeal of the
union between England and Scotland.[907]

On his way to the palace Charles had been cheered by the acclamations
of the people; and on his entering that memorable seat of his
ancestors, these acclamations were redoubled by the crowd which
filled the area in front. On reaching the suite of apartments
destined for his reception, he exhibited himself again to the people
from one of the windows with his bonnet in his hand, and was greeted
with loud huzzas by the multitude assembled in the courtyard below.
He replied to these congratulations by repeated bows and smiles.

To complete the business of this eventful day, the proclamation
at the cross of the Chevalier de St. George as James III., alone
remained. The Highlanders who entered the city in the morning,
desirous of obtaining the services of the heralds and the
pursuivants, to perform what appeared to them an indispensable
ceremony, had secured the persons of these functionaries. Surrounded
by a body of armed men, the heralds and pursuivants, several of
whom had probably been similarly employed on the accession of “the
Elector of Hanover,” proceeded to the cross, a little before one
o’clock afternoon, clothed in their robes of office, and proclaimed
King James, amid the general acclamations of the people. The windows
of the adjoining houses were filled with ladies, who testified
the intensity of their feelings by straining their voices to the
utmost pitch, and with outstretched arms waving white handkerchiefs
in honour of the handsome young adventurer. Few gentlemen were,
however, to be seen in the streets or at the windows, and even among
the common people, there were not a few who preserved a stubborn
silence.[908] The effect of the ceremony was greatly heightened by
the appearance of Mrs. Murray of Broughton, a lady of great beauty,
who, to show her devoted attachment to the cause of the Stuarts,
decorated with a profusion of white ribbons, sat on horseback near
the cross with a drawn sword in her hand, during all the time the
ceremony lasted.[909]

While the heralds were proclaiming King James at the market-cross of
Edinburgh, Sir John Cope, who, as has been stated, arrived in the
mouth of the Frith of Forth on the 16th, was landing his troops at
Dunbar. The two regiments of dragoons had continued their inglorious
flight during the night, and had reached that town, on the morning
of the 17th, “in a condition,” to use the soft expression of Mr.
Home, “not very respectable.” On arriving at Musselburgh, they had
halted for a short time, and afterwards went to a field between
Preston Grange and Dolphinston, where they dismounted for the purpose
of passing the night; but between ten and eleven o’clock they were
aroused by the cries of a dragoon who had fallen into an old coal-pit
full of water. Conceiving that the Highlanders were at hand, they
instantly mounted their horses and fled towards Dunbar with such
precipitation and alarm, that they dropped their arms by the way.
Next morning the road to Dunbar was found strewed with the swords,
pistols, and firelocks, which had fallen from the nervous hands of
these cowards. Colonel Gardiner, who had slept during the night in
his own house at Preston, near the field where the dragoons were to
bivouack, was surprised, when he rose in the morning, to find that
his men were all gone. All that he could learn was that they had
taken the road to Dunbar. He followed them with a heavy heart, which
certainly did not lighten when he saw the proofs they had left behind
them of their pusillanimity. These arms were collected and conveyed
in covered carts to Dunbar, where they were again put into the hands
of the craven dragoons.[910]

The landing of Cope’s troops was finished on Wednesday, the 17th of
September; but the disembarkation of the artillery and stores was not
completed till the 18th. On the last-mentioned day, Mr. Home, the
author of the history of this Rebellion, arrived at Dunbar, and was
introduced to Sir John, as a “volunteer from Edinburgh,” desirous of
communicating to him such information as he had personally collected
respecting the Highland army. He told the general, that being curious
to see the Highland army and its leader, and to ascertain the number
of the Highlanders, he had remained in Edinburgh after they had
taken possession thereof,--that for the last-mentioned purpose, he
had visited the different parts they occupied in the city, and had
succeeded in making a pretty exact enumeration,--that with the same
view he had perambulated the Hunter’s bog, where the main body was
encamped,--and as he found the Highlanders sitting in ranks upon the
ground taking a meal, that he was enabled to calculate their numbers
with great certainty. He stated, from the observations he had been
thus enabled to make, that the whole Highlanders within and without
the city did not amount to 2,000 men; but that he had been told that
several bodies of men from the north were on their march, and were
expected very soon to join the main body at Edinburgh. In answer
to a question put by Cope, as to the appearance and equipment of
the Highlanders, Home stated that most of them seemed to be strong,
active, and hardy men, though many of them were of a very ordinary
size: and if clothed like Lowlanders, would, in his opinion, appear
inferior to the king’s troops; but the Highland garb favoured them
much, as it showed their naked limbs, which were strong and muscular;
and their stern countenances and bushy uncombed hair gave them a
fierce, barbarous, and imposing aspect. With regard to their arms,
Mr. Home said that they had no artillery of any sort but one small
unmounted iron cannon, lying upon a cart, drawn by a little Highland
pony,--that about 1,400 or 1,500 of them were armed with firelocks
and broadswords,--that their firelocks were of all sorts and sizes,
consisting of muskets, fusees, and fowling pieces,--that some of the
rest had firelocks without swords, while others had swords without
firelocks,--that many of their swords were not Highland broadswords
but French,--that one or two companies, amounting to about 100 men,
were armed, each of them with the shaft of a pitch-fork, with the
blade of a scythe fastened to it, resembling in some degree the
Lochaber axe. Mr. Home, however, added, that all the Highlanders
would soon be provided with firelocks, as the arms belonging to the
train bands of the city had fallen into their hands.[911]

At Dunbar, General Cope was joined by some judges and lawyers, who
had fled from Edinburgh on the approach of the Highlanders. They did
not, however, enter the camp as fighting men, but with the intention
of continuing with the king’s army, as anxious and interested
spectators of the approaching conflict. Cope found a more efficient
supporter in the person of the Earl of Home, then an officer in the
guards, who considered it his duty to offer his services on the
present occasion. Unlike his ancestors, who could have raised in
their own territories a force almost equal to that now opposed to
Sir John Cope, this peer was attended by one or two servants only, a
circumstance which gave occasion to many persons to mark the great
change in the feudal system which had taken place in Scotland, in
little more than a century.

Desirous of engaging the Highland army before the arrival of its
expected reinforcements, General Cope left Dunbar on the 19th of
September, in the direction of Edinburgh. The cavalry, infantry,
cannon, and baggage-carts, which extended several miles along the
road, gave a formidable appearance to this little army, and attracted
the notice of the country people, who, having been long unaccustomed
to war and arms, flocked from all quarters to see an army on the
eve of battle; and with infinite concern and anxiety for the result
beheld the uncommon spectacle. The army halted on a field to the west
of the town of Haddington, sixteen miles east from Edinburgh. As it
was supposed that the Highlanders might march in the night time, and
by their rapid movements surprise the army, a proposal was made in
the evening, to the general, to employ some of the young men who
followed the camp, to ride betwixt Haddington and Duddingston, during
the night, so as to prevent surprise. This proposal was approved of
by Cope, and sixteen young men, most of whom had been volunteers
at Edinburgh, offered their services. These were divided into two
parties of eight men each; one of which, subdivided into four parties
of two men each, set out at nine o’clock at night, by four different
roads that led to Duddingston. These parties returned to the camp at
midnight, and made a report to the officer commanding the piquet,
that they had not met with any appearance of the enemy. The other
party then went off, subdivided as before, by the different routes,
and rode about till day-break, when six of them returned and made a
similar report, but the remaining two who had taken the coast road
to Musselburgh, did not make their appearance at the camp, having
been made prisoners by an attorney’s apprentice, who conducted them
to the rebel camp at Duddingston! The extraordinary capture of these
doughty patroles, one of whom was Francis Garden, afterwards better
known as a lord of session, by the title of Lord Gardenstone, and the
other Mr. Robert Cunningham, known afterwards as General Cunningham,
is thus humorously detailed by a writer in the _Quarterly Review_:--

“The general sent two of the volunteers who chanced to be mounted,
and knew the country, to observe the coast road, especially towards
Musselburgh. They rode on their exploratory expedition, and coming to
that village, which is about six miles from Edinburgh, avoided the
bridge to escape detection, and crossed the Esk, it being then low
water, at a place nigh its junction with the sea. Unluckily there
was at the opposite side a snug thatched tavern, kept by a cleanly
old woman called Luckie F----, who was eminent for the excellence
of her oysters and sherry. The patroles were both _bon-vivants_;
one of them whom we remember in the situation of a senator, as it
is called, of the college of justice, was unusually so, and a gay
witty agreeable companion besides. Luckie’s sign and the heap of
shells deposited near her door, proved as great a temptation to
this vigilant forlorn-hope, as the wine-house to the abbess of
Andonillet’s muleteer. They had scarcely got settled at some right
_Pandores_, with a bottle of sherry as an accompaniment, when, as
some Jacobite devil would have it, an unlucky north-country lad, a
writer’s (_i.e._ attorney’s) apprentice, who had given his indentures
the slip, and taken the white-cockade, chanced to pass by on his
errand to join Prince Charlie. He saw the two volunteers through the
window, knew them, and guessed their business; he saw the tide would
make it impossible for them to return along the sands as they had
come. He therefore placed himself in ambush upon the steep, narrow,
impracticable bridge, which was then, and for many years afterwards,
the only place of crossing the Esk, ‘and how he contrived it,’ our
narrator used to proceed, ‘I never could learn, but the courage and
assurance of the province from which he came are proverbial. In
short, the Norland whipper-snapper surrounded and made prisoners of
my two poor friends, before they could draw a trigger.’”[912]

Cope resumed his march on the morning of the 20th of September,
following the course of the post road to Edinburgh, till he came
near Haddington, when he led off his army along another road, nearer
the coast, by St. Germains and Seaton. His object in leaving the
post road was to avoid some defiles and inclosures which would have
hindered, in case of attack, the operations of his cavalry. In its
march the army was followed by a number of spectators, all anxious to
witness the expected combat; but they were assured by the officers
that as the army was now rendered complete by the junction of the
horse and foot, the Highlanders would not venture to engage. As some
persons who ventured to express a different opinion were looked
upon with jealousy, it is not improbable that the officers who thus
expressed themselves did not speak their real sentiments.

On leaving the post road the general sent forward the Earl of Loudon
his adjutant-general, with Lord Home and the quarter-master-general,
to select ground near Musselburgh, on which to encamp the army
during the night; but this party had not proceeded far when they
observed some straggling parties of Highlanders advancing. The Earl
of Loudon immediately rode back at a good pace, and gave Sir John
the information just as the van of the royal army was entering the
plain betwixt Seaton and Preston, known by the name of Gladsmuir.
Judging the ground before him a very eligible spot for meeting the
Highlanders, the general continued his march along the high road to
Preston, and halted his army on the moor, where he formed his troops
in order of battle, with his front to the west. His right extended
towards the sea in the direction of Port Seaton, and his left towards
the village of Preston. These dispositions had scarcely been made
when the whole of the Highland army appeared.

The disembarkation of the royal army, and the advance of Cope towards
Edinburgh, were known to Charles in the course of Thursday the 19th.
Judging it of importance that no time should be lost in meeting Cope
and bringing him to action, Charles had left Holyrood house on the
evening of that day, and had proceeded to Duddingston, near which
place his army was encamped. Having assembled a council of war, he
proposed to march next morning and give battle to Sir John Cope.
The members of the council having signified their acquiescence, the
prince then asked the Highland chiefs how they thought their men
would conduct themselves on meeting a commander who had at last
mustered courage to meet them. As Macdonald of Keppoch had served
in the French army, and was considered, on that account, to be a
fit judge of what the Highlanders could do against regular troops,
he was desired by the other chiefs to give his opinion. Keppoch
observed that as the country had been long at peace, few or none of
the private men had ever seen a battle, and that it was not therefore
very easy to form an opinion as to how they would behave; but that
he would venture to assure his royal highness that the gentlemen of
the army would be in the midst of the enemy, and that as the clans
loved both the cause and their chiefs, they would certainly share the
danger with their leaders. Charles thereupon declared that he would
lead on the Highlanders himself, and charge at their head; but the
chiefs checked his impetuosity by pointing out the ruin that would
befall them if he perished in the field, though his army should be
successful. They declared that, should he persist in his resolution,
they would return home and make the best terms they could for
themselves. This remonstrance had the desired effect upon the young
Chevalier, who agreed to take a post of less danger.[913]

According to the calculation of Home, which has been alluded to,
the Highland army, at the date of the capture of Edinburgh, did not
exceed 2,000 men; but it was increased by about 400 more, by a party
of 150 Maclauchlans who joined it on the 18th, and by an accession of
250 Athole-men on the following day. This force was further augmented
by the Grants of Glenmoriston, who joined the army at Duddingston on
the morning of Friday the 20th. In pursuance of the resolution of
the council, the prince put himself at the head of his army on that
morning, and presenting his sword, exclaimed, “My friends, I have
flung away the scabbard!”[914] This was answered by a loud huzza, on
which the army marched forward in one column of three files or ranks
towards Musselburgh. Passing the Esk by the bridge of Musselburgh,
the army proceeded along the post road towards Pinkie. On arriving
opposite the south side of Pinkie gardens, Lord George Murray, who
led the van, received information that Sir John Cope was at or near
Preston, and that his intention probably was to gain the high grounds
of Fawside near Carberry. As there was no time to deliberate or wait
for orders, and as Lord George, who was very well acquainted with
these grounds, considered the occupation of them by the Highlanders
as of great importance; he struck off to the right at Edgebuckling
Brae, and passing through the fields by the west side of Wallyford,
gained the eminence in less than half an hour, where he waited for
the rear.[915]

From Fawside hill the prince descried the army of Cope drawn up in
the manner before described, but its position being different from
that anticipated, Charles drew off his army towards the left, and
descending the hill in the direction of Tranent, entered again upon
the post road at some distance to the west of the village, along
which he continued his march. On approaching Tranent the Highlanders
were received by the king’s troops with a vehement shout of defiance,
which the Highlanders answered in a similar strain. About two o’clock
in the afternoon the Highland army halted on an eminence called
Birsley Brae, about half a mile to the west of Tranent, and formed in
order of battle about a mile from the royal forces.

In the expectation that the Highlanders were advancing by the usual
route through Musselburgh, Cope had taken up the position we have
described with his front to the west; but as soon as he observed the
Highlanders on the heights upon his left he changed his front to the
south. This change of position, while it secured Cope better from
attack, was not so well calculated for safety as the first position
was in the event of a defeat. On his right was the east wall of a
park, belonging to Erskine of Grange, which extended a considerable
way from north to south, and still farther to the right was the
village of Preston. The village of Seaton was on his left, and the
village of Cockenzie and the sea in his rear. Almost immediately in
front was a deep ditch filled with water, and a strong and thick
hedge. Farther removed from the front, and between the two armies was
a morass, the ends of which had been drained, and were intersected by
numerous cuts. And on the more firm ground at the ends were several
small inclosures, with hedges, dry stone walls, and willow trees.

As the Highlanders were in excellent spirits, and eager to close
immediately with the enemy, Charles felt very desirous to comply
with their wishes; but he soon ascertained, by examining some people
of the neighbourhood, that the passage across the morass, from the
nature of the ground, would be extremely dangerous if not altogether
impracticable. Not wishing, however, in a matter of such importance
to trust altogether to the opinion of the country people, Lord George
Murray ordered Colonel Ker of Gradon, an officer of some military
experience, to examine the ground, and to report. Mounted upon a
little white pony he descended alone into the plain below, and with
the greatest coolness and deliberation surveyed the morass on all
sides. As he went along the morass several shots were fired at him,
by some of Cope’s men, from the sides of the ditches; but he paid so
little regard to these annoyances that, on coming to a dry stone wall
which stood in his way, he dismounted, and making a gap in it led
his horse through. After finishing this perilous duty he returned to
the army, and reported to the lieutenant-general that he considered
it impracticable to pass the morass and attack the enemy in front,
without risking the whole army, and that it was impossible for the
men to pass the ditches in a line.[916]

While his lieutenant-general was, in consequence of this information,
planning a different mode of attack, the prince himself was moving
with a great part of his army towards Dolphinstone on Cope’s right.
Halting opposite Preston tower he seemed to threaten that flank
of the English general, who, thereupon, returned to his original
position with his front to Preston, and his right towards the sea.
As Lord George Murray considered that the only practicable mode of
attacking Cope was by advancing from the east, he led off part of the
army about sunset through the village of Tranent, and sent notice to
the prince to follow him with the remainder as quickly as possible.
When passing through the village Lord George was joined by fifty of
the Camerons, who had been posted by O’Sullivan in the churchyard
at the foot of Tranent. This party being within half cannon shot
of Cope’s artillery, had been exposed during the afternoon to a
fire from their cannon, and one or two of the Camerons had been
wounded. To frighten the Highlanders, who, they imagined, had never
seen cannon before, Cope’s men huzzaed at every discharge; but the
Camerons remained in their position, till, on the representation
of Lochiel, who went and viewed the ground, and found his men
unnecessarily exposed, they were ordered to retire in the direction
of Tranent. O’Sullivan, who was in the rear when this order was
given, came up on the junction of the party, and asking Lord George
the meaning of the movement he was making, was told by him, that as
it was not possible to attack the enemy with any chance of success
on the west side of the village, he had resolved to assail them from
the east, and that he would satisfy the prince that his plan was
quite practicable,--that for this purpose he had ordered the army
to march to the east side of the village, where there were good dry
fields covered with stubble, on which the men could bivouack during
the night,--and that with regard to the withdrawal of the party
which O’Sullivan had posted in the churchyard, they could be of no
service there, and were unnecessarily exposed. On being informed of
the movement made by Lord George Murray, Charles proceeded to follow
him, but it was dark before the rear had passed the village. To watch
Cope’s motions on the west, Charles left behind the Athole brigade,
consisting of 500 men under Lord Nairne, which he posted near Preston
above Colonel Gardiner’s parks.[917]

After the Highland army had halted on the fields to the east of
Tranent, a council of war was held, at which Lord George Murray
proposed to attack the enemy at break of day. He assured the members
of the council that the plan was not only practicable, but that it
would in all probability be attended with success,--that he knew
the ground himself, and that he had just seen one or two gentlemen
who were also well acquainted with every part of it. He added, that
there was indeed a small defile at the east end of the ditches, but
if once passed there would be no farther hinderance, and though, from
being obliged to march in a column, they would necessarily consume a
considerable time on their march, yet when the whole line had passed
the defile they would have nothing to do but face to the left, form
in a moment, and commence the attack. Charles was highly pleased with
the proposal of the lieutenant-general; which having received the
unanimous approbation of the council, a few piquets were, by order of
Lord George, placed around the bivouack, and the Highlanders, after
having supped, wrapped themselves up in their plaids, and lay down
upon the ground to repose for the night. Charles, taking a sheaf of
pease for a pillow, stretched himself upon the stubble, surrounded
by his principal officers, all of whom followed his example. Before
the army went to rest, notice was sent to Lord Nairne to leave his
post with the Athole brigade at two o’clock in the morning as quietly
as possible. To conceal their position from the English general, no
fires or lights were allowed, and orders were issued and scrupulously
obeyed, that strict silence should be kept, and that no man should
stir from his place till directed.[918]

When Cope observed Charles returning towards Tranent, he resumed his
former position with his front to the west and his right to the sea.
He now began to perceive that his situation was not so favourable
as he had imagined, and that while the insurgents could move about
at discretion, select their ground, and choose their time and mode
of attack, he was cramped in his own movements, and could act only
on the defensive. The spectators, who felt an interest in the fate
of his army, and who had calculated upon certain success to Cope’s
arms during the day, now, that night was at hand, began to forebode
the most gloomy results. Instead of a bold and decided movement on
the part of Cope to meet the enemy, they observed that he had spent
the day in doing absolutely nothing,--that he was in fact hemmed in
by the Highlanders, and forced at pleasure to change his position at
every movement they were pleased to make. They dreaded that an army
which was obliged to act thus upon the defensive, and which would,
therefore, be obliged to pass the ensuing night under arms, could not
successfully resist an attack next morning from men, who, sheltered
from the cold by their plaids, could enjoy the sweets of repose and
rise fresh and vigorous for battle.[919]

To secure his army from surprise during the night, Cope placed
advanced piquets of horse and foot along the side of the morass,
extending nearly as far east as the village of Seaton. He, at the
same time, sent his baggage and military chest down to Cockenzie
under a guard of 40 men of the line and all the Highlanders of the
army, consisting of four companies, viz., two of newly raised men
belonging to Loudon’s regiments, and two additional companies of Lord
John Murray’s regiment, which had been diminished by desertion to
fifteen men each.[920] Although the weather had been very fine, and
the days were still warm, yet the nights were now getting cold and
occasionally frosty. As the night in question, that of Friday the
20th of September, was very cold, Cope ordered fires to be kindled
along the front of his line, to keep his men warm. During the night
he amused himself by firing off, at random, some cohorns,[921]
probably to alarm the Highlanders or disturb their slumbers, but
these hardy mountaineers, if perchance they awoke for a time,
disregarded these empty bravadoes, and fell back again into the arms
of sleep.

In point of numbers the army of Cope was rather inferior to that of
Charles; but many of the Highlanders were badly armed, and some of
them were without arms. The royal forces amounted altogether to about
2,300 men; but the number in the field was diminished to 2,100 by
the separation of the baggage-guard which was sent to Cockenzie. The
order of battle formed by Cope along the north side of the morass was
as follows:--He drew up his foot in one line, in the centre of which
were eight companies of Lascelles’s regiment, and two of Guise’s.
On the right were five companies of Lee’s regiment, and on the left
the regiment of Murray, with a number of recruits for different
regiments at home and abroad. Two squadrons of Gardiner’s dragoons
formed the right wing, and a similar number of Hamilton’s composed
the left. The remaining squadron of each regiment was placed in the
rear of its companions as a reserve. On the left of the army, near
the waggon-road from Tranent to Cockenzie, were placed the artillery,
consisting of six or seven pieces of cannon and four cohorns, under
the orders of Lieutenant-colonel Whiteford, and guarded by a company
of Lee’s regiment, commanded by Captain Cochrane. Besides the regular
troops there were some volunteers, consisting principally of small
parties of the neighbouring tenantry, headed by their respective
landlords. Some Seceders, actuated by religious zeal, had also placed
themselves under the royal standard.[922]

Pursuant to the orders he had received, Lord Nairne left the
position he had occupied during the night at the appointed hour, and
rejoined the main body about three o’clock in the morning. Instead
of continuing the order of march of the preceding night, it had been
determined by the council of war to reverse it. The charge of this
movement was intrusted to Colonel Ker, who had signalized himself
by the calm intrepidity with which he had surveyed the marsh on
the preceding day. To carry this plan into effect, Ker went to the
head of the column, and passing along the line, desired the men to
observe a profound silence, and not to stir a step till he should
return to them. On reaching the rear he ordered it to march from the
left, and to pass close in front of the column, and returning along
the line, he continued to repeat the order till the whole army was in
motion. This evolution was accomplished without the least confusion,
and before four o’clock in the morning the whole army was in full
march.[923]

The Duke of Perth, who was to command the right wing, was at the
head of the inverted column. He was attended by Hepburn of Keith,
and Mr. Robert Anderson, son of Anderson of Whitbrough, who, from
his intimate knowledge of the morass, was sent forward to lead
the way. A little in advance of the van was a select party of 60
men doubly armed, under the command of Macdonald of Glenalladale,
major of the regiment of Clanranald, whose appointed duty it was
to seize the enemy’s baggage. The army proceeded in an easterly
direction till near the farm of Ringanhead, when, turning to the
left, they marched in a northerly direction through a small valley
which intersects the farm. During the march the utmost silence was
observed by the men, not even a whisper being heard; and lest the
trampling of horses might discover their advance, the few that were
in the army were left behind. The ford or path across the morass
was so narrow that the column, which marched three men abreast, had
scarcely sufficient standing room, and the ground along it was so
soft that many of the men were almost at every step up to the knees
in mud. The path in question, which was about two hundred paces to
the west of the stone-bridge afterwards built across Seaton mill-dam,
led to a small wooden bridge which had been thrown over the large
ditch that ran through the morass from east to west. This bridge,
and the continuation of the path on the north of it, were a little
to the east of Cope’s left. From ignorance of the existence of this
bridge, from oversight, or from a supposition that the marsh was
not passable in that quarter, Cope had placed no guards in that
direction, and the consequence was, that the Highland army, whose
march across could have been effectually stopped by a handful of men,
passed the bridge and cleared the marsh without interruption.[924]

The army was divided into two columns or lines, with an interval
between them. After the first line had got out of the marsh, Lord
George Murray sent the Chevalier Johnstone, one of his aides-de-camp,
to hasten the march of the second, which was conducted by the prince
in person, and to see that it passed without noise or confusion.
At the remote end of the marsh there was a deep ditch, three or
four feet broad, over which the men had to leap. In jumping across
this ditch, Charles fell upon his knees on the other side, and was
immediately raised by the Chevalier Johnstone, who says, that Charles
looked as if he considered the accident a bad omen.[925]

Hitherto the darkness had concealed the march of the Highlanders; but
the morning was now about to dawn, and at the time the order to halt
was given, some of Cope’s piquets, stationed on his left, for the
first time heard the tramp of the Highlanders. The Highlanders then
heard distinctly these advanced guards repeatedly call out, “Who is
there?” No answer having been returned, the piquets immediately gave
the alarm, and the cry of “cannons, cannons; get ready the cannons,
cannoneers,” resounded on Cope’s left wing.[926]

Charles proceeded instantly to give directions for attacking Cope
before he should have time to change his position by opposing his
front to that of the Highland army. It was not in compliance with any
rule in military science, that the order of march of the Highland
army had been reversed; but in accordance with an established
punctilio among the clans, which, for upwards of seven centuries,
had assigned the right wing, regarded as the post of honour, to
the Macdonalds. As arranged at the council of war on the preceding
evening, the army was drawn up in two lines. The first consisted of
the regiments of Clanranald, Keppoch, Glengary, and Glencoe,[927]
under their respective chiefs. These regiments formed the right wing,
which was commanded by the Duke of Perth. The Duke of Perth’s men and
the Macgregors composed the centre; while the left wing, commanded by
Lord George Murray, was formed of the Camerons under Lochiel, their
chief, and the Stewarts of Appin commanded by Stewart of Ardshiel.
The second line, which was to serve as a reserve, consisted of the
Athole-men, the Robertsons of Strowan, and the Maclauchlans. This
body was placed under the command of Lord Nairne.

As soon as Cope received intelligence of the advance of the
Highlanders, he gave orders to change his front to the east. Some
confusion took place in carrying these orders into execution, from
the advanced guards belonging to the foot not being able to find
out the regiments to which they belonged, and who, in consequence,
stationed themselves on the right of Lee’s five companies, and
thereby prevented the two squadrons of Gardiner’s dragoons, which
had been posted on the right of the line, from forming properly. For
want of room the squadron under Colonel Gardiner drew up behind that
commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Whitney. In all other respects the
disposition of each regiment was the same; but the artillery, which
before the change had been on the left, and close to that wing, was
now on the right somewhat farther from the line, and in front of
Whitney’s squadron.[928]

There was now no longer any impediment to prevent the armies from
coming into collision; and if Cope had had the choice he could not
have selected ground more favourable for the operations of cavalry
than that which lay between the two armies. It was a level field of
considerable extent without bush or tree, and had just been cleared
of its crop of grain. But unfortunately for the English general, the
celerity with which the Highlanders commenced the attack prevented
him from availing himself of this local advantage.

After both lines of the Highland army had formed, Charles addressed
his army in these words:--“Follow me, gentlemen; and by the
assistance of God I will, this day, make you a free and happy
people.”[929] He then went up to the right wing and spent a little
time in earnest conversation with the Duke of Perth and Clanranald,
and, having given his last instructions to them, returned to the
station which, in compliance with the wish of his council, he had
taken between the lines, where, surrounded by his guard, he waited
the signal to advance. If, as alleged by Chevalier Johnstone, Charles
exhibited symptoms of alarm when he fell on crossing the ditch, he
now certainly showed that fear had no longer a place in his mind.
The coolness and self-possession which he displayed when giving his
orders would have done honour to the most experienced general; but
these qualities are to be still more valued in a young man playing
the important and dangerous game that Charles had undertaken.
The officer to whose tuition Charles had been indebted for the
little knowledge he had acquired of Gaelic, mentions an occurrence
indicative of the prince’s firmness on this occasion. In returning
from the right wing to his guard after giving his orders to the Duke
of Perth and Clanranald, he saw the officer alluded to passing near
him, and with a smile, said to him in Gaelic,--“Gres-ort, gres-ort!”
that is, “Make haste, make haste!”[930]

By the time the arrangements for commencing the attack were
completed, the morning had fully dawned, and the beams of the rising
sun were beginning to illuminate the horizon; but the mist which
still hovered over the corn fields prevented the two armies from
seeing each other. Every thing being now in readiness for advancing,
the Highlanders took off their bonnets, and, placing themselves in an
attitude of devotion, with upraised eyes uttered a short prayer.[931]
As the Highlanders had advanced considerably beyond the main ditch,
Lord George Murray was apprehensive that Cope might turn the left
flank, and to guard against such a contingency, he desired Lochiel,
who was on the extreme left, to order his men in advancing to incline
to the left.[932]

Lord George Murray now ordered the left wing to advance, and sent an
aide-de-camp to the Duke of Perth to request him to put the right in
motion. The Highlanders moved with such rapidity that their ranks
broke; to recover which, they halted once or twice before closing
with the enemy. When Cope, at daybreak, observed the first line of
the Highland army formed in order of battle, at the distance of two
hundred paces from his position, he mistook it for bushes; but before
it had advanced half way, the rays of the rising sun bursting through
the retiring mist showed the armies to each other. The army of Cope
at this time made a formidable appearance; and some of Charles’s
officers were heard afterwards to declare, that when they first saw
it, and compared the gallant appearance of the horse and foot, with
their well-polished arms glittering in the sunbeams, with their own
line broken into irregular clusters, they expected that the Highland
army would be instantly defeated, and swept from the field.[933]

The Highlanders continued to advance in profound silence. As the
right wing marched straight forward without attending to the oblique
movement of the Camerons to the left, a gap took place in the centre
of the line. An attempt was made to fill it up with the second line,
which was about fifty paces behind the first, but before this could
be accomplished, the left wing, being the first to move, had advanced
beyond the right of the line, and was now engaged with the enemy. By
inclining to the left, the Camerons gained half the ground originally
between them and the main ditch; but this movement brought them up
directly opposite to Cope’s cannon. On approaching the cannon the
Highlanders fired a few shots at the artillery guard, which alarmed
an old gunner, who had charge of the cannon, and his assistants to
such a degree that they fled, carrying the powder flasks along with
them. To check the advance of the Highlanders, Colonel Whiteford
fired off five of the field pieces with his own hand; but though
their left seemed to recoil, they instantly resumed the rapid pace
they had set out with. The artillery guard next fired a volley
with as little effect. Observing the squadron of dragoons under
Lieutenant-Colonel Whitney advancing to charge them, the Camerons
set up a loud shout, rushed past the cannon, and after discharging a
few shots at the dragoons, which killed several men, and wounded the
lieutenant-colonel, flew upon them sword in hand. When assailed, the
squadron was reeling to and fro from the fire; and the Highlanders
following an order they had received, to strike at the noses of the
horses without minding the riders, completed the disorder. In a
moment the dragoons wheeled about, rode over the artillery guard,
and fled followed by the guard. The Highlanders continuing to push
forward without stopping to take prisoners, Colonel Gardiner was
ordered to advance with his squadron, and charge the enemy. He
accordingly went forward, encouraging his men to stand firm; but
this squadron, before it had advanced many paces, experienced such
a reception, that it followed the example which the other had just
set.[934]

[Illustration: Plan of the Battle of Prestonpans.]

After the flight of the dragoons, the Highlanders advanced upon the
infantry, who opened a fire from right to left, which went down the
line as far as Murray’s regiment. They received this volley with a
loud huzza, and throwing away their muskets, drew their swords and
rushed upon the foot before the latter had time to reload their
pieces. Confounded by the flight of the dragoons, and the furious
onset of the Highlanders, the astonished infantry threw down their
arms and took to their heels. Hamilton’s dragoons, who were stationed
on Cope’s left, displayed even greater pusillanimity than their
companions; for no sooner did they observe the squadrons on the
right give way, than they turned their backs and fled without firing
a single shot, or drawing a sword.[935] Murray’s regiment being
thus left alone on the field, fired upon the Macdonalds who were
advancing, and also fled. Thus, within a very few minutes after the
action had commenced, the whole army of Cope was put to flight. With
the exception of their fire, not the slightest resistance was made by
horse or foot, and not a single bayonet was stained with blood. Such
were the impetuosity and rapidity with which the first line of the
Highlanders broke through Cope’s ranks, that they left numbers of his
men in their rear who attempted to rally behind them; but on seeing
the second line coming up they endeavoured to make their escape.[936]
Though the second line was not more than fifty paces behind the
first, and was always running as fast as it could to overtake the
first line, and near enough never to lose sight of it, yet such was
the rapidity with which the battle was gained, that, according to the
Chevalier Johnstone,[937] who stood by the side of the prince in the
second line, he could see no other enemy on the field of battle than
those who were lying on the ground killed and wounded.

Unfortunately for the royal infantry, the walls of the inclosures
about the village of Preston, which formed their great security
on their right, now that these were in their rear, operated as a
barrier to their flight. Having disencumbered themselves of their
arms to facilitate their escape, they had deprived themselves of
their only means of defence, and driven as they were upon the walls
of the inclosures, they would have all perished under the swords
of the Highlanders, had not Charles and his officers strenuously
exerted themselves to preserve the lives of their discomfited foes.
The impetuosity of the attack, however, and the sudden flight of the
royal army, allowed little leisure for the exercise of humanity,
and before the carnage ceased several hundreds had fallen under
the claymores of the Highlanders, and the ruthless scythes of the
Macgregors. Armed with these deadly weapons, which were sharpened
and fixed to poles from seven to eight feet long, to supply the
place of other arms, this party mowed down the affrighted enemy,
cut off the legs of the horses, and severed, it is said, the bodies
of their riders in twain. Captain James Drummond, alias Macgregor,
son of the celebrated Rob Roy, who commanded this company, fell at
the commencement of the action. When advancing to the charge he
received five wounds. Two bullets went through his body, and laid him
prostrate on the ground. That his men might not be discouraged by his
fall, this intrepid officer resting his head upon his hand, called
out to them, “My lads, I am not dead!--by God, I shall see if any
of you does not do his duty!” This singular address had the desired
effect, and the Macgregors instantly fell on the flank of the English
infantry, which, being left uncovered and exposed by the flight of
the cavalry, immediately gave way.[938]

Of the infantry of the royal army, only about 170 escaped.[939] From
a report made by their own sergeants and corporals, by order of Lord
George Murray, between 1,600 and 1,700 prisoners, foot and cavalry,
fell into the hands of the Highlanders, including about 70 officers.
In this number were comprehended the baggage-guard, stationed at
Cockenzie, which amounted to 300 men, who, on learning the fate
of the main body and the loss of their cannon, surrendered to the
Camerons.[940] The cannon and all the baggage of the royal army,
together with the military chest, containing £4,000, fell into the
hands of the victors. The greater part of the dragoons escaped by the
two roads at the extremities of the park wall, one of which passed by
Colonel Gardiner’s house in the rear on their right, and the other
on their left, to the north of Preston-house. In retiring towards
these outlets, the dragoons, at the entreaties of their officers,
halted once or twice, and faced about to meet the enemy; but as soon
as the Highlanders came up and fired at them, they wheeled about
and fled. Cope, who was by no means deficient in personal courage,
assisted by the Earls of Home and Loudon, collected about 450 of the
panic-struck dragoons on the west side of the village of Preston, and
attempted to lead them back to the charge; but no entreaties could
induce these cowards to advance, and the whistling of a few bullets
discharged by some Highlanders near the village, so alarmed them,
that they instantly scampered off in a southerly direction, screening
their heads behind their horses’ necks to avoid the bullets of the
Highlanders. The general had no alternative but to gallop off with
his men.[941] He reached Coldstream, a town about forty miles from
the field of battle, that night; and entered Berwick next day.

[Illustration: Colonel James Gardiner, aged 40. From the painting by
Van Deest (1727).]

Among six of Cope’s officers who were killed, was Colonel Gardiner,
a veteran soldier who had served under the Duke of Marlborough, and
whose character combined a strong religious feeling with the most
undaunted courage. He had been decidedly opposed to the _defensive_
system of Cope on the preceding evening, and had counselled the
general not to lose a moment in attacking the Highlanders; but his
advice was disregarded. Anticipating the fate which awaited him, he
spent the greater part of the night in devotion, and resolved at all
hazards to perform his duty. He was wounded at the first onset at the
head of his dragoons; but disdaining to follow them in their retreat,
he joined a small body of foot, which attempted to rally near the
wall of his own garden, and while fighting at their head was cut
down by the murderous scythe of a Macgregor, within a few yards of
his own house. He was carried by a friend to the manse of Tranent in
an almost lifeless state, where he expired within a few hours, and
was interred in the north-west corner of the church of Tranent.[942]
Captain Brymer of Lee’s regiment, who appears to have participated
in Gardiner’s opinion as to attacking the Highlanders, met a similar
fate. Having been at the battle of Sheriffmuir, he was satisfied of
the capability of the Highlanders to contend with regular troops, and
dreaded the result of an encounter if assailed by the Highlanders.
When encamped at Haddington, his brother officers were in high
spirits, and making light of the enemy; but Brymer viewed matters
in a very different light. While reading one night in his tent he
was accosted by Mr. Congalton of Congalton, his brother-in-law, who,
observing him look pensive and grave, when all the other officers
appeared so cheerful, inquired the reason. Brymer answered that
the Highlanders were not to be despised, and that he was afraid
his brother officers would soon find that they had mistaken the
character of the Highlanders, who would, to a certainty, attack the
royal army, with a boldness which those only who had witnessed their
prowess could have any idea of. These gloomy forebodings were not the
result of an innate cowardice--for this officer was, as he showed, a
brave man--but from a well-founded conviction that Cope’s men could
not stand the onset of such a body of Highlanders as Charles had
assembled. Brymer was killed, with his face to the enemy, disdaining
to turn his back when that part of the line where he was stationed
was broken in upon by the Highlanders.[943]

The loss on the side of the Highlanders was trifling. Four
officers,[944] and between 30 and 40 privates, were killed; and 5 or
6 officers, and between 70 and 80 privates, wounded.[945]

After the termination of the fight, the field of battle presented an
appalling spectacle, rarely exhibited in the most bloody conflicts.
As almost all the slain were cut down by the broadsword and the
scythe, the ground was strewed with legs, arms, hands, noses, and
mutilated bodies, while, from the deep gashes inflicted by these
dreadful weapons, the field was literally soaked with gore. An
instance of the almost resistless power of the broadsword occurred
when a Highland gentleman, who led a division, broke through Mackay’s
regiment: a grenadier, having attempted to parry off with his hand a
blow made at him by the gentleman alluded to, had his hand lopped off
and his skull cut above an inch deep. He expired on the spot.[946]

It was a most fortunate circumstance that the Highlanders, having
no revengeful feeling to gratify on the present occasion, were
easily induced to listen to the dictates of humanity. After the
fury of their onset was abated, they not only readily gave, but
even offered quarter; and when the action was over, appear to have
displayed an unwonted sympathy for the wounded. A Highland officer
thus exultingly notices the conduct of his companions in arms.
“Now, whatever notions or sentiments the low country people may
entertain of our Highlanders, this day there were many proofs to a
diligent spectator, amidst all the bloodshed, (which at the first
shock was unavoidable,) of their humanity and mercy; for I can,
with the strictest truth and sincerity, declare, that I often heard
our people call out to the soldiers if they wanted quarter; and
we, the officers, exerted our utmost pains to protect the soldiers
from their first fury, when either through their stubbornness or
want of language they did not cry for quarters, and I observed some
of our private men run to Port Seton for ale and other liquors to
support the wounded. And as one proof for all, to my own particular
observation, I saw a Highlander supporting a poor wounded soldier
and carry him on his back into his house, and left him a sixpence at
parting.”[947]

In their attentions to the wounded, the Highlanders had a good
example in Charles himself, who not only issued orders for taking
care of the wounded, but also remained on the field of battle till
mid-day to see that his orders were fulfilled. Finding the few
surgeons he had carried along with him inadequate to meet the demands
of the wounded, he despatched one of his officers to Edinburgh to
bring out all the surgeons, who accordingly instantly repaired to
the field of battle. As the Highlanders felt an aversion to bury the
dead, and as the country people could not be prevailed upon to assist
in the care of the wounded,[948] Charles experienced great obstacles
in carrying through his humane intentions. Writing to his father,
on the evening of the battle, he thus alludes to them: “Tis hard my
victory should put me under new difficulties which I did not feel
before, and yet this is the case. I am charged both with the care of
my friends and enemies. Those who should bury the dead are run away,
as if it were no business of theirs. My Highlanders think it beneath
them to do it, and the country people are fled away. However, I am
determined to try if I can get people for money to undertake it, for
I cannot bear the thought of suffering Englishmen to rot above the
ground. I am in great difficulties how I shall dispose of my wounded
prisoners. If I make a hospital of the church, it will be lookt upon
as a great profanation, and of having violated my manifesto, in which
I promised to violate no man’s property. If the magistrates would
act, they would help me out of this difficulty. Come what will, I am
resolved not to let the poor wounded men lye in the streets, and if I
can do no better, I will make a hospital of the palace and leave it
to them.”[949]

When congratulating themselves on the victory they had obtained,
the Highlanders related to each other what they had done or seen.
Instances were given of individual prowess which might appear
incredible, were it not well-known that when fear seizes an army all
confidence in themselves or their numbers is completely destroyed.
On this occasion “the panic-terror of the English surpassed all
imagination. They threw down their arms that they might run with
more speed, thus depriving themselves by their fears of the only
means of arresting the vengeance of the Highlanders. Of so many, in
a condition from their numbers to preserve order in their retreat,
not one thought of defending himself. Terror had taken entire
possession of their minds.”[950] Of the cases mentioned, one was
that of a young Highlander about fourteen years of age, scarcely
formed, who was presented to the prince as a prodigy, having, it was
said, killed fourteen of the enemy. Charles asking him if this was
true, he replied, “I do not know if I killed them, but I brought
fourteen soldiers to the ground with my sword.” Another instance was
that of a Highlander, who brought ten soldiers, whom he had made
prisoners, to the prince, driving them before him like a flock of
sheep. With unexampled rashness, he had pursued a party of Cope’s men
to some distance from the field of battle, along a road between two
inclosures, and striking down the hindermost man of the party with
a blow of his sword, called aloud at the same time, “Down with your
arms.” The soldiers, terror-struck, complied with the order without
looking behind them; and the Highlander, with a pistol in one hand
and a sword in the other, made them do as he pleased. Yet, as the
Chevalier Johnstone observes, these were “the same English soldiers
who had distinguished themselves at Dettingen and Fontenoy, and who
might justly he ranked amongst the bravest troops of Europe.”[951]

After doing every thing in his power for the relief of the wounded of
both armies, and giving directions for the disposal of his prisoners,
Charles partook of a small repast upon the field of battle, and
thereafter proceeded to Pinkie House, a seat of the Marquis of
Tweeddale, where he passed the night.

FOOTNOTES:

[879] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 31.

[880] Sixty of these Macdonalds had previously joined at Perth.

[881] The Gartmore MS. quoted in the appendix to Burt’s Letters makes
the number only forty; but Home gives it as above.

[882] Nimmo’s _History of Stirlingshire_, edited by the Rev.
Macgregor Stirling, p. 564.

[883] Dougal Graham’s _Metrical History_, p. 15.

[884] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 487.

[885] Dougal Graham, in his _Metrical History_ of the insurrection,
as quoted by Chambers, thus alludes to the conduct of the Highlanders
on the present occasion:--

“Here for a space they took a rest,
And had refreshment of the best
The country round them could afford,
Though many found but empty board,
As sheep and cattle were drove away,
Yet hungry men sought for their prey;
Took milk and butter, kirn and cheese,
On all kinds of eatables they seize;
And he who could not get a share,
Sprang to the hills like dogs for hare:
There shot the sheep and made them fall.
Whirled off the skin, and that was all;
Struck up fire and boiled the flesh,
With salt and pepper did not fash:[886]
This did enrage the Cameron’s chief,
To see his men so play the thief;
And finding one into the act,
He fired and shot him through the back;
Then to the rest himself addressed,
‘This is your lot I do protest,--
Whoe’er amongst you wrongs a man;
Pay what you get, I tell you plain;
For yet we know not friend or foe,
Nor how all things may chance to go.’”

[886] _Anglicé_,--trouble themselves.

[887] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 445.--_Forbes Papers_, p. 35.

[888] Idem.

[889] Home, p. 79.--Mr. Home says that several of these volunteers,
of which he was one, were not inhabitants of the city, and were
ignorant of the municipal cabals,--that they had little deference for
the opinion either of Guest or Drummond; but being satisfied that
the walls were untenable, and dreading the consequences to the city
if taken by storm, they considered the proposal of marching out with
the dragoons preferable to keeping within the walls, as, with their
assistance, the dragoons might be able to break the force of the
Highland army, and leave to the Highlanders, if victorious, a bloody
and fatal victory.

[890] Home, p. 80.

[891] “A True Account of the Behaviour and Conduct of Archibald
Stewart, Esq., late Lord Provost of Edinburgh, in a letter to a
friend. London, 1748.” This pamphlet has been ascribed by a writer
in the Quarterly Review, (No. 71, p. 172,) supposed to be Sir Walter
Scott, to the pen of Hume the Historian.

[892] Home, p. 83.

[893] Home, p. 84.

[894] Home, p. 91.

[895] _Provost Stewart’s Trial_, p. 171.

[896] Home, p. 96.

[897] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 488.

[898] Home, p. 96.

[899] James IV. is said to have planted the lion standard of Scotland
on this stone, as a signal for mustering his army, before its fatal
march to Flodden.

[900] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 446.

[901] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 489. _Kirkconnel MS._

[902] Dr. Carlyle, who almost rubbed shoulders with him twice,
describes the prince thus:--“He was a good-looking man of about
5 feet 10 inches; his hair was dark-red and his eyes black. His
features were regular, his visage long, much sunburnt and freckled,
and his countenance thoughtful and melancholy.”--_Autobiography_, p.
153.

[903] Dr. Chambers’s _Rebellion_, p. 87.

[904] Home, p. 100.

[905] Idem.

[906] It has been stated on the questionable authority of a local
tradition, that when Charles arrived in front of the palace, a large
bullet was fired from the castle, with such direction and force as to
make it descend upon the palace,--that it struck a part of the front
wall of James the Fifth’s tower, near the window which lights a small
turret-chamber connected with Queen Mary’s state apartments; and that
it fell into the court-yard, carrying along with it a quantity of
rubbish which it had knocked out of the wall. If such a remarkable
incident had occurred, it could scarcely have been overlooked by Mr.
Home, who was near the spot at the time; and the fact that it is not
alluded to in the pages of the Caledonian Mercury, the organ of the
Jacobite party, seems conclusive that no such occurrence took place.

[907] Home, p. 101.

[908] Home, p. 102.

[909] Boyse, p. 77, referred to by Chambers.

[910] Home, p. 102. The author of the pamphlet on the conduct of
Provost Stewart, already quoted, gives a somewhat different account
of the flight of the dragoons, but with circumstances equally
ludicrous:--“Before the rebels,” he observes, “came within sight
of our king’s forces, before they came within three miles distance
of them, orders were issued to the dragoons to wheel, which they
immediately did with the greatest order and regularity imaginable.
As it is known that nothing is more beautiful than the evolutions
and movements of cavalry, the spectators stood in expectation
of what fine manœuvre they might terminate in: when new orders
were immediately issued to retreat, they immediately obeyed, and
began to march in the usual pace of cavalry. Orders were repeated
every furlong to quicken their pace, and both precept and example
concurring, they quickened it so well, that, before they reached
Edinburgh, they quickened to a very smart gallop. They passed in
inexpressible hurry and confusion through the narrow lanes at
Barefoot’s Parks, in the sight of all the north part of the town
(Edinburgh,) to the infinite joy of the disaffected, and equal grief
and consternation of all the other inhabitants. They rushed like a
torrent down to Leith, where they endeavoured to draw breath; but
some unlucky boy, (I suppose a Jacobite in his heart,) calling to
them that the Highlanders were approaching, they immediately took
to their heels again, and galloped to Prestonpans, about six miles
farther. There, in a literal sense, _timor addidit alas_,--their
fear added wings, I mean to the rebels. For otherwise they could
not possibly have imagined that these formidable enemies could be
within several miles of them. But at Prestonpans the same alarm was
repeated. The Philistines be upon thee Sampson! They galloped to
North Berwick, and being now about twenty miles to the other side
of Edinburgh, they thought they might safely dismount from their
horses and look out for victuals. Accordingly, like the ancient
Grecian heroes, each began to kill and dress his provisions: _egit
amor dapis atque pugnæ_; they were actuated by the desire of supper
and of battle. The sheep and turkies of North Berwick paid for this
warlike disposition. But behold the uncertainty of human happiness!
When the mutton was just ready to be put upon the table, they heard,
or thought they heard, the same cry of the Highlanders. Their fear
proved stronger than their hunger; they again got on horseback, but
were informed time enough of the falseness of the alarm, to prevent
the spoiling of their meal. By such rudiments as these, the dragoons
were so thoroughly initiated in the art of running, till at last they
became so perfect at their lesson, that at the battle of Preston they
could practise it of themselves, though even there the same good
example was not wanting. I have seen an Italian opera called _Cesaro
in Egitto_, or Cæsar in Egypt, where, in the first scene, Cæsar is
introduced in a great hurry, giving orders to his soldiers, _fugge,
fugge, a’elo scampo_,--fly, fly, to your heels! This is a proof that
the commander at the Coltbridge is not the first hero that gave such
orders to his troops.”

[911] Home, p. 103.

[912] _Quarterly Review_, vol. xxxvi. p. 177.

[913] Home, p. 108.

[914] Account of the battle of Prestonpans, published in the
Caledonian Mercury of 23d September, 1745.

[915] Lord George Murray’s Narrative, _Jacobite Memoirs_, p.
36.--Home, 109.

[916] Home, 111.--Lord George Murray’s Narrative in _Jacobite
Memoirs_, p. 37.

[917] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 38.

[918] Idem, p. 38.--Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 449. The accounts
given by Home and the Chevalier Johnstone differ in some respects
from that of Lord George Murray. Home says, that Mr. Robert Anderson
(son of Anderson of Whitbrough in East Lothian, who had been engaged
in the rebellion of 1715) had confirmed Ker of Gradon’s account
of the ground after his survey, on being consulted by Lord George
Murray,--that he was present at the council of war, but did not give
any opinion; but that after Charles and his officers had separated,
Anderson told Hepburn of Keith that he knew the ground perfectly,
and was certain there was a better way to come at the king’s army
than that which the council had resolved to follow,--that he would
undertake to show them a place where they might easily pass the
morass without being seen by the enemy, and without being exposed to
their fire,--that Hepburn listened attentively to this information,
and expressed his opinion of it in such terms that Anderson desired
he would carry him to Lord George Murray,--that Hepburn advised him
to go himself to Lord George, who knew him, and would like better to
receive information from him alone than when introduced by another
person,--that when Anderson came to Lord George Murray he found
him asleep in a field of cut pease with several of the chiefs near
him,--that on awakening his Lordship, he repeated what he had said to
Mr. Hepburn, and offered to lead the men through the morass,--that
Lord George considering this information important, awoke Charles,
who was lying near him with a sheaf of pease for his pillow, and who,
pleased with Anderson’s information, ordered Lochiel and the other
chiefs to be called, all of whom approved of the plan of attack. The
Chevalier Johnstone says that the officers of the army were perplexed
how to act, from the apparent impossibility of making a successful
attack, but that Anderson came to the prince in the evening very _a
propos_, and relieved them from their embarrassment by informing
them that there was a place in the marsh which could be crossed with
safety, and that upon examining it Anderson’s information was found
to be correct. Lord George’s own account appears, however, to give
the real _res gestæ_. From it he appears to have communicated with
Anderson and Hepburn _before_ the council of war had assembled. As
his Lordship says that “at midnight the principal officers were
called again,” it is probable he alludes to the scene described
by Home, when the prince himself and the chiefs were awakened by
Anderson; but as Anderson was present in the council, and as Lord
George says, that, after this midnight call “all was ordered as was
at first proposed,” it is very likely that Anderson was anxious to
afford some additional information which he had formerly omitted to
give.

[919] Home, p. 112.

[920] A party of 200 Munroes followed Cope to Aberdeen, but refused
to embark as harvest-time was at hand.

[921] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 489.

[922] Home, p. 113.

[923] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 39.--Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p.
449.--Home, p. 89.

[924] Idem.

[925] _Memoirs_, 3d edition, p. 35.

[926] Lockhart, vol. ii. p. 491.

[927] Home puts the Macdonalds of Glencoe on the left of the second
line; but the author of the Journal and Memoirs, (Lockhart _Papers_,
vol. ii. p. 491,) an officer in the Highland army who was in the
battle, says that the Macdonalds of Glencoe were on the right of
the first line. The official account published in the _Caledonian
Mercury_ by Charles, also places the Glencoe men in the same
situation.

[928] Home, p. 117.

[929] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 490.

[930] Idem, p. 401.

[931] _Caledonian Mercury_ of 23d Sept. 1745.

[932] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 40.

[933] Home, p. 118.

[934] Home, p. 119. _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 40. _Lockhart Papers_,
vol. ii. p. 490. Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 35.

[935] Old General Wightman, who commanded the centre of the royalist
army at the battle of Sheriffmuir, was present at this battle as a
spectator. Mounted on his “old cropt galloway,” he posted himself
by break of day about a musket shot in the rear of Hamilton’s
dragoons, and had not taken his ground above three minutes when “the
scuffle” began. He says it lasted about four minutes. After “all was
in route,” Wightman remained in his station, “calm and fearless,”
according to his own account, till he saw all the dragoons out of the
field, and the foot surrounded on all sides. Ex-provost Drummond,
“who (says Wightman) would needs fight among the dragoons,” was
also present, mounted on an old dragoon horse, which one Mathie
had purchased for £4, and had used as a cart horse. Not being able
to reach Gardiner’s dragoons before the battle began, Drummond
joined the squadrons under Hamilton; but “to his great luck,” and
to the “great comfort,” of his friend Wightman, he was swept away
out of the field by the cowardly dragoons, and accompanied Cope to
Berwick.--_Culloden Papers_, p. 224.

[936] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 40.

[937] _Memoirs_, p. 37.

[938] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 36.--In the account of the battle
published by the Highland army, Captain Macgregor is stated to have
been mortally wounded; but he lived several years thereafter, and
retired to France in 1753. On his arrival he addressed the following
letter to Edgar, secretary to the Chevalier de St. George. The
original is thus quoted in Edgar’s hand-writing, “Rob Roy’s son, May
22d, 1753:”--

BOULOGNE-SUR-MER,
_May 22d, 1753_.

SIR,--I use the freedom to beg of you to lay before his Majesty
my following unhappy case. What I am his Majesty will see by
the inclosed certificate, and whatever little my venity might
make me imagine I have to his Majesty’s protection, all I expect
or desire at present is, that assistance which is absolutely
necessary for the support of a man who has always shown the
strongest attachment to his Majesty’s person and cause. As long
as I could stay in Scotland I never thought to have added to his
Majesty a trouble or expense; but upon Dr. Cameron, Lochiel’s
brother, being taken up, a strict search was made over all, that
I had no way of avoiding being taken but comming to this country,
where I am in a situation so uneasy, that I am forced to applay
to the generosity of the best of kings. I flater myself that it
is in my power to acquaint his Majesty with something of the
greatest consequence to his cause and our country. But I think
it would be improper, unless I had the honor of being presented
to him. The general character you, Sir, have for being ready to
serve any body in distress, leaves me no room to doubt of your
interesting yourself in my behalf, which I dare say will be of
the greatest use to me, and I am sure will be conferring the
highest obligation upon, Sir,

Your most obedient and most humble servant,

JAS. DRUMMOND.

May I request the honor of an answer to the care of Lord
Strathallan.

The following is the certificate referred to:--

BOULOGNE-SUR-MER,
_May ye 22d, 1753_.

We the underwritten certify that it consists with our knowledge,
that James Drummond, son to the late Rob Roy, was imploy’d in the
Prince Regent’s affairs by James, Duke of Perth, before his Royal
Highness’s arrival in Scotland, and that afterwards he behaved
with great bravery in several battles, in which he received many
dangerous wounds.

STRATHALLAN.
CHARLES BOYD.
WILL^M. DRUMMOND.

To relieve his necessities, James ordered his banker at Paris to pay
Macgregor 300 livres, in reference to which Lord Strathallan thus
writes to Edgar, from Boulogne-sur-Mer, on 6th Sept., 1753:--“I had
the honor of yours some time ago, and deferred writing you until I
heard about the 300 livres for Mr. Drummond, (Macgregor); but I have
never heard any more of it. I immediately acquainted Mr. D. with the
contents of your letter. The attestation I signed was only as to his
courage and personal bravery, for as to any thing else, I would be
sorry to answer for him, as he has but an indifferent character as to
real honesty.”--_Stuart Papers._

[939] According to the Chevalier Johnstone, (_Memoirs_, p. 38,)
1,300 of Cope’s men were killed; but Home states the number as not
exceeding 200. He says, however, in a note, that some accounts of the
battle written by officers in the rebel army, make the number killed
to have been 400 or 500. These last seem to be nearer the truth.

[940] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 41.

[941] Report of Cope’s examination. The story told by the Chevalier
Johnstone, of Cope’s having effected his escape through the midst of
the Highlanders by mounting a white cockade, seems improbable, as
Cope does not appear to have been in a situation to have rendered
such a step necessary. If any officer made his escape in the way
described, it is likely Colonel Lascelles was the man. He fell
into the hands of the Highlanders; but in the hurry they were in,
contrived to make his escape eastward, and arrived safe at Berwick.
Amid the confusion which prevailed, he might easily have snatched a
cockade from a dead or wounded Highlander, or procured one for a sum
of money.

[942] Doddridge’s _Life of Colonel Gardiner_.

[943] Home, p. 121.

[944] These were Captain Robert Stewart of Ardshiel’s battalion;
Captain Archibald Macdonald of Keppoch’s; Lieutenant Allan Cameron of
Lindevra; and Ensign James Cameron of Lochiel’s regiment.

[945] Account published by the Highland army.--Kirkconnel MS.

[946] _Caledonian Mercury_, 25th September 1745.

[947] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 491.

[948] Lord George Murray says, that when traversing the field
of battle in the afternoon he observed that some of Cope’s men,
“who were the worst wounded, had not been carried to houses to be
dressed; and though there were several of the country people of that
neighbourhood looking at them, I could not prevail with them to carry
them to houses, but got some of our people to do it.”--_Jacobite
Memoirs_, p. 42.

[949] All the wounded privates of both armies were carried to the
different villages adjoining the field of battle. Those of Cope’s
officers who were dangerously wounded were lodged in Colonel
Gardiner’s house, where surgeons attended them. In the evening, the
remainder, (who had given their parole,) accompanied by Lord George
Murray, went to Musselburgh, where a house had been provided for
their reception. Some of them walked, but others, who were unable
to do so, had horses provided for them by his lordship. The house
into which they were put was newly finished, and had neither table,
bed, chair, nor grate in it. Lord George caused some new thrashed
straw to be purchased for beds, and the officers on their arrival
partook of a tolerable meal of cold provisions and some liquor, which
his lordship had carried along with him. When about to retire, the
officers entreated him not to leave them, as being without a guard,
they were afraid that some of the Highlanders, who were in liquor,
might come in and insult or plunder them. Lord George consented,
and lay on a floor by them all night. Some of the officers, who
were valetudinary, slept that night in the house of the minister.
Next day, after the departure of the prince for Edinburgh, the
officers had quarters provided for them in Pinkie-house. The other
prisoners, privates, were quartered in Musselburgh and the gardens
of Pinkie for two nights, and were afterwards removed, along with
the officers, to Edinburgh. The latter were confined for a few
days in Queensberry-house, when they were released on parole, and
allowed to reside in the city, on condition that they should hold
no communication with the castle. The privates were confined in the
church and jail of the Canongate. Such of the wounded as could be
removed were put into the Royal Infirmary, where great care was taken
of them. One of the officers having broke his parole by going into
the castle, the others were sent to Perth. The privates were removed
to Logierait in Athole; and the wounded were dismissed as they
recovered, on taking an oath that they should not carry arms against
the prince before the 1st of January, 1747.--_Jacobite Memoirs_, p.
42. _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 451. _Caledonian Mercury._

[950] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 93.

[951] Idem, p. 40.

CHAPTER XXXII.

A.D. 1715.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.

Charles returns to Holyrood--State of public feeling--Charles
resolves to remain at Edinburgh--Measures taken to increase
the army--Charles’s proceedings at Edinburgh--Blockade of the
Castle--Disorder in the city--Blockade removed--Exertions
of Lord President Forbes--Arrival of reinforcements at
Edinburgh--Charles issues a second manifesto--Arrival of supplies
from France and detachment from the north--Charles resolves
to invade England--Preparations--Deportment of Charles at
Holyrood--Declaration of the Highland army--Preparations of the
government--Riot at Perth on the King’s birth-day.

On the evening of Sunday the 22d of September, the day after the
battle of Preston or Gladsmuir, as that affair is named by the
Highlanders, Charles returned to Holyrood House, and was received by
a large concourse of the inhabitants, who had assembled round the
palace, with the loudest acclamations. His return to the capital had
been preceded by a large portion of his army, which, it is said, made
a considerable display as it marched up the long line of street,
leading from the Watergate to the castle, amid the din of a number of
bagpipes, and carrying along with it the enemy’s standards, and other
trophies of victory which it had taken upon the field.

[Illustration: Colonel Gardiner’s House, near Prestonpans.]

Apprehensive that the alarm, which Cope’s disaster would excite
in the city, might obstruct the public worship on the Sunday,
Charles had sent messengers on the evening of the battle, to the
dwelling-houses of the different ministers, desiring them to continue
their ministrations as usual; but although the church bells were
tolled at the customary hour next morning, and the congregations
assembled, one only of the city clergymen appeared, all the rest
having retired to the country. The minister who thus distinguished
himself among his brethren on this occasion was a Mr. Hog, morning
lecturer in the Tron church. The two clergymen of the neighbouring
parish of St. Cuthbert’s, Messrs. Macvicar and Pitcairn, also
continued to preach as usual, and many inhabitants of the city
went to hear them. No way dismayed by the presence of the Highland
army, they continued to pray as usual for King George; and Mr.
Macvicar even went so far in his prayers, as to express a hope that
God would take Charles to himself, and that instead of an earthly
crown, he would “give him a crown of glory.” Charles is said to have
laughed heartily on being informed of Mr. Macvicar’s concern for his
spiritual welfare. To induce the ministers to return to their duty,
the prince issued a proclamation on Monday, repeating the assurances
he had so often given them, that no interruption should be given to
public worship; but that, on the contrary, all concerned should be
protected. This intimation, however, had no effect upon the fugitive
ministers, who, to the great scandal of their flocks, deserted their
charges during the whole time the Highlanders occupied the city.

In the first moments of victory, Charles felt a gleam of joy, which
for a time excluded reflection; but when, after retiring from the
battle-field, he began to ruminate over the events of the day, and
to consider that it was British blood that had been spilt, if we can
trust his own words, his spirit sunk within him. “If I had obtained
this victory,” says he to his father, in the letter already quoted,
“over foreigners, my joy would have been complete; but as it is over
Englishmen, it has thrown a damp upon it that I little imagined. The
men I have defeated were your majesty’s enemies, it is true, but they
might have become your friends and dutiful subjects when they had got
their eyes opened to see the true interest of their country, which
you mean to save, not to destroy.” For these reasons he was unwilling
that the victory should be celebrated by any public manifestation,
and on being informed that many of the inhabitants of Edinburgh
intended to testify their joy on the occasion by some public act,
the prince, in the same proclamation which enjoined the clergymen to
return to their charges, prohibited “any outward demonstrations of
public joy.”

The news of the prince’s victory was received every where, by the
Jacobites, with the most unbounded delight. Unable any longer to
conceal their real sentiments, they now publicly avowed them, and
like their predecessors, the cavaliers, indulged in deep potations
to the health of “the king” and the prince. But this enthusiasm was
not confined to the Jacobites alone. Many persons whose political
creed was formerly doubtful, now declared unequivocally in favour
of the cause of the prince; whilst others, whose sentiments were
formerly in favour of the government, openly declared themselves
converts to an order of things which they now considered inevitable.
In short, throughout the whole of Scotland the tide of public opinion
was completely changed in favour of the Stuarts. The fair sex,
especially, displayed an ardent attachment to the person and cause of
the prince, and contributed not a little to bring about the change
in public feeling alluded to. Duncan Forbes has well described this
strong revolution in public feeling. “All Jacobites, how prudent
soever, became mad; all doubtful people became Jacobites; and all
bankrupts became heroes, and talked of nothing but hereditary rights
and victory; and what was more grievous to men of gallantry, and if
you will believe me, much more mischievous to the public, all the
fine ladies, if you will except one or two, became passionately fond
of the young Adventurer, and used all their arts and industry for him
in the most intemperate manner.”[952]

In England the news of the prince’s victory created a panic,
causing a run upon the bank, which would have been fatal to that
establishment, had not the principal merchants entered into an
association to support public credit by receiving the notes of
the bank in payment.[953] Scotchmen were everywhere looked upon
with distrust by their southern neighbours, and the most severe
reflections were indulged in against the Scottish nation. Sir Andrew
Mitchell, writing to President Forbes, notices with deep regret this
feeling against his countrymen: “The ruin of my country, and the
disgrace and shame to which it is, and will continue to be, exposed,
have affected me to that degree, that I am hardly master of myself.
Already every man of our country is looked on as a traitor, as one
secretly inclined to the Pretender, and waiting but an opportunity
to declare. The guilty and the innocent are confounded together,
and the crimes of a few imputed to the whole nation.”[954] Again,
“I need not describe to you the effects the surrender of Edinburgh,
and the progress the rebels made, had upon this country. I wish I
could say that they were confined to the lower sort of people; but
I must fairly own that their betters were as much touched as they.
The reflections were national; and it was too publicly said that
all Scotland were Jacobites; the numbers of the rebels and their
adherents were magnified for this purpose; and he that in the least
diminished them was called a _secret Jacobite_.”[955]

Elated by the news of the victory of Preston, a party of armed
Highlanders entered Aberdeen on the 25th of September, seized the
provost, and carrying him to the cross, held their drawn swords over
his head, till they proclaimed the Chevalier de St. George. They then
requested him to drink the health of “the king,” but having refused
to do so, they threw a glass of wine into his breast. Not wishing to
have his loyalty put a second time to such a severe test, the provost
left the city, not thinking himself safe, as he observes, “in the way
of those who had used him in so unreasonable and odd a manner.”[956]

With the exception of the castles of Edinburgh and Stirling, and a
few insignificant forts, the whole of Scotland may be said to have
been now in possession of the victor. Having no longer an enemy
to combat in North Britain, Charles turned his eyes to England;
but against the design which he appears to have contemplated,
of an immediate march into that kingdom, several very serious
objections occurred. If the prince could have calculated on a
general rising in England in his favour, his advance into that
kingdom with a victorious army, before the government recovered
from the consternation into which it had been thrown by the recent
victory, would have been a wise course of policy; but it would have
been extremely rash, without an absolute assurance of extensive
support from the friends of the cause in England, to have entered
that kingdom with the small army which fought at Gladsmuir, and
which, instead of increasing, was daily diminishing, by the return
of some of the Highlanders to their homes, according to custom,
with the spoils they had collected. There were indeed, among the
more enthusiastic of the prince’s advisers, some who advocated an
immediate incursion into England; but by far the greater part thought
the army too small for such an undertaking. These urged that although
the success which had attended their arms would certainly engage a
number of friends, who either had not hitherto had an opportunity
of joining, or had delayed doing so, because they saw little or no
appearance of success, yet it was prudent to wait for such aid,--that
French succours might now be depended upon, since the prince had
given convincing proofs of his having a party in Scotland,--that, at
any rate, it was better to remain some little time at Edinburgh,
till they saw what prospects there were of success, and that in
the mean time the army would be getting stronger by reinforcements
which were expected from the north, and would be better modelled and
accoutred. The latter opinion prevailed, and Charles resolved to make
some stay in Edinburgh.[957]

Alluding to this resolution, Mr. Maxwell observes, “Those who judge
of things only by the event, will condemn this measure, and decide
positively that if the prince had marched on from the field of
battle, he would have carried all before him. As the prince’s affairs
were ruined in the end, it is natural to wish he had done any thing
else than what he did. Things could hardly have turned out worse, and
there was a possibility of succeeding. But to judge fairly of the
matter, we must have no regard to what happened, but consider what
was the most likely to happen. The prince had but 3,000 men at the
battle, where he had 100 at least killed and wounded. He might reckon
upon losing some hundreds more, who would go home with the booty they
had got, so that he could not reckon upon more than 2,500 men to
follow him into England, where he had no intelligence, nor hopes of
being joined, nor resource in case of a misfortune. But what would
the world have said of such an attempt had it miscarried!”[958]

According to the Chevalier Johnstone,[959] the prince was advised
by his friends, that as the whole of the towns of Scotland had been
obliged to recognise him as regent of the kingdom, in the absence of
his father, his chief object should be to endeavour by every possible
means to secure himself in the government of Scotland; and to defend
himself against the English armies, which would be sent against him,
without attempting for the present to extend his views to England.
There were others who strongly advised Charles to annul the union
between Scotland and England, as an act made during the usurpation
of Queen Anne, by a cabal of a few Scotch peers, and to summon a
Scottish parliament, to meet at Edinburgh, to impose taxes in a legal
manner, and obtain supplies for his army. This party assured the
prince that these steps would give great pleasure to all Scotland,
and that the tendency of them would be to renew the ancient discord
between the two countries, and that the war would thereby be made
national: they informed him, that, so far from being prepared to run
an immense risk, for the sake of acquiring England, they wished for
nothing more than to see him seated on the throne of Scotland. As the
chief object of his ambition, however, was to obtain the crown of
England, he rejected the proposal made to him, to confine his views
to Scotland.

As soon as it was determined to remain in Scotland till the army
should be reinforced, every measure was adopted that could tend to
increase it. Letters were despatched to the Highlands, and other
parts of Scotland, containing the news of the victory, and urging
immediate aid; and messengers were sent to France to represent the
state of the prince’s affairs, and to solicit succours from that
court. Officers were appointed to beat up for recruits, and every
inducement was held out to the prisoners taken at Preston to join
the insurgents. Many of these, accordingly, enlisted in the prince’s
army, and were of considerable service in drilling recruits, but
before the Highland army left Edinburgh, almost the whole of them
had deserted, and joined their former companions at Berwick.[960]
The principal person selected by Charles to go to the Highlands, on
the present occasion, was Mr. Alexander Macleod, a gentleman of the
Scottish bar, who carried along with him a paper of instructions,
dated the 24th of September, and signed by secretary Murray.[961]
By these instructions, Macleod was directed forthwith to proceed to
the Isle of Skye, to assure Sir Alexander Macdonald, and the laird
of Macleod, and other gentlemen of their names, that the prince did
not impute their not having hitherto joined him, to any failure of
loyalty or zeal on their part, for his father’s cause; but to the
private manner in which he had arrived in Scotland, which was from a
desire to restore his royal father without foreign assistance--that
he was ready still to receive them with the same affection he would
have welcomed them, had they joined him on his landing,--and that
as they well knew the dispositions of the Highlanders, and their
inclination to return home after a battle, they would be sensible
how necessary it was to recruit the army with a strong body of men
from their country. After giving them these assurances, Macleod was
directed to require of these chiefs to repair with all possible speed
with their men to Edinburgh, where they should be furnished with
arms. In case they were found refractory, Macleod was directed to
use all proper means with the gentlemen of their different families,
to bring them to the field with as many followers as possible,--that
to encourage them to take up arms, he was to acquaint them that the
prince had received undoubted assurances of support from France and
Spain,--that the Earl Marischal was expected to land in Scotland
with a body of troops,--that the Duke of Ormond was also expected
in England, with the Irish brigade, and a large quantity of arms,
ammunition, and money,--and that before passing the Forth, he had
received letters from the Spanish ministry, and the Duke of Bouillon,
containing positive assurances of aid. In conclusion, Macleod was
ordered to assure these gentlemen that the encouragement and favour
which would be shown them, if they joined the prince’s standard,
would be in proportion to their loyalty and the backwardness of their
chiefs. He was likewise directed to send for the chief of Mackinnon,
and to tell him that the prince was much surprised that one who had
given such solemn assurances, as Mackinnon had done, to join him,
with all the men he could collect, should have failed in his promise.
As Macleod of Swordland, in Glenelg, who had visited the prince in
Glenfinnan, had there engaged to seize the fort of Bernera, and to
join Charles with a hundred men, whether his chief joined or not,
the messenger was instructed to ask him why he had not fulfilled his
engagement. The result of this mission will be subsequently noticed.

Seated in the palace of his ancestors, Charles, as Prince Regent,
continued to discharge the functions of royalty, by exercising
every act of sovereignty, with this difference only between him and
his rival in St. James’s, that while King George could only raise
troops and levy money by act of parliament, Charles, by his own
authority, not only ordered regiments to be raised for his service,
and troops of horse-guards to be levied for the defence of his
person, but also imposed taxes at pleasure. To give eclat to his
proceedings, and to impress upon the minds of the people, by external
acts, the appearances of royalty, he held a levee every morning in
Holyrood-house, and appointed a council which met every morning at
ten o’clock, after the levee was over. This council comprised the
Duke of Perth and Lord George Murray, the lieutenant-generals of the
army, O’Sullivan, the quarter-master-general, Lord Pitsligo, Lord
Elcho, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Secretary Murray, and all the Highland
chiefs.[962]

As nothing could injure his cause more in the eyes of the people
than acts of oppression on the part of his troops, one of Charles’s
first acts after his return to Edinburgh, was to issue an edict
granting protection to the inhabitants of the city and the vicinity,
in their persons and properties; but farmers, living within five
miles of Edinburgh, were required, before being entitled to the
protection, to appear at the secretary’s office, in Holyrood-house,
and grant bond that they should be ready, on twelve hours’ notice,
to furnish the prince with horses for carrying the baggage of his
army to Berwick-upon-Tweed, or a similar distance, according to their
plowgates. By another proclamation put forth the same day, viz. the
23d of September, he denounced death or such other punishment as a
court-martial should order to be inflicted on any soldier or person
connected with his army, who should be guilty of forcibly taking
from “the good people of Edinburgh,” or of the country, any of their
goods without a fair equivalent to the satisfaction of the parties.
These orders were in general scrupulously attended to, though, in
some instances, irregularities were committed, under the pretence
of searching for arms. The greater part, however, were the acts of
persons who, though they wore the white cockade, did not belong to
the army.

Besides the clergymen of the city, a considerable number of the
volunteers had deserted their homes in dread of punishment for
having taken up arms. To induce these, as well as the ministers of
the city, to return, Charles issued a proclamation on the 24th of
September, granting a full pardon to all or such of them, as should,
within twenty days after the publication thereof, present themselves
to Secretary Murray, or to any other member of the council, at
Holyrood-house, or at such other place as the prince might be at the
time. A few volunteers only took advantage of this offer.

When the Highland army first approached the city, the directors
of the two banks then existing, had removed all their money and
notes to the castle, under the apprehension that the prince would
appropriate them to his own use. As great inconvenience was felt in
the city by the removal of the banks, Charles issued a proclamation
on the 25th of September, in which, after disclaiming any intention
to seize the funds belonging to the banks, he invited them to resume
their business in the city, pledging himself to protect them. He
declared that the money lodged in the banks should be free from any
exactions on his part; and that he himself would contribute to the
re-establishment of public credit, by receiving and issuing the
notes of the banks in payment. The banks, however, declined to avail
themselves of the prince’s offer; but when applied to for money in
exchange for a large quantity of their notes in possession of the
Highland army, the directors answered the demand.

As the wants of his army were many, the next object of the prince’s
solicitude was to provide against them. Anxious as he was to
conciliate all classes of the people, he had no alternative on
the present occasion, but to assess the burghs of Scotland, in
sums proportionate to the duties of excise drawn from them. He
accordingly sent letters, dated the 30th of September, to all the
chief magistrates of the burghs, ordering them, under pain of being
considered rebel, to repair, upon receipt, to Holyrood-house, to get
the contributions to be paid by their respective burghs ascertained,
and for payment of which, he promised to assign the duties of excise.
For immediate use, he compelled the city of Edinburgh, on pain of
military execution, to furnish his army with 1,000 tents, 2,000
targets, 6,000 pair of shoes, and other articles, to the value of
upwards of £15,000, to liquidate which, a tax of 2s. 6d. per pound
was laid on the city, and in the Canongate and Leith. From the city
of Glasgow he demanded £15,000, a sum which was compromised by a
prompt payment of £5,500. The prince, at the same time, despatched
letters to the collectors of the land-tax, the collectors and
comptrollers of the customs and excise, and to the factors upon the
estates forfeited in the former insurrection, requiring all of them,
upon receipt, to repair to Holyrood-house with their books, and to
pay such balances as might appear upon examination to be in their
hands,--the first and last classes, under the pain of rebellion and
military execution, and the second class, besides the last-mentioned
penalty, under the pain of high-treason. Charles, at the same time,
seized all the smuggled goods in the custom-houses of Leith and
other sea-ports, which being sold, yielded him £7,000. Besides the
exactions from public bodies, he compelled several of the nobility
and gentry in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh to supply him with
considerable quantities of hay and oats. Parties of Highlanders were
sent to the seats of the Dukes of Hamilton and Douglas, and the Earl
of Hoptoun, to carry off arms and horses. From the last mentioned
noblemen they took nearly 100 horses.[963]

For some days after the Highlanders resumed possession of Edinburgh,
a sort of tacit understanding existed between the garrison and
them, under which the communication between the castle and the city
continued open. A guard of Highlanders was posted at the Weigh-house,
an old square building, which stood at the head of West Bow, at the
distance of a few hundred yards from the fortress. This guard allowed
provisions of every description to pass, particularly for the use
of the officers; and matters might have remained for some time in
this quiescent state, to the great comfort of the inhabitants, had
not the garrison one night, most unaccountably fired off some cannon
and small arms in the direction of the West Port. In consequence,
it is believed, of this breach of the implied armistice, orders
were given to the guards, on the 29th of September, to block up all
the avenues leading to the castle, and allow no person to pass.
On being made acquainted with this order, General Guest sent a
letter, in the evening, addressed to the Lord Provost, intimating,
that unless the communication between the castle and the city was
renewed, and the blockade removed, he would be obliged to dislodge
the Highland guards with his cannon, and bombard the city. Nothing
could be more unreasonable and absurd than this threat. Though
willing, the citizens had it not in their power, either to keep up
the communication with the castle, or to take off the blockade, and
though they were as unable to remove the Highlanders from the city
“as to remove the city itself out of its seat,”[964] or prevent them
from acting as they pleased, yet the citizens would be the only
sufferers in the event of a bombardment; for the Highlanders, if the
city were destroyed, would only be obliged to change their quarters,
and neither the destruction of the one, nor the removal of the other,
could be of any service to the castle. These views were represented
to the governor by a deputation from the city; but Guest remained
inflexible, and pleaded in his justification a peremptory order,
which he said he had received from the king himself, and which left
him no discretion. At the earnest solicitation of the inhabitants,
Guest was prevailed upon to grant a respite for one night. Next
morning, six deputies waited on the prince, at the palace, with
General Guest’s letter, which was in reality intended for him. After
perusing the letter, Charles returned an answer immediately to the
deputies in writing, in which he expressed surprise at the barbarity
of the orders from the castle, at a time when it was admitted, that
the garrison had six weeks provisions on hand,--that, in pleading,
as Guest had done, the directions of “the Elector of Hanover,” as
an excuse, it was evident, that the Elector did not consider the
inhabitants of Edinburgh as his subjects, otherwise he would not
have made a demand upon them which they could not fulfil,--and that,
should he, the prince, out of compassion to the citizens, comply with
the extravagant demand now made, he might as well quit the city at
once, and abandon all the advantages he had obtained,--that, if any
mischief should befall the city, he would take particular care to
indemnify the inhabitants for their loss,--and that, in the meantime,
if forced by the threatened barbarity, he would make reprisals upon
the estates of the officers in the castle, and also upon all who were
“known to be open abettors of the German government.”

This letter was laid before a meeting of the inhabitants, who sent
deputies with it to General Guest. After some altercation, he agreed
to suspend hostilities till the return of an express from London,
on condition that the Highland army should, in the mean time, make
no attempt upon the castle. This condition was, however, infringed
by the Highlanders, who, on the following day, discharged some
musket shots with the intention, it is supposed, of frightening
some persons who were carrying up provisions to the castle. General
Guest, considering that he was no longer restrained from executing
his threat, immediately opened a fire upon the guard stationed at
the Weigh-house, by which some houses were damaged and two persons
wounded. Charles retaliated by issuing a proclamation next day, in
which he prohibited all correspondence with the castle, under pain of
death. This proclamation was followed by an order to strengthen the
blockade, by posting additional guards at several places about the
castle. To revenge this step the garrison fired at every Highlander
they could discover from the battlements, and, by this reckless
proceeding, killed and wounded several of the inhabitants. A daring
exploit was performed at the same time by a soldier, who slipped down
from the castle, set fire to a house in Livingston’s yards, where a
guard was posted, and after shooting one of the guards dead upon the
spot, returned safe to the fortress. Shortly after this occurrence
a party sallied out from the castle, killed some of the guards
stationed at the same place, took an officer and a few prisoners, and
put the rest to flight.

Meanwhile General Guest sent a message to the city, intimating
that he meant to demolish the houses where the guards were posted,
but that care would be taken to do as little damage as possible to
the city. Accordingly, on the 4th of October, about two o’clock in
the afternoon, a cannonade was opened from the half-moon battery,
near the Castle-gate, which was kept up till the evening. When it
grew dark the garrison made a sally, and set fire to a foundry and
a house on the Castle-hill which had been deserted. They then dug
a trench fourteen feet broad, and sixteen feet deep, across the
Castle-hill, about half-way between the gate and the houses on the
Castle-hill, and along the parapet made by the earth taken from
the trench on the side next the castle, they posted 200 men, who
discharged some cartridge shot down the street, killing and wounding
some of the inhabitants. The bombardment was resumed next day, with
more disastrous effect. No person could with safety appear on the
High-street, as the shots from the Castle-hill penetrated as far down
as the head of the old Flesh-market close, and shattered several
houses. At first, some of the better informed among the citizens
were disposed to regard the threat of bombardment as a mere device
to induce the prince to discontinue the blockade, as they could not
bring themselves to believe that the government could have been
guilty of issuing the barbarous order alluded to by the governor
of the castle; but the inhabitants in general entertained more
correct views, and before the cannonade commenced, the streets were
crowded with women and children running towards the gates, in great
confusion, while many of the citizens were to be seen carrying their
most valuable effects out of the city. During the two days that the
cannonade lasted, viz., the 4th and 5th of October, the utmost dismay
prevailed among the inhabitants, and multitudes of them left the
city, without knowing whither to flee or where to look for shelter.

To put an end to this disastrous state of affairs Charles issued
a proclamation on the evening of the 5th of October, removing the
blockade. In this document he stated that it was with the greatest
regret that he was hourly informed of the many murders which were
committed upon the innocent inhabitants of the city, by the inhuman
commanders and garrison of the castle, a practice contrary, he
observed, to all the laws of war, to the truce granted to the
city, and even exceeding the orders which the government, it was
alleged, had given upon the occasion,--that he might have, as he
had threatened, justly chastised those who had been instrumental in
the ruin of the capital, by reprisals upon the estates and fortunes
of the supporters of the government; but as he thought it noways
derogatory to the glory of a prince, to suspend punishment, or alter
a resolution, if, by such a course, he could save the lives of
innocent men, he had allowed his humanity to yield to the barbarity
of the common enemy. This proclamation was followed by a cessation of
the cannonade; but the garrison still continued to fire occasionally
at the Highlanders whenever they made their appearance in the
neighbourhood of the castle.

The object of Guest, according to Mr. Home, in thus annoying the
town, and provoking the Highlanders, was not to secure a supply of
provisions, of which he had already an abundance, but to prevent
them from marching into England, by keeping them occupied in the
siege of the castle. To deceive Charles, he wrote in the beginning
of the week following the battle of Preston, several letters to the
Duke of Newcastle, one of the secretaries of state, acquainting him
that there was but a very small stock of provisions in the castle of
Edinburgh,--that he would be obliged to surrender, if not immediately
relieved, and recommending that any troops sent to his relief,
should be forwarded by sea, to Berwick or Newcastle, for the sake
of despatch. These letters, which were intended for the perusal of
Charles, were sent so that they might fall into his hands; but lest
any of them might find their way to London, Guest sent a letter to
the Duke of Newcastle, by a sure conveyance, giving him an account of
the real state of the garrison, and informing him of the deception he
was endeavouring to practise upon the Highlanders.[965]

Whilst the adherents of Charles in the Highlands and the northern
Lowlands were exerting all their energies to collect reinforcements,
Lord-president Forbes was using all his influence to prevent the
chiefs of doubtful loyalty from committing themselves with the
government. To induce them to arm in its support after the success
which had attended the prince’s arms, was what he could scarcely
have expected; but by persuasion, and by pointing out in forcible
terms the ruin which would befall them and their families, should
the prince fail in his enterprise, he succeeded in making them at
first to waver, and finally to abandon any design they may have
entertained, of joining the prince. Among others who appear to
have vacillated between two opinions, and in their perplexity to
have alternately changed their minds, was Macleod of Macleod. This
chief, influenced probably by the solicitations of his clansman, who
had been sent to him on the mission before alluded to, attended a
meeting of gentlemen of the name of Fraser, convened by Lord Lovat
at Beaufort, or Castle Downie, as that seat of the chief of the
Frasers was sometimes called, on Friday the 4th of October, and
was despatched the following day to Skye, having engaged to join
the Frasers with his men at Corriearrick on the 15th;[966] but on
advising with his friend Sir Alexander Macdonald, he resolved to stay
at home.[967]

In neutralizing the efforts of the disaffected clans, and dissuading
others of doubtful loyalty from joining the ranks of the insurgents,
President Forbes had difficulties to contend with, which few men
could have overcome, but which he finally surmounted by that
firmness, zeal, and indomitable perseverance, which distinguished
him among all his political contemporaries. At its commencement,
Forbes treated the insurrection very lightly. Before his departure
for the north, he considered the prospect of affairs very flattering,
and that the object of his journey had no appearance of difficulty;
but the alteration in public feeling, consequent on the battle of
Preston, changed the scene. Instead of finding the ready support he
anticipated from the professed adherents of the government, he saw
himself, to use his own words, “almost alone, without troops, without
arms, without money or credit; provided with no means to prevent
extreme folly, except pen and ink, a tongue and some reputation; and,
if you will except Macleod, whom I sent for from the Isle of Skye,
supported by nobody of common sense or courage.”[968] The successes
of the insurgents had, he observes, “blown up the spirit of mutiny
to such a pitch, that nothing was heard of but caballing, and
gathering together of men in the neighbourhood: every petty head of
a tribe, who was in any degree tinged with Jacobitism, or desperate
in his circumstances, assembled his kindred, and made use of the
most mutinous, to drag the most peaceable out of their beds, and to
force others to list by threatening destruction to their cattle and
other effects; whilst we were unable to give them any assistance or
protection.”[969] Exasperated at the president for the exertions he
made to obstruct the designs of the disaffected, a plan was formed
for seizing him by some of the Frasers, a party of whom, amounting
to about 200 men, accordingly made an attack upon the house of
Culloden during the night between the 15th and 16th of October;
but the president being upon his guard, they were repulsed.[970]
The apprehension of such an important personage would have been of
greater service to the Jacobite cause than the gaining of a battle.

Confiding in the loyalty and discretion of President Forbes, the
ministry had, at the suggestion of the Earl of Stair, sent down to
the president, early in September, twenty commissions, for raising
as many independent companies in the Highlands for the service of
the government. The names of the officers were left blank in the
commissions, that the president might distribute them among such of
the well-affected clans as he might think proper. The plan which his
lordship laid down for himself, in disposing of these commissions,
was to distribute them among the clans who adhered to the government
in the former insurrection, without neglecting such other clans, who,
though then opposed to the government, had, on the present occasion,
shown an unwillingness to join the Jacobite standard. To raise the
companies, which were fixed at 100 men each, as quickly as possible,
the president resolved to leave the nomination of the officers to
the chiefs of the clans, out of whom they were to be raised.[971]
He accordingly despatched letters to the Earls of Sutherland and
Cromarty, Lords Reay and Fortrose, Sir Alexander Macdonald, the
lairds of Macleod and Grant, and other chiefs, requesting each of
them to raise a company out of their respective clans, most of whom
accordingly proceeded to enrol their men; but from the want of
money and arms, only two companies were completed before the end
of October, and several months expired before the whole were fully
formed and drawn together.[972]

If the majority of the people of Scotland had been favourably
disposed to the cause of the Stuarts, they had now an opportunity of
displaying their attachment to the representative of their ancient
monarchs, by declaring for the prince; but Charles soon found that,
with the exception of the Highlands, and a few districts north of
the Tay, where catholicity and non-juring episcopacy still retained
a footing, the rest of Scotland was not disposed to join a contest
for legitimacy, which they might imagine would not, if successful,
strengthen the liberties of the nation, and might possibly impair
them. The regular line of hereditary succession had been departed
from, and it did not seem wise after a trial of fifty-seven years,
during which period the political frame and texture of society had
undergone a complete revolution, to place the succession on its
original footing, by restoring the son of James II. The Jacobites,
however, imbued with ideas of indefeasible hereditary right, were
deaf to every argument founded on expediency or the will of the
nation, and contended that every departure from the direct line of
succession was a usurpation, and contrary to the divine law. No
sovereign was, therefore, held by them as legitimate, while there
existed a nearer heir to the crown in the direct line of succession;
but they did not reflect that, upon this principle, there was
scarcely a legitimate sovereign in Europe.

Among the Lowland Jacobites who displayed the greatest zeal on the
present occasion, was Lord Ogilvy, eldest son of the Earl of Airly,
who joined the prince at Edinburgh on the 3d of October with a
regiment of 600 men, chiefly from the county of Forfar, where his
father’s estates were situated. Most of the officers of the regiment
were either of the Airly family, or bore the name of Ogilvy. Lord
Ogilvy was followed by old Gordon of Glenbucket, an equally zealous
supporter of the Stuarts, who arrived at Edinburgh next day with a
body of 400 men, which he had collected in Strathdon, Strathaven,
Glenlivet, and Auchindoun. Glenbucket had been a major-general in
Mar’s army, in 1715; but he now contented himself with the colonelcy
of the regiment he had just raised, of which he made his eldest
son lieutenant-colonel, and his younger sons captains, while the
other commissions were held by his relations or personal friends.
On the 9th of October, Lord Pitsligo also joined the prince. He was
accompanied by a considerable number of gentlemen from the counties
of Aberdeen and Banff, with their servants, all well armed and
mounted. These formed an excellent corps of cavalry. He also brought
with him a small body of infantry. Lord Pitsligo, though possessed
of a moderate fortune, had great influence with the gentlemen of the
counties above named, by whom he was beloved and greatly esteemed,
and having great reliance on his judgment and discretion, they did
not hesitate, when he declared himself in favour of the prince, to
put themselves under his command.

Having been informed that there were many persons, who, from
infirmity and other causes, were unable to join him, but were
disposed to assist him with money, horses, and arms, the Chevalier
issued a proclamation on the 8th of October, calling upon all such
persons to send such supplies to his secretary; and as an order
had been issued, summoning the parliament to meet on the 17th, he,
by another proclamation dated the 9th, prohibited all peers and
commoners from paying obedience to any order or resolution that might
be published in the name of either house, in case they should meet.

On the 10th of October, Charles issued a second rather spirited
manifesto, justifying the step he had taken, proclaiming his father’s
gracious intention to redress every grievance, including the repeal
of the union, endeavouring to show that the government of the Elector
of Hanover was a grievous tyranny supported by foreign mercenaries.
It concluded thus:--

“Let him send off his foreign hirelings, and put the whole upon
the issue of a battle; I will trust only to the king my father’s
subjects, who were, or shall be, engaged in mine and their country’s
cause. But notwithstanding all the opposition he can make, I still
trust in the justice of my cause, the valour of my troops, and the
assistance of the Almighty, to bring my enterprise to a glorious
issue.

“It is now time to conclude, and I shall do it with this reflection;
civil wars are ever attended with rancour and ill-will, which
party-rage never fails to produce in the minds of those whom
different interests, principles, or views, set in opposition to one
another: I therefore earnestly require it of my friends, to give
as little loose as possible to such passions: this will prove the
most effectual means to prevent the same in the enemies of our royal
cause. And this my declaration will vindicate to all posterity the
nobleness of my undertaking, and the generosity of my intentions.”

During Charles’s stay in Edinburgh the magisterial authority was in
complete abeyance, and thieves and robbers, no longer restrained
by the arm of power, stalked about, in open day, following their
vocation. Under pretence of searching for arms, predatory bands,
wearing white cockades and the Highland dress, perambulated the
country, imposing upon and robbing the people. One of the most noted
of these was headed by one James Ratcliffe, the same individual who
figures so conspicuously in the Heart of Mid-Lothian, and who, having
spent all his life in the commission of acts of robbery, had twice
received sentence of death, but had contrived to effect his escape
from jail.[973] To suppress these and other acts of violence, Charles
issued several edicts, and in one or two instances the last penalty
of the law was inflicted by his orders upon the culprits.

Early in October a ship from France arrived at Montrose with some
arms and ammunition and a small sum of money. On board this vessel
was the Marquis Boyer d’Eguille, who arrived at Holyrood house on the
14th of October. The object of his journey was not exactly known, but
his arrival was represented as a matter of great importance, and he
was passed off as an ambassador from the French court. This vessel
was soon followed by two others in succession, one of which brought,
in addition to a supply of arms and money, some Irish officers in
the service of France. The other had on board six field-pieces
and a company of artillerymen. These succours, though small, were
opportune, and were considered as an earnest of more substantial
ones, of which d’Eguille gave the prince the strongest assurances. To
facilitate and shorten the conveyance of arms and cannon, and of the
reinforcements still expected from the north, batteries were raised
at Alloa and on the immediately opposite side of the Frith of Forth,
across which these were transported without any annoyance, although
the Fox, a British man-of-war, was stationed in the Frith.

The army of the prince continued to increase by the arrival of
several additional detachments from the north, and before the end
of October he found that his forces amounted to nearly 6,000 men;
but this number was far below what Charles had expected. He had
entertained hopes that by the exertions of Lord Lovat and other
chiefs, whom he expected to declare in his favour, about triple
that number would have been raised; but a messenger who arrived at
Edinburgh from his lordship, brought him intelligence which rendered
his expectations less sanguine. Lovat had calculated that he would
be able to raise by his own influence a force of 4,000 or 5,000 men
for the service of Charles; and, the better to conceal his design,
he opened a correspondence with President Forbes, in which, with
his characteristic duplicity and cunning, he avowed himself a warm
supporter of the government, and succeeded for a considerable time
in throwing the president off his guard. By degrees, however, his
real intentions began to develop themselves, and after the battle
of Preston he resolved to assemble his clan for the purpose of
joining the prince. To deceive the government he compelled his
son, (afterwards known as General Fraser,) a youth of eighteen who
had been pursuing his studies at the university of St. Andrews, to
put himself at the head of the clan, and afterwards pretended that
his son had, by this proceeding, acted in direct opposition to his
orders.[974] The only force raised south of the Tay was a regiment
of 450 men which Colonel Roy Stewart formed in Edinburgh during the
stay of the Highland army; for, although the prince was joined at
Edinburgh by the Earls of Kilmarnock and Kellie, Lord Balmerino,
Maxwell of Kirkconnel, and other south-country gentlemen, they did
not bring as many men along with them as would have formed the staff
of a company.

Having now spent nearly six weeks in Edinburgh, the prince considered
that he could no longer delay his intended march into England.
By postponing that measure a few days longer he might have still
farther increased his force by the return of the men who had gone
home after the battle, of whom he had received favourable accounts;
by the accession of a body of Gordons which Lord Lewis, brother to
the Duke of Gordon, was raising among the followers of the family;
and by other small corps from the north. But it was judged that this
advantage would be more than counterbalanced by other circumstances
attendant upon delay. The long stay of the Highland army in Scotland
had enabled the government to concentrate a considerable force in
the north of England, already far superior, in point of numbers,
to the prince’s troops, and this force was about to receive large
additions from the south and from the continent. Nothing but a
dread of the Highlanders and ignorance of their real strength kept
the English army, already concentrated in the north, from entering
Scotland; but terrible as was the impression made upon the minds of
the English troops, by the reports which had been carried to England
of the prowess of the Highlanders, it was not to be supposed, that,
after the arrival of large reinforcements, their commanders would
remain inactive. Had the government been aware of the weakness of
the prince’s army after the battle of Gladsmuir, it would probably
not have delayed a single week in sending an army into Scotland;
but the exaggerated reports which had been every where spread,
of the great strength of the Highland army, were fully credited.
Attempts were made by some friends of the government, as well as
by others, to ascertain their numbers; but Charles, by perpetually
shifting their cantonments, and dividing them into detached bodies,
not only contrived to conceal his weakness, but to impress these
prying persons with an idea that he was much stronger than he really
was.[975]

Another reason for hastening his march south was the danger that
the army might be diminished by desertion if kept in a state of
inactivity. Desertions were frequent, and it was thought that
nothing but an active life would put an end to a practice imputed
to idleness and repose, and which allowed the men time to think on
their families, and contemplate the hardships and dangers they were
likely to undergo in a foreign land. But the chief motive which urged
Charles and his council to put the army in motion was an apprehension
that their supplies of money would be soon exhausted, in which event
it would be quite impossible to keep the army together for a single
day. By adhering to a declaration he had made, that he would not
enforce the obnoxious malt tax; the public money, which had been
collected, and was still in course of being raised, was far from
being adequate to support the army which Charles had collected; and
the contributions of his friends, which at first were considerable,
were now beginning to fail. The supplies which had lately been
received from France were therefore very opportune; but without
additional and early pecuniary succours, which, though promised,
might not speedily arrive or might miscarry, it was considered that
unless the exchequer was replenished in England, the abandonment
of the enterprise was inevitable. For these reasons, and as the
prince informed his council[976] that he had received the strongest
assurances of support from numbers of the English Tories and
Jacobites, a unanimous resolution was entered into to march forthwith
into England.[977]

Upon this resolution being adopted, the prince despatched a messenger
to France with intelligence of his intentions, and to solicit the
French court to make a descent on England. As this court had all
along given as its reason for not seconding the prince’s designs, by
sending an army into England, the doubt which it had of his having
a considerable party in that country, the messenger was instructed
to represent the situation of the prince’s affairs in the most
favourable point of view. This person, by name Alexander Gordon,
a Jesuit, left Edinburgh accordingly on the 28th of October. On
arriving in France he drew up a most flattering report, which he put
into the hands of the prince’s brother, Henry, Duke of York, then at
Paris, to be laid before the French king. In this report he stated,
that while the prince had about 12,000 men with him in Edinburgh
and its vicinity, there were 4,000 more expected to arrive--that
he had already upwards of 1,000 cavalry, and that a great number
more were on their march to join him,--that almost all these troops
were well armed, and were amply provided with every necessary,--and
that all the inhabitants of the counties and towns where the prince
had appeared, and particularly those of Edinburgh and Glasgow, had
furnished the army with clothing, arms, and money, and, in short,
with every thing in their power. He stated, that besides the Highland
chiefs and the noblemen of different counties, who had declared in
favour of the prince before the battle of Preston, a great number
of persons of distinction had since joined him at Edinburgh, among
whom he particularly enumerated Lord Nithsdale and Kenmure, and
Maxwell of Kirkconnel,--that besides these there were many others,
who, being unable to give their personal services, had sent the
prince horses, arms, and money, and that after the prince’s father
had been proclaimed in the capital and the most considerable towns
in Scotland, those who had formerly shown themselves least disposed
to acknowledge him had displayed the most favourable dispositions
towards the prince, being either subdued by the charms of his
manners, or gained over by his manifestoes and proclamations. In
short, that by the astonishing victory he had achieved, many persons,
who would otherwise have still been in connexion with the court of
London, had submitted themselves to the prince, who might be said
to be now absolute master of Scotland. That with regard to England,
the people of that kingdom were ready to receive the prince with open
arms as soon as he should appear among them with an army supported by
France,--that, independently of the general discontent of the nation
with the government, the prince was emboldened to enter England by
upwards of a hundred invitations which he had received from the
nobility of England, and by large sums of money which he had obtained
for the payment of his troops,--that the English government, alarmed
at this state of things, had, as was reported, hesitated accepting
offers, which some counties had made of raising bodies of militia,
for fear that this force would be employed against itself. In fine,
that such was the disposition of men’s minds throughout the whole of
Great Britain, that the fear of the prince not being supported by
foreign aid, of which the court of London was in great dread, alone
prevented the people from openly declaring themselves, and that every
person was persuaded, that for every thousand of foreign troops which
the prince could bring into the field, his army would receive an
accession, four times as large, from the English people, who only
wanted the presence of a foreign force to encourage them to take up
arms against the government.[978]

The last days of October were occupied in making the necessary
arrangements for the march of the Highland army; preparatory to
which, orders were issued, near the end of that month, to call in
the different parties which were posted at Newhaven, Leith, and
other places in the vicinity of Edinburgh. The army which, for three
weeks after the battle of Preston had lain in camp at Duddingston,
had, since the middle of October, been quartered in and around the
city; but on the 26th of that month the main body left Edinburgh,
and encamped on a field a little to the west of Inveresk church,
with a battery of seven or eight pieces of cannon pointing to the
south-west.[979] Hitherto Charles, to conceal his weakness, had
reviewed his army in detached portions; but he now ordered a general
review of his whole force on the 28th of October. The place appointed
was Leith links; but being warned by a few bombs which were thrown
from the castle as the army was approaching the ground, that he might
expect some annoyance, Charles abandoned his intention, and reviewed
his army on the sands between Leith and Musselburgh.[980]

Of the deportment of Charles, and the mode in which he spent his time
during his abode at Holyrood house, it may now be necessary to say a
few words. It has been already stated on the authority of an officer
in his army, whose memoirs are quoted by Mr. Home, that before
the meeting of his council, Charles held a levee. The same writer
adds, that after the rising of the council, which generally sat
very long, he dined in public with his principal officers, and that
while the army lay at Duddingston he rode out there after dinner,
accompanied by his life-guards.[981] The object of these visits was
to keep the Highlanders together; and to show them that the change
of circumstances had not altered his disposition towards them, he
frequently supped and slept in the camp.[982]

Another writer, an eye-witness,[983] says that “the prince’s court
at Holyrood soon became very brilliant, and that every day from
morning to night there was a vast concourse of well-dressed people.
Besides the gentlemen that had joined the prince, there was a great
number of ladies and gentlemen who came either from affection or
curiosity. People flocked from all quarters to see the novelty of a
court which had not been held in Scotland for sixty years, and from
its splendour, and the air of satisfaction which appeared in every
person’s countenance, one would have thought the king was already
restored, and in peaceable possession of all the dominions of his
ancestors, and that the prince had only made a trip to Scotland to
show himself to the people, and receive their homage.” The conduct
of Charles corresponded in all respects with the attentions shown
him. He professed the warmest attachment to Scotland, and was often
heard to say, that should he succeed in his attempt, he would make
Scotland his Hanover, and Holyrood house his Herenhausen;[984] an
expression by which he not only marked his devotion to the Scotch
nation, but conveyed a severe rebuke upon King George, who was justly
accused of an undue predilection for his native soil.

To mark his sense of the respect shown him, and to ingratiate himself
still more with his new friends, Charles gave a series of balls and
entertainments in the palace, which were attended by all the persons
of rank and fashion assembled in the capital. On these occasions, the
young Chevalier appeared sometimes in an English court-dress with the
blue ribbon, star, and other insignia of the order of the garter, and
at other times in a Highland dress of fine silk tartan, with crimson
velvet breeches, and the cross of St. Andrew.[985] His politeness,
affability, and condescension, were the theme of universal
conversation. Captivated by the charms of his conversation, the
graces of his person, and the unwearied attentions which he bestowed
on them, the ladies entered warmly into the prince’s views; and their
partizanship became so available to his cause as to attract, as we
have seen, the especial attention of President Forbes. Indeed, so
strong was the hold which the spirit of Jacobitism had taken of the
hearts of the ladies of Edinburgh, that when afterwards overawed by
the presence of an English army, they, nevertheless, continued to
wear the Jacobite badge, and treated the approaches of the Duke of
Cumberland’s officers with supercilious indifference. As Charles was
almost wholly destitute of every household requisite, his female
friends sent plate, china, linen, and other articles of domestic use
to the palace.[986]

At the present stage of this history, it seems proper to record
a manifesto which emanated from Charles’s army on the eve of
its departure for England, which, as an historical document of
considerable interest, shall be given entire. It was titled, “The
declaration and admonitory letter of such of the nobility, gentry,
and freeborn subjects of his majesty, as, under the auspicious
conduct of his royal highness, Charles, prince of Wales, steward of
Scotland, &c., have taken up arms in support of the cause of their
king and country.” It was addressed “unto those who have not as yet
declared their approbation of this enterprise; and to such as have,
or may hereafter, appear in arms against it.”

“COUNTRYMEN AND FELLOW-SUBJECTS,--It is with abundance of regret,
and not without indignation, that we daily hear and see this
our undertaking, which in glory and disinterestedness may vie
with any to be met with, either in ancient or modern history,
traduced, misrepresented, and reviled in those fulsome addresses
and associations made to and in favours of the Elector of
Hanover, by those very bishops of the church of England, who,
for so many years, have contributed their utmost endeavours to
abet and support every measure the most unpopular, pernicious,
and hurtful, that the worst of ministers, be he of what party he
would, could ever devise for the undoing of these nations.

“Is it from such patterns of virtue and piety that the nation
now must take the alarm? Are we by these old bugbears of popery,
slavery, and tyranny, for ever to be hindered from pursuing our
only true interest? Or, is the groundless fear of an imaginary
evil to prevent our shaking off the heavy yoke we daily feel?

“What further security, in the name of God, can a people desire
for the enjoyment of their ecclesiastical rights? Have not both
the king and prince regent sworn in the most solemn manner
to maintain the protestant religion throughout his majesty’s
dominions? Nay, more, have they not promised to pass any laws
which shall be thought necessary for the further security of
it? Are we not protestants who now address you? And is it not
by the strength of a protestant army that he must mount the
throne? Can any man, or number of men, persuade you, that we,
who are your brethren, born in the same island, and who have the
same interest, do not love ourselves, our religion, laws and
liberties, as well as you do?

“What further security can the nature of the thing admit of?
You have your prince’s promises, and here you have laid before
you the sentiments of his army; who, having thankfully accepted
of them, are determined and resolved to set their country at
liberty, by establishing that glorious plan which has been freely
offered to us by the only rightful prince of the British nations;
and this must be done before we sheath our swords.

“Our enemies have represented us as men of low birth and of
desperate fortunes. We, who are now in arms, are, for the
greatest part, of the most ancient families of this island,
whose forefathers asserted the liberties of their country, long,
long before the names of many of our declaimers were ever heard
of. Our blood is good, and that our actions shall make appear.
If our fortunes be not great, our virtue has kept them low;
and desperate we may be truly called, for we are determined to
conquer or die.

“The justice, therefore, of the cause we now appear for, the
interest of the nation which we support and pursue, and the
glorious character of our royal leader, may each by itself, or
all together, abundantly convince the nation, that now at last
there appears an happy and unforeseen opportunity of acquiring
all those blessings which a distrest nation has been so long
wishing for in vain.

“This golden opportunity we have laid hold of; and in justice to
ourselves and fellow-subjects, are obliged thus to apprize them
of the uprightness of our intentions in carrying into execution
a scheme calculated and adapted to those principles of liberty
which the true lovers of their country have been polishing and
refining for these many years past.

“Perhaps you may find fault that you were not apprized of this
undertaking. No more were we. God has conducted, the prince of
Wales has executed; and we are thereby in possession of Scotland,
and victorious over one of the Elector’s armies, which nothing
could have saved from total destruction but the authority and
mercy of a young conqueror, possest of all the shining virtues
which can adorn a throne, and who may challenge the keenest enemy
of his royal family to impute to him a vice which can blacken
the character of a prince. Compare his clemency towards all
the prisoners and wounded at the battle of Gladsmuir, with the
executions, imprisonments, and banishments, exercised by the
German family after their success at Preston in the year 1715,
and your affections will tell you who is the true father of the
people.

“We have hitherto only spoke to your interests: when his royal
highness comes himself amongst you, let his appearance, his
moderation, his affability, his tenderness and affection for
those he can truly call his countrymen, speak to your passions;
then you who, at the instigation of your enemies, are now arming
for the defence, as you imagine, of your respective communities,
will be able to judge from whom you will have the best reason to
expect protection. Thus far we can take upon us to promise in his
highness’s name, that such as shall make no resistance to our
troops, though before our arrival they may have been levying war
against us, may nevertheless depend upon the most ample security
for their persons and estates, provided, by a timely surrender
of their arms, they put in our power to protect them against
the fury of the army: and how foolish will it be, after this
assurance, for any city, corporation, or county, to attempt to
make head against the combined force of a whole nation, collected
in a numerous army, and flushed with success? If any misfortune,
therefore, ensue from a disregard of this admonition, we of his
royal highness’s army declare ourselves free of all blame therein.

“It is time for you now, O countrymen! to lay aside all
animosities, all distinctions of families or names, and to
confine your thoughts only to the interest of these kingdoms,
connecting with them as you go along the sentiments you had a few
years ago.

“What transport of joy would the bulk of the British nation have
felt upon a certain remarkable and never-to-be-forgotten period
in our political history, (that great change of ministry which
happened not long ago, when the cries of a distressed people,
supported by the interest and influence of powerful, though
designing men, accomplished the ruin of a mighty minister,) how
great would have been your joy had you then had from the Elector
of Hanover such a declaration as that emitted the 10th of this
month by his royal highness, the heir and representative of our
natural and only rightful sovereign?

“Is it possible to conceive the universal satisfaction which such
a declaration would have occasioned, unless we judge of it by
our fatal disappointment?--We leave it to yourselves to make the
application. As it is not our intention here to set forth the
domestic grievances of the nation, nor the scandalous preference
showed upon all occasions to a pitiful foreign concern; for as
we address ourselves chiefly to the friends of liberty and the
constitution, we suppose you all abundantly instructed in them:
nor would it serve but to lengthen this letter, to enumerate
the many promises in the king’s and prince’s declarations
and manifestoes to his subjects upon this occasion; we have
abundantly explained our own motives for now appearing in arms,
and would willingly use a little serious expostulation with you,
gentlemen, who intend to oppose us.

“What then, in the name of God, do you propose to yourselves? Is
it also the interest of Great Britain and Ireland? Or, is it the
support of the Elector of Hanover’s family in the succession to
the crown of these realms? If your armaments proceed from the
first of these motives, tell us what a prince can do more to make
you a free and a happy people? What security can you have more
than his word and his army’s guarantee, until the nation shall
have time abundantly to secure themselves by parliament?

“If you be satisfied with the promises made you, and the security
of the performance, do you disapprove of this method of bringing
about the execution by force of arms? If you do, be so good as
suggest another equally efficacious.

“That by parliament, indeed, would have been universally the
most acceptable; but we cannot be so infatuated as to remain in
eternal bondage, unless a parliament, composed of hirelings,
should set us at liberty; nor have we any hopes that the Elector
will strip himself of that pecuniary influence by which alone he
has carried, over the bellies of the nation, every destructive
measure.

“On the other hand, if the dispute is to be whether the Stuart
or Hanoverian family shall reign over Great Britain, without
reference to the interest of the nation, we need use no other
argument than the sword with such as shall oppose us upon these
principles.

“To conclude, we desire to lay this important question before
you in a new light. Suppose, for it is only a supposition, that
this dreadful and unnatural rebellion, as you are taught to call
it, should be extinguished and quashed, and every man concerned
in it executed on a scaffold; your joy, no doubt, would be very
great upon so glorious an event; your addresses would then be
turned into thanksgivings,--your parliament would then meet and
cloath your beloved sovereign with new powers,--your standing
army, which has hitherto been looked upon as the bane of the
constitution, would then be consecrated as your deliverers; and
the reverend bishops of the church of England would be hailed
from the most distant corners of the island by the glorious
appellation of patriots and protectors of British liberty. O
happy, thrice happy nation, who have such an army and such a
bench of bishops ready upon this occasion to rescue them from
popery, and slavery, tyranny, and arbitrary power!

“When, indeed, the first transport of your joy would be
over,--for you are not to expect that these halcyon days are ever
to remain,--you might perhaps find, to your fatal experience,
that the constitution of your country was not in the least
improved; and upon the return of the unavoidable consequences
of those evils all along complained of, and which now you have
so fair an opportunity of having redressed, you would at last
be sensible that we were those who, in truth, deserved the
appellation of deliverers, patriots, and protectors of the
British liberty. But this last part of our letter is addressed
only to such as we expect to meet with in a field of battle, and
we are hopeful that those will prove but an inconsiderable part
of the nations of Great Britain and Ireland; and that you, our
countrymen and fellow-subjects, upon being advised and informed,
as you now have been, of the whole plan of this glorious
expedition, will cheerfully join issue with us, and share in the
glory of restoring our king and in setting our country free,
which, by the strength of our arm, the assistance of our allies,
and the blessing of Almighty God, we shortly expect to see
accomplished.”

Whilst the prince and his partizans were thus spreading the seeds
of insurrection, and endeavouring to improve the advantages they
had gained, the ministry of Great Britain, aroused to a just sense
of the impending danger, took every possible measure to retard the
progress of the insurrection. King George had returned to London
on the 31st of August. He met with a cordial reception from the
nobility and gentry in the capital, and loyal addresses were voted
by all the principal cities, and towns and corporations in the
kingdom. A demand was made upon the states-general for the 6,000 men
stipulated by treaty, part of whom were landed at Berwick the day
after Cope’s defeat. Three battalions of guards, and seven regiments
of foot, were ordered home from Flanders, and a cabinet council was
held at Kensington on the 13th of September, which directed letters
to be sent to the lords-lieutenant and _custodes rotulorum_ of the
counties of England and Wales to raise the militia. Marshal Wade was
despatched to the north of England to take the command of the forces
in that quarter, and two regiments, of 1,000 each, were ordered to
be transported from Dublin to Chester. A number of blank commissions
were, as has been before stated, sent to the north of Scotland to
raise independent companies; the Earl of Loudon was despatched to
Inverness to take the command, and two ships of war were sent down
with arms to the same place.

As popery had been formerly a serviceable bugbear to alarm the people
for their religion and liberties, some of the English bishops issued
mandates to their clergy, enjoining them to instil into their people
“a just abhorrence of popery” and of arbitrary power, both of which
they supposed to be inseparably connected; a proceeding which formed
a singular contrast with the conduct of their brethren, the Scottish
protestant episcopal clergy, who to a man were zealously desirous
of restoring the Stuarts. The clergy attended to the injunctions
they had received, and their admonitions were not without effect.
Associations were speedily formed in every county, city, and town
in England, of any consideration, in defence of the religion and
liberties of the nation, and all persons, of whatever rank or degree,
seemed equally zealous to protect both.

The parliament met on the 17th of October, and was informed by his
majesty that he had been obliged to call them together sooner than he
intended, in consequence of an unnatural rebellion which had broken
out, and was still continued in Scotland, to suppress and extinguish
which rebellion he craved the immediate advice and assistance of
the parliament. Both houses voted addresses, in which they gave
his majesty the strongest assurances of duty and affection to his
person and government, and promised to adopt measures commensurate
with the danger. The _habeas corpus_ act was suspended for six
months, and several persons were apprehended on suspicion. The Duke
of Cumberland, the king’s second son, arrived from the Netherlands
shortly after the opening of the session, and on the 25th of October
a large detachment of cavalry and infantry arrived in the Thames from
Flanders. The train-bands of London were reviewed by his majesty
on the 28th; the county regiments were completed; and the persons
who had associated themselves in different parts of the kingdom as
volunteers, were daily engaged in the exercise of arms. Apprehensive
of an invasion from France, the government appointed Admiral Vernon
to command a squadron in the Downs, to watch the motions of the enemy
by sea. Cruisers were stationed along the French coast, particularly
off Dunkirk and Boulogne, which captured several ships destined for
Scotland with officers, soldiers, and ammunition for the use of the
insurgents.

The birth-day of George II., which fell on the 30th of October,
was celebrated throughout the whole of England with extraordinary
demonstrations of loyalty. Many extravagant scenes were enacted,
which, though they may now appear ludicrous and absurd, were deemed
by the actors as deeds of the purest and most exalted patriotism. In
Scotland, however, with one remarkable exception, the supporters of
government did not venture upon any public display. The exception
alluded to was the town of Perth, some of whose inhabitants took
possession of the church and steeple about mid-day, and rang the
bells. Oliphant of Gask, who had been made deputy-governor of the
town by the young Chevalier, and had under him a small party, sent
to desire those who rang the bells to desist; but they refused to
comply, and continued ringing at intervals until midnight, two hours
after the ordinary time. Mr. Oliphant, with his small guard and three
or four gentlemen, posted themselves in the council-house, in order
to secure about 1,400 small arms, some ammunition, &c., belonging
to the Highland army, deposited there and in the adjoining jail. At
night seven north-country gentlemen, in the Jacobite interest, came
to town with their servants, and immediately joined their friends in
the council-house: when it grew dark the mob made bonfires in the
streets, and ordered the inhabitants to illuminate their windows, an
order which was generally obeyed, and the few that refused had their
windows broken. About nine o’clock at night a party sallied from
the council-house, and marching up the street to disperse the mob,
fired upon and wounded three of them. The mob, exasperated by this
attack, rushed in upon the party, and disarmed and wounded some of
them. After this rencontre the mob placed guards at all the gates of
the town, took possession of the main-guard and rung the fire-bell,
by which they drew together about 200 people. They thereupon sent a
message to Mr. Oliphant, requiring him to withdraw immediately from
the town and yield up the arms, ammunition, &c. Mr. Oliphant having
refused, they rang the fire-bell a second time, and hostilities
commenced about two o’clock in the morning, and continued about three
hours. The people fired at the council-house from the heads of lanes,
from behind stairs, and from windows, so that the party within could
not look out without the greatest hazard. About five o’clock the
mob dispersed. An Irish captain in the French service was killed in
the council-house, and three or four of Mr. Oliphant’s party were
wounded. Of the mob, which was without a leader, four were wounded.
To preserve order, about 60 of Lord Nairne’s men were brought into
the town next day, and these were soon thereafter joined by about 130
Highlanders.[987]

FOOTNOTES:

[952] _Culloden Papers_, p. 250.

[953] Id., p. 227.

[954] Id., p. 426.

[955] Id., p. 253.

[956] _Culloden Papers_, p. 420.

[957] Kirkconnel MS.

[958] Id.

[959] _Memoirs_, p. 45.

[960] Home, p. 120.

[961] Appendix to Home’s _Rebellion_, No. xxviii.

[962] Home, p. 124.

[963] Marchant’s _History of the Rebellion_, p. 113.--Boyse, p. 91.

[964] Kirkconnel MS.

[965] Home, p. 127.

[966] Home, p. 327.

[967] Lovat’s Trial, p. 138.

[968] _Culloden Papers_, p. 250.

[969] _Culloden Papers_, p. 246.

[970] Idem.

[971] Idem, p. 404.

[972] The following is a list of the officers of eighteen of the
independent companies, being the whole number raised, with the dates
of the delivery of their commissions on the completion of their
companies, and of their arrival at Inverness:--

_Captains._ _Lieutenants._ _Ensigns._ _Dates of completing
the companies, and
of their arrival
at Inverness._

1. George Monro, Adam Gordon, Hugh Monro, 1745, Oct. 23d.

2. Alexander Gun, John Gordon, Kenneth Sutherland, -- -- 25th.

3. Patrick Grant, William Grant, James Grant, -- Nov. 3d.

4. George Mackay, John Mackay, James Mackay, -- -- 4th.

5. Peter
Sutherland, William Mackay, John Mackay, -- -- 8th.

6. John Macleod, Alexander John Macaskill, -- -- 15th.
Macleod,

7. Normand Macleod
of Waterstein, Donald Macleod, John Macleod, -- -- --

8. Normand Macleod
of Bernera, John Campbell, John Macleod, -- -- --

9. Donald
Macdonald, William Macleod, Donald Macleod, -- -- --

10. William Kenneth
Mackintosh, Mathison, William Baillie, -- -- 18th.

11. Hugh Macleod, George Monro, Roderick Macleod, -- -- 28th.

12. Alexander
Mackenzie, John Mathison, Simon Murchison, -- Dec. 20th.

13. Colin Mackenzie Alexander
of Hilton, Campbell, John Macrae, -- -- --

14. James
Macdonald, Allan Macdonald, James Macdonald, -- -- 31st.

15. John Macdonald, Allan Macdonald, Donald Macdonald, -- -- --

16. Hugh Mackay, John Mackay, Angus Mackay, 1746, Jan. 6th.

17. William Ross, Charles Ross, David Ross, -- -- 8th.

18. Colin Donald
Mackenzie, Mackaulay, Kenneth Mackenzie, -- Feb. 2d.

_Culloden Papers._

1. The Monros.

2 and 5. The Earl of Sutherland’s men.

3. The Grants.

4 and 16. The Mackays.

6, 7, 8, and 9. The Macleods, under the laird of Macleod.

10. A company raised in the town of Inverness.

11. The Macleods of Assint, raised by Captain Macleod of Geanies.

12 and 13. The Mackenzies of Kintail.

14 and 15. The Macdonalds of Skye.

17. The Rosses.

18. The Mackenzies of Lewis.

[973] _Caledonian Mercury_, 11th October, 1745.

[974] _Culloden Papers_, pp. 231-254.

[975] _Kirkconnel MS._

[976] Maxwell of Kirkconnel had a very sorry opinion of the
capabilities of most of the members of the council. After stating,
that by degrees all the colonels of the army were admitted into it,
he thus proceeds:--“I must acknowledge that very few of the members
of this assembly were either able statesmen or experienced officers;
but as those who knew least were generally led by the opinions of
those they thought wiser than themselves, and they in their turn had
private conferences with the ablest of the prince’s secret friends
in Edinburgh, things might have been well enough conducted had there
been as much harmony and union as the importance of the affair
required; but an ill-timed emulation soon crept in, and bred great
dissensions and animosities. The council was insensibly divided into
factions, and came to be of little use when measures were approved
of or condemned, not for themselves, but for the sake of their
author. These dissensions, begun at Edinburgh, continued ever after,
and their fatal influence was not always confined to the council:
by degrees it reached the army; and though the prince’s orders
were ever respected and punctually obeyed by the army, there were,
nevertheless, a certain discontent and diffidence which appeared
on sundry occasions, especially towards the end, and was very
detrimental to his affairs.”--_Kirkconnel MS._

[977] Idem.

[978] Vide the report in the _Stuart Papers_, and a letter of 26th
November, 1745, from Gordon to the Chevalier de St. George, inclosing
a copy of his report.

[979] Marchant, p. 130.

[980] Boyse, p. 95.

[981] Home, p. 139.

[982] _Kirkconnel MS._

[983] Maxwell of Kirkconnel.

[984] Henderson, p. 92.

[985] Boyse, p. 89.

[986] Idem.

[987] Adamson’s _Muses Threnodie_, Perth ed. of 1774. Appendix, No.
2, p. 165.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

A.D. 1745.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.

Plan of the march of the rebels into England--Composition of the
Highland army--Highland mode of fighting--March of Prince Charles
into England--Siege and capture of Carlisle--Dissension in the
Prince’s council--Resignation of Lord George Murray--Proceedings
of Marshal Wade--The Highland army marches south--Arrives
at Manchester--The Manchester regiment--Rebels march to
Derby--Consternation at London--Charles’s council resolve to
retreat--Charles desires to proceed to London--Overruled--The
Chevalier’s agents in France--French expedition under Lord John
Drummond--His arrival and proceedings--Retreat of the Highland
army to Scotland--Skirmish at Clifton--Recapture of Carlisle.

When Charles’s resolution to march into England was finally agreed
to by his officers, the next thing to be determined was the route
to be taken. After some deliberation the council advised the Prince
to march straight to Berwick, of which town they thought he could
easily make himself master, and thence to Newcastle and give battle
to Marshal Wade, who had collected a force in the neighbourhood of
that town. If victorious, the prince was to march to London by the
east coast, so as to favour the disembarkation of any troops that
France might send over destined to land on that coast. But this
plan, though unanimously approved of, was overturned by Lord George
Murray, who was of a very different opinion from the rest of the
council. In presence of several of the principal officers of the
army he represented the plan of a march along the east coast as an
affair of great difficulty, and that its advantages, if it really
had any, would be more than compensated by the loss of time it
would occasion, which at the present juncture was very precious. He
therefore proposed that the army should march into England by the
western road, and that to conceal its route it should march in two
columns, one by Kelso and the other column by Moffat, so that both
columns could easily join near Carlisle, on a day to be appointed.
Finding that Lord George’s arguments had prevailed with most of the
officers, Charles agreed to his scheme, though he considered the
route by Berwick as the better of the two.[988]

Preparatory to their march the insurgents removed their camp to
a strong position to the west of Dalkeith, six miles south of
Edinburgh, having that town on their left, the South Esk in front,
the North Esk in their rear, with an opening on their right towards
Polton. From this camp a detachment was sent with three pieces of
cannon to secure the pass of the Forth above Stirling, lest Lord
Loudon should march south with the independent companies he was
forming, and attempt to force the passage.[989]

On the evening of Thursday the 31st of October, Prince Charles
finally left Holyrood House accompanied by his life-guards, and
several of the clan-regiments, amid the regrets of a vast concourse
of spectators, most of whom were never to see him again. He slept
that night at Pinkie House, and went next morning to Dalkeith, and
took up his quarters in Dalkeith House, the seat of the Duke of
Buccleuch. On that day he was joined by the clan Pherson, under the
command of their chief, Macpherson of Cluny, by Menzies of Shien and
his men, and some small parties of Highlanders, amounting altogether
to between 900 and 1,000 men.

At this period the state of the insurgent army was as follows. Of
cavalry, the first troop of horse-guards, which was commanded by
Lord Elcho, consisted of 62 gentlemen with their servants, under
5 officers. It amounted in all to 120. The second troop, which
was commanded by the honourable Arthur Elphinstone, afterwards
Lord Balmerino, was not complete, and did not exceed 40 horse. A
small squadron, called the horse-grenadiers, was commanded by the
Earl of Kilmarnock, with which were incorporated some Perthshire
gentlemen, in absence of Lord Strathallan their commander, who had
been appointed governor of Perth and commander of the Jacobite forces
in Scotland during the stay of the Highland army in England. These
last united, amounted to nearly 100. Lord Pitsligo was at the head
of the Aberdeen and Banffshire gentlemen, who, with their servants,
amounted to about 120; and besides those enumerated, there was a
party of between 70 and 80 hussars, under the nominal command of
Secretary Murray as colonel, but in reality under the direction of
one Baggot, an Irish officer, who had lately arrived from France.
The infantry, all of whom wore the Highland garb, consisted of
thirteen battalions or regiments, six of which consisted of the
clans, properly so called; of these six regiments, three were of the
Macdonalds, and the other three were each composed of the Camerons,
the Stewarts of Appin, and the Macphersons. Three regiments of Athole
men, commonly called the Athole brigade, the regiments of the Duke of
Perth, Lord Ogilvy, Glenbucket, and Roy Stewart, made up the thirteen
regiments.[990] Of the infantry, which amounted to about 5,000 men,
about 4,000 were real Highlanders. Thus the total amount of the army
did not exceed 6,000 men.[991]

The clan-regiments, according to custom, were commanded by their
respective chiefs; but in some instances, in the absence of the
chief, the regiment of the clan was commanded by his son, and failing
both, by the nearest kinsman of the chief. In these regiments every
company had two captains, two lieutenants, and two ensigns, all of
whom were generally related, by ties of blood, to the chief. The
pay of a captain in the army was half-a-crown _per diem_; that of a
lieutenant two shillings; and of an ensign one shilling and sixpence.
The front rank of each clan-regiment was composed of persons who were
considered gentlemen by birth, though without fortune or means. The
pay of these was one shilling _per diem_. The gentlemen in the front
rank were better armed than the men in the rear rank. All the former
had targets, which many of the latter had not. When fully armed, as
was generally the case, every gentleman of the front rank carried a
musket and broadsword, with a pair of pistols and a dirk stuck in the
belt which surrounded his body. In some rare instances another dagger
was stuck within the garter of the right leg, to be used in cases
of emergency. A target, formed of wood and leather thickly studded
with nails, covered the left arm, and enabled the wearer to parry and
protect himself from the shots or blows of an assailant.

Thus armed, the success of a Highland army depended more upon
individual bravery than upon combined efforts, and their manner of
fighting was, as the Chevalier Johnstone observes, adapted for brave
but undisciplined troops. “They advance,” says that writer, “with
rapidity, discharge their pieces when within musket length of the
enemy, and then, throwing them down, draw their swords, and holding
a dirk in their left hand with their target, they dart with fury on
the enemy through the smoke of their fire. When within reach of the
enemy’s bayonets, bending their left knee, they, by their attitude,
cover their bodies with their targets that receive their thrusts
of the bayonets, which they contrive to parry, while at the same
time they raise their sword-arm, and strike their adversary. Having
once got within the bayonets, and into the ranks of the enemy, the
soldiers have no longer any means of defending themselves, the fate
of the battle is decided in an instant, and the carnage follows; the
Highlanders bringing down two men at a time, one with their dirk in
the left hand, and another with the sword. The reason assigned by the
Highlanders for their custom of throwing their muskets on the ground
is not without its force. They say they embarrass them in their
operations, even when slung behind them, and on gaining a battle they
can pick them up along with the arms of their enemies; but if they
should be beaten, they have no occasion for muskets. They themselves
proved that bravery may supply the place of discipline at times, as
discipline supplies the place of bravery. The attack is so terrible,
that the best troops in Europe would with difficulty sustain the
first shock of it; and if the swords of the Highlanders once come in
contact with them, their defeat is inevitable.”[992]

In entering upon such a desperate enterprise as the invasion of
England with the handful of men he had mustered, Charles certainly
must have calculated on being supported by a large party in that
country. Indeed, his chief reason for urging such a step was the
numerous assurances he alleged he had received from his friends in
that kingdom, that he would be joined by a very considerable body
of the people; but there seems reason to believe, that, in his
expectations of support, he was guided almost solely by the reports
of his agents, and that he had very little communication with any
of the parties on whose support he relied.[993] In a memoir[994]
which the prince presented to the King of France on his return from
Scotland, he states, that, if after the battle of Preston he had had
3,000 regular troops under his command, in addition to his other
forces, he could have penetrated into England, and marched to London,
without opposition, as none of the English troops which were on the
continent had arrived; but the case was now widely different, and
without a general rising, it was next to impossible to succeed in
the face of a large regular army, which was assembling at different
points, supported by a numerous militia.

Pursuant to the plan of Lord George Murray, the advanced guard of the
first division of the army left Dalkeith on the evening of Friday
the 1st of November, and took the road to Peebles. The main body,
consisting of the Athole brigade, the Duke of Perth’s regiment,
the regiments of Lord Ogilvy, Glenbucket, and Roy Stewart, and the
greater part of the horse followed next day. The artillery and
baggage were sent along with this column. This division was under the
command of the Marquis of Tullibardine. The second division, which
consisted of the life-guards and the clan regiments, headed by the
prince in person, marched from Dalkeith on the 3d of November in the
direction of Kelso. The guards formed the van, and the prince marched
on foot at the head of the clans with his target over his shoulder.
It was supposed that he would have mounted his horse after proceeding
a mile or two; but, to the surprise of every person, he marched on
foot the whole day, and continued the same practice during the whole
of the expedition, wading through mud and snow, and it was with
difficulty that he could be prevailed upon to get on horseback, even
to cross a river. The example he thus set to his men, joined to the
condescension and affability he displayed, endeared him to the army.
Charles arrived at Lauder the same night, and took up his residence
in Thirlstane castle, the seat of the Earl of Lauderdale.

[Illustration: The Duke of Perth.]

After despatching part of his men by a middle course towards Selkirk
and Hawick, the prince next day marched to Kelso. As Marshal Wade
was supposed to be on his way north from Newcastle, Charles sent
his life-guards across the Tweed, not so much for the purpose of
reconnoitring, as for amusing the enemy. After advancing several
miles on the road to Newcastle, they halted at a village, and made
some inquiries as to quarters and accommodation for the army, which
they stated was on its march to Newcastle. Charles even sent orders
to Wooler, a town on the road to Newcastle, to provide quarters for
his army. The design was to keep Wade in suspense, and draw off his
attention from the movements of the Highland army upon Carlisle.
While at Kelso, Charles sent a party of between 30 and 40 men across
the Tweed, to proclaim his father upon English ground. Having
performed the ceremony, they returned to Kelso.[995] The prince
remained at Kelso till the 6th of November, on the morning of which
day he crossed the Tweed. The river was scarcely fordable, but the
men were in high spirits, and when up to the middle in the water,
they expressed the ardour they felt by setting up a loud shout and
discharging their pieces.[996] After crossing the river, the prince
turned to the left, and marched towards Jedburgh, where he arrived in
a few hours.

As his next route lay through a dreary waste of considerable extent,
he halted at Jedburgh for the night, to refresh his men, and departed
early next morning. Marching up Rule water, Charles led his men into
Liddisdale over the _Knot o’ the Gate_, and after a fatiguing march
of about twenty-five miles, arrived at Haggiehaugh upon Liddel water,
where he slept. Charles marched down Liddel water on the following
day, being Friday the 8th of November, and entered England in the
evening. When crossing the border, the Highlanders drew their swords,
and gave a hearty huzza; but a damp came over their spirits, on
learning that Lochiel had cut his hand in the act of unsheathing his
sword, an occurrence which the Highlanders superstitiously regarded
as a bad omen.[997] Charles lay at Reddings in Cumberland that
night. The division belonging to the prince’s column, consisting
of horse, which had taken the middle route by Hawick and Langholm,
reached Longtown the same day.

While the eastern division was thus moving in a circuitous direction
to the appointed place of rendezvous near Carlisle, the western
column, which started on the road to Peebles, was following a more
direct route, by Moffat and down Annandale. This division entered
England near Longtown. On the 9th of November, Charles marched with
his division to Rowcliff, four miles below Carlisle, where he crossed
the river Eden, and quartered his men in the villages on the west
side of the city. In the afternoon, Charles was joined by the greater
part of the other division, under the Marquis of Tullibardine. This
march was judiciously planned, and was executed with such precision,
that scarcely two hours elapsed between the arrival of the two main
divisions at the appointed place of rendezvous. The march, according
to the Chevalier Johnstone, resembled on a small scale that of
Marshal Saxe, a few years before, when he advanced to lay siege to
Maestricht.

The plan for deceiving Marshal Wade succeeded so well, that that
commander, who had now an army of 11,000 men under him, had no idea
that the Highland army was marching on Carlisle, and accordingly
directed his whole attention to the protection of Newcastle. Such was
the secrecy with which the motions of the army were conducted, that,
with the exception of Charles and his principal officers, no person
knew its real destination.[998] On arriving in the neighbourhood of
Carlisle, desertion had diminished the prince’s army by some hundreds.

The city of Carlisle, the capital of Cumberland, had formerly been
a place of great strength, and had, during the wars between England
and Scotland, been considered one of the keys of England on the side
of the latter; but since the union of the crowns, its fortifications
had been allowed to fall into decay. It was surrounded by walls
flanked with towers, and a fosse or ditch. The city was protected
by a castle on the north-west, supposed to be as old as the time of
William Rufus, and by a citadel on the south-east, erected in the
reign of Henry the Eighth. The castle, on the present occasion, was
well furnished with artillery, and was garrisoned by a company of
invalids; but, like the city, its fortifications were not in good
repair. To aid the inhabitants in defending the city, the whole
militia of Cumberland and Westmoreland had been assembled within its
walls.

When approaching the city on the 9th, a party of the prince’s horse
advanced to Stanwix Bank, a small hill near Carlisle, to reconnoitre;
but they were forced to retire by a few shots from the castle.
The whole of the army having passed the Eden next day, Charles
proceeded to invest the city on all sides. One of his parties, in
marching round from the Irish to the English gate, was fired upon
both from the castle and the town, but did not sustain any loss.
Having completed the investment, the prince, about noon, sent a
letter to the mayor of the city, requiring him to open its gates, and
allow the army to enter in a peaceable manner; promising, in case
of compliance, to protect the city from insult, but threatening an
assault in the event of a refusal. The prince stated, that should an
assault be made, he might not have it in his power to prevent the
dreadful consequences which usually befall a city captured in that
way. An answer was required within two hours, but none was given, and
a discharge of cannon from the besieged announced their determination
to hold out. In consequence of this reception, the trenches were
opened at night, under the orders of the Duke of Perth, at the
distance of eighty yards from the walls. Mr. Grant, an Irish officer,
of Lally’s regiment, who had lately arrived from France, and who
was an experienced engineer, ably availing himself of some ditches,
approached close to the city without suffering from the fire of the
besieged. The artillery consisted of six Swedish field pieces, which
had been received from France, and of the pieces which had been taken
at Preston.[999]

Having received intelligence that Marshal Wade was advancing from
Newcastle to relieve Carlisle, and that he had already arrived at
Hexham, Charles resolved to meet him on some of the hilly grounds
between Newcastle and Carlisle. Leaving, therefore, a sufficient
force to blockade Carlisle, he departed with the remainder of the
army on the morning of the 11th, and reached Warwick castle about ten
o’clock. He then despatched Colonel Ker with a party of horse, in the
direction of Hexham, to reconnoitre, and ordered his men to take up
their quarters for the night. Ker having ascertained that the news of
Wade’s march was false, returned to Brampton, and made his report.
After waiting two days at Brampton without hearing any thing of Wade,
a council of war was held, at which several opinions were offered.
One opinion, in which Charles concurred, was that the army should
advance to Newcastle, and give battle to Wade. Some of the council
thought that this would be a dangerous step; for even were they to
defeat the marshal, his army might take refuge in Newcastle, which
it was vain for them to think of taking, as, besides the strength of
the place, the army had lost many men upon its march. Others were for
returning to Scotland till joined by a greater body of their friends;
but Lord George Murray opposed all these views, and proposed, that
while one part of the party should besiege and blockade Carlisle,
the other should remain at Brampton. The Duke of Perth seconded this
opinion, and offered to undertake the charge of the battery, if Lord
George would take the command of the blockade. The council having all
agreed to Lord George’s proposal, six of the Lowland regiments were
sent to blockade the town, besides the Duke of Perth’s, which was to
be employed on the battery.[1000]

Whilst the main body of the army was at Brampton, the party left
before the city occupied themselves in cutting down wood in Corby
and Warwick parks, with which they made scaling-ladders, fascines,
and carriages. On the 13th, about noon, the regiments appointed
for the blockade and siege of the city re-appeared before it. Lord
George Murray took up his quarters at Harbery, and posted his men in
the villages around the city to stop all communication with it. The
besieging party broke ground in the evening within musket-shot of the
walls, about half-way between the English and Scotch gates.[1001] A
constant firing was kept up from the city; but as these operations
were carried on under cloud of night, the party in the trenches
received no injury. Having completed their battery, the besiegers
brought up their whole cannon, consisting of thirteen pieces, to play
upon the town. Next morning the fire from the garrison was renewed,
but with little effect, and the besiegers, instead of returning
the fire, held up their bonnets on the end of their spades in
derision.[1002]

Alarmed by the preparations of the Highlanders, and the state of
affairs within the city, a meeting of the inhabitants was held, at
which it was resolved to surrender the town. For seven days the
garrison of the city, kept in constant alarm by the Highlanders, had
scarcely enjoyed an hour’s continued repose; and while many of the
men had, from illness, absolutely refused to assist any longer in the
defence of the city, numbers were hourly leaving it clandestinely
by slipping over the walls; so that in several cases the officers
of some companies had not more than three or four men left. In this
state of matters the only alternative was a surrender; and as a
crisis appeared to be at hand, a white flag was exhibited from the
walls, and a messenger despatched to the Duke of Perth to request
terms. His Grace sent an express to Brampton to know the prince’s
pleasure; but his Royal Highness refused to grant any terms to the
city unless the castle surrendered at the same time. At the request
of the mayor, a cessation of arms was granted till next day; but
before the time expired, Colonel Durand, the commander of the castle,
agreed to surrender the fortress along with the town. The conditions
were, that the liberties and properties of the inhabitants, and all
the privileges of the town, should be preserved inviolate;--that
both garrisons, on taking an oath not to serve against the house of
Stuart for one year, should be allowed to retire,--and that all the
arms and ammunition in the castle and the city, and all the horses
belonging to the militia, should be delivered up to the prince. This
capitulation was signed by the Duke of Perth and Colonel Durand on
the night of the 14th.[1003]

Next morning at ten o’clock the Duke of Perth entered the city at
the head of his regiment, and was followed by the other regiments
at one o’clock in the afternoon. The castle, however, was not given
up till next morning. The Duke of Perth shook hands with the men of
the garrison, told them they were brave fellows, and offered them a
large bounty to enlist in the service of the prince.[1004] The mayor
and his attendants went to Brampton, and delivered the keys of the
city to the prince.[1005] The duke found 1,000 stand of arms in the
castle, besides those of the militia. He also found 200 good horses
in the city, and a large quantity of valuable effects in the castle,
which had been lodged there by the gentry of the neighbourhood for
safety.[1006]

On the day following the surrender, the Chevalier de St. George was
proclaimed in the city with the usual formalities; and, to give
greater eclat to the ceremony, the mayor and aldermen were compelled
to attend with the sword and mace carried before them. Along with the
manifestoes formerly noticed, another declaration for England, dated
from Rome, 23d December, 1743, was also read, of much the same tenor
as the others.

After the Chevalier had been proclaimed, and the different
manifestoes read, the corporation went out to meet the prince, who
entered the city under a general salute of artillery.[1007]

In many points of view the capture of Carlisle would have been of
great importance to the prince, if he had been strong enough to
have availed himself of the state of terror which that event, and
his subsequent advance into the very heart of England, had thrown
the people of that kingdom; but his means were soon found quite
inadequate to accomplish his end. Even if his resources had been much
greater than ever they were, it seems doubtful whether the jealousies
and dissensions, which, at an early period, began to distract his
councils, would not have rendered all his exertions, for obtaining
the great object of his ambition, unavailable.

The _origo mali_, the source of the discord, and all the misfortunes,
as the Jacobites would say, that flowed from it, are attributed by
an individual[1008] who had good opportunities of judging, and
whose narrative appears to be impartial, to “the unbounded ambition
of Secretary Murray, who from the beginning aimed at nothing less
than the whole direction and management of every thing. To this
passion he sacrificed what chance there was of a restoration, though
that was the foundation on which all his hopes were built. He had
an opportunity of securing the prince’s favour long enough before
he could be rivalled. He was almost the only personal acquaintance
the prince found in Scotland. It was he that had engaged the prince
to make this attempt upon so slight a foundation, and the wonderful
success that had hitherto attended it was placed to his account. The
Duke of Perth, whose character indeed was well known to the prince,
judging of Murray’s heart by his own, entertained the highest opinion
of his integrity, went readily into all his schemes, and confirmed
the prince in the esteem he had already conceived for Murray. After
Mr. Kelly was gone, there was only Sir Thomas Sheridan and Mr.
Sullivan, of those that had come along with the prince that had any
thing to say with him, and these Murray had gained entirely. Lord
George Murray was the man the secretary dreaded most as a rival. Lord
George’s birth, age, capacity, and experience, would naturally give
him great advantage over the secretary; but the secretary had got the
start of him, and was determined to stick at nothing to maintain his
ground.

“He began by representing Lord George as a traitor to the prince.
He assured him that he had joined on purpose to have an opportunity
of delivering him up to the government. It was hardly possible to
guard against this imposture. The prince had the highest opinion of
his secretary’s integrity, and knew little of Lord George Murray, so
the calumny had its full effect. Lord George soon came to know the
suspicion the prince had of him, and was affected as one may easily
enough imagine. To be sure, nothing could be more shocking to a man
of honour, and one that was now for the third time venturing his life
and fortune for the royal cause. The prince was partly undeceived by
Lord George’s gallant behaviour at the battle [of Preston], and had
Lord George improved that opportunity he might have perhaps gained
the prince’s favour, and got the better of the secretary; but his
haughty and overbearing manner prevented a thorough reconciliation,
and seconded the malice and malicious insinuations of his rival.
Lord George did not altogether neglect making his court. Upon some
occasions he was very obsequious and respectful, but had not temper
to go through with it. He now and then broke out into such violent
sallies, as the prince could not digest, though the situation of his
affairs forced him to bear with them.

“The secretary’s station and favour had attached to him such as
were confident of success, and had nothing in view but making
their fortunes. Nevertheless, Lord George had greater weight and
influence in the council, and generally brought the majority over
to his opinion, which so irritated the ambitious secretary, that he
endeavoured all he could to give the prince a bad impression of the
council itself, and engaged to lay it entirely aside. He had like
to have prevailed at Carlisle, but the council was soon resumed,
and continued ever after to be held upon extraordinary emergencies.
It was not in this particular only that Murray’s ambition was
detrimental to the prince’s affairs. Though he was more jealous of
Lord George Murray than of any body, Lord George was not the only
person he dreaded as a rival. There were abundance of gentlemen in
the army, in no respect inferior to Mr. Murray, but his early favour
gave him an opportunity of excluding most of them from the prince’s
presence and acquaintance. All those gentlemen that joined the prince
after Murray were made known under the character he thought fit to
give of them, and all employments about the prince’s person, and
many in the army, were of his nomination. These he filled with such
as, he had reason to think, would never thwart his measures, but be
content to be his tools and creatures without aspiring higher. Thus
some places of the greatest trust and importance were given to little
insignificant fellows, while there were abundance of gentlemen of
figure and merit, that had no employment at all, and who might have
been of great use had they been properly employed.”[1009]

Till the siege of Carlisle, Secretary Murray had been able to
disguise his jealousy of Lord George Murray, who, from his high
military attainments, had been able hitherto to rule the council;
but, on that occasion, the secretary displayed his hostility openly,
and Lord George thereupon resigned his command as one of the
lieutenant-generals of the army. The circumstances which led to the
resignation of Lord George were these. It appears that, before the
blockading party left Brampton, he desired Charles to give him some
idea of the terms his royal highness would accept of from Carlisle,
not with the view of obtaining powers to conclude a capitulation, but
merely to enable him to adjust the terms according to the prince’s
intentions, and thereby save a great deal of time. Charles not being
able to come to any resolution before Lord George’s departure, his
lordship begged of him to send his instructions after him, that
he might know how to conduct himself in the event of an offer of
surrender by the city; but the secretary interposed, and told Lord
George plainly, that he considered the terms of capitulation as a
matter within his province, and with which Lord George had no right
to interfere.[1010] Lord George has not communicated the answer
he gave to Murray on this occasion. The part of the army destined
for the blockade, though willing to take their turn along with the
rest of the army, was averse to bear the whole burden of it. Their
commander was aware of this feeling, and, in a letter written to
his brother, the Marquis of Tullibardine, from his head-quarters at
Harbery, on the 14th of November, proposed a plan which he thought
would satisfy both parties. After alluding to the indefatigable
exertions of the Duke of Perth, who had himself wrought in the
trenches to encourage his men to erect the battery, and the great
difficulties he had to encounter from the nature of the ground, Lord
George requested the marquis to represent to the prince, that the
men engaged on the blockade would not expose themselves either in
trenches or in the open air within cannon shot, or even within musket
shot of the town, but by turns with the rest of the army; and he
proposed that it should be decided by lot who should mount guard the
first night, second night, and so on. To carry the views of his men
into effect, Lord George proposed the following plan, subject to the
approval of a council of war, viz., that 50 men should be draughted
out of each of the battalions that remained at Brampton, with proper
officers, and at least two majors out of the six battalions; and that
these should be sent to Butcherly, within a mile of the battery; and
that as 150 men might be a sufficient guard for the battery, the
six battalions would in this way furnish two guards, in addition to
which, he proposed that two additional guards should he draughted,
one from the Athole brigade, and the other from General Gordon’s
and Lord Ogilvy’s regiments; and, by the time these four guards had
served in rotation, he reckoned that the city would be taken, or
the blockade removed. A council of war was held at Brampton upon
this proposal, which came to the resolution, that as soon as the
whole body forming the blockade had taken their turn as guards,
the division of the army at Brampton should occupy its place, and
form the blockade, but that no detachments should be sent from the
different corps; nor did the council think it fair to order any such,
as these corps had had all the fatigue and danger of the blockade of
Edinburgh.[1011]

Such were the circumstances which preceded the resignation of Lord
George Murray, who, in a letter to Prince Charles dated the 15th
of November, threw up his commission, assigning as his reason the
little weight which his advice, as a general officer, had with his
royal highness. He, however, stated, that as he had ever had a firm
attachment to the house of Stuart, “and in particular to the king,”
he would serve as a volunteer, and that it was his design to be that
night in the trenches. In a letter, which he wrote the same day
to the Marquis of Tullibardine, he stated that he was constantly
at a loss to know what was going on in the army, and that he was
determined never again to act as an officer; but that as a volunteer,
he would show that no man wished better to the cause, and that he
would do all in his power to advance the service. At the request of
the marquis, who informed Lord George that Charles wished to see him,
Lord George waited upon the prince, who appears to have received him
dryly. On being informed by Lord George, that he had attended in
consequence of a message from the prince, Charles denied that he had
required his attendance, and told him that he had nothing particular
to say to him. His lordship then repeated his offer to serve as a
volunteer. Charles told him he might do so, and here the conversation
ended. In a conversation which took place afterwards, between Lord
George and Sir Thomas Sheridan, the former entered into some details,
to show that in his station, as lieutenant-general, he had had no
authority, and that others had usurped the office of general, by
using the name of the prince. He complained that, while he was
employed in the drudgery, every thing of moment was done without his
knowledge or advice. He concluded by observing, that he had ventured
his all,--life, fortune, and family,--in short, every thing but his
honour,--that, as to the last, he had some to lose, but none to gain,
in the way things were managed, and that, therefore, he had resolved
upon serving in a humble capacity.[1012]

There appears to be no foundation for the statement[1013] that Lord
George resigned his commission from a dislike to serve under the Duke
of Perth, whom he never mentions but with respect, although he was
much inferior to Lord George in ability. He has also been accused of
arrogance both to those of his own rank and even to the prince. But
as Burton[1014] well remarks, “men of ability like Murray, unless
they preserve a rigid restraint, are apt to let the contempt they
feel for the silly people they are embarked with become unreasonably
apparent, especially when they are interrupted in their plans by
those who do not understand them.” The Duke of Perth, who was a Roman
Catholic, on its being represented to him that it might injure the
prince’s cause to have at the head of the army one of his persuasion,
cheerfully resigned his commission. On this, Lord George, with whose
valuable services the army could not dispense, was persuaded to
assume his command. He thus became virtually general of the army,
under the prince; for his brother, Tullibardine, who was in a bad
state of health, took nothing upon him.[1015]

Although Marshal Wade must have been duly apprised of the arrival of
the Highland army in England, yet it was not until he had received
intelligence of their march to Brampton, and of their probable
advance upon Newcastle, that he began to move. He set out from
Newcastle on the 16th of November, the day after the surrender of
Carlisle; but a deep snow, which had just fallen, so retarded his
march, that his army did not reach Ovington till eight o’clock that
night. Next day he advanced to Hexham, where the first column of his
army arrived about four o’clock in the afternoon; but the rear did
not get up till near midnight. The army, unable to proceed farther
on account of the snow, encamped on a moor near the town, and the
men were provided with a sufficient quantity of straw to repose upon
by the inhabitants, who kindled large fires all over the ground to
protect the troops from the cold, which was unusually severe. At
Hexham, Wade was informed of the reduction of Carlisle. He remained
there three days in the expectation of a thaw; but the road to
Carlisle continuing impassable, he returned to Newcastle, which he
reached on the 22d of November.[1016] The conduct of Marshal Wade,
in delaying his march from Newcastle, has been justly censured, for
there can be no doubt that had he made a movement in advance upon
Carlisle about the time the insurgents marched to Brampton, that town
would have been saved.

The sudden and unexpected success which had attended Charles’s arms
in England, spread a general alarm through all the northern and
western parts of that kingdom, and extended even to the capital
itself. Such was the alternation of hope and fear in the minds of
the people of all classes, that whilst the most trifling article of
good news led them to indulge in the most extravagant manifestations
of joy, the smallest reverse of fortune plunged them into the most
abject distress. Sir Andrew Mitchell, alluding to this circumstance
in a letter to President Forbes, says, that if he had not lived
long enough in England to know the natural bravery of the people, he
should have formed a very false opinion of them from their demeanour
at the period in question.[1017]

As soon as the news of the surrender of Carlisle was known in
London, the government resolved to assemble an army of 10,000 men in
Staffordshire, under Sir John Ligonier, an officer of considerable
military experience. For this purpose, Sir John left London on the
21st of November, taking along with him nine old battalions, two
regiments of dragoons, and part of his own regiment of horse. In
addition to this and the other army under Wade, a third army, to be
placed under the immediate command of his majesty, was ordered to be
raised, and encamped in the vicinity of London for its protection.
The city and castle of Chester were put in a proper state of defence,
and the town of Liverpool raised a regiment of 700 men, who were
clothed and maintained at the expense of the inhabitants.

When mustered at Carlisle, the prince’s army amounted only to about
4,500 men.[1018] The idea of marching to London and overturning the
government with such a force, in the face of three armies and a
numerous militia, amounting in all to upwards of 60,000 men, could
scarcely have been entertained by any adventurer, however sanguine
his hopes may have been; but Charles was so full of his object, that
he shut his eyes to the great difficulties of the enterprise, which
he imagined would be surmounted by the tried valour of his troops,
and the junction of a considerable party in England devoted to his
cause.

To determine upon the course to be next pursued, Charles called a
council of war a few days after the capture of Carlisle, in which
different opinions were maintained. As there was no appearance of
either an invasion from France, or an insurrection in England, some
of the members proposed returning to Scotland, where a defensive
war could be carried on till such time as the prince should be in a
condition to resume offensive operations. Others were for remaining
at Carlisle, and quartering the army in the neighbourhood till they
saw whether there should be any indications of a rising in England. A
third party proposed that they should march to Newcastle and engage
Wade’s army. A fourth, that the army should continue its route to
London by the west or Lancashire road, in support of which opinion
they urged, that being now in possession of Carlisle, they had,
at the worst, a safe retreat. This last proposal being quite in
accordance with the prince’s own sentiments, he declared that his
opinion of marching directly to London, in terms of the resolution
entered into at Edinburgh, was in no respect altered since he entered
England. Lord George Murray, who had hitherto remained silent,
was then desired by the prince to give his opinion. His lordship
entered at some length into the question; stated the advantages and
disadvantages of each of the different opinions; and concluded,
by observing, that for himself he could not venture to advise his
royal highness to march far into England, without receiving more
encouragement from the country than he had hitherto got; but he was
persuaded, that if his royal highness was resolved to make a trial
of what could be expected, and would march south, his army, though
small, would follow him. After Lord George had done speaking, Charles
immediately said he would venture the trial. In giving his opinion,
Lord George says he spoke with the more caution, in consequence of
the recent circumstances which had led to his resignation.[1019]

As a considerable number of men had been collected at Perth since the
prince’s departure from Scotland, and more were on their way thither
from the north, Charles, before leaving Carlisle for the south,
sent Maclauchlan of Maclauchlan to Scotland with an order to Lord
Strathallan, to march with all the forces under his command, and join
the army in England; but this order was disregarded.

Whilst encamped at Duddingston, the Highlanders preferred sleeping
in the open air, and had with difficulty been prevailed upon to use
the tents which had been captured at Preston and those provided at
Edinburgh. These tents were packed up for the campaign in England:
but the party, to whose care they were intrusted, most unaccountably
left the whole of them at Lockerby along with other baggage. The
whole, consisting of thirty cart-loads, were captured by a party of
country people, who carried them to Dumfries. After the surrender of
Carlisle, Lochiel went with a party to reclaim the baggage, failing
which, he was ordered to exact £2,000 from the town; but before he
reached Dumfries he was recalled. The army, therefore, being now
without tents, and the season very severe, it was resolved so to
arrange the order of march as to get the men accommodated in the
towns. For this purpose, it was determined that one part of the army
should precede the other by a day’s march, the second division always
occupying the quarters vacated by the first; but that, where the
country would admit of it, there should be only half-a-day’s march
betwixt them.[1020]

In accordance with this plan, the first division, commanded by
Lord George Murray, left Carlisle on the 20th of November. It
consisted, with the exception of the Duke of Perth’s regiment, which
being appointed to guard the thirteen cannon and ammunition, was
not included in either division, of the whole of the low country
regiments,[1021] six in number, with the life-guards under Lord
Elcho, who marched at the head of the division. Each of these
regiments led the van in its turn. This division reached Penrith the
same day, having performed a march of eighteen miles. The second
division, consisting of the clan regiments and the remainder of the
cavalry, headed by the prince in person, left Carlisle next day, and
arrived at Penrith that night, and entered the quarters occupied by
the first division, which marched the same day to Shap, where it
passed the night.[1022] In the march of the prince’s division the
cavalry always marched at its head, and each of the clan regiments
led the van by turns, agreeably to the plan observed by the division
under Lord George Murray. A garrison of about 200 men was left
in Carlisle under the command of one Hamilton, who had been made
deputy-governor under the Duke of Perth, on whom the governorship had
been conferred.[1023]

On reaching Penrith, Charles, for the first time, heard of the march
of Wade from Newcastle, and of his arrival at Hexham. Resolved to
return to Carlisle and give battle to Wade, should he advance upon
that city, Charles remained all the next day at Penrith, waiting
for further intelligence of the marshal’s movements; but receiving
information from Lord Kilmarnock, who still remained with his
horse at Brampton, that the English general was on his way back to
Newcastle, Charles marched to Kendal on the 23d. The van of the
army, which had arrived at Kendal on the previous day, marched on
the 23d to Lancaster, where it halted for the night. The prince
resumed his march on the 25th, and reached Lancaster, on which day
the first division went to Garstang. On the 26th the whole army
reached Preston, where it halted till the 27th. Recollecting the
fate of the Highland army at Preston in 1715, the Highlanders had
become possessed of the idea that they would never get beyond that
town; but Lord George Murray, on being informed of it, dispelled
this superstitious dread by crossing the bridge over the Ribble, and
quartering a considerable number of his men on the other side of that
river.[1024]

During his progress to Preston, Charles received no marks of
attachment from the inhabitants of the towns and country through
which he passed; but at Preston his arrival was hailed with
acclamations and the ringing of bells. With the exception, however,
of Mr. Townley, a Catholic gentleman who had been in the French
service, and two or three other gentlemen, no person of any note
joined him. By dint of entreaty a few recruits were indeed raised;
but it was not with such levies that Charles could expect to
strengthen his army. At Preston Charles held a council of war, at
which he repeated the assurances he alleged he had received from
his English partisans, and gave fresh hopes of being joined by them
on their arrival at Manchester. The Highland chiefs were prevailed
upon to continue their march. Lord George Murray proposed to march
with his column to Liverpool, and to join the other division at
Macclesfield; but this proposal was overruled.[1025]

Accordingly, on the 28th, the Highland army left Preston and marched
to Wigan,[1026] where they passed the night. Next day the whole army
entered Manchester, amid the acclamations of the inhabitants, who
illuminated their houses, and lighted up bonfires in the evening, to
express their joy. The same evening one Dickson, a sergeant, enlisted
by the Chevalier Johnstone, from the prisoners taken at Preston,
presented 180 recruits whom he had raised in the course of the day
in Manchester. This young Scotsman, whom the Chevalier represents
to have been “as brave and intrepid as a lion,” disappointed at
his own ill success in raising recruits at Preston, had requested
permission from Johnstone, in whose company he was, to proceed to
Manchester--a day’s march before the army--to make sure of some
recruits before it should arrive there. The Chevalier reproved him
sharply for entertaining so wild and extravagant a project, which
would expose him to the danger of being taken and hanged, and ordered
him back to his company; but Dickson, reckless of consequences,
quitted Preston on the evening of the 28th, with his mistress and a
drummer, and travelling all night, entered Manchester next morning,
and immediately began to beat up for recruits for “The Yellow Haired
Laddie.” Conceiving that the Highland army was at hand, the populace
at first did not interrupt him; but when they ascertained that the
army would not arrive till the evening, they surrounded him in a
tumultuous manner, with the intention of taking him prisoner dead
or alive. Dickson presented his blunderbuss, charged with slugs,
threatened to blow out the brains of those who first dared to lay
hands on himself or the two who accompanied him; and by turning
round continually, facing in all directions, and behaving like a
lion, he soon enlarged the circle which a crowd of people had formed
around him. Having contrived for some time to manœuvre in this way,
those of the inhabitants of Manchester, who were attached to the
house of Stuart, took arms, and flew to the assistance of Dickson,
to rescue him from the fury of the mob; so that he had soon 500 or
600 men to aid him, who dispersed the crowd in a very short time.
Dickson now triumphed in his turn; and putting himself at the head
of his followers, he proudly paraded undisturbed the whole day with
his drummer, enlisting all who offered themselves. That evening,
on presenting his recruits, it was found that the whole amount of
his expenses did not exceed three guineas. This adventure gave rise
to many a joke, at the expense of the town of Manchester, from the
singular circumstance of its having been taken by a sergeant, a
drummer, and a girl.[1027]

The van of the prince’s army, consisting of 100 horse, entered
Manchester on the evening of the 28th of November, and, to magnify
their numbers, ordered quarters to be prepared for 10,000 men.
Another party of cavalry entered the town at ten o’clock next
morning, and about two o’clock in the afternoon, Charles himself,
accompanied by the main body, marched in on foot, surrounded by a
select body of the clans. He wore on this occasion a light tartan
plaid belted with a blue sash, a grey wig, and a blue velvet bonnet
with silver lace, having a white rose in the centre of the top, by
which latter badge he was distinguished from his general officers,
who wore their cockades on one side.[1028] Here, as in all the other
towns through which the Highlanders had passed, the Chevalier de St.
George was proclaimed. The bells of the town were rung, and in the
evening an illumination was made and bonfires lighted, by order of
the prince, who also issued a proclamation requiring all persons,
who had public money in their hands, to pay it into his treasury.
The army halted a day at Manchester and beat up for recruits. They
were joined by some young men of the most respectable families in the
town, by several substantial tradesmen and farmers, and by upwards
of 100 common men. These, with the recruits raised by Dickson, were
formed into a corps called the Manchester regiment, the command of
which was given to Mr. Townley, on whom the rank of Colonel was
conferred. This regiment never exceeded 300 men, and were all the
English who ever openly declared for the prince.[1029]

Though Charles’s reception at Manchester had been rather flattering,
yet the countenance he received was not such as to encourage him
to proceed, and a retreat now began to be talked of. One of Lord
George Murray’s friends ventured to hint to him that he thought
they had advanced far enough, as neither of the events they had
anticipated, of an insurrection in England, or a landing from France,
were likely to take place. Lord George, who, it is understood, had
always a retreat in view, if not supported by a party in England or
by succours from abroad, said that they might make a farther trial
by going as far as Derby, but that if they did not receive greater
encouragement than they had yet met with, he would propose a retreat
to the prince.

Conceiving that it was the intention of Charles to march by Chester
into Wales, the bridges over the Mersey, on the road to Chester, had
been broken down by order of the authorities; but this precaution
was quite unnecessary. After halting a day at Manchester the army
proceeded to Macclesfield on the morning of the 1st of December, in
two divisions. One took the road to Stockport, and the other that
to Knottesford. The bridge near Stockport having been broken down,
Charles crossed the river up to his middle in water. At Knottesford
the other division crossed the river over temporary bridges, made
chiefly out of poplar trees laid length-ways with planks across.
The horse and artillery crossed at Chedle-ford. In the evening both
divisions joined at Macclesfield, where they passed the night.[1030]

At Macclesfield Charles received intelligence that the army of
Ligonier, of which the Duke of Cumberland had taken the chief
command, was on its march, and was quartered at Lichfield, Coventry,
Stafford, and Newcastle-under-Lyme. The prince resolved to march
for Derby. To conceal their intentions from the enemy, Lord George
Murray offered to go with a division of the army to Congleton, which
lay on the direct road to Lichfield, by which movement he expected
that the duke would collect his army in a body at Lichfield, and
thereby leave the road to Derby open.[1031] This proposal having been
agreed to, Lord George went next day with his division to Congleton,
whence he despatched Colonel Ker at night with a party towards
Newcastle-under-Lyme, whither the Duke of Kingston had retired with
his horse, on the approach of the Highlanders, to get intelligence of
the enemy. Ker came to a village within three miles of Newcastle, and
had almost surprised a party of dragoons, and succeeded in seizing
one Weir, a noted spy, who had been at Edinburgh all the time the
prince was there, and who had kept hovering about the army during its
march to give intelligence of its motions.[1032] The main body of
the royal army, which was posted at Newcastle-under-Lyme, on hearing
of the march of the division of the Highland army upon Congleton,
retreated towards Lichfield, and other bodies that were beyond
Newcastle advanced for the purpose of concentrating near that town,
by which movements the design of Lord George Murray was completely
answered. Having thus succeeded in deceiving the duke, Lord George
Murray, after passing the night at Congleton, went off early next
morning with his division, and turning to the left, passed through
Leek, and arrived at Ashbourne in the evening. Charles, who had
halted a day at Macclesfield, took the road to Derby by Gawsworth,
and entered Leek shortly after the other division had left it. He
would have remained there till next morning; but as he considered it
unsafe to keep his army divided at such a short distance from the
royal forces, who might fall upon either division, he set out from
Leek about midnight, and joined the other column at Ashbourne early
in the morning.[1033] The Duke of Devonshire, who had been posted
in the town of Derby, with a body of 700 militia, on hearing of
the approach of the Highland army had retired from the town on the
preceding evening.[1034]

On the 4th of December Charles put the first division of his army
in motion, and at eleven o’clock in the forenoon his van-guard,
consisting of thirty horse, entered Derby and ordered quarters for
9,000 men. About three o’clock in the afternoon Lord Elcho arrived
with the life-guards and some of the principal officers on horseback.
These were followed, in the course of the evening, by the main body,
which entered in detached parties to make the army appear as numerous
as represented. Charles himself did not arrive till the dusk of the
evening; he entered the town on foot, and took up his quarters in
a house belonging to the Earl of Exeter. During the day the bells
were rung, and bonfires were lighted at night. The magistrates were
ordered to attend in the market-place, in their gowns, to hear the
usual proclamations read; but having stated that they had sent their
gowns out of town, their attendance was dispensed with, and the
proclamations were made by the common crier.[1035]

The fate of the empire and his own destiny may be said to have now
depended upon the next resolution which Charles was to take. He
had, after a most triumphant career, approached within 127 miles
of London, and there seemed to be only another step necessary to
complete the chivalrous character of his adventure, and to bring
his enterprise to a successful termination. This was, to have
instantly adopted the bold and decisive measure of marching upon and
endeavouring to seize the capital. The possession of the metropolis,
where Charles had a considerable party, would have at once paralysed
the government; and the English Jacobites, no longer afraid of openly
committing themselves, would have rallied round his standard. The
consternation which prevailed in London when the news of the arrival
of the Highland army at Derby reached that capital, precludes the
idea that any effectual resistance would have been offered on the
part of the citizens; and it was the general opinion, that if Charles
had succeeded in beating the Duke of Cumberland, the army which
had assembled on Finchley Common would have dispersed of its own
accord.[1036] Alluding, in a number of the _True Patriot_, to the
dismay which pervaded the minds of the citizens of London, Fielding
says, that when the Highlanders, by “a most incredible march,” got
between the Duke of Cumberland’s army and the metropolis, they struck
a terror into it, “scarce to be credited.” The Chevalier Johnstone,
who collected information on the spot shortly after the battle of
Culloden, says, that when the intelligence of the capture of Derby
reached London, many of the inhabitants fled to the country, carrying
along with them their most valuable effects, and that all the shops
were shut,--that there was a prodigious run upon the bank, which
only escaped bankruptcy by a stratagem,--that although payment was
not refused, the bank, in fact, retained its specie, by keeping it
continually surrounded by agents of its own with notes, who, to gain
time, were paid in sixpences; and as a regulation had been made, that
the persons who came first should be entitled to priority of payment;
and as the agents went out by one door with the specie they had
received, and brought it back by another, the _bona fide_ holders of
notes could never get near enough to present them;--that King George
had ordered his yachts--on board of which he had put all his most
precious effects--to remain at the Tower stairs in readiness to sail
at a moment’s warning,--and that the Duke of Newcastle, secretary
of state for the war department, had shut himself up in his house a
whole day,[1037] deliberating with himself upon the part it would be
most prudent for him to take, doubtful even whether he should not
immediately declare for the prince.[1038]

The only obstacle to Charles’s march upon the capital was the army
of the Duke of Cumberland, which was within a day’s march of Derby.
From the relative position of the two armies, the Highlanders
might, with their accustomed rapidity, have outstripped the duke’s
army, and reached the capital at least one day before it; but to
Charles it seemed unwise to leave such an army, almost double his
own in point of numbers, in his rear, whilst that of Wade’s would
advance upon his left flank. Of the result of an encounter with
Cumberland, Charles entertained the most sanguine hopes. His army
was small, when compared to that of his antagonist; but the paucity
of its numbers was fully compensated by the personal bravery of its
component parts, and the enthusiastic ardour which pervaded the
bosom of every clansman. At no former stage of the campaign were
the Highlanders in better spirits than on their arrival at Derby.
They are represented by the Chevalier Johnstone as animated to the
highest pitch of enthusiasm, breathing nothing but a desire for the
combat; and were to be seen during the whole day waiting in crowds
before the shops of the cutlers to get their broadswords sharpened,
and even quarrelling with one another for priority in whetting those
fearful weapons.[1039] It was not without reason, therefore, that
Charles calculated upon defeating Cumberland; and although there
was a possibility that that bold and daring adventurer or his army,
and perhaps both, might perish in the attempt to seize the capital,
yet the importance of the juncture, and the probability that such a
favourable opportunity of accomplishing his object might never again
occur, seem to justify Charles in his design of advancing immediately
upon London. However, whatever might have been the result of the
advance of the rebel army, other counsels prevailed, and Charles
reluctantly yielded to the entreaties of his friends, who advised a
retreat.[1040]

On the morning after the arrival of the Highland army at Derby,
Charles held a council of war to deliberate upon the course to be
pursued. The prince, who never for a moment entertained the least
idea of a retreat, and who considered his own personal safety a
minor consideration, urged every argument in his power for an
immediate advance, with all the vehemence and ardour characteristic
of an enterprising and fanatic mind. He said that he did not doubt,
that, as his cause was just, it would prevail,--that he could not
think of retreating after coming so far,--and that he was hopeful
there would be a defection in the enemy’s army, and that some of
their troops would join him. Lord George Murray, however, proposed
a retreat, and used a variety of arguments, which appeared to him
unanswerable, in support of that measure. He represented to his
royal highness and the council, that they had advanced into England
depending upon French succours, or an insurrection in that kingdom,
and that they had been disappointed in both,--that the prince’s
army, by itself, was by no means a match for the troops which the
government had assembled,--that besides the Duke of Cumberland’s
army, which was between 7,000 and 8,000 men strong, and which was
expected that night at Stafford, Marshal Wade was coming up by hard
marches by the east road with an army of 10,000 men, and that he
was already at Ferrybridge, which was within two or three days’
march of the Highland army,--that in addition to these two armies,
there was a third at least equal to either of them already forming
in the neighbourhood of London, consisting of guards and horse,
with troops which the government would bring from the coast, where
they were quartered; so that there would be three armies of regular
troops, amounting together to about 30,000 men, which would surround
the Highland army, which was not above a sixth of that number. That,
admitting that the prince should beat Cumberland or Wade, he might,
should he lose 1,000 or 1,500 of the best of his men, be undone by
such a victory, as the rest would be altogether unfit to engage a
fresh army, which he must expect to encounter,--that, on the other
hand, should the prince be defeated, it could not be supposed that
he or any of his men could escape, as the militia, who had not
hitherto appeared much against the Highland army, would, upon its
defeat, possess themselves of all the roads, and the enemy’s horse
would surround them on all sides,--that as Lord John Drummond had
lately landed in Scotland with his own regiment and some Irish troops
from France, the prince would have a better chance of success by
returning to Scotland,--that the forces under Lord John Drummond
and the Highlanders assembled at Perth, would, when united, form an
army almost as numerous as that under the prince,--that since the
court of France had begun to send troops, it was to be hoped it would
send considerable succours, and as the first had landed in Scotland,
it was probable the rest would follow the same route,--that if the
prince was cut off, all the succours France could send would avail
nothing, and “the king’s” affairs would be ruined for ever,--that the
prince had no chance of beating in succession the armies opposed to
him, unless the English troops should be seized with a panic, and run
away at the sight of the Highlanders, a circumstance barely possible,
but not to be depended upon,--that the whole world would blame the
prince’s counsellors as rash and foolish, for venturing an attempt
which could not succeed,--and that the prince’s person, should he
escape being killed in battle, would fall into the enemy’s hands.
In fine, that nothing short of an absolute certainty of success
could justify such a rash undertaking, but that retreat, which was
still practicable, and of which Lord George offered to undertake the
conduct, would give the prince a much better chance of succeeding
than a battle under such circumstances, and would do him as much
honour as a victory.[1041]

Charles still persevered in his resolution, and insisted on giving
battle next morning to the Duke of Cumberland, and advancing to
London; but the chiefs of the clans unanimously supported the views
of Lord George Murray, and represented to his royal highness, that
although they had no doubt the Highlanders could easily beat the
army of the Duke of Cumberland, though greatly superior in point of
numbers, yet such a victory could not be obtained without loss; and
that an army of 4,500 men opposed to the whole force of England,
could not admit of the smallest diminution, especially as they would
soon have to fight another battle before entering London with the
army on Finchley Common. But supposing that by some extraordinary
occurrence they should arrive at the capital without losing a man,
what a figure would such a small body of men make amidst its immense
population? They added, that the prince ought now to perceive clearly
how little he had to expect from his English partisans, since, after
traversing all the counties reputed as to have been most attached
to his family, not a single person of distinction had declared
for him.[1042] With the exception of the Duke of Perth, who, from
deference to the prince, concurred in his opinion, all the persons
present were for a retreat; the duke himself at last also declaring
for that measure.[1043]

Finding his council resolved upon a retreat, Charles proposed
marching into Wales instead of returning to Carlisle; but this
proposal was also opposed by all present. His royal highness at last
reluctantly yielded to the opinion of his council. In conducting the
retreat, Lord George Murray offered to remain always in the rear
himself, and proposed that each regiment should take it by turns
till the army reached Carlisle; and that it should march in such
order, that if Lord George was attacked he might be supported as
occasion required, and without stopping the army unless assailed by
a great body of the enemy. He also stipulated that the cannon and
carriages, with the ammunition, should be placed in the van, and that
he should not be troubled with the charge of them.[1044]

To prevent any unpleasant feeling on the part of the army on account
of the retreat, and to conceal the intelligence of their movements
as long as possible from the enemy, the council agreed to keep
the resolution to retreat secret; but it was divulged to Sir John
Macdonald, an Irish gentleman, and an officer in the French service,
who had come over with the prince. In the course of the afternoon,
Lord George Murray, Keppoch, and Lochiel, while walking together,
were accosted by this gentleman, who had just dined heartily, and
made free with his bottle, and were rallied by him a good deal about
the retreat. “What!” addressing Keppoch, “a Macdonald turn his
back!” and turning to Lochiel, he continued, “For shame! A Cameron
run away from the enemy! Go forward, and I’ll lead you.” The two
chiefs and Lord George endeavoured to persuade Sir John that he was
labouring under a mistake; but he insisted that he was right, as he
had received certain information of the retreat.[1045]

Disappointed at the result of the deliberations of the council,
Charles was exceedingly dejected. To raise his spirits, or
to ingratiate themselves with him, some of the council, and
particularly Sir Thomas Sheridan and Secretary Murray, though they
had approved highly of the motion to retreat in the council, now
very inconsistently blamed it. They were, however, aware that the
retreat would, notwithstanding their opposition, be put in execution,
and to excuse themselves for agreeing to it, they alleged that they
did so, because they knew the army would never fight well when the
officers were opposed to its wishes. The prince was easily persuaded
that he had consented too readily to a retreat, but he would not
retract the consent he had given unless he could bring over those
to whom he had given it to his own sentiments, which he hoped he
might be able to do. With this view he called another meeting of the
council in the evening, and in the meantime sent for the Marquis of
Tullibardine, who had been absent from the meeting in the morning, to
ask his opinion. The marquis finding the prince bent upon advancing,
declared himself against a retreat; but after hearing the arguments
of the advocates of that measure at the meeting in the evening, the
marquis retracted his opinion, and declared himself fully satisfied
of its necessity. Having been informed of the conduct of those who
had tampered with the prince, the rest of the officers told him at
meeting, that they valued their lives as little as brave men ought to
do, and if he was resolved to march forward, they would do their duty
to the last; but they requested, for their own satisfaction, that
those persons who had advised his royal highness to advance, would
give their opinion in writing. This proposal put an end to farther
discussion, and Charles, finding the members of council inflexible in
their opinion, gave way to the general sentiments.[1046]

Hitherto the French court had not come under any written engagement
to support the enterprise of Charles; but after the news of the
capture of Edinburgh reached France, a treaty was entered into with
the French crown. By this treaty, which was signed at Fontainebleau,
on the 24th of October, by the Marquis D’Argenson, on the part of the
French king, and by Colonel O’Bryen, on the part of Prince Charles,
as regent of Scotland, the French king among other things agreed to
furnish the prince with a body of troops to be taken from the Irish
regiments in the service of France, along with other troops, to serve
under his royal highness, to defend the provinces.

Lord John Drummond, who commanded a regiment in the French service,
known by the name of Royal Scots, was appointed to the command of the
troops destined for Scotland. Preparations were immediately made to
fit out the expedition, and Lord John received written instructions,
dated from Fontainebleau, October 28th, and signed by the French
king, requiring him to repair immediately to Ostend, to superintend
the embarkation of the troops. By these instructions, Lord John was
directed to disembark the troops if possible upon the coast between
Edinburgh and Berwick, and as soon as he had landed to give notice
of his arrival to Prince Charles, and that the succours which he had
brought were entirely at the disposal of the orders of the prince, to
which Lord John himself was directed to conform, either by joining
his army, or acting separately, according to the views of Charles.
Lord John was also instructed to notify his arrival to the commander
of the Dutch troops lately arrived in England, and to intimate to
him to abstain from hostilities, agreeably to the capitulations
of Tournay and Dendermonde. He was required to ask a prompt and
categorical answer as to how he meant to act without sending to the
Hague, as the states-general had declared to the Abbé de la Ville,
that they had given positive orders to the commanders of these troops
not to infringe the said capitulations; and if, notwithstanding
such notification, the Dutch troops should commit acts of hostility
against those of the King of France, his lordship was ordered to
confine closely such Dutch prisoners he might make, and to listen to
no terms which would recognise a violation of the capitulations, or
dispense the King of France from enforcing the engagement that had
been entered into with the Dutch, as to the exchange of prisoners of
war.[1047]

Lord John Drummond accordingly proceeded to the coast, and having
completed the embarkation of the troops, he set sail from Dunkirk
about the middle of November, carrying along with him his own
regiment, a select detachment from each of the six Irish regiments in
the service of France, and Fitz-James’s regiment of horse, so called
from the Duke of Berwick, natural son of James the Second, who had
been their colonel. Along with these troops were embarked a train of
artillery and a considerable quantity of arms and ammunition. The
forces embarked amounted to about 1,000 men, but they did not all
reach their destination, as some of the transports were taken by
English cruisers, and others were obliged to return to Dunkirk.

From Montrose, where he arrived about the end of November, Lord
John despatched part of his forces to Aberdeen to aid Lord Lewis
Gordon, and proceeded with the rest to Perth, where he established
his head-quarters. In terms of his instructions, he sent a messenger
to England with a letter to Count Nassau, the commander-in-chief of
the Dutch auxiliaries, notifying his arrival, and requiring him to
observe a neutrality. He also carried letters to the commanders of
the royal forces. The bearer of these despatches, having obtained an
escort of eight dragoons at Stirling, proceeded to Edinburgh, and
having delivered a letter to General Guest, the commander of the
castle, went on to Newcastle, and delivered letters to the Count and
Marshal Wade. The Marshal, however, refused to receive any message
“from a person who was a subject of the king, and in rebellion
against his majesty.” At the same time his lordship sent another
messenger with a letter to Lord Fortrose, announcing his arrival,
and urging him to declare for the prince as the only mode he had of
retrieving his character. To induce him to join, Lord John informed
his lordship that the prince had entered Wales, where he had about
10,000 friends, and that “his royal highness, the Duke of York,”
accompanied by Lord Marischal, would immediately join him at the head
of 10,000 men.[1048]

Apprehensive that Lord John would cross the Forth above Stirling,
two regiments of foot, and Hamilton’s and Gardiner’s dragoons, which
had arrived at Edinburgh from Berwick, on the 14th of November,
began their march to Stirling, on the 7th of December, to guard the
passages of the Forth, and were joined at Stirling by the Glasgow
regiment of 600 men, commanded by the Earl of Home. Lord John
Drummond, however, it appears, had no intention of crossing the Forth
at this time.

Almost simultaneously with Lord John Drummond’s expedition, the
French ministers appear to have contemplated a descent upon England
under Lord Marischal, preparatory to which, Prince Henry repaired, by
invitation, to Paris. Twelve thousand men were to have been employed
upon this expedition; but the retreat of Charles from Derby, and the
difficulty of transporting such a large force to England, seem to
have prevented its execution.

On arriving at Derby, Charles had sent forward a party on the road to
London to take possession of Swarkstone bridge, about six miles from
Derby. Orders had been given to break down this bridge, but before
these orders could be put in execution, the Highlanders had possessed
themselves of it. The Duke of Cumberland, who, before this movement,
had left Stafford with the main body of his army for Stone, returned
to the former place, on the 4th of December, on learning that the
Highland army was at Derby. Apprehending that it was the intention
of Charles to march to London, he resolved to retire towards
Northampton, in order to intercept him; but finding that the young
Chevalier remained at Derby, his royal highness halted, and encamped
on Meriden Common in the neighbourhood of Coventry.[1049]

Agreeably to a resolution which had been entered into the previous
evening, the Highland army began its retreat early on the morning of
the 6th of December, before daybreak. Scarcely any of the officers,
with the exception of those of the council, were aware of the
resolution, and all the common men were entirely ignorant of the
step they were about to take. To have communicated such a resolution
to the army all at once, would, in its present disposition,
have produced a mutiny. To keep the army in suspense as to its
destination, a quantity of powder and ball was distributed among the
men, as if they were going into action, and by some it was insinuated
that Wade was at hand, and that they were going to fight him; whilst
by others it was said that the Duke of Cumberland’s army was the
object of their attack.[1050] At the idea of meeting the enemy, the
Highlanders displayed the greatest cheerfulness; but as soon as they
could discriminate by daylight the objects around them, and could
discover by an examination of the road, that they were retracing
their steps, nothing was to be heard throughout the whole army, but
expressions of rage and lamentation. Had it sustained a defeat,
the grief of the army could not have been more acute. Even some of
those who were in the secret of the retreat, and thought it the only
reasonable scheme that could be adopted, could scarcely be reconciled
to it when about to be carried into effect.[1051]

Charles himself partook deeply of the distress of his men. Overcome
by the intensity of his feelings, he was unable for a time to proceed
with the army, and it was not until his men had been several hours on
their march that he left Derby. Forced in spite of himself to give
a reluctant assent to a measure, which, whilst it rendered useless
all the advantages he had obtained, rendered his chance of gaining
the great stake he was contending for extremely problematical;
his spirits sunk within him, and an air of melancholy marked his
exterior. In marching forwards, he had always been first up in the
morning, put his men in motion before break of day, and had generally
walked on foot; but in the retreat, his conduct was totally changed.
Instead of taking the lead, he allowed the army to start long before
he left his quarters, kept the rear always behind waiting for him,
and when he came out, mounted his horse, and rode straight forward to
his next quarters with the van.[1052]

After the first burst of indignation had in some degree subsided,
and when the men began to speculate upon the reasons which could
have induced the retreat, a statement was given out that the
reinforcements expected from Scotland were on the road, and had
already entered England,--that Wade was endeavouring to intercept
them,--that the object of the retrograde movement was to effect a
junction with them,--and that as soon as these reinforcements had
joined the army, the march to London would be resumed. It was hinted
that they would probably meet these reinforcements about Preston or
Lancaster. The prospect thus held out to them of a speedy advance
upon London, tended to allay the passions of the men, but they
continued sullen and silent during the whole of the day.[1053]

The army lay the first night at Ashbourne. It reached Leek next day;
but that town being too small to accommodate the army, Elcho’s and
Pitsligo’s horse, and Ogilvy’s and Roy Stuart’s regiments of foot,
went on to Macclesfield, where they passed the night. The remainder
of the army came next day to Macclesfield, and the other division,
which had passed the night there, went to Stockport. On the 9th both
divisions met on the road to Manchester, and entered that town in a
body. There had been considerable rioting and confusion in Manchester
on the preceding day. Imagining from the retreat that the Highland
army had sustained a reverse, a mob had collected, and, being
reinforced by great numbers of country people with arms, had insulted
the Jacobite inhabitants, and seemed disposed to dispute the entrance
of the Highland army into the town; but upon the first appearance of
the van, the mob quietly dispersed, and order was restored.[1054]
In the retreat some abuses were committed by stragglers, who could
not be prevented from going into houses. As Lord George Murray
found great difficulty in bringing these up, he found it necessary
to appoint an expert officer out of every regiment to assist in
collecting the men belonging to their different corps who had kept
behind, a plan which he found very useful.[1055]

It was Charles’s intention to have halted a day at Manchester, and he
issued orders to that effect; but on Lord George Murray representing
to him that delay might be dangerous, the army left that town on the
forenoon of the 10th, and reached Wigan that night. Next day the army
came to Preston, where it halted the whole of the 12th. From Preston
the Duke of Perth was despatched north with 100 horse, to bring up
the reinforcements from Perth.[1056]

The prince arrived at Lancaster late in the evening of the 13th.
On reaching his quarters, Lord George Murray found that orders had
been given out, that the army was to halt there all the next day.
On visiting Charles’s quarters next morning, Lord George was told
by the prince that he had resolved to fight the enemy, and desired
him to go along with O’Sullivan, and reconnoitre the ground in the
neighbourhood for the purpose of choosing a field of battle. His
lordship, contrary to the expectations of those who had advised
Charles to fight, and who supposed that Lord George would have
opposed that measure, offered no advice on the subject. He merely
proposed that as the ground suitable for regular troops might not
answer the Highlanders, some Highland officers should also inspect
the ground, and as Lochiel was present, he requested that he would go
along with him,--a request with which he at once complied. With an
escort of horse and foot, and accompanied by Lochiel and O’Sullivan,
Lord George returned back about two miles, where he found a very
fine field upon a rising ground sufficiently large for the whole
army, and which was so situated, that from whatever quarter the enemy
could come, the army would be completely covered till the enemy were
close upon them. After surveying these grounds very narrowly, and
taking three of the enemy’s rangers prisoners, the reconnoitring
party returned to Lancaster. From the prisoners Lord George received
information that the corps called the rangers was at Garstang, and
that a great body of Wade’s dragoons had entered Preston a few
hours after he had left it. His lordship reported to the prince the
result of the survey, and told him that if the number of his men
was sufficient to meet the enemy, he could not wish a better field
of battle for the Highlanders; but Charles informed him that he had
altered his mind, and that he meant to proceed on his march next
day.[1057]

It is now necessary to notice the movements of the Duke of Cumberland
and Marshal Wade. By retaining possession of Swarkstone bridge for
some time after his main body left Derby, Charles deceived Cumberland
as to his motions, and the Highland army was two days’ march distant
from the duke’s army before he was aware of its departure from Derby.
As soon, however, as he was apprised of the retreat, the duke put
himself at the head of his horse and dragoons, and 1,000 mounted
volunteers, furnished by some of the gentlemen of Warwickshire, for
the purpose of stopping the Highlanders till the royal army should
come up, or, failing in that design, of harassing them in their
retreat. He marched by Uttoxeter and Cheadle; but the roads being
excessively bad, he did not arrive at Macclesfield till the night
of the 10th, on which day the Highland army had reached Wigan. At
Macclesfield the duke received intelligence that the Highlanders had
left Manchester that day. His royal highness thereupon sent orders to
the magistrates of Manchester to seize all stragglers belonging to
the Highland army; he directed Bligh’s regiment, then at Chester, to
march to Macclesfield, and, at the same time, ordered the Liverpool
Blues to return to Warrington, where they had been formerly posted.
Early on the 11th, he detached Major Wheatley with the dragoons in
pursuit of the Highlanders. Meanwhile Marshal Wade having held a
council of war on the 8th, at Ferrybridge, in Yorkshire, had resolved
to march by Wakefield and Halifax into Lancashire, in order to
intercept the insurgents in their retreat northwards. He accordingly
came to Wakefield on the 10th at night, where, learning that the
van-guard of the Highland army had reached Wigan, he concluded that
he would not be able to overtake it, and therefore resolved to return
to his old post at Newcastle by easy marches. He, however, detached
General Oglethorpe with the horse to join the duke. This officer
crossed Blackstone Edge with such expedition, that he reached
Preston on the same day that the Highlanders left it, having marched
about 100 miles in three days, over roads at any time unfavourable,
but now rendered almost impassable by frost and snow. At Preston,
Oglethorpe found the Georgia rangers, and was joined by a detachment
of Kingston’s horse, commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Mordaunt. Here
these united forces halted nearly a whole day, in consequence of
an express which the Duke of Cumberland had received from London,
announcing that a French expedition from Dunkirk had put to sea, and
requiring him to hold himself in readiness to return to the capital.
This information was afterwards found to be erroneous; but it was of
service to the Highlanders, who, in consequence of the halt of the
royal forces, gained a whole day’s march a-head of their pursuers.

[Illustration: Carlisle, from Stanwix Bank--1745.]

In his retreat, the chief danger the prince had to apprehend was
from the army of Wade, who, by marching straight across the country
into Cumberland, might have reached Penrith a day at least before
the prince; but by the information he received of the route taken
by Wade’s cavalry, he saw that the danger now was that the united
cavalry of both armies might fall upon his rear before he could
reach Carlisle. He therefore left Lancaster on the 15th; but the rear
of his army was scarcely out of the town when some of the enemy’s
horse entered it. The town bells were then rung, and the word being
given from the rear to the front, that the enemy was approaching, the
Highlanders formed in order of battle; but the alarm turning out to
be false, the army continued its march to Kendal. The enemy’s horse,
however, followed for two or three miles, and appeared frequently in
small parties, but attempted nothing. The army entered Kendal that
night, where they were met by the Duke of Perth and his party. In his
way north, the duke had been attacked in this town by a mob, which he
soon dispersed by firing on them; but in the neighbourhood of Penrith
he met with a more serious obstruction, having been attacked by a
considerable body of militia, both horse and foot, and being vastly
outnumbered, was obliged to retreat to Kendal.[1058]

As Lord George Murray considered it impossible to transport the
four-wheeled waggons belonging to the army to Shap, he proposed
to the prince to substitute two-wheeled carts for them,[1059] and
as he was afraid that no provisions could be obtained at Shap, he
suggested that the men should be desired to provide themselves with a
day’s provision of bread and cheese. Orders were accordingly issued
agreeably to these suggestions, but that regarding the waggons seems
not to have been attended to; and by some oversight, the order about
the provisions was not communicated to many of them till they were
on their march next morning. The consequence was, that the men who
were unprovided returned to the town, and much confusion would have
ensued, had not Lord George Murray sent some detachments of the rear
with officers into the town to preserve order, and to see the men
return to the army. This omission retarded considerably the march of
the army. The difficulties which Lord George Murray had anticipated
in transporting the waggons across the hills were realised, and by
the time he had marched four miles and got among the hills, he was
obliged to halt all night, and take up his quarters at a farm house
about a gun-shot off the road. The Glengarry men were in the rear
that day, and though reckoned by his lordship not the most patient of
mortals, he says he “never was better pleased with men in his life,”
having done all that was possible for men to do.[1060]

With the exception of the Glengarry regiment, the army passed the
night between the 16th and 17th at Shap.[1061] On the morning of the
17th, Lord George received two messages from Charles, ordering him
upon no account to leave the least thing, not so much as a cannon
ball behind, as he would rather return himself than that any thing
should be left. Though his lordship had undertaken to conduct the
retreat on the condition that he should not be troubled with the
charge of the baggage, ammunition, &c., he promised to do all in his
power to carry every thing along with him. To lighten the ammunition
waggons, some of which had broken down, his lordship prevailed
upon the men to carry about 200 cannon balls, for which service
he gave the bearers sixpence each. With difficulty the rear-guard
reached Shap that night at a late hour. Here he found most of the
cannon, and some of the ammunition with Colonel Roy Stuart and his
battalion.[1062] The same night, the prince with the main body
arrived at Penrith. Some parties of militia appeared at intervals;
but they kept at a considerable distance, without attempting
hostilities.[1063]

Early in the morning of the 18th, the rear-guard left Shap; but as
some of the small carriages were continually breaking, its march was
much retarded. It had not proceeded far when some parties of English
light-horse were observed hovering at some distance on the eminences
behind the rear-guard. Lord George Murray notified the circumstance
to the prince at Penrith; but as it was supposed that these were
militia, the information was treated lightly. No attempt was made to
attack the rear-guard, or obstruct its progress, till about mid-day,
when a body of between 200 and 300 horse, chiefly Cumberland people,
formed in front of the rear-guard, behind an eminence near Clifton
Hall, and seemed resolved to make a stand. Lord George Murray was
about to ascend this eminence, when the party was observed marching
two and two abreast on the top of the hill. They suddenly disappeared
to form themselves in order of battle behind the eminence, and made
a great noise with trumpets and kettle-drums. At this time two of
the companies of Roy Stuart’s regiment, which the Duke of Perth had
attached to the artillery, were at the head of the column. The guns
and ammunition waggons followed, behind the two other companies of
the same regiment. The Glengarry regiment, which marched with Lord
George Murray at its head, was in the rear of the column. Believing,
from the great number of trumpets and kettle-drums, that the English
army was at hand, the rear-guard remained for a short time at the
bottom of the hill, as if at a loss how to act in a conjuncture
which appeared so desperate. It was the opinion of Colonel Brown,
an officer of Lally’s regiment, who was at the head of the column,
that they should rush upon the enemy sword in hand, and either open
a passage to the army at Penrith, or perish in the attempt. The men
of the four companies adopting this opinion, immediately ran up the
hill, without informing Lord George Murray of their resolution; and
his lordship, on observing this movement, immediately ordered the
Glengarry men to proceed across the inclosure, and ascend the hill
from another quarter, as they could not conveniently pass the waggons
which had almost blocked up the roads. The Glengarry men, throwing
off their plaids, reached the summit of the hill almost as soon as
the head of the column, on gaining which, both parties were agreeably
surprised to find, that the only enemy in view was the light horse
they had observed a few minutes before, and who, alarmed at the
appearance of the Highlanders, galloped off in disorder. One of the
fugitives fell from his horse, and was cut to pieces in an instant by
the Highlanders.[1064]

The rear-guard resumed its march, and on reaching the village of
Clifton, Lord George Murray sent the artillery and heavy baggage
forward to Penrith under a small escort. Being well acquainted
with all the inclosures and parks about Lowther Hall, the seat of
Lord Lonsdale, about the distance of a mile from Clifton, Lord
George Murray, at the head of the Glengary regiment and some horse,
examined these parks and inclosures in the hope of falling in with
the light horse; but, although he saw several of them, he only
succeeded in making two prisoners. By these prisoners Lord George
was informed that the duke himself, with a body of 4,000 horse,
was about a mile behind him. As Clifton was a very good post, Lord
George Murray resolved to remain there; and on his return to the
village he sent Colonel Roy Stuart with the two prisoners to Penrith,
to inform Charles of the near approach of the duke, and that he
would remain at Clifton till further orders. In the event of the
prince approving of his intention of making a stand at Preston, his
lordship requested that 1,000 men might be sent him from Penrith. On
returning to Clifton from Lowther parks, Lord George found the Duke
of Perth there; and, besides Colonel Roy Stuart’s men, who amounted
to about 200, he also found the Macphersons with their chief,
Cluny Macpherson, and the Stewarts of Appin, headed by Stewart of
Ardshiel.[1065]

[Illustration: FRASER. (Tartan)]

Before the return of Colonel Roy Stuart from Penrith, the enemy
appeared in sight, and proceeded to form themselves into two lines
upon Clifton moor, about half a mile from the village. The Duke of
Perth thereupon rode back to Penrith to bring up the rest of the army
to support Lord George, who he supposed would, from the strength
of his position, be able to maintain himself till joined by the
main body. The duke was accompanied by an English gentleman who had
attended Lord George during the retreat, and, knowing the country
perfectly well, had offered to lead without discovery the main body a
near way by the left, by which movement they would be enabled to fall
upon the enemy’s flank. Had Lord George received the reinforcement
he required, his design was to have sent half of his men through the
inclosures on his right, so as to have flanked the duke’s army on
that side, whilst it was attacked on the other by the other half.
He expected that if he succeeded in killing but a small number of
Cumberland’s horse that the rest would be thrown into disorder, and
that as they would be obliged to retreat through a lane nearly a mile
long, between Lord Lonsdale’s inclosures, that they would choke up
the road, and that many of them would be unable to escape. In absence
of this reinforcement, however, the Lieutenant-general was obliged
to make the best dispositions he could with the force he had with
him, which amounted to about 1,000 men in all, exclusive of Lord
Pitsligo’s horse and hussars, who, on the appearance of the enemy,
shamefully fled to Penrith.[1066]

The dispositions of Lord George were these. Within the inclosures
to the right of the highway he posted the Glengarry men, and
within those to their left he placed the Stewarts of Appin and the
Macphersons. On the side of the highway, and close to the village of
Clifton, he placed Colonel Roy Stuart’s regiment. As some ditches
at the foot stretched farther towards the moor on the right than on
the left, and as that part was also covered by Lord Lonsdale’s other
inclosures, the party on the right could not easily be attacked; and
they had this advantage, that they could with their fire flank the
enemy when they attacked the left. To induce the enemy to believe
that his numbers were much greater than they were, Lord George, after
exhibiting the colours he had at different places, caused them to be
rolled up, carried to other places, and again unfurled.[1067]

About an hour after the Duke of Cumberland had formed his men, about
500 of his dragoons dismounted and advanced forward to the foot of
the moor, in front of a ditch at the bottom of one of three small
inclosures between the moor and the places where Roy Stuart’s men
were posted at the village. At this time Colonel Stuart returned
from Penrith, and, after informing Lord George that the prince had
resolved to march immediately to Carlisle, and that he had sent
forward his cannon, he stated that it was his royal highness’s desire
that he should immediately retreat to Penrith. From the situation
in which the Lieutenant-general was now placed, it was impossible
to obey this order without great danger. The dismounted horse were
already firing upon the Highlanders, who were within musket-shot;
and, if retreat was once begun, the men might get into confusion in
the dark, and become discouraged. Lord George proposed to attack the
dismounted party, and stated his confidence that he would be able by
attacking them briskly to dislodge them; Cluny Macpherson and Colonel
Stuart concurring in Lord George’s opinion, that the course he
proposed was the only prudent one that could be adopted, they agreed
not to mention the message from the prince.

In pursuance of this determination, Lord George Murray went to the
right where the Glengarry men were posted, and ordered them, as
soon as they should observe him advance on the other side, to move
also forward and keep up a smart fire till they came to the lowest
ditch. He observed that if they succeeded in dislodging the enemy
from the hedges and ditches, they could give them a flank fire
within pistol-shot; but he gave them particular injunctions not
to fire across the highway, nor to follow the enemy up the moor.
After speaking with every officer of the Glengarry regiment, his
lordship returned to the left, and placed himself at the head of the
Macphersons, with Cluny by his side. It was now about an hour after
sunset, and the night was somewhat cloudy; but at short intervals the
moon, which was in its second quarter, broke through and afforded
considerable light. The Highlanders had this advantage, that whilst
they could see the disposition of the enemy, their own movements
could not be observed. In taking their ground the dismounted
dragoons had not only lined the bottom inclosures which ran from
east to west, directly opposite the other inclosures in which the
Highlanders were posted, but some of them had advanced up along two
hedges that lay south and north.

The Highlanders being ready to advance, the Stewarts and Macphersons
marched forward at the word of command, as did the Macdonalds on the
right. The Highlanders on the right kept firing as they advanced;
but the Macphersons, who were on the left, came sooner in contact
with the dragoons, and received the whole of their fire. When the
balls were whizzing about them, Cluny exclaimed, “What the devil is
this?” Lord George told him that they had no remedy but to attack
the dragoons, sword in hand, before they had time to charge again.
Then drawing his sword, he cried out, “Claymore,” and Cluny doing
the same, the Macphersons rushed down to the bottom ditch of the
inclosure, and clearing the diagonal hedges as they went, fell sword
in hand upon the enemy, of whom a considerable number were killed at
the lower ditch. The rest fled across the moor, but received in their
flight the fire of the Glengarry regiment. In this skirmish only
twelve Highlanders were killed; but the royal forces sustained a loss
of about one hundred in killed and wounded, including some officers.
The only officer wounded on the side of the Highlanders was Macdonald
of Lochgarry, who commanded the Glengarry men. Lord George Murray
made several narrow escapes. Old Glenbucket, who, from infirmity,
remained at the end of the village on horseback, had lent him his
target, and it was fortunate for Lord George that he had done so. By
means of this shield, which was convex, and covered with a plate of
metal painted, his lordship protected himself from the bullets of
the dragoons, which cleared away the paint off the target in several
places.[1068] The only prisoner taken on this occasion was a footman
of the Duke of Cumberland, who stated that his master would have been
killed, if a pistol, with which a Highlander took aim at his head,
had not missed fire. This man was sent back to his royal highness by
the prince.[1069]

After remaining a short time at Clifton after the skirmish, Lord
George went to Penrith, where he found the prince ready to mount
for Carlisle. His royal highness was very well pleased with the
result of the action. The men who had been engaged halted at Penrith
a short time to refresh themselves; and the prince, after sending
Clanranald’s and Keppoch’s regiments as far back as Clifton bridge,
to induce the inhabitants to believe that he meant to fight the Duke
of Cumberland, left Penrith for Carlisle with the main body. Next
morning the whole army reached Carlisle, where the prince found
letters, though rather of an old date, from Lord John Drummond and
Lord Strathallan. Lord John gave him great encouragement from the
court of France, and informed his royal highness that it was the
desire of the King of France that the prince should proceed with
great caution, and if possible avoid a decisive action till he
received the succours the king intended to send him, which would be
such as to put his success beyond all doubt, and that, in the mean
time, he (Lord John) had brought over some troops and a train of
artillery, sufficient to reduce all the fortresses in Scotland. Lord
Strathallan gave a very favourable account of the state of the army
assembled at Perth, which he represented as better than that which
the prince had with him. As nothing positive, however, was known
at Carlisle of the operation of the Jacobite forces in the north,
Charles resolved to continue the retreat into Scotland. Contrary
to the opinion of Lord George Murray, who advised him to evacuate
Carlisle, Charles resolved to leave a garrison there to facilitate
his return into England, of which at the time he had strong hopes
when joined by the forces under Lords Strathallan and Drummond.[1070]
As Carlisle was not tenable, and as the Highland army could easily
have re-entered England independent of any obstruction from any
garrison which could be put into it, the conduct of Charles in
leaving a portion of his army behind has been justly reprehended;
but there is certainly no room for the accusation which has been
made against him, of having wilfully sacrificed the unfortunate
garrison.[1071] It was not without difficulty that Charles
could make up a garrison. The Duke of Perth was unwilling to
allow any of his men to remain; and appearing to complain in the
presence of the prince that a certain number of the Athole men had
not been draughted for that service, Lord George Murray told him,
also in the prince’s presence, that if his royal highness would order
him, he would stay with the Athole brigade, though he knew what his
fate would be.[1072] The number of men left in garrison amounted to
about 400. Mr. Hamilton was continued in the command of the castle,
and Mr. Townley was made commandant of the town.

The Highland army halted the whole of the 19th in Carlisle, and
departed next day for Scotland. The Esk, which forms part of the
boundary between England and Scotland on the west, was, from an
incessant rain of several days, rendered impassable by the nearest
road from Carlisle; but at the distance of about eight miles from
Carlisle it was still fordable. The army reached the place, where
they intended to cross, about two o’clock in the afternoon. Before
crossing the water, the following route was fixed upon by the advice
of Lord George Murray, whose opinion had been asked by Charles in
presence of some of his officers, viz., that Lord George, with six
battalions, should march that night to Ecclefechan, next day to
Moffat, and there halt a day; and after making a feint towards the
Edinburgh road, as if he intended to march upon the capital, to turn
off to Douglas, then to Hamilton and Glasgow,--that the prince should
go with the clans and most of the horse that night to Annan, next
day to Dumfries, where they should rest a day; then to Drumlanrig,
Leadhills, Douglas, and Hamilton, so as to be at Glasgow the day
after the arrival in that city of Lord George’s division.[1073]

Though the river was usually shallow at the place fixed upon for
passing, it was now swollen, by continued rains, to the depth of
four feet. The passage was not without its dangers; but as the river
might be rendered impassable by a continuation of the rain during
the night, and as it was possible that the Duke of Cumberland might
reach the Esk next morning, it was resolved to cross it immediately.
After trying the water to ascertain that the ford was good, a body
of cavalry formed in the river, a few paces above the ford, to break
the force of the stream, and another body was likewise stationed in
the river below the ford to pick up such of the infantry as might be
carried away by the violence of the current. This arrangement being
completed, the infantry entered the river a hundred men abreast,
each holding one another by the neck of the coat, by which plan they
supported one another against the rapidity of the river, leaving
sufficient intervals between their ranks for the passage of the
water. Lord George Murray, who was among the first to enter the water
in his philibeg, says, that when nearly across, there were about
2,000 men in the water at once. The appearance of the river, in the
interval between the cavalry, presented an extraordinary spectacle.
As the heads of the Highlanders were generally all that was seen
above the water, the space of water occupied in the passage looked
like a paved street. Not one man was lost in the transit; but a few
girls who had followed their lovers in their adventurous campaign,
were swept away by the current. After the army had passed, the pipes
began to play; and the Highlanders, happy on setting their feet again
on Scottish ground, forgot for a time the disappointment they had
suffered at Derby, and testified their joy by dancing reels upon the
northern bank of the Esk.[1074]

The expedition into England, though not signalised by any great
military achievement, will always hold a distinguished place in the
annals of bold and adventurous enterprise. It was planned and carried
through in all its details with great judgment; and if circumstances
had not delayed its execution, it might have terminated in success.
From the consternation into which the English people were thrown by
the invasion of the Highland army,[1075] it seems certain, that
without the aid of a regular army their militia would scarcely have
ventured to oppose the march of the Highlanders to the metropolis;
but after the return of the British forces from Flanders, the arrival
of the Dutch auxiliaries, and the assembling of the armies under
Wade and Ligonier, the attempt appeared to be hopeless. It was
not, however, until the retreat from Derby that the government was
relieved from its anxiety for the safety of the monarchy.

The Duke of Cumberland halted at Penrith on the 20th of December,
and marched next day to Carlisle, which he invested the same day.
As he was under the necessity of sending to Whitehaven for heavy
cannon, the fire from his batteries did not commence till the morning
of the 28th. During the blockade the garrison fired repeatedly upon
the besiegers, but with little effect. A fire was kept up by the
besiegers from a battery of six eighteen-pounders, during the 28th
and 29th. Another battery of three thirteen-pounders was completed
on the 30th; but on the first fire from the old battery that day,
the besieged hung out a white flag, and offered hostages for a
capitulation. The Duke of Cumberland, on observing this signal, sent
one of his aides-de-camp with a note, desiring to know its meaning;
to which Governor Hamilton answered, that the object was to obtain
a cessation for a capitulation, and desiring to know what terms his
royal highness would grant to the garrison. The only condition the
duke would grant was, that the garrison should not be put to the
sword, but be reserved for the king’s pleasure; and Hamilton, seeing
the impossibility of holding out, surrendered the same day. The
garrison, including officers, consisted of 114 men of the Manchester
regiment; of 274 men, also including officers, chiefly of the Scotch
low country regiments, and a few Frenchmen and Irishmen. The number
of cannon in the castle was sixteen, ten of which had been left by
the Highland army on its return to Scotland. Among the prisoners were
found twelve deserters from the royal forces, who were immediately
hanged. The officers were kept prisoners in the castle, but the
privates were confined in the cathedral and town-jail. The whole were
afterwards dispersed in several jails through England. The Duke of
Cumberland, after putting Bligh’s regiment in garrison at Carlisle,
returned to London, in consequence of an order from court.[1076]

FOOTNOTES:

[988] _Kirkconnel MS._ Lord George Murray’s Narrative, in _Jacobite
Memoirs_, p. 47.

[989] _Kirkconnel MS._

[990] _Kirkconnel MS._

[991] The Highland army about the middle of November, according to a
list then published, was thus composed:--

_Regiments._ _Colonels._ _Men._

Lochiel, Cameron, younger of Lochiel, 740

Appin, Stewart of Ardshiel, 360

Athole, Lord George Murray, 1,000

Clanranald, Macdonald, yr. of Clanranald 200

Keppoch, Macdonald of Keppoch, 400

Glencoe, Macdonald of Glencoe, 200

Ogilvy, Lord Ogilvy, 500

Glenbucket, Gordon of Glenbucket, 427

Perth, { Duke of Perth (including } 750
{ Pitsligo’s foot), }

Robertson, Robertson of Strowan, 200

Maclauchlan, Maclauchlan of Maclauchlan, 260

Glencairnock, Macgregor of Glencairnock, 300

Nairne, Lord Nairne, 200

Edinburgh, John Roy Stewart, 450

Several small corps, 1,000

Horse, { Lord Elcho, } 160
{ Lord Kilmarnock, }

Horse, Lord Pitsligo’s, 140
-----
7,287

The numbers, however, are overrated.

[992] _Memoirs_, p. 113.

[993] Letters from Moor and Smart, two of the agents of the Chevalier
de St. George, will be found among the _Stuart Papers_. Smart held
an appointment in the London post-office, and is often alluded to in
the correspondence between Sempil and Drummond of Bochaldy, and the
Chevalier, as their “post-office correspondent.” Smart was furnished
with a list of the addresses, under which the correspondence between
the Chevalier’s agents on the continent, and their friends in
England, was carried on, and, as his duty appears to have been to
examine all letters passing through the post-office, he passed the
letters to such addresses without examination. When he found any
letters from abroad, giving information to the government about
the Jacobite party, he always burnt them.--Letter from Drummond to
the Chevalier de St. George, 19th October, 1745, among the _Stuart
Papers_.

[994] _Stuart Papers._

[995] Marchant, p. 161.

[996] _Kirkconnel MS._

[997] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 455.

[998] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 56.

[999] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 57.

[1000] Lord George Murray’s Narrative, _Jacobite Memoirs_, pp. 47, 48.

[1001] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 493.

[1002] Ray, p. 96.

[1003] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1004] Marchant, p. 169.

[1005] Boyse, p. 100.

[1006] Marchant, p. 169.

[1007] Ray, p. 99. Boyse, p. 100.

[1008] Maxwell of Kirkconnel.

[1009] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1010] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 49.

[1011] _Jacobite Memoirs_, pp. 49-50.

[1012] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 52.

[1013] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1014] _Scotland_, (1689-1747) vol. ii. p. 476.

[1015] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1016] Boyse, p. 101.

[1017] _Culloden Papers_, p. 255.

[1018] The Chevalier Johnstone says it did not exceed 4,500; and
Maxwell of Kirkconnel, that it amounted to 4,400.

[1019] Lord George Murray’s Narrative, _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 48.
Home’s _Rebellion_, p. 143.

[1020] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1021] So called, to distinguish them from the clan regiments, though
the greater part were Highlanders, and wore the Highland garb, which
was indeed the dress of the whole army.--_Idem._

[1022] Charles, during his stay at Carlisle, lived in the house of
a Mr. Hymer, an attorney, to whom he paid twenty guineas, being
five guineas _per diem_, for the use of his house, as noted in the
prince’s household book, published in the _Jacobite Memoirs_. James
Gib, his master of household, appears to have grudged Charles’s
liberality, as he observes that Hymer furnished nothing, not even
coal or candle; and, moreover, that he and his wife had every day
two dishes of meat at dinner, and as many at supper, at the cost of
the prince. But Charles’s liberality was not confined to landlords,
for Gib states, that whenever he happened to pass even a night in
a gentleman’s house, his ordinary custom was to give at least five
guineas of ‘drink-money’ to the servants.

[1023] _Kirkconnel MS._ _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 49.

[1024] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 457.

[1025] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 52.

[1026] At Wigan, Charles gave “a woman” ten guineas for one night
for the use of her house, her husband, “a squire, being from
home.”--_Household Book._

[1027] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 63. This statement of the Chevalier
Johnstone’s is corroborated in the main by a contemporary journal in
Marchant, p. 197.

[1028] Boyse, p. 103.

[1029] _Kirkconnel MS._ Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 66.

[1030] Boyse, p. 104.

[1031] Lord George Murray’s Narrative, in _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 53.

[1032] When Weir was taken, Mr. Maxwell says, “he was immediately
known to be the same person that had been employed in that
business in Flanders, the year before. It was proposed to hang him
immediately, in punishment of what he had done, and to prevent the
mischief he might do in case the prince did not succeed. But the
prince could not be brought to consent. He still insisted that Weir
was not, properly speaking, a spy, since he was not found in the army
in disguise. I cannot tell whether the prince, on this occasion, was
guided by his opinion or by his inclination. I suspect the latter,
because it was his constant practice to spare his enemies, when they
were in his power. I don’t believe there was one instance to the
contrary to be found in his whole expedition.”--_Kirkconnel MS._

[1033] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 54.--_Kirkconnel MS._

[1034] Boyse, p. 164.

[1035] Marchant, p. 202. Boyse, p. 164.

[1036] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 78.

[1037] Burton discredits these statements, there being, he says, no
contemporary evidence in their favour.--_Scotland_ (1689-1747), vol.
ii. p. 483.

[1038] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 75.

[1039] Idem, p. 67.

[1040] Burton appears to think that there was little danger of any
serious consequences following the possession of London by Charles.
“The days were long past,” he says, “when the rising of a body of
the English gentry brought a certain force into the field; and a few
wealthy peers and squires, with their lacqueys and grooms, would have
gone little way to help some five thousand janissaries in keeping
down the people of England.”--_Scotland_ (1689-1747), vol. ii. p. 485.

[1041] Lord George Murray’s _Narrative_. _Kirkconnel MS._

[1042] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 71.

[1043] There seems to be an apparent discrepancy between Lord
George’s statement, (_Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 55,) and that of the
Chevalier Johnstone, (_Memoirs_, p. 71,) relative to the conduct
of the Duke of Perth: but the account in the text agrees with the
account of Charles himself, (in Appendix, No. 33, to Home’s _Works_,)
who says, that with the exception of himself, all the members of the
council “were of opinion that the retreat was absolutely necessary.”

[1044] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 56.

[1045] Id. p. 57.

[1046] Idem. _Kirkconnel MS._

[1047] See these instructions in the _Stuart Papers_.

[1048] Home, Appendix, No. 35.

[1049] Boyse, p. 106.

[1050] _Kirkconnel MS._ Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 78.

[1051] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1052] Lord George Murray’s Narrative in _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 59.

[1053] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1054] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1055] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 58.

[1056] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1057] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 60. _Kirkconnel MS._

[1058] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 460. _Kirkconnel MS._

[1059] Maxwell of Kirkconnel gives a different version of this
matter from that of Lord George Murray. After stating that his
lordship represented to Charles the dangerous situation he might
be in if the united armies of Wade and Cumberland overtook him
before reaching Carlisle, he says that Lord George “proposed to
avoid them by sacrificing the cannon and all the heavy baggage to
the safety of the men, which was now at stake. He observed that the
country is mountainous betwixt Kendal and Penrith, and the roads,
in many places, very difficult for such carriages; but the prince
was positive not to leave a single piece of his cannon. He would
rather fight both their armies than give such an argument of fear
and weakness. He gave peremptory orders that the march should be
continued in the same order as hitherto, and not a single carriage to
be left at Kendal.”

[1060] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 63.

[1061] In the prince’s _Household Book_, printed among the _Jacobite
Memoirs_, the following entries occur:--

Dec. 17th, at Shape, Tuesday.

To ale, wine, and other provisions, £4 17
The landlady for the use of her house, 2 2

N. B. The landlady a sad wife for imposing.

[1062] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 65.

[1063] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1064] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 87.

[1065] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 66.

[1066] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 68.

[1067] Idem, p. 67.

[1068] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 72.--_Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 463.

[1069] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 92.

[1070] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1071] Alluding to the retention of Carlisle, Mr. Maxwell observes,
“This was perhaps the worst resolution the prince had taken hitherto.
I cannot help condemning it, though there were specious pretexts
for it. It was, to be sure, much for the prince’s reputation upon
leaving England, to keep one of the keys of it, and he was in hopes
of returning before it could be taken; but he could not be absolutely
sure of that, and the place was not tenable against a few pieces of
artillery, of battering cannon, or a few mortars. It’s true he had a
good many prisoners in Scotland, and might look upon them as pledges
for the lives of those he left in garrison; but that was not enough.
He did not know what kind of people he had to deal with, and he
ought to be prepared against the worst that could happen. The lives
of so many of his friends ought not to have been exposed without an
indispensable necessity, which was not the case; for blowing up the
castle, and the gates of the town, would have equally given him an
entry into England.”

[1072] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 73.

[1073] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 73.

[1074] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 74.--Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 99.

[1075] “The terror of the English,” says the Chevalier Johnstone,
_Memoirs_, p. 101, “was truly inconceivable, and in many cases they
seemed quite bereft of their senses. One evening as Mr. Cameron of
Lochiel entered the lodgings assigned to him, his landlady, an old
woman, threw herself at his feet, and with uplifted hands and tears
in her eyes, supplicated him to take her life, but to spare her two
little children. He asked her if she was in her senses, and told
her to explain herself; when she answered, that every body said
the Highlanders ate children, and made them their common food. Mr.
Cameron having assured her that they would not injure either her
or her little children, or any person whatever, she looked at him
for some moments with an air of surprise, and then opened a press,
calling out with a loud voice, ‘Come out children; the gentleman
will not eat you.’ The children immediately left the press where
she had concealed them, and threw themselves at his feet. They
affirmed in the newspapers of London that we had dogs in our army
trained to fight, and that we were indebted for our victory at
Gladsmuir to these dogs, who darted with fury on the English army.
They represented the Highlanders as monsters, with claws instead
of hands. In a word, they never ceased to circulate, every day,
the most extravagant and ridiculous stories with respect to the
Highlanders. The English soldiers had indeed reason to look upon us
as extraordinary men, from the manner in which we had beaten them
with such inferior numbers, and they probably told these idle stories
to the country people by way of palliating their own disgrace.” The
able editor of Johnstone’s _Memoirs_ relates in a note to the above,
that Mr. Halkston of Rathillet, who was in the expedition, stated
that the belief was general among the people of England, that the
Highlanders ate children:--“While the army lay at Carlisle he was
taken ill, and went with a few of his companions to a farmer’s house
in the neighbourhood, where he remained several days. Perceiving his
landlady to be a young woman, he asked her if she had any children,
and where they were. When she found that he was no cannibal, she told
him the truth was, that all the children were sent out of the way for
fear the Highlanders should devour them.”

A Derby gentleman, who had a party of forty men quartered in his
house, in a letter which appeared in all the newspapers of the
period, describes most of them as looking “like so many fiends turned
out of hell to ravage the kingdom and cut throats; and under their
plaids nothing but various sorts of butchering weapons were to be
seen.” He complains that they had eaten up “near a side of beef,
eight joints of mutton, four cheeses, with abundance of white and
brown bread, (particularly white,) three couples of fowls, and would
have drams continually, as well as strong-ale, beer, tea, &c.” In
the midst of this general devastation our host was convulsed with
“unavoidable laughter to see these desperadoes, from officers to the
common men, at their several meals, first pull off their bonnets, and
then lift up their eyes in a most solemn manner, and mutter something
to themselves, by way of saying grace, as if they had been so many
pure primitive Christians!!!” This is merely a specimen of the many
ridiculous stories with which the English journals of the period were
crammed.

[1076] Boyse, p. 129.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

A.D. 1745-46.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.

The Highland army returns to Scotland--Arrives at Glasgow
--Proceedings of the Jacobites in the North--Arrest
and escape of Lord Lovat--Skirmish at Inverury--Alarm
at Edinburgh--Arrival of an English army--The Prince at
Glasgow--Marches towards Stirling--Investment and surrender
of the town--Skirmishing on the Forth--Highland army
reinforced--Hawley’s army arrives at Falkirk--Preparations for
battle--Battle of Falkirk.

Pursuant to the plan of march fixed upon at crossing the Esk, the
Highland army separated, and Lord George Murray, at the head of the
low country regiments, proceeded to Ecclefechan, where he arrived on
the night of the 20th, and marched next day to Moffat. The prince, at
the head of the clans, marched to Annan, where he passed the night of
the 20th. The horse of the prince’s division under Lord Elcho were,
after a short halt, sent to take possession of Dumfries, which they
accomplished early next morning, and the prince, with the clans, came
up in the evening. In no town in Scotland had there been greater
opposition displayed to the restoration of the house of Stuart than
in Dumfries, from the danger to which the inhabitants supposed their
religious liberties, as presbyterians, would be exposed under a
catholic sovereign. This feeling, which was strongly manifested by
them in the insurrection of 1715, had now assumed even a more hostile
appearance from the existence of the new body of dissenters called
“Seceders,” which had lately left the bosom of the established
church of Scotland, and which professed principles thought to be more
in accordance with the gospel than those of their parent church. A
body of these dissenters had volunteered for the defence of Edinburgh
shortly after Charles had landed, and, on his march for England, a
party of them had taken up arms, and had captured and carried to
Dumfries thirty waggons belonging to the Highland army, which had
been left at Lockerby by the escort appointed to protect them. To
punish the inhabitants for their hostility, Charles ordered them to
pay £2,000 in money, and to contribute 1,000 pairs of shoes. About
£1,100 only were raised; and, in security for the remainder, Mr.
Crosbie, the provost, and a Mr. Walter Riddel, were carried off as
hostages. The prince also levied the excise at Dumfries, and carried
off some arms, horses, &c. Some outrages were committed in the town
by the Highlanders, who told the inhabitants that they ought to think
themselves gently used, and be thankful that their town was not
burned to ashes.

After halting a day at Dumfries, the prince proceeded with his
division up Nithsdale on the evening of the 23d, and passed the
night at Drumlanrig, the seat of the Duke of Queensberry. Next day
he entered Clydesdale, and halted at Douglas. The prince slept that
night in Douglas castle. He reached Hamilton on the 25th, and took
up his residence in the palace of the Duke of Hamilton. Next day the
Chevalier occupied himself in hunting, an amusement of which he was
uncommonly fond, and to which he had been accustomed from his youth.
The division under Lord George Murray, after halting a day at Moffat,
where, being Sunday, his men heard sermon in different parts of the
town from the episcopal ministers who accompanied them, proceeded by
Douglas and Hamilton, and entered Glasgow on Christmas day. On the
evening of the 26th the prince also marched into Glasgow on foot at
the head of the clans. Here he resolved to halt and refresh his men
for a few days after their arduous march, and to provide them with
clothing, of which they stood greatly in need. In passing through
Douglas and Lesmahago, the Highlanders pillaged and burnt some
houses, in revenge for the capture of Macdonald of Kinlochmoidart,
who, in his way south from the Highlands, had been seized on
Brokencross moor, near Lesmahago, by the country people, headed
by a student of divinity named Linning, and carried to Edinburgh
castle.[1077]

Before noticing Charles’s proceedings at Glasgow, it is necessary to
give a short summary of those of his friends in the north, up to the
period of his arrival in that city.

When intelligence of the Chevalier’s march into England, and his
unexpected success at Carlisle was received in the north, the zeal of
the Jacobites was more and more inflamed. Whilst the Frasers, headed
by the Master of Lovat, blockaded Fort Augustus, Lord Lewis Gordon
was busily employed in raising men, and levying money by force and
threats of military execution, in the shires of Banff and Aberdeen.
Of two battalions which his lordship raised, one was placed under the
command of Gordon of Abbachie, and the other under Moir of Stonywood.
To relieve Fort Augustus, the Earl of Loudon left Inverness on
the 3d of December with 600 men of the independent companies, and
passing through Stratherrick during a very severe frost, reached
Fort Augustus without opposition, and having supplied the garrison
with every thing necessary for its defence, returned to Inverness
on the 8th, after notifying to the inhabitants of Stratherrick the
risk they would incur should they leave their houses and join the
insurgents.[1078]

As the future progress of the insurrection in the Highlands depended
much upon the Frasers, Lord Loudon, in conjunction with Lord
President Forbes, resolved to march to Castle Downie, the seat of
Lord Lovat, and to obtain the best satisfaction that could be got
for the peaceable behaviour of that powerful clan. For this purpose,
two companies of the Mackenzies, which had been posted near Brahan,
were called into Inverness on the 9th of December, and after allowing
the detachment, which had been at Fort Augustus, one day’s rest,
his lordship left Inverness on the 10th, taking along with him that
detachment and the two companies, amounting together to 800 men,
and proceeded to Castle Downie. The earl prevailed upon Lord Lovat
to go with him to Inverness, and to live there under his own eye,
until all the arms of which the clan were possessed, (and of which
he promised to obtain the delivery,) were brought in. But instead of
delivering the arms on the day fixed, being the 14th of December,
he made excuses and fresh promises from day to day till the 21st,
when Lord Loudon, thinking that he was deceived, placed sentries
at the door of the house where Lord Lovat resided, intending to
commit him to the castle of Inverness next morning; but his lordship
contrived to escape during the night through a back passage, and,
being very infirm, was supposed to have been carried off on men’s
shoulders.[1079]

Next in importance to the keeping down of the Frasers, was the
relief of the shires of Banff and Aberdeen from the sway of Lord
Lewis Gordon. To put an end to the recruiting and exactions of this
nobleman, the laird of Macleod was sent the same day that Lord Loudon
proceeded to the seat of Lord Lovat with a body of 500 men, composed
of 400 of his own kindred, and 100 of the Macleods of Assint, towards
Elgin, and these were to be followed by as many men as could be
spared from Inverness, after adjusting matters with Lord Lovat.
Accordingly, on the 13th, 200 men were detached under Captain Munro
of Culcairn, to follow Macleod to Elgin and Aberdeen, and these
were again to be followed by other small bodies, and by Lord Loudon
himself, as soon as matters were finally settled with Lovat. The
escape of that wily old chief, however, put an end to this part of
the plan, as it was considered dangerous to reduce the force near
Inverness any farther, while Lord Lovat was at large.

In the meantime Macleod reached Elgin, where he received intelligence
that a party of 200 of the insurgents had taken possession of the
boats on the Spey at Fochabers, and that they intended to dispute
the passage with him. Macleod advanced to the banks of the Spey on
the 15th; but the insurgents, instead of waiting for him, retired
on his approach, and he passed the river without molestation. On
the 16th and 17th he marched to Cullen and Banff. Meanwhile Munro of
Culcairn arrived with his detachment at Keith, where he was joined
by Grant of Grant at the head of 500 of his clan, and on the 18th
they proceeded, in conjunction, to Strathbogie. Next day it was
agreed upon between Macleod and Culcairn, that whilst the former
should march next morning from Banff to Old Meldrum, which is twelve
miles from Aberdeen, the latter, with Grant and his men, should at
the same time proceed to Inverury, which is about the same distance
from Aberdeen; but Grant, apprehensive that his own country would be
harassed in his absence, returned home.[1080]

When Lord Lewis Gordon heard of the arrival of Macleod at Inverury,
he resolved to attack him. With his own regiment, the men whom
Lord John Drummond had sent, and a battalion of 300 Farquharsons,
commanded by Farquharson of Monaltry, he left Aberdeen on the 23d,
and arrived near Inverury with such expedition and secrecy, that he
almost surprised Macleod in his quarters. It was late before Lord
Lewis reached the place, and Macleod had barely time to put his
men under arms, and to seize some advantageous posts in the town.
Day-light had disappeared before the action commenced; but the light
of the moon enabled the combatants to see one another. Both sides
continued to fire for some time; but Lord John Drummond’s soldiers
and the Farquharsons having advanced close upon the Macleods, the
latter fled, and never halted till they had recrossed the Spey. Very
few men were killed on either side; but the victors took forty-one
prisoners, among whom were Mr. Gordon, younger of Ardoch; Forbes of
Echt; Maitland of Petrichie; and John Chalmers, one of the regents of
the university of Aberdeen.[1081]

Shortly after this skirmish, Lord Lewis Gordon marched his men to
the general rendezvous at Perth, where, about the time of Prince
Charles’s return from England, about 4,000 men were collected.
These consisted of the Mackintoshes, the Frasers, the part of the
Mackenzies attached to Charles, and the Farquharsons; of recruits
sent from the Highlands to the clan regiments that had gone to
England; of the forces raised by Lord Lewis Gordon, Sir James
Kinloch, and other gentlemen in the low country of the north; and of
the troops brought over from France by Lord John Drummond.

While this mixed body lay at Perth, a disagreement occurred between
the Highlanders and the other troops, which might have led to
serious consequences if the arrival of an order sent by the prince
from Dumfries, requiring them to hold themselves in readiness to
join him, had not put an end to the dispute. This disagreement was
occasioned by the conduct of Lord Strathallan and his council of
officers, on receiving the order which Charles had sent from Carlisle
by Maclauchlan of Maclauchlan, to march with all their forces, and
to follow the army into England. This order, contrary to the opinion
of Maclauchlan and all the Highland officers, they had considered
it inexpedient to obey. The result was, that the Highland officers
caballed together, and resolved to march; but as the Highlanders
had no money, as many of those who had come last from the Highlands
wanted arms, and as Lord Strathallan was in possession of the money,
arms, ammunition, and stores, they could not proceed. In this dilemma
they entered into a combination to seize the money and arms, and,
persisting in their resolution to march, matters were proceeding to
extremities when Rollo of Powhouse arrived at Perth with the order
alluded to, which at once put an end to the dispute.[1082]

The inhabitants of Edinburgh, relieved from the presence of the
Highland army, had lived for five weeks in a state of comparative
security. Public worship had been resumed in several of the city
churches on the 3d of November, and in all of them on the 10th. The
state officers who had retired to Berwick, did not, however, return
till the 13th, when they entered the city with an air of triumph,
which accorded ill with their recent conduct as fugitives. On the
following day, Lieutenant-general Handasyde arrived, as before
stated, at Edinburgh with Price’s and Ligonier’s regiments of foot,
and Hamilton’s and Ligonier’s (lately Gardiner’s,) dragoons; and,
on the 7th of December, these troops were sent west to Stirling,
where, in conjunction with the Glasgow and Paisley militia, amounting
to nearly 700 men, commanded by the Earl of Home, they guarded
the passes of the Forth. In the mean time, exertions were made to
re-embody the Edinburgh regiment; but these do not appear to have
been attended with success. With the exception of some young men who
formed themselves into a volunteer company, few of the inhabitants
were disposed to take up arms, as they were fully sensible, that
without a sufficient force of regular troops, no effectual resistance
could be opposed to the Highlanders, should they return to the city.

In this situation of matters, the news of the Highlanders having
crossed the Esk in their retreat from England, reached Edinburgh,
and threw the civil and military authorities into a state of
consternation. Ignorant of the route the Highlanders meant to
follow, they were extremely perplexed how to act. They naturally
apprehended another visit, and their fears seemed to be confirmed by
the return to Edinburgh of the regular troops from the west, on the
23d of December, and by the arrival of the Glasgow regiment the next
day, all of whom had retreated to Edinburgh on the approach of the
Highlanders. A resolution was adopted by the public authorities to
put the city in a proper state of defence, and, on the 29th, a paper
was read in the city churches, acquainting the inhabitants, that it
had been resolved in a council of war to defend the city. Next day a
considerable number of men from the parishes in the neighbourhood,
who had been provided with arms from the castle, entered the city,
and were drawn up in the High Street. The men of each parish
marched by themselves, and were attended in most instances by their
respective ministers.[1083] These were joined by other small corps,
one of the most remarkable of which was a body of Seceders, belonging
to the associated congregations of Edinburgh and Dalkeith, carrying
a standard with the inscription, “For Religion, Covenants, King, and
Kingdoms.”

Had the Highlanders chosen to march upon Edinburgh, the resolution
to defend it would not have been carried into effect, as it was the
intention of the regular troops to have retired to Berwick on their
approach; but, fortunately for the reputation of the new defenders
of the capital, an army under Lieutenant-general Hawley was now on
its march into Scotland. This gentleman, who had just been appointed
commander-in-chief in Scotland, though described by the Duke of
Newcastle as “an officer of great ability and experience,”[1084] was
in fact a man of very ordinary military attainments, and in no way
fitted for the important duty which had been assigned him. His whole
genius lay, as Mr. John Forbes of Culloden observed to his father,
the president, in the management of a squadron, or in prosecuting
with vigour any mortal to the gallows. He had a very sorry opinion
of the prowess of the Highlanders, whom he was confident of beating,
if his troops were in good condition, without regard to the numbers
of their opponents;[1085] but he was destined soon to find out his
mistake.

To expedite the march of the English army, the gentlemen and
farmers of Teviotdale, the Merse, and the Lothians furnished
horses, by means of which the first division of the royal army,
consisting of a battalion of the Scots Royals and Battereau’s
foot, reached Edinburgh as early as the 2d of January, where they
were shortly joined by Fleming’s and Blakeney’s regiments, that of
Major-general Huske, by Hawley himself, by the regiments of Wolfe
(not, as has been supposed, the immortal general of that name) and
Cholmondeley, Howard’s (the old Buffs) and Monro’s, and by Barrel’s
and Pulteney’s. At Dunbar, Aberlady, and other places, these troops
were entertained by the proprietors in East Lothian, who allowed
each soldier a pound of beef, a pound of bread, a glass of spirits,
and a bottle of ale.[1086] They were also feasted at Edinburgh at
the expense of the city, where they were courteously received by the
terrified inhabitants, who furnished them with blankets, and evinced
great anxiety to make them comfortable.[1087] The citizens also
illuminated their houses; and such as declined had their windows
broken by the mob, who also demolished with an unsparing hand all
the windows of such houses as were uninhabited. On his arrival in
the city, the commander-in-chief justified Mr. Forbes’s opinion by
causing one gallows to be erected in the Grassmarket, and another
between Leith and Edinburgh, on which it is supposed he meant to hang
such unfortunate victims as might fall into his hands.[1088]

To return to Charles. On his arrival at Glasgow, his first care
was to provide for the necessities of his men, who were in a most
pitiable plight from the want of clothing. He ordered the magistrates
to furnish the army with 12,000 shirts, 6,000 cloth coats, 6,000
pairs of stockings, and 6,000 waistcoats. Enraged at the conduct of
the citizens for having subscribed to the fund for raising troops
against him, the prince sent for Buchanan the provost, and demanded
the names of the subscribers, and threatened to hang him in case of
refusal; but the provost, undismayed, replied that he would name
nobody except himself, that he had subscribed largely, as he thought
he was discharging a duty, and that he was not afraid to die in such
a cause. The provost had to pay a fine of £500 as the penalty of his
refusal.[1089]

The mansion which Charles occupied during his residence in Glasgow
belonged to a rich merchant named Glassford. It was the best house
in the city, and stood at the western extremity of the Trongate,
but has long since disappeared. While in Glasgow he ate twice a-day
in public. The table was spread in a small dining-room, at which he
sat down without ceremony with a few of his officers in the Highland
dress. He was waited upon on these occasions by a few Jacobite
ladies. Charles courted popularity, and, to attract attention,
dressed more elegantly in Glasgow than at any other place;[1090]
but the citizens of Glasgow kept up a reserve, which made Charles
remark, with a feeling of mortifying disappointment, that he
had never been in a place where he found fewer friends. Though
dissatisfied with the people, he seemed, however, greatly to admire
the regularity and beauty of the buildings.[1091]

Having refitted his army, Charles, within a few days after his
arrival, reviewed it on Glasgow Green, in presence of a large
concourse of spectators, and had the satisfaction to find that,
with the exception of those he had left at Carlisle, he had not
lost more than 40 men during his expedition into England. Hitherto
he had carefully concealed his weakness, but now, thinking himself
sure of doubling his army in a few days, he was not unwilling to let
the world see the handful of men with which he had penetrated into
the very heart of England, and returned in the face of two powerful
armies almost without loss.[1092]

Abandoning, in the mean time, his project of returning to England,
Charles resolved to lay siege to the castles of Stirling and
Edinburgh. He depended much for success upon the artillery and
engineers brought over by Lord John Drummond, and looked confidently
forward for additional succours from France in terms of the repeated
assurances he had received. Having determined on beginning with
Stirling, he sent orders to Lord Strathallan, Lord John Drummond,
Lord Lewis Gordon, and other commanders in the north, to join him
forthwith with all their forces. To accelerate a junction with the
forces at Perth, the prince marched his army from Glasgow on the
4th of January, 1766, in two divisions; one of which, commanded by
the prince, took the road to Kilsyth, where it passed the night.
Charles himself took up his quarters in Kilsyth house, then belonging
to Mr. Campbell of Shawfield. Mr. Campbell’s steward, it is said,
was ordered to provide every thing necessary for the comfort of the
prince, under a promise of payment, but was told next morning that
the bill should be allowed to his master at accounting for the rents
of Kilsyth, which was a forfeited estate. Next day Charles marched
towards Stirling, and encamped his division at Denny, Bannockburn,
and St. Ninians. He passed the night at Bannockburn-house, the
seat of Sir Hugh Paterson, where he was received with Jacobite
hospitality. The other division, consisting of six battalions of
the clans, under Lord George Murray, spent the first night at
Cumbernauld, and the next at Falkirk, where they fixed their quarters.

[Illustration: Stirling, about the beginning of the 18th
Century.--From Slezer’s _Theatrum Scotiæ_.]

Preparatory to the siege of the castle, Charles resolved to reduce
the town of Stirling. The inhabitants, encouraged by General
Blakeney, the governor of the castle, determined to defend the
town; and a body of about 600 volunteers, all inhabitants of the
town, was supplied by the governor with arms and ammunition from
the castle, and promised every assistance he could afford them. He
told them, at the same time, that if they should be overpowered
they could make a good retreat, as he would keep an open door for
them. Animated by the activity of the magistrates and the clergymen
of the town--among whom the Rev. Ebenezer Erskine, the father of
the Secession,[1093] who commanded two companies of Seceders, was
particularly distinguished--the inhabitants proceeded to put the town
in a posture of defence.

On the afternoon of Saturday the 4th of January, the Highlanders had
nearly surrounded the town; but they did not complete the investment
till next day, which was partly occupied in cutting down some trees
intended for fascines, on which they meant to construct a battery.
About eight o’clock in the evening they sent a drummer to the east
gate with a message; but, being fired upon by the sentinels, he threw
away his drum and fled. The insurgents fired several shots into the
town during the night, which were responded to by the volunteers, who
were all under arms, and posted in different parties at the different
by-ways and paths into the town, and at such parts of the wall as
were deemed insufficient. During the night the utmost alarm prevailed
among the inhabitants, and few of them went to bed. Some fled from
the town, and others retired into the castle; but the magistrates
and the other principal inhabitants remained all night in the
council chamber in which they had assembled, to give such direction
and assistance as might be necessary, in case an assault should be
attempted during the night.[1094]

Next morning the insurgents were discovered erecting a battery within
musket-shot of the town, almost opposite to the east gate, in a
situation where the cannon of the castle could not be brought to bear
upon them. The volunteers kept up a constant fire of musketry upon
them; but, in spite of this annoyance, the Highlanders completed the
battery before noon. Charles, thereupon, sent a verbal message to the
magistrates, requiring them instantly to surrender the town; but, at
their solicitation, they obtained till ten o’clock next day to make
up their minds. The message was taken into consideration at a public
meeting of the inhabitants, and the question of surrender was long
and anxiously debated. The majority having come to the resolution
that it was impossible to defend the town with the handful of men
within, two deputies were sent to Bannockburn, the head-quarters of
the Highland army, who offered to surrender on terms; stating that,
rather than surrender at discretion, as required, they would defend
the town to the last extremity. After a negotiation, which occupied
the greater part of Tuesday, the following terms of capitulation
were agreed upon: viz., that no demand should be made upon the town
revenues,--that the inhabitants should not be molested in their
persons or effects,--and that the arms in the town should be returned
to the castle. Pending this negotiation, the Highlanders, to terrify
the inhabitants into a speedy submission, as is supposed, discharged
twenty-seven shots from the battery into the town, which, however,
did no other damage than beating down a few chimney tops. After the
arms were carried into the castle, the gates were thrown open on
Wednesday the 8th, and the Highlanders entered the town about three
o’clock in the afternoon.[1095]

Being in want of battering cannon for a siege, Charles had, before
his departure from Glasgow, sent orders to Lord John Drummond, to
bring up the pieces which he had brought over from France. As General
Blakeney had broken down part of Stirling bridge, to prevent the
insurgents at Perth from crossing the Forth at Stirling, some of
the battering cannon were sent to the Frews, and were transported
across that ford by means of floats, while the rest were brought to
Alloa as a nearer road for the purpose of being transported across
the Frith of Forth. Great difficulty was experienced in getting over
these pieces, and as there was but a small guard along with them,
they might have fallen into the hands of a party of troops sent up
the Frith by Hawley, had not Lord George Murray, on hearing of their
embarkation, sent over Lochiel with his regiment, which had lately
been augmented by recruits, and was now 700 strong.[1096]

As there were no ships at Alloa, Lord George seized a vessel lying
off Airth to transport his cannon across the Frith. This was a
fortunate circumstance, as two sloops of war, the Pearl and Vulture,
sailed up the Frith next tide from Leith roads to seize all the
vessels and boats in the neighbourhood, and otherwise to obstruct the
conveyance of the cannon. General Hawley, about the same time, viz.,
on the 8th of January, sent up some armed boats, and a small vessel
with cannon from Leith, manned with 300 men under the command of
Lieutenant-colonel Leighton, to destroy all the works the Highlanders
had made to cover the passage of their cannon. The sloops of war
anchored in Kincardine roads, whence, on the morning of the 8th, two
long boats well manned were sent up towards Airth, in conjunction
with the other boats and small armed vessel, to burn two vessels
lying in the neighbourhood which could not be launched till the
spring tides. This service they effected without the loss of a single
man, though the boats were fired upon by the Highlanders who were
posted in the village. Having been prevented from returning to the
station off Kincardine, by the lowness of the tide, the Highlanders
opened a battery of three pieces of cannon next morning upon the
flotilla, but without doing it any damage. The Highlanders are said
to have had two of their cannon dismounted on this occasion by the
fire from the sloop, and to have sustained a loss of several men,
including their principal engineer.[1097]

Apprehensive that the flotilla would next attempt to set fire to the
other vessel, Lord George Murray erected a battery of four guns at
Elphinstone Pans to command the river, and to keep off the sloops
of war, should they attempt to come up. In addition to the troops
stationed at Airth, his lordship sent a reinforcement of between 300
and 400 men from Falkirk, which arrived at Elphinstone and Airth on
the 10th. At this time the vessel which had been seized at Airth was
lying at Alloa, and had taken two out of seven pieces of cannon,
with some ammunition on board. To capture this vessel, a large boat,
having 50 soldiers on board, along with the boats belonging to the
sloops of war, well manned and armed, were sent up the river during
the night of the 10th, with instructions to lie all night a mile
above Alloa, in order to intercept the vessel should an attempt be
made to carry her up the river during the night. Unfortunately,
however, for this design, the boats grounded after passing the
town, and the Highlanders who were posted in the town, having, by
this accident, come to the knowledge that the enemy was at hand,
immediately beat to arms, and commenced a random fire from right to
left, which forced the boats to retreat down the river. Next morning,
however, the two sloops of war, accompanied by some smaller vessels,
went up the river with the tide, and casting anchor opposite to, and
within musket-shot of the battery, opened a brisk fire. Three of
the smaller vessels anchored in a convenient place to play upon the
village of Elphinstone, and two more hovered along as if inclined to
land some soldiers, with which they were crowded. The firing was kept
up on both sides, for upwards of three hours, without much damage
on either side. The cable of one of the sloops of war having been
cut asunder by a cannon shot, an accident which forced her from her
station, and the two pilots in the other having each lost a leg, the
assailants abandoned the enterprise, and fell down the river with
the ebb-tide. Being now relieved from the presence of the enemy,
Lord George brought over the cannon and stores without further
opposition.[1098]

On the 12th of January, two days after he had taken possession of the
town, Charles broke ground before Stirling castle, between the church
and a large house at the head of the town, called _Marr’s work_. Here
he raised a battery against the castle, upon which he mounted two
sixteen-pounders, two pieces of eight, and three of three. The prince
thereupon summoned General Blakeney to surrender, but his answer was,
that he would defend the place to the last extremity; that as honour
had hitherto been his rule through life, he would rather die than
stain it by abandoning his post, and that his royal highness would
assuredly have a very bad opinion of him, were he to surrender the
castle in such a cowardly manner.[1099] To prevent any intelligence
of their operations being carried to the enemy, the Highlanders shut
the gates of the town, and placed guards at all the outlets. The
siege went on very slowly, and Charles soon perceived that he had
chosen a bad situation for his battery, which was so exposed to the
fire of the castle, that its works were speedily demolished, and the
cannon dismounted.

While the siege was going on, the forces in the north under Lord
Strathallan and Lord John Drummond began to arrive at Stirling. By
these reinforcements the prince’s army was increased to 9,000 men,
all in the highest spirits. The Macdonalds, the Camerons, and the
Stuarts, were now twice as numerous as they were when the Highland
army entered England, and Lord Ogilvy had got a second battalion,
under the command of Sir James Kinloch, as lieutenant-colonel,
much stronger than the first. The Frasers, the Mackintoshes, and
Farquharsons, were reckoned 300 men each, and in addition to these,
the Earl of Cromarty, and his son, Lord Macleod, had also brought up
their men.[1100]

Conceiving himself in a sufficiently strong condition to give battle
to the Highlanders, General Hawley began to put the troops he had
assembled at Edinburgh in motion towards the west. His force amounted
to upwards of 9,000 men, of whom 1,300 were cavalry, and he might in
a few days have increased it considerably by the addition of some
regiments which were on their march to join him. He had also reason
to expect the immediate arrival in the Frith of Forth of a body
of 6,000 Hessians who had embarked at Williamstadt on the 1st of
January, by which accession his army would have been almost doubled.
Impatient, however, to acquire a renown which had been denied to
Cope, his predecessor, of whose capacity he had been heard to speak
very contemptuously, Hawley resolved not to wait for his expected
reinforcements, but to seize the laurels which were in imagination
already within his grasp.

Accordingly, on the morning of the 13th of January, the first
division of the royal army, consisting of five regiments of foot,
together with the Glasgow regiment of militia, and Hamilton’s and
Ligonier’s dragoons, all under the command of Major-general Huske,
left Edinburgh and marched westward to Linlithgow. Hearing that
preparations had been made at Linlithgow for the reception of these
troops, and that provisions and forage had been collected in that
town for the use of Hawley’s army, Lord George Murray left Falkirk at
four o’clock the same morning for Linlithgow, with five battalions
of the clans for the purpose of capturing these stores. He was
joined on the road by Lord Elcho’s and Lord Pitsligo’s troops of
life-guards, whom he had ordered to meet him. Before sunrise he had
completely surrounded the town, and as Lord George had been informed
that Huske’s division was to enter the town at night, he called his
officers together before marching into town, and having told them the
object for which they had come, he desired that they would continue
ready to assemble in the street on a moment’s warning, in order to
march wherever they might be directed. After taking possession of
the town, and apprehending a few militia, Lord George sent forward
some patrols on the road to Edinburgh, to reconnoitre while the
Highlanders were engaged in seizing the articles prepared for the
royal forces; but they had scarcely been an hour in town when these
advanced parties discovered a body of dragoons advancing in their
direction. Two of the patrols came back at full speed, and having
given Lord George notice of their approach, he marched with his men
out of the town. The dragoons retired as the Highlanders advanced.
Their horse, with 200 of the best foot, followed them about two
miles; but the main body returned to Linlithgow, where they dined.
With the exception of a few small reconnoitring parties, the advanced
body also returned to the town; but in less than an hour one of
these parties came in with information that the dragoons were again
returning with a large body of horse and foot. Lord George resolved
to attack them when the half of them should pass the bridge, half
a mile west from the town, and after waiting with his men on the
streets till Huske had reached the east end of the town, he retired
in the expectation that the royalist general would follow him; but
Huske, who marched above the town, though he followed the Highlanders
to the bridge, did not pass it. Lord George returned to Falkirk, and
by orders of the prince marched next day to Bannockburn.[1101]

On the 14th other three regiments marched from Edinburgh towards
Borrowstownness, to support the division under Huske, and these were
followed next day by three additional regiments. With these forces
Huske marched on the 16th to Falkirk, and encamped to the north-west
of the town with his front towards Stirling. In the evening he was
joined by the remainder of the army, and the artillery, consisting
of ten pieces of cannon. General Hawley himself arrived at
Callander House the same evening. Next morning the army was joined
by Cobham’s dragoons, who had just arrived from England, and by
about 1,000 Argyleshire men, chiefly Campbells, under the command
of Lieutenant-colonel Campbell, afterwards Duke of Argyle. Besides
this corps, this whig clan furnished another of 1,000 men, which was
posted about Inverary, under Major-general Campbell, the colonel’s
father, to guard the passes. Along with the army was a company
called the Yorkshire Blues, raised, maintained, and commanded, by
a gentleman of the name of Thornton. Several volunteers, among whom
were several clergymen, also accompanied the army on this occasion.

Having received intelligence of the advance of the royalists to
Falkirk, Charles, on the evening of the 16th, ordered the different
detachments of his army to concentrate upon Plean moor, about seven
miles from that town, and two miles to the east of Bannockburn,
where his head-quarters were. He, however, left several battalions,
amounting to about 1,000 men, in Stirling, under the Duke of Perth,
to push on the siege of the castle. Nobody supposed that the prince,
in issuing this order, had any other object in contemplation than
to review his army, and of so little importance was it considered,
that although the order was immediately made known on all sides,
it was near twelve o’clock next day before the different parts of
the army arrived from their quarters.[1102] After the army had been
drawn up in line of battle, Charles called a council of war, and
for the first time stated his intention of giving immediate battle
to Hawley. That general had, it is believed, been informed of the
probability of an attack, but he treated the information lightly,
and instead of attending to the affairs of his camp, spent the
morning at Callander House with the Countess of Kilmarnock, with
whom he breakfasted.[1103] The Torwood, once a forest of great
extent, celebrated as the chief retreat of the heroic Wallace, but
now greatly decayed, lay between the two armies; and through what
was once the middle of the forest, the high road from Stirling to
Falkirk, by Bannockburn, passes.

From information which Charles had received, he supposed that Hawley
would have advanced and offered him battle; but seeing no appearance
of him, he put his army in motion about mid-day, towards Falkirk.
While the main body of the army marched in two columns along the
moor, on the west side of the Torwood, where they could not be seen
from Hawley’s camp, a third body of horse and foot, under Lord John
Drummond, appeared upon the high road which runs through the centre
of the Torwood, and moved about, displaying their colours in view of
the enemy, as if they intended to attack Hawley’s camp. The object
of this parade was to draw off the attention of the enemy from the
main body, which was advancing unperceived towards Falkirk, by a
different route. After the two columns had advanced about half a
mile, Lord George Murray received an order from the prince to delay
passing the water of Carron till night, as he did not think it
advisable to cross in the face of the enemy, but his lordship having
satisfied his royal highness of the impropriety of the order, he was
allowed to proceed. Ignorant of the approach of the main body of the
Highlanders, Hawley’s officers thought the demonstration made by the
body on the high road unworthy of attention; but they were aroused
from their apathy by a countryman, who arrived in the camp with
intelligence that the Highlanders were close upon them. Two of the
officers immediately ascended a tree, and, by means of a telescope,
descried the Highland army marching towards Falkirk, by the south
side of the Torwood. This was a little before one o’clock, and the
officers having communicated the circumstance to Lieutenant-colonel
Howard, their commanding officer, he went to Callander House and
informed the general of it. Instead, however, of ordering his men to
get under arms, Hawley directed that they should merely put on their
accoutrements. This order was obeyed, and the troops sat down to
dinner, but before they had finished their repast, they were summoned
to arms.

When the Highlanders came in sight of the water of Carron, the town
of Falkirk, and the enemy’s camp, also opened upon their view. It was
now between one and two o’clock, and some well-mounted scouts, who
were on the opposite side of the water, on observing the Highlanders,
immediately rode off at full gallop, and reported that the Highland
army was about to cross the Carron at Dunnipace. The alarm which this
intelligence produced in the royalist camp was very great. Hawley was
instantly sent for, and the commanding officers, who were exceedingly
perplexed, formed their regiments as quickly as possible upon the
ground in front of the camp. The general, instantly mounting his
horse, galloped to the camp, and in his haste left his hat behind
him.

In taking the circuitous route by the south side of the Torwood,
Charles had a double object in view--to conceal his approach from
the enemy as long as he could, and to obtain possession of Falkirk
moor, about two miles south-west of Hawley’s camp, and which,
from the nature of the ground, was considered well fitted for the
operations of a Highland army. Suspecting that it was the prince’s
design to secure the heights of the moor, Hawley at once determined
to prevent him, if possible, and accordingly on his arrival at the
camp he ordered the three regiments of dragoons to march towards
the moor, and take possession of the high ground between them and
the insurgents. He also directed the infantry to follow them with
fixed bayonets. This was a rash and inconsiderate step, as Hawley
had never examined the ground, which he found, when too late, was by
no means a suitable field of battle for his troops. In ordering his
army to march up the moor, the English commander is said to have been
impressed with the idea that the Highlanders did not mean to attack
him, but to give him the slip, and march back to England, and that
his object was to intercept them and bring them to action.[1104] This
explanation, however, is by no means satisfactory.

After crossing the Carron at Dunnipace Steps, the main body of the
Highlanders stretched along the moor in two parallel lines, about
two hundred paces asunder. The column next the royal army consisted
of the clan regiments which had been in England, and of the recruits
which had lately arrived from the Highlands, with the Frasers, and
a battalion of the Farquharsons. The other column, which was to the
right of the last mentioned, consisted of the Athole brigade, the
Maclauchlans, the battalions of Ogilvy and Gordon, and Lord John
Drummond’s regiment. After reaching the bottom of the hill, the
columns faced to the left, and began to ascend the eminence. Almost
simultaneously with this movement, Hawley’s dragoons, proceeding
along the eastern wall of Bantaskin inclosures, rapidly ascended
the hill also, followed by the foot with fixed bayonets. At this
instant, the sky, which till then had been unusually serene, became
suddenly overcast, and before the foot had advanced far, a violent
storm of wind and rain burst from the south-west, which beat directly
in the faces of the soldiers, and retarded their march up the hill.
A running contest seemed now to take place between the dragoons and
the advanced divisions of the Highland columns, consisting of the
Macdonalds and the Athole men, to gain the summit of the ridge of the
moor. Both parties reached the top of the hill about the same time,
and possessed themselves of two eminences, within musket-shot of each
other. To prevent the dragoons gaining the advantage of the ground
and the wind, the Macdonalds and Athole men had advanced with such
rapidity, that they had left the rear of the columns considerably
behind, and on reaching the height of the moor, they halted to give
time to the rear to come up.

Meanwhile Lord George Murray, who commanded the right wing, proceeded
to make the necessary arrangements for battle. In forming, the two
columns merely faced to the left, by which simple movement the
eastern column at once became, as originally designed, the front
line. When completed, the order of battle of the Highland army
was as follows. On the extreme right of the first line, stood the
Macdonalds of Keppoch, next to these the Macdonalds of Clanranald,
and in succession the regiment of Glengary, a battalion of
Farquharsons under Farquharson of Bumarrel,[1105] the Mackenzies, the
Mackintoshes, the Macphersons under Cluny their chief, the Frasers
under the Master of Lovat, the Stuarts of Appin, and the Camerons,
who formed the extreme left of this line. The second line, which
chiefly consisted of the low country regiments, was composed of
the Athole brigade, which formed the right wing, of Lord Ogilvy’s
regiment of two battalions in the centre, and of the regiment of
Lord Lewis Gordon, also of two battalions, which formed the left of
the line. At the distance of about twenty yards in the rear of the
centre of the second line, the prince was stationed with some horse
and foot, and was joined before the commencement of the action by
Lord John Drummond, with a large body of horse, the Irish piquets and
the other troops, with which he had made the feint, as a _corps de
reserve_. Some of the horse guards under Lords Elcho and Balmerino,
and also some of the hussars, who were on the right of the prince,
were sent farther to the right to protect the flank, but they were
prevented from extending farther, by a morass, which covered the
right wing, and were obliged to draw up behind the Athole men. At the
opposite extremity on the left of the prince, Lord Pitsligo’s and
Kilmarnock’s horse were stationed.[1106]

The infantry of the royal army was also formed in two lines, with a
body of reserve in the rear; but the disposition of the cavalry, as
will be seen, was altogether different from that of the insurgent
army. The first line consisted of the regiments of Ligonier, Price,
Royal Scots, Pulteney, Cholmondeley, and Wolfe, and the second
of those of Battereau, Barrel, Fleming, Munro, and Blakeney. The
names of the regiments are here given according to the order they
stood, beginning with the right. Behind the right of the second
line, Howard’s regiment was stationed as a reserve. The Glasgow
regiment, and other Lowland militia, were posted as another body of
reserve, near some cottages behind the left of the dragoons; and
the Argyleshire men were placed at some distance from the right of
the royal army, to watch the motions of the forces under Lord John
Drummond, who seemed, before they joined the two columns on the
moor, to threaten an attack upon the camp. The left of the dragoons
was directly opposite to Keppoch’s regiment, but by keeping large
intervals between their squadrons, their right extended as far down
as the centre of Lord Lovat’s regiment, which stood the third from
the left of the insurgent army. In consequence of this extension
of the front line of the royal army, Lochiel’s regiment, which
was upon the left extremity of the opposite line, was outflanked
by three of the royal regiments. With the exception of one or two
regiments in each line, which, by their proximity to the top of the
moor, had reached ground somewhat level, the rest of the king’s
infantry stood on the declivity of the hill, and so great was the
inequality of the ground, that the opposite wings alone of either
army were visible to each other. Between the right of the royal
army and the left of that of the insurgents, there was a ravine,
which, beginning on the declivity of the hill, directly opposite the
centre of the Fraser battalion, ran in a northerly direction, and
gradually widened and deepened till it reached the plain. The right
of the royal army was commanded by Major-general Huske, the centre by
Hawley himself, and the left by Brigadier Cholmondeley, but the three
regiments of dragoons on the left were under the immediate command
of Lieutenant-colonel Ligonier. The colonel’s own dragoon regiment,
formerly Gardiner’s, was stationed on the extreme left. Hamilton’s
dragoons were posted on the right, and Cobham’s in the centre.

In the action about to commence, the combatants on both sides were
deprived of the use of their artillery. The Highlanders, from the
rapidity of their march, left their cannon behind them, and those
belonging to Hawley’s army, consisting of ten pieces, stuck fast in
a swamp at the bottom of the hill. The royal forces were greatly
superior to the Highlanders in numbers, but the latter had the
advantage of the ground, and having the wind and the rain in their
backs, were not annoyed to the same extent as their adversaries, who
received the wind and rain directly in their faces.[1107]

The right wing of the Highland army and Hawley’s cavalry had remained
upwards of a quarter of an hour within musket-shot of each other,
waiting the coming up of the other forces, when General Hawley sent
an order to Colonel Ligonier, to attack the Highlanders. At the time
this order was despatched, some of his troops destined for the centre
of his second line had not reached their posts, but Hawley, impatient
of delay, and led astray by a mistaken though prevalent idea, that
the Highlanders could not stand the shock of cavalry, resolved to
commence the action with the dragoons only. Ligonier, who appears
to have entertained more correct notions on this subject than the
generalissimo, was surprised at the order; but he proceeded to put it
in execution.[1108]

Before advancing, Colonel Ligonier made several motions, with the
design of drawing off the fire of the Highlanders, and riding in
among them, and breaking their ranks; but they did not fire a shot.
Conjecturing that the dragoons were to be supported by a body
of infantry in their rear, Lord George Murray, to whom no such
description of force was discernible at the time, sent Colonel Roy
Stuart and Anderson, the guide at the battle of Preston, forward
on horseback to reconnoitre. On receiving their report that they
had not observed any foot, Lord George resolved to anticipate his
opponent Ligonier, by attacking the dragoons. Accordingly he gave
orders to the right wing to advance slowly, and, passing along the
line, desired the men to keep their ranks, and not to fire till he
gave them orders. Lord George, with his sword in his hand, and his
target on his arm, then took his station at the head of the first
line, which, with the second, continued to advance in good order. The
dragoons, on observing the approach of the Highlanders, also began
to move forward, and were instantly at the full trot. They came up
in very good order, till within pistol-shot of the first line of
the Highlanders, when Lord George Murray presented his piece as the
signal to fire. The Highlanders, thereupon, discharged a volley with
such precision and effect, that the dragoons were entirely broken,
and many of them were killed and wounded. Hamilton’s and Ligonier’s
regiments instantly wheeled about, and galloped down the hill, riding
over and trampling upon some of their party, and carrying along with
them a company of the Glasgow regiment. Cobham’s regiment, which had
just returned from foreign service, however, stood its ground for
some time, and breaking through the first line of the Highlanders,
trampled many of them under foot. A singular combat then ensued.
Deprived of the use of their broadswords, some of the Highlanders,
who lay stretched on the ground, had recourse to their dirks, which
they plunged into the bellies of the horses. Others seized the riders
by their clothes, and dragging them from their horses, stabbed them
with the same weapon. In this mêlée the chief of Clanranald made a
narrow escape, having been trodden down, and before he was able to
rise a horse fell dead upon him, the weight of which prevented him
from extricating himself without assistance. While in this perilous
situation, he saw a dismounted dragoon and a Highlander struggling
near him, and for a time the issue seemed doubtful. The anxiety of
the chief, whose own preservation seemed to depend on the success
of his clansman, was soon relieved, when he saw the Highlander
throw his antagonist, and instantly despatch him with his dirk. The
Highlander thereupon came up to the prostrate chief, and drew him
from under the horse. The dragoons, unable any longer to contend with
the Macdonalds, galloped off to the right between the two armies,
and received the fire of the remainder of the front line of the
Highlanders, as they went along, as far down as Lord Lovat’s regiment.

Afraid that, after the flight of the dragoons, the Highlanders
would commence a disorderly pursuit, Lord George Murray ordered
the Macdonalds of Keppoch to keep their ranks, and sent a similar
order to the two other Macdonald regiments. But notwithstanding this
command of the lieutenant-general, and the efforts of the officers,
who, with drawn swords and cocked pistols, endeavoured to restrain
them from an immediate pursuit, a considerable number of the men of
these two regiments, along with all the regiments on their left,
as far down as the head of the ravine, rushed down the hill in
pursuit of the enemy. They were received with a volley from some of
the regiments on the left of the first line of the royal army, and
having returned the fire, the Highlanders threw away their muskets,
and drawing their swords, rushed in upon the enemy. Unable to resist
the impetuosity of the attack, the whole of the royal army, with
the exception of Barrel’s regiment, and part of the regiments of
Price and Ligonier, gave way. At first the Highlanders supposed that
the rout was complete, and General Hawley himself, who was huddled
off the field among a confused mass of horse and foot, was of the
same opinion; but the Highlanders were undeceived, when coming near
the bottom of the hill, they received a fire in flank from these
regiments, which threw them into great disorder, and obliged them to
retire up the hill. The Camerons and the Stuarts, who were on the
opposite side of the ravine, suffered also from the fire of this
body, and were likewise obliged to fall back.[1109]

[Illustration: Plan of the Battle of Falkirk.]

Meanwhile Lord George Murray, who observed the confusion in Hawley’s
army, was moving down the hill with the Athole men in good order,
for the purpose of attacking it on its retreat. He had sent orders
by Colonel Ker, to the reserve to advance on the left, and having
met scattered parties of the Macdonalds returning up the hill, he
endeavoured to rally them as he marched down, but without effect.
Before reaching the bottom of the hill, Lord George obtained a
complete view of the disorder which prevailed in the enemy’s ranks.
With the exception of the three regiments of foot, and Cobham’s
dragoons, which were marching rapidly towards Falkirk, and covering
the rear of the other fugitives, the remainder of the royal army was
running off to the right and left, by forties and fifties; but as
Lord George had not more than 600 or 700 men with him, and as the
rest of the Highland army was scattered over the face of the hill,
he resolved to halt at its foot. Here he was joined by the Irish
piquets, and by Lord John Drummond, and other officers. Some of the
officers advised a retreat towards Dunipace, that the men might
obtain shelter during the night from the rain, which was excessive;
but his lordship strongly advised that they should endeavour to
obtain possession of Falkirk immediately, while the confusion lasted,
declaring that he would either lie in the town or in paradise. While
this discussion was going on, the prince arrived, and approved highly
of the views of his lieutenant-general. Charles was advised, in the
meantime, to retire to some house on the face of the hill, till the
result of the attempt should be known.

It was now almost dark, and as the fires of Hawley’s camp indicated
an apparent intention on his part to retain possession of the town,
the officers assembled at the bottom of the hill, considered it
unsafe to advance farther, till they had ascertained the state
of matters. To procure intelligence, Mr. Drummond, eldest son of
Lord Strathallan, and Oliphant, younger of Gask, entered Falkirk,
disguised as peasants, and having ascertained that General Hawley,
after issuing orders to set fire to his tents, had abandoned the
town, and was retreating on Linlithgow, they immediately returned to
their friends with the information. The body collected at the foot
of the hill now advanced upon Falkirk, in three detachments; one
of which, under Lochiel, entered the town at the west end, another
under Lord George Murray, at the centre, and the other, under Lord
John Drummond, by a lane called the Cow wynd, at the east end. Some
stragglers, who had remained behind, were taken prisoners, one of
whom fired at Lord John Drummond, when about to seize him, and
wounded him slightly in the arm. Information of the occupation of the
town, by the Highlanders, was sent to the prince, who immediately
repaired thither, and took up his residence in a house which fronts
the steeple.

So great was the disorder that existed in the Highland army,
occasioned by the rash and impetuous conduct of the Macdonalds,
in leaving their ranks, and by the check received from the three
regiments, that it was about four hours after the close of the
battle, which lasted scarcely twenty minutes, before the greater
part of the army had any information of the result. The Highlanders
were dispersed in every direction over the hill, and the different
clans were mingled together pell-mell. The confusion was greatly
increased by the obscurity of the night, and for several hours they
wandered over the moor, uncertain whether they were to meet friends
or foes. Early in the evening, many of the Highlanders had retired
from the field of battle, either thinking it lost, or intending to
seek shelter from the weather. During this disorder, the fate of
the prince himself was equally unknown. Early in the action, he
had sent one of his aides-de-camp with an order; but, on returning
with an answer, the prince was no more to be seen. The officer, in
searching for him, fell in with the prince’s own life-guards, drawn
up in order of battle, near a cottage on the edge of the hill, with
their commander, Lord Elcho, at their head; but his lordship could
give him no information respecting the prince. Lord Lewis Gordon, and
several chiefs of the clans, ignorant even of the fate of their own
regiments, met together at the seat of Mr. Primrose, at Dunipace,
where they were joined by other officers all equally ignorant of the
result of the battle. At length, about eight o’clock in the evening,
all doubt was removed from the minds of this party, by the arrival
of Macdonald of Lochgarry, who announced that the Highland army
had obtained a complete victory,--that the English were flying in
disorder towards Edinburgh,--and that the prince was in possession
of Falkirk, and in the quarters which had been occupied by General
Hawley. He added, that he had been sent to Dunipace, by the prince,
with orders to the rest of the army to repair to Falkirk next morning
by break of day.[1110]

Partly from the darkness of the evening, and partly from the
impossibility of collecting a sufficiently numerous body of the
Highlanders together, the prince was unable to continue the pursuit.
About 1,500 of them had entered the town, but so intent were they
upon securing the spoils of the English camp, that it was with
difficulty that sufficient guards could be got for the town, and the
prince’s person, during the night. Besides, the Highlanders had been
upon their legs for twelve hours, without receiving any refreshment,
and were completely drenched to the skin, so that even had pursuit
been otherwise practicable, they must have speedily desisted from
excessive fatigue, and might probably have suffered from the dragoons
which covered the rear of Hawley’s foot.

In addition to seven pieces of cannon which had been abandoned by
the captain of the train at the commencement of the action, Hawley
left behind him all his baggage, and a large quantity of military
stores. Owing to the rain, very few of his tents, to which he had
set fire, were consumed. Besides the _matériel_ of the royal
army, several standards and stands of colours fell into the hands
of the victors. According to the official returns, the loss of
the English, in killed, wounded, and missing, was 280, including
a considerable number of officers; but these returns are supposed
to be greatly underrated.[1111] There were sixteen officers killed
on the government side, viz., Colonel Sir Robert Munro of Foulis;
Lieutenant-colonel Whitney of Ligonier’s regiment of dragoons;
Lieutenant-colonel Biggar of Munro’s regiment; Lieutenant-colonel
Powell of Cholmondeley’s regiment; five captains and one lieutenant
of Wolfe’s; and four captains and two lieutenants of Blakeney’s
regiment. Sir Robert’s regiment, which consisted chiefly of his
own clan, had particularly distinguished itself at the battle of
Fontenoy; but on the present occasion it partook of the panic which
had seized the other regiments on the left, and fled, leaving its
colonel alone and unprotected. In this situation Sir Robert was
attacked by six men of Lochiel’s regiment, and, for some time
gallantly defended himself with his half-pike. He killed two of
his assailants, and would probably have despatched more, had not
a seventh come up and shot him in the groin with a pistol. On
falling, the Highlander struck him two blows across the face with
his broadsword, which killed him on the spot. Dr. Munro of Obsdale,
his brother, who, from fraternal affection, had attended Sir Robert
to the field to afford him any medical assistance he might require,
was standing close by his brother when he fell, and shared his fate
at the hands of the same Highlander, who, after firing a pistol
into his breast, cut him down with his claymore. The bodies of the
two brothers having been recognised the next day, were honourably
interred in one grave in the churchyard of Falkirk in presence of all
the chiefs.[1112]

The loss on the side of the Highlanders amounted only to about 40
men, among whom were two or three captains, and some subaltern
officers. They had, however, nearly double that number wounded.
Besides Lord John Drummond, young Lochiel and his brother, and Dr.
Archibald Cameron, were slightly wounded. Hawley’s army could boast
of only one prisoner, who fell into their hands by mere accident.
This was Major Macdonald of Keppoch’s regiment, cousin to the chief.
Having pursued the flying English farther than any other person,
he was in the act of returning to his corps, when in his way he
observed, in the dusk of the evening, a body of men at some distance
standing in a hollow near the bottom of the hill. Imagining this
body to be Lord John Drummond’s regiment and the French piquets, he
ran forward towards the party with his sword still drawn, and when
near them, cried out with a feeling of strong emotion, “Gentlemen,
what are you doing here? Why don’t ye follow after the dogs, and
pursue them?” Scarcely, however, had he uttered these words, when
he discovered that the body he accosted was an English regiment,
(Barrel’s,) and the cry, “Here is a rebel! here is a rebel!” at once
met his ears. Escape being impossible, the major, thinking that he
would not be discovered by the colour of his white cockade, which
was quite dirty with the rain and the smoke of the firing, pretended
that he was one of their own Campbells; but General Huske observed
that it was easy to discover what the prisoner was by his sword,
the blade of which was covered over with blood and hair. Huske gave
orders “to shoot the dog instantly,” and a party of musketeers
immediately presented their pieces at the major’s breast; but Lord
Robert Ker generously interposed, and, beating down the muskets,
saved the major’s life. The general having refused to receive the
major’s arms, they were accepted by Lord Robert. When pulling his
pistol from his belt, previously to surrendering his arms, Huske was
alarmed, and exclaimed with an oath, that “the dog” was going to
shoot him; but Macdonald indignantly observed, that he was more of
a gentleman than to do any such thing, and that he was only pulling
off his pistol to deliver it up.[1113] The major was carried to
Edinburgh, and committed to the castle next day, and, after a few
months’ confinement, tried, convicted, and executed.

The victory would have been complete by the utter annihilation of the
English army, had the prince taken the usual precautions to preserve
unity of action among the different sections of his undisciplined
host. Early in the morning, Lord George Murray had submitted a plan
of the battle to his royal highness, and requested that he would name
the officers that were to command, and assign them their different
stations; but with the exception of Lord George himself, who was
appointed to march at the head of the army, and who consequently had
the command of the right wing, no other appointment appears to have
been made. It seems to have been understood by Charles himself, that
Lord John Drummond was to have commanded the left wing; but if such
was the case, Lord John could have obtained no distinct notification
thereof, as he never appeared in his place. It is maintained by Lord
George Murray, that had there been an officer in command on the
left, to have brought up two or three battalions from the second
line, or from the _corps de reserve_ so as to have extended the
first line still farther to the left, and thus to have faced the
English regiments which outflanked them, the whole of Hawley’s foot
must have been taken or destroyed, and that few even of the horse
would have escaped, as the Highlanders would not have given over
the chase till they had reached Linlithgow,--and that, in short,
had the three regiments which outlined the Highlanders been faced,
the battle would not have lasted ten minutes, as these regiments,
instead of keeping their ground, pouring in part of their fire on the
left flank of the Highlanders, and compelling those who attacked the
right and centre of Hawley’s foot sword in hand to retire to their
former ground, would have given way with the rest of the main body.
In the absence of Lord John Drummond, it was the duty of O’Sullivan,
who, as adjutant-general, was chiefly intrusted by the prince with
the formation of the left wing, to have brought up men for the
purpose of extending the line; but instead of riding along the line
as he should have done before the action, none of the officers of
the first line of the Highland army saw him till the battle was
over.[1114] While Lord John Drummond could not but be sensible of the
error which had been committed on the left, he retaliated upon the
lieutenant-general, by ascribing the escape of Hawley’s army to the
conduct of Lord George himself, who prevented part of the right wing
from joining in the charge upon the foot, after the flight of the
dragoons.

The English imputed their defeat chiefly to the violence of the
storm, which was full in their faces during the action; but this,
though certainly a formidable difficulty, was not the only one they
had to encounter. To a combination of unfortunate circumstances, and
not to any particular incident, is to be ascribed the result which
ensued; but mainly to Hawley’s ignorance of the resistance which the
Highlanders could oppose to cavalry. He had been major of Evans’s
dragoons at the battle of Sheriffmuir, where that regiment and the
Scots Greys, led by the Duke of Argyle, after getting over a morass,
which the intense frost of the preceding night had rendered passable,
attacked the flank of the insurgent army, which conceived itself
secure from that quarter, and rode down, and drove off the field
several regiments of Highlanders. Imagining from this precedent,
that the Highlanders could not withstand the charge of cavalry, he
observed one day in a company of officers in Flanders, who were
talking of the battle of Preston, that “_he_ knew the Highlanders;
they were good militia; but he was certain that they could not
stand against a charge of dragoons, who attacked them well.”[1115]
Under this impression he began the battle with his dragoons, before
his infantry had been fully formed into line; but he soon saw the
consequences of his indiscretion.

Though the field of battle is about twenty-six miles distant from
Edinburgh, the intelligence of Hawley’s defeat was known there before
nine o’clock at night, by the arrival of some spectators who had
witnessed the action, and by some of the dragoons who, impelled by
fear, did not halt till they reached the capital. The English general
passed the evening of the battle at Linlithgow, and marched next
morning with the mass of his army to Edinburgh, where he arrived
about four o’clock in the afternoon. A prey to disappointment and
vexation, the appearance of Hawley on the morning after the battle is
said by an observer to have been most wretched, and even worse than
that of Cope a few hours after his “scuffle,” when the same person
saw him at Fala on his retreat to Berwick.[1116]

Before the return of Hawley’s army, the greatest consternation
prevailed among the friends of the government at Edinburgh from the
reports of the fugitives, who brought accounts of the total rout and
dispersion of the army, exaggerated by the relation of circumstances
which had no existence, save in their own terrified imaginations;
but the arrival of the greater part of the army served to dissipate
their fears in some measure. Since the commencement of the rebellion,
however, to its final close, never were the apprehensions of the
supporters of the existing government more alarmingly excited than
on the present occasion, when they saw the veteran troops, who had
fought the battles of Dettingen and Fontenoy, return from Falkirk
discomfited by a body of undisciplined mountaineers whom they had
been taught to despise. The Jacobites, on the other hand, exulted at
the victory, and gave expression to their feelings by openly deriding
the vanquished.[1117]

The prince spent the 18th, the day after the battle, at Falkirk;
but, as the rain fell in torrents during the greater part of that
day, few of the officers quitted their lodgings. Notwithstanding
the unfavourable state of the weather, the slain were interred by
order of the prince, and a considerable body of Highlanders marched
to Linlithgow, of which they took possession. Charles now took the
advice of his friends as to the use he should make of his victory.
Some were for following up the blow which had been struck, and
driving Hawley out of Scotland. Others were for marching directly to
London before the enemy had time to recover from their consternation.
They argued that it was not to be supposed that Hawley would again
face the prince and his victorious army till he should receive new
reinforcements; that even then the troops which had been beaten
would communicate terror to the rest; and that the prince’s army,
flushed with victory, could never fight with greater advantages on
their side. There were others, however, who thought differently,
and maintained that the capture of Stirling castle was the chief
object at present; that it had never been before heard of that an
army employed in a siege, having beaten those that came to raise it,
had made any other use of their victory than to take the fortress in
the first place; that any other conduct would argue a great deal of
levity; and that it was of the utmost importance to obtain possession
of the castle, as it opened an easy and safe communication between
the prince, (wherever he might happen to be,) and his friends in
the north. This last view was supported by M. Mirabelle de Gordon,
a French engineer of Scotch extraction, who gave the prince the
strongest assurances that the castle would be forced to surrender in
a few days, and added, moreover, that if the prince went immediately
upon another expedition he would be obliged to sacrifice all his
heavy artillery which he could not carry with him into England.[1118]
The opinion of an individual, decorated with an order, and who was
consequently considered a person of experience and talents, had
great weight with the prince, who, accordingly, resolved to reduce
the castle of Stirling before commencing any other operations; but
Charles discovered, when too late, that Mirabelle’s knowledge as an
engineer was extremely limited, and that he had neither judgment to
plan nor knowledge to direct the operations of a siege. This person,
whose figure was as eccentric as his mind, was called, in derision,
Mr. Admirable by the Highlanders.[1119]

During the prince’s short stay at Falkirk, a misunderstanding took
place between a party of the Camerons and Lord Kilmarnock, which
had nearly proved fatal to that nobleman. As this incident affords
a remarkable illustration of clanship, the particulars cannot fail
to be interesting. Lord Kilmarnock, having passed the evening of
the battle in his house at Callander, came next morning to Falkirk
with a party of his men, having in their custody some Edinburgh
volunteers, who, having fallen behind Hawley’s army in its march to
Linlithgow, had been taken and carried to Callander House. Leaving
the prisoners and their guard standing in the street, opposite to
the house where the prince lodged, his lordship went up stairs and
presented to him a list of the prisoners, among whom was Mr. Home,
the author of the Tragedy of _Douglas_ and the _History of the
Rebellion_. Charles opened the window to survey the prisoners, and
while engaged in conversation with Lord Kilmarnock about them, as
is supposed, with the paper in his hand, a soldier in the uniform
of the Scots Royals, carrying a musket and wearing a black cockade,
appeared in the street, and approached in the direction of the
prince. The volunteers who observed this man coming up the street
were extremely surprised, and, thinking that his intention in coming
forward was to shoot the prince, expected every moment to see him
raise his piece and fire. Observing the volunteers, who were within a
few yards of the prince, all looking in one direction, Charles also
looked the same way, and seeing the soldier approach appeared amazed,
and, calling Lord Kilmarnock, pointed towards the soldier. His
lordship instantly descended into the street, and finding the soldier
immediately opposite to the window where Charles stood, the earl went
up to him, and striking the hat off the soldier’s head, trampled
the black cockade under his feet. At that instant a Highlander
rushed from the opposite side of the street, and, laying hands on
Lord Kilmarnock, pushed him violently back. Kilmarnock immediately
pulled out a pistol, and presented it at the Highlander’s head; the
Highlander in his turn drew his dirk, and held it close to the earl’s
breast. They stood in this position about half a minute, when a crowd
of Highlanders rushed in and drove Lord Kilmarnock away. The man with
the dirk in his hand then took up the hat, put it on the soldier’s
head, and the Highlanders marched off with him in triumph.

This extraordinary scene surprised the prisoners, and they solicited
an explanation from a Highland officer who stood near them. The
officer told them that the soldier in the royal uniform was a
Cameron: “Yesterday,” continued he, “when your army was defeated he
joined his clan; the Camerons received him with joy, and told him
that he should wear his arms, his clothes, and every thing else, till
he was provided with other clothes and other arms. The Highlander
who first interposed and drew his dirk on Lord Kilmarnock is the
soldier’s brother; the crowd who rushed in are the Camerons, many of
them his near relations; and, in my opinion,” continued the officer,
“no colonel nor general in the prince’s army can take that cockade
out of his hat, except Lochiel himself.”[1120]

An accident occurred about the same time, which had a most
prejudicial effect in thinning the ranks of the Highland army. The
Highlanders, pleased with the fire-arms they had picked up upon the
field of battle, were frequently handling and discharging them.
Afraid of accidents, the officers had issued orders prohibiting this
abuse, but to no purpose. One of Keppoch’s men had secured a musket
which had been twice loaded. Not aware of this circumstance, he fired
off the piece, after extracting one of the balls, in the direction of
some officers who were standing together on the street of Falkirk.
The other ball unfortunately entered the body of Æneas Macdonell,
second son of Glengary, who commanded the Glengary regiment. He
survived only a short time, and, satisfied of the innocence of the
man that shot him, begged with his last breath that he might not
suffer. To soothe the Glengary men under their loss, the prince
evinced by external acts that he participated in their feelings, and,
to show his respect for the memory of this brave and estimable youth,
attended his funeral as chief mourner; but nothing the prince was
able to do could prevent some of the men, who felt more acutely than
others the loss of the representative of their chief, from returning
to their homes.

On Sunday the 19th, the prince returned to Bannockburn, leaving Lord
George Murray with the clans at Falkirk. At Bannockburn he issued, by
means of a printing-press which he had carried with him from Glasgow,
an account of the battle of Falkirk, a modest document when compared
with that of Hawley, who gravely asserted that had it not been for
the rain his army would have continued in his camp, “being masters of
the field of battle!”

After the battle of Falkirk, the Duke of Perth again summoned the
castle of Stirling to surrender, but the governor returned the same
answer he had sent to the first message. The prince therefore resumed
the siege on his return to his former head quarters, and fixed his
troops in their previous cantonments. An able mathematician, named
Grant, who had been employed many years with the celebrated Cassini,
in the observatory at Paris, and who had conducted the siege of
Carlisle, had at the commencement of the siege communicated to
the prince a plan of attack, by opening trenches and establishing
batteries in the church-yard. He had assured the prince that this
was the only place where they could find a parallel almost on a
level with the batteries of the castle; and that if a breach were
effected in the half-moon, which defended the entry to the castle,
from a battery in the church-yard, the rubbish of the work would fill
the ditch, and render an assault practicable through the breach.
In consequence, however, of a remonstrance from the inhabitants,
who stated that the fire from the castle in the direction of the
church-yard would reduce the greater part of the town to ashes, the
prince abandoned this plan, and consulted M. Mirabelle, with the
view of ascertaining whether there was any other practicable mode of
making an attack on the castle with effect. To borrow an expression
of the Chevalier Johnstone, in reference to the conduct of Mirabelle
on this occasion, that it is always the distinctive mark of ignorance
to find nothing difficult, not even the things that are impossible,
this eccentric person, without the least hesitation, immediately
undertook to open the trenches on the Gowling or Gowan hill, a small
eminence to the north of the castle, about forty feet below its
level.[1121]

As there were not above fifteen inches depth of earth above the rock,
it became necessary to supply the want of earth with bags of wool and
earth, an operation which occupied several days. On breaking ground a
fire was opened on the trenches from the castle, which was renewed
from time to time during the progress of the works, and was answered
from the trenches; but the fire from the castle was not sufficiently
strong to hinder the operations, which, from the commanding position
of the castle guns, could have been easily prevented. The design of
General Blakeney in thus allowing the besiegers to raise their works,
was, it is understood, to create a belief among them, that the castle
would not be tenable against their batteries, and by this impression
to induce the Highland army to remain before the fortress till Hawley
should be again in sufficiently strong condition to advance from
Edinburgh. Having, on the evening of the 28th, completed the battery
on the Gowan hill, which consisted of three pieces of cannon, the
rebels quickly raised another on a small rocky eminence called the
Ladies’ hill, on the south-east of the town. They were both unmasked
on the morning of the 29th, and immediately opened with a brisk fire,
which shattered two of the embrasures of the castle. As the guns of
the batteries were pointed upwards, the balls generally went over the
castle, and the few that struck the walls produced little effect; but
the case was totally different with the besieged, who, from their
elevated situation, from which they could see even the shoe-buckles
of the French artillerymen behind the batteries, poured down a
destructive fire upon the besiegers from two batteries mounting
together thirteen pieces, which dismounted the besiegers’ guns, broke
their carriages, and forced them to retire with considerable loss.
Thus defeated in their attack, the rebels abandoned the siege after
wasting three weeks in a fruitless attempt to obtain possession of
a post, which could have been of no essential service to them, and
before which they lost some of their best men, chiefly among the
French piquets, whom least of all they could spare.

FOOTNOTES:

[1077] _Culloden Papers_, p. 263.

[1078] Idem, p. 461.

[1079] _Culloden Papers_, p. 461.

[1080] _Culloden Papers_, p. 462.

[1081] _Kirkconnel MS._ Home, 159.

[1082] Home, p. 160.

[1083] Home, p 162.

[1084] _Culloden Papers_, p. 264.

[1085] Idem, p. 265.

[1086] _Scots Magazine_, vol. viii. p. 32.

[1087] “The zeal (says General Wightman) which the inhabitants
have shown in accommodating the troops, will help to ridd us of
the suspicion of Jacobitism; but we have a pack of vermin (Qu.
Jacobites?) within our walls, who take unaccountable libertys, of
whom I hope we shall be for ever ridd ere long.”--_Culloden Papers_,
p. 470.

[1088] _Culloden Papers_, p. 270.

[1089] Boyse, p. 131.

[1090] Household Book in _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 155.

[1091] Boyse, p. 132.

[1092] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1093] Now embodied in the United Presbyterian Church.

[1094] _History of Stirling_, p. 146.

[1095] _History of Stirling_, p. 150.

[1096] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 77.

[1097] General Hawley, alluding to this affair, in a letter to the
lord-president, 12th Jan. 1745-6, says, “We have had a small brush
with them (the Highlanders) yesterday at Airth, up the Forth with
300 men in boats; killed and wounded about fifty, with their chief
French engineer; crippled two of their guns, burnt all their boats,
and hindered their transporting their great cannon from Alloway for
some days.”--_Culloden Papers_, p. 266.

[1098] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 78. _Kirkconnel MS._ _Scots Magazine_,
vol. viii.

[1099] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 116.

[1100] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1101] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 79. _Kirkconnel MS._

[1102] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1103] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 120.

[1104] Home, p. 176.

[1105] There was another battalion of the Farquharsons under
Farquharson of Monaltry, which, having the charge of the cannon
belonging to the insurgent army, was not in the battle.

[1106] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 501. _Kirkconnel MS._ Home, p.
168. _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 85.

[1107] Some accounts make Hawley’s forces of all descriptions at
15,000, being nearly double the number of the Highlanders, who
amounted to 8,000; but these statements are exaggerated. Hawley’s
army, including the Argyleshire men, did not probably exceed 10,000
men.

[1108] Home, p. 175.

[1109] Lord George Murray’s Narrative in _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 85.
_Kirkconnel MS._ Home, p. 171. _Culloden Papers_, p. 272. Johnstone’s
_Memoirs_, p. 122.

[1110] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 127.

[1111] Mr. Home, who was in the engagement, states, that Hawley had
about 300 or 400 private men killed. Maxwell of Kirkconnel, who was
also present, reckons his loss at between 400 and 500 killed, and
some hundreds of prisoners. The Chevalier Johnstone makes, men 600
killed, and 700 prisoners. Such also is the estimate of the author of
the Journal and Memoirs printed among the _Lockhart Papers_.

[1112] _Culloden Papers_, p. 268.

[1113] Note in the prince’s household book in _Jacobite Memoirs_, p.
158.

[1114] _Jacobite Memoirs_, pp. 91, 92, 94.

[1115] Home, p. 177.

[1116] _Culloden Papers_, p. 267.

[1117] Id., p. 272.

[1118] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1119] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 117.

[1120] Home, p. 180.

[1121] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 118.

CHAPTER XXXV.

A.D. 1746.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.

Duke of Cumberland sent down to Scotland--Marches westward--Siege
of Stirling castle raised--Highland army retreats to the
north--Council held at Crieff--Duke of Cumberland pursues and
arrives at Perth--Arrival of Hessians--Rout of Moy--Capture
of the town and castle of Inverness by Charles--Duke of
Cumberland arrives at Aberdeen--Highlanders capture Fort
Augustus--Expedition against Lord Loudon--Expedition of Lord
George Murray into Athole--Duke of Cumberland’s movements--Takes
possession of Old Meldrum and Strathbogie--Insurgents retreat
across the Spey--Re-capture of the Hazard sloop-of-war--Siege of
Fort William by the insurgents--Siege abandoned.

Unwilling any longer to intrust the management of the war to a
general who had given such a signal proof of incapacity as Hawley
had done, the government, immediately on receipt of his despatches,
sent down the Duke of Cumberland to Scotland, to take the command
of the army, and to retrieve if possible the lost reputation of
the heroes of Dettingen and Fontenoy. The duke was beloved by the
army, and enjoyed its confidence, circumstances which rendered him
peculiarly fitted to supersede Hawley, who, after his return to
Edinburgh, had by his severities become unpopular with the soldiers.
Another reason for putting the duke at the head of the army opposed
to Prince Charles, was the favourable effect which, it was supposed,
the appearance of a prince of the blood would have upon the minds of
the people of Scotland, and which, it was expected, would neutralise
the influence of his kinsman. But apart from his rank as the son of
the king, Prince William had little to recommend him to the especial
notice of a nation, rather fastidious in its respect for princes.
His conduct while in Scotland showed that humanity, the brightest
ornament which can adorn the soldier hero, had no place in the
catalogue of his virtues. With a cruelty, partly the result, perhaps,
of the military school in which he was trained,[1122] and which
fortunately has few parallels among civilised nations, he pursued his
unfortunate victims, the misguided but chivalrous adherents of the
fallen dynasty, with a relentless perseverance which disgusted even
his own partisans.

[Illustration: WILLIAM DUKE OF CUMBERLAND.

A. Fullarton & C^o. London & Edinburgh.]

Having received his instructions, the duke lost no time in preparing
for his journey. He left London on the 25th of January, attended by
Lord Cathcart, Lord Bury, Colonels Conway and York his aides-de-camp,
and arrived at Holyrood House on the 30th. He was waited upon by the
state-officers, the magistrates of the city, the professors of the
university, and the clergy, all of whom were graciously received.
His royal highness was presented with the freedom of the city in a
gold box. In the afternoon he held a sort of drawing-room, which was
attended by a considerable number of ladies very richly dressed.
The most conspicuous among them was a Miss Ker, who wore a busk,
at the top of which was a crown done in bugles, surrounded with
this inscription, “Britain’s Hero, William, Duke of Cumberland.” To
celebrate his arrival the city was illuminated in the evening, but
although the Jacobites, from prudential motives, concurred in this
demonstration, their windows were broken by the mob.[1124]

In the course of the day the duke inspected the army. His appearance
revived the spirits of the soldiers, who, it is said, desired
nothing so much as an opportunity of wiping away the disgrace of
their late defeat. Such being the favourable disposition of the
troops, it was resolved in a council of war held in the evening to
march next morning to the relief of Stirling castle. Accordingly,
early in the morning the army, which, by recent reinforcements, had
been increased to fourteen battalions of foot, and four regiments
of dragoons, besides the Argyleshire men, left Edinburgh in two
divisions, preceded by Hamilton’s and Ligonier’s dragoons. One of
these divisions, comprising eight battalions, at the head of which
the duke was to place himself, proceeded towards Linlithgow, and the
other, consisting of six battalions under the command of Brigadier
Mordaunt, marched in the direction of Borrowstownness. The duke
himself left Holyrood House at nine o’clock in the morning, in
presence of a large assemblage of citizens, who, from curiosity,
had collected before the palace at an early hour to witness his
departure. He entered a splendid coach, which, with twelve beautiful
horses, had been presented to him by the Earl of Hopetoun, and was
accompanied in his progress through the city by many persons of
distinction, and by a crowd of citizens. On reaching Castlebarns, a
place about a quarter of a mile from the West-port, by which he left
the city, the duke mounted his horse, and taking off his hat thanked
the people for their attentions. He told them that he was in great
haste to fulfil the object of his mission, and concluded by wishing
them farewell. This short address was received with a loud huzza. The
duke then took leave of the nobility and gentry who surrounded him,
and at parting said, “Shall we not have one song?” He then began to
sing an old Scottish song:--

“Will ye play me fair?
Highland laddie, Highland laddie.”

But before he had finished the first stanza he stretched forth his
hand, and, putting spurs to his horse, went off at full gallop to
join the army.[1125]

The duke took up his quarters for the night at Linlithgow with the
eight battalions, and Mordaunt stopped at Borrowstowness with the
other division. The dragoons were quartered in the adjacent villages,
and the Argyleshire men were posted in front towards the river Avon.
Early next morning, the duke received intelligence that the main
body of the Highland army, quartered at Falkirk, had retired to
the Torwood, where, they gave out, they intended to make a stand.
Determined that no time should be lost in following the insurgents,
the duke, after reviewing his army in the morning, advanced
towards Falkirk. Several parties of the Highlanders, who were seen
hovering on the hills between Falkirk and Linlithgow, retired with
precipitation on his approach; but some stragglers were brought in
by his advanced scouts, who reported that the Highlanders, afraid to
risk another battle, on account of the increase of the royal army,
and the diminution of their own by desertion, were repassing the
Forth in great confusion. Two great explosions, like the blowing up
of magazines, which were heard from a distance, seemed to confirm
this intelligence. On reaching Falkirk, the duke found that all the
wounded soldiers who had been made prisoners in the late action,
had been left behind by the insurgents in their retreat. His royal
highness halted at Falkirk with the main body of his army, and
immediately detached Brigadier Mordaunt with the Argyleshire men and
all the dragoons, in pursuit of the Highlanders. The duke passed
the night in the house which Charles had occupied on the evening of
the late battle, and slept in the same bed on which the prince had
reposed. Next morning Prince William marched to Stirling, of which
Brigadier Mordaunt had taken possession the previous evening. He
complimented General Blakeney on his defence of the castle, and was
informed by the latter that, had the siege continued much longer,
he (Blakeney) must have surrendered for want of ammunition and
provisions.

In his march the duke was accompanied by several officers of the
English army, who had been taken prisoners at Preston, and who, under
the pretence of being forcibly released by armed parties of country
people in Angus and Fife, had broken their parole, and returned to
Edinburgh. The Duke of Cumberland, who appears to have thought it by
no means dishonourable to break faith with rebels, not only absolved
these officers from their parole, but sent circulars to all the other
officers, who continued prisoners of war, releasing them from the
solemn obligation they had undertaken not to serve against Prince
Charles for a certain time, requiring them to join their respective
regiments, and threatening with the loss of their commissions such of
them as should refuse to return immediately to the service. Only a
few officers had the virtuous courage to refuse compliance, declaring
their sense of the insult offered to men of an honourable profession,
by remarking that the duke was master of their commissions, but not
of their probity and honour.[1126]

It was not without considerable reluctance that Charles had been
induced to consent to a retreat. So late as the 28th of January, on
which day he received information at Bannockburn that the Duke of
Cumberland was expected at Edinburgh in a day or two, he had sent
Secretary Murray to Falkirk to acquaint Lord George Murray, that it
was his intention to advance and attack the Duke of Cumberland, when
he should reach Falkirk, and to request his lordship to remain there
till the duke came to Linlithgow. Lord George did not express any
disapprobation of Charles’s design, but immediately drew up a plan
of the battle in contemplation, which he carried to Bannockburn, and
showed to Charles. The prince, who was in high spirits, expressed
himself much pleased with the plan, which differed in some respects
from that he had sketched previous to the late battle; but, to his
utter astonishment, he received a packet from Lord George Murray by
an aide-de-camp, containing a representation by his lordship and all
the chiefs,[1127] who were with him at Falkirk, advising a retreat to
the north.

In this paper, after stating that they considered it their duty,
“in this critical juncture,” to lay their opinions in the most
respectful manner before his royal highness, they proceeded to say,
that they were certain that a vast number of his troops had gone
home since the battle of Falkirk, and that, notwithstanding all the
endeavours of the commanders of the different corps, they found that
the evil was hourly increasing, and that they had it not in their
power to prevent it,--that as they were afraid Stirling castle could
not be taken so soon as was expected, they could, from the inequality
of their numbers to that of the enemy, anticipate nothing but utter
destruction to the few troops that might remain behind, should the
enemy advance before the castle fell into Prince Charles’s hands. For
these reasons, they gave it as their opinion, that the only way to
extricate his royal highness, and those who remained with him, out of
the imminent danger which threatened them, was to retire immediately
to the Highlands, where the army could be usefully employed the
remainder of the winter in taking the forts in the north,--that they
were morally certain they could keep as many men together as would
answer that end, and would hinder the enemy from following them to
the mountains at that season of the year,--and that, in spring, they
had no doubt that an army of 10,000 effective Highlanders could be
brought together, who would follow his royal highness wherever he
might think proper. Such a plan, they maintained, would certainly
disconcert his enemies, and could not but be approved of by his royal
highness’s friends both at home and abroad, and that if a landing
should happen in the meantime, the Highlanders would immediately
rise either to join the invaders, or to make a powerful diversion
elsewhere. On considering the hard marches which the army had
undergone, the season of the year, and the inclemency of the weather,
his royal highness, they said, as well as his allies abroad and his
adherents at home, could not fail to approve of the proposal,--that
the greatest objection to the retreat was the difficulty of saving
the artillery, particularly the heavy cannon; but that it would be
better that some of these were thrown into the Forth, than that
his royal highness and the flower of his army should be exposed to
the risk they inevitably would, should the proposed retreat not be
agreed to, and put in execution without loss of time; and that they
thought that it would be the greatest imprudence to risk the whole
on so unequal a chance, when there were such hopes of succour from
abroad, besides the resources his royal highness would have from
his adherents at home. In conclusion, they informed the prince that
they had just been apprised, that numbers of their people had gone
off, and that many were sick, and not in a condition to fight. They
added, that nobody was privy to the address but the subscribers; and
they assured him that it was with great concern and reluctance they
found themselves obliged to declare their sentiments in so dangerous
a situation,--a declaration which nothing could have prevailed
upon them to make but the unfortunate diminution of the army by
desertion.[1128]

According to a statement made by John Hay, who occasionally acted
as secretary to the prince, Charles was so transported with rage,
after reading this paper, that he struck his head against the
wall of the room till he staggered, and exclaimed most violently
against Lord George Murray. To dissuade the subscribers from their
resolution, Charles sent Sir Thomas Sheridan to Falkirk, who, not
succeeding in his mission, returned to Bannockburn, accompanied
by Keppoch and several other chiefs. These argued the matter with
Charles himself, and ultimately prevailed upon him to consent to a
retreat.[1129] This retreat was condemned by some of the prince’s
flatterers; but the simple fact, stated by Patullo the muster-master
of the prince’s army, that, before the retreat, the army had been
diminished by desertion to 5,000 men, fully justifies the advice
given by Lord George Murray and the chiefs at Falkirk.[1130] Even Sir
Thomas Sheridan, the especial favourite of the prince, admitted the
necessity of the retreat, for reasons apart from the reduction of the
army.[1131]

In order to make the retreat with as little loss as possible, horses
and carriages were ordered in from all quarters, under the pretext
of carrying the field artillery and ammunition towards Edinburgh,
whither it was given out that the army was to march immediately.
The army, however, began to suspect the design, and every person,
not in the secret, looked dejected. During the 30th, a great deal of
bustle took place in the country in collecting horses and carriages,
but with little effect, as the country people, who also began to
conjecture that a retreat was intended, were not disposed to attend
to the order.[1132] At length the design of these preparations became
apparent when, in consequence of a previous arrangement, Lord George
Murray left Falkirk with the clans on the evening of the 31st for
Bannockburn, leaving behind him Elcho’s, Pitsligo’s, and Kilmarnock’s
horse, who were directed to patrol betwixt Falkirk and Linlithgow
till ten o’clock that night. Lord George continued at the prince’s
quarters till after twelve o’clock at night, when it was agreed
that the army should rendezvous at nine o’clock next morning near
St. Ninians; and a message was directed to be sent to the Duke of
Perth and Lord John Drummond, both of whom were at Stirling, to be
ready to march between nine and ten o’clock, but not to evacuate the
town without further orders. However, after Lord George had left
the prince’s quarters for his own, these orders were countermanded
without his knowledge, and orders were sent to Stirling to evacuate
it by break of day.[1133]

The appointed rendezvous at St. Ninians never took place, for the
private men, imagining when they first heard of the retreat that the
danger was much greater and nearer than it really was, had begun at
day-break to take the road to the Frews. Before the hour appointed
for assembling, many of them had arrived at that ford, so that when
Charles left his quarters for St. Ninians, scarcely a vestige of his
army was to be seen. Officers were sent after some parties, who were
still visible, for the purpose of stopping them, but without effect.
The troops in Stirling, in terms of the orders they had received,
after spiking their cannon, also marched to the Frews, so that the
prince and Lord George Murray found themselves almost deserted.
Charles finding it impossible to recall his troops, marched off with
some of the chiefs and the few troops that remained with him.[1134]

On the morning of the retreat the church of St. Ninians, in which
the insurgents had fifty barrels of gunpowder, blew up with a
terrible explosion, which was heard by the Duke of Cumberland’s
army at Linlithgow. Whether it happened from accident or design, is
a point which cannot be ascertained. If from design, it must have
been the act of some unknown individual, as there was no warning
given to any person to keep out of the way. That it could not have
been perpetrated by any person in the prince’s interest, seems very
evident from the fact, that Charles himself was near enough to have
suffered injury, and that some of the Highlanders, as well as several
of the inhabitants of the village, were killed.[1135] Yet, such was
the spirit of misrepresentation which prevailed at the time, that,
without the least assignable motive, the odium of the act was thrown
upon Charles.

When this explosion took place, Lord George Murray was still at
his head quarters. He thought the castle-guns had fired a volley;
and on repairing to the town about an hour after the explosion, he
was utterly amazed to find that the besiegers had disappeared. He,
therefore, sent an aide-de-camp to call off some horse he had posted
near Falkirk, and proceeded immediately, with the few troops that
remained with him, to the Frews.

The Highland army was quartered that night at Doune, Dunblane, and
adjacent villages, and continued to retire next day, the 2d of
February, in a very disorderly manner. The prince halted at Crieff,
where he reviewed his army, and, according to the statement of one
of his officers,[1136] his army was found not to have lost above
1,000 men by desertion. Charles, who had consented to a retreat on
the supposition that his army had lost a third of its numbers from
this cause, is said to have been deeply affected on this occasion.
Lord George Murray’s enemies did not let slip the opportunity of
reproaching him, and, indeed, all the chiefs who had signed the
representation, with deception; but the author above referred to
observes, that their mistake, if there really was a mistake, can be
easily accounted for, if people will divest themselves of prejudice,
and examine the circumstances impartially. He observes, that, from
the battle of Falkirk up to the time of the Duke of Cumberland’s
march from Edinburgh, the country being absolutely secure, the
Highlanders had indulged their restless disposition by roaming about
all the villages in the neighbourhood of their quarters, and that
numbers of them were absent several days from their colours--that
their principal officers knowing for certain that some had gone home,
imagined that such was also the case with all who were not to be
found in their respective quarters, but that all the stragglers had
got to Crieff and appeared at the review. Without questioning such a
respectable authority as Mr. Maxwell, who may be right in the main
fact, as to the number of the army at Crieff, it seems more likely
that the army had recruited its ranks on the retreat to Crieff, by
overtaking the deserters on their homeward route, than that 2,000 or
3,000 men should have been absent on a sojourn in the neighbourhood
of their camp.

After the review, the prince held a council of war, to deliberate
upon the course to be pursued. At no former meeting did heats and
party animosities break out to such an extent as at this council.
Lord George Murray complained greatly of the flight, and requested
to know the names of the persons who had advised it; but the prince
took the whole blame on himself. After a great deal of wrangling and
altercation, it was determined that the army should march north to
Inverness in two divisions,--that the horse and low-country regiments
should proceed along the coast road, and that the prince, at the
head of the clans, should take the Highland road.[1137] Lord George,
after other officers had refused, agreed to take the command of the
coast division, which arrived at Perth late that night. The prince
remained at Crieff, and passed the night at Fairnton, a seat of Lord
John Drummond, in the neighbourhood. Next day, being the 4th, Charles
marched from Crieff to Dunkeld, and thence to Blair Athole, where
he remained several days, till he heard of the arrival of the other
division at Aberdeen.

It would have been quite impossible, under almost any circumstances,
for the Duke of Cumberland’s army to have overtaken the Highlanders;
but slow as the movements of such an army necessarily were, it met
with an obstruction which retarded its progress nearly three days.
This was the impassable state of Stirling bridge, one arch of which
had, as formerly mentioned, been broken down by General Blakeney
to embarrass the intercourse between the Highland army when in the
south, and its auxiliaries in the north. It was not till the morning
of the 4th of February that the bridge was repaired, on which day
the English army passed over. The advanced guard, consisting of the
Argyleshire Highlanders and the dragoons, went on to Crieff, and the
foot were quartered in and about Dunblane, where the duke passed the
night. Next day he proceeded to Crieff, and on the 6th arrived at
Perth, of which his advanced guard had taken possession the previous
day.

Lord George Murray marched from Perth for Aberdeen with his division
on the 4th. He left behind thirteen pieces of cannon, which were
spiked and thrown into the Tay, a great quantity of cannon balls,
and fourteen swivel guns, that formerly belonged to the Hazard
sloop-of-war, which had been surprised and taken at Montrose by the
Highlanders. These pieces were taken out of the river next day by the
royal troops.

Having learned at Perth the different routes taken by the Highland
army, and that it had gained two or three days’ march in advance,
the Duke of Cumberland resolved to halt a few days to refresh his
men. From Perth parties were sent out to perambulate the neighbouring
country, who plundered the lands and carried off the effects of the
prince’s adherents. The Duchess Dowager of Perth and the Viscountess
of Strathallan were apprehended, carried to Edinburgh, and committed
to the castle.

Shortly after his arrival at Perth, the Duke of Cumberland received
an express announcing the arrival in the Frith of Forth of a force
of about 5,000 Hessians, under the command of the Prince of Hesse,
son-in-law of George II. These auxiliaries had been brought over from
the continent to supply the place of the Dutch troops, who had been
recalled by the states-general in consequence of the interference
of the French government, which considered the treaty entered into
between the King of Great Britain and Holland, by which the latter
agreed to furnish these troops to suppress the rebellion, as a
violation of the capitulations of Tournay and Dendermonde.

The fleet which conveyed the Hessian troops anchored in Leith roads
on the 8th of February, having been only four days from Williamstadt.
The troops were disembarked at Leith on the 9th and the following
day, and were cantoned in and about Edinburgh. On the 15th of
February the Duke of Cumberland paid a visit to the Prince of Hesse,
his brother-in-law, at Edinburgh. On that evening they held a council
of war in Milton-house, the residence of the lord-justice-clerk. In
consequence of the sudden and disorderly retreat of the Highlanders,
an opinion had begun to prevail among the friends of the government
at Edinburgh, that it was the intention of the insurgents to disperse
themselves, and that Charles would follow the example set by his
father in 1716, by leaving the kingdom. Impressed with this idea, the
generals who attended the council gave it as their unanimous opinion
that the war was at an end, and that the duke had nothing now to do
but to give orders to his officers to march into the Highlands, as
soon as the season would permit, and ferret the insurgents out of
their strongholds, as it appeared evident to them that they would
never risk a battle with an army commanded by the Duke of Cumberland.
After the officers had delivered their sentiments, the duke requested
Lord Milton to give his opinion, as he knew the Highlands and
Highlanders better than any person present. His lordship at first
declined doing so, as he was not a military man, but being pressed
by the duke, he began by expressing a hope that he might be mistaken
in the opinion he was about to give, but he felt himself bound to
declare, from all he knew of the Highlands and Highlanders, that the
war was not at an end, and that as the king’s troops could not follow
the Highlanders among their fastnesses in the winter season, they
would, though now divided and scattered, unite again, and venture
another battle before giving up the war. Acquiescing in the views of
Lord Milton, whose opinion turned out correct, the duke returned to
Perth next day to put his army in motion towards the north.[1138]

Meanwhile, the Highland army was proceeding in its march to
Inverness. After remaining a few days at Blair-Athole, Charles
marched to Ruthven in Badenoch, the barrack of which was taken
and blown up by a party under Gordon of Glenbucket, who made the
small garrison prisoners. He reached Moy castle, a seat of the
laird of Mackintosh, about ten miles from Inverness, on the 16th of
February, with an advanced guard of about 50 men. As Charles’s forces
were widely scattered, he resolved to halt at Moy till he should
concentrate a force sufficient to attack the Earl of Loudon, who was
posted at Inverness with 2,000 men.

Hearing of Charles’s arrival at Moy castle, and that he had not
above 500 or 600 men with him, Lord Loudon formed a design to seize
him during the night while off his guard. The better to conceal his
project, his lordship, at three o’clock in the afternoon, completely
invested Inverness on all sides, posting guards and a chain of
sentinels round the town, with positive orders not to suffer any
person to leave it on any pretext whatever. He ordered, at the
same time, 1,500 men to hold themselves in readiness to march at a
moment’s warning; and, having assembled them without noise, he put
himself at their head, and instantly set off, planning his march
so as he might arrive at the castle of Moy about eleven o’clock at
night.[1139]

Notwithstanding the secrecy, however, with which Lord Loudon
concocted his scheme, the plan was divulged by the imprudence or
perfidy of some persons intrusted with the secret. According to one
account (for there are several), the design was communicated to Lady
Mackintosh, a zealous Jacobite, by Fraser of Gorthleck, in a letter
which he sent to her, and in another letter which she received at
the same time from her mother, who, though a whig, felt a repugnance
to allow Charles to be made a prisoner in her daughter’s house, in
which he had taken up his residence as a guest.[1140] Another account
is, that while some English officers were drinking in a tavern in
Inverness, waiting the hour of their departure, a girl of thirteen
or fourteen years of age, who happened to wait on them, paid great
attention to their conversation, and, from certain expressions
dropped by them, discovered their design,--that she immediately left
the house, escaped from the town, notwithstanding the vigilance of
the sentinels, and immediately took the road to Moy, running as fast
as she was able, without shoes or stockings, which, to accelerate
her progress, she had taken off,--and that on arriving she informed
Lady Mackintosh of the design against the prince.[1141] The _Jacobite
Memoirs_, however, have furnished a third version of this affair,
which appears to be more correct in the details. It is there stated
that Lady Mackintosh’s mother, who lived in Inverness, having
received notice of Lord Loudon’s design, despatched a boy, about
fifteen years of age, named Lauchlan Mackintosh, to Moy, to apprise
the prince thereof,--that the boy, finding he could not pass by Lord
Loudon’s men without running the risk of being discovered, concealed
himself behind a wall till they had passed, when, taking a different
road, he reached Moy and gave the alarm. The prince, who was in bed,
was instantly awakened, and, jumping out, put on his clothes, left
the house with a guard of about thirty men, and disappeared in a
neighbouring wood.[1142]

[Illustration: Lady Anne Mackintosh, 1745. From original painting in
possession of The Mackintosh.]

As soon as Lady Mackintosh was informed of Lord Loudon’s design,
she sent five or six of her people, headed by a country blacksmith,
named Fraser, to watch the advance of Loudon’s troops. This man,
with a boldness almost incredible, formed the extraordinary design
of surprising the advancing party, in the expectation that they
would fall a prey to a panic. With this view, he posted his men on
both sides of the road to Inverness, about three miles from Moy,
and enjoined them not to fire till he should give directions, and
then not to fire together, but one after the other, in the order he
pointed out. After waiting for some time, the party was apprised
of the advance of Lord Loudon’s troops by the noise they made in
marching. When the head of the detachment, which consisted of 70
men under the laird of Macleod, was within hearing, the blacksmith
called out with a loud voice, “Here come the villains who intend to
carry off our prince; fire, my lads; do not spare them; give them
no quarter.” He thereupon discharged his piece in the direction of
the detachment, and his party, after following his example, ran
in different directions, calling upon the Macdonalds and Camerons
to advance on the right and left, and repeating aloud the names
of Lochiel and Keppoch. Impressed with the belief that the whole
Highland army was at hand, the advanced guard instantly turned
its back, and communicating its fears to the rear, a scene of
indescribable confusion ensued. The _sauve-qui-peut_ which burst
forth from the discomfited legions of Napoleon on the plains of
Waterloo, was not more appalling to the flying French than were the
names of the Camerons and Macdonalds to the ears of Lord Loudon’s
troops on the present occasion. In the hurry of their flight many
were thrown down and trodden upon, and so great was the panic with
which the fugitives were seized, that the flight continued till
they got near Inverness. The Master of Ross, who accompanied the
party, and was one of those who were overwhelmed, observed to Mr.
Home, that he had been in many perils, but had never found himself
in such a grievous condition as that in which he was at the rout of
Moy.[1143] In this affair the laird of Macleod’s piper, reputed the
best in Scotland, was shot dead on the spot. On the dispersion of
Lord Loudon’s party, Charles returned to the castle.

Having assembled his men next morning, Charles advanced upon
Inverness with the intention of attacking Lord Loudon, and taking
revenge for the attempt of the preceding night; but his lordship, not
feeling inclined to wait for the prince, retired into Ross-shire,
by crossing the Moray Frith at the ferry of Kessock. Charles took
immediate possession of Inverness, and laid siege to the castle then
named Fort George. This structure, which was situated on a hill to
the south-west of Cromwell’s fort, had been raised at the Revolution;
and had cost the government, since its erection, above £50,000. The
castle was fortified in the modern manner, being a regular square
with four bastions, and it commanded the town and the bridge over the
river Ness.

This fortress had a garrison of eighty regular troops; but, on
his departure from Inverness, Lord Loudon threw into it two of the
independent companies, one of Grants, and the other of Macleods. The
castle on the present occasion mounted sixteen pieces of cannon,
and was well provided with ammunition and provisions. The prince
summoned the fortress to surrender, but Grant of Rothiemurchus,
the governor, refused to comply. Though Charles had left his heavy
artillery behind, he found no difficulty in reducing this fort, as
the little hill on which it was built was so contiguous to the town
that it could be easily approached on that side, without exposure to
its fire. It was resolved to undermine the castle and blow it up;
but, after a siege of two days, and when the mine had been completed,
the garrison surrendered. This event took place on the 20th of
February. The prince, however, did not spare the fortress, which he
blew up immediately after the surrender; a sergeant in the French
artillery, who was charged with the operation, losing his life on the
occasion.[1144]

On the same day that Charles arrived at Moy, the division under Lord
George Murray had reached Spey side; and the day before Fort George
surrendered he had arrived with his men in the neighbourhood of
Inverness. In consequence of a great fall of snow, which took place
on the day Lord George marched from Aberdeen, his march had been most
fatiguing; and the French piquets and Lord John Drummond’s regiment
were obliged to halt a day at Kintore and Inverury. After giving
the prince an account of his march, Lord George, contemplating the
possibility of a retreat to the Highlands, mentioned a plan, devised
by him and Lord Pitsligo, to assess the shires of Banff, Moray,
and Nairn in 5,000 bolls of meal, for the use of the army; and he
proposed that the greater part of it should be sent to the Highlands
for subsistence, in case of retreat thither. The prince approved of
the plan; but directed that the whole of the meal, when collected,
should be brought to Inverness.[1145]

With the exception of two detachments, which took possession of Blair
and Castle Menzies, the army of the Duke of Cumberland lay inactive
at Perth till the 20th of February, on which day he put his army in
motion for the north, in four divisions. He sent notice to the Prince
of Hesse to march to Perth, and in his way to leave two battalions at
Stirling. At the same time he directed the remains of Ligonier’s and
Hamilton’s dragoons to be cantoned at Bannockburn, and St. George’s
dragoons to be posted at Bridge of Earn. With the assistance of these
cavalry regiments, which were placed under the command of the Earl of
Crawford, it was thought that the Prince of Hesse would be able to
check the insurgents, and prevent their progress south, should they
give the duke the slip. In marching north, the duke’s army took the
road along the coast, as Lord George Murray had done. On the 27th of
February the army arrived at Aberdeen, where the duke took up his
quarters, till the advance of spring should enable him to take the
field. A few days before his arrival, a vessel from France had landed
at Aberdeen three troops of Fitz-James’s horse, with five officers,
and a piquet of Berwick’s regiment. These troops, with a party of men
under Moir of Stonywood, left Aberdeen on the duke’s approach.

Compelled by circumstances to abandon, within the short space of
three weeks, the whole tract of low country from the Avon to the Don,
on which he chiefly relied for the subsistence of his army, followed
by a large army with powerful resources in its rear, which it could
render speedily available, and narrowly watched by the forces under
Lord Loudon, the situation of Charles now became very critical. The
fertile province of Moray and part of the adjacent territory had, by
the expulsion of Lord Loudon from Inverness, no doubt come into his
possession; but he could not expect to maintain his ground in this
district for any length of time without a precarious struggle. He had
it in his power, whenever he pleased, to retire into the neighbouring
Highlands, where his pursuers would scarcely venture to follow him;
but, without previously securing a supply of provisions from the Low
country, he could not keep his army together in a district where the
means of subsistence were extremely scanty. The possibility of such
a retreat was contemplated by Lord George Murray; but, from aversion
to such a design, or from want of foresight, Charles, as just stated,
over-ruled his lordship’s proposal to send a supply of provisions to
the Highlands.

Judging from the slowness of the Duke of Cumberland’s motions,
that a considerable time would elapse before he would venture to
cross the Spey, Charles resolved to employ the interval in carrying
through a series of operations which he and his friends projected.
The principal of these were the reduction of Fort Augustus and
Fort William, and the dispersion of Lord Loudon’s army. To secure
subsistence for his army, he cantoned the greater part of the
division which had marched by Aberdeen between that town and
Inverness; and, as after the retreat from Stirling he had directed
any supplies that might be sent him from France to be landed to the
north of Aberdeen, he occupied all the little towns along that coast.
As this district was generally disaffected to the government, it was
an easy matter to guard it with the few troops that were dispersed
over it; and no danger was to be apprehended till the English army
came up, when the various parties were directed to fall back from
post to post as the duke advanced.[1146]

The first enterprise that Charles undertook, after capturing Fort
George, was the siege of Fort Augustus. To reduce this fortress, and
with the ulterior view of laying siege to Fort William, Brigadier
Stapleton was sent into Stratherrick with the French piquets and a
detachment of Lord John Drummond’s regiment, and appeared before
Fort Augustus about the end of February. Without waiting for his
artillery, which consisted of a few pieces found at Fort George, he
attacked the old barrack and carried it immediately, the garrison
retiring to the fort. Mr. Grant, who had succeeded M. Mirabelle as
chief engineer, since the siege of Stirling, opened a trench upon the
3d of March. The garrison held out two days, when, in consequence
of the explosion of the powder magazine by the falling of a shell,
the fortress surrendered, and the garrison, which consisted of three
companies of Guise’s regiment, were made prisoners of war. Leaving
Lord Lewis Gordon with a few troops in command of the place, the
brigadier marched to Fort William, which he invested on the land
side.[1147]

Pursuant to his plan of operations, the prince, in the beginning
of March, sent Lord Cromarty with a detachment, consisting of his
own regiment, the Mackintoshes, Macgregors, and Barrisdale’s men,
to drive the forces under Lord Loudon out of Ross-shire. Finding
that his lordship was unable to accomplish the task which had been
assigned him, Charles despatched Lord George Murray to his assistance
with the Macdonalds of Clanranald and a battalion of Lochiel’s
regiment. He reached Dingwall the first night, where he found Lord
Cromarty’s detachment; but his lordship had been absent two days at
his own house with a strong guard of Mackenzies. Lord George marched
next day for Tain, where he understood Lord Loudon was posted; but on
the road he learned that his lordship had crossed the Dornoch Frith
to Sutherland, and had quartered his troops in the town of Dornoch
and the neighbourhood. Not having any boats to carry his men across
the frith, his lordship, after consulting his officers, returned
to Dingwall, where he quartered his men. The reason of retiring a
day’s march farther back was to throw Lord Loudon off his guard, as
it was contemplated to bring boats along the coast and attempt the
passage. There was nothing to prevent the detachment marching round
the head of the frith; but Lord Loudon having a sufficiency of boats,
might have eluded his pursuers by recrossing to Tain; and, as Lord
George would, by such a course, have been several days’ march from
Inverness, the main body of the Highland army would have been in a
critical situation, if the Duke of Cumberland’s army had reached the
neighbourhood of Inverness, while the corps under Lord George Murray
was on the north side of the Frith of Dornoch.[1148] After sending
notice to Lord Cromarty of the disposition of his forces, and that
the Duke of Perth would take the command, Lord George returned to
Inverness the following day, to execute a design he and Macpherson
of Cluny had concerted, to surprise the castle of Blair, and to
beat up the quarters of the government troops in Athole, who, from
information he had received, had committed great excesses in that
district.

To carry the enterprise against Lord Loudon into execution, all
the fishing boats that could be collected on the coast of Moray
were brought to Findhorn. A few gentlemen, to whom the charge of
collecting this small flotilla had been intrusted, had conducted
the matter with such secrecy and expedition, that no person in the
government interest was aware of it; but after the boats were all
in readiness, a difficulty presented itself in getting them across
the Moray frith without being perceived by the English cruisers that
were continually passing along the coast. Moir of Stonywood, however,
undertook to convey the boats to Tain, and he accordingly set out one
night with this little fleet, and arrived at his destination next
morning without being observed by the enemy.[1149] On the flotilla
reaching Tain, the Duke of Perth divided his force into two parts;
and while, with one of them, he marched about by the head of the
frith, he directed the other to cross in the boats. Under cover
of a thick fog this division landed without being discovered, and
the duke, having united his forces on the north side of the frith,
advanced upon Dornoch. When near that town, he came up with a party
of 200 men, who were on their march to join Lord Loudon. This party
instantly fled; but Major Mackenzie, who commanded it, with four
or five officers, and sixty privates, were made prisoners. Among
the officers was a son of Mr. Macdonald of Scothouse, who was taken
prisoner by his own father.[1150] The main body, under Lord Loudon,
abandoned Dornoch in great consternation, and fled north towards
Glenmore, pursued by the Jacobite forces. Both parties marched all
night; but the fugitives kept ahead of their pursuers. After a chase
of about thirty miles, the Duke of Perth discontinued the pursuit,
and halted at the head of Loch Shin. While following the enemy during
the night, great anxiety prevailed among the Macdonalds in the
Duke of Perth’s detachment, lest, in the event of an engagement,
they might not be able, notwithstanding their white cockades, to
distinguish themselves from the Macdonalds of Skye, who, like
the other Macdonalds, wore heather in their bonnets.[1151] Upon
reaching the head of Sutherland-shire, Lord Loudon separated his
army. Accompanied by the lord-president and the laird of Macleod, he
marched to the sea-coast with 800 of the Macdonalds and Macleods,
and embarked for the Isle of Skye. Part of his own regiment, with
several officers, took refuge in Lord Reay’s country. Finding that
Lord Loudon’s troops had dispersed, the Duke of Perth returned to
Inverness, leaving Lord Cromarty in Sutherland with a sufficient
force to keep Lord Sutherland and Lord Reay’s people in check. The
dispersion of Lord Loudon’s army was considered of such importance
by Charles, that he immediately despatched an officer to France with
the intelligence.[1152] In this expedition, several vessels in the
Frith of Dornoch, having some valuable effects on board, fell into
the hands of the insurgents.

Before Lord George Murray set out on his expedition into Athole,
Macpherson of Cluny had secured the passes between that country and
Badenoch, to prevent all communication between these districts. About
the middle of March Lord George left Inverness with 400 men of the
Athole brigade; and, on entering Badenoch, he was joined by Cluny
with 300 Macphersons. On the 16th of March the whole detachment set
out from Dalwhinnie in the dusk of the evening, and did not halt till
they reached Dalnaspidal, about the middle of Drummochter, where the
body was divided into a number of small parties, in each of which the
Athole men and the Macphersons were proportionally mixed.

Hitherto, with the exception of Macpherson of Cluny and Lord George,
no person in the expedition knew either its destination or object.
The time was now come for Lord George to explain his design, which
he said was to surprise and attack before day-light, and as nearly
as possible at the same time, all the posts in Athole occupied by
the royal forces. As an encouragement, he offered a reward of a
guinea to every man who should surprise a sentinel at his post.
There were about thirty posts in all, including the different houses
at which the royal troops were quartered; but the principal posts,
more especially selected for attack, were Bun-Rannoch, the house of
Keynnachin, the house of Blairfettie, the house of Lude, the house
of Faskally, and the inn at Blair, where, as Lord George Murray
was informed, several officers of the twenty-first regiment were
quartered. After the different parties had discharged their duty by
attacking the posts assigned them, they were ordered to meet at the
bridge of Bruar, about two miles north from Blair, as the general
rendezvous for the detachment.

Having received their instructions, the different parties set out
immediately: and so well was the scheme of attack laid, that betwixt
three and five o’clock in the morning, the whole posts, though many
miles distant from one another, were carried. At Bun-Rannoch, where
there was a late-wake held that night, the sentinel was surprised,
and the whole of the party, (Argyleshire men,) while engaged in
that festivity, were taken prisoners, without a shot being fired on
either side. The sentinel at Keynnachin being more upon his guard,
discharged his piece and alarmed his friends, who defended themselves
for a short time by firing from the windows, till the party broke
into the house, and killing one man, made prisoners of the rest. At
Blairfettie, where there were fifty Argyleshire men stationed, the
sentinel was surprised, and the party, with the proprietor of the
mansion at their head, entered the house before the soldiers within
knew that they were attacked. They endeavoured to defend themselves,
but were obliged to surrender. Lady Blairfettie was in bed at the
time, and knew nothing of the affair, till informed by a servant that
her husband was below, and wished to see her immediately. On coming
down stairs she found the garrison disarmed, the prisoners in the
dining-room, and about a dozen of her husband’s tenants and servants
standing over them with drawn swords. Blairfettie, thinking that his
wife had been harshly treated, desired her to point out any of the
prisoners who had used her ill; but she answered that she had no
other complaint to make than this, that the prisoners had eaten all
her provisions, and that she and her children were starving.[1153]
The parties at Faskally, at Lude, and the bridge of Tilt, were also
taken; but that in the inn of Blair, after some resistance, escaped
to the castle. Three hundred prisoners were taken by Lord George’s
parties, without the loss of a single man. While beating up the
different posts, a party, by order of Lord George, secured the pass
of Killiecrankie.[1154]

Having been apprised, by the arrival of the party from the inn of
Blair, of the presence of the enemy, Sir Andrew Agnew, who held
the castle of Blair, instantly got his men under arms, and left
the castle to ascertain who they were that had attacked his posts.
Information of this circumstance was brought about daybreak by an
inhabitant of the village to Lord George Murray, who was then at
the bridge of Bruar with a party of twenty-five men only and a
few elderly gentlemen, waiting for the different parties he had
despatched the previous night. This intelligence was of the utmost
importance to Lord George and his party, all of whom would otherwise
have probably fallen into the hands of the garrison. Lord George
immediately consulted the gentlemen around him as to the course they
should pursue. Some advised an immediate retreat in the direction
of Dalwhinnie, but others were for crossing the nearest hills, and
retiring by roads along which it would be difficult for the garrison
to follow them. His lordship, however, was opposed to both opinions,
as by quitting his post he was afraid that his different parties, as
they came to the appointed place of rendezvous, would be surprised,
and made prisoners. While pondering how to extricate himself from
the dilemma in which he was placed, he espied a long unfinished
turf-wall which ran across a field near the bridge. An idea at once
occurred to him, that by disposing the few men that were with him
behind this wall at a considerable distance from one another, and by
displaying the colours of both regiments in front, he might deceive
Sir Andrew Agnew’s detachment, by inducing them to believe that they
were to be opposed by a large body of men. Having disposed his small
party in the way described, Lord George directed the pipers, (for
luckily he had with him the whole pipers of his detachment,) to keep
their eyes fixed upon the road to Blair, and the moment they saw any
military appear in that direction, to strike up at once with all
their bagpipes. Just as the sun was rising above the horizon, Sir
Andrew Agnew’s men appeared, and their ears were instantly saluted by
the noise of the bagpipes, when the pipers commenced playing one of
their most noisy pibrochs. The party behind the wall then drew their
swords, and, as they had been previously ordered by Lord George, kept
brandishing them above their heads. This _ruse_ succeeded completely,
and Sir Andrew, alarmed by the noise and the spectacle before him,
at which he took only a short glance, ordered his men to the right
about, and retired into the castle.[1155]

[Illustration: Blair Castle as it stood in 1745-6 before being
dismantled. Copied by permission from an old drawing in possession of
His Grace the Duke of Athole.]

Being now relieved from all apprehension of attack, Lord George
remained at his post till joined by about 300 of his men,
when he marched to Blair, and invested the castle. Having no
battering-cannon, and only two small field-pieces, which could make
no impression on walls that were seven feet thick, he resolved to
blockade the castle, which he expected would be forced to surrender
in two or three weeks for want of provisions. To cut off the
communication between the castle and the neighbouring country, Lord
George placed a guard of 300 men at the village of Blair, where he
was himself stationed, and another near the Mains, at some stables
which had been recently erected. Being joined by 400 or 500 men
belonging to the district, who had been formerly in the Highland
army, Lord George detached a party to Dunkeld, where they remained
till the approach of the Hessians from Perth. This party then
retreated to Pitlochrie, two miles below the pass of Killiecrankie,
where they remained several days, during which time repeated
skirmishes took place between them and the hussars, and some of St.
George’s dragoons. During the time the Athole men kept possession of
Pitlochrie, Lord George Murray went there generally twice every day
to ascertain the state of matters. The Hessians showed no disposition
to leave Dunkeld, where they had taken up their quarters, till the
13th of March, on which day a large body of them came up as far as
the Haugh of Dalskean, about two miles from Pitlochrie. The dragoons
and hussars continuing to advance, the Athole men retired to the
foot of the pass of Killiecrankie, where they halted to dispute the
passage; but after remaining six hours waiting for the Hessians, they
were informed that a great part of them had returned to Dunkeld.[1156]

At this time the garrison of Blair castle was reduced to great
distress from the want of provisions, and if the blockade had
been continued a few days longer they must have surrendered; but,
fortunately for the besieged, Lord George Murray was ordered to
return immediately to Inverness, in consequence of the expected
advance of the Duke of Cumberland. Accordingly, on the 31st of March,
Lord George sent off his two pieces of cannon, that he might not be
impeded in his march, and about ten o’clock at night he drew off the
party from the pass to Blair, taking his departure for Inverness,
at two o’clock next morning. Finding the pass clear, Lord Crawford
went through it the same morning, but the Hessians, alarmed at the
dreadful aspect which it presented, positively refused to enter the
pass. As, from the expresses which Lord George Murray received, he
was led to infer that the Duke of Cumberland was about to leave
Aberdeen, his lordship made a most rapid march, having performed
the journey in seventy hours, four only of which he devoted to
sleep. Cluny’s men were left at Ruthven, to guard Badenoch from the
incursions of the royal troops in Athole.[1157]

To facilitate his march to the north, and to clear as much of the low
country as possible from the presence of the insurgents, the Duke
of Cumberland sent several detachments from Aberdeen, to scour the
country, and possess themselves of certain posts between the Don and
the Spey. One of these detachments, consisting of four battalions of
infantry, the Duke of Kingston’s horse, and Cobham’s dragoons, under
the command of General Bland, left Aberdeen on the 12th of March, and
took possession of Old Meldrum, Inverury, and Old Rayne. Bland was
preceded on his march by the Argyleshire men, and 100 of the laird of
Grant’s followers under the eldest son of that chief. At this time
the insurgent forces on the east of the river Spey, which had been
placed under the command of Lord John Drummond, were stationed as
follows. Lord Strathallan’s horse, which had been lately separated
from Lord Kilmarnock’s, and the hussars, occupied Cullen; part of
the battalions of Roy Stewart and Gordon of Avochy, consisting of
about 400 men, with 50 horse, were quartered at Strathbogie, and
the remainder were cantoned in Fochabers, and the villages along the
Spey.[1158]

Having received intelligence of the occupation of Strathbogie by
the Highlanders, the Duke of Cumberland sent orders on the 16th, to
General Bland to march thither with all the troops under his command,
and endeavour to surprise the forces there assembled, and failing
in that design, to attack them and drive them across the river. To
sustain General Bland, should occasion require, Brigadier Mordaunt
marched by break of day next morning to Old Meldrum, with four
battalions and four pieces of cannon. About the same time General
Bland left Old Meldrum for Strathbogie, and almost succeeded in
surprising the insurgents, who were ignorant of his approach till he
came near the place. At the time the news of General Bland’s march
reached Strathbogie some of the Highlanders were absent, having
been sent the preceding night for the purpose of intercepting the
young laird of Grant, who was returning to his own country with
a commission to raise a regiment out of his clan, and who was to
pass within a few miles of Strathbogie. The party, however, did not
succeed, as Mr. Grant got the start of them, and took up his quarters
for the night in a strong castle belonging to Lord Forbes, which they
found it impossible to force without artillery. This party returned
to Strathbogie about one o’clock in the afternoon, greatly fatigued
from want of rest, and found that intelligence had been received of
Bland’s advance. This news was fully confirmed by the arrival of some
scouts, who came back at full speed with information that a large
body of horse and foot was at hand.[1159]

Alarmed at the unexpected approach of the enemy, the officers at
Strathbogie were at first at a loss how to act. There was danger in
retreat as well as in attempting to remain. It was impossible that
the men, who were in want of sleep and refreshment, could march far
without halting; and as they had left several stragglers behind,
it appeared certain that, in the event of a retreat, these would
be picked up by Bland’s cavalry. On the other hand, from the vast
numerical superiority of the English forces, it was dreaded that the
small party would not be able to make an effectual resistance, and
that in the event of a defeat the whole would easily fall into the
enemy’s hands. In this dilemma it was resolved to remain an hour at
Strathbogie, to give time to the stragglers to come up, and then
to retreat. At this time the van of Bland’s detachment had begun
to appear, and before the hour had elapsed the whole was in sight,
and the van within a quarter of a mile of the village. The small
party of guards then marched out towards the enemy, and while they
formed between the village and the bridge of Bogie, as if intending
to dispute the passage of the bridge, the foot left the village.
After they had cleared the village, and the enemy’s cavalry had
begun to file along the bridge, the small body of horse retired
after the foot, towards the river Deveron, which they crossed. They
thereupon formed again on the other side of the river to stop the
enemy’s horse, who had pursued them at full speed from Strathbogie
to the river side, but they did not at first attempt the passage,
a circumstance which enabled the foot to gain the adjoining hill
without molestation, where, from the narrowness of the road and the
rockiness of the ground on each side of it, they were perfectly
safe from the attacks of cavalry. With the exception of some
volunteers among the cavalry, who followed half-way up the hill, and
skirmished with a few of the guards who were left behind to observe
their motions, the rest of the cavalry gave over the pursuit. The
Highlanders, however, did not halt till they reached Fochabers. Next
day they crossed the Spey, along with the other troops which had been
cantoned on the east side, and took up their quarters in the villages
on the opposite side.[1160]

From Strathbogie, General Bland sent forward a detachment of 70
Campbells, and 30 of Kingston’s horse, to occupy Keith, but they
were not allowed to hold this post long. Major Glasgow, an Irish
officer in the service of France, having offered to the prince to
carry it with a detachment of 200 men, he was allowed to attempt the
enterprise, and succeeded, the village having been invested on all
sides before the enemy was aware of the attempt. On this occasion
they became the victims of a little stratagem. After recrossing the
Spey, Lord John Drummond sent a body of horse and foot across every
morning. The foot remained generally all day at Fochabers, and the
horse patrolled on the road between that village and Keith. On the
20th of March, a small party of Bland’s light horse having appeared
on the top of the hill that overlooks Fochabers, the party occupying
the village, apparently alarmed, left it in a hurry, much earlier
than usual, and repassed the river. The design in thus repairing
across the river before the usual time, was to throw the party at
Keith off their guard, who, fancying themselves secure, took no
precautions against surprise. After it had grown quite dark, Glasgow
crossed the Spey with his detachment, consisting of 200 foot and 40
horse, and marching direct to Keith, arrived there unperceived about
one o’clock in the morning. The Campbells, who were quartered in the
church, formed in the church-yard, and a smart fire was kept up for
some time between them and their assailants; but upon being promised
quarter, if they submitted, they laid down their arms. Of the whole
party, including the horse, not above five or six escaped. Captain
Campbell who commanded the detachment, a non-commissioned officer,
and five privates were killed. Glasgow had twelve of his men killed
or wounded.

The advantages obtained by the insurgents in their expeditions into
Athole and Sutherland, and by the reduction of Fort Augustus, were
in some degree balanced by the loss of the Prince Charles, formerly
the Hazard sloop of war, and the capture of some treasure and warlike
stores which she had brought from France for the use of Charles’s
army; and by the abandonment of the siege of Fort William.

Early in November the Hazard, a vessel mounting sixteen guns and some
swivels, with a crew of 80 men, had anchored at Ferriden, opposite
Montrose. The object of her commander, in taking this station, was
to prevent the insurgents from taking possession of the town. At
this time a party of Lord Ogilvy’s men, under the command of Captain
David Ferrier, held Brechin, of which Ferrier had been appointed
deputy-governor by the prince before his march into England; and
to hinder the approach of this party towards Montrose, a fire was
kept up at intervals for three days and nights from the Hazard, the
only effect of which was to annoy the inhabitants exceedingly. To
put an end to such a state of matters, Ferrier formed the design of
capturing the vessel by raising a battery at the entrance of the
river, and thereby to prevent her getting out to sea. In pursuance
of this plan he entered Montrose one night, and possessed himself
of the island on the south side of the town, opposite to where the
Hazard lay. Next day the Hazard attempted to dislodge the party from
the isle by her fire, but without success. In the afternoon of the
following day a vessel carrying French colours was observed at sea,
standing in towards the river; this turned out to be a transport from
France, with a party of Lord John Drummond’s regiment, some Irish
piquets, and six pieces of artillery. On observing this vessel, the
Hazard fired a gun to leeward as a decoy; but, upon a signal from the
party on the island, the commander of the French vessel ran her on
shore out of reach of the Hazard’s guns. The crew then landed the six
guns, and a fire was opened from them upon the Hazard next morning
from both sides of the river, on each of which three of the pieces
had been planted. With the exception, however, of having some of her
rigging cut, she sustained no damage. Before the arrival of Ferrier’s
party, Captain Hill, the commander of the Hazard, had taken four
six-pounders, and two four-pounders, belonging to the town, which
he had put on board a vessel in the harbour; but, by oversight, he
left this vessel at the quay, and the consequence was, that she fell
into the hands of the insurgents. This circumstance was fatal to the
Hazard; for, finding that the guns lately landed were not sufficient
to force the Hazard to surrender, Captain Ferrier carried the four
six-pounders to the Dial hill, from which he fired upon her; and her
commander, seeing escape hopeless, after hoisting a flag of truce,
and making an ineffectual attempt for permission to leave the river,
surrendered.[1161]

This vessel, being a first-rate sailer, was a great acquisition
to the insurgents, and had made several trips to France. On the
present occasion the Prince Charles, as the Hazard was now named by
the Highlanders, was returning from France, having on board several
officers and some privates, a supply of arms and ammunition, and
a quantity of gold coin, amounting to between £12,000 and £13,000
sterling. She was observed, on the 24th of March, off the Banffshire
coast, by the Sheerness man-of-war, which immediately gave chase.
The Prince Charles taking a north-west course, endeavoured to escape
by entering the Pentland frith; but the Sheerness followed her into
that dangerous gulf; and after a running fight, in which the Prince
Charles is said to have lost 36 men, the latter ran ashore on the
sands of Melness, on the west side of Tongue bay, near the house of
Lord Reay, on the 25th of March. The officers, soldiers, and crew,
immediately landed with the treasure, which was contained in small
boxes, and carried it to the house of William Mackay of Melness,
where it remained during the night. The dispersion of Lord Loudon’s
forces, an event which was considered at the time highly favourable
to the interests of Charles in the north, turned out, in the present
instance, to be very prejudicial. Part of them, as has been stated,
had, upon their dispersion, retired into that wild and barren region
called Lord Reay’s country; and when the Prince Charles arrived
in Tongue bay, there was a party of these troops quartered in the
neighbourhood. On receiving notice of the landing, Lord Reay sent
some persons in a boat across the bay, to ascertain the strength
of the party that had disembarked; and, on being informed that it
was not numerous, it was concerted between him and some of Lord
Loudon’s officers, to attack the party next morning with such forces
as they could collect. Early next morning the French, conducted by
George Mackay, younger of Melness, who had undertaken to lead them
to Inverness, left Melness; but they had not proceeded far, when
they were attacked, two hours after day-break, by a body of men,
consisting of fifty of Lord Reay’s people headed by his lordship’s
steward and a similar number of Lord Loudon’s troops. After a short
resistance, during which four or six of their men were killed and
as many wounded, the whole party, consisting of 20 officers and 120
soldiers and sailors, surrendered.

As Charles’s coffers were almost exhausted at this time, the loss
of such a large sum of money pressed with peculiar severity upon
the army, which he had, in consequence, great difficulty in keeping
together. Though sparing in his troops, the King of France had
not been remiss in sending Charles pecuniary supplies, nor had
the King of Spain been unmindful of him; but the remittances sent
by these sovereigns did not all reach their destination, some of
them having been intercepted by British cruisers on their way.
Reckoning, however, the sums drawn and received from various sources,
Charles must have got no inconsiderable sum; but he appears to have
paid little attention to his pecuniary concerns, and a system of
peculation is said to have been practised by the persons intrusted
with the management, which told heavily upon his means. His principal
steward in particular, to whom the administration of the finances was
committed, is alleged not to have been scrupulously honest, and he
is said to have contrived matters so as to prevent open detection.
His underlings did not omit the opportunity which occasion offered,
of filling their pockets: a system of imposition was also practised
by means of false musters.[1162] Under such circumstances the early
exhaustion of Charles’s military chest is not to be wondered at. In
this situation, seeing the impossibility of recruiting his finances
at Inverness, he had resolved to return to the south country; but
other circumstances induced him to forego his intention.

Judging from the unfortunate result of the siege of Stirling castle,
neither Lord George Murray nor Brigadier Stapleton had any hopes
of reducing Fort William, which, besides being a strong place, was
regularly fortified; but, as Lochiel, Keppoch, and other chiefs,
whose properties lay in its neighbourhood, were very desirous to
obtain possession of a fortress which perpetually annoyed them,
and the garrison of which had, during the prince’s expedition into
England, made frequent sallies, and burnt the houses of the country
people, and carried off their cattle, they did not object to the
siege.[1163]

To assist the troops under Stapleton, the Camerons and the Macdonalds
of Keppoch were ordered to Fort William. Mr. Grant the engineer
proposed to begin the siege by erecting a battery on a small hill,
called the Sugar-loaf, which overlooked the fortress about 800 yards
off; and as he observed that one of the bastions projected so far
that it could not be defended by the fire of the first, he proposed
to arrive at it by a trench and blow it up; but, while in the act of
reconnoitring, he received a violent contusion from a cannon-ball,
which completely disabled him. Brigadier Stapleton, having no other
engineer, was obliged to send to Inverness for M. Mirabelle, the
singular personage formerly alluded to. Meanwhile, the besieged
heightened the parapets of the walls on the side where they dreaded
an attack, and raised the two faces of the bastions seven feet
high.[1164]

For several days a skirmishing was kept up between the garrison and
two sloops of war stationed in the river, on the one side, and the
besiegers on the other, with varied success; but the insurgents
having completed a battery on the Sugar-loaf on March 20th, opened
the siege that evening. On account of its distance from the
fortress, and the smallness of the cannon, which consisted of six
and four-pounders only, little execution was done. Next day the
besiegers erected a new battery at the foot of the Cowhill, within
half the distance of the other, which was also opened, but with
little better effect. On the 22d, Brigadier Stapleton sent a drummer
to Captain Scott, the commanding officer, with a letter, requiring
him to surrender, but his answer was, that he would defend the place
to the last extremity. The bombardment was thereupon renewed on
both sides for some hours, but at last the garrison silenced the
besiegers by beating down their principal battery. The besiegers then
erected a third battery, and the bombardment continued, with little
intermission, till the 31st, when the garrison made a sally, forced
one of the batteries erected upon a place called the Craigs, about a
hundred yards from the walls, and captured several pieces of cannon
and two mortars. Notwithstanding this disaster, they continued to
annoy the besieged from five cannon which they had still mounted,
but with no other damage to the garrison than the destruction of the
roofs of most of the houses. At length, on the 3d of April, Brigadier
Stapleton, in consequence of instructions he had received from the
prince to join him immediately, raised the siege, and, after spiking
his heavy cannon, marched for Inverness with the piquets, taking his
field pieces along with him. He left the Highlanders behind, on the
understanding that they were to follow him with as little delay as
possible. The loss sustained on either side was trifling.[1165]

Abounding as the prince’s enterprise did, in many brilliant points,
there is, unquestionably, no part of it more deserving of admiration
than that which now presents itself, near the end of his short,
but very eventful career. At Gladsmuir and at Falkirk, almost the
whole of the prince’s energies were directed to a single point, but
at Inverness he projected a number of expeditions, attacks, and
sieges, and conducted them with an energy and promptitude which
astonished the government. The whole force he was able to collect,
after his retreat to the north, did not exceed 8,000 men; and,
although there was no certainty that the Duke of Cumberland might
not advance immediately from Aberdeen, which is only a hundred miles
from Inverness, yet he separated his forces, and, while with one
detachment he kept General Bland in check, he, almost at the same
time, carried on a series of operations with the isolated parts
of his army in the distant territories of Athole, Lochaber, and
Sutherland.

FOOTNOTES:

[1122] “But the Duke was no common man. He belonged to an age when
high command was in a great measure a royal science, which men of
inferior rank had scanty opportunities of studying. He was connected
with the cluster of German princes, among whom, after the enticing
example of the house of Brandenburg, a knowledge of the art of war
was deemed a good speculation as a means of enlarging their dominions
in the tangled contests created among the German states by every
European war. After Frederick himself, perhaps none of these princes
would have been so capable of successful appropriations of territory
as the young man whose warlike pursuits were thrown into a different
channel by his connection with the British throne. Though the subject
of a constitutional government, however, he retained the spirit of
the German soldier-prince. Military law was the first of all laws;
and to military necessity everything must yield. He followed the
course which, perhaps, most men brought up in his school would have
followed, if in possession of the same power; but in a constitutional
country it had the character of brutal severity, and after having, as
he deemed it, done his stern duty, he left behind him an execrating
country to find that his little nephews ran away and hid themselves,
in terror of his notorious cruelty.”[1123]--Burton’s _Scotland_,
(1689-1748), vol. ii. p. 507.

[1123] “The bravery of the Duke of Cumberland,” says the first
historian of our day, “was such as distinguished him even among the
princes of his brave house. The indifference with which he rode about
amidst musket-balls and cannon-balls, was not the highest proof of
his fortitude. Hopeless maladies--horrible surgical operations--far
from unmanning him, did not even discompose him. With courage, he had
the virtues which are akin to courage. He spoke the truth, was open
in enmity and friendship, and upright in all his dealings. But his
nature was hard; and what seemed to him justice, was rarely tempered
with mercy. He was therefore, during many years, one of the most
unpopular men in England. The severity with which he treated the
rebels after the battle of Culloden, had gained him the name of ‘the
butcher.’ His attempts to introduce into the army of England, then
in a most disorderly state, the rigorous discipline of Potsdam, had
excited still stronger disgust. Nothing was too bad to be believed
of him. Many honest people were so absurd as to fancy that if he
were left regent during the minority of his nephews, there would be
another smothering in the tower.”--_Macaulay’s Essays--Chatham._

[1124] Marchant, p. 328.

[1125] Marchant, p. 329.

[1126] _Kirkconnel MS._ Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 167. Among the
honourable few were Sir Peter Halket, lieutenant-colonel of Lee’s
regiment; Mr. Ross, son of Lord Ross; Captain Lucy Scott; Lieutenants
Farquharson and Cumming; and Mr. Home has been justly censured for
suppressing in his history this fact, and others equally well known
to him.

[1127] These were Lochiel, Keppoch, Clanranald, Ardshiel, Lochgary,
Scothouse, and the Master of Lovat.

[1128] No. 39 of Appendix to Home.

[1129] No. 40 of Idem.

[1130] No. 30 of Idem.

[1131] Vide Letter from Sir Thomas in _Stuart Papers_, dated from the
Castle of Blair, 8th December, 1746.

[1132] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1133] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 100.

[1134] Idem.

[1135] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1136] Maxwell of Kirkconnel.

[1137] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1138] Home, p. 194.

[1139] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 145.

[1140] Home, p. 197.

[1141] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 145.

[1142] Stewart’s Statement in _Jacobite Memoirs_. The statement given
by Mr. Hume,--that Lady Mackintosh concealed Lord Loudon’s design
from the prince, and that he knew nothing of his lordship’s march
till next morning, is certainly erroneous. He says that “without
saying a word to Charles or any of his company, she (Lady Mackintosh)
ordered five or six of her people, well armed, under the conduct of a
country smith, to watch the road from Inverness, and give notice if
they should perceive any number of men coming towards Moy;” and that
“Charles, for whose safety the lady had provided so effectually, knew
nothing of Lord Loudon’s march till next morning; for he was up and
dressed when the smith and his party came to Moy, and gave an account
of their victory.” It is clear, however, that the blacksmith and his
party were sent out by Lady Mackintosh before the arrival of the boy,
as Gib, the prince’s master of the household, who was sleeping in his
clothes in the Castle of Moy when the boy arrived, says expressly
that the blacksmith’s adventure “happened much about the time when
the boy (Lauchlan Mackintosh) arrived at Moy to give the alarm. It is
probable, however, that the blacksmith and his party were sent out by
Lady Mackintosh without the prince’s knowledge.”

[1143] Home, p. 198.

[1144] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 149.

[1145] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 104.

[1146] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1147] Home, p. 199. _Kirkconnel MS._

[1148] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 105.

[1149] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1150] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 164. Johnstone gives an affecting
account of the paternal anxiety of Scothouse when ordered to set out
as one of the detachment to attack Lord Loudon. Not anticipating the
landing of the prince in Scotland, he had applied for and obtained a
commission for his son in Lord Loudon’s regiment, and his alarm now
was lest his son should fall by his own hands.

[1151] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 305.

[1152] Vide Letter from Colonel Warren to the Chevalier de St.
George, of 9th May, 1746, in the _Stuart Papers_.

[1153] Note by the Editor of Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 155.

[1154] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 107.

[1155] Home, p. 205.

[1156] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 109.

[1157] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 110.

[1158] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1159] Idem.

[1160] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1161] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 112.

[1162] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1163] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 106. _Kirkconnel MS._

[1164] Idem.

[1165] _Scots Magazine._ Home, p. 212. _Kirkconnel MS._

CHAPTER XXXVI.

A.D. 1746.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.

Duke of Cumberland marches north--Crosses the Spey--Proceedings
of Charles--Duke of Cumberland arrives at Nairn--Prince
Charles leaves Inverness and forms his army on Drummossie
Moor--Night-march to Nairn--Its failure--Highland army returns to
Culloden--Advance of the Duke of Cumberland--Preparations for
battle--Battle of Culloden--Proceedings of Cumberland--Tumult
in royal army--Barbarities committed by the troops--Skirmish
at Golspie--Charles arrives at Glenboisdale--The Chiefs retire
to Ruthven--Lord George Murray resigns his command--Letter
from Charles--He lands in Benbecula--Proceedings of the
Duke--Association of Chiefs--Devastations committed by the
royal troops--Apprehension of Lord Lovat and others--Macdonald
of Barisdale and Glengarry--Escape of the Duke of Perth and
others--Suppression of the rebellion.

Having spent upwards of five weeks at Aberdeen, the Duke of
Cumberland began to prepare for his march to the north. As it was
his intention to proceed by the coast road, he had ordered a number
of victualling ships to rendezvous at Aberdeen; and early in April,
these vessels, escorted by several ships of war provided with
artillery, ammunition, and other warlike stores, had arrived at their
destination, for the purpose of following the army along the coast
and affording the necessary supplies. About this time the weather had
become favourable, and though still cold, the snow had disappeared,
and a dry wind which had prevailed for some days had rendered the
river Spey, the passage of which was considered the most formidable
obstacle to his march, fordable.[1166]

Accordingly, on the 8th of April the duke left Aberdeen with the
last division of his army, consisting of six battalions of foot and
a regiment of dragoons. The whole regular force under his command
amounted to about 7,200 men, comprehending fifteen regiments of foot,
two of dragoons, and Kingston’s horse. Besides these, there were the
Argyleshire men and other militia, whose united numbers may be stated
at 2,000. At the time of the duke’s departure, six battalions, with
Kingston’s horse and Cobham’s dragoons, under Major-general Bland,
were stationed at Strathbogie, and three battalions at Old Meldrum,
under Brigadier Mordaunt. The duke quartered the first night at
Old Meldrum and the next at Banff, where two spies were seized and
hanged. One of them was caught while in the act of notching upon a
stick the number of the duke’s forces.[1167] On the 11th the duke
marched to Cullen, and at Portsoy he was joined by the remainder of
his army, which had been stationed at Old Meldrum and Strathbogie.
The army being too numerous to obtain quarters in the town, the foot
encamped for the night on some ploughed fields in the neighbourhood,
and the horse were quartered in Cullen and the adjacent villages.
The Earl of Findlater, who, with his countess, had accompanied the
army on its march from Aberdeen, on arriving at his seat at Cullen,
made a present of two hundred guineas to the troops.

Next day, being Saturday, the 12th of April, the duke put his army
again in motion, and, after a short march, halted on the moor of
Arrondel, about five or six miles from the river Spey. He then formed
his army into three divisions, each about half a mile distant from
the other, and in this order they advanced towards the Spey. The
left division, which was the largest, crossed the river by a ford
near Gormach, the centre by another close by Gordon castle, and the
division on the right by a ford near the church of Belly. In their
passage, the men were up to their waists in the water, but, with the
exception of the loss of one dragoon and four women, who were carried
away by the stream, no accident occurred.

The Duke of Perth, who happened at this time to be with the Highland
forces appointed to defend the passage of the Spey, not thinking
it advisable to dispute the position against such an overwhelming
force as that to which he was opposed, retired towards Elgin on the
approach of the Duke of Cumberland. The conduct of the Duke of Perth,
and of his brother, Lord John Drummond, has been censured for not
disputing the passage of the Spey, but without reason. The whole of
the Highland forces along the Spey did not exceed 2,500 men, being
little more than a fourth of those under the Duke of Cumberland.
Notwithstanding this great disparity, the Highlanders, aided by
the swollen state of the river, might have effectually opposed the
passage of the royal army had it been attempted during the month of
March, but a recent drought had greatly reduced the quantity of water
in the river, and had rendered it fordable in several places to such
an extent, that at two of them a whole battalion might have marched
abreast. As some of the fords run in a zig-zag direction, some damage
might have been done to the royal army in crossing; but as the Duke
of Cumberland had a good train of artillery, he could have easily
covered his passage at these places.

The departure of the Duke of Cumberland from Aberdeen was not known
at Inverness till the 12th, on the morning of which day intelligence
was brought to Charles that he was in full march to the north with
his whole army. Shortly after his arrival at Inverness, Charles had
formed the design, while the Duke of Cumberland lay at Aberdeen, of
giving him the slip, by marching to Perth by the Highland road, so
as to induce the duke to return south, and thus leave the northern
coast clear for the landing of supplies from France. With this
view, he had directed the siege of Fort William to be pushed, and,
calculating upon a speedy reduction of that fortress, had sent orders
to the Macdonalds, the Camerons, and the Stewarts, who were engaged
in the siege, immediately on the capture of the fort to march into
Argyleshire, and, after chastising the whigs in that district,
and giving an opportunity to their friends there to join them, to
proceed to Perth.[1168] Charles, however, for the present, laid
aside the intention of marching south, and knowing that the Duke of
Cumberland would advance from Aberdeen early in April, he gave orders
for concentrating his forces at Inverness, and, as soon as he was
informed of the duke’s march, he renewed these orders, by sending
expresses every where to bring up his men. Those who had been at the
siege of Fort William were already on their march, but Lord Cromarty
was at a considerable distance with a large body of men, and could
scarcely be expected to arrive in time if the duke was resolved on an
immediate action.[1169]

Besides the men who were absent on the expeditions in Lochaber and
Sutherland, there were many others who had returned to their homes,
either discontented with the situation in which they found themselves
after they came to Inverness, or to see their families or friends.
Up to the period of their arrival there, they had received their
pay punctually, but at Inverness the face of affairs was completely
changed in this respect, and instead of money the troops were reduced
to a weekly allowance of oatmeal. The men murmured at first at the
stoppage of their pay, but their clamours were quieted by their
officers, who gave them assurances that a supply of money would soon
be received from France. This expectation would have been realised,
but for the misfortune which befell the _Prince Charles_, and in
consequence of that event, the soldiers began to murmur afresh, and
some of them seeing no pressing occasion for their attendance, and
choosing rather to enjoy a frugal repast with their friends at home
than serve without pay, left the army. These absentees, however, had
no intention of abandoning the service, and were resolved to rejoin
their colours as soon as they saw a probability of coming to action.
Accordingly, many of those who had returned to their homes set out
of their own accord to rejoin the army, on hearing of the Duke of
Cumberland’s advance, though few of them arrived in time for the
battle.[1170]

Reduced in numbers as the prince’s army was from the causes alluded
to, they still burned with impatience to meet the enemy; and when
intelligence of the Duke of Cumberland’s march from Aberdeen reached
Inverness, it was hailed with joy by the portion there assembled.
From the fatigues and labours they had experienced during the
campaign, and the numerous inconveniences to which they had been
subjected from the want of pay, there was nothing the Highlanders
dreaded more than another march to the south; but the near prospect
they now had of meeting the English army upon their own soil, and of
putting an end to the war by one bold and decisive blow, absorbed
for a while all recollection of their past sufferings. By drawing
the Duke of Cumberland north to Inverness, it was generally supposed
that the prince could meet him on more equal terms than at Aberdeen,
as he would have a better and more numerous army at Inverness, than
he could have carried south. This unquestionably would have been
the case had Charles avoided a battle till he had assembled all his
troops, but his confidence on the present occasion got the better of
his prudence.

After crossing the Spey, the Duke of Cumberland halted his army on
the western bank, and encamped opposite to Fochabers, but the horse
afterwards repassed the river and took up their quarters in the
town. Here, as at Cullen, every precaution was taken to prevent
surprise. Early next morning he raised his camp, and passing through
Elgin, encamped on the moor of Alves, nearly midway between Elgin
and Forres. The Duke of Perth, who had passed the previous night at
Forres, retired to Nairn upon his approach. The Duke of Cumberland
renewed his march on the 14th and came to Nairn, where the Duke of
Perth remained till he was within a mile of the town, and began his
retreat in sight of the English army. In this retreat, Clanranald’s
regiment, with the French piquets and Fitz-James’s horse, formed the
rear. To harass the rear, and retard the march of the main body till
some of his foot should come up, the Duke of Cumberland sent forward
his cavalry. Several shots were exchanged between the duke’s cavalry
and the French horse, and in expectation of an engagement with the
duke’s advanced guard, consisting of 200 cavalry and the Argyleshire
men, the Macdonalds of Clanranald, and the Stewarts of Appin, were
ordered back to support the French. These regiments accordingly
returned and took ground, and Fitz-James’s horse formed on their
right and left. The duke’s advanced guard thereupon halted, and
formed in order of battle, but as the main body of the English army
was in full march the rear recommenced their retreat. The advanced
guard continued to pursue the Highlanders several miles beyond Nairn,
but finding the chase useless, returned to the main body which was
preparing to encamp on a plain to the west of Nairn.[1171]

Neither at the time when Charles received intelligence of the Duke of
Cumberland’s march to Aberdeen, nor till the following day (Sunday),
when news was brought to him that the English army had actually
crossed the Spey, does Charles appear to have had any intention of
speedily risking a battle. He probably expected that with the aid
of the reinforcements he had sent to support the Duke of Perth, his
grace would have been able, for some time at least, to maintain a
position on the western bank of the river, and that time would be
thus afforded him to collect the scattered portions of his army,
before being compelled, by the advance of the Duke of Cumberland,
to come to a general engagement. But whatever his intentions were
anterior to the receipt of the intelligence of the English army
having crossed the Spey, that circumstance alone made him determine
to attack the Duke of Cumberland without waiting for the return of
his absent detachments.

Accordingly, on the morning of the 14th, Charles ordered the drums to
beat, and the pipes to play, as the signal for summoning his men to
arms. After those who were in the town had assembled in the streets,
the prince mounted his horse, and putting himself at their head, led
them out to Culloden, about four miles from Inverness.[1172] Leaving
part of his men in the parks around Culloden house, Charles went
onward with his first troop of guards and the Mackintosh regiment,
and advanced within six miles of Nairn to support the Duke of Perth,
but finding him out of danger, he returned to Culloden, where he was
joined by the whole of the duke’s forces in the evening. Lochiel
also arrived at the same time with his regiment. That night the
Highlanders bivouacked among the furze of Culloden wood, and Charles
and his principal officers lodged in Culloden house.

Having selected Drummossie moor for a field of battle, Prince Charles
marched his army thither early on the morning of the 15th, and drew
his men up in order of battle across the moor, which is about half a
mile broad. His front looked towards Nairn, and he had the river of
that name on his right, and the inclosures of Culloden on his left.
This moor, which is a heathy flat of considerable extent about five
miles from Inverness and about a mile and a half to the south-east of
Culloden house, forms the top of a hill which, rising at Culloden,
dies gradually away in the direction of Nairn. The ascent to the moor
is steep on both sides, particularly from the shore. In pitching
upon this ground, Charles acted on the supposition that the Duke of
Cumberland would march along the moor, which was better fitted for
the free passage of his army than the common road between Nairn and
Inverness, which was narrow and inconvenient.

In expectation that the Duke of Cumberland would advance, Charles
sent forward on the road to Nairn some parties of horse to
reconnoitre, but they could observe no appearance of any movement
among the royal troops. The ground on which the army was now formed
had been chosen without consulting Lord George Murray, who, on
arriving on the spot, objected to it, on the footing that though
interspersed with moss and some hollows, the ground was generally
too level, and consequently not well suited for the operation of
Highlanders. He therefore proposed to look out for more eligible
ground, and at his suggestion Brigadier Stapleton and Colonel Ker
were sent about ten o’clock to survey some hilly ground on the south
side of the water of Nairn, which appeared to him to be steep and
uneven, and of course more advantageous for Highlanders. After an
absence of two or three hours, these officers returned and reported
that the ground they had been appointed to examine was rugged and
boggy, that no cavalry could act upon it, that the ascent on the
side next the river was steep, and that there were only two or
three places, about three or four miles above, where cavalry could
pass; the banks of the river below being inaccessible. On receiving
this information, Lord George Murray proposed, in the event of
Cumberland’s forces not appearing that day, that the army should
cross the water of Nairn, and draw up in line of battle next day,
upon the ground which had been surveyed; and that, should the Duke
of Cumberland not venture to cross after them and engage them upon
the ground in question, they might watch a favourable opportunity of
attacking him with advantage. In the event of no such opportunity
offering, his lordship said he would recommend that the army
should, with the view of drawing the duke after them, retire to the
neighbouring mountains, where they might attack him at some pass or
strong ground. This proposal met with the general approbation of
the commanding officers; but Charles who, two days before (when a
suggestion was made to him to retire to a strong position till all
his army should assemble), had declared his resolution to attack
the Duke of Cumberland even with a thousand men only, declined to
accede to it. His grounds were that such a retrograde movement
might discourage the men, by impressing them with a belief that
there existed a desire on the part of their commanders to shun the
English army; that Inverness, which was now in their rear, would
be exposed, and that the Duke of Cumberland might march upon that
town, and possess himself of the greater part of their baggage and
ammunition.[1173]

Concluding from the inactivity of the Duke of Cumberland that he had
no intention of marching that day, Charles held a council of war in
the afternoon, to deliberate upon the course it might be considered
most advisable to pursue in consequence of the duke’s stay at Nairn.
According to Charles’s own statement, he had formed the bold and
desperate design of surprising the English army in their camp during
the night; but, desirous of knowing the views of his officers before
divulging his plan, he allowed all the members of the council to
speak before him. After hearing the sentiments of the chiefs, and
the other commanders who were present, Lord George Murray proposed
to attack the Duke of Cumberland during the night, provided it was
the general opinion that the attack could be made before one or two
o’clock in the morning. Charles, overjoyed at the suggestion of his
lieutenant-general, immediately embraced him, said that he approved
of it, that in fact he had contemplated the measure himself, but that
he did not intend to have disclosed it till all the members of the
council had delivered their sentiments.

Had the army been in a condition to sustain the fatigue of a
night-march of ten or twelve miles, the plan of a night attack was
unquestionably the best that could have been devised under existing
circumstances. If surprised in the dark, even supposing the duke
to have been on his guard, a night attack appeared to afford the
only chance of getting the better of his superiority in numbers and
discipline, and of rendering his cavalry and cannon, in which his
chief strength lay, utterly useless. But the Highland army, from
some unaccountable oversight on the part of the persons who had the
charge of the commissariat department, was in a state bordering upon
starvation, and consequently not able to perform such a fatiguing
march. Although there was a quantity of meal in Inverness and the
neighbourhood sufficient for a fortnight’s consumption, no care had
been taken to supply the men with an allowance on leaving Inverness,
and the consequence was, that during this and the preceding day very
few of them had tasted a particle of food. To appease their hunger
a single biscuit was distributed to each man, but this pittance
only increased the desire for more; and hunger getting the better
of patience, some of the men began to leave the ranks in quest of
provisions. In spite, however, of the deprivation under which they
laboured, the army was never in higher spirits, or more desirous
to meet the enemy; and it was not until all hopes of an immediate
engagement were abandoned that the men thought of looking out for the
means of subsistence.[1174]

The expediency of a night attack was admitted by all the members of
the council, but there were a few who thought that it should not
be ventured upon until the arrival of the rest of the army, which
might be expected in two or three days at farthest. Keppoch with his
Highlanders had just come up and joined the army; but the Mackenzies
under Lord Cromarty, a body of the Frasers whom the Master of Lovat
had collected to complete his second battalion, the Macphersons under
Cluny, their chief, the Macgregors under Glengyle, a party headed by
Mackinnon, and a body of Glengarry’s men under Barisdale, were still
at a distance, though supposed to be all on their march to Inverness.
The minority objected that, should they fail in the attempt, and be
repulsed, it would be difficult to rally the Highlanders,--that even
supposing no spy should give the Duke of Cumberland notice of their
approach, he might, if alarmed by any of his patrols, have time to
put his army in order in his camp, place his cannon, charged with
cartouch-shot, as he pleased, and get all his horse in readiness to
pursue the Highlanders if beat off. Besides these objections, they
urged the difficulty of making a retreat if many of their men were
wounded, from the aversion of the Highlanders to leave their wounded
behind them. They, moreover, observed that they had no intelligence
of the situation of the duke’s camp; and that even could a safe
retreat be made, the fatigue of marching forwards and backwards
twenty miles would be too much for men to endure, who would probably
have to fight next day.[1175]

All these arguments were however thrown away upon Charles, who,
supported by the Duke of Perth, Lord George Murray, Lord John
Drummond, Lochiel, and others, showed the utmost impatience for an
immediate attack. Those who supported this view were not insensible
to the danger which might ensue should the attack miscarry; but,
strange to say, they were urged to it from the very cause to which
the failure was chiefly owing, the want of provisions. Apprehensive
that if the army was kept on the moor all night, many of the men
would go away to a considerable distance in search of food, and that
it would be very difficult to assemble them speedily in the event of
a sudden alarm, they considered an immediate attack, particularly as
Charles had resolved to fight without waiting for reinforcements, as
a less desperate course than remaining where they were.[1176]

To prevent the Duke of Cumberland from obtaining any knowledge of the
advance of the Highlanders from the spies who might be within view
of his army, Charles fixed upon eight o’clock for his departure, by
which time his motions would be concealed from observation by the
obscurity of the evening. Meanwhile the commanding officers repaired
to their respective regiments to put their men in readiness; but
between six and seven o’clock an incident occurred which almost put
an end to the enterprise. This was the departure of a large number
of the men, who, ignorant of the intended march, went off towards
Inverness and adjacent places to procure provisions and quarters for
the night. Officers from the different regiments were immediately
despatched on horseback to bring them back, but no persuasion could
induce the men to return, who gave as their reason for refusing that
they were starving. They told the officers that they might shoot them
if they pleased, but that they would not go back till they got some
provisions.[1177] By this defection Charles lost about 2,000 men,
being about a third of his army.

This occurrence completely changed the aspect of affairs, and every
member of the council who had formerly advocated a night attack
now warmly opposed it. Charles, bent upon his purpose, resolutely
insisted upon the measure, and said that when the march was begun the
men who had gone off would return and follow the rest. The confidence
which he had in the bravery of his army blinded him to every danger,
and he was prompted in his determination to persist in the attempt
from an idea that Cumberland’s army having been that day engaged
in celebrating the birth-day of their commander, would after their
debauch fall an easy prey to the Highlanders.

Finding the prince fully resolved to make the attempt at all hazards,
the commanding officers took their stations, waiting the order
to march. The watchword was, “King James the VIII.,” and special
instructions were issued to the army, that in making the attack the
troops should not make use of their fire-arms, but confine themselves
to their swords, dirks, and bayonets; and that on entering the Duke
of Cumberland’s camp they should cut the tent strings and pull down
the poles, and that wherever they observed a swelling or bulge in
the fallen covering, they should strike and push vigorously with
their swords and dirks.[1178] Before marching, directions were given
to several small parties to possess all the roads, in order to
prevent any intelligence of their march being carried to the Duke of
Cumberland.

In giving his orders to march, Charles embraced Lord George Murray,
who immediately went off at the head of the line, about eight
o’clock, preceded by two officers, and about thirty men of the
Mackintosh regiment, who from their knowledge of the country were
to act as guides. Though the whole army marched in one line, there
was an interval in the middle as if it consisted of two columns. The
Athole men led the van, and next to them were the Camerons, who were
followed by the other clans. The low country regiments, the French
piquets, and the horse, formed the rear. Lord John Drummond was in
the centre, or at the head of the second column; and the Duke of
Perth and Charles, who had Fitz-James’s and other horse with him,
were towards the rear. Besides the party of Mackintoshes, who served
as guides in front, there were others of that clan stationed in the
centre and rear, and generally along the line, to prevent any of the
men from losing their way in the dark.[1179] The plan of attack, as
laid down by Lord George Murray, was as follows:--The army was to
have marched in a body till they passed the house of Kilraick or
Kilravock, which is about ten miles from Culloden, on the direct road
to Nairn. The army was then to have been divided, and while Lord
George Murray crossed the river Nairn with the van, making about
one-third of the whole, and marched down by the south side of the
river, the remainder was to have continued its march along the north
side till both divisions came near the duke’s camp. The van was then
to have re-crossed the river, and attacked the royal army from the
south, while the other part was to have attacked it at the same time
from the west.[1180] With the exception of Charles, who promised upon
his honour not to divulge it to any person, and Anderson, who acted
as guide at the battle of Preston, no person was made privy to the
plan, as its success depended upon its secrecy.

In the outset of the march the van proceeded with considerable
expedition, but it had gone scarcely half a mile when Lord George
Murray received an express ordering him to halt till joined by the
rear column, which was a considerable way behind. As a halt in the
van always occasions a much longer one in the rear when the march is
resumed, Lord George did not halt but slackened his pace to enable
the rear to join. This, however, was to no purpose, as the rear still
kept behind, and although, in consequence of numerous expresses
enjoining him to wait, Lord George marched slower and slower, the
rear fell still farther behind, and before he had marched six miles
he had received at least fifty expresses ordering him either to halt
or to slacken his pace. The chief cause of the stoppage was the
badness of the roads.

About one o’clock in the morning, when the van was opposite to the
house of Kilravock, Lord John Drummond came up and stated to Lord
George Murray that unless he halted or marched much slower the
rear would not be able to join. The Duke of Perth having shortly
thereafter also come up to the front and given a similar assurance,
his lordship halted near a small farm-house called Yellow Knowe,
belonging to Rose of Kilravock, nearly four miles from Nairn, and
about a mile from the place where it was intended the van should
cross the river. In the wood of Kilravock the march of the rear was
greatly retarded by a long narrow defile occasioned partly by a stone
wall; and so fatigued and faint had the men become, by the badness
of the road, and want of food, that many of them, unable to proceed,
lay down in the wood. This circumstance was announced to Lord George
Murray by several officers who came up from the rear shortly after
the van had halted. Nearly all the principal officers, including
the Duke of Perth, Lord George Murray, Lord John Drummond, Lochiel,
and General O’Sullivan, were now in the van, and having ascertained
by their watches, which they looked at in a little house close by,
that it was two o’clock in the morning, they at once perceived the
impossibility of surprising the English army. The van was still
upwards of three, and the rear about four miles from Nairn, and as
they had only been able to advance hitherto at a rate little more
than a mile in the hour, it was not to be expected that the army in
its exhausted state would be able to accomplish the remainder of the
distance, within the time prescribed, even at a more accelerated
pace. By a quick march the army could not have advanced two miles
before day-break; so that the Duke of Cumberland would have had
sufficient time to put his army in fighting order before an attack
could have been made. These were sufficient reasons of themselves
for abandoning the enterprise, but when it is considered that the
army had been greatly diminished during the march, and that scarcely
one-half of the men that were drawn up the day before on Drummossie
moor remained, the propriety of a retreat becomes undoubted.[1181]

Lord George Murray,--who had never contemplated any thing but a
surprise, and whose calculation of reaching Nairn by two o’clock
in the morning would have been realised had the whole line marched
with the same celerity as the first four or five regiments,--would
have been perfectly justified in the unexpected situation in which
he was placed, in at once ordering a retreat;[1182] but desirous
of ascertaining the sentiments of the officers about him, he
requested them to state their views of the course they thought it
most advisable to adopt. There were several gentlemen present, who,
having joined the Athole brigade as volunteers, had marched all
night in the front: and as the Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond,
and the other officers, seemed at a loss what to resolve upon, Lord
George Murray requested the volunteers to give their free opinion,
as they were all equally interested in the consequences. Without
hesitation all these gentlemen, eager to come to an engagement, were
for marching, but most of the officers, particularly Lochiel and his
brother, Dr. Cameron, were of a different opinion, in which they were
backed by Lord George Murray, who observed that if they could have
made the attack within the time prescribed they would certainly have
succeeded, especially if they could have surprised the enemy; but to
attack in daylight an army that was nearly double their number, and
which would be prepared to receive them, would be considered an act
of madness.[1184]

Among the volunteers the most conspicuous was Mr. Hepburn of Keith.
While arguing for an attack with Lord George Murray, the beating of
a drum was heard in the Duke of Cumberland’s camp. “Don’t you hear,”
said Lord George; “the enemy are alarmed; we can’t surprise them.”
“I never expected,” said Hepburn, “to find the red coats asleep;
but they will be drunk after solemnising the Duke of Cumberland’s
birth-day. It is much better to march on and attack them than to
retreat, for they will most certainly follow, and oblige us to fight
when we shall be in a much worse condition to fight them than we
are now.” While this altercation was going on, Mr. John Hay, then
acting as interim-secretary to the prince instead of Secretary
Murray, who was unwell, came up and informed Lord George that the
line had joined. Gathering from the conversation he overheard that a
retreat was resolved upon, he began to argue against it, but being
unsuccessful he immediately rode back to Charles, who was in the rear
of the first column, and told him that unless he came to the front
and ordered Lord George to go on nothing would be done. Charles, who
was on horseback, rode forward immediately towards the front, to
ascertain the cause of the halt, and on his way met the van in full
retreat. He was no doubt surprised at this step, and in a temporary
fit of irritation, is said to have remarked that Lord George Murray
had betrayed him;[1185] but Lord George immediately convinced him “of
the unavoidable necessity of retreating.”[1186]

The army marched back in two columns, by a different but more direct
route than that by which it had advanced. In returning they had a
view of the fires in the Duke of Cumberland’s camp. The greater part
of the army arrived at Culloden, whither it had been agreed upon to
proceed, about five o’clock in the morning, and the remainder did not
remain long behind. The quick return of the army suggests an idea
that had it marched in double columns towards Nairn by the shortest
route, it might have reached its destination at least an hour sooner
than the time contemplated by Lord George Murray, but there was great
danger, that, by adopting such a course, the Duke of Cumberland would
have obtained notice of the advance of the Highlanders.

On arriving at Culloden, the prince gave orders to bring provisions
to the field; but the calls of hunger could not brook delay, and
many of the common men as well as officers slipped off to Inverness
and the neighbourhood in quest of refreshment. Others, from absolute
exhaustion, lay down on the ground, and sought a momentary respite
in the arms of sleep. Charles himself, with his principal officers,
went to Culloden house, where, sullen, dejected, and silent, they for
a time stared at one another with amazement, instead of deliberating
upon the course they ought to pursue at this critical juncture.
A search was made for food, but with the exception of a little
bread and a small quantity of whisky, which was procured for the
prince with great difficulty, no refreshment of any kind could be
obtained.[1187]

[Illustration: Old Culloden House. From Original Sketch in possession
of Duncan Forbes, Esq., of Culloden.]

After a short repose the men were aroused from their slumbers by
their officers, who informed them that the Duke of Cumberland’s army
was approaching. There were others whom hunger had kept awake,
and who having seized and killed some cattle and sheep which they
found at Culloden, were preparing a repast, but few of them had
time to make any thing ready before the alarm was given.[1188] The
intelligence of Cumberland’s advance was first brought to Culloden
house about eight o’clock by one Cameron, a lieutenant in Lochiel’s
regiment, who, having fallen asleep at the place where the halt was
made, had been left behind. As Fitz-James’s horse and others had gone
to Inverness to refresh, and as those who remained were, from the
hard duty they had performed for several days and nights, unfit for
patrolling, Charles had no means of ascertaining whether the troops
that were approaching were merely an advanced party, or the whole
of the English army. That nothing might be left to conjecture at
such an important crisis, some officers were instantly despatched to
Inverness, to bring back the men whom hunger had driven thither, and
the Highlanders at Culloden were got ready as quickly as possible,
and marched through the parks of Culloden in battalions, as they
happened to be lying, to Drummossie moor, on a part of which, about
half a mile to the west of the place where they had been drawn up
the day before, the army halted. Lord George Murray now renewed his
proposal to pass the water of Nairn, and take up a position on the
ground which had been surveyed the previous morning, as being much
better fitted for Highlanders than the level on which they stood.
An additional reason for passing the Nairn was, that Macpherson of
Cluny, who was expected every moment with his clan, was to come on
the south side. Charles, however, again rejected this judicious
advice, for the reasons he had formerly given.[1189] By retiring
beyond Inverness, or among the fastnesses to the south of the water
of Nairn, an action might have been easily avoided for several days;
and, as the projected night attack had miscarried, it would certainly
have been a wise course to have shunned an engagement till the men
had recovered their strength and spirits; but Charles, over-sanguine
in all his calculations, and swayed by his creatures and sycophants,
was deaf to the suggestions of wisdom. It seems strange that a
retreat to Inverness was not proposed. By retiring into the town, and
occupying the grounds in the neighbourhood, a delay of twenty-four
hours might have been obtained, as it is not likely that the Duke of
Cumberland would have attempted to force the town, or a strong camp,
the same day he marched from Nairn. By postponing the engagement
till next day, a very different result might have happened, as the
Highlanders, who were in a starving condition, would have had time to
procure provisions and recruit from their fatigue; and numbers, who
were not able to come up in time to Culloden, would have rejoined the
ranks at Inverness.

The Duke of Cumberland had been informed of the night march towards
Nairn by some Highland spies whom he had in his pay, and who had
mixed with the insurgents as they marched; but the spies were
ignorant of the intended surprise, which was kept a profound secret
from the Highland army. Judging from the intelligence brought by
the last person that arrived in his camp, that the Highlanders were
coming directly in his front, the duke considered himself free from
surprise, as the Argyleshire men lay on the plain to the west of his
camp, while a party of dragoons patrolled all night between Nairn and
the sea. He therefore ordered his men to take some rest, but to keep
their arms in readiness. He appears not to have anticipated an attack
during the night, but to have imagined that Charles merely meant to
take ground during the night, and to attack him early next morning.
In expectation of a battle, the duke had formed his army by break of
day, and, having ascertained that the Highland army had retreated,
he began his march towards Inverness about five o’clock.[1190] The
English army had, as anticipated, celebrated the birth-day of their
commander; but although they were amply supplied with bread, cheese,
and brandy, at the duke’s expense, the men had not exceeded the
bounds of moderation.[1191]

Before commencing the march, written instructions, which had been
communicated to the commanders of the different regiments, were
read at the head of every company in the line. These instructions
were, that if the persons to whom the charge of the train or baggage
horses was entrusted should abscond or leave them, they should be
punished with immediate death; and that if any officer or soldier
misconducted himself during the engagement, he should be sentenced.
The infantry marched in three parallel divisions or columns, of five
regiments each, headed by General Huske on the left, Lord Sempill
on the right, and General Mordaunt in the centre. The artillery and
baggage followed the first column on the right, and the dragoons and
horse, led by Generals Hawley and Bland, were on the left, forming a
fourth column. Forty of Kingston’s horse and Argyleshire men formed
the van.[1192]

The charge of forming the Highland army in line of battle on this
important occasion was intrusted to O’Sullivan, who acted in the
double capacity of adjutant and quarter-master general. This officer,
in the opinion of Lord George Murray, a high authority certainly, was
exceedingly unfit for such a task, and committed gross blunders on
every occasion of moment. In the present instance, he did not even
visit the ground where the army was to be drawn up, and he committed
a “fatal error” by omitting to throw down some park walls upon the
left of the English army, which were afterwards taken possession
of by the Duke of Cumberland, it being found afterwards impossible
to break the English lines, from the destructive flank-fire which
was opened from these walls upon the right of the Highland army, as
it advanced to the attack.[1193] While the Duke of Cumberland was
forming his line of battle, Lord George Murray was very desirous to
advance and throw down these walls; but as such a movement would have
broken the line, the officers about him considered that the attempt
would be dangerous, and he therefore did not make it.[1194]

The Highland army was drawn up in three lines. The first, or front
line, consisted of the Athole brigade, which had the right, the
Camerons, Stewarts of Appin, Frasers, Macintoshes, Maclachlans,
Macleans, John Roy Stewart’s regiment, and Farquharsons, united into
one regiment; the Macleods, Chisholms, Macdonalds of Clanranald,
Keppoch, and Glengarry. The three Macdonald regiments formed the
left. Lord George Murray commanded on the right, Lord John Drummond
in the centre, and the Duke of Perth on the left, of the first line.
There had been, a day or two before, a violent contention among the
chiefs about precedency of rank. The Macdonalds claimed the right as
their due, in support of which claim they stated, that as a reward
for the fidelity of Angus Macdonald, Lord of the Isles, in protecting
Robert the Bruce for upwards of nine months in his dominions, that
prince, at the battle of Bannockburn, conferred the post of honour,
the right, upon the Macdonalds,--that this post had ever since been
enjoyed by them, unless when yielded from courtesy upon particular
occasions, as was done to the chief of the Macleans at the battle of
Harlaw.[1195] Lord George Murray, however, maintained that, under the
Marquis of Montrose, the right had been assigned to the Athole men,
and he insisted that that post should be now conferred upon them, in
the contest with the Duke of Cumberland’s army. In this unseasonable
demand, Lord George is said to have been supported by Lochiel and
his friends. Charles refused to decide a question with the merits
of which he was imperfectly acquainted; but, as it was necessary to
adjust the difference immediately, he prevailed upon the commanders
of the Macdonald regiments to waive their pretensions in the present
instance. The Macdonalds in general were far from being satisfied
with the complaisance of their commanders, and, as they had occupied
the post of honour at Gladsmuir and Falkirk, they considered their
deprivation of it on the present occasion as ominous.[1196] The Duke
of Perth, while he stood at the head of the Glengarry regiment,
hearing the murmurs of the Macdonalds, said, that if they behaved
with their usual valour they would make a right of the left, and that
he would change his name to Macdonald; but these proud clansmen leant
a deaf ear to him.

The second line of the Highland army consisted of the Gordons
under Lord Lewis Gordon, formed in column on the right, the French
Royal Scots, the Irish piquets or brigade, Lord Kilmarnock’s foot
guards,[1197] Lord John Drummond’s regiment, and Glenbucket’s
regiment in column on the left, flanked on the right by Fitz-James’s
dragoons, and Lord Elcho’s horse-guards, and on the left by the Perth
squadron, under Lords Strathallan and Pitsligo, and the prince’s
body-guards under Lord Balmerino. General Stapleton had the command
of this line. The third line, or reserve, consisted of the Duke
of Perth’s and Lord Ogilvy’s regiments, under the last-mentioned
nobleman. The prince himself, surrounded by a troop of Fitz-James’s
horse, took his station on a very small eminence behind the centre of
the first line, from which he had a complete view of the whole field
of battle. The extremities of the front line and the centre were each
protected by four pieces of cannon.

The English army continued steadily to advance in the order already
described, and, after a march of eight miles, formed in order of
battle, in consequence of the advanced guard reporting that they
perceived the Highland army at some distance making a motion towards
them on the left. Finding, however, that the Highlanders were still
at a considerable distance, and that the whole body did not move
forward, the Duke of Cumberland resumed his march as before, and
continued to advance till within a mile of the position occupied by
the Highland army, when he ordered a halt, and, after reconnoitring
the position of the Highlanders, again formed his army for battle in
three lines, and in the following order.

The first line consisted of six regiments, viz. the Royals, (the
1st,) Cholmondeley’s, (the 34th,) Price’s, (the 14th,) the Scots
Fusileers, (the 21st,) Monro’s, (the 37th,) and Barrel’s, (the
4th). The Earl of Albemarle had the command of this line. In the
intermediate spaces between each of these regiments were placed
two pieces of cannon, making ten in all. The second line consisted
of five regiments, viz. those of Pulteney, (the 13th,) Bligh, (the
20th,) Sempil, (the 25th,) Ligonier, (the 48th,) and Wolfe’s, (the
8th,) and was under the command of General Huske. Three pieces of
cannon were placed between the exterior regiments of this line
and those next them. The third line or _corps de reserve_, under
Brigadier Mordaunt, consisted of four regiments, viz. Battereau’s,
(the 62d,) Howard’s, (the 3d,) Fleming’s, (the 36th,) and Blakeney’s,
(the 27th,) flanked by Kingston’s dragoons, (the 3d). The order in
which the regiments of the different lines are enumerated, is that
in which they stood from right to left. The flanks of the front line
were protected on the left by Kerr’s dragoons, (the 11th,) consisting
of three squadrons, commanded by Lord Ancrum, and on the right by
Cobham’s dragoons, (the 10th,) consisting also of three squadrons,
under General Bland, with the additional security of a morass,
extending towards the sea; but thinking himself quite safe on the
right, the duke afterwards ordered these last to the left, to aid
in an intended attack upon the right flank of the Highlanders. The
Argyle men, with the exception of 140, who were upon the left of the
reserve, were left in charge of the baggage.

The dispositions of both armies are considered to have been well
arranged; but both were better calculated for defence than for
attack. The arrangement of the English army is generally considered
to have been superior to that of the Highlanders; as, from the
regiments in the second and third lines being placed directly behind
the vacant spaces between the regiments in the lines respectively
before them, the Duke of Cumberland, in the event of one regiment in
the front line being broken, could immediately bring up two to supply
its place. But this opinion is questionable, as the Highlanders had a
column on the flanks of the second line, which might have been used
either for extension or echelon movement towards any point to the
centre, to support either the first or second line.

In the dispositions described, and about the distance of a mile
from each other, did the two armies stand for some time gazing at
one another, each expecting that the other would advance and give
battle. Whatever may have been the feelings of Prince Charles on this
occasion, those of the Duke of Cumberland appear to have been far
from enviable. The thoughts of Preston and Falkirk could not fail
to excite in him the most direful apprehensions for the result of a
combat affecting the very existence of his father’s crown; and that
he placed but a doubtful reliance upon his troops, is evident from a
speech which he now made to his army. He said that they were about
to fight in defence of their king, their religion, their liberties,
and property, and that if they only stood firm he had no doubt he
would lead them on to certain victory; but as he would much rather,
he said, be at the head of one thousand brave and resolute men than
of ten thousand if mixed with cowards, if there were any amongst
them, who, through timidity, were diffident of their courage, or
others, who, from conscience or inclination, felt a repugnance to
perform their duty, he requested them to retire immediately, and he
promised them his free pardon for doing so, as by remaining they
might dispirit or disorder the other troops, and bring dishonour and
disgrace on the army under his command.

[Illustration: Battle of Culloden.]

As the Highlanders remained in their position, the Duke of Cumberland
again put his army in marching order, and, after it had advanced,
with fixed bayonets, within half a mile of the front line of the
Highlanders, it again formed as before. In this last movement the
English army had to pass a piece of hollow ground, which was so soft
and swampy, that the horses which drew the cannon sank; and some of
the soldiers, after slinging their firelocks and unyoking the horses,
had to drag the cannon across the bog. As by this last movement the
army advanced beyond the morass which protected the right flank, the
duke immediately ordered up Kingston’s horse from the reserve, and a
small squadron of Cobham’s dragoons, which had been patrolling, to
cover it; and to extend his line, and prevent his being outflanked on
the right, he also at same time ordered up Pulteney’s regiment, (the
13th,) from the second line to the right of the royals and Fleming’s,
(the 36th,) Howard’s, (the 3d,) and Battereau’s, (the 62d,) to the
right of Bligh’s, (the 20th,) in the second line, leaving Blakeney’s,
(the 27th,) as a reserve.

During an interval of about half an hour which elapsed before the
action commenced, some manœuvring took place in attempts by both
armies to outflank one another. While these manœuvres were making,
a heavy shower of sleet came on, which, though discouraging to the
duke’s army, from the recollection of the untoward occurrence at
Falkirk, was not considered very dangerous, as they had now the
wind in their backs. To encourage his men, the Duke of Cumberland
rode along the lines addressing himself hurriedly to every regiment
as he passed. He exhorted his men to rely chiefly upon their
bayonets,[1198] and to allow the Highlanders to mingle with them that
they might make them “know the men they had to deal with.” After
the changes mentioned had been executed, his royal highness took
his station behind the royals, between the first and second line,
and almost in front of the left of Howard’s regiment, waiting for
the expected attack. Meanwhile, a singular occurrence took place,
characteristic of the self-devotion which the Highlanders were ready
on all occasions to manifest towards the prince and his cause.
Conceiving that by assassinating the Duke of Cumberland he would
confer an essential service on the prince, a Highlander resolved,
at the certain sacrifice of his own life, to make the attempt. With
this intention, he entered the English lines as a deserter, and being
granted quarter, was allowed to go through the ranks. He wandered
about with apparent indifference, eyeing the different officers as
he passed along, and it was not long till an opportunity occurred,
as he conceived, for executing his fell purpose. The duke having
ordered Lord Bury, one of his aides-de-camp, to reconnoitre, his
lordship crossed the path of the Highlander, who, mistaking him, from
his dress, for the duke, (the regimentals of both being similar,)
instantly seized a musket which lay on the ground, and discharged it
at his lordship. He missed his aim, and a soldier, who was standing
by, immediately shot him dead upon the spot.[1199]

In expectation of a battle the previous day, Charles had animated his
troops by an appeal to their feelings, and on the present occasion he
rode from rank to rank encouraging his men, and exhorting them to act
as they had done at Prestonpans and at Falkirk.

The advance of Lord Bury, who went forward within a hundred yards of
the insurgents to reconnoitre, appears to have been considered by the
Highlanders as the proper occasion for beginning the battle. Taking
off their bonnets, the Highlanders set up a loud shout, which being
answered by the royal troops with a huzza, the Highlanders about
one o’clock commenced a cannonade on the right, which was followed
by the cannon on the left; but the fire from the latter, owing to
the want of cannoneers, was after the first round discontinued. The
first volley from the right seemed to create some confusion on the
left of the royal army, but so badly were the cannon served and
pointed, that though the cannonade was continued upwards of half an
hour, only one man in Bligh’s regiment, who had a leg carried off
by a cannon-ball, received any injury. After the Highlanders had
continued firing for a short time, Colonel Belford, who directed the
cannon of the duke’s army, opened a fire from the cannon in the front
line, which was at first chiefly aimed at the horse, probably either
because they, from their conspicuous situation, were a better mark
than the infantry, or because it was supposed that Charles was among
them. Such was the accuracy of the aim taken by the royal artillery,
that several balls entered the ground among the horses’ legs, and
bespattered the prince with the mud which they raised; and one of
them struck the horse on which he rode two inches above the knee. The
animal became so unmanageable, that Charles was obliged to change him
for another.[1200] One of his servants, who stood behind with a led
horse in his hand, was killed on the spot. Observing that the wall
on the right flank of the Highland army prevented him from attacking
it on that point, the duke ordered Colonel Belford to continue the
cannonade, with the view of provoking the Highlanders and inducing
them to advance to the attack. These, on the other hand, endeavoured
to draw the royal army forward by sending down several parties by way
of defiance. Some of these approached there several times within a
hundred yards of the right of the royal army, firing their pistols
and brandishing their swords; but with the exception of the small
squadron of horse on the right, which advanced a little, the line
remained immoveable.

Meanwhile, Lord George Murray, observing that a squadron of the
English dragoons and a party of foot, consisting of two companies
of the Argyleshiremen, and one of Lord Loudon’s Highlanders, had
detached themselves from the left of the royal army, and were
marching down towards the river Nairn, and conceiving that it was
their intention to flank the Highlanders, or to come upon their rear
when engaged in front, he directed Gordon of Avochy to advance with
his battalion, and prevent the foot from entering the inclosure;
but before this battalion could reach them, they broke into the
inclosure, and throwing down part of the east wall, and afterwards a
piece of the west wall in the rear of the second line, made a free
passage for the dragoons, who formed in the rear of the prince’s
army. Upon this, Lord George ordered the guards and Fitz-James’s
horse to form opposite to the dragoons to keep them in check. Each
party stood upon the opposite sides of a ravine, the ascent to
which was so steep, that neither could venture across in presence
of the other with safety. The foot remained within the inclosure,
and Avochy’s battalion was ordered to watch their motions.[1201]
This movement took place about the time the Highlanders were moving
forward to the attack.[1202]

It was now high time for the Highlanders to come to a close
engagement. Lord George had sent Colonel Kerr to the prince, to know
if he should begin the attack; the prince ordered him to do so,[1203]
but his lordship, for some reason or other, delayed advancing. It is
probable he expected that the duke would come forward, and that by
remaining where he was, and retaining the wall and a small farm house
on his right, he would not run the risk of being flanked. Perhaps
he waited for the advance of the left wing, which, being not so far
forward as the right, was directed to begin the attack, and orders
had been sent to the Duke of Perth to that effect; but the left
remained motionless. Anxious for the attack, Charles sent an order by
an aide-de-camp to Lord George Murray to advance, but his lordship
never received it, as the bearer was killed by a cannon-ball while
on his way to the right. He sent a message about the same time to
Lochiel, desiring him to urge upon Lord George the necessity of an
immediate attack.

Galled beyond endurance by the fire of the English, which carried
destruction among the clans, the Highlanders became quite clamorous,
and called aloud to be led forward without further delay. Unable any
longer to restrain their impatience, Lord George had just resolved
upon an immediate advance, but before he had time to issue the order
along the line, the Mackintoshes, with a heroism worthy of that brave
clan, rushed forward enveloped in the smoke of the enemy’s cannon.
The fire of the centre field-pieces, and a discharge of musketry
from the Scotch Fusileers, forced them to incline a little to the
right; but all the regiments to their right, led on by Lord George
Murray in person, and the united regiment of the Maclauchlans and
Macleans on their left, coming down close after them, the whole moved
forward together at a pretty quick pace. When within pistol-shot of
the English line, they received a murderous fire, not only in front
from some field-pieces, which for the first time were now loaded
with grape-shot, but in flank from a side battery supported by the
Campbells, and Lord Loudon’s Highlanders. Whole ranks were literally
swept away by the terrible fire of the English. Yet, notwithstanding
the dreadful carnage in their ranks, the Highlanders continued to
advance, and, after giving their fire close to the English line,
which, from the density of the smoke, was scarcely perceptible
even within pistol-shot, the right wing, consisting of the Athole
Highlanders and the Camerons, rushed in sword in hand, and broke
through Barrel’s and Monroe’s regiments, which stood on the left of
the first line. These regiments bravely defended themselves with
their spontoons and bayonets; but such was the impetuosity of the
onset, that they would have been entirely cut to pieces had they
not been immediately supported by two regiments from the second
line, on the approach of which they retired behind the regiments
on their right, after sustaining a loss in killed and wounded of
upwards of 200 men. After breaking through these two regiments, the
Highlanders, passing by the two field-pieces which had annoyed them
in front, hurried forward to attack the left of the second line.
They were met by a tremendous fire of grape-shot from the three
field-pieces on the left of the second line, and by a discharge of
musketry from Bligh’s and Sempill’s regiments, which carried havoc
through their ranks, and made them at first recoil; but, maddened by
despair, and utterly regardless of their lives, they rushed upon an
enemy whom they felt but could not see, amid the cloud of smoke in
which the assailants were buried. The same kind of charge was made
by the Stewarts of Appin, the Frasers, Mackintoshes, and the other
centre regiments, upon the regiments in their front, driving them
back upon the second line, which they also attempted to break; but
finding themselves unable, they gave up the contest, not, however,
until numbers had been cut down at the mouths of the cannon. While
advancing towards the second line, Lord George Murray, in attempting
to dismount from his horse, which had become unmanageable, was
thrown; but, recovering himself, he ran to the rear and brought up
two or three regiments from the second line to support the first;
but, although they gave their fire, nothing could be done,--all was
lost. Unable to break the second line, and being greatly cut up by
the fire of Wolfe’s regiment, and by Cobham’s and Kerr’s dragoons,
who had formed _en potence_ on their right flank, the right wing also
gave up the contest, and turning about, cut their way back, sword in
hand, through those who had advanced and formed on the ground they
had passed over in charging to their front.

In consequence of the unwillingness of the left to advance first
as directed, Lord George Murray had sent the order to attack from
right to left; but, hurried by the impetuosity of the Mackintoshes,
the right and centre did not wait till the order, which required
some minutes in the delivery, had been communicated along the line.
Thus the right and centre had the start considerably, and quickening
their pace as they went along, had closed with the front line of
the English army before the left had got half way over the ground
that separated the two armies. The difference between the right and
centre and the left was rendered still more considerable from the
circumstance, as noted by an eye-witness,[1204] that the two armies
were not exactly parallel to one another, the right of the prince’s
army being nearer the duke’s army than the left. Nothing could be
more unfortunate for the prince than this isolated attack, as it was
only by a general shock of the whole of the English line that he had
any chance of a victory.

The clan regiments on the left of the line, apprehensive that they
would be flanked by Pulteney’s regiment and the horse which had been
brought up from the corps de reserve, did not advance sword in hand.
After receiving the fire of the regiments opposite to them, they
answered it by a general discharge, and drew their swords for the
attack; but observing that the right and centre had given way, they
turned their backs and fled without striking a blow. Stung to the
quick by the misconduct of the Macdonalds, the brave Keppoch, seeing
himself abandoned by his clan, advanced with his drawn sword in one
hand and his pistol in the other; but he had not proceeded far, when
he was brought down to the ground by a musket-shot. He was followed
by Donald Roy Macdonald, formerly a lieutenant in his own regiment,
and now a captain in Clanranald’s, who, on Keppoch’s falling,
entreated him not to throw away his life, assuring him that his wound
was not mortal, and that he might easily join his regiment in the
retreat; but Keppoch refused to listen to the solicitations of his
clansman, and, after recommending him to take care of himself, the
wounded chief received another shot, and fell to rise no more.[1205]

Fortunately for the Highlanders, the English army did not follow up
the advantages it had gained by an immediate pursuit. Kingston’s
horse at first followed the Macdonalds, some of whom were almost
surrounded by them, but the horse were kept in check by the French
piquets, who brought them off. The dragoons on the left of the
English line were in like manner kept at bay by Ogilvy’s regiment,
which faced about upon them several times. After these ineffectual
attempts, the English cavalry on the right and left met in the
centre, and the front line having dressed its ranks, orders were
issued for the whole to advance in pursuit of the Highlanders.

Charles, who, from the small eminence on which he stood, had observed
with the deepest concern the defeat and flight of the clan regiments,
was about proceeding forward to rally them, contrary to the earnest
entreaties of Sir Thomas Sheridan and others, who assured him that
he would not succeed. All their expostulations would, it is said,
have been in vain, had not General O’Sullivan laid hold of the bridle
of Charles’s horse, and led him off the field. It was, indeed, full
time to retire, as the whole army was now in full retreat, and was
followed by the whole of Cumberland’s forces. To protect the prince
and secure his retreat, most of his horse assembled about his person;
but there was little danger, as the victors advanced very leisurely,
and confined themselves to cutting down some defenceless stragglers
who fell in their way. After leaving the field, Charles put himself
at the head of the right wing, which retired in such order that the
cavalry sent to pursue could make no impression upon it.

At a short distance from the field of battle, Charles separated his
army into two parts. One of these divisions, consisting, with the
exception of the Frasers, of the whole of the Highlanders and the low
country regiments, crossed the water of Nairn, and proceeded towards
Badenoch; and the other, comprising the Frasers, Lord John Drummond’s
regiment, and the French piquets, took the road to Inverness. The
first division passed within pistol-shot of the body of English
cavalry, which, before the action, had formed in the rear of the
Highland army, without the least interruption. An English officer,
who had the temerity to advance a few paces to seize a Highlander,
was instantly cut down by him and killed on the spot. The Highlander,
instead of running away, deliberately stooped down, and pulling out a
watch from the pocket of his victim, rejoined his companions.[1206]
From the plainness of the ground over which it had to pass, the
smaller body of the prince’s army was less fortunate, as it suffered
considerably from the attacks of the duke’s light horse before
it reached Inverness. Numerous small parties, which had detached
themselves from the main body, fell under the sabres of the cavalry;
and many of the inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood, who,
from motives of curiosity, had come out to witness the battle, were
slaughtered without mercy by the ferocious soldiery, who, from the
similarity of their dress, were perhaps unable to discriminate them
from Charles’s troops. This indiscriminate massacre continued all
the way from the field of battle to a place called Mill-burn, within
a mile of Inverness. Not content with the profusion of bloodshed in
the heat of action and during the pursuit, the infuriated soldiery,
provoked by their disgraces at Preston and Falkirk, traversed the
field of battle, and massacred in cold blood the miserable wretches
who lay maimed and expiring. Even some officers, whose station in
society, apart altogether from the feelings of humanity, to which
they were utter strangers, should have made them superior to this
vulgar triumph of base and illiberal minds, joined in the work of
assassination. To extenuate the atrocities committed in the battle,
and the subsequent slaughters, a forged regimental order, bearing
to be signed by Lord George Murray, by which the Highlanders were
enjoined to refuse quarters to the royal troops, was afterwards
published, it is said, under the auspices of the Duke of Cumberland;
but the deception was easily seen through. As no such order was
alluded to in the official accounts of the battle, and as, at the
interview which took place between the Earl of Kilmarnock and Lord
Balmerino, on the morning of their execution, both these noblemen
stated their entire ignorance of it, no doubt whatever can exist of
the forgery. The conduct of Charles and his followers, who never
indulged in any triumph over their vanquished foes, but always
treated them with humanity and kindness, high as it is, stands still
higher when contrasted with that of the royal troops and their
commander.[1207]

From the characteristic bravery of the Highlanders, and their
contempt of death, it is not improbable that some of those who
perished, as well on the field after the battle as in the flight,
did not yield their lives without a desperate struggle; but history
has preserved one case of individual prowess in the person of Golice
Macbane, which deserves to be recorded in every history relating to
the Highlanders. This man, who is represented to have been of the
gigantic stature of six feet four inches and a quarter, was beset
by a party of dragoons. When assailed, he placed his back against a
wall, and though covered with wounds, he defended himself with his
target and claymore against the onset of the dragoons, who crowded
upon him. Some officers, who observed the unequal conflict, were so
struck with the desperate bravery of Macbane, that they gave orders
to save him; but the dragoons, exasperated by his resistance, and the
dreadful havoc he had made among their companions, thirteen of whom
lay dead at his feet, would not desist till they had succeeded in
cutting him down.[1208]

According to the official accounts published by the government, the
royal army had only 50 men killed, and 259 wounded, including 18
officers, of whom 4 were killed. Lord Robert Kerr, second son of the
Marquis of Lothian, and a captain of grenadiers in Barrel’s regiment,
was the only person of distinction killed; he fell covered with
wounds, at the head of his company, when the Highlanders attacked
Barrel’s regiment. The loss on the side of the Highlanders was never
ascertained with any degree of precision. The number of the slain
is stated, in some publications of the period, to have amounted to
upwards of 2,000 men, but these accounts are exaggerated. The loss
could not, however, be much short of 1,200 men. The Athole brigade
alone lost more than the half of its officers and men, and some
of the centre battalions came off with scarcely a third of their
men.[1209] The Mackintoshes, who were the first to attack, suffered
most. With the exception of three only, all the officers of this
brave regiment, including Macgillivray of Drumnaglass, its colonel,
the lieutenant-colonel, and major, were killed in the attack. All
the other centre regiments also lost several officers. Maclauchlan,
colonel of the united regiment of Maclauchlan and Maclean, was killed
by a cannon ball in the beginning of the action, and Maclean of
Drimmin, who, as lieutenant-colonel, succeeded to the command, met a
similar fate from a random shot. He had three sons in the regiment,
one of whom fell in the attack, and, when leading off the shattered
remains of his forces, he missed the other two, and, in returning to
look after them, received the fatal bullet. Charles Fraser, younger
of Inverallachie, the lieutenant-colonel of the Fraser regiment,
and who, in the absence of the Master of Lovat, commanded it on
this occasion, was also killed. When riding over the field after
the battle, the Duke of Cumberland observed this brave youth lying
wounded. Raising himself upon his elbow, he looked at the duke, who,
offended at him, thus addressed one of his officers: “Wolfe, shoot me
that Highland scoundrel who thus dares to look on us with so insolent
a stare.” Wolfe, horrified at the inhuman order, replied that his
commission was at his royal highness’s disposal, but that he would
never consent to become an executioner. Other officers refusing to
commit this act of butchery, a private soldier, at the command of
the duke, shot the hapless youth before his eyes.[1210] The Appin
regiment had 17 officers and gentlemen slain, and 10 wounded; and
the Athole brigade, which lost fully half its men, had 19 officers
killed, and 4 wounded. The fate of the heroic Keppoch has been
already mentioned. Among the wounded, the principal was Lochiel,
who was shot in both ancles with some grape-shot, at the head of
his regiment, after discharging his pistol, and while in the act of
drawing his sword. On falling, his two brothers, between whom he
was advancing, raised him up, and carried him off the field in their
arms. To add to his misfortunes, Charles also lost a considerable
number of gentlemen, his most devoted adherents, who had charged on
foot in the first rank.

Lord Strathallan was the only person of distinction that fell
among the low country regiments. Lord Kilmarnock and Sir John
Wedderburn were taken prisoners. The former, in the confusion of the
battle, mistook, amidst the smoke, a party of English dragoons for
Fitz-James’s horse, and was taken. Having lost his hat, he was led
bare-headed to the front line of the English infantry. His son, Lord
Boyd, who held a commission in the English army, unable to restrain
his feelings, left the ranks, and, going up to his unfortunate
parent, took off his own hat, placed it on his father’s head, and
returned to his place without uttering a word.

At other times, and under different circumstances, a battle like that
of Culloden would have been regarded as an ordinary occurrence, of
which, when all matters were duly considered, the victors could have
little to boast. The Highland army did not exceed 5,000 fighting men;
and when it is considered that the men had been two days without
sleep, were exhausted by the march of the preceding night, and had
scarcely tasted food for forty-eight hours, the wonder is that they
fought so well as they did, against an army almost double in point of
numbers, and which laboured under none of the disadvantages to which,
in a more especial manner, the overthrow of the Highlanders is to be
ascribed.[1211] Nevertheless, as the spirits of the great majority of
the nation had been sunk to the lowest state of despondency by the
reverses of the royal arms at Preston and Falkirk, this unlooked-for
event was hailed as one of the greatest military achievements of
ancient or modern times; and the Duke of Cumberland, who had, in
consequence, an addition of £25,000 per annum made to his income by
parliament, was regarded as the greatest hero of ancient or modern
times. In its consequences, as entirely and for ever destructive
of the claims of the unfortunate house of Stuart, the battle was
perhaps one of the most important ever fought. Though vanquished, the
Highlanders retired from the field with honour, and free from that
foul reproach which has fixed an indelible stain upon the memories of
the victors.

After the carnage of the day had ceased, the brutal soldiery,
who, from the fiendish delight which they took in sprinkling one
another with the blood of the slain, “looked,” as stated by one of
themselves, “like so many butchers rather than an army of Christian
soldiers,”[1212] dined upon the field of battle. After his men had
finished their repast, the Duke of Cumberland marched forward to take
possession of Inverness, and on his way received a letter, which
had been addressed to General Bland, signed by six of the French
officers in the insurgent army, offering in behalf of themselves and
their men to surrender unconditionally to his royal highness. As he
was about to enter the town he was met by a drummer, who brought him
a message from General Stapleton, offering to surrender and asking
quarter. On receiving this communication, the duke ordered Sir Joseph
Yorke, one of his officers, to alight from his horse, who with his
pencil wrote a note to General Stapleton, assuring him of fair
quarter and honourable treatment. The town was then taken possession
of by Captain Campbell, of Sempill’s regiment, with his company of
grenadiers.

After securing his prisoners in the town, the Duke of Cumberland
released the soldiers who had been confined in the church of
Inverness by the insurgents, and who, if the government accounts be
correct, had suffered great hardships. They had indeed, about a week
before the battle of Culloden, been almost stripped of their clothes
by an officer of the Highland army, to clothe a new corps he had
raised; but a complaint having been brought to Lord George Murray
on the subject, he obtained an order from the prince, in consequence
of which the clothes were restored.[1213] The duke on the present
occasion presented each of these men with a guinea, and gave orders
that they should be taken care of.

Besides the military prisoners, several gentlemen supposed to
be disaffected to the government were apprehended by the duke’s
orders, shut up with the common prisoners, and were for some time
denied the use of bedding. Nor did the softer sex, whose Jacobite
predilections had pointed them out as objects of displeasure, escape
his resentment. Several ladies, among whom were Ladies Ogilvy,
Kinloch, and Gordon, were seized and kept in durance in the common
guard, and were limited along with the other prisoners to the
miserable pittance of half-a-pound of meal per day, with scarcely as
much water as was necessary to prepare it for use. As the wounded
prisoners were utterly neglected, many who would have recovered, if
properly treated, died of their wounds; and so much were the rites
of Christian sepulture disregarded by the royal officers, that the
bodies of these unfortunate victims were carried naked through
the streets by beggars, who were employed to inter them in the
churchyard.[1214]

Knowing that there were several deserters from the royal army among
the insurgents, the duke ordered a strict inspection to be made of
the prisoners in order to find them out. No less than thirty-six were
recognised, and being brought to a summary trial, were convicted,
and suffered the death of traitors. Among these was one Dunbar, who
had been a sergeant in Sowle’s regiment. He had taken a suit of
laced clothes from Major Lockhart at the battle of Falkirk, which
being found in his possession, he was dressed in them, and hanged,
and his body exposed for forty-eight hours on the gibbet.[1215] A
young gentleman of the name of Forbes, a relative of Lord Forbes,
is also said to have perished on this occasion. He had served as a
cadet in an English regiment, but, being from principle attached to
the Jacobite interest, had joined the standard of the prince. An
incident occurred after the execution of this unfortunate gentleman,
which assumed an alarming appearance, and might have led to serious
consequences had the war been continued. Before Forbes was cut down
from the gibbet, an English officer, with a morbidness of feeling
which seems to have seized the officers as well as the common
soldiers of the army, plunged his sword into the body of Forbes,
exclaiming, at the same time, that “all his countrymen were traitors
and rebels like himself.” This exclamation being heard by a Scottish
officer who was standing hard by, the offended Scotchman immediately
drew his sword, and demanded satisfaction for the insult offered
to his country. The Englishman instantly accepted the challenge,
and in a short time the combat became general among the officers
who happened to be on the spot. The soldiers, seeing their officers
engaged, beat to arms of their own accord, and drew up along the
streets, the Scotch on one side and the English on the other, and
commenced a warm combat with fixed bayonets. Information of this
affray having been brought to the Duke of Cumberland, he hastened to
the scene of action, and by his persuasions put an end to the combat.
He found the Scotch greatly excited by the affront offered them; but
he soothed their wounded feelings by complimenting them for their
fidelity, their courage, and exemplary conduct.[1216]

Notwithstanding the massacres which were committed immediately
after the battle, a considerable number of wounded Highlanders
still survived, some of whom had taken refuge in a few cottages
adjoining the field of battle, while others lay scattered among the
neighbouring inclosures. Many of these men might have recovered
if ordinary attention had been paid to them; but the stern duke,
considering that those who had risen in rebellion against his father
were not entitled to the rights of humanity, entirely neglected
them.[1217] But, barbarous as such conduct was, it was only the
prelude to enormities of a still more revolting description. At
first the victors conceived that they had completed the work of
death by killing all the wounded they could discover; but when they
were informed that some still survived, they resolved to despatch
them. A Mr. Hossack, who had filled the situation of provost of
Inverness, and who had, under the direction of President Forbes,
performed important services to the government, having gone to pay
his respects to the Duke of Cumberland, found Generals Hawley and
Huske deliberating on this inhuman design. Observing them intent upon
their object, and actually proceeding to make out orders for killing
the wounded Highlanders, he ventured to remonstrate against such a
barbarous step. “As his majesty’s troops have been happily successful
against the rebels, I hope (observed Hossack) your excellencies will
be so good as to mingle mercy with judgment.” Hawley, in a rage,
cried out, “D--n the puppy! does he pretend to dictate here? Carry
him away!” Another officer ordered Hossack to be kicked out, and
the order was obeyed with such instantaneous precision, that the
ex-provost found himself at the bottom of two flights of steps almost
in a twinkling.[1218]

In terms of the cruel instructions alluded to, a party was despatched
from Inverness the day after the battle to put to death all the
wounded they might find in the inclosure adjoining the field of
Culloden. These orders were fulfilled with a punctuality and
deliberation that is sickening to read of. Instead of despatching
their unfortunate victims on the spot where they found them, the
soldiers dragged them from the places where they lay weltering in
their gore, and, having ranged them on some spots of rising ground,
poured in volleys of musketry upon them. Next day parties were sent
to search all the houses in the neighbourhood of the field of battle,
with instructions to carry all the wounded Highlanders they could
find thither and despatch them. Many were in consequence murdered;
and the young laird of Macleod was heard frankly to declare, that
on this occasion he himself saw seventy-two persons killed in cold
blood. The feelings of humanity were not, however, altogether
obliterated in the hearts of some of the officers, who spared a few
of the wounded. In one instance the almost incredible cruelty of the
soldiery was strikingly exemplified. At a short distance from the
field of battle there stood a small hut, used for sheltering sheep
and goats in cold and stormy weather, into which some of the wounded
had crawled. On discovering them the soldiers immediately secured the
door, to prevent egress, and thereupon set fire to the hut in several
places, and all the persons within, to the number of between thirty
and forty, perished in the flames.[1219]

Another instance of fiendish cruelty occurred the same day. Almost
immediately after the battle, nineteen wounded officers of the
Highland army, unable to follow their retiring companions, secreted
themselves in a small plantation near Culloden house, whence they
were afterwards carried to the court-yard of that mansion, where they
remained two days in great torture weltering in their blood, and
without the least medical aid or attention but such as they received
from the president’s steward, who, at the hazard of his own life,
alleviated the sufferings of his unhappy countrymen by several acts
of kindness. These wretched sufferers were now tied with ropes by the
brutal soldiery, thrown into carts, and carried out to a park wall
at a short distance from Culloden house. Being dragged out of the
carts, they were ranged in order along the wall, and were told by
the officer in command of the party to prepare for death. Such of
them as retained the use of their limbs fell down upon their knees in
prayer; but they had little time allowed them to invoke mercy, for
in a minute the soldiers received orders to fire, and, being posted
at the distance of only two or three yards from the prisoners, the
unfortunate gentlemen were almost all instantly shot dead. That the
butchery might be complete, the soldiers were ordered to club their
muskets and dash out the brains of such of their miserable victims
as exhibited any symptoms of life, an order which, horrible to tell,
was actually fulfilled. A gentleman named John Fraser, who had been
an officer in the Master of Lovat’s regiment, alone survived. He
had received a ball, and being observed to be still in life, was
struck on the face by a soldier with the butt end of his musket.
Though one of his cheek bones and the upper part of his nose were
broken, and one of his eyes dashed out by the blow, he still lived,
and the party, thinking they had killed him, left him for dead. He
would probably have expired on the spot, had not the attention of
Lord Boyd, son of the Earl of Kilmarnock, when riding past, been
fortunately attracted by the number of dead bodies he observed
lying together. Espying, at a little distance from the heap, a body
in motion, his lordship went up, and having ascertained from the
mouth of the sufferer who he was, he ordered his servant to carry
Mr. Fraser to a cottage, near at hand, which he named, where he lay
concealed for three months. He lived several years afterwards, but
was a cripple during life.[1220]

By the capture of Inverness, a considerable quantity of ordnance and
military stores fell into the hands of the royal army. Including
those taken on the field of battle, there were 30 pieces of cannon,
2,320 firelocks, 190 broadswords, a large quantity of musket
cartridges, 1,019 cannon balls, a quantity of musket shot, 37 barrels
of gunpowder, and 22 ammunition carts, besides tents, cantines,
pistols, saddles, &c. To encourage the soldiers to collect the arms
which the Highlanders had left on the field, they were allowed
half-a-crown for every musket, and a shilling for every broadsword
which they brought into the camp at Inverness. For every stand of
colours the sum of sixteen guineas was allowed, and no less than
fourteen of these were captured or picked up upon the field, all of
which were burnt on the 4th of June at the market cross of Edinburgh,
by the hands of the common hangman, after being carried in mock
procession from the castle by a party of chimney-sweeps.

Two days after the battle the Earl of Cromarty, his son, Lord
Macleod, several officers, and 153 private men, were landed at
Inverness from the Hound sloop of war, which had conveyed them from
Sutherland, where they had been taken prisoners by a party of Lord
Sutherland’s people on the preceding day, viz., the 15th of April,
under the following circumstances. Having received instructions to
rejoin the main body of the Highland army at Inverness, the earl
was about proceeding to fulfil them, when a plan was formed by the
Mackays and the Earl of Sutherland’s people to cut him off. Uniting
their forces, consisting of three independent companies, near
Golspie, they resolved to attack the Earl of Cromarty, early in the
morning of the 15th of April, in flank and in rear. In pursuance
of this resolution, Captain Macallister, who commanded the Earl of
Sutherland’s militia, marched with his company towards the water
of Golspie, and having in his march received intelligence that
Cromarty’s regiment had marched towards the ferry, but that the earl
himself with the greater part of his officers was at Dunrobin castle,
he sent Ensign John Mackay, with a party of 26 men, to intercept him.
The earl left the castle with 14 officers on horseback, and a small
party of well-armed foot, to join his men, and would have fallen
into an ambuscade which Ensign Mackay had laid for him, had not some
of the Mackays begun to fire too soon. Lord Cromarty immediately
retraced his steps and took refuge in the castle, from the top of
the tower of which he displayed a white flag and rang a bell, as a
signal that he was attacked. The earl’s men began immediately to
march back to his relief, upon which Mackay and his party retired to
the adjacent high grounds. Meanwhile, the two independent companies,
which were to attack Cromarty’s men in flank, arrived at the hill of
Culmaly, to the north west of Golspie, and observing the insurgents
returning from the ferry, and drawing up in order of battle on
a rising ground about a mile west from Golspie, they concealed
themselves on the top of the hill: Captains Gray and Sutherland,
the commanders of the two companies, then descended the hill to
reconnoitre. They computed Cromarty’s force to be between 400 and 500
men; and, having resolved to attack them, they returned to their men
and gave orders to that effect. To deceive the insurgents as to the
extent of their numbers, they marched down the hill in open column,
keeping a distance of about twenty paces between each rank; and so
well did this _ruse_ succeed, that the insurgents, struck with a
panic, fled towards the ferry, and were pursued by the two companies,
who, attacking them in flank, killed a considerable number, and
took 178 prisoners. The two companies thereupon marched to Dunrobin
castle, which they invested. The earl held out the castle till the
evening, when, despairing of relief, he requested the commanders
of the companies to hold a conference with him in the castle on
the subject of a surrender. While engaged in conversation, Ensign
Mackay, who had entered the castle along with the two captains, went
down stairs, and having informed the earl’s men below that he had
surrendered, induced them to deliver up their arms. Having secured
their arms, he took the keys from the porter, and, opening the gates,
admitted his party. He then went up stairs with them, and, entering
the dining-room, seized the earl, Lord Macleod, and the whole
officers.[1221]

Whilst the Duke of Cumberland was deliberating upon the course he
should adopt for finally suppressing the rebellion, his unfortunate
kinsman, disheartened by his recent disaster, was entirely occupied
with thoughts of his own personal safety. After leaving the field,
Charles, escorted by a large body of horse, crossed the river Nairn
at the ford of Falie, about four miles from the field of battle.
Having halted a short time on the south side of the Nairn, during
which he held a consultation with his friends, Charles dismissed the
horse and most of his attendants, with instructions to assemble at
Ruthven in Badenoch, where they were directed to wait for further
orders. Taking along with him Sir Thomas Sheridan, O’Sullivan,
Captain O’Neil, John Hay, and a few other persons, Charles set out
for Gortuleg, the residence of Lord Lovat’s steward, where he arrived
about sunset. There, for the first and only time, the prince met
Lord Lovat, who, on learning the cause of the Prince’s unexpected
visit, became, it is said, almost frantic, and, anticipating the fate
which awaited him, called out to those around him to chop off his
head. In a little time the aged chief regained his self-possession,
and entered into conversation with Charles and his followers in
relation to their future prospects. As it was not considered safe
to pass the night so near the royal troops, Charles and his party,
after partaking of some supper, left Gortuleg about ten o’clock
for Invergarry, the seat of Macdonell of Glengarry. Before leaving
Gortuleg, the prince took the precaution to change his dress.

The prince and his party arrived at the mansion of Invergarry about
four o’clock in the morning, where Charles began to experience a
foretaste of the hardships he was destined to endure. This ancient
castle, ever since its first erection, had never been in such a
cheerless condition as that in which Charles now found it. Unprovided
with furniture or provisions, and inhabited by a solitary domestic,
it seemed to warn the unfortunate fugitives that they were unwelcome
within its walls, and that they must speedily look out for a more
hospitable place of retreat. Overcome by fatigue, the whole party
lay down upon the floor, in their clothes, and fell asleep. After
reposing several hours, they rose, but had nothing to eat till Edward
Burke, servant to Alexander Macleod, one of the party, observing a
net in the water of Garry, pulled it out and caught two salmon, on
which they dined.

With the exception of O’Sullivan, O’Neil, and Edward Burke, who, from
his knowledge of the country, was selected as the prince’s guide,
all the party took leave of Charles at Invergarry. Before leaving
the castle, Charles, in order the more effectually to disguise
himself, put on Burke’s coat; and at three o’clock in the afternoon,
he set out for Loch Arkaig in Lochaber, accompanied by his three
attendants, and took up his quarters for the night in the house
of Donald Cameron of Glenpean. Charles slept the following night,
that of Friday the 18th, at Mewboll, where he and his small party
were well entertained. From Mewboll they set out next morning for
Glenboisdale. At Loch Morar they waited several hours for a boat to
carry them across; but, not finding one, they were obliged, from the
road being impracticable for horses, to abandon them and to walk on
foot to Glenboisdale, which they reached on Sunday the 20th, after
great fatigue, having crossed two lofty ranges of mountains in their
route.

[Illustration: Lord George Murray.--From the original painting by
permission of His Grace the Duke of Athole.]

Presuming that Charles still meant to make a stand, Lord George
Murray and the other chiefs who remained with the army retired to
Ruthven, where, including Cluny’s men whom they met on their retreat,
they assembled a force of between 2,000 and 3,000 men. From the
want of provisions it was impossible to keep such a body together
for any length of time; and a message from Charles, two or three
days after the battle, desiring them to disperse, hastened an event
which seemed to be inevitable. In thus resigning the contest which
by his inconsiderate rashness he had provoked, Charles showed that
he was not possessed of that magnanimity which many of his followers
ascribed to him. Notwithstanding their recent reverse, there existed
no unwillingness on the part of the brave men who had risked their
all for him to continue the war. They might not have, it is true,
succeeded in vindicating the claim of an ungrateful prince in the
field; but, under his leadership, they might have made a gallant
stand, and forced the government to grant them favourable terms.
In extenuation of the prince’s conduct, on the present occasion,
it is but fair to add, that he was under the influence of a set of
contemptible advisers, who prejudiced him against his best friends,
and instilled into his mind a conviction that he had been betrayed
at Culloden. How far the conduct of Lord George Murray, after that
event, may have determined Charles to take the course he did, cannot
now be ascertained; but if Charles, in the midst of his perplexity
immediately after the battle, hesitated as to the course he should
pursue, his reception of the following document, under the hand of
Lord George Murray, was certainly not calculated to induce him to
continue the contest.

“MAY IT PLEASE YOUR ROYAL HIGHNESS.

“As no person in these kingdoms ventured more frankly in the
cause than myself, and as I had more at stake than almost all
the others put together, so, to be sure, I cannot but be very
deeply affected with our late loss and present situation; but I
declare, that were your royal highness’s person in safety, the
loss of the cause, and the misfortunate and unhappy situation of
my countrymen, is the only thing that grieves me, for I thank
God I have resolution to bear my own family’s ruin without a
grudge. Sir, you will, I hope, upon this occasion, pardon me, if
I mention a few truths, which all the gentlemen of our army seem
convinced of.

“It was highly wrong to have set up the royal standard without
having positive assurances from his Most Christian Majesty, that
he would assist you with all his force; and as your royal family
lost the crown of these realms upon the account of France, the
world did and had reason to expect that France would seize the
first favourable opportunity to restore your august family.

“I must also acquaint your royal highness, that we were all fully
convinced that Mr. O’Sullivan, whom your royal highness trusted
with the most essential things with regard to your operations,
was exceedingly unfit for it, and committed gross blunders on
every occasion of moment. He whose business it was, did not so
much as visit the ground where we were to be drawn up in line
of battle, and it was a fatal error to allow the enemy these
walls upon their left, which made it impossible for us to break
them, and they, with their front fire, and flanking us when we
went upon the attack, destroyed us without any possibility of
our breaking them, and our Athole men have lost a full half of
their officers and men. I wish Mr. O’Sullivan had never got any
other charge in the army than the care of the baggage, which, I
am told, he had been brought up to and understood. I never saw
him in time of action, neither at Gladsmuir, Falkirk, nor in the
last, and his orders were vastly confused.

“The want of provisions was another misfortune which had the most
fatal consequence. Mr. Hay, whom your royal highness trusted
with the principal direction of ordering provisions of late, and
without whose orders a boll of meal or farthing of money was not
to be delivered, has served your royal highness egregiously ill.
When I spoke to him, he told me the thing is ordered, it will be
got, &c.; but he neglected his duty to such a degree, that our
ruin might probably have been prevented had he done his duty.
In short, the three last days which were so critical, our army
was starved. This was the reason our night march was rendered
abortive, when we possibly might have surprised and defeated the
enemy at Nairn; but for want of provisions a third of the army
scattered to Inverness, &c., and the other who marched had not
spirits to make it so quick as was necessary, being really faint
for want of provisions.

“The next day, which was the fatal day, if we had got plenty of
provisions we might have crossed the water of Nairn, and drawn
up so advantageously, that we would have obliged the enemy to
come to us, for they were resolved to fight at all hazards at
prodigious disadvantage, and probably we would in that case have
done by them as they unhappily have done by us. In short, Mr.
O’Sullivan and Mr. Hay had rendered themselves odious to all our
army, and had disgusted them to such a degree, that they had bred
a mutiny in all ranks, that had not the battle come on, they were
to have represented their grievances to your royal highness for
a remedy. For my own part, I never had any particular discussion
with either of them; but I ever thought them uncapable and unfit
to serve in the stations they were placed in.

“Your royal highness knows I always told I had no design to
continue in the army. I would of late, when I came last from
Athole, have resigned my commission; but all my friends told me
it might be of prejudice to the cause at such a critical time. I
hope your royal highness will now accept of my demission. What
commands you have for me in any other situation, please honour
me with them.--I am, with great zeal, Sir, your royal highness’s
most dutiful and humble servant,

“GEORGE MURRAY.

“RUTHVEN, _17th April, 1746_.

“I have taken the liberty to keep 500 pieces, which shant be
disposed upon except you give leave.”[1222]

It would appear from the preceding document that Lord George Murray,
who, of all men, was the best judge of the propriety of trying
another campaign, did not in the least contemplate that Charles would
abandon the enterprise. His own opinion was, that the war should be
continued; and when he heard that Charles had resolved to depart
for France, he sent Secretary Hay to Glenboisdale with a message to
Charles, to dissuade him against such a step; but Charles informed
Hay that his resolution was fixed. Lord George maintained that the
Highlanders “could have made a summer’s campaign without the risk of
any misfortune: they could have marched through the hills to places
in Banffshire, Aberdeenshire, the Mearns, Perthshire, Lochaber, and
Argyleshire, by ways that regular troops could not have followed;
and if they (the regular troops) had ventured among the mountains,
it must have been attended with great danger and difficulty: their
convoys might have been cut off, and opportunities would have offered
to attack them with almost a certainty of success. And though the
Highlanders had neither money nor magazines, they would not have
starved in that season of the year so long as there were sheep and
cattle: they could also have separated themselves in two or three
different bodies, got meal for some days’ provision,--met again at a
place appointed, and might have fallen upon the enemy when they least
expected: they could have marched in three days what would have taken
regular troops five: nay, had those taken the high roads as often
as they would have been obliged upon account of their carriages,
it would have taken them ten or twelve days. In short, they might
have been so harassed and fatigued that they must have been in the
greatest distress and difficulties, and at length probably been
destroyed, at least much might have been expected by gaining of time:
perhaps the Highlanders might have been enabled to have made an
offensive instead of a defensive war.”[1223]

After receiving Charles’s orders to disperse, the officers at
Ruthven, to use an expression of one of themselves,[1224] “took a
melancholy leave of each other,” and went off in different directions
to secure their personal safety, and the common men proceeded
straight to their respective homes.

While Secretary Hay was at Boisdale, Charles drew up a letter to
the chiefs, stating the reasons of his departure, which he inclosed
in one to Sir Thomas Sheridan,[1225] with instructions to show it
to them, but to keep it as long back as he conveniently could. He
stated that it was “of the last consequence” to conceal his departure
on some pretext or other, which he enjoined him to contrive, and to
recommend, particularly to every person to whom he showed the paper,
to follow the same course. In using this precaution Charles probably
wished to keep the government in ignorance of his design to leave the
kingdom. The letter to the chiefs, which, though written on or before
the 23d of April, the date of the letter to Sir Thomas Sheridan, is
post-dated the 28th, with the view, perhaps, of allowing Sir Thomas
to withhold it for a few days, by which time Charles expected that he
would be on his way to the Long island, where he expected to find a
vessel to carry him to France. The letter to the chiefs runs thus:--

“FOR THE CHIEFS,

“When I came into this country, it was my only view to do all in
my power for your good and safety. This I will always do as long
as life is in me. But alas! I see with grief I can at present do
little for you on this side the water, for the only thing that
can now be done is to defend yourselves till the French assist
you, if not to be able to make better terms. To effectuate this,
the only way is to assemble in a body as soon as possible, and
then to take measures for the best, which you that know the
country are only judges of. This makes me be of little use here;
whereas, by my going into France instantly, however dangerous it
be, I will certainly engage the French court either to assist
us effectually and powerfully, or at least to procure you such
terms as you would not obtain otherways. My presence there, I
flatter myself, will have more effect to bring this sooner to a
determination than any body else, for several reasons; one of
which I will mention here; viz. it is thought to be a politick,
(policy,) though a false one, of the French court, not to restore
our master, but to keep a continual civil war in this country,
which renders the English government less powerful, and of
consequence themselves more. This is absolutely destroyed by my
leaving the country, which nothing else but this will persuade
them that this play cannot last, and if not remedied, the Elector
will soon be as despotick as the French king, which, I should
think, will oblige them to strike the great stroke, which is
always in their power, however averse they may have been to it
for the time past. Before leaving off, I must recommend to you,
that all things should be decided by a council of all your
chiefs, or, in any of your absence, the next commander of your
several corps with the assistance of the Duke of Perth and Lord
George Murray, who, I am persuaded, will stick by you to the very
last. My departure should be kept as long private and concealed
as possible on one pretext or other which you will fall upon. May
the Almighty bless and direct you.”[1226]

At Glenboisdale Charles was joined by Clanranald, Lockhart, younger
of Carnwath, Æneas Macdonald, the banker, and several other
adherents, who endeavoured to dissuade him from embarking for the
isles, where, from the number of cruisers which hovered among the
Hebrides, they considered he would run greater risk than if he
remained on the mainland. Charles seemed disposed to adopt this
advice; but O’Sullivan being averse to it, and having represented
the great probability of speedily finding a ship among the isles to
convey him to France, and the great danger of staying where he was,
the prince adhered to his determination of seeking a temporary refuge
in the Long island. With the intention of soliciting the protection
of Sir Alexander Macdonald and the laird of Macleod, Charles sent to
Kinlochmoidart for one Donald Macleod, a trustworthy person whom he
wished to intrust with his despatches. Macleod had been at Inverness
shipping a cargo of meal for Skye when Charles entered that town,
and had been employed to accompany Æneas Macdonald to the island of
Barra, for the purpose of bringing over a sum of about £380, which
was lying there. They had reached Kinlochmoidart, on their way back,
and were about setting out for Inverness, when Macdonald received a
letter from the prince announcing his defeat, and requesting him to
repair to Borodale. On receiving this message Macleod immediately set
out, and in passing through a forest in the vicinity of Glenboisdale,
he observed a solitary wanderer among the trees, who immediately
came forward and asked him if he was Donald Macleod of Gualtergill
in Skye. Macleod answered that he was, and having recognised the
prince in the person of his interrogator, he stated that he was
at his service. “Then,” said the prince, “you see, Donald, I am in
distress. I therefore throw myself into your bosom; do with me what
you like. I hear you are an honest man, and fit to be trusted.” The
aged Highlander doubting his capacity to serve him, Charles stated
to him the nature of the mission on which he intended to send him.
Macleod, startled at the proposal, positively refused to undertake
the task; and having remonstrated with Charles upon the impropriety
of asking the protection of men who had, contrary to their promise,
taken part against him, he abandoned his design.[1227]

During the few days that Charles spent at Glenboisdale, he is said
to have wavered in his plans. Though informed of the dispersion of
his troops, he had hopes that a good many might still be collected
as occasion offered. He is said even to have entertained thoughts of
again assembling his scattered forces, and acting on the defensive.
He sent a few men, with whom Clanranald had supplied him, on all
sides to obtain intelligence, but they learned nothing favourable;
and accounts which he received from the Isle of Skye, that Lord
Loudon was about to come over immediately to the coast of Arisaig,
joined to a report, which, however, turned out to be false, that a
detachment of the Duke of Cumberland’s army had already reached Fort
Augustus, hastened his departure from the mainland.[1228]

Accordingly, on the evening of the 26th of April, Charles,
accompanied by O’Sullivan, O’Neil, Allan Macdonald, a catholic priest
of Clanranald’s family, and Edward Burke, embarked in an eight-oared
boat at Borodale, in the bay of Lochnanuagh, where a few months
before he had landed full of hope and enthusiasm. Besides the persons
enumerated, and Donald Macleod who acted as pilot, there were seven
boatmen. Charles sat down in the bottom of the boat at the feet of
the pilot. Macleod, who observed indications of an approaching storm,
had advised Charles to postpone his voyage till next day; but the
prince was so intent upon proceeding, that he would not put off his
departure. Four pecks of oatmeal were all the provision the whole
party carried along with them, and the only cooking utensil was a pot
which Macleod had taken care to provide.

Charles soon had occasion to repent of his obstinacy in not listening
to the advice of the aged mariner; for before the boat had proceeded
far, a storm arose, which is described by Macleod as the most violent
he had ever witnessed, though he had been all his life a seafaring
man. The danger was greatly increased by the darkness of the night,
and to add to the distress of the party, the rain poured down in
torrents. Vivid flashes of lightning which threw a momentary gleam
over the face of the troubled deep, and the crash of the thunder
which rolled over the heads of the affrighted party, increased the
horrors of the scene. Unprovided with a compass, they were entirely
ignorant of the course they were steering; but they had, from the
violence of the tempest, no alternative but to go before the wind,
and in the event of escaping the fury of the waves, running the risk
of being driven upon Skye, where the prince might fall into the hands
of the militia who were in that island. But all their apprehensions
of danger on this score were removed, by discovering at day-break
that they were on the coast of the Long island. At seven o’clock in
the morning they landed with great difficulty at Rossinish, a point
of land on the north-east of Benbecula, one of the islands which
form the group called the Long island. Having secured their boat,
Charles and his party entered an uninhabited hut, in which they
kindled a fire to warm themselves and dry their clothes, which were
saturated with rain and salt-water. Charles purchased a cow, which
was immediately slaughtered; and which, with the small quantity of
meal provided by Donald Macleod, served to support the party during
the time they remained on the island.[1229]

Meanwhile the Duke of Cumberland was using every effort to capture
the persons of the young Chevalier and his principal adherents. For
this purpose, several detachments were sent out by the duke from his
camp at Inverness in different directions, and as he was desirous
that Charles should not fall alive into his hands, his instructions
to the commanders of the detachments were to make no prisoners.
One of these detachments, under Colonel Cockayne, proceeded to Moy
castle, and after shooting some fugitives who had taken refuge in
that mansion, and massacring some old men, women and children,
returned to Inverness, carrying along with them Lady Mackintosh, who,
on her arrival there, was committed to custody by the duke. Another
party went to castle Downie, the seat of Lord Lovat, which they burnt
to the ground, having previously secured a large quantity of booty,
which they carried to Inverness. A body of 600 Grants was sent into
the Frasers’ country to reduce and disarm that powerful clan; and the
Monroes, Mackays, and Sutherlands, were scattered over the shires of
Ross, Cromarty, Sutherland, and Caithness, to keep the disaffected
in these counties in check. To secure the passages to the isles,
Lord Fortrose, son of the Earl of Seaforth, proceeded to raise the
Mackenzies, and orders were given along the coast to prevent any
suspicious persons from making their escape by sea. Cobham’s and Lord
Mack Ker’s dragoons were posted along the east coast, and bodies of
militia were stationed at the passes leading into the Highlands to
intercept all persons who might attempt to escape to the lowlands.
The pass of Stirling was also guarded by a detachment posted at the
Fords of the Frew, and the Edinburgh regiment was spread along the
south side of the Frith of Forth, to apprehend such of the insurgents
as might attempt to cross that arm of the sea. Besides these
different detachments, a body of 1,700 militia, under the Earl of
Loudon, the laird of Macleod, and Sir Alexander Macdonald, the last
of whom had raised his men before the battle of Culloden, and another
body of 800 Argyleshire men under General Campbell, afterwards Duke
of Argyle, spread themselves over Lochaber, all eager to secure the
person of the prince. In short, no means were neglected to attain
this object; and the eager pursuers required no other stimulus to
urge them on than the splendid reward of £30,000, which had been
offered for the capture of the royal fugitive.

The departure of Charles from Lochnanuagh was not known at Inverness
till some days after he had sailed, and the place of his destination
become a matter of interesting speculation. No doubt could exist
that he designed to seek refuge among the western islands, and as
St. Kilda is the most distant and the least frequented of the whole,
it was supposed that Charles had repaired thither. Acting on this
supposition, General Campbell collected some sloops of war and
transports, and having embarked a considerable body of troops, set
sail for St. Kilda.[1230] After touching at Barra and some other
islands, and searching for the prince, he approached St. Kilda, the
inhabitants of which, alarmed at the sight of the fleet, fled and
concealed themselves in the cliffs of the rocks. Landing with some
of his forces, the general inquired at some of the inhabitants, whom
he discovered in their recesses, what had become of the “Pretender;”
but these people answered, with great simplicity, that they had never
heard of such a person,--that they had indeed been informed that
their laird (Macleod) had lately been at war with a woman a great
way abroad, and that he had overcome her. This, they added, was all
they knew of the affairs of the world. General Campbell, however, not
satisfied with this statement, made a search over the island, but not
finding any strangers, returned to the main land after visiting South
Uist.

Anticipating the utter ruin which awaited them and their followers,
if no attempt was made to resist the meditated designs of the Duke
of Cumberland, several chiefs and others[1231] held a meeting at
Mortlaig on the 8th of May, at which they entered into a bond for
their mutual defence, and agreed never to lay down their arms, or
make a general peace, without the consent of the whole. They may be
supposed to have come to this resolution the more readily, as a sum
of 35,000 louis d’ors had been received a few days before by two
French frigates which had arrived on the west coast. By the bond of
association, the chiefs agreed, and solemnly promised, with the
utmost expedition, to raise in behalf of the prince and in defence
of their country, as many able-bodied armed men as they could on
their respective properties, and they further promised and agreed,
that the following clans, viz., Lochiel, Glengarry, Clanranald,
Stewarts of Appin, Keppoch, Barisdale, Mackinnons and Macleods,
should assemble on Thursday, the 15th of May, at Auchnacarry, in
the braes of Lochaber. To facilitate the junction of the different
corps with all possible speed, it was agreed that the Frasers of Aird
and the other Jacobite clans on the north side of the river Ness,
should join the people of Glenmoriston and Glengarry, and that the
Frasers of Stratherrick, the Mackintoshes and Macphersons, should
assemble and meet at the most convenient place in Badenoch on the
same day;--that the Macgregors, and Menzies’ and Glenlyon’s people
should march to Rannoch and join the Rannoch and Athole men, and be
kept in readiness to receive intelligence and orders to meet the
main body in the braes of Mar, or at any other place that might be
considered convenient,--that Gordon of Glenbucket and Colonel Roy
Stewart should intimate the resolutions of the meeting to Lord Lewis
Gordon, Lords Ogilvy and Pitsligo, the Farquharsons, and the other
principal gentlemen in the north, who were to be directed to fix a
place of rendezvous among themselves, and that Macpherson of Cluny
and Colonel Roy Stewart should advertise the principal gentlemen
of the Mackintoshes of the resolutions adopted by the meeting. The
better to conceal their designs from the Duke of Cumberland, the
assembled chiefs agreed not to discover or reveal to any of their men
or inferior officers, the agreement they had entered into, nor the
day and place of rendezvous, till they had assembled their respective
corps. It was finally agreed, that should any one engaged in the
association make separate terms for himself, he should be looked upon
as a traitor to the prince, and be treated by his associates as an
enemy.[1232]

The associated chiefs had been too sanguine in their expectations,
not one of them being able, for various reasons, to meet on the day
appointed. Clanranald’s people refused to leave their own country,
and many of Glengarry’s had delivered up their arms. Lochgarry came
with a small party to Invermely on the 20th of May; but, after
staying one night, he crossed Loch Arkaig and did not return. Lochiel
and Barisdale met at Auchnacarry, the place of rendezvous, on the
21st or 22d of May, but with very few men, and they were almost
surprised by a large party of the government forces on the morning
of the 23d, who took an officer and two of Lochiel’s men prisoners.
The Highlanders immediately dispersed, and Lochiel, seeing no chance
of making an effectual stand under existing circumstances, wrote
a circular to his brother chiefs, advising them to disperse their
people; but, as great expectations were entertained that the French
king would send assistance, he requested them to preserve their arms
as long as possible.

Conceiving that the only effectual mode of suppressing the rebellion
was to march into the Highlands with the whole of his army, the Duke
of Cumberland began, about the middle of May, to make preparations
for his journey. He had in the beginning of that month issued a
proclamation, ordering the insurgent clans to deliver up their arms;
but little attention was paid to this mandate, and the continuance
of considerable armed parties convinced him that the Highlands
could never be reduced without the presence of a considerable army
stationed in a central district. Having pitched upon Fort Augustus
for his new head-quarters, the duke left Inverness, on the 23d of
May, with eleven battalions of foot and Kingston’s horse, and reached
Fort Augustus next day. Charles had intended to make this place a
rallying point in case of a defeat; but his plan was rejected by the
chiefs, and, that it might not be serviceable to the royal troops,
the buildings had been blown up. No accommodation being therefore
found for the duke’s army, a camp was formed in the neighbourhood,
and a turf hut with doors and windows, and covered with green sods
and boughs, was erected by Lord Loudon’s Highlanders for the use of
his royal highness.[1233]

Resolving to inflict a signal chastisement upon the rebels, the duke
sent, from his camp at Fort Augustus, detachments of his troops in
all directions, which devastated the country with fire and sword, and
committed excesses scarcely paralleled in history, resembling, though
perhaps on a minor scale, those committed by the hosts of Hyder Ali,
when that merciless destroyer burst into the Carnatic. The seats of
Lochiel, Glengarry, Kinlochmoidart, Keppoch, Cluny, Glengyle, and
others, were plundered and burnt to the ground, and great numbers of
the houses of the common people shared the same fate.[1234] Major
Lockhart, whose name, by his cruelties on this occasion, has obtained
an infamous notoriety, marched with a detachment into the country
of the Macdonalds of Barisdale, and laid waste and destroyed their
dwellings. Some of these poor people had obtained protections from
Lord Loudon; but the major disregarded them, and told the people who
had them, that not even a warrant from heaven should prevent him from
executing his orders. Another corps, under Lord George Sackville,
ravaged the country about the glens of Moidart, while others carried
fire and desolation through other districts. Not contented with
destroying the country, these bloodhounds either shot the men upon
the mountains, or murdered them in cold blood. The women, after
witnessing their husbands, fathers, and brothers murdered before
their eyes, were subjected to brutal violence, and then turned out
naked, with their children, to starve on the barren heaths. A whole
family was inclosed in a barn, and consumed to ashes. So alert were
these ministers of vengeance, that in a few days, according to the
testimony of a volunteer who served in the expedition, neither house,
cottage, man, nor beast, was to be seen within the compass of fifty
miles: all was ruin, silence, and desolation. Deprived of their
cattle and their small stock of provisions by the rapacious soldiery,
the hoary-headed matron and sire, the widowed mother and her helpless
offspring, were to be seen dying of hunger, stretched upon the bare
ground, and within view of the smoking ruins of their dwellings.

It may seem surprising that the Highlanders did not avenge themselves
upon their oppressors, by assassinating such stragglers as fell
in their way. It cannot be supposed that men in whose bosoms the
spirit of revenge must have taken deep root, would have spared their
relentless adversaries from any scruple as to the mode of despatching
them; nor can it be imagined that the Highlanders could not have
selected fit occasions when they might have inflicted vengeance upon
individuals. The reason of their forbearance probably was, that such
a system of warfare, if adopted, would lead to acts of retaliation on
the part of the military, and thus increase their calamities. Only
one instance is known where an injured person attempted to avenge
himself. This was the case of a Highlander who had his house burned,
his cattle plundered, and his son killed, while defending his family,
who were turned out in the snow. Vowing revenge, he watched the
officer who was the author of this inhuman outrage, and who, he was
informed, was to be distinguished by a cloak of a particular kind.
This officer riding one day with Captain George Munro of Culcairn in
a shower of rain, lent him his cloak; and while marching in it with
a party of men along the side of Loch Arkaig, the captain was shot
by the enraged Highlander, who perceived the cloak, but could not
distinguish the difference of person. The man escaped, and although
he was well known, and might have been afterwards apprehended, he was
allowed to pass unpunished.[1235]

Of the immense quantity of cattle carried off by Cumberland’s troops,
some idea may be formed from the fact mentioned in a journal of
the period,[1236] that there were sometimes 2,000 in one drove.
Intelligence of such a vast accumulation of live stock reaching
the ears of the graziers of the south, numbers of them went to Fort
Augustus well provided with money, which they laid out to great
advantage. Some of the people, impelled by starvation, repaired
to the camp to solicit from the spoilers some of their flocks, to
preserve an existence; but their supplications were unheeded, and
they were doomed to behold their cattle sold and driven away, while
famine stared them in the face.

[Illustration: Duncan Forbes of Culloden, Lord President.

From Original Painting at Culloden House.]

The atrocities committed by the English must have been revolting to
the humane mind of Lord President Forbes. On paying his respects to
the duke at Inverness, he hinted to his highness that the laws of
the country should be observed even by his army; but the duke, who
entertained very different ideas, not relishing such an intrusion
upon his authority, cut the worthy president short with this
exclamation, “The laws of the country, my Lord! I’ll make a brigade
give laws, by God!” Judging farther remonstrance to be vain, Forbes
dropped the subject, and was compelled to deplore in silence the
cruelties which he could not prevent. He might have represented the
matter to the government; but he was perhaps unwilling to run the
risk of incurring its displeasure, and thereby deprive himself of
the chance of being afterwards useful in saving many families from
ruin.[1237]

The enormities of the lawless soldiery were not confined to the
Highlands, but extended to all the adjoining lowland districts where
the spirit of disaffection was known to exist. The houses of the low
country Jacobite gentry were plundered and destroyed, and the chapels
of the nonjurant episcopal clergy, as well as the more humble and
secluded places of worship belonging to the Catholics, were either
razed or burnt to the ground. “Rebel-hunting” was the term adopted by
the ruffians of the British army to designate their bloody occupation.

To complete the work of extermination, the duke issued a
proclamation, denouncing the punishment of death, by hanging, against
every person who should harbour the insurgents, and a similar fate
was declared to await such as should conceal arms, ammunition, or any
other thing belonging to them, or should not immediately deliver up
to persons authorized by the duke to receive the same, any property
or effects in their possession belonging to the rebels. In compliance
with a requisition made by the duke, the General Assembly of the
Church of Scotland, about the end of May, enjoined the ministers of
the different parishes to read a proclamation from the pulpits, in
which they themselves, and every well affected person, were ordered
by his royal highness to use every exertion to discover and seize
the unfortunate fugitives; and to facilitate their discovery and
apprehension, the clergy were required to furnish lists of the names
of all persons in their respective parishes who had had any share in
the insurrection. Many clergymen, including those of Edinburgh, with
feelings of humanity and independence which did them honour, refused
to read this proclamation, or to comply with the order requiring
them to give in the names of such of their parishioners as had been
engaged in the rebellion. The government, equally intent with its
sanguinary general upon the destruction of the unfortunate adherents
of the house of Stuart, offered rewards for apprehending such of the
fugitives as might land in Ireland, and instructions were sent to the
British ministers at foreign courts in alliance with George II., to
seize all who might seek refuge in the territories of such powers.

The guilt of all these acts of bloodshed and rapine has been laid to
the charge of the Duke of Cumberland, and the single fact that he
issued no orders to put an end to the enormities which were daily
committed, almost under his own eyes, and with his perfect knowledge,
seems of itself sufficient to justify the charge. But when taken in
connexion with his sanguinary order not to make prisoners, the proofs
of his criminality, or rather unconstitutional severity, are evident.
Though the foul stain of wanton cruelty must ever attach to the
British army on the present occasion, from the commander down to the
private, there were some redeeming exceptions among the officers, who
alleviated the sufferings, and, in some instances, saved the lives of
the devoted Highlanders. “I think myself,” says Mr. Maxwell, “bound
in justice to let the reader know that there were in the duke of
Cumberland’s army officers of all ranks, whom neither the prospect of
ingratiating themselves and making their fortunes, nor the contagion
of bad example were able to corrupt. Some of those that had done the
government the most essential services were as conspicuous now for
their humanity as formerly for their courage and conduct. It might be
indiscreet to be particular at present; but their names, which are
written with indelible characters in the hearts of those poor people
that owe to them the preservation of their being, will be carefully
handed down to posterity. They are already known, and even, in the
worst of times, meet with the applause they deserve from all those
that have a fellow-feeling for their species.”

With the honourable exceptions here alluded to, neither the duke nor
the submissive slaves of his tyrannical will ever appear to have
felt the least compunction for the miseries they inflicted upon the
unfortunate Highlanders. On the contrary, they seem to have revelled
amidst the ruin and desolation which they spread around; and when
their occupation of “rebel-hunting” was gone, by the destruction of
their victims, they endeavoured to relieve the _ennui_ of repose
by ludicrous and indecent diversions. Horse and foot races were
instituted by the royal duke, who did not think it beneath his
dignity to induce the women of the camp to enter the lists, and to
expose themselves in a way at which decency revolts.[1238] This
species of amusement produced great insubordination in the army, for
the soldiers got very fond of it, and, according to a volunteer, most
of them had horses, which they bought and sold with one another at
a low price, and on which they rode about, neglecting their duty,
and consequently it became necessary to publish an order to part
with them, otherwise they were all to be shot. “I saw,” continues
the same writer, “a soldier riding on one of these horses, when,
being met by a comrade, he asked him, ‘Tom, what hast thou given
for the Galloway?’ Tom answered, ‘Half-a-crown.’ To which the other
replied, with an oath, ‘He is too dear; I saw a better bought for
eighteen-pence.’ Notwithstanding the low price, the vast quantities
of cattle, such as oxen, horses, sheep, and goats, taken from the
rebels, and bought up by the lump by the jockies and farmers from
Yorkshire and the south of Scotland, came to a great deal of money,
all which was divided amongst the men that brought them in, who were
sent out in parties in search of the Pretender; and they frequently
came to rebels’ houses, which they had left, as their owners would
not be reduced to obedience. These our soldiers commonly plundered
and burnt, so that many of them grew rich by their share of spoil.”

When the zeal and activity of the military in pursuing the leading
fugitives on the one hand, and the great care of the government to
prevent their escape to the continent on the other, are considered,
it is surprising that so many succeeded in their attempts to leave
the kingdom. Besides the Earls of Cromarty and Kilmarnock, and Lord
Macleod, the only other Jacobite chiefs who fell into the hands of
the government were the Marquis of Tullibardine, Lords Balmerino
and Lovat, and Secretary Murray. The Marquis being unable, from
the bad state of his health, to bear the fatigue of running from
covert to covert, surrendered himself, on the 27th of April, to
a Dumbartonshire gentleman, who committed him to the castle of
Dumbarton; and Lord Balmerino, by the advice of Mr. Grant, younger of
Rothiemurchus, most unwisely delivered himself up at Inverness, two
days after the battle of Culloden. After having the mortification of
witnessing, from the summit of a mountain, the conflagration of his
seat of Castle Downie by the king’s troops, Lord Lovat took refuge in
the western parts of Inverness-shire, and finally concealed himself
in the hollow of a tree which grew on a small island in Loch Morar,
where he was apprehended early in June by a party from the Furnace
sloop of war. When discovered, he was wrapt up in a blanket; and,
though he had between five and six hundred guineas in his pocket,
had been obliged to live twelve days in his miserable retreat on
oatmeal and water. Being unable, from his great age and infirmity, to
ride, he was carried in a litter to the royal camp at Fort Augustus.
Secretary Murray contrived to escape from the Highlands, and sought
for safety in the house of his brother-in-law, Mr. Hunter of
Polmood, in Peebles-shire; but information having been given of his
retreat, he was apprehended on the morning of Saturday, the 28th of
June, by a party of St. George’s dragoons, carried to Edinburgh, and
committed the same evening a prisoner to the castle.

Macdonald of Barisdale and his son were also taken prisoners, but
were almost immediately set at liberty. That a man who had taken
such an active part in the insurrection as Barisdale did should
have been liberated unconditionally is very improbable; and it was
generally understood that he had entered into an engagement to
apprehend the prince, and deliver him up to the Duke of Cumberland.
So strong were the suspicions of Charles and his friends of
Barisdale’s treachery, that when Colonel Warren arrived in the West
Highlands for the purpose of transporting Charles to France, he
actually seized Barisdale and his son, and carried them along with
him to that country as prisoners. A list of charges, in the shape
of interrogatories, was afterwards drawn up by Charles at Paris, to
each of which Barisdale was required to make a direct and particular
answer in writing; but the nature of his answers, if he made any, is
not known. There may have been no foundation for these grave charges;
but well or ill founded, an opinion long prevailed in the Highlands
that Barisdale had been unfaithful.

If Glengarry’s apprehension proceeded upon the information of the
gentlemen of his own clan, they must have had better grounds for
taking the extraordinary step they are alleged to have done than
the mere assertion of Barisdale; but the charge against Glengarry
seems highly improbable, as it is scarcely credible, if, as stated,
they had letters from him in their possession, advising them to take
up arms in support of Charles, while he himself kept back, that he
would, by such a perfidious act, have put himself in their power.
Glengarry, after his apprehension, was sent to London, and, along
with the other chief prisoners, was committed to the Tower, where he
suffered a long and tedious confinement. Young Glengarry had been
taken up some months previously and sent to the Tower, in which he
was kept a close prisoner for twenty months.

Notwithstanding the sanguinary ferocity with which Cumberland’s
soldiers hunted down the unfortunate fugitives, the lives of a
considerable number of those who were taken or surrendered themselves
were saved from immediate destruction by the interference of a few
humane persons, who did everything in their power to put a stop to
the exterminating system of these bloodhounds. Though they thus
escaped the merciless sword of the destroyer, they were nevertheless
doomed to suffer the most extraordinary privations. After having
been cooped up in the loathsome prisons of the north, without any
attention to their wants, many of them were afterwards huddled
together in the holds of ships, where they were condemned unheeded to
pine away, and, amidst a mass of filth and corruption, to inhale the
seeds of pestilence and death. Of 157 persons who were immured for
eight months in the hold of one transport, only 49 survived the cruel
treatment they received.[1239]

Meanwhile several of the chiefs of the insurrection succeeded in
effecting their escape to the Continent. The Duke of Perth, Lord
John Drummond, Lords Elcho and Nairne, Maxwell of Kirkconnel, and
others, embarked at Lochnanuagh, on board one of the French ships
which arrived on the western coast about the end of April. The Duke
of Perth, who had been long in bad health, died on the voyage.
Another party of twelve or thirteen persons, including Lords Pitsligo
and Ogilvy, and Hunter of Burnside, after skulking some time in
Buchan, got a vessel which conveyed them to Bergen in Norway. The
British consul applied to the governor to have them secured, but
he disregarded the application, and the party proceeded to Sweden.
Stewart of Ardshiel, and General O’Sullivan also succeeded in
reaching France. Old Glenbucket, after being hunted from place to
place, eluded his pursuers by assuming the garb of a beggar, and
allowing his beard to grow. In the month of November he escaped
to Norway in a Swedish vessel. Lord George Murray remained in
concealment in Scotland till the month of December, when, after
paying a private visit to his friends at Edinburgh, he took shipping
at Anstruther in the Frith of Forth, and reached Holland in safety.

FOOTNOTES:

[1166] The publication of the _Forbes Papers_ has brought to light
the meanness and rapacity of the Duke of Cumberland and General
Hawley. The duke lived, all the time he was at Aberdeen, in the
house of Mr. Alexander Thomson, advocate, and, although he made use
of every kind of provisions he found in the house, and of the coals
and candles, he did not pay Mr. Thomson a single farthing, nor did
he even thank him. He left, however, six guineas for the servants, a
boy and two women, one of whom had washed and dressed his linen. Mrs.
Gordon of Hallhead was induced to yield possession of her house in
the town to General Hawley, under a promise that the greatest care
would be taken of every thing in the house. Having represented that
she was unable to furnish linen and other necessaries for Hawley and
his suite, Mrs. G. was informed, that as the general would bring
every thing with him, she might lock up all she had, and that all
that was wanted was the use of two of her maid-servants to do the
work of the house. Mrs. G. accordingly secured her effects under
lock and key; but Hawley had not been above a day in the house when
he sent a messenger to Mrs. G. demanding delivery of all her keys,
and threatening, in case of delay, to break open all the locks.
Having received the keys, the general sent Major Wolfe, one of his
aides-de-camp, to Mrs. G. in the evening, who intimated to her that
she was deprived of every thing except the clothes on her back.
The poor lady then desired to have her tea, but the major told her
that it was very good, and that tea was scarce in the army. She
next asked for her chocolate, and the same answer was returned. She
expressed a wish to get other things, particularly her china, but
the gallant major told her that she had a great deal of it, that it
was very pretty, and that the general and his friends were very fond
of china themselves; but perhaps she might get back some of it. Mrs.
G. petitioned the Duke of Cumberland to order her property to be
restored to her. The duke, it is said, promised to grant the prayer
of the petition, but no prohibitory order was issued, and General
Hawley proceeded to pack up every thing in the least portable, and
shipped the best things off to Edinburgh a fortnight before he left
Aberdeen. Mrs. Gordon gives a very minute catalogue of the effects
carried off, which she values at £600. Among those abstracted were
the whole of her husband’s body-clothes, three wigs, “with several
shirts and night-gowns of Bob’s,” (Mr. Gordon’s son). He carried off
all the china and other crockery ware, and did not leave a single
teacup or plate,--all the wine glasses and decanters,--the linens
and table napery, and even the kitchen towels. He stript the beds
of every thing, and left the bare posts standing. In short, he
cleared the house of almost every thing,--of empty bottles, larding
pens, iron skewers, flutes, music books, two canes with china
heads, wash-balls, &c. &c. Mrs. Gordon insinuates that the Duke of
Cumberland participated in the spoil. In a letter written by Thomas
Bowdler, Esq. of Ashley, near Bath, brother of Mrs. Gordon, to the
Rev. Robert Lyon, who lived in Lady Cotton’s family in London, he
observes, that a Mrs. Jackson, who knew Mrs. Gordon’s china well,
recognised part of it one day in the window of a china shop in
London, and having the curiosity to inquire of the shopkeeper from
whom he had bought it, was informed that he had purchased it from a
woman of the town, who told him that the Duke of Cumberland had given
it to her.

[1167] Ray, p. 313.

[1168] Home, App. No. 41.

[1169] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p 120.

[1170] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1171] _Kirkconnel MS._ _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 507.

[1172] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 518.

[1173] _A Particular Account of the Battle of Culloden._ In a letter
from an officer (Lord George Murray) of the Highland army to his
friend in London. London, 1749, p. 4. No. 42 of Appendix to Home.
_Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 121.

[1174] _Kirkconnel MS._ _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 518.

[1175] _Particular Account of the Battle of Culloden_, p. 6.

[1176] Idem, p. 9.

[1177] _Particular Account_, p. 10.

[1178] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 508.

[1179] _Particular Account_, p. 10.

[1180] Appendix to Home, No. 42.

[1181] Home, Appendix, No. 42. _True Account_, &c. p. 11.

[1182] In the letter which Lord George, under the signature of De
Valignie, addressed to his friend Hamilton of Bangour, dated from
Emerick, 5th August, 1749, he thus justifies himself for having
ordered a retreat without the prince’s orders:--“They say, why return
from Kilraick without the Prince’s positive orders? he was general,
and without his immediate orders no person should have taken so much
upon him. My answer to this is, (waiving what Mr. O’Sullivan said
from the Prince,[1183]) that all the officers were unanimous;--that
as it could not be done by surprise, and before day-break, as had
been proposed and undertaken with no other view, it was impossible
to have success; for it was never imagined by any one that it was
to be attempted but by a surprise. Whatever may be the rules in a
regular army, (and it is not to be supposed I was ignorant of them,)
our practice had all along been, at critical junctures, that the
commanding officers did every thing to their knowledge for the best.
At Gladsmuir (the plan of which attack I had formed,) I was the
last that passed the defile of the first line, and the first that
attacked; and gained in going on a good part of the ground we had
left betwixt us and the main ditch, by the front having, on account
of the darkness, marched a little too far. When I came up with the
enemy’s cannon, I did not stay to take them, but went on against
both foot and dragoons, being very quickly followed by our right. I
received no orders (nor did I wait for any, otherwise the opportunity
would have been lost,) from the time I passed the defile till the
battle was over. At Clifton, where I expected to have been supported
by all our army, John Roy Stuart brought me orders from the Prince
to retreat, for he had ordered the march for Carlisle, which was
begun. The officers who were with me agreed in my opinion, that to
retreat when the enemy were within less than musket-shot would be
very dangerous, and we would probably be destroyed before we came up
with the rest of our army. We had nothing for it but a brisk attack;
and therefore, after receiving the enemy’s fire, we went sword in
hand and dislodged them; after which we made our retreat in good
order. I own I disobeyed orders; but what I did was the only safe and
honourable measure I could take, and it succeeded. At the battle of
Falkirk I never received an order or message from his Royal Highness
after I passed the water at Dunipace till the battle was over. I
could say much more on this subject; all I shall now add is, that
at the time we returned from Kilravock there was no officer of any
distinction with the prince, (except Sir Thomas Sheridan be reckoned
one,) they being all in the van. Brigadier Stapleton was indeed in
the rear, but he knew nothing of the ground there, and his people
were only to have been a corps de reserve, and not in the attack.”

[1183] “Mr. O’Sullivan said, (he had just come up to the front,)
he had just then come from the Prince, who was very desirous the
attack should be made: but as Lord George Murray led the van, and
could judge of the time, he left it to him whether to do it or
not.”--_Particular Account_, p. 12.

[1184] _Particular Account_, &c. p. 12.

[1185] Mr. John Hay’s account of the Retreat, No. 43 of Appendix to
Home’s _Rebellion_. This statement has been hitherto supposed to rest
upon the single authority of Hay; and Mr. Home has been blamed for
making it, as it was not confirmed by others. The same statement,
however, is also made by Mr. Maxwell of Kirkconnel, a much more
respectable authority than Hay. Mr. Home had the Kirkconnel MS. in
his possession when writing his history, but seldom refers to it.
Mr. Maxwell’s words are: “The prince was incensed beyond expression
at a retreat, begun in direct contradiction to his inclination
and express orders. In the first moments he was convinced he was
betrayed, and expressed himself to that purpose. He was confirmed
in this opinion by those who never missed an opportunity of loading
Lord George Murray, but when he knew that this step had been taken
in concert with Lochiel and others, whom he had never distrusted,
he did not know what to think or what to do: thus perplexed he
arrived with the army at Culloden.” See also narrative by the Rev.
George Innes in _Jacobite Memoirs_, who says, (p. 289,) that some
persons positively said, that when the prince met the Duke of Perth’s
regiment returning, he cried out, “I am betrayed; what need I give
orders, when my orders are disobeyed.”

[1186] Answer by the Prince to Mr. Home’s query, Home’s _Rebellion_,
No. 44 of the Appendix.

[1187] _Kirkconnel MS._ _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 519.
_Particular Account_, p. 14.

[1188] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1189] _Particular Account_, p. 14.

[1190] Home, p. 226.

[1191] Boyse, p. 155.

[1192] Boyse, p. 156. English official account of the battle.

[1193] See a curious and interesting letter in the _Stuart Papers_,
from Lord George Murray to the prince, written from Ruthven the day
after the battle.

[1194] _Particular Account_, p. 15.

[1195] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 510.

[1196] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 510.--_Kirkconnel MS._

[1197] These guards were originally a body of cavalry, called the
horse-grenadiers, but they were dismounted, and their horses were
given to the men of Fitz-James’s regiment, who had landed in Scotland
without horses.

[1198] “The great object of the duke, before recommencing his march,
had been to prepare his men for a firm reception of the Highland
charge. He knew that on this all depended, and that the two previous
disasters had been caused by the men not being rightly disciplined to
receive the novel mode of attack. Some writers on military tactics
had, in the meantime, proposed alterations on the complex infantry
movements of the day, for the purpose of evading the Highlander’s
target, by directing the bayonet against his right breast. The men
were trained during the winter, in some measure, to such a change of
motion, but it appears to have rather been for the purpose of giving
them a confidence that might make them steady, than from any belief
in the absolute efficacy of the change.”--Burton’s _Scotland from
Revolution_, vol. ii. p. 519.

[1199] Boyse, p. 159.

[1200] Boswell’s _Tour to the Hebrides_, p. 228.

[1201] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1202] Mr. Home says that about a hundred men were stationed in
the inclosure, who were put to the sword by the dragoons when they
entered; but he is certainly mistaken. Mr. Maxwell of Kirkconnel,
from whom Mr. Home took his description of the battle, does not
mention such an occurrence. In the memoir by a Highland officer,
(Colonel Ker,) printed among the _Lockhart Papers_, it is stated,
(p. 520,) that to guard against any attempts that might be made to
break down the walls of the inclosure, there were two battalions
placed facing outward, covering the right of the two lines, to
observe the motions of the English; and that “when the attack began,
the Campbells threw down a great part of the wall of the inclosure
for the dragoons on the duke’s left, to pass to the rear of the
prince’s army, which they did without receiving one shot from the two
battalions that were placed to observe their motions.”--P. 521.

[1203] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 521.

[1204] Maxwell of Kirkconnel.

[1205] In retiring from the field, Captain Roy Macdonald received a
musket bullet, which passed in at the sole of the left foot and came
out at the buckle. With difficulty he reached Bun Chraobg, two miles
beyond Inverness, where he procured a horse and set off for the Isle
of Skye, but his foot had swelled so much that he could not put it in
the stirrup.--_Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 425.

[1206] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 196.

[1207] One of the duke’s sycophants says, that after the fatigue
of the battle was over, his royal highness retired to a place near
the field to refresh himself; and that, after sitting a short time,
he rose and took “a serious walk to view the multitudes that lay
dead on the ground. He was followed by some of his attendants, who
observed him in deep meditation. He laid his hand upon his breast,
and with his eyes lifted up to heaven, was heard to say, _Lord, what
am I! that I should be spared?_ when so many brave men lie dead
upon the spot!--an expression of such deep humility towards God,
and compassion towards his fellow creatures, as is truly worthy a
Christian hero!!!”--_Marchant_, p. 396.

[1208] Cromek’s _Remains of Nithsdale and Galloway Song_, p.
200.--Henderson’s _History_, p. 60.

[1209] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 124.

[1210] Chambers’s _Rebellion_, and authorities referred to there.

[1211] The ground was totally unsuited to Highland tactics. “It is
impossible to look on this waste, with the few green patches still
marking the graves where the slain were covered up in heaps, without
a feeling of compassion for the helplessness of a Highland army in
such a place. It is a wide flat muir, with scarcely a curve, where
the mountaineers had nothing to aid their peculiar warfare, in high
or rugged ground. A better field for steady disciplined troops could
not exist. They could see everywhere around, and it was impossible
either to surprise them, or subject them, as at Killiecrankie or
Falkirk, to a rush from the higher ground.”--Burton after Revolution,
vol. ii. p. 518.

[1212] _Scots Mag._ vol. viii. p. 192.

[1213] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 129.

[1214] Idem, p. 236.

[1215] Boyse, p. 164.

[1216] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 203.

[1217] “It is not necessary to believe all the Jacobite stories
tending to show a wanton and fiendish indulgence, by the duke and
his most distinguished followers, in cruelty and any kind of bloody
work for its own sake; nor to admit that he ridiculed President
Forbes as the old woman who spoke about humanity and the laws. What
he did was, we may be assured from his character, not done in a
spirit of wantonness, but after a sense of duty. But that duty led
him to severity. He was a soldier according to the German notions
of a soldier, and a rebel province was a community to be subjected
to martial law. Many of the insurgents, attempting to escape or
hide themselves when detected by well-known peculiarities, were put
to death by the soldiery, who, even when they made a mistake and
slew the wrong man, could not easily be punished. The duke, brought
up in the German military school, seems to have been unable to
distinguish between a rebellion suppressed in constitutional Britain,
where all men are supposed to be innocent but those proved to be
guilty,--and a revolted German province, where every accorded grace
to the unfortunate people proceeds from the will of the conqueror.
Thus there was a propensity to subject all the northern districts to
something too closely resembling military law or license.”--Burton’s
_Scotland after Revolution_, v. ii. pp. 522, 523.

[1218] Letter from a gentleman in London to his friend in Bath. Bath,
1751, reprinted in _Jacobite Memoirs_.

[1219] Idem.

[1220] Letter from a gentleman in London, &c.

[1221] _Life of George, Earl of Cromarty_: London, 1746. Boyse, p.
155.

[1222] From the _Stuart Papers_.

[1223] _Account of the Battle of Culloden, &c.;_ Lond. 1749.

[1224] Maxwell of Kirkconnel.

[1225] _Stuart Papers._

[1226] From a copy among the _Stuart Papers_ thus quoted on the back
in Charles’s own hand:--“The Prince’s Letter to ye Chiefs in parting
from Scotland, 1746.”

[1227] Macleod’s Narrative in _Jacobite Memoirs_.

[1228] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1229] Genuine and True Journal of the most miraculous Escape of the
young Chevalier, by an Englishman. London, 1749. Macleod’s Narrative.

[1230] Genuine and True Journal, p. 7. Home, p. 245.

[1231] There were twelve or thirteen gentlemen present; among whom
were Lochiel, young Clanranald, Barisdale, Dr. Cameron, John Roy
Stewart, old Glenbucket, Secretary Murray, and Cameron of Dungallon.
Lord Lovat was also present, but by accident.

[1232] Appendix to Home, No. xlvii.

[1233] Boyse, p. 169.

[1234] The booty taken must have been considerable, as in one
instance, that of Glengarry House, the party who plundered it,
consisting of 200 men, had the following allowances made as their
shares, viz., every captain, £11 5s.; each subaltern, £5 18s.; a
sergeant, £1 10s.; a corporal, £1; and every common soldier, 15s.,
clear of all deductions.--Boyse, p. 169.

[1235] “Colonel Grant of Moy, who died in April, 1822, in his
90th year, was walking along the road with a gun on his shoulder
when Culcairn was shot. A turn of the road concealed him from the
soldiers at the moment, but when he came in sight with his gun,
they immediately seized him upon suspicion, and carried him to Fort
William. After a short confinement he was released. Colonel Grant
entered the 42d as a volunteer or soldier of fortune, and afterwards
got a cadetship in India, from which he returned with a handsome
fortune nearly fifty years ago.”--_Stewart’s Sketches_, vol. i. note
p. 280.

[1236] _Scots Magazine_, vol. viii. p. 287.

[1237] How far any remonstrance on the part of the president
would have been attended to may be judged from the following
statement:--“When he visited London in the end of the year, (1746,)
for the purpose of settling the accounts he had run with the loyal
Highland militia, he, as usual, went to court. The king, whose ear
had been offended with repeated accounts of the conduct of the
military, thus addressed him:--‘My lord-president, you are the person
I most wished to see. Shocking reports have been circulated of the
barbarities committed by my army in the north; your lordship is,
of all men, the best able to satisfy me.’ ‘I wish to God,’ replied
the president, ‘that I could, consistently with truth, assure your
majesty that such reports are destitute of foundation.’ The king,
as was his custom, turned abruptly away from the president; whose
accounts, next day, were passed with difficulty; and, as report says,
the balance, which was immense, never fully paid up.”--_Antijacobin
Review_, vol. xiii. _Review of Home’s History of the Rebellion_.

[1238] A letter from Fort Augustus, dated June 27, 1746, which made
the round of the public journals at the time, thus describes these
pastimes:--“Last Wednesday the duke gave two prizes to the soldiers
to run heats for on bare-backed Galloways taken from the rebels, when
eight started for the first, and ten for the second prize. These
Galloways are little larger than a good tup, and there was excellent
sport. Yesterday his royal highness gave a fine Holland smock to the
soldiers’ wives, to be run for on these Galloways, also bare-backed,
and riding with their limbs on each side of the horse like men.
Eight started, and there were three of the finest heats ever seen.
The prize was won, with great difficulty, by one of the Old Buff’s
ladies. In the evening, General Hawley and Colonel Howard run a match
for twenty guineas on two of the above shelties: which General Hawley
won by about four inches.”

[1239] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 300. William Jack, one of the
prisoners, in a letter to his friends in Elgin (_Memoirs_, p.
299), says that the sailors used to amuse themselves by hoisting
the prisoners up to the yard-arm and dropping them into the sea,
and that they would tie them to the mast and flog them; that for
several months they had no bed-clothes, and that they used to dig
holes among the ship’s ballast, consisting of black earth and small
stones, to keep themselves warm. John Farquharson of Aldlerg, himself
a prisoner, in a letter to the Rev. Mr. Forbes, published among the
Forbes papers, gives an appalling description of the miseries of his
fellow prisoners on their voyage from Inverness to London. He says
that from hunger, bad usage, and exposure “to all weathers, they were
seized with a kind of plague which carried them off by dozens;” and
that “a good many of those who would have outlived their sickness,
were wantonly murdered by the sailors, by dipping them in the sea
in the crisis of their fevers.” After arriving in the Thames, the
common prisoners were put into Tilbury Fort, and would have perished
for want had not some humane people supported them. The officers
were marched rank and file to Southwark jail, amid the hootings of a
tumultuous mob, who loaded them with scornful epithets, and assailed
them with brickbats, stones, and other missiles.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

A.D. 1746.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.

Charles leaves Benbecula and lands in the island of
Glass--Proceeds to Harris--Iffurt--Glass--Benbecula--Removes
to South Uist--Meets Miss Flora Macdonald--Charles proceeds
to Skye--Goes to Kingsburgh House--Portree--Proceeds to
Raasay--Returns to Skye--Goes to Ellagol--Interview with
the Laird of Mackinnon, with whom he proceeds to the
Mainland--Arrives in Loch Nevis in Moidart--Arrest of Malcolm
Macleod, Macdonald of Kingsburgh, and Flora Macdonald--Pursuit
of Charles--Proceeds to Morar--Borodale--Glen Morar--Narrow
Escapes--Reaches Glenshiel--Entertained by robbers in a
cave--Death of Roderick Mackenzie, who is mistaken for
the Prince--Charles arrives in Strathglass--Braes of
Glengarry--Cameron of Clunes--Auchnacarry--Narrow Escape of
Charles--Benalder--Cage fitted for Charles’s reception--The
Prince embarks at Borodale, and arrives safely in France.

The storm which drove Charles with such rapidity upon the distant
shores of Benbecula continued for fourteen hours after he had landed.
Accommodating himself to the new situation in which he was placed,
he manifested no symptoms of dejection at his reverse of fortune,
partook cheerfully along with his companions of the homely fare
before him, and with an old sail for a bed, reposed upon the floor
of his lowly dwelling. In Benbecula the prince was visited by old
Clanranald, to whom the island belonged; and having afterwards had an
interview in South Uist with Boisdale, Clanranald’s brother, Charles
was advised by him to proceed to Stornoway, the principal seaport in
the island of Lewis, and there give out that he and his company were
the crew of a merchant ship belonging to the Orkneys, which had been
wrecked on the isle of Tiree, and under the pretence of returning
home, hire a vessel for that purpose, and escape to France.[1240]
Accordingly, after passing two days in Benbecula, Charles and his
party set sail for Stornoway on the 29th of April; but in consequence
of a strong gale of wind from the south-west, they were obliged
to put in next morning at the small isle of Scalpa or Glass, near
Harris, about half way between Benbecula and Stornoway. They landed
about two hours before daybreak, and were conducted by Donald Macleod
to the house of Donald Campbell, a farmer, known to Macleod, to whom
they were introduced as merchants shipwrecked on their voyage to the
Orkneys. The prince and O’Sullivan took the name of Sinclair, and the
latter passed off as Charles’ father. The whole party was hospitably
entertained by Campbell, who lent Macleod a boat with which he
proceeded next day, the 1st of May, to Stornoway to hire a vessel,
leaving Charles and his friends behind.

Having succeeded in hiring a small vessel of forty tons, Macleod
sent an express to Charles announcing his success, and requesting
him to proceed to Stornoway. This message was received on the 3d
of May, and the prince left the isle of Glass next day; but the
wind proving contrary, he was obliged to land in Loch Seaforth, in
the island of Lewis, a considerable distance from Stornoway. Here
Allan Macdonald took his leave. Accompanied by O’Sullivan, O’Neil,
and his guide, Charles set out on foot for Stornoway, over a wild
and trackless waste, in a very dark and rainy night. The guide lost
his way, and the party did not reach the neighbourhood of Stornoway
till next day at noon. This mistake, on the part of the conductor,
was a fortunate circumstance, as the advanced hour of the day
prevented Charles from entering the town, where he might have been
seized by the inhabitants, who having received information from the
Presbyterian minister of South Uist, that the prince had landed in
Lewis with 500 men, with a design of burning their town, carrying off
their cattle, and forcing a vessel to carry him to France, afterwards
rose in arms to oppose him. Charles stopped at the Point of Arynish,
about half a mile from Stornoway, and sent in the guide to acquaint
Macleod of his arrival, and to bring out some refreshment, as he and
his fellow-travellers had been eighteen hours without food. Donald
immediately repaired to the spot with some brandy, bread, and cheese,
and found Charles and his two companions standing on a moor extremely
fatigued and all wet to the skin. Donald then took them to the house
of Mrs. Mackenzie of Kildun, at Arynish, where the prince went to
bed. Returning to Stornoway, Macleod was quite amazed to find the
town in commotion, and above 200 men under arms. Unable to comprehend
the meaning of this sudden rising, Donald went directly into the room
where the gentlemen who had taken upon them the rank of officers
had assembled, and inquired the cause of such a strange proceeding.
He was instantly assailed with abuse by every person present: they
informed him of the intelligence they had received from Uist of
Charles’s landing, and of his alleged intentions, and they accused
Macleod as the cause of the calamity with which they were threatened.
Unable to deny the fact of Charles’s arrival in Lewis, Macleod at
once admitted it, and to allay their fears he informed them, that so
far from having a body of 500 men along with him, as represented, he
was attended by two companions only; “and yet,” said Donald, with an
air of defiance, “let me tell you farther, gentlemen, if Seaforth
himself were here, by G-- he durst not put a hand to the prince’s
breast!”[1241] The gentlemen present then declared that they had no
intention to do the prince the least harm, and the only thing they
required of him was to leave the island. Donald offered instantly to
comply, and requested them to give him a pilot, but they refused; and
although he offered the most liberal payment he could not obtain one.
Alarmed for the consequences of being privy to the prince’s escape,
the master of the vessel which had been hired, either suspecting the
object, or let, as is supposed, into the secret by Macleod, refused
to implement his bargain.[1242]

Returning to the prince, Macleod informed him of these disagreeable
occurrences. A proposal was made to fly to the moors; but Charles,
thinking that such a step would encourage his enemies to pursue, he
resolved to pass the night at Kildun. Here the party killed a cow,
for which the lady refused payment, but being pressed by Macleod she
at last took the money. Edward Burke performed the duties of cook;
but the prince, on the present occasion, superintended the culinary
department, and with his own hands prepared a cake of oatmeal, mixed
with the brains of the cow, and baked it upon a stone before the
fire. At daybreak next morning the party left the island, carrying
along with them a small stock of beef, two pecks of meal, and
abundance of brandy and sugar. At this time the prince, O’Sullivan,
and O’Neil had only six shirts amongst them, and being often drenched
with rain, they were frequently obliged to take off the wet ones
before the others were half dry. Conceiving that he would be more
secure on the mainland than among the islands, Charles resolved to
return thither, and ordered the boatmen to carry him to Bollein in
Kintail; but they refused on account of the length of the voyage,
which they considered dangerous in an open boat. They, therefore,
proceeded southwards along the coast; but they had not proceeded
far when they observed two large vessels at a distance sailing
northwards, and making towards them. To avoid these ships they put
into the small isle called Euirn or Iffurt, near Harris, a little to
the northward of the island of Glass. On landing, the prince and his
attendants went to the summit of a little hill to observe the ships.
Charles thought they were French, but his companions considered them
English. He was desirous to ascertain the fact, but the boatmen
could not be prevailed upon to go out and reconnoitre them. It is
probable that these were the two frigates from Nantz, which arrived
in Lochnanuagh the day after Charles’s departure from that place, and
having landed the money, arms, and ammunition they had brought over
for his service, were returning to France.[1243]

The little island on which Charles now was, was inhabited by a few
fishermen, who, imagining the prince’s boat to be a press-boat
belonging to one of the ships of war, ran away to conceal themselves,
leaving their fish behind. Charles and his party fared upon some of
the fish which they found drying upon the beach. Unwilling to deprive
the poor fishermen of any part of their hard-earned spoils without
an equivalent, the prince was about laying down some money on the
place from which the fish were taken; but on one of his followers
representing to him that by doing so the fishermen might suppose that
some person of note had visited the island, and that such an idea
might lead to bad consequences, he desisted. Charles remained in this
desolate island four days, during all which time he and his party lay
in a wretched hut, resembling a hog-sty, and so wretchedly roofed
that they were obliged to spread the boat’s sail over the top of it.
They lay upon the bare floor, without any covering, and to prevent
surprise, kept watch by turns.

Resolving to return to Glass to pay Donald Campbell a visit,
Charles left the little island of Iffurt on the 10th of May, and
coursed along the shores of the Long Island till he arrived at the
isle of Glass. Understanding that Campbell had absconded, from an
apprehension that he would be seized for having entertained the
prince,--a rumour to that effect having got abroad,--the prince
left Glass the same day. There being no wind, the boatmen were
obliged to row all night; but about daybreak, the wind began to
rise, and hoisting sail, they scudded along the coast of Harris.
Having no fresh water on board, they were forced, from lack of other
provisions, to use oatmeal made up with salt water, of which Charles
partook heartily. This salt water _drammach_, as this extraordinary
preparation was called, was qualified with a dram of brandy, which
the prince distributed from a bottle he held in his hand.

In coursing along Harris, Charles, while crossing the mouth of
Finsbay, espied a ship of war, commanded by Captain Ferguson,
lying in the bay, at the distance of about two musket shots, which
immediately gave them chase. The ship followed them three leagues;
but they escaped among the rocks at the point of Roudil in the
Harris. They then kept close to the shore, and in passing along the
coast of North Uist were observed by another war vessel lying in
Lochmaddy, which also gave them chase. Charles reached Benbecula
after a very close pursuit, and had scarcely landed when a storm
arose, which drove the vessels that pursued him off the coast. After
this escape, Charles could not help remarking, that Providence would
not permit him to be taken at this time.

It being low water when Charles landed in Benbecula, one of the
boatmen went among the rocks in quest of shell-fish, and found a
crab, which he held up to the prince with an expression of joy.
Taking up a pail which lay in the boat, Charles immediately proceeded
to the spot where the boatman stood, and, in conjunction with him,
soon filled the pail with crabs. The party then proceeded to a small
hut which lay at the distance of two miles. Charles carried the pail,
which Macleod insisted on relieving him of; but Charles refused to
part with it, observing that he and the rest of the company might
carry the baggage. The door of the hovel was so low, that the party
could only enter by creeping in on their hands and knees; but to
make the entry easier for the prince, Burke dug away part of the
ground, and put heather below the prince’s knees. From this homely
residence, Charles sent a message to old Clanranald, acquainting
him of his return to Benbecula, and of the difficulties with which
he was beset. Clanranald repaired without delay to the hut, and
promised Charles all the assistance in his power to enable him to
leave the kingdom. Lady Clanranald, at the same time, sent Charles
half-a-dozen of shirts, some shoes and stockings, a supply of wine
and brandy, and other articles, to make his situation as comfortable
as circumstances would admit of. After passing several days in this
miserable habitation, Charles, by the advice of Clanranald, removed
to South Uist, and took up his abode near the hill of Coradale, in
the centre of the island, which was considered a more secure place
of retreat.

When on the eve of leaving Benbecula, Charles despatched Donald
Macleod in Campbell’s boat, which he still retained, to the mainland,
with letters to Lochiel and Secretary Murray, desiring to know how
affairs stood, and requesting that a supply of cash and brandy
might be sent to him. Donald met Lochiel and Murray at the head of
Loch Arkaig; but Murray, from whom he was desired to obtain the
money, informed him that he had none to spare, having only sixty
louis-d’ors, which he meant to keep for his own necessities. Donald
received letters from Lochiel and Murray to the prince, and, having
found the means, he purchased two ankers of brandy, at a guinea each,
for the use of the prince, with which he returned after an absence of
eighteen days.[1244]

On his return he found the prince in a more comfortable dwelling
than that in which he had left him. He had removed to South Uist
on the 16th of May, and lived in the house of one of Clanranald’s
tenants, situated upon Coradale. The house not being water-tight,
two cow-hides were placed upon four sticks to prevent the rain
from falling upon him when asleep. The house in which the prince
lodged was called the Forest house of Glencoradale, and though the
situation was remote, it was the best that could be devised for
securing a retreat either to the hills or to the sea, according to
circumstances. There being abundance of game in the island, the
prince occupied himself almost daily in his favourite amusements of
hunting and shooting. His dexterity in shooting birds upon the wing
was particularly remarked. To vary his recreation, he frequently
went down to the sea-shore, and going on board a small boat, caught,
with hand-lines, some small fishes, called lyths by the inhabitants.
Clanranald and his lady did every thing in their power to render his
situation agreeable; and Clanranald placed twelve able men at his
disposal to serve as guides through the island, and to execute any
orders Charles might give them.

While Charles was thus passing his time in South Uist, his situation
every day was becoming more and more critical. The Long island,
as the principal group of the Hebrides is called, was surrounded
on every side by cutters, sloops of war, and frigates. Upwards of
fifteen hundred militia and some regular troops were landed in
different parts of the island, and a guard was posted at every ferry
in the archipelago to prevent any person from getting out of it
without a passport. Charles was made aware of his danger; but he
declined to leave the Long island till he should receive some farther
intelligence, which Clanranald endeavoured to obtain by crossing over
to the mainland. At length the peril of Charles became so imminent,
that there appeared no possibility of an escape. He had already spent
three weeks in South Uist; and though his residence was known to
upwards of a hundred persons, all of whom were probably aware of the
splendid reward which had been offered for his apprehension, yet such
was the fidelity of these poor people, that not one of them betrayed
their trust, by giving notice to the emissaries of the government
of the place of his concealment. He lived in comparative security
in South Uist till about the middle of June, when, in consequence
of the presence of a body of militia in the island of Eriska, which
lies between Barra and South Uist, he found it absolutely necessary
to shift his quarters. He accordingly left South Uist in Campbell’s
boat with his four companions, on the 14th of June, and landed in the
small isle of Wia or Fovaya, between South Uist and Benbecula, in
which he remained four nights; and on the 18th, the prince, O’Neil,
and Burke, went to Rossinish, leaving O’Sullivan and Macleod in Wia.
Charles passed two nights at Rossinish; but receiving information
that some militia were approaching Benbecula, he resolved to return
to Coradale. O’Sullivan and Macleod anticipated Charles’s design by
bringing the boat to Rossinish during the night, and having set sail,
they encountered a violent storm, accompanied with a heavy rain,
which forced them to land upon the rock called Achkirside-allich at
Uishinish Point, in a cleft of which they took up their quarters. At
night, finding their enemies within two miles of them, they sailed
again, and arrived safely at a place called Celiestiella, whence
they steered towards Loch Boisdale; but, observing a boat in their
way, they returned to their former place, where they passed the
night. They proceeded to Loch Boisdale next day, where they were
informed that Boisdale had been made a prisoner, a circumstance
which perplexed Charles exceedingly, as Boisdale, from his perfect
knowledge of the different places of concealment in the Long island,
was the chief person on whom he relied for directions in his various
movements. Charles skulked some days about Loch Boisdale, where he
and his attendants received occasional supplies of food from Lady
Boisdale.[1245]

During the time the prince remained in Loch Boisdale, he was kept
in a perpetual state of alarm by the vessels of war which hovered
off the coast of South Uist. At one time no less than fifteen sail
were in sight; and two of them having entered the Loch, Charles and
his companions abandoned the boat, and fled to the mountains. The
vessels having gone out to sea, Charles and his party returned to the
boat, in which they had left a small stock of provisions; and having
taken out the sails for the purpose of covering them, they lay in
the fields two nights on the south side of the Loch. Removing the
third night farther up the inlet, they passed two other nights in the
same way, suffering all the time the greatest privations. Hitherto
the military had not visited South Uist; but information was brought
on the last of these days to Charles, that a party, under Captain
Caroline Scott, an officer celebrated, along with General Hawley,
Major Lockhart, and others, for his cruelties, had just landed at
the head of a body of 500 regulars and militia, within a mile and a
half of the place where Charles then was. On receiving this alarming
intelligence, Charles instantly resolved to separate his party; and
leaving O’Sullivan, Macleod, and Burke, with the boatmen, to shift
for themselves, he and O’Neil went off to the mountains, carrying
only two shirts along with them. The faithful Macleod was so affected
at parting that he shed tears.[1246]

Beset with dangers on every hand, Charles and his companion directed
their steps towards Benbecula, and, about midnight, came to a hut
into which O’Neil entered. Providentially for Charles, O’Neil here
found Miss Flora Macdonald, with whom he had got lately acquainted
at Ormaclade, the seat of Clanranald, in Benbecula, when on a visit
to the chief, whose kinswoman she was. This lady, whose memory will
ever be held in esteem by posterity, for her generous and noble
disinterestedness in rescuing the prince from the imminent perils
which surrounded him, was the daughter of Macdonald of Milton, in the
island of South Uist. Her father left her an orphan when only a year
old, and her mother had married Macdonald of Armadale, in the isle
of Skye, who commanded one of the militia companies raised in that
island by Sir Alexander Macdonald, and was now in South Uist at the
head of his corps. Miss Macdonald was about twenty-four years of age,
of the middle size, and to the attractions of a handsome figure and
great vivacity, she added the more estimable mental qualities of good
sense, blandness of temper, and humanity. The hut in which O’Neil now
met Miss Macdonald belonged to her only brother, Angus Macdonald of
Milton, in whose family she then resided.

As O’Neil recollected that Miss Macdonald had expressed, in his
presence, an earnest desire to see the prince, and had offered to do
any thing in her power to protect him, it occurred to O’Neil that,
on the present occasion, she might render an essential service to
the prince if, after dressing him in female attire, she would pass
him off as her maid-servant, and carry him to Skye. O’Neil at once
proposed his plan to the young lady; but she thought it fantastical
and dangerous, and at first positively refused to engage in it. As
parties of the Macdonald, Macleod, and Campbell militia were roaming
over the island of South Uist in quest of Charles, as no person could
leave the island without a passport, and as there was a guard posted
at every ferry, and the channel between Uist and Skye covered with
ships of war, the utter hopelessness of such an attempt appeared
evident. Bent, however, upon his plan, O’Neil was resolved to try
what effect Charles’s own presence would have upon the young lady
in inducing her to yield, and he accordingly introduced her to the
prince. Miss Macdonald was so strongly impressed with his critical
and forlorn state, that, on seeing Charles, she almost instantly
consented to conduct him to Skye. She describes the prince at this
time as in a bad state of health; and though of a thin and weak
habit of body, and greatly worn out by fatigue, yet exhibiting a
cheerfulness, magnanimity, and fortitude, which those only who saw
him could have credited.[1247]

Having thus given her consent to O’Neil’s proposal, Miss Macdonald
instantly proceeded to Clanranald’s house to procure the necessary
requisites for the intended voyage to Skye. In crossing one of
the fords on her way to Ormaclade, she and her man-servant, Neil
Mac Eachan,[1248] not having passports, were taken prisoners by
a party of militia, and, being detained till next morning, were
brought before the commanding officer, who luckily turned out to
be her own step-father, Captain Hugh Macdonald. Having stated to
him her intention of proceeding to Skye to her mother, she, without
difficulty or suspicion, procured a passport from her stepfather,
for herself, a manservant, and her maid, who, in the passport, was
called Betty Burke, (the name the prince was to assume,) and who was
recommended by Captain Macdonald to his wife as an excellent spinner
of flax, and a faithful servant.[1249] Next day at four o’clock
in the afternoon, Charles received a message from Miss Macdonald,
who had reached Ormaclade, informing him that “all was well;” on
receiving which, he and O’Neil resolved to join her immediately;
but, to their great consternation, the messenger informed them
that they could not pass either of the fords that separated South
Uist from Benbecula as they were both guarded by the military. In
their perplexity, an inhabitant offered to convey them in his boat
to Benbecula; and they were accordingly landed on a promontory of
that island. They dismissed the boat, after having given orders
to the boatmen to meet them on the opposite side of the island,
and proceeded on their journey; but they had not gone far when
they observed that the land on which they stood was surrounded by
water. Thinking that the pilot had made a mistake, they hallooed
after the boat, but in vain, as it was already far from the shore.
As it was high water, Charles and his companion imagined that they
could obtain a dry passage on the subsiding of the tide; but they
were disappointed. The situation of the prince now appeared dismal.
After escaping so many dangers, he had at present no prospect but to
starve upon a desert island. Nevertheless, he kept up his spirit;
and, after a laborious search, he succeeded in finding a ford, by
which he and his companion crossed.[1250] Charles and his companion
arrived at Rossinish, the place of rendezvous, about midnight, wet
to the skin, and exhausted with hunger and fatigue. Finding that a
party of military was stationed at a short distance, they retired
to another place, about four miles from Rossinish, whence O’Neil
went to Ormaclade to ascertain the reason why Miss Macdonald had
not kept her appointment. In explanation, she informed him, that
conceiving the prince would be safer in North Uist than in Skye,
she had engaged a cousin of her own in North Uist to receive him
into his house. This gentleman, however, having afterwards declined
to run the risk of harbouring the prince, Miss Macdonald made the
necessary preparations for her voyage. Having hired a six-oared boat
to carry her to Skye, which she ordered to be in readiness at an
appointed place the following day, Miss Macdonald left Ormaclade on
the 27th of June, along with Lady Clanranald, a Mrs. Macdonald and
Mac Eachan, all of whom were conducted by O’Neil to the place where
Charles lay concealed, about eight miles from Ormaclade. On entering
the hovel, they found Charles employed in roasting, for dinner, the
heart, liver, and kidneys of a sheep upon a wooden spit. The ladies
began to compassionate the prince upon his unfortunate situation;
but he diverted their attention from this melancholy subject by some
facetious observations. He remarked that the wretched to-day may be
happy to-morrow, and that all great men would be better by suffering
as he was doing. The party dined in the hut, Miss Macdonald sitting
on the right, and Lady Clanranald on the left hand of the prince.

After dinner, Charles put on the female attire, which had been
provided for him by the ladies. It was coarse and homely, and
consisted of a flowered linen gown, a light-coloured quilted
petticoat, a white apron, and a mantle of dun camlet made after
the Irish fashion, with a hood. Whilst Charles was putting on this
extraordinary dress, several jokes were passed on the singularity of
the prince’s appearance. The ladies and Neil Mac Eachan returned to
Ormaclade, and in the evening again met Charles and his companion on
the sea-shore, at a mile’s distance from that house. They sat down
to supper on the sea-side; but before they had finished, a messenger
arrived with information that General Campbell and Captain Ferguson
had arrived at Ormaclade with a large party of soldiers and marines,
in quest of Charles. Lady Clanranald went immediately home, and, on
reaching her house, was interrogated very strictly by these officers
as to the cause of her absence; but she excused herself by saying
that she had been visiting a sick child.[1251]

After the departure of Lady Clanranald, Charles and his protectress
went down to the beach, where their boat lay afloat, so as to be in
readiness to embark in case the military should appear. They kindled
a fire upon a rock; but they had scarcely warmed themselves, when
they were thrown into a state of alarm by the appearance of four
boats full of armed men, apparently making towards the shore. They
instantly extinguished their fire, and concealed themselves behind
some rocks. Fortunately they were not observed by the boats, which,
instead of coming to land, sailed along the shore, within a gun-shot
of the spot where Charles lay concealed. Judging it unwise to put to
sea during the day, Charles deferred his voyage till the evening, and
accordingly embarked, at eight o’clock on the 28th of June, for Skye,
accompanied by Miss Macdonald and Neil Mac Eachan. The prince was
extremely sorry to part with O’Neil, his only remaining companion,
and entreated Miss Macdonald to allow him to accompany them; but, as
she had only three passports, she absolutely refused to accede to the
request.[1252]

When Charles left the shores of Benbecula the evening was clear and
serene, and a gentle and favourable breeze rippled over the bosom
of the deep; but as they proceeded to sea the sky began to lower,
and they had not rowed above a league when the wind rose, the sea
became rough, and a tempest ensued which seemed to threaten them with
destruction. Miss Macdonald and the boatmen grew alarmed, but Charles
showed the greatest composure, and, to revive their drooping spirits,
alternately related some amusing stories and sang several songs,
among which was an old spirited air composed on the occasion of the
restoration of Charles II. In the passage Miss Macdonald fell asleep,
and Charles took every precaution to prevent her being disturbed.

[Illustration: Flora mcdonald (her signature)

From Original Painting by I. Mackluin, 1747.]

The wind having shifted several times during the night, the boatmen
had not been able to keep a regular course, and when day-light
appeared next morning, they found themselves out of sight of land
without knowing where they were. Having no compass, they proceeded
at random; but they had not sailed far when they perceived some of
the headlands of Skye. Favoured by the wind, they soon gained the
point of Waternish, on the west of the island. In passing along
this point they were fired upon by a party of Macleod militia, who
called upon them to land; but they continued their course, and, to
prevent suspicion, plied their oars very slowly. Charles told the
boatmen “not to fear the villains;” but they assured him that they
did not care for themselves: their only fear was for him. “No fear
of me!” was Charles’s reply. Encouraged by the undaunted bravery of
the prince, the boat’s crew applied themselves with energy to their
oars; on observing which the Macleods continued to fire at the boat
till it got out of reach of their shot, but did no harm. Whilst the
bullets were falling about the boat, Charles, it is said, requested
Miss Macdonald to lie down in the bottom of the boat in order to
avoid them; but she heroically declined the proposal, and declared
that, as she was endeavouring to preserve the life of her prince,
she would never degrade herself by attending to the safety of her own
person while that of her master was in jeopardy. She even solicited
Charles to occupy the place he had assigned for her. The prince, as
the danger increased, became more urgent; but no entreaties could
prevail upon Miss Macdonald to abandon her intrepid resolution, till
Charles offered to lie down also. Both accordingly lay down in the
bottom of the boat, till out of reach of the bullets of the militia.

After escaping this danger they entered a small creek, and the
party, after taking a short rest, proceeded to Kilbride, and landed
near Mugstot or Moydhstat, the seat of Sir Alexander Macdonald,
near the northern extremity of Skye. Sir Alexander was at this time
with the Duke of Cumberland at Fort Augustus; and, as his lady was
known to be a warm friend of the prince, Flora resolved to proceed
to Moydhstat and acquaint her of Charles’s arrival. Lady Margaret
Macdonald had inherited the spirit of Jacobitism from her father
Alexander, Earl of Eglintoun; and, as she knew that her husband was
a Jacobite at heart, she was less scrupulous to assist the prince
in his necessities. Knowing her good intentions, Charles had, about
a week before his arrival in Skye, written her a letter, which was
sent inclosed in one from Hugh Macdonald of Balishair, in North Uist,
to his brother Donald Roy Macdonald, who was requested to deliver
the letter into her ladyship’s own hand. Balishair announced in the
letter to his brother, that, as a very strict search was making
in the Long island for Charles, he intended to seek refuge upon a
small grass island, called Fladdachuan, belonging to Sir Alexander
Macdonald, lying to the north of Trotternish, with only one tenant
upon it, and requesting him to keep a sharp look-out for the prince,
to meet him upon Fladdachuan and provide him with necessaries. He
was desired to show the letter to Lady Margaret, and after she had
perused it to throw it into the fire; and he also requested that her
ladyship should do the same with the letter sent her. The letter was
accordingly delivered to Lady Margaret by Donald Roy, who burnt his
own, as directed; but, on begging Lady Margaret to put hers into the
fire, she rose up, and, kissing the letter, exclaimed, “No! I will
not burn it. I will preserve it for the sake of him who wrote it to
me. Although King George’s forces should come to the house, I hope I
shall find a way to secure the letter.”[1253]

Leaving Charles in the boat, Miss Flora, accompanied by Neil Mac
Eachan, set out for Mugstot, to apprise Lady Margaret of her arrival.
It was a fortunate circumstance that Charles was left behind, as
there was a militia officer of the name of Macleod in the house,
who, on Miss Macdonald’s entering the room where he was sitting,
questioned her very closely as to her journey; but she answered
his interrogatories so readily, and with such apparent candour and
simplicity, that he had not the least suspicion that she was any way
concerned about the prince. Charles’s arrival was not altogether
unexpected, as she had been informed the day before by Mrs.
Macdonald, wife of John Macdonald of Kirkebost, in North Uist, who
had come from the Long island, of the probability of his appearing
speedily in Skye. Lady Margaret, on being informed of the prince’s
arrival in her neighbourhood, was greatly alarmed for his safety. Her
active benevolence was ever seconded by superior talents; and, on
the present occasion, she displayed a presence of mind and readiness
of invention, which corresponded with these high qualifications.
Mr. Macdonald of Kingsburgh, Sir Alexander’s factor, being then in
the house, she resolved to consult him in this emergency. Desirous
also to avail herself of the services of Captain Roy Macdonald, who
had visited Fladdachuan in quest of the prince, she sent an express
to Trotternish, where he then resided, requesting his immediate
attendance at Mugstot. Mounting his horse, he repaired to the spot,
and found Lady Margaret and Kingsburgh walking together, in serious
conversation. On dismounting, Lady Margaret came up to him and
exclaimed, “O Donald Roy, we are ruined for ever!” After a long
consultation, Lady Margaret proposed that, as the prince could not
remain long in Skye without being discovered, he should be conducted
to old Raasay, who was himself concealed with some select friends,
and that, in the mean time, he should take up his residence in
Kingsburgh house.

During the time this consultation lasted, Charles remained upon the
shore, at a short distance from the foot of the garden. Kingsburgh
proposed to go and acquaint him with their determination; but, lest
he might be observed by some of the military about the house, Neil
Mac Eachan was sent to inform him that Kingsburgh meant to visit
him, and to request that he would retire behind a neighbouring hill
to escape observation. Taking with him some wine and provisions,
Kingsburgh repaired to the spot where Mac Eachan had left Charles.
To his great surprise, however, Charles was not to be seen, and he
in vain searched for him in the neighbourhood of the place where he
expected to meet him. Despairing of finding the prince, Kingsburgh
would have returned to Mugstot; but the bounding of a flock of sheep
at a distance, indicating that some person was at hand, Kingsburgh
went forward to the place whence the sheep had fled, where he found
the prince sitting on the ground. Charles started up when he saw
Kingsburgh approaching. He advanced cautiously towards him, holding
a large knotted stick in his hand, as if intending to knock down
the stranger. “I am Macdonald of Kingsburgh, come to serve your
highness,” said the good Highlander, as he approached. “It is well,”
answered Charles, who went forward to receive his friend. They then
saluted each other, and the prince took some refreshment. Kingsburgh
then mentioned Lady Macdonald’s plan, with which Charles having
expressed himself satisfied, they both proceeded to Kingsburgh house.

Till the departure of Kingsburgh to meet Charles, the uneasiness of
Lady Macdonald was extreme. Flora too, who had remarked her anxiety,
had her misgivings lest the prince should be discovered; but with
her wonted firmness she kept up the conversation with the commander
of the detachment, till dinner was announced, by which time Charles
was on his way to Kingsburgh. After dinner, Miss Macdonald rose
to depart; but Lady Macdonald, in order to deceive the officer,
pressed her to remain, and put her in mind that she had promised
on a former occasion to make some stay the first time she should
visit Moydhstat. Flora, however, excused herself, on the ground that
she was anxious to be with her mother, who, in the absence of her
husband, could not but feel uneasy in such troublesome times. With
apparent reluctance Lady Margaret at length accepted her apology,
under the condition that she should make amends for her sudden
departure by making a longer stay at Moydhstat on her next visit.

Miss Macdonald accordingly proceeded on her journey, accompanied by
Neil Mac Eachan, and by Mrs. Macdonald, the lady formerly mentioned,
who was attended by a male and female servant. The whole party, who
were on horseback, soon overtook the prince and Kingsburgh, who
had gone so far by the common road. Mrs. Macdonald, who had never
seen the prince before, was desirous of obtaining a view of his
countenance, and made several attempts to look him in the face,
but Charles always turned his head aside to avoid her gaze. Mrs.
Macdonald’s maid observing this, and being struck with the uncouth
appearance of the prince, remarked to Miss Flora, that she had
never before seen such an impudent looking woman as the one with
whom Kingsburgh was walking, and stated her impression, that the
singular looking stranger was either an Irishwoman, or a man in
woman’s clothes. Miss Macdonald informed the girl that she was quite
right in her conjecture that the extraordinary looking female was
an Irishwoman, for she knew her, having seen her before. The maid
then exclaimed, “Bless me, what long strides the jade takes, and how
awkwardly she manages her petticoats!” To put an end to the prying
curiosity of Mrs. Macdonald’s maid, and to prevent the servants of
that lady from observing the route which the prince and Kingsburgh
were about to take across the hills, Miss Macdonald called upon
the party to ride faster, as they had a long way to travel. They
accordingly set off at the trot, and, when the party were out of
sight, the two pedestrians, to avoid the militia, who were on all
the public roads, went off by an unfrequented path, and arrived at
Kingsburgh house about eleven o’clock at night, where they were
almost immediately joined by Miss Macdonald and Neil Mac Eachan.

Not expecting her husband home at such a late hour, Mrs. Macdonald
had undressed, and was just going into bed, when one of her maid
servants entered her bed-room, and informed her that Kingsburgh
had arrived, and had brought company with him, and that Miss Flora
Macdonald was among the guests. Mrs. Macdonald sent down word to
Flora, that being sleepy and undressed she hoped she would excuse
her for not coming down stairs, but begged that she would use her
freedom, and help herself to anything she might require. Immediately
upon the departure of the servant down stairs, a young girl, a
daughter of Kingsburgh, entered her mother’s apartment in a great
hurry, and, with looks of surprise, informed her, that her father had
brought to the house the most “odd muckle ill-shaken-up wife she had
ever seen, and taken her into the hall too!” Before Mrs. Macdonald
had time to form any conjecture on the subject, Kingsburgh himself
entered his wife’s bed-chamber, and desired her to dress herself as
fast as she could, and get some supper ready for his guests. Mrs.
Macdonald asked the names of her visitors, but Kingsburgh said he had
no time for explanation; and after telling her that she would know
the whole matter in time, and urging her to make haste, he returned
to his friends in the hall.

In compliance with her husband’s desire, Mrs. Macdonald proceeded to
dress herself, and sent her daughter down for her keys, which she had
left in the hall. The girl went, but she returned almost instantly in
a state of alarm, and told her mother that she was afraid to venture
into the hall, as the tall woman was walking up and down in it.
Mrs. Macdonald then went down herself; but on observing the prince
striding through the hall she hesitated to enter, and calling to her
husband requested him to go in and bring her the keys. Kingsburgh,
however, refused to humour the pusillanimity of his wife, and she was
at length obliged to enter.

When Mrs. Macdonald entered the hall, Charles, who, during the
altercation between her and her husband, had taken a seat, rose up,
and advancing, immediately saluted her agreeably to the Highland
practice. Mrs. Macdonald, little expecting the roughness of a male
chin under a female attire, began to tremble, and, without saying
a word to the silent and mysterious being who stood before her,
she hastened out of the hall, and going to her husband importuned
him to inform her who the stranger was. She had not the least idea
that the person who saluted her was the prince; and, imagining
that the stranger was some nobleman or gentleman in disguise, she
inquired if he knew what had become of the prince. Smiling at her
simplicity, Kingsburgh said to her, “My dear, the person in the hall
is the prince himself.” Alarmed at this unexpected announcement,
she exclaimed, “The prince! then we are all ruined: we will all be
hanged now!” “Hout,” replied Kingsburgh, “we can die but once; and
if we are hanged for this we shall die in a good cause, doing only
an act of humanity and charity. But go,” continued he, “make haste
with supper; bring us eggs, butter, cheese, and whatever else can
be got quickly ready.” “Eggs, butter, and cheese!” rejoined Mrs.
Macdonald, “what a supper is that for a prince!” “Oh! wife,” replied
Kingsburgh, “you know little how this good prince has lived of late;
this will be a feast to him. Besides, to make a formal supper would
make the servants suspect something; the less ceremony, therefore,
the better; make haste, and come to supper yourself.” Mrs. Macdonald,
doubtful of her own capabilities to conduct herself properly before
royalty, exclaimed, “_I_ come to supper! I know not how to behave
before Majesty!” “You must come,” replied Kingsburgh, “the prince
will not eat one bit without you; and you will find it no difficult
matter to behave before him, so obliging and easy is he in his
conversation.”[1254]

At supper Charles placed Miss Flora on his right hand, and Mrs.
Macdonald on his left. He always conferred the above mark of
distinction on his young protectress, and whenever she came into any
room where he was sitting, he always rose up on her entry. Charles
made a hearty supper, and drank a bumper of brandy to the health
and prosperity of Kingsburgh and his wife. After supper he smoked a
pipe, a practice which he was obliged to adopt in his wanderings, to
mitigate a toothache with which he was troubled.[1255] Having drunk
a few glasses of wine, and finished his pipe, Charles went to bed.

After Charles went to bed, Miss Flora, at the desire of Mrs.
Macdonald, gave her a relation of the prince’s adventures, in as far
as she had been personally concerned. When she finished her recital,
Mrs. Macdonald asked her what had become of the boatmen who brought
the prince and her to Skye. Miss Macdonald answered, that they had
been sent directly back to South Uist. Mrs. Macdonald observed that
it was wrong to have sent the boat back immediately, as in case of
capture on their return, the boatmen might disclose the business
which brought them to Skye, and the prince’s pursuers might in
consequence overtake him before he could leave that island. Mrs.
Macdonald was right in her conjecture; for the boatmen were seized
on their return to South Uist, and being threatened with torture,
and ultimately with death, revealed all they knew, giving even a
minute description of the prince’s dress. To lessen the dangers
of a discovery of the prince’s route, Flora advised the prince to
change his clothes next day, a proposal which met with his cordial
approbation, as he found the female attire very cumbrous.

The luxury of a good bed had not been enjoyed by Charles for
many weeks. Three, or at most four, hours’ sleep was all he had
generally been accustomed to during his wanderings; but, on the
present occasion he slept ten hours without interruption, and might
have added a few more to the number, had he not been wakened by
Kingsburgh, who was prevailed upon by Miss Macdonald, contrary to
his own inclination, to rouse the prince. In talking of Charles’s
intended departure, Kingsburgh, acting upon Flora’s suggestion,
urged upon the prince the propriety of changing his dress, lest
the circumstance of his being in female attire might transpire,
and Kingsburgh offered him a Highland dress of his own. Charles at
once assented to the proposal; but, to prevent suspicion among the
servants, and to keep them in ignorance of the nature and description
of the new dress in which Charles was to travel, it was arranged that
he should leave the house in the same dress he entered it, and, when
out of reach of observation, assume that offered to him by his kind
entertainer.

Having dressed himself, the ladies went into his chamber to pin his
cap, put on his apron, and adjust the other parts of his dress.
Before Miss Macdonald put on the cap, Mrs. Macdonald requested her,
in Gaelic, to ask Charles for a lock of his hair. Flora declined,
desiring her, at the same time, to make the application herself to
his Royal Highness. The prince, though unable to comprehend what
they were saying, clearly perceived that they were disputing about
something, and, desiring to know the subject of altercation, was
informed thereof by Mrs. Macdonald. Charles then told her that her
request was granted, and laying down his head upon Flora’s lap, he
desired her to cut off a lock. She complied, and divided the destined
relic between them. Before leaving the house Kingsburgh thought there
was an article of dress that Charles might instantly change without
much risk. This was his shoes, which were so much worn that his toes
protruded through them. He, therefore, presented a new pair of his
own to his Royal Highness, and, taking up the out-worn brogues, said
to Charles, “I will faithfully keep them till you are safely in St.
James’s; I will introduce myself by shaking them at you, to put you
in mind of your night’s entertainment and protection under my roof.”
The prince, amused with the quaintness of the idea, could not refrain
from smiling, and, to humour the joke, enjoined his host to keep his
promise. Kingsburgh kept the shoes as long as he lived, and after his
death they were purchased by a zealous Jacobite gentleman, who gave
twenty guineas for them.[1256]

On being dressed, the prince partook of breakfast, and having taken
a kind leave of Mrs. Macdonald, left Kingsburgh house for Portree,
where it had been concerted he should embark for the island of
Raasay. He was accompanied by Miss Flora and Kingsburgh, who carried
under his arm the suit of clothes designed for the prince. When
Charles left the house, Mrs. Macdonald went up stairs to the room in
which he had slept, and, folding the sheets in which he had lain,
put them carefully aside, declaring that henceforth they should
never again be washed or used till her death, when they should serve
her as a winding sheet; to which use they were accordingly applied,
in fulfilment of injunctions she delivered before her death.[1257]
After walking a short distance from the house, Charles and Kingsburgh
entered a wood, where the prince threw off his female attire, and put
on the clothes which his good friend had provided. These consisted
of a tartan short coat and waistcoat, with philibeg and short hose,
a plaid, and a wig and bonnet. When Charles had shifted, he embraced
Kingsburgh, and thanked him for his valuable services, which he
assured him he would never forget. Charles, conducted by a guide,
then set out on foot across the hills, and Miss Macdonald took
another and a shorter way on horseback, to obtain intelligence, and
prevent a discovery.

In consequence of the resolution to proceed to Raasay, Donald Roy
had been despatched from Mugstot by Kingsburgh the preceding day, in
quest of John Macleod, the young laird of Raasay, to ascertain from
him the place of his father’s concealment, in order to communicate to
the latter Charles’s design of placing himself under his protection.
When it is considered, that Macleod, the laird of Raasay, was himself
a fugitive for the part he had taken in the insurrection, such a
design may appear singular; but the prince had only a choice of
difficulties before him, and the little island of Raasay, which was
then clear of troops, appeared to offer the securest retreat. Donald
Roy met young Raasay at Portree, who informed him that his father
was skulking in Knoydart; but offered to send an express for him,
being certain his father would run any risk to serve the prince in
his distress. Donald Roy then proposed that he should conduct Charles
to the mainland, to the place where old Raasay was; but young Raasay
said that such a step would be too dangerous at that time, and that
it would be better to conceal the prince in the isle of Raasay till
his father should be informed of Charles’s intention to put himself
under his protection. As they could not trust a Portree crew, the
difficulty of transporting the prince to Raasay, without observation,
occurred. Dr. Murdoch Macleod, a brother of young Raasay, who had
been wounded at the battle of Culloden, being informed of this
dilemma, said he would risk his life once more for the prince, and
it having occurred to him that there was a little boat upon a fresh
water lake in the neighbourhood, the two brothers, with the aid of
some women, by extraordinary exertions, brought the boat to sea, over
a Highland mile of land, one half of which was bog, and the other a
steep precipice. The two brothers, with the assistance of a little
boy, rowed the boat, which was very old and leaky, to Raasay.

Malcolm Macleod, young Raasay’s cousin, who will be frequently
mentioned in the sequel, was then in the island. He had been a
captain in the prince’s service, and was considered by his cousin a
proper person to accompany them on their expedition. They accordingly
waited on Malcolm, who offered to provide a boat; but he proposed,
that as his cousin, young Raasay, had not been engaged in the
insurrection, he should not run any risk by holding communication
with the prince, more particularly as Charles could be brought
over without his assistance. Young Raasay declared his resolution
to see the prince, if the result should be the loss both of his
estate and his head; and Malcolm, seeing that any farther attempt
to dissuade him would be fruitless, exclaimed, “In God’s name then
let us proceed.” Malcolm Macleod pitched upon two strong men, named
John Mackenzie and Donald Macfriar, to row the boat; but, when they
came to the beach, they declined to leave the shore till informed
of their destination. They were then sworn to secrecy, and being
told the object of their voyage, professed the utmost alacrity to go
to sea. The whole party accordingly set off from Raasay on Monday
evening, the 30th of June, and landed about half a mile from Portree.
By this time Miss Macdonald had arrived at the inn, where Donald
Roy was in waiting to receive her and the prince. Leaving young
Raasay and his brother in the boat, Malcolm Macleod, accompanied by
Macfriar, went towards the inn, and in walking from the shore he
observed three persons proceeding in the direction of the inn, who
happened to be the prince, Neil Mac Eachan, and a little boy who had
served as Charles’s guide from Kingsburgh.

Donald Roy Macdonald had left the inn shortly after Miss Macdonald’s
arrival, for the purpose of meeting Charles; but, after remaining out
about twenty minutes without seeing him, he returned to the house,
afraid lest the rain, which fell in torrents, might fester a wound
in his foot which he had received at the battle of Culloden, and
which was still open. He had scarcely entered the inn, when Macnab,
the landlord, informed him that a boy wanted to see him. The boy,
whose name was Macqueen, having informed Donald Roy that a gentleman
who was waiting a little above the house wished to speak with him,
he went out and met the prince, who caught him in his arms. Donald
then conducted him into the inn. Charles was wet to the skin, and
the water poured down from his clothes. The first thing he asked for
was a dram, on taking which he proceeded to shift himself. He put on
a dry shirt; but before he had replaced the other habiliments which
he had thrown off, a supply of roasted fish, bread, cheese, and
butter was brought into the room, which the prince attacked with such
avidity that Donald Roy could not help smiling; and being observed
by the prince, he remarked that he believed the prince was following
the English fashion. “What fashion do you mean?” said the prince.
“Why,” replied Donald Roy, “they say the English, when they are to
eat heartily, throw off their clothes.” The prince smiling, said,
“They are in the right, lest anything should incommode their hands
when they are at work.” Asking for some drink, Charles was told that
there were no liquids of any sort in the house but whisky and water,
not even milk, of which he had desired a little. The only substitute
in the room for a tumbler or jug was a dirty-looking bucket, which
the landlord used for throwing the water out of his boat, and the
mouth of which was broken and rough from the frequent use to which
it had been thus applied. Donald Roy, who had previously quaffed out
of the bucket, handed it to Charles, who took it out of his hand,
and after looking at it, stared Donald in the face. As the landlord
was in the room, Donald was afraid that, from the shyness of Charles
to drink out of a dish to which no objection perhaps had ever before
been stated, he might think he had a visitor of distinction in his
house, and he therefore went up to Charles, and in a gentle whisper
desired him to drink out of the obnoxious vessel without ceremony.
Charles taking the hint, put the pail to his head, and took a hearty
draught of water.[1258]

Malcolm Macleod, on being informed of the prince’s arrival at the
inn, had returned to the boat, and with his cousins waited anxiously
for the prince. On the landlord of the inn leaving the room, Donald
Roy, who had grown impatient to get away, urged the prince to depart;
but Charles showed no inclination to leave the inn, and even proposed
to remain there all night, as the rain was still heavy. Donald told
him that as the house he was in was frequented by all kinds of
people, he would incur danger by remaining; for the very appearance
of a stranger would excite speculation among the country people, who
were always desirous to know who the persons were that came among
them. Charles assented to the correctness of Donald’s observations,
but called for some tobacco that he might smoke a pipe before his
departure. There being no tobacco in the house but roll or pigtail,
Charles said it would answer very well; and the landlord, at the
request of Donald Roy, brought in a quarter of a pound in the scales
in which it had been weighed. The price was fourpence halfpenny,
and Charles gave the landlord a sixpence. Donald Roy desired him to
bring in the difference. The prince smiled, and on the change being
brought he refused to receive it. Donald, however, insisted that he
should take the three halfpence, because he considered that in his
present situation he might find “bawbees” very useful.[1259]

When about to leave the inn, Charles solicited Donald Roy to
accompany him to Raasay, observing that he had always found himself
safe in the hands of the Macdonalds, and that as long as he had a
Macdonald with him he would still think himself safe. This faithful
attendant, whilst he stated his inclination to serve the prince in
his distress, represented to him the impossibility of following
him from place to place, in consequence of the wound in his left
foot, which rendered him incapable of enduring fatigue; and that
as he would be obliged from his lameness to travel occasionally on
horseback, his presence would only endanger the safety of the prince.
He agreed, however, to meet Charles in Raasay in a few days, and
stated that, in the mean time, he would remain in Skye, and collect
for the future guidance of the prince such information as he could,
in relation to the movements and plans of his pursuers.

Before leaving Portree Charles had a most painful task to perform,
that of parting with the amiable and high-minded young woman, who,
during three eventful days, had with generous sympathy, and at the
imminent hazard of her own life, watched over him with the tenderest
solicitude and affection, and rescued him from the many perils
with which he had been environed. He repaid Miss Flora a small sum
of money he had borrowed from her, and, presenting her with his
own portrait in miniature, saluted her. He then returned her his
sincere thanks for the great assistance she had afforded him, and
taking leave, expressed a hope that, notwithstanding the present
unfavourable aspect of his affairs, he should yet meet her in St.
James’s. He also took farewell of Neil Mac Eachan, who certainly at
that time had no expectation that he was to be one of those who were
afterwards to accompany the prince to France.

Charles had brought along with him from Kingsburgh, four shirts, a
cold fowl, some sugar, and a bottle of brandy. To this small stock
he added at Portree a bottle of usquebaugh. He tied this bottle to
his belt at one side, and at the other the bottle of brandy, and
the shirts and cold fowl which were put up in a handkerchief. Thus
provided, Charles left the inn, accompanied by Donald Roy, on the
morning of the 1st of July, while it was yet dark. The landlord,
surprised perhaps at the early departure of his guests, cast a look
after them as they went out at the door, which being observed by
Charles’s conductor, he led the prince off in a direction opposite
to that they had to go, till out of view of the landlord, and then
making a circle they went down towards the shore, and in their way
met Malcolm Macleod, who conducted the prince to the boat. He then
took leave of Donald Roy, whom he enjoined not to mention the place
of his destination to any person, not even to his fair protectress.
Donald returned to the inn, and was immediately accosted by his host,
who expressed a strong desire to know the name of the gentleman
who had left his house. Donald told him, with apparent unconcern,
that the stranger who had gone away was Sir John Macdonald, an
Irish gentleman, and a brother rebel, who, having got free of his
enemies, had been skulking among his friends, the Macdonalds of
Skye; and that, tired of remaining in one place, and afraid of being
discovered in the island, he had set out for the mainland to seek an
asylum among the other Macdonalds. The landlord, whom he enjoined to
secrecy, apparently satisfied with this explanation, said that he was
strongly impressed with an idea that the gentleman was the prince
in disguise, as he observed something about him that looked very
noble.[1260]

Portree, a small bay opposite the island of Raasay, from which
Charles was about to depart, had derived its name, which signifies
the King’s Port, from the circumstance of King James the Fifth having
landed there during his excursion amongst the western islands.
Charles left this creek after midnight, under the protection of
the enthusiastic young laird of Raasay, to whom Malcolm Macleod
introduced him when he entered the boat. As the two boatmen had
served in the prince’s army, the whole party, with the exception of
young Raasay himself, were under the ban of the government, and the
young laird, whose only motive in not joining the insurrection was
probably a desire to save the estate, now fearlessly put his life and
fortune in jeopardy, when the risk was even greater.

Charles slept a little upon the passage, and reached Raasay about
day-break, a few hours after his departure from Portree. The party
landed at a place called Glam, about the distance of ten miles from
that haven. Charles, Malcolm, and Murdoch Macleod took up their
abode in a wretched hut which some shepherds had lately erected.
They had no bedding of any sort, and were obliged to repose upon
some heath. On entering the hut they kindled a fire and partook of
some provisions. On this, as on other occasions, Charles, to please
the Highlanders, never tasted wheat-bread or brandy while oat-bread
and whisky lasted, for, he observed, that these last were his “own
country bread and drink.” Young Raasay had nothing to dread from
his own people; and, lest the military might revisit the island,
he placed the two boatmen upon different eminences to watch their
approach. He visited Charles and his friends occasionally, and always
carried provisions along with him. Though comparatively secure,
Charles was very uneasy in his new retreat; and frequent starts and
exclamations in his slumbers indicated the agitated workings of his
mind. Malcolm Macleod often overheard him in his sleep muttering
imperfect sentences, in Italian, French, and English. One of his
expressions in English was, “O God! poor Scotland!”[1261]

During Charles’s stay in Raasay, no person visited the island, but he
and his friends were kept in a state of uneasiness by a person who
prowled about without any apparent business, and who had come into
the island to sell a roll of tobacco. He had arrived about twelve
or fourteen days before Charles. Having disposed of his merchandise
very speedily, it was expected that he would have departed, but
continuing to stroll up and down the island in an idle way, he
was suspected to be a spy. Malcolm Macleod happening to see him
approaching the hut one day, a council of war was held by Charles and
his friends. The three Macleods were for putting the poor tobacco
vender to death, and Malcolm Macleod offered to go out immediately
and shoot him through the head; but Charles indignantly reprobated
the inhuman proposal. “God forbid (said he) that we should take away
a man’s life who may be innocent, while we can preserve our own.”
John Mackenzie, who sat as sentinel at the door, overhearing the
debate, said to himself in Gaelic, “Well, well: he must be shot:
you are the king, but we are the parliament, and will do what we
choose.” Observing his friends smile, Charles asked what John had
said; and being told the man’s observation in English, the prince
observed that he was a clever fellow; and, notwithstanding his
perilous situation, laughed loud and heartily.[1262] Notwithstanding
Charles’s remonstrances, the stranger would have been despatched had
he entered the hut, but luckily he walked past without looking into
it. It was afterwards ascertained that the stranger himself was a
fugitive from the Highland army.[1263] While Charles resided in this
hut, he and his companions indulged in a great deal of conversation.
Alluding to passing events and his present situation, the prince
observed that his life was to be sure a very hard one; but that he
would rather live in the way he then did for ten years, than fall
into the hands of his enemies, not because he believed they would
dare to take away his life publicly, but because he dreaded being
poisoned or assassinated. He was very particular in his inquiries
at Dr. Macleod about the wound he had received at Culloden, from a
ball which entered at one shoulder and went across to the other. He
threw out some reflections upon the conduct of some of his officers
at Culloden, but confessed that perhaps it was rash in him to do so.
Talking of the different Highland corps, the Macleods asked Charles
which, in his opinion, were the best soldiers; but he evaded a direct
answer, said he did not like comparisons among such corps; and that
they were all best.[1264]

Charles resided two days in Raasay, when becoming uneasy, and
thinking the island too narrow and confined for the purpose of
concealment, he resolved to depart. Understanding that he expected
a French ship at Lochbroom, Malcolm Macleod offered to carry him
thither, but Charles declined the proposal on account of the
danger of the voyage in a small boat. He expressed a wish to go to
Trotternish in Skye, but his friends attempted to dissuade him, as
they considered him safer in Raasay. Persisting however in going, the
whole party, including the two boatmen, left Raasay on the evening
of the 2d of July, in the same boat which they had used to carry
them into the island. After they had gone a little off the shore
the wind began to blow hard, and soon increased to a gale. The sea
became so very rough, that the waves broke over the boat and almost
filled it with water. All on board begged the prince to return, but
he declined, observing, that as Providence had carried him through
so many dangers, he did not doubt of the same care now as before.
About eleven o’clock at night they landed at a place in Skye, called
Nicolson’s rock, near Scorobreck in Trotternish, after a very
boisterous voyage of about fifteen miles. There was a large surf on
the shore, and there being no convenient landing place, they had to
jump out among the water. Charles was the third man who leapt into
the sea. Standing in the surf, the whole party, including Charles,
laid hold of the boat and drew it up on dry ground.

On this desolate coast, the royal wanderer could find no other
resting-place than a cow-house, belonging to Mr. Nicolson of
Scorobreck, about two miles from that gentleman’s seat. The party
entered this wretched hovel and took a little refreshment of oat
cakes, which had mouldered down into very small crumbs, and some
cheese. Charles being wet to the skin, Malcolm Macleod advised him to
put on a dry shirt. This he declined, and continued to sit in his wet
clothes. Overcome with fatigue he fell asleep; but he enjoyed little
sound repose. He would frequently start in his sleep, look briskly
up, and stare boldly around him, as if about to fight the persons
around him. “Oh poor England! poor England!” were the exclamations
he would sometimes utter, with a deep sigh, during these disturbed
moments.

In all his wanderings it was the constant practice of Charles to
conceal his future movements from every person with whose services he
was about to dispense, so as to prevent any clue to his discovery.
Wishing to get quit of young Raasay and his brother, he despatched
the former to look out for Donald Roy, and he desired the latter to
go to a place called Cammistinawag, where he would meet him. Murdoch
Macleod and the two boatmen then took leave. At parting he presented
Murdoch with a case, containing a silver spoon, knife, and fork,
which he requested him to keep till they met.

The prince and Malcolm Macleod remained in the hut till seven o’clock
in the morning, when Charles, taking the little baggage in his hand,
walked out, and desired Malcolm to follow him. Macleod took the
bundle out of Charles’s hand, and followed him in silence till out of
sight of the cow-house, when Charles taking a direction Malcolm did
not like, this faithful adherent went up to him and asked him where
he was going, as he was afraid that he might fall into the hands of
one of the numerous military parties, who were dispersed over the
island. “Why, Macleod, (replied Charles,) I now throw myself entirely
into your hands, and leave you to do with me what you please;
only I want to go to Strath, Mackinnon’s country. I hope you will
accompany me, if you think you can lead me safe enough into Strath.”
Malcolm declared that he would go with his royal highness wherever
he pleased, and offered to bring him safe into that part of Skye
which belonged to the chief of Mackinnon, provided he would consent
to go by sea; but Macleod objected to a journey over land which he
considered would be attended with dangers from the soldiers. Charles,
however, insisted on going by land, and observed that they could now
do nothing without danger. The better to prevent a discovery, Charles
proposed that he should act the part of Macleod’s servant, and that
he should assume the name of Lewis Caw, there being at the time a
young surgeon of that name, who had been in the prince’s service,
skulking in Skye, where he had some relations. Observing that his
scarlet tartan waistcoat with gold twist buttons, was finer than
that worn by Macleod, which was of plain ordinary tartan, Charles
exchanged it for Macleod’s. Then taking the bag which contained his
linen out of Malcolm’s hands, Charles threw it over his shoulder, and
set out on his perilous journey, preceded by the faithful Malcolm,
who, to complete the deception, had proposed that Charles should keep
up his new character of a gilly, or footman, by walking in the rear.

Strath, the country of the Mackinnons, was at a considerable
distance, and the route to it which these two travellers took lay
through one of the wildest and most mountainous districts of the
island. Though a good pedestrian, Malcolm could scarcely keep his
distance ahead of Charles, whose locomotive powers were surprising,
there being few persons who could match him at walking. Alluding to
his celerity of foot, he told Malcolm that provided he got out of
musket-shot, he had no dread of a pursuit by English soldiers, but he
had not the same confidence if chased by a party of Highland militia.
He asked Malcolm what they would do in the event of meeting any
person among the mountains, who might attempt to kill or take them.
“That depends upon their numbers,” replied Malcolm; “if there should
be no more than four of them, I’ll engage to manage two.” “And I,”
rejoined Charles, “will engage to manage the other two.” Malcolm, in
his turn, asked Charles what they should do if attacked by a party of
English soldiers, “Fight, to be sure,” was the reply.

As Malcolm expected that they would fall in with some of the country
people before they came to the end of their journey, by whom, from
his being well known in the island, he might be recognised, he
desired Charles not to evince any anxiety when he (Malcolm) should
speak to them, but remove to a short distance and sit down till the
conversation ended. They met a few of these people from time to
time, on which occasion Charles not only observed the injunction of
Malcolm, but superadded the customary menial duty, of touching his
bonnet when addressed by his supposed master. With the exception of
a bottle of brandy, the two travellers appear to have had no other
sustenance during their long and fatiguing journey. When reduced to
a single glass, Charles urged Malcolm to take it, lest he should
faint with the excessive fatigue. Malcolm refused, and insisted that
the prince himself should drink it, but Charles resolutely refused,
and compelled Malcolm to drain the bottle. Malcolm then hid the
bottle in a thick bush of heath, where he found it about three years
thereafter. Honest Macleod long preserved it “as a curious piece,”
which he expected would one day make a figure in Westminster.[1265]

When opportunity offered, the prince and Malcolm relieved the
tediousness of the journey, by conversing on a variety of topics.
The conversation happening to turn upon Lord George Murray, Charles
observed that his lordship, whether from ignorance or with a view to
betray him, he would not say, misconducted himself in not obeying
orders, and that in particular, for two or three days before the
battle of Culloden, Lord George scarcely did anything he desired
him to do. When Malcolm told him of the many atrocities committed
after that battle, he appeared amazed, and said, “Surely that man
who calls himself the duke, and pretends to be so great a general,
cannot be guilty of such cruelties. I cannot believe it.” Talking of
the fatigues he was obliged to undergo, the prince said, “Do you not
think, Macleod, that God Almighty has made this person of mine for
doing some good yet? When I was in Italy, and dining at the king’s
(his father’s) table, very often the sweat would have been coming
through my coat with the heat of the climate, and now that I am in
a cold country, where the climate is more trying, and exposed to
different kinds of fatigues, I really find I agree equally with both.
I have had (pointing to his kilt) this philibeg on now for some days,
and I find I do as well with it as any of the best breeches I ever
put on. I hope in God, Macleod, to walk the streets of London with it
yet.”[1266] A man holding such sentiments as these was not likely to
be easily discouraged.

When approaching Mackinnon’s bounds, Malcolm stated to the prince
his apprehensions, that, disguised as he was, he was afraid he would
still be recognised by some of Mackinnon’s people, who had been out
in his service. He, therefore, suggested that Charles should disguise
himself still further. The prince then proposed to blacken his face
with powder; but Macleod objected to this plan, which, he said,
would tend rather to discover than to conceal him. “Then,” observed
Charles, “I must be put into the greatest dishabille possible;” and
pulling off his wig, and putting it into his pocket, took out a dirty
white napkin, which Malcolm, at his desire, tied about his head close
to his eyebrows. He then put off his bonnet, tore the ruffles from
his shirt, and took the buckles out of his shoes, and made Macleod
fasten them with strings. Charles now asked his friend if he thought
he would still be recognised, and on Malcolm answering that he
thought he would, Charles said, “I have so odd a face, that no man
that ever saw me once but would know me again.” In Malcolm’s opinion,
Charles, though almost a Proteus, could never disguise his majestic
mien and carriage; and he declared that there was not a person who
knew what the air of a noble or great man was, that would not, upon
seeing the prince, however disguised he might be, at once perceive
something about him that was not ordinary,--something of the stately
and grand.[1267]

They had not gone far after this conversation, when Malcolm Macleod’s
opinion was verified, for no sooner had the travellers entered
Strath, than Charles was recognised by two men of Mackinnon’s clan,
who had been out in the insurrection. They stared at the prince for
a little, and on discovering him, lifted up their hands and wept
bitterly. Malcolm begged that they would compose themselves, lest
by showing so much concern they might discover the prince. After
cautioning them not to mention the meeting to any one, he swore them
to secrecy upon his naked dirk, and then dismissed them. They kept
their word.

Being within two miles of the laird of Mackinnon’s house, Malcolm
asked him if he wished to see the old chief; “No,” said Charles,
“by no means. I know Mackinnon to be as good and as honest a man as
any in the world; but he is not fit for my purpose at present. You
must conduct me to some other house, but let it be a gentleman’s
house.” They then proceeded, at Malcolm’s suggestion, to a place
called Ellagol, or rather Ellighiul, near Kilvory or Kilmaree, where
they arrived in the morning after a journey of twenty-four Highland
miles, being upwards of thirty English miles. At Ellagol there lived
one John Mackinnon, who had served as captain under the laird of
Mackinnon, and had married a sister of Malcolm. Being desirous to
ascertain the state of matters in the neighbourhood before conducting
Charles into the house of his brother-in-law, Malcolm left the prince
at a little distance from the house, and went forward to make the
necessary inquiries. He found that Mackinnon was from home; and
on informing his sister that he had come to stay a short time at
Ellagol, if he could do so with safety, she assured him that he would
be perfectly safe, as there were no military people about the place,
and that he was very welcome. Malcolm then told her that he had
nobody along with him but one Lewis Caw, son of Mr. Caw, a surgeon in
Crieff, whom, being a fugitive like himself, he had engaged as his
servant, but that he had fallen sick. Mrs. Mackinnon felt interested
in the stranger, and requested her brother to bring him in.

Charles accordingly entered with the baggage on his back, and,
taking off his bonnet, made a low bow, and sat down at a distance
from Malcolm. Mrs. Mackinnon looked at the prince, and instantly her
sympathy was excited. “Poor man!” she exclaimed, “I pity him. At the
same time, my heart warms to a man of his appearance.” Malcolm having
told his sister that he was almost famishing with hunger, she set
before him a plentiful Highland breakfast. Charles still sitting at a
respectful distance, Malcolm invited him, as there were no strangers
in the house, to draw near and share with him, there being abundance
for both. Charles appeared very backward to obey the summons to eat,
and said that though in an humble station, he knew better how to
conduct himself than by sitting at the same table with his master;
but Malcolm pretended to insist upon compliance, Charles rose from
his seat, made a profound bow, and advancing towards the table, sat
down, and attacked the viands without farther ceremony.

In the course of their journey, Charles and his companion had fallen
into a bog during the night, and as their feet and legs were still
dirty, Malcolm desired the servant-maid in Gaelic, as she could not
speak English, to bring some water into the room, and as he was much
fatigued, to wash them. Whilst in the act of washing Macleod’s feet,
he said to the girl, “You see that poor sick man there. I hope you’ll
wash his feet too: it will be a great charity; for he has as much
need as I have.” “No such thing,” said she, “although I wash the
master’s feet, I am not obliged to wash the servant’s. What! he’s
but a low country woman’s son. I will not wash his feet indeed.”
Malcolm, however, with much entreaty, prevailed upon the girl to wash
Charles’s feet and legs; but being rather rough in her treatment, he
implored Malcolm to desire her not to rub so hard.[1268]

After this operation the wearied travellers went to bed; and at the
desire of Malcolm, Mrs. Mackinnon went out of the house, and sat down
upon a neighbouring knoll, where she kept watch, whilst her guests
remained in bed. Charles, who had thrown himself upon the bed in his
clothes, slept two hours only; but Malcolm slept much longer. When
Malcolm awoke, he was surprised to find Charles out of bed dandling
Mrs. Mackinnon’s child, singing to it, and appearing as alert as if
he had been in bed all night. He expressed a hope that the little
boy--Neil Mackinnon--whom he carried in his arms, would be one day a
captain in his service.

Informed that his brother-in-law was seen approaching the house,
Malcolm went out to meet him. After the usual salutations, Malcolm,
pointing to some ships of war that were hovering about the coast,
said to Mackinnon, “What if the prince be on board one of them?” “God
forbid,” replied Mackinnon, “I would not wish that for anything.”
“What,” said Malcolm, “if he were here, John? Do you think he would
be safe enough?” “I wish we had him here,” rejoined Mackinnon,
“for he would be safe enough.” Macleod, now fully assured that his
brother-in-law might be confided in, said, “Well, then, he is now
in your house.” Mackinnon, transported with joy, was for running
directly in and paying his obeisance to the prince; but Malcolm
stopped him for a little, till he should recover from his surprise.
“When you go in,” continued Malcolm, “you must not take any notice
of him, lest the servants or others observe you. He passes for one
Lewis Caw, my servant.” Mackinnon promised to observe faithfully the
injunction given him, which he thought he would be able to fulfil;
but, as soon as he entered the house, he could not avoid fixing
his eyes upon Charles; and unable to repress his feelings at the
spectacle he beheld, this generous and faithful Highlander, turning
his face aside, burst into tears. To prevent suspicion, Mackinnon, at
Malcolm’s desire, left the room to compose himself.

[Illustration: MACKINNON. (Tartan)]

Before being introduced to the prince, Mackinnon sent away all
his servants from the house on different messages, and, during
their absence, a consultation was held as to Charles’s future
destination. It was then resolved that he should proceed to the
mainland immediately; and John Mackinnon was directed to go and hire
a boat, as if for the sole use of his brother-in-law. As the laird
of Mackinnon was old and infirm, and could be of little service to
Charles in his present situation, Mackinnon was enjoined not to say
anything about Charles to his chief, should he fall in with him.
Meeting the old chieftain, however, on his way, Mackinnon, unable or
unwilling to conceal the fact of the prince’s arrival at Ellagol,
disclosed the secret, and mentioned that he was going to hire a boat
to carry Charles to the mainland. Gratified with the intelligence,
the chief desired his clansman not to give himself any further
trouble about a boat, as he would provide a good one himself, and
would wait upon the prince immediately. John returned to Ellagol, and
having informed Charles of the interview with the laird, the latter
said that he was sorry that Mackinnon had divulged the secret; but
as there was now no help for it, he would comport himself according
to circumstances. In a short time the aged chief appeared, and
after doing homage to the royal wanderer, conducted the prince to a
neighbouring cave, where he found Lady Mackinnon, who had laid out a
refreshment of cold meat and wine, of which the whole party partook.

Before the arrival of the chief, Malcolm Macleod had represented
to the prince, that, being within the laird’s bounds, it would be
necessary to allow him to direct everything in relation to the
voyage, and, to prevent a difference of opinion arising between
him and the chief, he suggested the propriety of remaining behind.
Charles, extremely unwilling to part with one who had rendered him
such important services, insisted upon his going along with him
to the mainland; but Malcolm insisting on the other hand that the
measure was proper, Charles, with much reluctance, consented to part
with the faithful Macleod.

About eight o’clock at night the party left the cave, and proceeded
towards the place where the boat lay. In their way they observed two
English men-of-war standing in for the island, before the wind, under
a press of sail. Malcolm thereupon entreated the prince to defer his
voyage till such time, at least, as these vessels should take another
course, more particularly as the wind was against him; but Charles
disregarded the admonition, and observed, that after so many escapes,
he had no apprehensions of being caught at that time; that Providence
would still take care of him; and that he had no doubt of obtaining
a favourable wind immediately. Recollecting his sham appointment with
Murdoch Macleod, for not keeping which Malcolm promised to make his
apology, Charles thought the least thing he could do was to notify
his departure, which he accordingly did, by writing him a short note,
delivering it to Malcolm.[1269] He then desired Malcolm to light
his pipe, as he wished to enjoy a smoke with him before parting.
Snapping his gun, Malcolm, by means of the flash in the pan, lighted
some tow which he held at the mouth of the pipe whilst Charles blew
it. As the pipe was extremely short, Charles’s cheek was scorched
with the blaze of the tow. At parting, Charles presented him with a
silver stock-buckle, and then embracing Malcolm in his arms, saluted
him twice, and begging God to bless him, put ten guineas into his
hand. Malcolm at first positively refused to accept the money, as he
perceived that the prince’s purse was much exhausted; but Charles
insisted upon his taking it, and assuring him that he would get
enough for all his wants upon the mainland, Malcolm yielded. Having
procured a better pipe, Charles presented the one with which he had
been smoking to Malcolm, who preserved it with great care.[1270]

Between eight and nine o’clock in the evening of Friday, the 4th of
July, the prince departed for the mainland, accompanied by the chief
and John Mackinnon. The observation of Charles, that he would obtain
a fair wind after putting to sea, had made a deep impression upon
the superstitious mind of the generous Malcolm, who accordingly sat
down upon the side of a hill to watch the expected change, which,
according to him, took place very soon, for the crew had not rowed
the boat half a mile from the shore in the direction of the ships,
before the wind chopped about, and whilst it favoured the prince,
drove the men-of-war out of sight.[1271]

After a rough voyage, the party reached a place called Little Mallag
or Malleck, on the south side of Loch Nevis between Morar and
Knoydart, distant about thirty miles from the place where they had
embarked. At sea they met a boat, containing some armed militia.
No attempt was made to board, and a few words were exchanged in
passing. Charles’s visit to Skye soon became public, and the fact of
his having been harboured and protected by certain persons in that
island could not be disguised. Malcolm Macleod’s connexion with the
prince being reported, he was apprehended a few days after Charles’s
departure for the mainland, put on board a ship, and conveyed to
London, where he remained a prisoner till the 1st of July, 1747, when
he was discharged without being asked a single question. Kingsburgh
also was taken up and conveyed to Fort Augustus, where, after being
plundered of his shoe-buckles, garters, watch, and money, he was
thrown into a dungeon, and loaded with irons. He was discharged by
mistake for another person of the same name, but was brought back,
and afterwards conveyed to Edinburgh, and committed to the castle, in
which he remained till the 4th of July, in the same year.

Flora Macdonald was also apprehended about the same time by a party
of militia, while on her way to the house of Donald Macdonald of
Castleton in Skye, who had sent her notice that Macleod of Talisker,
an officer of an independent company, had requested him to send for
her. She was put on board the Furnace Bomb, and afterwards removed
to Commodore Smith’s sloop, and treated with great kindness and
attention by him and General Campbell. She was confined a short
time in Dunstaffnage castle. After being conveyed from place to
place, she was put on board the Royal Sovereign, lying at the Nore,
on the 28th of November, and carried up to London on the 6th of
December following, where she remained in confinement till July
in the following year, when she was discharged, at the especial
request--according to the tradition of her family--of Frederick,
Prince of Wales, father of George III., without a single question
having been put to her. After her liberation, Miss Macdonald was
invited to the house of Lady Primrose, a zealous Jacobite lady, where
she was visited by a number of distinguished persons, who loaded her
with presents. She and Malcolm Macleod returned to Scotland together
in a post-chaise provided by Lady Primrose, and, on their way, paid
a visit to Dr. Burton at York, who had been previously liberated
from jail. This gentleman having asked Malcolm his opinion of the
prince, the trusty Highlander replied, that “he was the most cautious
man he ever saw, not to be a coward, and the bravest, not to be
rash.” Few persons, now-a-days, will be disposed to concur in this
eulogium, for though personally brave, Charles was extremely rash and
inconsiderate.[1272]

As parties of the military were known to be stationed at a short
distance from the place where Charles and his party landed, they
were afraid to leave it, and slept three nights in the open air on
the banks of Loch Nevis. On the fourth day the old laird and one
of the boatmen ventured a little way into the country in quest of
a place of concealment; and the prince, along with John Mackinnon
and the other three boatmen, proceeded up the loch close to the
shore. In turning a point, they unexpectedly came upon a boat tied
to a rock, and so near as to touch her with their oars. This boat
belonged to a militia party who were seen standing on the shore, and
were at once recognised by their badge, which was a red cross on
their bonnets. This party immediately hailed the boat, and demanded
to know whence they came. The boatmen answered that they were from
Sleat. The militiamen then ordered the boat to come ashore; but the
boatmen continuing to row, the military jumped into their boat and
gave chase. Charles, who lay in the bottom of the boat with John
Mackinnon’s plaid spread over him, wished to get up and attempt to
escape by jumping ashore, but Mackinnon would not allow him, as
he considered the experiment very dangerous. During the pursuit,
Charles, who was anxious to know the relative progress of the two
boats, kept up a conversation with the trusty Highlander, who
assured him from time to time that the pursuers did not gain upon
them. Both parties were equal in point of numbers; and as Mackinnon
contemplated the possibility of the militiamen overtaking them, he
directed the boatmen to keep their muskets close by them, but not
to fire till he should give the word of command by firing first.
“Be sure, (said John,) to take an aim. Mark well, and there is no
fear. We will be able to manage these rogues, if we come to engage
them.” Charles, begging that no lives might be sacrificed without
an absolute necessity, Mackinnon said he would not fire if it could
be avoided; but if compelled to do so in self-defence, their own
preservation required that none of the assailants should escape to
tell the news of their disaster. Observing a wood at some distance
which reached down to the water, Mackinnon directed the boatmen to
pull in that direction; and on reaching the shore, the prince,
followed by Mackinnon and one of the boatmen, sprang out of the boat,
and plunging into the wood, nimbly ascended the hill. The alarm into
which they had been thrown gave place to feelings of a very different
description, when, on reaching the summit of the hill, they perceived
their pursuers returning from their fruitless chase.[1273]

Finding himself much fatigued, Charles slept three hours on this
eminence, and returning down the hill, crossed the loch to a small
island near the seat of Macdonald of Scothouse. Understanding that
old Clanranald was there on a visit, Charles sent Mackinnon to
solicit his protection, but the old chief positively refused to
receive him. Upon Mackinnon’s return the party repassed the loch,
and returned to Mallag, where they rejoined the old laird. After
refreshing themselves, they set out for the seat of Macdonald of
Morar, about eight miles distant. In crossing the promontory between
Loch Nevis and Loch Morar they passed a shieling, or cottage, where
they observed some people coming down towards the road. Afraid that
he would be known, the prince made John Mackinnon fold his plaid
for him, and threw it over his shoulder with his knapsack upon it.
To disguise himself still further, he tied a handkerchief about
his head. In this attire Charles passed for Mackinnon’s servant. A
grandson of Macdonald of Scothouse, who was at the shieling, gave the
party a draught of milk. At another shieling they procured another
draught; and, as the night was dark and the road bad, they took a
guide along with them to conduct them across the ford to Morar’s
house. When they came to this ford, an amusing occurrence took place.
Mackinnon, desirous to keep Charles dry in crossing, desired the
guide to be so good as carry “this poor sick fellow,” (pointing to
the prince,) upon his back across the ford, as it was then pretty
deep; but the guide indignantly answered, “The deil be on the back he
comes, or any fellow of a servant like him; but I’ll take _you_ on
my back, Sir, if you please, and carry you safely through the ford.”
“No, by no means,” said Mackinnon, “if the lad must wade, I’ll wade
along with him, and help him, lest any harm should happen to him;”
on saying which, he laid hold of Charles’s arm, and they crossed the
ford together. Both Charles and Mackinnon were pleased to find that
the guide had no suspicion that the pretended sick person was the
prince.

A little before day-break the party arrived at the end of their
journey, but were disappointed to find that the mansion, where they
expected to meet with a hospitable reception, had been burnt to the
ground, and that its proprietor had been obliged to take up his abode
in a bothy or hut in the neighbourhood. Morar, who had acted as
lieutenant-colonel of Clanranald’s regiment, gave the prince a hearty
welcome. Having entertained Charles and his party, he conducted them
to a cave for security, and went off in quest of young Clanranald,
whom the prince was most anxious to see. After some hours’ absence
Morar returned, and, reporting that he could not find Clanranald,
Charles told him that as he had failed in meeting with that young
chief, he would put himself under Morar’s charge. According to
Mackinnon’s statement, Morar declined to take such a responsibility
upon him, and even declared that he did not know any person to whose
care he could commit Charles’s person. The prince, stung by the
altered demeanour of Morar, thus accosted him: “This is very hard.
You were very kind yesternight, Morar! and said you could find out
a hiding-place, proof against all the search of the enemy’s forces;
and now you say you can do nothing at all for me! You can travel to
no place but what I will travel to; no eatables or drinkables can you
take but what I can take a share along with you, and be well content
with them, and even pay handsomely for them. When fortune smiled
upon me and I had pay to give, I then found some people ready enough
to serve me; but now that fortune frowns on me, and I have no pay
to give, they forsake me in my necessity.” The chief of Mackinnon
and his clansman were highly indignant at Morar, and insisted that
he must have seen young Clanranald, and that he had been advised to
his present course, but Morar resolutely denied the charge. Charles
in great distress exclaimed, “O God Almighty! look down upon my
circumstances, and pity me; for I am in a most melancholy situation.
Some of those who joined me at first, and appeared to be fast
friends, now turn their backs upon me in my greatest need: and some
of those again who refused to join me, and stood at a distance, are
now among my best friends; for it is remarkable that those of Sir
Alexander Macdonald’s following have been most faithful to me in my
distress, and contributed greatly to my preservation.” Then turning
round to Mackinnon, he said, “I hope, Mr. Mackinnon, you will not
desert me too, and leave me in the lurch; but that you will do all
for my preservation you can.” The old laird, thinking that these
words were meant for him, said, with tears in his eyes, “I never will
leave your royal highness in the day of danger; but will, under God,
do all I can for you, and go with you wherever you order me.”--“Oh
no!” rejoined Charles, “that is too much for one of your advanced
years, Sir; I heartily thank you for your readiness to take care of
me, as I am well satisfied of your zeal for me and my cause; but one
of your age cannot well hold out with the fatigues and dangers I must
undergo. It was to your friend John here, a stout young man, I was
addressing myself.”--“Well then,” said John, “with the help of God,
I will go through the wide world with your royal highness, if you
desire me.”[1274]

Disappointed in his inquiries after Clanranald, and unsuccessful, if
John Mackinnon’s statement be correct, in his application to Morar,
Charles resolved to go to Borodale, and solicit the assistance of
“honest old Æneas Macdonald.” Accordingly, after taking leave of
the laird of Mackinnon, Charles set off for Borodale, accompanied
by John Mackinnon, under the direction of a boy, a son of Morar,
as guide. The party reached Borodale, on the morning of the 10th
of July, before day-break. As was the case at Morar, the house of
the proprietor had been burnt by a body of troops, under Captain
Ferguson, and Borodale was residing in a hut hard by the ruins of his
mansion. Borodale was in bed when Charles arrived, and the door was
shut. Mackinnon called upon Borodale to rise, who, knowing his voice,
got up, and throwing some blankets about him, went to the door.
Mackinnon asked him if he had heard any thing of the prince. “No,”
replied the old gentleman. “What would you give,” rejoined John,
“for a sight of him?” “Time was,” said the warm-hearted Highlander,
“that I would have given a hearty bottle to see him safe; but since
I see you I expect to hear some news of him.” “Well, then,” replied
Mackinnon, “I have brought him here, and will commit him to your
charge. I have done my duty, do you yours.” “I am glad of it,” said
Borodale, “and shall not fail to take care of him: I shall lodge him
so secure that all the forces in Britain shall not find him out.”
John Mackinnon then took his leave, and returned to Ellagol; but he
had scarcely reached his house when he was apprehended by a party of
militia, and along with his chief, who was also captured by another
party at Morar, the morning after Charles’s departure, conveyed to
London, and kept in confinement till July, 1747.

Borodale conducted his guest to a hut in a neighbouring wood, where
he entertained him in the best manner he could for three days,
and in the meantime, Charles despatched John Macdonald, junior,
one of Borodale’s sons, with a letter to Alexander Macdonald of
Glenaladale, who had been in his service as Major of the Clanranald
regiment.[1275] Receiving, shortly after this express had been sent,
information of the laird of Mackinnon’s capture, and judging that
his residence in the wood was not safe, Borodale, accompanied by his
son Ronald, who had been a lieutenant in Clanranald’s own company,
conducted Charles to an almost inaccessible cave four miles eastward,
in which he directed him to remain till Glenaladale should arrive.

Charles’s letter was punctually delivered to Glenaladale, who, two
days after it was written, viz. on the 15th of July, met Borodale at
an appointed place, and paid a visit to Charles. Next day Borodale
received a letter from his son-in-law, Angus Mac Eachan, residing
in the glen of Morar, who had served as surgeon to Glengarry’s
regiment, informing him that a rumour was beginning to prevail in
the country, that the prince was in concealment about Borodale;
and representing the danger Charles would be in, by remaining on
Borodale’s lands any longer, he offered him a more secure asylum,
in a place he had prepared for him. Before accepting this offer,
Ronald Macdonald was sent to reconnoitre the place. Next day, John
Macdonald was despatched to view the coast, and ascertain the motions
of the military; and having brought intelligence that he saw a boat
approaching that part of the coast where the grotto was situated,
Charles, without waiting for the return of Ronald Macdonald,
immediately left the cave, and set off for the glen of Morar, to
the place prepared for him. He was accompanied by Glenaladale,
Borodale, and John Macdonald junior, son of the latter. They were
met, at a place called Corrybeine Cabir, by Borodale’s son-in-law,
who informed Charles that Clanranald was waiting a few miles off, to
conduct him to a safe place of concealment he had prepared for him.
Charles would have proceeded to meet Clanranald, but as the evening
was far advanced, and as he was much nearer his intended quarters in
Glen Morar than the place where Clanranald was, he proceeded onward,
intending to communicate with him next day.

Borodale, who had proceeded to Glen Morar in advance of the party to
procure some necessaries, received information, on his arrival there,
that some men-of-war with troops on board, under General Campbell,
had anchored in Loch Nevis. He thereupon despatched two men to Loch
Nevis, by way of Loch Morar, to observe General Campbell’s motions,
and having received farther intelligence, that Captain Scott had
arrived with a party in the lower part of Arisaig, he returned to
Charles, and communicated to him the information he had received.
Being assured that Charles was upon one of the promontories betwixt
Loch Hourn and Loch Shiel, the English commanders had formed a chain
of posts across the heads of these and the intermediate arms of the
sea, so as to intercept him should he attempt to escape by land
into the interior; and to catch him, should he venture to return to
the islands, cruisers and boats were stationed at the mouths of the
lochs. The sentinels along this line, which extended to the length of
thirty miles, were placed so near one another in the day time, that
no person could pass without being seen by them, and at night fires
were lighted at every post, and the opposite sentinels passed, and
repassed one another, from fire to fire. To cross such a chain during
the day was quite impossible, nor did a passage by night appear more
practicable.

Finding thus, that Clanranald’s country was wholly surrounded by
the government troops, and that he would not be able to join that
chief, Charles resolved to leave it immediately. To lessen the risk
of discovery, by reducing the number of his companions, he took leave
of Borodale and his son-in-law, and attended by Glenaladale, his
brother Lieutenant John Macdonald, who had been an officer in the
French service, and John Macdonald junior, Borodale’s son, set out in
the morning of the 18th of July, and by mid-day reached the summit
of a hill called Scoorvuy, at the eastern extremity of Arisaig. Here
they rested and took some refreshment, and Glenaladale’s brother was
then despatched to Glenfinnan, to obtain intelligence, and to direct
two men whom Glenaladale had stationed there, to join the prince
about ten o’clock at night, on the top of a hill called Swernink
Corrichan, above Loch Arkaig in Lochiel’s country. After Lieutenant
John Macdonald’s departure, Charles set out with his two remaining
companions, and at two o’clock came to the top of a neighbouring
hill, called Fruigh-vein. Observing some cattle in motion,
Glenaladale went forward to ascertain the cause, and found that
these cattle belonged to some of his own tenants, who were driving
them away out of the reach of a body of 600 or 700 troops, who had
come to the head of Loch Arkaig, to hem in the prince. As Charles
and his friends meant to pass in that direction, they were greatly
disconcerted at this intelligence, and resolved to alter their
course. Glenaladale sent one of his tenants to Glenfinnan, which was
only about a mile off, to recall his brother and the two men; and
at the same time he sent another messenger for Donald Cameron of
Glenpean, who had removed with his effects to a neighbouring hill,
on the approach of the troops, that he might ascertain from him
the situation of the troops about Fort Augustus, and to obtain his
assistance in conducting the prince through the chain of posts. As
they waited the return of the messengers, one of the tenants’ wives,
regretting the condition of Glenaladale her landlord, and desirous
of giving him some refreshment milked some of her cows, and brought
the milk to him. Observing the woman approaching, Charles covered
his head with a handkerchief, and passed for one of Glenaladale’s
servants, who had got a headach. Though this refreshment, from the
excessive heat of the day, was very seasonable, yet they would have
gladly dispensed with the obtrusive kindness of the warm-hearted
female. That Charles might participate in the present, without
observation from the donor, Glenaladale prevailed upon her, though
with some difficulty, to retire, and leave her dish behind.

After a short absence the messenger who had been despatched to
Glenfinnan returned without finding Glenaladale’s brother, or the two
men who had, before his arrival there, departed for the appointed
place of rendezvous. He brought the alarming intelligence, that a
hundred of the Argyleshire militia had arrived at the foot of the
hill on which the prince now stood. Without waiting for the return
of the other messenger, the party set out about sunset on their
hazardous attempt. They travelled at a pretty quick pace till about
eleven o’clock at night; when passing through a hollow way between
two hills, they observed a man coming down one of them in their
direction. Charles and young Macdonald kept behind, and Glenaladale
went forward to ascertain whether this person was friend or foe.
Strange to tell, the suspected individual was Donald Cameron of
Glenpean, the very person whom, of all others, Glenaladale wished to
see. He was immediately conducted to Charles, to whom he communicated
such information as he had obtained about the government troops.

Undertaking to guide the prince and his companions past the guards,
Cameron conducted them over roads almost impassable in day-light; and
after travelling all night, they arrived about four o’clock in the
morning of the 19th of July, on the top of a hill in the braes of
Loch Arkaig, called Mamnyn-Callum, from which they could perceive the
enemy’s camp about a mile distant. Being informed by their guide,
that the hill on which they now stood had been searched the previous
day, they supposed there would not be a second search for some time,
and they therefore resolved to remain on the hill all the day. They
lay down to rest, and after sleeping two hours, the whole party, with
the exception of Charles, rose to keep watch. About ten o’clock they
observed a man at a little distance coming up the hill. As there
was a probability that Cameron, being generally acquainted with the
inhabitants of that part of the country, might know this person, he
was sent forward to speak with him, and was agreeably surprised to
find that he was no other than Glenaladale’s brother, who not meeting
the prince at the place appointed, had become alarmed for his safety,
and was in search of him.

[Illustration: Loch Arkaig.--Achnacarry, seat of Cameron of Lochiel,
in middle distance.]

The whole party remained on the top of the hill all the day, and
about nine o’clock at night set out in a southern direction. About
one o’clock in the morning they came to a place called Corrinangaull,
on the confines of Knoydart and Loch Arkaig, where Cameron expected
to have met some of the Loch Arkaig people, who had fled with their
cattle on the approach of the soldiery. Cameron had calculated on
getting a supply of provisions from these people, as the prince and
his party had only a small quantity of butter and oatmeal, which they
could not prepare for want of fire. Perceiving some huts down the
face of the hill, Glenaladale’s brother and the guide, at the risk of
being observed by some of the sentinels who were going their rounds,
ventured down to them, in expectation of meeting some of the country
people, and obtaining a supply of provisions; but they found these
shielings uninhabited. Judging themselves no longer safe on the top
of the hill, the whole party shifted their quarters, and went to a
fastness in the brow of a hill at the head of Lochnaigh, about a mile
distant from the troops. They lay down in this retreat to take some
rest. With the exception of Charles, they all awoke after a short
repose; and it was resolved that, dangerous as the experiment might
be, Glenaladale’s brother and the guide should again go in quest of
provisions, of which they now stood in very great need. Leaving,
therefore, Glenaladale, and Borodale’s son to stand sentry over
Charles, they set off, while it was yet dark, on their errand. The
place which the weary wanderers had chosen for their nocturnal abode
commanded a view of the lake, and when the sun rose, Charles and his
friends observed the enemy’s camp at the head of Lochnaigh. They
would have gladly removed to a greater distance, but they resolved to
wait for the return of the foraging party, who arrived about three
o’clock in the afternoon, with two small cheeses, which were all
the provisions they could procure. They also brought the alarming
intelligence, that about a hundred soldiers were marching up the
opposite side of the hill to search for some of the country people,
who were supposed to have fled thither for shelter.

As it was not improbable that this party would in the course of
their examination find out the place where Charles and his friends
lay concealed, the most direful apprehensions must have seized the
minds of the unhappy fugitives. Seeing no possibility of leaving
their retreat without observation, whilst the soldiers were on the
hill, they resolved to remain and abide the result. The soldiers
made a general and narrow search all around, but fortunately did not
come to the place where the wanderers lay. After the search was over
the soldiers returned to their camp; and about eight o’clock in the
evening Charles and his friends left their place of concealment,
and, travelling at a very quick pace till it became dark, ascended
a steep hill called Drimachosi, on arriving at the top of which,
they observed the fires of a camp directly in their front, which in
passing onward they imagined they could scarcely avoid. Determined,
however, to make the attempt, whatever might be the consequences,
they proceeded forward, and came so near the posts as to hear the
soldiers talking together.

In passing over the top of this mountain Charles made a very narrow
escape. Down a steep and pathless descent a small stream glided, the
waters of which spreading among a mixture of grass and heath, with
which the descent was covered, rendered it slippery, and of course
very dangerous. When about to descend, Charles’s foot slipped, and he
would have undoubtedly fallen headlong down the precipice, and been
dashed to pieces, had not Cameron, who preceded him, seized him by
one of his arms, and held him fast with one hand, whilst, with the
other, he laid hold of the heath to prevent both from tumbling down
together. In this situation, Cameron held Charles till Glenaladale
came down, who, laying hold of the prince’s other arm, rescued him
from his danger. Arriving at the bottom, they crept up the next hill,
and, on reaching its summit, perceived the fires of another camp at
the foot of the hill, directly in the way they intended to go down.

To pass this post seemed to be an undertaking utterly hopeless, and
certain destruction appeared inevitable in the attempt; yet extremely
dangerous as it was, the party resolved to make it. Unwilling,
however, to expose the prince to such great risk, before putting
the practicability of the measure to the test, Cameron, entirely
regardless of his own safety, proposed to make the experiment
himself before Charles ventured to pass. “If I succeed,” said the
generous Highlander, “and return safe, then your royal highness
may venture, and I shall conduct you.” At this time Cameron’s nose
began to itch,--a circumstance which was regarded by Donald as a
dangerous omen. Whilst rubbing his nose, he could not avoid stating
his apprehensions to Charles; but these superstitious fears did
not divert him from his purpose. Cameron accordingly went forward,
and, in a short time, returned to his companions with the agreeable
information that he had entirely succeeded. No doubt now existing
of the practicability and even the safety of the attempt, the
whole party set off about two o’clock in the morning. Turning a
little westward, Cameron conducted them to the channel of a small
brook, through which they crept on their hands and feet to escape
observation; and watching their opportunity when the backs of the
sentinels were turned towards one another, quietly passed between
them. After they were out of danger from the guards, Charles came up
to Glenpean, and jocularly said to him, “Well, Donald, how does your
nose do now?” “It is better now,” answered Cameron, “but it still
yucks (itches) a little.” “Aye, Donald,” rejoined the prince, as if
taking the hint, “have we still more guards to go through?”

Having thus fortunately cleared the line of posts, the party
proceeded in their course, and, at about the distance of two miles,
came to a place called Corriscorridill, on the Glenelg side of the
head of Loch Hourn, where they stopped, and, having chosen a secure
place, sat down and took some refreshment. They had no bread; but
Charles supplied the deficiency by covering a slice of the dry cheese
with oatmeal. He partook of this coarse fare cheerfully, and washed
it down with some water from a neighbouring spring. They remained in
this retreat till eight o’clock in the evening.

It being now evident that Charles could not remain with any chance
of safety in the West Highlands, Glenaladale proposed, that instead
of going eastward, as Charles intended, he should proceed north into
Ross-shire, and seek an asylum among that part of the Mackenzies who
had not joined in the insurrection, and whose territory had not,
on that account, been visited by the military. Charles resolved to
adopt the advice of his kind friend; and as Cameron was unacquainted
with the route, he and Glenaladale left the covert to look out for
a guide. Before they had gone far, however, they were astonished
to find that they had passed all the day within cannon-shot of
two little camps, and they perceived, at the same time, a company
of soldiers driving some sheep into a hut, for the purpose, as
they supposed, of being slaughtered. Returning to their place of
concealment, they apprised Charles of their discovery; and as no
time was to be lost in providing for their safety, the whole party
immediately set off, and about three o’clock next morning, July the
27th, reached Glenshiel, in the Earl of Seaforth’s country. As their
small stock of provisions was exhausted, Glenaladale and Borodale’s
son went forward in quest of a supply, and to find out a guide to
conduct them to Pollew, where it was reported some French vessels
had been. Whilst Glenaladale was conversing with some country people
about a guide, a Glengarry man, who had been chased that morning
by a party of soldiers from Glengarry, after they had killed his
father, came running up. This man, who had served in the prince’s
army, was recognised at once by Glenaladale, and as he knew him to
be trustworthy, he resolved to keep him in reserve as a guide, in
case they should be obliged to change their plan, and to remain
about Glengarry. Having procured some provisions, Glenaladale and
his companion returned to Charles, and after the whole party had
partaken of the food, they retired to the face of an adjacent hill,
and lay down to rest in a cave. They slept till between four and five
o’clock in the afternoon, when Cameron, who had acted so faithfully,
took his leave, as he was unacquainted with that part of the country.
After Cameron’s departure, Glenaladale, observing the Glengarry man
returning to his own country, stepped out of the cave and prevailed
upon him to remain in a by-place for a short time, as he said he had
something to communicate to him. Glenaladale, on his return, stated
his plan to Charles, which was to keep the Glengarry man without
explaining to him any thing, till such time as he could ascertain
whether he could depend upon getting a guide to Pollew, failing
which he would retain the Glengarry man. Charles approved of what
Glenaladale had done. About seven o’clock, Glenaladale repaired to
a place where he had appointed a man, who had promised to procure
a guide, to meet him, and having found this person, was informed
by him that he could not get one, and that the only French vessel
that had touched at Pollew had gone away. Glenaladale, therefore,
dismissed this person, and returning to Charles, informed him of
what had passed. They then gave up the idea of proceeding farther
into Ross-shire, and the Glengarry man, having been introduced to
the prince, cheerfully undertook to conduct him to Strathglass or
Glenmoriston, to either of which districts he intended, according to
circumstances, to shape his course.[1276]

Accordingly the whole party, accompanied by their new guide, set out
through Glenshiel at a late hour; but they had not proceeded more
than half-a-mile, when Glenaladale stopped short, and, clapping his
hand upon his side, declared that his purse, containing 40 guineas,
which the prince had given him for defraying expenses, was gone.
Thinking that he had left it at their last resting place, Glenaladale
proposed to go back in quest of it, and desired the prince to remain
behind an adjacent hill till he returned; but Charles was averse to
the proposal, though the purse contained his whole stock of money.
Glenaladale, however, went back along with Borodale’s son, and,
on arriving at their last resting place, found the purse, but its
contents were gone. Recollecting that a little boy had been at the
place with a present of milk from a person whom Glenaladale had
visited, he supposed that the boy might have taken away the purse,
and he and his companion proceeded to the house of Gilchrist M’Rath,
the person alluded to, and found the boy, who, as he had conjectured,
had stolen the purse of gold. By means of Gilchrist, the money was
restored to Glenaladale, with the exception of a trifle.

The temporary loss of the purse was a very fortunate occurrence
for Charles and his friends, as, during Glenaladale’s absence, an
officer and two privates passed close by the place where Charles
stood, having come by the very road he and his party had intended
to proceed. As they went in the direction taken by Glenaladale and
his companion, Charles grew very uneasy about his friends, lest they
should, on their return, meet with this party; but returning by a
different way, they rejoined the prince without interruption. Charles
was overjoyed at the return of his friend; and, with reference to his
late providential escape, observed, “Glenaladale, my hour, I see, is
not come; for I believe I should not be taken though I had a mind
to it.” The party now continued their journey. In passing over the
field of Glenshiel, the Glengarry man entertained Charles with an
account of the action which happened there in 1719. Charles, it is
said, could not help admiring the sagacity of his guide, who, though
he had not been in the battle, gave as circumstantial and accurate an
account of it as if he had been present.[1277]

Travelling all night, Charles and his friends arrived on the side of
a hill above Strathchluaine, where, fixing upon a secure place of
retreat, they reposed till near three o’clock in the afternoon of the
following day, viz., 28th of July. They then continued their journey
along the hill-side; but they had not travelled above a mile when
they heard the firing of small arms on the hill above them, which
they judged to proceed from some of the troops who were engaged in
their usual occupation of shooting the people who had fled to the
mountains with their cattle and effects. To avoid these bloodhounds
the party took a northern route, and ascended a high hill between
the Braes of Glenmoriston and Strathglass. They reached the summit
of this mountain at a late hour, and sought repose for the night in
an open cave, in which they could neither lie nor sleep. They had no
fuel, and as they were wet to the skin with a heavy rain which fell
during the whole of the day, they passed a most uncomfortable night.
Charles felt himself very cold, and he endeavoured to warm himself by
smoking a pipe.

[Illustration: CHISHOLM. (Tartan)]

Resolving again to go to Pollew, Glenaladale’s brother and the
Glengarry man were despatched, about three o’clock in the morning
of the 29th, in quest of some trusty persons to conduct the prince
thither, and were appointed to meet Charles and the rest of the party
on the top of a neighbouring hill. Charles and his friends set off
about five o’clock, and, after a walk of two hours, reached the top
of the appointed hill, where they met the guide, who stated that
he was directed by some proper persons he had found out, to desire
Glenaladale to repair to a hill in the Braes of Glenmoriston, called
Corambian, where they promised to come at an appointed hour with some
victuals. The persons alluded to were a party of seven men, who,
having been engaged in the insurrection, had formed themselves into
a sort of predatory fraternity; intending, perhaps, to resume their
former habits of industry when the persecutions of the government
ceased. These had taken up their abode in a romantic cave on the side
of Corambian, and seldom removed to any considerable distance from
their rocky den, unless compelled by the necessity of providing for
their immediate wants.

As directed, Charles and his friends proceeded to Corambian, and when
they came near the cave, Glenaladale and the guide went forward,
leaving Charles and the other two Macdonalds at a little distance.
All the inmates of the den were present except one, and having killed
a sheep that day, had just sat down to dinner. Glenaladale said he
was glad to see them so well provided, and they invited him to sit
down and share with them. He then said he had a friend with him,
outside, for whom he must beg the same favour. Being asked by them
who the friend was, he answered that it was young Clanranald, his
chief. Nobody could be more welcome, they said, than the young chief;
and they added, that they were willing to purchase food for him at
the point of their swords. Glenaladale then left the cave and brought
in Charles, who, being immediately recognised by its residents, had
every respect shown him by these men, who fell on their knees before
him. It is almost unnecessary to add, that Charles, who had scarcely
tasted food for forty-eight hours, made ample amends for his long
fast. After dinner, Charles’s entertainers made up a bed for him of
ferns and tops of heath, on which he was soon lulled asleep by the
gentle murmurs of a purling stream that ran through the grotto close
to his bedside.

The dress which Charles wore at this time is thus described by Mr.
Home, who obtained his information from Hugh Chisholm, one of the
seven persons who were in the cave at the time Charles resided in
it.[1278] Upon his head he had a wretched yellow wig and a bonnet,
and about his neck a clouted handkerchief. He wore a coat of coarse,
dark-coloured cloth, a Stirling tartan vest, much worn, a pretty good
belted plaid, tartan hose, and Highland brogues tied with thongs, so
much worn that they would scarcely stick upon his feet. His shirt,
the only one he had, was of the colour of saffron. The inhabitants
of the cave had no change of dress to offer their guest; but an
incident occurred which enabled them to supply his wants. Hearing
that a detachment of government troops, under Lord George Sackville,
was marching from Fort-Augustus to Strathglass, and knowing that they
must pass at no great distance from their abode, the robbers resolved
to make an attempt upon their baggage. For this purpose they placed
themselves between two hills, near the road to Strathglass, where,
free from observation, they awaited the detachment. It soon appeared,
and after it had passed, the Highlanders fired at some officers’
servants, who were a considerable distance behind, and, rushing down
upon them, seized and carried off some portmanteaus, in which they
found every thing that Charles stood in need of.

The search for Charles, which had hitherto been pursued with the
most persevering assiduity, now began to slacken, in consequence
of an occurrence, which, it was supposed, rendered farther search
unnecessary. Among other persons who had joined Charles at Edinburgh,
there was a young man of respectable family, named Roderick
Mackenzie. He had served as one of the prince’s life-guards. Being
about the same age as Charles, tall and somewhat slender, like
the prince, and with features resembling, in some degree, those
of Charles, he might, with ordinary observers, who had not been
accustomed to see them together, have passed for the prince. As
he could not venture with safety to Edinburgh, where he had two
maiden sisters living, he fled to the Highlands after the battle of
Culloden, and, while skulking among the hills of Glenmoriston, was
surprised by a party of soldiers, about the middle of July. Mackenzie
endeavoured to escape; but being overtaken, he turned round upon his
pursuers, and, drawing his sword, bravely defended himself. He was
shot by one of the soldiers, and as he fell, he exclaimed, “You have
killed your prince! you have killed your prince!” and immediately
expired. Overjoyed at their supposed good fortune, the soldiers cut
off the young man’s head, and hurried to Fort-Augustus with their
prize. The Duke of Cumberland, convinced that he had got the head
of his relative, had it, it is said, packed up, and ordering a
post-chaise, went off to London, carrying the head along with him.
Shortly after his arrival, however, the deception, which had been of
essential service to Charles, was discovered.[1279]

Being pretty secure in Coiraghoth, as the cave was called, Charles
remained three days in this retreat, during which he recruited so
well that he considered himself able to encounter any hardships.
The whole party then shifted their quarters to another hill, about
two miles off, and took up their abode in another cave, on the
2d of August. After staying four days in their new dwelling they
were again obliged to shift, in consequence of information they
received, that one Campbell, a steward of Lord Seaforth and captain
of militia, had pitched his camp at a little distance, to graze a
large herd of cattle. Leaving one of their party behind to watch
Campbell’s motions, they set off in a northerly direction, and
travelled to the heights of Strathglass. Charles was conducted to a
sheep-cot, in which a bed was made up for him, consisting of turf,
with the grass-side uppermost, and a pillow of the same. He remained
in this hovel three days, during which an express was sent to
Pollew, to ascertain whether a report which had reached him of some
French vessels having been seen off the coast, was correct. On the
supposition that the report would turn out to be well founded, the
party followed the express, and crossing along the moor, put up at
another shieling for the night, and about twelve o’clock, next day,
August the 10th, arrived at a place called Glencanna, and passing the
day in a neighbouring wood, repaired at night to a village hard by.
About two o’clock next morning they scrambled up a hill on the north
side of Glencanna, and sending off two of their number to forage
for provisions, they waited two days in a neighbouring shieling for
the return of their messenger from Pollew. The express arrived, and
brought notice that a French ship had been upon the coast, and had
landed two gentlemen, who had gone to Lochiel’s country in quest
of the prince. In expectation of meeting these gentlemen, Charles
resolved to retrace his steps.

Upon the 13th of August they crossed the water of Casina, and
passing near the house of young Chisholm, arrived at a place called
Fassanacoil in Strathglass, about two o’clock in the morning.
They concealed themselves in a thick wood, and some of the party
were despatched as scouts to the Braes of Glengarry and Lochaber,
to ascertain whether the search for the prince was over, and if
the troops had returned to their camp at Fort-Augustus. Having
ascertained on the return of their spies that the government troops
had returned to their head-quarters, the whole party left the wood,
where they had remained three days, and, on the morning of the 17th
of August, set out through an unfrequented road, and again reached
the Braes of Glenmoriston. Passing the day on the top of a hill,
they continued their journey at night; but they had gone scarcely a
mile, when they received information that a strong party of military
were among the heights of Glengarry in quest of the prince. They,
therefore, stopped short in their journey till they should ascertain
the motions of the enemy, and passed the remainder of the night in a
shieling.

Charles being now extremely desirous of opening a communication
with his friends in Lochaber, which was by this time almost free
from troops, despatched two messengers on the morning of the 18th
of August to Loch Arkaig in quest of Cameron of Clunes, to inform
him that Glenaladale wished to meet him at a convenient place.
Another of the party was, at the same time, sent to the Braes of
Glengarry to ascertain if the troops were still in that quarter.
Having ascertained, by the return of this messenger, who came
back next day, that the roads were clear, Charles and his party,
consisting altogether of ten persons, set out in the afternoon of
the 19th, and passing under the favour of a fog through Glenmoriston
and Glenlyne, arrived late at night in the Braes of Glengarry. The
river Garry was swollen to a great height by the heavy rains which
had fallen for some days; but some of the party having ascertained
that it was fordable, Charles and his friends waded across with the
water up to their middle. After passing the river, they proceeded
onward about a mile in a very dark night, and finding no covert,
remained on the side of the hill during the night, without shelter,
amid a torrent of rain. Next morning they continued their course
over hills and moors till they reached a height near a place called
Achnasalt, or Achnasual, where the messengers sent to Loch Arkaig
had been appointed to meet them. The rain having poured down without
intermission all night and during the day, the situation of these
forlorn wanderers had become very uncomfortable; and, to add to their
distress, their whole stock of provision was exhausted. As none of
the messengers had arrived, they were exceedingly perplexed what to
do; but they were soon relieved from their anxiety by the appearance
of Peter Grant, one of the most active of the seven men, who brought
notice from Cameron of Clunes that he could not meet Glenaladale
that night, but that he would visit him at the appointed place of
rendezvous next morning, and in the meantime directed him to pass
the night in a wood about two miles distant. Before setting out for
their new quarters, of which they received a favourable report from
two of the party, who were sent to examine the place, Glenaladale,
with the consent of the prince, sent a messenger to Lochgarry, who
lay concealed a few miles off, acquainting him with their arrival
at Achnasual, and requesting him to meet them in the wood. After
entering the wood, fortune threw a buck in their way, which one of
the party immediately shot. Having kindled a fire, they roasted the
flesh, and made a hearty meal, but without bread or salt. Lochgarry
joined them the same night.

At ten o’clock next morning, August the 15th, Cameron of Clunes came
to the wood, and conducted Charles to another forest at the foot of
Loch Arkaig, in which he lay all night. With the exception of Hugh
Chisholm and Peter Grant, all the Glenmoriston men took their leave.
Charles expressed a wish to go to Rannoch, or Badenoch, where Lochiel
and Cluny were; but upon Clunes informing him that he could not pass
without great danger, as all the ferries were strictly guarded, he
gave up his design, and, early next morning, sent a messenger to
Lochiel, desiring his attendance. Concluding that Charles was to the
north of the lakes, these chiefs had, about this period, sent Dr.
Cameron and the Rev. John Cameron by different routes, to obtain
information respecting the prince. On arriving within a few miles of
the place where Lochiel was, Charles’s messenger met the Doctor and
the two French officers who had lately landed. As the messenger was
desired to communicate no information about Charles to any person
but Lochiel himself, he declined to answer any questions respecting
the prince; but having stated that he had business of the utmost
importance with Lochiel, the Doctor conducted him to his brother.
Lochiel being unable, from the state of his wounds, to travel to a
distance, then sent his brother to wait upon the prince, and to make
his apology.

Dr. Cameron, accompanied by two servants, arrived at the foot of Loch
Arkaig on the 19th of August, and when near the place of Charles’s
concealment, he met Cameron of Clunes. At this time Charles and one
of Clunes’s sons were sleeping on the mountain, and Peter Grant was
keeping watch; but, nodding upon his post, Grant did not observe
the approach of the party till they were pretty near. He instantly
awaked Charles and his companion. Cameron and Grant proposed that
they should flee to the top of the mountain, but Charles thought
differently. He said he considered there was more danger in
attempting to escape than in remaining where they were; and he
proposed that they should take up a position behind some stones, take
aim, and fire upon the party when they came nearer. He said that,
as Grant and he were good marksmen, they would certainly do some
execution, and that he had in reserve a brace of pocket pistols,
which, for the first time, he produced. Fortunately, however, before
a single shot was fired, the person of Clunes was recognised among
the party. The joy of Charles and of young Cameron, at the narrow
escape which the friends of the one and the father of the other had
made, may be easily conceived. When informed by Dr. Cameron that
Lochiel was well, and almost recovered of his wounds, the prince
expressed the unbounded satisfaction he felt by fervently returning
thanks to God three times. The appearance of Charles at this time was
singular, and even terrific. He was bare-footed, and his beard had
grown to a great length. He wore a dirty shirt, an old black tartan
coat, a plaid, and a philibeg, carried a musket in his hand, and wore
a pistol and dirk by his side. Had he not had one of the best and
soundest constitutions ever enjoyed by a prince, he must ere this
have fallen a victim to the numerous privations he had suffered; but
his health remained unimpaired, and his flow of spirits continued.
His companions had killed a cow on the present occasion, and when
Dr. Cameron arrived a part of it was preparing for dinner. Charles
partook heartily of the beef, which was seasoned by a supply of bread
from Fort-Augustus, a commodity to which he had been for some time
unaccustomed.

Next day the party went to a wood called Torvuilt, opposite to
Achnacarry, where they held a council. Charles now proposed to go
south, and join Lochiel; but one of the party mentioning that he
had seen a paragraph in some newspapers, that had been brought
from Fort-Augustus, which stated that he and Lochiel had passed
Corryarrick with 30 men, he judged it advisable to defer his journey
for a few days, as a search might be made for him about that
mountain. In the meantime it was agreed that Dr. Cameron should visit
Lochaber to procure intelligence, and that Lochgarry should go to
the east end of Loch Lochy, and remain upon the isthmus between the
lakes, to watch the motions of the troops. They accordingly left
Charles the same day, and Cameron and Clunes, after conducting the
prince and his party to another hut in the neighbourhood, also took
leave.

Charles remained eight days in the neighbourhood of Achnacarry.
Having expressed a strong desire to see the French officers who
had landed at Pollew, they were brought to him. These gentlemen
had come from Dunkirk in a small vessel, with 60 others, who had
formed themselves into a company of volunteers under these two
officers. Two of the volunteers landed along with the officers,
and were taken prisoners. One of them, named Fitzgerald, a Spanish
officer, was hanged at Fort William, on the ground of having been a
spy in Flanders, and the other, a M. de Berard, a French officer,
was afterwards exchanged upon the cartel. The officers fell in with
Mr. Alexander Macleod, one of Charles’s aides-de-camp, to whom
they delivered some despatches they had brought over to the French
ambassador, and they continued to wander in Seaforth’s country till
Lochgarry, hearing that they had letters to the prince, sent a
Captain Macraw and his own servant to find them out and bring them to
Lochiel, as the prince could not be found. When brought to Lochiel,
he suspected them to be government spies. On Charles expressing his
wish to see these officers, the Rev. John Cameron, who had lately
joined, told him what his brother Lochiel thought of them, and
advised him to act with great caution. The prince confessed that
it appeared a very suspicious circumstance, that two men, without
knowing a word of Gaelic, and being perfect strangers in the country,
should have escaped so long if they were not really spies; but as
they had told Lochiel that they had never seen the prince, he thought
that he might see them safely by a stratagem, without being known
to them. He therefore wrote them a letter to this effect:--that, in
order to avoid falling into his enemies’ hands, he had been under the
necessity of retiring to a distant part of the country, where he had
no person with him except one Captain Drummond and a servant, and,
as he could not remove from the place of his concealment without
danger, he had sent Captain Drummond with the letter; and as he
could repose entire confidence in him, he desired them to deliver
any message they had to Drummond. This letter the prince proposed to
deliver himself, as Captain Drummond, and the officers being sent
for, were introduced to him under his assumed name. He delivered them
the letter, which they perused, and he then obtained from them all
the information they had to communicate, which, as his affairs then
stood, was of little importance. They remained with him two days, and
put many questions about the prince’s health, his manner of living,
&c. Thinking the packet they had delivered to Mr. Macleod might be of
use, Charles sent for it; but as the letters were in cipher he could
make nothing of them, not having the key.

About this time Charles made a very narrow escape, under the
following circumstances. Information having been sent to the camp
at Fort-Augustus that Charles or some of his principal adherents
were in the neighbourhood of Loch Arkaig, a party was despatched
in quest of them. One of Clunes’s sons and Cameron the minister
had gone to the strath of Clunes to obtain intelligence, and had
entered a hut which Clunes had built for his family after his house
had been burnt. They had not, however, been half-an-hour within,
when a little girl came running into the house, in great haste, and
said that she saw some soldiers approaching. At first they thought
that the child was mistaken, as Lochgarry had promised to place a
guard between Fort-Augustus and Clunes, to give intelligence of the
approach of troops; but going out of the house, they found that the
girl was correct in her information. It was then about eight o’clock
in the morning, and the prince, with one of Clunes’s sons and Peter
Grant, was sleeping in a hut on the face of the hill on the other
side of the water of Kaig, about a mile from Clunes’s hut. Whilst old
Cameron, therefore, remained to watch the motions of this party, one
of his sons and the minister went off to arouse Charles. Crossing
the water under cover of the wood, they came within pistol-shot
of the soldiers, who proceeded down into the strath. When awaked
and informed of his danger, Charles, with great composure, called
for his gun, and, looking down the vale, saw a number of soldiers
demolishing Clunes’s hut and searching the adjacent woods.[1280]
Charles and his attendants immediately resolved to remove to a
distance, and to conceal their flight, ascended the hill along the
channel of a torrent which the winter rains had worn in the face of
the mountain. Clearing this hill without being seen, they proceeded
to another mountain, called Mullentagart, of a prodigious height, and
very steep and craggy. They remained all day on this hill without
a morsel of food. One of Clunes’s sons came to them about twelve
o’clock at night with some whisky, bread, and cheese, and told them
that his father would meet them at a certain place in the hills, at
a considerable distance, with provisions, and the young man returned
to let his father know that he might expect them. Charles and his
attendants set out for the appointed place at night, and travelled
through most dreadful ways, amongst rocks and stumps of trees,
which tore their clothes and limbs. Such were the difficulties they
encountered, that the guides proposed to halt and rest till the
morning, but Charles, though exceedingly exhausted, insisted on going
on, that they might not break their appointment with Clunes. Worn
out at last with fatigue and want of food, the prince was not able
to proceed farther without assistance. Though almost in the same
situation themselves, the Highlanders offered him their aid, and two
of them laying hold each of an arm, supported him till he arrived at
the end of this very laborious journey. They met Clunes and his son,
who had already killed a cow and dressed a part of it for their use.

Charles remained in this remote place with his companions till the
arrival of Lochgarry and Dr. Cameron. They informed him that they had
been with Lochiel and Cluny, and that it had been concerted among
them that the prince should come to their asylum for some time; and
they added, that Cluny would meet his Royal Highness at Auchnacarry,
on a certain day, in order to conduct him to Badenoch. Being also
informed by them that the passes were not so strictly guarded as
formerly, Charles crossed Loch Arkaig, and took up his abode in a fir
wood belonging to Lochiel, on the west side of the lake, to wait the
arrival of Cluny. Impatient to see two such tried friends as Lochiel
and Cluny, Charles would not wait for Cluny’s coming to Auchnacarry,
but set out for Badenoch with such guides as he had. Next day
Charles arrived at a place called Corinauir, in Badenoch, where he
passed the night. Cluny had passed on to Auchnacarry the same day by
another way. Lochiel, who had skulked in his own country about two
months, had sought an asylum among the Braes of Rannoch, where he was
attended by Sir Stewart Thriepland, an Edinburgh physician, for the
cure of the wounds he had received in his ancles. On the 20th of June
they fell in with Macpherson of Cluny, who conducted them to a more
secure retreat on Benalder, a hill of immense circumference, on his
own property, on the borders of Rannoch. Lochiel, who had since that
time lived on this mountain with his friend Cluny, was now residing
in a small miserable hovel on the side of the hill, at a place called
Mellenauir, or Millanuir, attended by Macpherson of Breakachie, Allan
Cameron, his principal servant, and two servants of Cluny.

[Illustration: Dr. Archibald Cameron, from rare print in the Burney
Collection in British Museum.]

On the morning of the 30th of August, Charles, accompanied by
Lochgarry, Dr. Cameron and two servants, set out for Mellenauir.
They were all armed, and on approaching the hut they were mistaken
by Lochiel for a party of militia, who, he supposed, had been sent
out in search of him from a camp a few miles off. From the lameness
in his feet, Lochiel was not in a condition to attempt an escape,
but there seemed to be little danger, as both parties were equal in
point of numbers, and the party in the hut had this advantage, that
they could fire their first volley without being observed, and as
they had a considerable quantity of fire arms, they could discharge
another volley or two before the advancing party could reload their
pieces. The danger to which Charles and his friends were now exposed
was greater than that which Dr. Cameron and Clunes had run, as, on
the present occasion, the party in the hut, resolving to receive
their supposed enemies with a general discharge of all the firearms,
had actually planted and levelled their pieces; but happily for
Charles and his friends, they were recognised just as Lochiel and his
attendants were about giving their fire. Upon making this fortunate
discovery Lochiel left the hut, and, though very lame, went forward
to meet the prince. On coming up to Charles, Lochiel was about to
kneel, but Charles prevented him, and clapping him on the shoulder,
said, “Oh no, my dear Lochiel, we do not know who may be looking
from the top of yonder hills, and if they see any such motions they
will immediately conclude that I am here.” Charles always considered
Lochiel as one of his best friends, and placed the greatest
confidence in him; and the generous chief showed, by his unbounded
attachment to the prince, that this confidence was not misplaced. The
meeting, therefore, of two such friends, after so many perils and
escapes, was extremely joyous.

After they had recovered from the first transports of their joy,
Lochiel conducted Charles into the hut, where the latter beheld a
sight to which his eyes had not been accustomed for many months.
Besides abundance of mutton, the hut contained an anchor of
whisky, of twenty Scotch pints, some good dried beef sausages, a
large well-cured bacon ham, and plenty of butter and cheese. On
entering the prince took a hearty dram, and drank to the health of
his friends. Some minced collops were then prepared for him with
butter in a large saucepan, which Lochiel and Cluny always carried
about with them, being the only fire-vessel they had. The pan was
set before Charles with a silver spoon. He took this repast with
great gusto, and was so delighted with this little change in his
circumstances, that he could not help exclaiming, with a cheerful
countenance, “Now, gentlemen, I live like a prince.” After dinner
he asked Lochiel if he had always fared so well during his retreat.
“Yes, Sir,” answered Lochiel; “for near three months past I have been
hereabout with my cousin Cluny; he has provided for me so well that
I have had plenty of such as you see, and I thank Heaven your Royal
Highness has got through so many dangers to take a part.” Finding,
on his arrival at Auchnacarry, that Charles had departed with his
friends for Badenoch, Cluny had retraced his steps, and he reached
Mellenauir two days after Charles’s arrival there. On entering the
hut Cluny would have kneeled before Charles, but the prince prevented
him, and giving him a kiss, said, “I am sorry, Cluny, you and your
regiment were not at Culloden: I did not hear till very lately that
you were so near us that day.”

The day after his return to Mellenauir, Cluny, thinking it time to
remove to another retreat, conducted the prince and his attendants
to a little shieling called Uiskchibra, about two miles farther into
Benalder. This hut was very bad and extremely smoky; but Charles
accommodated himself, as he had always done, to circumstances. After
passing two nights in this miserable abode, he was conducted to a
very extraordinary and romantic habitation, called the Cage, which
Cluny had fitted up for Charles’s reception. From the description
given by Cluny of this remarkable retreat, it will be seen how well
adapted it was for the purpose of concealment.

“It was,” says Donald Macpherson, “situated in the face of a very
rough, high, and rocky mountain, called Letternilichk, still a part
of Benalder, full of great stones and crevices, and some scattered
wood interspersed. The habitation called the Cage, in the face of
that mountain, was within a small thick bush of wood. There were
first some rows of trees laid down, in order to level a floor for the
habitation; and as the place was steep, this raised the lower side to
an equal height with the other; and these trees, in the way of joists
or planks, were levelled with earth and gravel. There were betwixt
the trees, growing naturally on their own roots, some stakes fixed in
the earth, which, with the trees, were interwoven with ropes, made
of heath and birch twigs, up to the top of the Cage, it being of a
round or rather oval shape; and the whole thatched and covered over
with fog. This whole fabric hung, as it were, by a large tree, which
reclined from the one end all along the roof to the other, and which
gave it the name of the Cage; and by chance there happened to be two
stones at a small distance from one another, in the side next the
precipice, resembling the pillars of a chimney, where the fire was
placed. The smoke had its vent out here, all along the face of the
rock, which was so much of the same colour, that one could discover
no difference in the clearest day. The Cage was no larger than to
contain six or seven persons; four of whom were frequently employed
playing at cards, one idle looking out, one baking, and another
firing bread and cooking.”[1281]

Charles’s deliverance was now nearer at hand than he or his friends
probably expected. Several small vessels had arrived on the west
coast, from time to time, to carry him off to France; but the
persons in charge of these not being able to find him had returned
home. Charles knew this, and now that he was able to keep up a
communication with his friends, he took care to provide against a
similar recurrence. He was at a considerable distance from the coast,
but matters were so concerted that, if a French vessel appeared, he
could easily get the intelligence. There were some of his partizans
skulking near the west coast, who, though they did not know where
he himself was, had instructions to convey the news to others who
were concealed in the interior, who would again communicate it to
persons in the knowledge of the prince’s place of retreat. For some
time Colonel Warren, of Dillon’s regiment, had been exerting himself
to induce the French government to fit out an expedition to rescue
Charles from his toils. He at last succeeded in procuring two vessels
of war, L’Heureux and La Princesse de Conti, with which he departed
from St. Malo about the end of August. In the event of his bringing
the prince safe away, the Chevalier de St. George had promised to
make him a Knight Baronet, a dignity which he afterwards conferred
upon him.[1282]

These vessels arrived in Lochnanuagh early in September, and Captain
Sheridan, a son of Sir Thomas Sheridan, and a Mr. O’Beirne, a
lieutenant in the French service, immediately landed and waited upon
Glenaladale, who, they were informed, knew where Charles was. This
faithful friend, happy at the prospect of escape which now offered,
set off the same night for the place where he expected to find
Charles, to communicate to him the agreeable intelligence; but to his
great sorrow he found the prince gone, and he could fall in with no
person who could give him the least information of his route. Clunes,
from whom Glenaladale expected to get tidings of Charles, had, in
consequence of the destruction of his hut, gone to another quarter,
and was not to be found. Whilst ruminating over his disappointment,
a poor woman accidentally came to the place where he was, and he had
the good fortune to ascertain from her the place of Clunes’s retreat.
Having found him out, he and Clunes instantly despatched a messenger
to Charles with the joyful intelligence; and Glenaladale then
returned to Lochnanuagh, to notify to Colonel Warren that Charles
might be speedily expected in that quarter.

The messenger arrived at Benalder on the 13th of September, on which
day Charles left his romantic abode, and, after taking leave of
Cluny, set off on his journey for the coast, accompanied by Lochiel
and others. He at the same time sent off confidential messengers
in different directions, to acquaint such of his friends as he
could reach, announcing the arrival of the ships, that they might
have an opportunity of joining him if inclined. As Charles and his
friends travelled only by night, they did not reach Borodale, the
place of embarkation, till the 19th. On the road Charles was joined
by Lochgarry, John Roy Stewart, Dr. Cameron, and other gentlemen
who intended to accompany him to France. Besides these, many others
had left their different hiding places on hearing of the arrival of
the French vessels, and had repaired to the coast of Moidart, also
waiting for the arrival of him for whose sake they had forfeited
their lives, intending to adopt the bitter alternative of bidding an
eternal adieu to their native land. The number of persons assembled
was about a hundred.

The career of Charles in the hereditary dominions of his ancestors
was now ended. Attended by seven persons only, he had, with daring
hardihood, landed about fourteen months before on the spot where he
was destined to depart as a fugitive, and, with a handful of men, had
raised the standard of insurrection and set the whole power of the
government at open defiance. The early part of his progress had been
brilliant. With a few thousand undisciplined mountaineers, he had
overrun land, in the face of three hostile armies, had carried dismay
to the capital. The retreat from Derby, the merit of which belongs to
Lord George Murray exclusively, quieted for a time the apprehensions
of the government; but the defeat at Falkirk again convinced it that
the succession settlement was still in danger; and that, perhaps, at
no distant day, the young and daring adventurer might place the son
of James II. upon the throne from which his father had been expelled.
Even after his retreat to Inverness, the supporters of the house of
Hanover could have no assurance that the Duke of Cumberland’s army
might not share the fate of its predecessors, in which event the
new dynasty would probably have ceased to reign; but the triumphs
of Charles were at an end, and the fatal field of Culloden, after
witnessing the bravery of his troops, became the grave of his hopes.
Then commenced that series of extraordinary adventures and wonderful
escapes, of which some account has been given, and which could
scarcely have been credited had they not been authenticated beyond
the possibility of dispute. During the brilliant part of his career
Charles had displayed great moderation and forbearance; and though
his spirits sank when compelled to retreat, yet in the hour of
adversity, when beset with perils and exposed to privations which few
princes could have endured, he exhibited uncommon fortitude, strength
of mind, and cheerfulness.

In his wanderings Charles laid down a rule to himself, to which
he scrupulously adhered, never to intrust any person from whom
he was about to depart with the secret of his route, so that,
with the exception of the few friends who were about him for the
time being, none of those to whom he had been formerly indebted
for his preservation knew the place of his retreat. This was a
wise precaution, but was attended with this disadvantage, that it
prevented him from acquiring early information of the arrival of the
French vessels upon the coast. But no means he was able to take for
his own security could have saved him, had he not had a guarantee
in the incorruptible fidelity of the persons into whose hands he
committed himself. At the risk of their own destruction they extended
to him the aid of their protection, and relieved his necessities.
Many of these persons were of desperate fortunes, and there were
others in the lowest ranks of life; yet, among nearly 200 persons to
whom Charles must have been known during the five months he wandered
as a fugitive, not one ever offered to betray him, though they knew
that a price of £30,000 was set upon his head. History nowhere
presents such a splendid instance of disinterested attachment to an
unfortunate family.

Accompanied by Lochiel, Lochgarry, John Roy Stewart, Dr. Cameron,
and a considerable number of other adherents, Charles departed from
Lochnanuagh on the 20th of September, and had a favourable passage to
the coast of France, where he landed on Monday the 29th of September.
He immediately proceeded to Morlaix, whence he despatched Colonel
Warren the same day to Paris, to announce his arrival to the French
court. He also sent at the same time a letter to his brother Henry,
to the same effect, and enclosed a similar one to his father.

FOOTNOTES:

[1240] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p 541.

[1241] Macleod’s Narrative in _Jacobite Memoirs_.

[1242] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 541. _Kirkconnel MS._

[1243] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1244] Macleod’s Narrative.

[1245] _Genuine and True Journal_, p. 16.

[1246] O’Neil’s, Burke’s, and Macleod’s Narratives, in _Jacobite
Memoirs_. Macleod was taken prisoner a few days afterwards in
Benbecula, by Lieutenant Allan Macdonald, of Knock, in Sleat, in the
island of Skye. He was put on board the Furnace, and brought down to
the cabin before General Campbell, who examined him most minutely.
The general asked him if he had been along with the Pretender?
“Yes,” said Donald, “I was along with that young gentleman, and I
winna deny it.” “Do you know,” said the general, “what money was
upon that gentleman’s head?--No less a sum than thirty thousand
pounds sterling, which would have made you and your family happy for
ever.” “What then?” replied Donald, “what though I had gotten it? I
could not have enjoyed it for two days. Conscience would have gotten
the better of me; and although I could have gotten all England and
Scotland for my pains, I would not have allowed a hair of his body
to be touched if I could hinder it, since he threw himself upon my
care.” Campbell observed that he could not much blame him. Donald
was sent to London, but released on the 10th of June, 1747. When
he arrived in Leith from London, on his return to Skye, he had no
money to carry him thither; but his wants were supplied by the Rev.
Robert (afterwards bishop) Forbes, an episcopal clergyman in Leith,
who set a subscription on foot in that town, and in Edinburgh, “to
make out,” as the bishop says, “for honest Palinurus, if possible, a
pound sterling, for every week he had served the prince in distress;
and,” continues the worthy bishop, “I thank God I was so happy as to
accomplish my design directly.” In acknowledgment of his fidelity,
Donald was presented by Mr. John Walkinshaw of London, with a
large silver snuff-box, handsomely chased, and doubly gilt in the
inside. Upon the lid of this box there was the representation of
an eight-oared boat, with Donald at the helm, and the eight rowers
making their way through a very rough and tempestuous sea. The Long
island is seen in the distance upon one of the extremities of the
lid, and the boat appears to be just steering into Rossinish, the
point of Benbecula where Charles landed after leaving Lochnanuagh.
On the other end of the lid there was a landscape of the end of the
isle of Skye, as it appears opposite to the Long island, on which
the sites of Dunvegan and Gualtergill are marked. The clouds were
represented as heavy and lowering, and the rain descending; and
above the clouds, i.e., near the hinge, the following motto was
engraved:--“Olim hæc meminisse juvabit. Aprilis 26to, 1746.” Upon the
bottom, and near the edge of the lid, was this inscription,--“Quid
Neptune, paras? Fatis agitamur iniquis.” The following words were
engraved on the bottom of the box:--“Donald Macleod of Gualtergill,
in the isle of Skye, the faithful Palinurus, æt. 68, 1746.” Below
which there was a representation of a dove with an olive branch in
its bill. Donald never put any snuff into this box, and when asked
the cause by Mr. Forbes, he exclaimed, “Sneeshin in that box! Na,
the diel a pickle sneeshin shall ever go into it till the King be
restored; and then, I trust in God, I’ll go to London, and then I
will put sneeshin in the box, and go to the Prince, and say, ‘Sir,
will you take a sneeshin out o’ my box?’”--_Jacobite Memoirs._

Burke, the other trust-worthy individual, who was a native of North
Uist, skulked about the hill of Eval, in his native island, for seven
weeks, living part of the time on sea-weed and limpets. He afterwards
took refuge in a cave, and, when the troubles had subsided, went to
Edinburgh, where, unheeded, he spent the remainder of his days as a
sedan-carrier or chairman.

[1247] Flora Macdonald’s Narrative. Home’s Works, vol. iii. App. No.
45.

[1248] Father of the well-known Marshal Macdonald, Duke of Tarentum.

[1249] The letter by Armadale to his wife, was as follows:--

“I have sent your daughter from this country lest she should be any
way frightened with the troops lying here. She has got one Betty
Burke, an Irish girl, who, as she tells me, is a good spinster. If
her spinning pleases you, you may keep her till she spin all your
lint; or, if you have any wool to spin, you may employ her. I have
sent Neil Mackechan along with your daughter, and Betty Burke to
take care of them.--I am your dutiful husband,

“HUGH MACDONALD.”

“_June 22, 1746._”

It has been suspected that Armadale was privy to his step-daughter’s
design.

[1250] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1251] Soon after this occurrence, Lady Clanranald was taken
prisoner, and sent to London. On 1st November, Clanranald, and
Boisdale his brother were also apprehended, and shipped for London.
They were discharged in the month of June following.

[1252] A few days after parting with Charles, this trusty officer
being betrayed by a person in whom he had confided, was taken
prisoner. Being brought before Captain Ferguson, and refusing to give
any information about the prince, he was stripped, ordered to be
put into a rack, and to be whipt. When the last part of this order
was about to be executed, he was saved from the intended ignominy
by a lieutenant of the Scotch Fusileers, who, drawing his sword,
threatened Ferguson with his vengeance if he used an officer in such
an infamous manner. O’Neil says that, four days after he was taken,
General Campbell sent him word, upon his parole of honour, that if
he had any money or effects in the country, and would send them to
him, they should be safe; and that as he had always imagined that the
word of honour was as sacredly kept in the English army as in others,
he went with a detachment for his money and gold watch, which he had
hid among the rocks; that he sent to General Campbell by Captain
Campbell of Skipness, 450 guineas, his gold watch, broadsword and
pistols; but that although he repeatedly applied to him to return him
his property, he never obtained it!--O’Neil’s Narrative in _Jacobite
Memoirs_.

[1253] Roy Macdonald’s Narrative among the _Forbes Papers_.

[1254] _Genuine and True Journal_, p. 29.

[1255] “Donald Macleod said the prince used to smoke a great deal
of tobacco; and as in his wanderings from place to place the pipes
behoved to break and turn into short _cutties_, he used to take
quills, and putting one into another, ‘and all,’ said Donald, ‘into
the end of the _cutty_, this served to make it long enough, and the
tobacco to smoke cool.’ Donald added, that he never knew, in all his
life, any one better at finding out a shift than the prince was, when
he happened to be at a pinch, and that the prince would sometimes
sing them a song to keep up their hearts.”--_Jacobite Memoirs_, p.
401.

[1256] Boswell’s _Tour_.

[1257] When Dr. Johnson visited Kingsburgh, in company with Mr.
Boswell, in 1774, he slept in the same bed that Charles had occupied
twenty-eight years before. “To see (says Boswell) Dr. Samuel Johnson
in that bed, in the isle of Skye, in the house of Miss Flora
Macdonald, struck me with such a group of ideas, as it is not easy
for words to describe, as they passed through the mind. He smiled
and said, ‘I have had no ambitious thoughts in it.’”--_Tour to the
Hebrides._

[1258] Donald Roy’s Narrative among the _Forbes Papers_.

[1259] Donald Roy’s Narrative.

[1260] Macleod’s _Narrative_.

[1261] Boswell’s _Tour_.

[1262] “John Mackenzie is alive (in 1774); I saw him at Raasay’s
house. About eighteen years ago he hurt one of his legs when dancing,
and being obliged to have it cut off, he now was going about with a
wooden leg. The story of his being a _Member of Parliament_ is not
yet forgotten. I took him out a little way from the house, gave him a
shilling to drink Raasay’s health, and led him into a detail of the
particulars which I have just related. With less foundation, some
writers have traced the idea of a Parliament, and of the British
Constitution in rude and early times. I was curious to know if he
had really heard or understood any thing of that subject, which, had
he been a greater man, would probably have been eagerly maintained.
‘Why, John,’ said I, ‘did you think he should be controlled by a
Parliament?’ He answered, ‘I thought, Sir, there were many voices
against one.’”--_Boswell._

[1263] Idem, p. 227. _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 270.

[1264] Boswell’s _Tour_.

[1265] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 478.

[1266] _Jacobite Memoirs_, pp. 477-8.

[1267] Idem. p. 480.

[1268] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 482. Boswell, in his _Tour_, gives a
different version of this story. “After this (breakfast) there came
in an old woman, who, after the mode of ancient hospitality, brought
warm water, and washed Malcolm’s feet. He desired her to wash the
feet of the poor man who attended him. She at first seemed averse to
this from pride, as thinking him beneath her, and in the periphrastic
language of the Highlanders and the Irish, said warmly, ‘Though I
wash your father’s son’s feet, why should I wash his father’s son’s
feet?’ She was, however, persuaded to do it.”

[1269] The following is a copy of the note:--

“SIR,--I thank God I am in good health, and have got off as
designed. Remember me to all friends, and thank them for the
trouble they have been at.--I am, Sir, your humble servant.

“JAMES THOMSON.”

“ELLIGHIUL, _July 4th, 1746_.”

[1270] This ‘cutty,’ as a small tobacco-pipe, almost worn to the
stump, is called in Scotland, was presented by Malcolm, when at
London, to Dr. Burton of York, a fellow-prisoner, who got a fine
shagreen case made for it.--_Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 487. Mr. Boswell
gives the following sketch of this worthy Highlander in his Tour to
the Hebrides: “He was now (1774) sixty-two years of age, hale and
well proportioned, with a manly countenance, tanned by the weather,
yet having a ruddiness in his cheeks, over a great part of which his
rough beard extended. His eye was quick and lively, yet his look was
not fierce; but he appeared at once firm and good-humoured. He wore
a pair of brogues, tartan hose which came up nearly to his knees,
a purple camblet kilt, a black waistcoat, a short green cloth coat
bound with gold cord, a yellow bushy wig, a large blue bonnet with a
gold thread button. I never saw a figure which gave a more perfect
representation of a Highland gentleman. I wished much to have a
picture of him just as he was. I found him frank and polite in the
true sense of the word.”

[1271] True Journal, p. 47.

[1272] The subsequent history of the estimable Flora Macdonald may
be stated in a few words. After her return to Skye, she married,
in 1750, young Macdonald of Kingsburgh, whom she accompanied to
North Carolina, America, probably in 1774. Young Kingsburgh joined
the Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment, embodied in 1775, but was
taken prisoner in 1776 and committed to Halifax gaol. He afterwards
served with the regiment in Canada, holding the rank of captain,
and, at the close of the war, returned to Scotland on half-pay.
The vessel in which Flora and her husband sailed was attacked by
a French privateer, and while Flora, with characteristic spirit,
stood on deck, animating the seamen, she was thrown down and had
her arm broken. The wanderers, however, arrived in Skye, and never
afterwards left it. Flora died on the 4th of March 1790, aged
68, and was interred in the churchyard of Kilmuir, in a spot set
apart for the graves of the Kingsburgh family. Kingsburgh died on
the 20th September 1795. Flora had seven children--five sons and
two daughters; the sons all became officers in the army, and the
daughters officers’ wives. Dr. Johnson and Boswell visited Skye in
the autumn of 1773, and were entertained at Kingsburgh house by Flora
and her husband. Flora, then aged about 51, is described by Johnson
as a woman of middle stature, soft features, gentle manners, and
elegant presence; and by Boswell as “a little woman, of a genteel
appearance, and uncommonly mild and well-bred.”--See Carruthers’
Edition of Boswell’s _Tour to the Hebrides_, p. 143.

[1273] _Jacobite Memoirs_, pp. 488-90, 492.

[1274] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 494.

[1275] Author of the Journal and Memoirs, printed among the Lockhart
papers, beginning at p. 579.

[1276] Mr. Home mentions an interview with one Macraw in the Braes
of Kintail, which is not even alluded to in the narrative of the
prince’s escape, drawn up by Glenaladale and others, and printed
among the _Lockhart Papers_. If such an interview took place, its
omission can only be fairly accounted for by supposing that the
writer of that part of the narrative (Captain Alexander Macdonald, a
younger brother of the Laird of Dallely,) was not aware of it. The
following is Mr. Home’s account of this affair:--

“After having crossed the line of posts, Glenaladale, thinking
the West Highlands a very unsafe place for Charles, resolved to
conduct him to the Ross-shire Highlands, amongst those Mackenzies
who remained loyal, and therefore were not visited with troops.
These Mackenzies, Glenaladale thought, would not betray Charles;
and the person whom he had pitched upon to confide in was Sir
Alexander Mackenzie of Coul. Charles and his attendants, setting
out for Ross-shire on foot, suffered greatly in their journey from
want of provisions; and when they came to the Braes of Kintail,
inhabited by the Macraws, a barbarous people, among whom there are
but few gentlemen, necessity obliged them to call at the house of
one Christopher Macraw. Glenaladale, leaving Charles and the French
officer at some distance, went to Macraw’s house, and told him that
he and two of his friends were like to perish for want of food,
and desired him to furnish them with some victuals, for which they
would pay. Macraw insisted upon knowing who his two friends were,
which Glenaladale seemed unwilling to tell. Macraw still insisted,
and Glenaladale told him at last that it was young Clan Ronald and
a relation of his. Notwithstanding the consequence of the persons,
Macraw, though rich for an ordinary Highlander, made Glenaladale pay
very dear for some provisions he gave him. Having received the money,
he grew better humoured, and desired Glenaladale and the other two
to pass the night in his house, which they did. In the course of the
conversation they talked of the times, and Macraw exclaimed against
the Highlanders who had taken arms with Charles, and said that they
and those who still protected him were fools and madmen; that they
ought to deliver themselves and their country from distress by giving
him up, and taking the reward which government had offered. That
night a Macdonald who had been in the rebel army came to Macraw’s
house. At first sight he knew Charles, and took an opportunity of
warning Glenaladale to take care that Christopher should not discover
the quality of his guest.”

[1277] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1278] Chisholm was at Edinburgh many years after the rebellion, and
was visited by several persons out of curiosity, some of whom gave
him money. In shaking hands with his benefactors he always gave the
left hand, and excused himself for offering that hand by stating that
as he had shaken hands at parting with the prince, he was resolved
never to give his right hand to any man till he saw the prince again.

[1279] Chambers’s _Rebellion_. Stewart’s _Sketches_, i. 59.

[1280] The party in question consisted of about two hundred of Lord
Loudon’s Highlanders, under Captain Grant of Knockando, Strathspey.

[1281] Appendix to Home’s Works, vol. iii. No. 46. Cluny himself
had several places of concealment on his estate. “He lived for nine
years chiefly in a cave, at a short distance from his house, which
was burnt to the ground by the king’s troops. This cave was in the
front of a woody precipice, the trees and shelving rocks completely
concealing the entrance. It was dug out by his own people, who
worked by night, and conveyed the stones and rubbish into a lake in
the neighbourhood, in order that no vestige of their labour might
betray the retreat of their master. In this sanctuary he lived
secure, occasionally visiting his friends by night, or when time had
slackened the rigour of the search. Upwards of one hundred persons
knew where he was concealed, and a reward of £1,000 was offered to
any one who should give information against him; and as it was known
that he was concealed on his estate, eighty men were constantly
stationed there, besides the parties occasionally marching into the
country to intimidate his tenantry, and induce them to disclose the
place of his concealment. But though the soldiers were animated with
the hope of the reward, and though a step of promotion to the officer
who should apprehend him was superadded, yet so true were his people,
so strict to their promise of secrecy, and so dexterous in conveying
to him the necessaries he required, in his long confinement, that
not a trace of him could be discovered, nor an individual found base
enough to give a hint to his detriment. At length, wearied out with
this dreary and hopeless state of existence, and taught to despair of
pardon, he escaped to France in 1755, and died there the following
year.”--_Stewart’s Sketches_, 3d Edition, vol. i. p. 62.

“The late Sir Hector Munro, then a lieutenant in the 34th regiment,
and from his zeal and knowledge of the country and the people,
intrusted with the command of a large party, continued two whole
years in Badenoch, for the purpose of discovering the chief’s
retreat. The unwearied vigilance of the clan could alone have saved
him from the diligence of this party. At night Cluny came from his
retreat to vary the monotony of his existence, by spending a few of
the dark hours convivially with his friends. On one occasion he had
been suspected, and got out by a back window just as the military
were breaking open the door. At another time, seeing the windows of
a house kept close, and several persons going to visit the family
after dark, the commander broke in at the window of the suspected
chamber, with two loaded pistols, and thus endangered the life of
a lady newly delivered of a child, on account of whose confinement
these suspicious circumstances had taken place. This shows that there
was no want of diligence on the part of the pursuers. Cluny himself
became so cautious, while living the life of an outlaw, that on
parting with his wife, or his most attached friends, he never told
them to which of his concealments he was going, or suffered any one
to accompany him,--thus enabling them, when questioned, to answer,
that they knew not where he was.”--_Idem._

It may be here stated _en passant_ that Cluny did not leave Scotland
from his “dreary and hopeless state of existence,” but in compliance
with a special request made to him by Prince Charles. See a letter
from the prince to Cluny, of 4th Sept., 1754, among the _Stuart
Papers_.

[1282] Vide several letters from Colonel Warren to the Chevalier de
St. George and others, among _Stuart Papers_.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

A.D. 1746-1747.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.

Commission of _Oyer and Terminer_--Trial of prisoners--Francis
Townley--Jemmy Dawson--Lords Kilmarnock, Cromarty, and
Balmerino--Execution of these noblemen--Other executions--Trials
at Carlisle and York--Trial and execution of Mr. Ratcliffe--Trial
and execution of Lord Lovat--Act of Indemnity passed.

Whilst the issue of the contest remained doubtful, the government
took no steps to punish the prisoners who had fallen into their
hands at Carlisle; but after the decisive affair of Culloden, when
there appeared no chance of the Jacobite party ever having it in
their power to retaliate, the government resolved to vindicate the
authority of the law by making examples of some of the prisoners.

As it was intended to try the prisoners at different places for the
sake of convenience, an act was passed empowering his majesty to try
them in any county he might select.

On the 24th and 25th of June bills of indictment were found against
36 of the prisoners taken at Carlisle, and against one David Morgan,
a barrister, who had been apprehended in Staffordshire. The court
then adjourned till the 3d of July, on which day the prisoners
were arraigned. Three only pleaded guilty. The rest applied for a
postponement of their trials on the ground that material witnesses
for their defence were at a considerable distance. The court in
consequence ruled that in cases where witnesses were in England the
trial should be put off to the 15th of July, and where they were in
Scotland, to the 25th of the same month.

The court accordingly met on the 15th of July, and proceeded with
the trial of Francis Townley, Esquire, before a grand jury, at
the court-house, Southwark. This unfortunate gentleman had been
colonel of the Manchester regiment. He was of a respectable family
in Lancashire. Obliged to retire to France in 1728, he had obtained
a commission from the King of France, and had served at the siege
of Philipsburgh under the Duke of Berwick, who lost his life before
the walls of that place. He continued sixteen years in the French
service; and after his return to England had received a commission
to raise a regiment. A plea was set up by his council, that holding
a commission in the French service he was entitled to the benefit
of the cartel as well as any other French officer, but this was
overruled, and he was found guilty. On the next and two following
days eighteen other persons, chiefly officers in the said regiment,
were brought to trial. Five were attainted by their own confession
of high treason, twelve on a verdict of high treason of levying war
against the king, and one was acquitted. These seventeen persons,
along with Townley, were all condemned to death, and nine of them,
including Townley, were selected for execution on the 30th. The rest
were reprieved for three weeks.

Kensington common was the place destined for the execution of these
unfortunate men, most of whom met their fate with fortitude and
resignation. The execution was accompanied with the disgusting and
barbarous details usual at that time in cases of treason.

Two singular and interesting circumstances occurred at this
execution. The one was the attendance of a younger brother of
Lieutenant Thomas Deacon’s, of the Manchester Regiment, and one of
those who had obtained a reprieve. At his own request he was allowed
to witness the execution of his brother in a coach under the charge
of a guard. The other was one of a very affecting description.
Hurried away by the impetuosity of youth, James Dawson, one of the
sufferers, the son of a Lancashire gentleman, had abandoned his
studies at St. John’s college, Cambridge, and had joined the Jacobite
standard. He and a young lady of good family and handsome fortune
were warmly attached to each other, and had Dawson been acquitted,
or, after condemnation, found mercy, the day of his enlargement was
to have been that of their marriage. When all hopes of mercy were
extinguished, the young lady resolved to witness the execution of her
lover, and so firm was her resolution, that no persuasions of her
friends could induce her to abandon her determination. On the morning
of the execution she accordingly followed the sledges to the place
of execution in a hackney coach, accompanied by a gentleman nearly
related to her, and one female friend. She got near enough to see
the fire kindled which was to consume that heart she knew was so
much devoted to her, and to observe the other appalling preparations
without committing any of those extravagances her friends had
apprehended. She had even the fortitude to restrain her feelings
while the executioner was pulling the cap over the eyes of her lover;
but when he was thrown off she in an agony of grief drew back her
head into the coach, and, crying out, “My dear, I follow thee, I
follow thee;--sweet Jesus, receive both our souls together!” fell
upon the neck of her female companion, and instantly expired.[1283]

The principal witness against Townley, Deacon, Dawson, and others,
was Samuel Maddock, an ensign in the same regiment, who, to save his
own life, turned king’s evidence against his former comrades.[1284]

The individuals next proceeded against were persons of a higher
grade. The Marquis of Tullibardine escaped the fate which awaited
him, having died of a lingering indisposition in the Tower on the
9th of July; but on the 23d of that month the grand jury of the
county of Surrey found bills for high treason against the Earls
of Kilmarnock, and Cromarty, and Lord Balmerino. Lord-chancellor
Hardwicke was appointed Lord High Steward for the trial of these
peers. The indictments being certified, the house of lords fixed the
28th of July for the day of trial. Accordingly, on the day appointed
the three lords proceeded from the Tower towards Westminster-hall,
where the trial was conducted with great pomp and ceremony.

After the indictments had been read, the Earls of Kilmarnock and
Cromarty pleaded “guilty,” and threw themselves entirely upon the
king’s mercy. Before pleading to his indictment, Lord Balmerino
stated that he was not at Carlisle at the time specified in the
indictment, being eleven miles off when that city was taken, and he
requested to know from his grace if it would avail him any thing
to prove that fact. Lord Hardwicke said that such a circumstance
might, or might not, be of use to him; but he informed him that it
was contrary to form to permit him to put any questions before
pleading to the indictment, by saying whether he was guilty or not
guilty. His grace desiring his lordship to plead, the intrepid[1285]
Balmerino apparently not understanding the meaning of that legal
term, exclaimed, with great animation, “Plead! Why, I am pleading as
fast as I can.” The lord-high-steward having explained the import of
the phrase, the noble baron answered, “Not guilty.”

The trial then proceeded. Four witnesses were examined. One of them
proved that he saw Lord Balmerino ride into Carlisle on a bay horse
the day after it was taken by the Highlanders--that he saw him
afterwards ride up to the market-place with his sword drawn at the
head of his troop of horse, which was the second troop of Charles’s
body guards, and was called Elphinstone’s horse. Another witness
deponed that he saw his lordship ride into Manchester at the head
of his troop, and that he was there when the young Chevalier was
proclaimed regent. Two other witnesses proved that his lordship
was called colonel of his troop, that he always acted in that
station, gave orders on all occasions to his officers, and that he
was in great favour with Prince Charles. The evidence on the part
of the crown having been finished, the lord-high-steward asked the
prisoner if he had any thing to offer in his defence, or meant to
call any witnesses. His lordship replied that he had nothing to
say, but to make an exception to the indictment which was incorrect
in charging him with being at Carlisle at the time it was taken by
the Highlanders. The peers then resolved to take the opinion of
the judges upon the point, and these were unanimously of opinion,
that, as an overt act of treason and other acts of treason had
been proved beyond contradiction, there was no occasion to prove
explicitly every thing that was laid in the indictment; and that,
of course, the prisoner’s objection was not material. The peers then
unanimously found Lord Balmerino guilty of high treason, after which,
the other two lords were brought to the bar, and were informed by
the lord-high-steward, that if either of them had any thing to move
in arrest of judgment, they must come prepared on the Wednesday
following at eleven o’clock, and state their objections, otherwise
sentence of death would be awarded against them. The three lords were
then carried back to the Tower in coaches, and the axe, which was in
the coach with Lord Balmerino, had its edge pointed towards him.

The court accordingly met again on Wednesday the 30th of July, when
the lord-high-steward addressed the prisoners; and beginning with
Lord Kilmarnock, asked him if he had any thing to offer why judgment
of death should not be passed against him. His lordship stated,
that having, from a due sense of his folly, and the heinousness of
his crimes, acknowledged his guilt, he meant to offer nothing in
extenuation, but to throw himself entirely on the compassion of
the court, that it might intercede with his majesty for his royal
clemency. He then, in a somewhat humble speech, urged several reasons
why he should be treated with clemency, expressing great contrition
for having, somewhat against his own inclination, joined in the
“unnatural scheme.” He concluded by stating, that if after what
he had stated their lordships did not feel themselves called upon
to employ their interest with his majesty for his royal clemency,
that he would lay down his life with the utmost resignation, and
that his last moments should “be employed in fervent prayer for the
preservation of the illustrious house of Hanover, and the peace and
prosperity of Great Britain.”

The Earl of Cromarty began a most humiliating but pathetic appeal,
by declaring that he had been guilty of an offence which merited
the highest indignation of his majesty, their lordships, and the
public; and that it was from a conviction of his guilt that he had
not presumed to trouble their lordships with any defence. “Nothing
remains, my lords,” he continued, “but to throw myself, my life, and
fortune, upon your lordships’ compassion; but of these, my lords,
as to myself is the least part of my sufferings. I have involved an
affectionate wife, with an unborn infant, as parties of my guilt, to
share its penalties; I have involved my eldest son, whose infancy
and regard for his parents hurried him down the stream of rebellion.
I have involved also eight innocent children, who must feel their
parent’s punishment before they know his guilt. Let them, my lords,
be pledges to his majesty; let them be pledges to your lordships; let
them be pledges to my country for mercy; let the silent eloquence of
their grief and tears; let the powerful language of innocent nature
supply my want of eloquence and persuasion; let me enjoy mercy, but
no longer than I deserve it; and let me no longer enjoy life than I
shall use it to deface the crime I have been guilty of. Whilst I thus
intercede to his majesty through the mediation of your lordships for
mercy, let my remorse for my guilt as a subject; let the sorrow of
my heart as a husband; let the anguish of my mind as a father, speak
the rest of my misery. As your lordships are men, feel as men; but
may none of you ever suffer the smallest part of my anguish. But if
after all, my lords, my safety shall be found inconsistent with that
of the public, and nothing but my blood can atone for my unhappy
crime; if the sacrifice of my life, my fortune and family, is judged
indispensably necessary for stopping the loud demands for public
justice; and if the bitter cup is not to pass from me, not mine, but
thy will, O God, be done.”

When the lord-high-steward addressed Lord Balmerino, he produced a
paper, and desired it might be read. His grace told his lordship
that he was at liberty to read it if he pleased; but his lordship
replied that his voice was too low, and that he could not read it
so distinctly as he could wish. One of the clerks of parliament, by
order of the lord-high-steward, then read the paper, which was to
this effect:--That although his majesty had been empowered by an
act of parliament, made the last session, to appoint the trials for
high treason to take place in any county he should appoint; yet,
as the alleged act of treason was stated to have been committed at
Carlisle, and prior to the passing of the said act, he ought to
have been indicted at Carlisle, and not in the county of Surrey, as
the act could not have a retrospective effect. His lordship prayed
the court to assign him counsel to argue the point. The peers, after
consideration, agreed to his petition for counsel, and at his request
assigned him Messrs. Wilbraham and Forrester, and adjourned the court
to the 1st of August.

The three prisoners were again brought back from the Tower. On
that day the lord-high-steward asked Lord Balmerino if he was then
ready by his counsel to argue the point, which he proposed to the
court on the previous day. His lordship answered, that as his
counsel had advised him that there was nothing in the objection
sufficient to found an arrest of judgment upon, he begged to withdraw
the objection, and craved their lordships’ pardon for giving
them so much trouble. The prisoners then all declaring that they
submitted themselves to the court, Lord Hardwicke addressed them
in a suitable speech, and concluded by pronouncing the following
sentence:[1286]--“The judgment of the law is, and this high court
doth award, that you, William, Earl of Kilmarnock; George, Earl of
Cromarty; and Arthur Lord Balmerino, and every of you, return to the
prison of the Tower from whence you came: from thence you must be
drawn to the place of execution: when you come there, you must be
hanged by the neck, but not till you are dead; for you must be cut
down alive; then your bowels must be taken out and burnt before your
faces; then your heads must be severed from your bodies; and your
bodies must be divided each into four quarters; and these must be at
the king’s disposal. And God Almighty be merciful to your souls.”
Then the prisoners were removed from the bar, and after taking a cold
collation which had been prepared for them, were carried back to the
Tower in the same order and form as before.

The Earl of Kilmarnock immediately presented a petition to the king
for mercy, and also another, a copy of the first, to the Prince of
Wales, praying his royal highness’s intercession with his majesty
in his behalf; and a third to the Duke of Cumberland for a similar
purpose. In this last mentioned petition he asserted his innocence
of charges which had been made against him, of having advised the
putting to death of the prisoners taken by the Highland army before
the battle of Culloden, and of advising or approving of an alleged
order for giving no quarter to his majesty’s troops in that battle.
In the petitions to the king and the Prince of Wales, the earl
declared that he had surrendered himself at the battle of Culloden,
at a time when he could have easily escaped; but he afterwards
admitted that the statement was untrue, and that he was induced to
make it from a strong desire for life; that he had no intention of
surrendering; and that, with the view of facilitating his escape, he
had gone towards the body of horse which made him prisoner, thinking
that it was Fitz-James’s horse, with the design of mounting behind a
dragoon. These petitions were entirely disregarded.

The Earl of Cromarty, with better claims to mercy, also petitioned
the king. In support of this application the countess waited upon
the lords of the cabinet council, and presented a petition to each
of them; and, on the Sunday following the sentence, she went to
Kensington-palace in deep mourning, accompanied by Lady Stair, to
intercede with his majesty in behalf of her husband. She was a woman
of great strength of mind, and though far advanced in pregnancy, had
hitherto displayed surprising fortitude; but on the present trying
occasion she gave way to grief. She took her station in the entrance
through which the king was to pass to chapel, and when he approached
she fell upon her knees, seized him by the coat, and presented her
supplication, fainted away at his feet. The king immediately raised
her up, and taking the petition, gave it in charge of the Duke of
Grafton, one of his attendants. He then desired Lady Stair to conduct
her to one of the apartments. The Dukes of Hamilton and Montrose,
the Earl of Stair and other courtiers, backed these petitions for
the royal mercy by a personal application to the king, who granted a
pardon to the earl on the 9th of August.

The high-minded Balmerino disdained to compromise his principles by
suing for pardon, and when he heard that his fellow-prisoners had
applied for mercy, he sarcastically remarked, that as they must have
great interest at court, they might have squeezed his name in with
their own. From the time of his sentence down to his execution, he
showed no symptoms of fear. He never entertained any hopes of pardon,
for he said he considered his case desperate, as he had been once
pardoned before. When Lady Balmerino expressed her great concern
for the approaching fate of her Lord, he said, “Grieve not, my dear
Peggy, we must all die once, and this is but a few years very likely
before my death must have happened some other way: therefore, wipe
away your tears; you may marry again, and get a better husband.”
About a week after his sentence a gentleman went to see him, and
apologising for intruding upon him when he had such a short time to
live, his lordship replied, “Oh! Sir, no intrusion at all: I have
done nothing to make my conscience uneasy. I shall die with a true
heart, and undaunted; for I think no man fit to live who is not fit
to die; nor am I any ways concerned at what I have done.” Being asked
a few days before his execution in what manner he would go to the
scaffold, he answered, “I will go in the regimentals which I wore
when I was first taken, with a woollen shirt next my skin, which will
serve me instead of a shroud to be buried in.” Being again asked
why he would not have a new suit of black, he replied, “It would
be thought very imprudent in a man to repair an old house when the
lease of it was near expiring; and the lease of my life expires next
Monday.” The king could not but admire the high bearing and manly
demeanour of this unfortunate nobleman; and when the friends of the
other prisoners were making unceasing applications to him for mercy,
he said, “Does nobody intercede for poor Balmerino? He, though a
rebel, is at least an honest man.” According to Walpole, Balmerino
was “jolly with his pretty Peggy” almost to the very last.

On the 11th of August an order was signed in council for the
execution of the Earl of Kilmarnock and Lord Balmerino, and on the
12th two writs passed the great seal, empowering the constable of
the Tower to deliver their bodies to the sheriffs of London, for
execution on Monday the 18th. The order for their execution on the
18th of August having been announced to the unfortunate noblemen by
Mr. Foster, a dissenting clergyman, Lord Kilmarnock received the
intelligence with all the composure of a man resigned to his fate,
but at the same time with a deep feeling of concern for his future
state. Balmerino, who perhaps had as strong a sense of religion as
Kilmarnock, received the news with the utmost unconcern. He and his
lady were sitting at dinner when the warrant arrived, and, being
informed of it, her ladyship started up from the table and fainted
away. His lordship raised her up, and, after she had recovered, he
requested her to resume her seat at table and finish her dinner.

On the Saturday preceding the execution, General Williamson, at
Kilmarnock’s desire, as is supposed, gave him a minute detail of
all the circumstances of solemnity and outward terror which would
accompany it.

Balmerino was not actuated with the same feeling of curiosity as
Kilmarnock was to know the circumstances which would attend his
execution, but awaited his fate with the indifference of a martyr
desirous of sealing his faith with his blood. The following letter,
written by him on the eve of his execution, to the Chevalier de St.
George, strikingly exemplifies the cool intrepidity of the man, and
the sterling honesty with which he adhered to his principles:--

“SIR,--You may remember that, in the year 1716, when your Majesty
was in Scotland, I left a company of foot, purely with a design
to serve your Majesty, and, had I not made my escape then, I
should certainly have been shot for a deserter.

“When I was abroad I lived many years at my own charges before
I ask’d any thing from you, being unwilling to trouble your
Majesty while I had any thing of my own to live upon, and when
my father wrote me that he had a remission for me, which was got
without my asking or knowledge, I did not accept of it till I
first had your Majesty’s permission. Sir, when His Royal Highness
the Prince, your son, came to Edinburgh, as it was my bounden
and indispensable duty, I joyn’d him, for which I am to-morrow
to lose my head on a scaffold, whereat I am so far from being
dismayed, that it gives me great satisfaction and peace of
mind that I die in so righteous a cause. I hope, Sir, on these
considerations, your Majesty will provide for my wife so as she
may not want bread, which otherwise she must do, my brother
having left more debt on the estate than it was worth, and having
nothing in the world to give her. I am, with the most profound
respect, Sir, your Majesty’s most faithful and devoted subject
and servant,

“BALMERINO.”[1287]

“TOWER OF LONDON, }
_17th August, 1746_.” }

On Monday, the 18th of August, great preparations were made on
Tower-hill for the execution. At ten o’clock the block was fixed on
the stage, covered with black cloth, and several sacks of sawdust
were provided to be strewed upon the scaffold. Soon after the two
coffins were brought and placed upon the scaffold. Upon Kilmarnock’s
coffin was a plate with this inscription, “Gulielmus Comes de
Kilmarnock, decollatus 18º Augusti, 1746, ætat. suæ 42,” with an
earl’s coronet over it, and six coronets over the six handles. The
plate on Balmerino’s coffin bore this inscription, “Arthurus Dominus
de Balmerino, decollatus 18º Augusti, 1746, ætat. suæ 58,” surmounted
by a baron’s coronet, and with six others over the handles.

These preparations were completed about half-past ten, when the
sheriffs, accompanied by their officers, went to the Tower, and,
knocking at the door, demanded “The bodies of William, Earl of
Kilmarnock, and Arthur, Lord Balmerino.” General Williamson thereupon
went to inform the prisoners that the sheriffs were in attendance.
When told that he was wanted, Lord Kilmarnock, who had just been
engaged in prayer with Mr. Foster, betrayed no fear, but said, with
great composure, “General, I am ready; I’ll follow you.” On leaving
the Tower, Kilmarnock and Balmerino met at the foot of the stair.
They embraced each other, and Balmerino said, “I am heartily sorry to
have your company in this expedition.” The ill-fated noblemen were
then brought to the Tower-gate, and delivered over to the sheriffs.
When the prisoners were leaving the Tower, the deputy-lieutenant,
according to an ancient usage, cried, “God bless King George!” to
which Kilmarnock assented by a bow, but Balmerino emphatically
exclaimed, “God bless King James!” The prisoners were then conducted
to the house fitted up for their reception, and, being put into
separate apartments, their friends were admitted to see them. When
the prisoners arrived at the door of the house, some persons among
the crowd were heard asking others, “Which is Lord Balmerino?” His
lordship, overhearing the question, turned a little about, and, with
a smile, said, “I am Balmerino, gentlemen, at your service.”

About eleven o’clock Lord Balmerino sent a message to Lord Kilmarnock
requesting an interview, which being consented to, Balmerino was
brought into Kilmarnock’s apartment. The following dialogue, as
reported by Mr. Foster, then ensued. Balmerino--“My lord, I beg leave
to ask your lordship one question.” Kilmarnock--“To any question,
my lord, that you shall think proper to ask, I believe I shall see
no reason to decline giving an answer.” B. “Why then, my lord, did
you ever see or know of any order signed by the prince, to give no
quarter at Culloden?” K. “No, my lord.” B. “Nor I neither; and
therefore it seems to be an invention to justify their own murders.”
K. “No, my lord, I do not think that inference can be drawn from it;
because, while I was at Inverness, I was informed by several officers
that there was such an order, signed ‘George Murray;’ and that it
was in the duke’s custody.” B. “Lord George Murray! Why, then, they
should not charge it upon the prince.” After this conversation the
prisoners tenderly saluted each other, and Balmerino, after bidding
his friend in affliction an eternal and happy adieu, added, with a
countenance beaming with benignity, “My dear lord, I wish I could
alone pay the reckoning and suffer for us both.”

Lord Kilmarnock appeared to be most anxious to impress upon the minds
of those who were with him the sincerity of his repentance for the
crime for which he was about to suffer. He declared himself fully
satisfied with the legality of King George’s title to the crown,
and stated that his attachment to the reigning family, which had
suffered a slight interruption, was then as strong as ever. He spent
a considerable time in devotion with Mr. Foster, till he got a hint
from the sheriffs that the time was far advanced, his rank as an earl
giving him a melancholy priority on the scaffold. After Mr. Foster
had said a short prayer, his lordship took a tender farewell of the
persons who attended him, and, preceded by the sheriffs, left the
room followed by his friends. Notwithstanding the great trouble he
had taken, in accordance with the wish of Mr. Foster, to familiarise
his mind with the outward apparatus of death, he was appalled when he
stepped upon the scaffold at beholding the dreadful scene around him,
and, turning round about to one of the clergymen, said, “Home, this
is terrible!” He was attired in a suit of black clothes, and, though
his countenance was composed, he had a melancholy air about him,
which indicated great mental suffering. Many of the spectators near
the scaffold were so much affected by his appearance that they could
not refrain from tears, and even the executioner was so overcome that
he was obliged to drink several glasses of spirits to enable him to
perform his dreadful duty.

Mr. Foster, who had accompanied his lordship to the scaffold,
remained on it a short time in earnest conversation, and having
quitted it, the executioner came forward and asked his lordship’s
forgiveness in executing the very painful task he had to perform. The
unhappy nobleman informed the executioner that he readily forgave
him, and presenting him a purse containing five guineas, desired
him to have courage. His lordship then took off his upper clothes,
turned down the neck of his shirt under his vest, and undoing his
long dressed hair from the bag which contained it, tied it round his
head in a damask cloth in the form of a cap. He then informed the
executioner that he would drop a handkerchief as a signal for the
stroke about two minutes after he had laid his head down upon the
block. Either to support himself, or as a more convenient posture for
devotion, he laid his hands upon the block. On observing this the
executioner begged his lordship to let his hands fall down, lest they
should be mangled or break the blow. Being told that the neck of his
waistcoat was in the way, he rose up, and with the help of Colonel
Craufurd, one of his friends, had it taken off. The neck being now
made completely bare to the shoulders, the earl again knelt down as
before. This occurrence did not in the least discompose him, and Mr.
Home’s servant, who held the cloth to receive his head, heard him,
after laying down his head the second time, put the executioner in
mind that in two minutes he would give the signal. He spent this
short time in fervent devotion. Then, fixing his neck upon the block,
he gave the fatal signal; his body remained without the least motion
till the stroke of the axe, which at the first blow almost severed
the head from the body. A small piece of skin which still united them
was cut through by another stroke. The head, which was received into
a scarlet cloth, was not exposed, in consequence, it is said, of the
earl’s own request, but along with the body, was deposited in the
coffin, which was delivered to his friends, and placed by them in
the hearse. The scaffold was then strewed over with fresh sawdust,
and the executioner, who was dressed in white, changed such of his
clothes as were stained with blood.

The first act of this bloody tragedy being now over, the
under-sheriff went to Balmerino’s apartments to give him notice that
his time was come. “I suppose,” said his lordship on seeing this
functionary enter, “my Lord Kilmarnock is no more.” Being answered
in the affirmative, he asked the under-sheriff how the executioner
had performed his duty, and upon receiving the account, he said,
“then it was well done, and now, gentlemen, (continued the inflexible
Balmerino, turning to his friends,) I will detain you no longer,
for I desire not to protract my life.” During the time spent in
Kilmarnock’s execution Balmerino had conversed cheerfully with his
friends, and twice refreshed himself with a bit of bread and a glass
of wine, desiring the company to drink him “a degree to heaven.”
Saluting each of his friends in the most affectionate manner, he bade
them all adieu, and leaving them bathed in tears, he hastened to the
scaffold, which he mounted with a firm step.

The strong feeling of pity with which the spectators had beheld
the handsome though emaciated figure of the gentle Kilmarnock gave
place to sensations of another kind, when they beheld the bold and
strongly-built personage who now stood on the stage before them.
Attired in the same regimentals of blue turned up with red which he
had worn at the battle of Culloden, and treading the scaffold with
a firm step and an undaunted air, he gloried in the cause for which
he suffered, and forced the assembled multitude to pay an unwilling
tribute of admiration to his greatness of soul. His friends, on
beholding the apparatus of death, expressed great concern; but his
lordship reproved their anxiety. His lordship walked round the
scaffold, and bowed to the people. He then went to the coffin, and
reading the inscription, said it was correct. With great composure he
examined the block, which he called his “pillow of rest.” He then put
on his spectacles, and, pulling a paper from his pocket, read it to
the few persons about him, in which he declared his firm attachment
to the house of Stuart, and stated that the only fault he had ever
committed deserving his present fate, and for which he expressed his
sincere regret, was in having served in the armies of the enemies
of that house, Queen Anne and George I. He complained that he had
not been well used by the lieutenant of the Tower, but that having
received the sacrament the day before, and read several of the Psalms
of David, he had forgiven him, and said that he now died in charity
with all men.

Calling at last for the executioner, that functionary stepped
forward to ask his forgiveness, but Balmerino interrupted him, and
said, “Friend, you need not ask my forgiveness; the execution of
your duty is commendable.” Then, presenting him with three guineas,
his lordship added, “Friend, I never had much money; this is all I
have, I wish it was more for your sake, and I am sorry I can add
nothing else to it but my coat and waistcoat.” These he instantly
took off, and laid them down on the coffin. He then put on the
flannel waistcoat which he had provided, and a tartan cap on his
head, to signify, as he said, that he died a Scotchman; and going to
the block, placed his head upon it in order to show the executioner
the signal for the blow, which was by dropping his arms. Returning
then to his friends, he took an affectionate farewell of them, and,
surveying the vast number of spectators, said, “I am afraid there are
some who may think my behaviour bold; but,” addressing a gentleman
near him, he added, “remember, Sir, what I tell you; it arises from
a confidence in God, and a clear conscience.”

Observing at this moment the executioner with the axe in his hand,
he went up, and, taking it from him, felt the edge. On returning the
fatal instrument, Balmerino showed him where to strike the blow, and
encouraged him to do it with resolution, “for in that, friend,” said
he, “will consist your mercy.” His lordship, then, with a countenance
beaming with joy, knelt down at the block, and extending his arms,
said the following prayer:--“O Lord, reward my friends, forgive my
enemies, bless the prince and the duke, and receive my soul.” He then
instantly dropt his arms. The executioner, taken unawares by the
suddenness of the signal, hurriedly raised the axe, and missing his
aim, struck the ill-fated lord between the shoulders, a blow which,
it has been said, deprived the unfortunate nobleman of sensation;
but it has been averred by some of the spectators, that Balmerino
turned his head a little round upon the block, gnashed his teeth,
and gave the executioner a ghastly stare. Taking immediately a
better aim, the executioner gave a second blow, which almost severed
the head from the body, and deprived the noble victim of life. The
body having fallen from the block, it was instantly replaced, and
the executioner, once more raising the fatal weapon, finished his
task. The head was received in a piece of red cloth, and deposited
along with the body in the coffin, and being put into a hearse, was
carried to the chapel of the Tower, and buried with that of Lord
Kilmarnock, near the remains of Lord Tullibardine. Mr. Humphreys,
curate of the chapel, read the funeral service, and when he came to
the words, “Ashes to ashes, dust to dust,” two gentlemen, friends
of the deceased, took up the spades and performed the office of the
grave-diggers.

For a time the unhappy fate of the two lords almost exclusively
engaged the attention of the public; and in private circles, as well
as in the periodicals of the day, the conduct and bearing of the
unfortunate noblemen were viewed and commented upon according to the
partialities and feelings of the parties. By the whigs, and generally
by all persons of a real or affected seriousness of mind, Kilmarnock
was regarded as a perfect model of the dying Christian, who, though
he had been guilty of base ingratitude to the government, and had
told a falsehood at his trial, had fully atoned for his offences by
his contrition; whilst his companion in suffering was looked upon
as an incorrigible rebel, who had braved death with an unbecoming
levity. The Jacobites, however, and even some of the friends of
the revolution settlement, whilst they could not but admire the
calm resignation of Kilmarnock, heartily despised the cringing
pusillanimity which he displayed to soften the resentment of the
government. Balmerino was viewed by them in a very different light.
Whilst the Jacobites looked upon him as an illustrious martyr, who
had added a lustre to their cause by his inflexible intrepidity and
the open avowal of his sentiments, the other section of his admirers
applauded his courage, and paid a just tribute to his honesty. The
more dispassionate judgment of posterity has done ample justice to
the rectitude and magnanimity of this unfortunate nobleman.

The next victims to the offended laws were Donald Macdonald, of the
Keppoch family, who had served as a captain in the regiment of that
chief, Walter Ogilvy, a young man of good family in Banffshire, a
lieutenant in Lord Lewis Gordon’s regiment, and James Nicolson, who
had kept a coffee-house in Leith. These three, with one Alexander
Macgrowther, who also held a commission in the Highland army, were
taken at Carlisle. When brought to the bar of the court at St.
Margaret’s-hill, the three first pleaded guilty, and begged for
mercy; but Macgrowther attempted to defend himself on the ground that
he was forced into the insurrection by the Duke of Perth against his
will, having as a vassal no power to withstand the commands of his
superior.[1288] This defence, corresponding in very many cases with
reality, and which was also made by many of the Scotch prisoners, was
overruled. On the 2d of August these four persons were condemned, and
Macgrowther having been afterwards reprieved; the remainder suffered
on Kennington-common, on the 22d of the same month. Macdonald and
Nicolson were executed in their Highland dress. The same revolting
process of disembowelling, &c., practised upon the bodies of Townley
and his companions, was gone through; but the spectators were spared
the revolting spectacle, which was witnessed on that occasion, of
cutting down the prisoners whilst alive.

At Perth, on the 19th of September, Captain Crosby, who had deserted
from the British army in Flanders, and come to Scotland with the
French troops, was hanged, and two deserters were shot. A singular
incident happened on this occasion. To carry the sentence against
Crosby into execution on the day appointed, the hangman of Perth
was secured in the town prison; but having apparently no certainty
that he would perform his painful duty, the hangman of Stirling was
sent for by the magistrates, who, upon his appearance, liberated the
timorous functionary. The hangman immediately fled the place. Captain
Crosby was brought to the place of execution on the appointed day,
but before the time for throwing him off arrived, the executioner
dropt down dead. After remaining a considerable time at the place of
execution the guard was returning with Crosby to the prison, when
an infamous criminal, who was a prisoner in the jail, offered to
hang the captain for a reward of ten guineas and a free pardon. The
authorities having acceded to the demand of this ruffian, Crosby was
immediately carried back to the place of execution, and suffered with
great fortitude.[1289]

The sittings at St. Margaret’s-hill were resumed on the 23d of
August, and were continued from time to time for about two months.
Bills were found against thirty-two persons, besides Lord Macleod and
Secretary Murray; but these last were not brought to trial. Of the
thirty-two tried no less than twenty-two were convicted at different
times, all of whom received sentence of death on the 15th of
November. Of these, eight of the principal were ordered for execution
on the 28th of that month. Among these were Sir John Wedderburn, John
Hamilton, Andrew Wood, Alexander Leith, and James Bradshaw. Sir John
Wedderburn had acted as receiver in the counties of Perth and Angus
of the ale and malt arrears raised by the Highland army; Hamilton
had been governor of Carlisle; Wood, a youth of two-and-twenty, had
distinguished himself as a volunteer in Roy Stewart’s regiment;
Leith had served as a captain in the Duke of Perth’s regiment, and
though old and infirm, had been remarkable for zeal and activity; and
Bradshaw had shown his devotion to the cause of the Stuarts by giving
up a lucrative business as a merchant in Manchester, and expending
all his wealth to promote it. He entered the Manchester regiment; but
thinking that he could be of more use by marching with the Highland
army into Scotland than by remaining at Carlisle, he joined Lord
Elcho’s corps, and was taken prisoner after the battle of Culloden.

On the morning of the execution two of the prisoners of the name of
Farquharson and Watson obtained a reprieve, as also did one Lindsay,
just as he was about to step into the sledge. The effect upon this
man’s feelings, when his pardon was announced, was such, that his
life appeared for a time in danger. The five prisoners were then
drawn to the place of execution in two sledges, where their doom
was sealed. Bradshaw read a paper, in which he declared that he had
joined “the king’s forces” from a principle of duty only, and that
he never had reason since to be convinced that he had been mistaken;
but that, on the contrary, every day’s experience had strengthened
his opinion that what he had done was right and necessary. He
stated that he had had the misfortune to fall into the hands of
the most ungenerous enemy he believed ever assumed the name of a
soldier,--“the pretended duke of Cumberland, and those under his
command,” whose inhumanity, he observed, had exceeded every thing he
could have imagined, “in a country where the name of a God is allowed
of.” He expressed his firm conviction, that the order attributed to
Charles to give no quarter was “a malicious, wicked report, raised by
the friends of the usurper” to excuse the cruelties committed by his
troops in Scotland. After a high eulogium upon the qualifications of
the prince, the paper concluded with a prayer for the preservation of
“King James the Third, the Prince of Wales, and the Duke of York.”

Besides the trials at Southwark, other trials took place at Carlisle
and York, chiefly of prisoners taken at Culloden. No less than 382
of these unfortunate beings had been brought to Carlisle; but as
the trial of such a great number of persons, with a view to capital
punishment, might appear extremely harsh, and would be inconvenient,
a proposal was made to the common prisoners, who formed the great
mass, that, with certain exceptions, only one in every twenty,
chosen by lot, should be tried, and that the remainder should be
transported. This proposal was acceded to by a considerable number.
By this means the number for trial was reduced to 127, who were
immediately separated from the others, and with the exception of
two--Sir Archibald Primrose and Captain Hay--thrust into one room in
the keep of the castle, where their miseries induced many to hatch
futile plots for escape.[1290]

The judges adjourned to the 9th of September; and, in the mean time,
they repaired to York, where the grand jury found bills against 75
persons confined there. The judges resumed their sittings at Carlisle
for the trial of the prisoners there, on the 9th of September, on
which, and the two following days, the prisoners, against whom bills
had been found, were arraigned. Bills were found against 15 more
on the 12th, making a total of 134. Of these, 11 pled guilty when
arraigned; 32 entered the same plea when brought to trial; 48 were
found guilty, of whom 11 were recommended to mercy, 36 acquitted,
5 remanded to prison till further evidence should be procured, and
1 obtained delay on an allegation of his being a peer. The judges
resumed their sittings at York on the 2d of October, and sat till
the 7th. Of the 75 persons indicted, 2 pled guilty when arraigned,
52 when brought to trial, and 16 were found guilty, 4 of whom were
recommended to mercy. All these received sentence of death. Five only
were acquitted.

Of the 91 prisoners under sentence at Carlisle, 30 were ordered for
execution; 9 of whom were accordingly executed at Carlisle on the
18th of October.[1291] Six were executed at Brampton on the 21st
of the same month, and 7 suffered at Penrith. Seven out of the 30
were reprieved, and 1 died in prison. All those who were executed
underwent the usual process of unbowelling.

Among those who suffered at Carlisle on October 18th, were Major
Donald Macdonald of Tynedrish--he who, short-sighted, unwittingly
allowed himself to be made prisoner after the battle of Falkirk. He
was one of the first to join Prince Charles after his landing, and it
is supposed that Sir Walter Scott had him in his mind, when he drew
the character of Fergus M’Ivor, in _Waverley_. Another was the brave
and chivalrous laird of Kinloch-Moidart, described as a plain honest
man, exceedingly cool-headed, and fitted for either the cabinet or
the field, but unable to resist the persuasions of his brother Æneas
Macdonald, the Paris banker, who accompanied Charles to Scotland--and
the fascination which the prince seems to have exercised on those
whom he personally addressed. An acquaintance of Macdonald’s visited
him when he was confined a prisoner in Edinburgh Castle, and asked
him how he came to engage in so desperate an undertaking, which
never had a probability of success? “I myself was against it,” he
replied; “but, Lord man, what could I do when the young lad came to
my house?”[1292]

On the 1st of November 10 of the prisoners condemned at York suffered
in that city, and on the 8th of the same month, 11 others suffered
the same fate. Another prisoner suffered on the 15th November. The
work of death closed at Carlisle on the 15th of December by the
immolation of 11 more victims.

Out of the 77 persons who thus suffered, it is remarkable that, with
the solitary exception of Lord Kilmarnock, they all maintained, to
the very last, the justice of the cause for which they suffered. The
more enthusiastic among them even openly declared that they would
continue to support the claim of the exiled family to the crown if
set at liberty.

Notwithstanding this useless waste of human blood, the government did
not consider the work of destruction complete till the lives of two
individuals, who lay more especially under its ban, were sacrificed,
as the last atonement to public justice. These were Charles Ratcliffe
and Lord Lovat. The former was a younger brother of the Earl of
Derwentwater, who suffered in 1716, and whose title Mr. Ratcliffe
had assumed. He had been engaged in the former insurrection, taken
at Preston, and condemned, but made his escape out of Newgate; and
after passing some years in France and Italy, married the Countess
of Newburgh at Paris. He had visited England privately in 1733, and
returned again two years thereafter, when he appeared openly in
public. Soliciting his pardon without success, he returned to France,
where he remained till November, 1745, when he was made prisoner on
board a French vessel, on her way to Scotland with supplies for
Prince Charles. He was arraigned at the bar of the court of king’s
bench on the 21st of November, 1746, upon his former sentence; but
he refused either to plead or to acknowledge the authority of the
court, on the ground that he was a subject of France, where he had
resided thirty years, and honoured with a commission in the service
of his most Christian majesty. Being brought to the bar next day,
his former sentence being read over to him, he pleaded that he was
not the person therein mentioned; but his identity being clearly
established, he was ordered to be executed on the 8th of December.
His aunt, Lady Petre, did every thing in her power to save him, or at
least to procure a respite till his lady should arrive from Paris,
but without success. Some demur seems, however, to have existed, as
the preparations for his execution were so long delayed, that the
carpenters were obliged to work on the scaffold on Sunday the day
before the execution, and all the following night.

The preparations for his execution were somewhat the same as those
in the cases of Kilmarnock and Balmerino. He was dressed in a suit
of scarlet, faced with black velvet trimmed with gold, a gold-laced
waistcoat, and wore a white feather in his hat. When he came upon the
scaffold he took a tender farewell of his friends, and after spending
about seven minutes in prayer on his knees, he rose, and pulling off
his clothes, went forward to the block, on which he placed his head
to try how it fitted. He then spoke to the executioner as if giving
him directions, and kneeling down again, and fixing his head upon the
block, in about two minutes he gave the signal to the executioner,
who, as in the case of Balmerino, did not complete his work till he
had given the third blow. The head was received in a scarlet cloth.
Without the levity of Balmerino, Mr. Ratcliffe displayed the same
manly fortitude and contempt of death exhibited by that unfortunate
nobleman. He died, as he had lived, a Catholic; and so warmly was
he attached to the faith of his ancestors, that when some zealous
Protestant objected to him that some of the tenets of his religion
were contrary to reason, he is said to have wished, that for every
such tenet, the belief of which was required by the church, there
were twenty, that he might have a larger field for exercising his
faith.[1293] His body was delivered over to his friends, and interred
by them, on the 11th of November, at St. Giles’s-in-the-fields, near
the remains of his brother.

The last scene of this bloody tragedy ended with the trial and
execution of the aged Lord Lovat, who had been confined in the Tower
since the 15th of August. He was impeached by the House of Commons
on the 11th of December, and was brought to the bar of the House
of Peers on the 18th, when the articles of impeachment were read
to him.[1294] At his own desire, four gentlemen were assigned him
for counsel, and he was appointed to put in answers to the articles
of impeachment on or before the 13th of January. The trial, which
was appointed to take place on the 23d of February, was postponed
to the 5th, and afterwards to the 9th of March, on which day it
commenced. The articles of impeachment were in substance, that
he had compassed and imagined the death of the king,--that he
had corresponded with the Pretender, accepted a commission from
him to be a lieutenant-general of his forces, and another to be
general of the Highlanders, and that he had accepted a patent from
the Pretender creating him Duke of Fraser,--that he had met with
armed traitors, and had raised great numbers of armed men for the
service of the Pretender and his son, and had traitorously levied
a cruel and unnatural war against his majesty,--that he had sent a
treasonable letter to the son of the Pretender when in arms within
the kingdom,--that he had also sent treasonable letters to other
persons, then openly in arms against the king,--that he had assisted
the rebels in their traitorous designs, and had sent his eldest son,
and many of his name, family, and dependents, to the assistance of
the Pretender’s eldest son, and had given them instructions in the
prosecution of the rebellion,--and finally, that he had traitorously,
both in person and by letters, held correspondence with the eldest
son of the Pretender, and with divers persons employed by him, and
particularly with Murray of Broughton, the two Lochiels, John Roy
Stewart, Dr. Cameron, and others. To all these charges Lord Lovat
gave a pointed denial.

[Illustration: Simon, Lord Lovat.--(From Hogarth’s Picture.)]

They were, however, fully established by the strongest proofs. The
written evidence consisted of papers found in his lordship’s strong
box, besides some letters which he had written to Prince Charles,
the last of which having come into the hands of Murray of Broughton,
in his capacity of secretary to the prince, were basely delivered
up by him to save his own worthless life. Lord Lovat exerted all
his ingenuity to evade the force of the evidence; but the proofs of
his criminality were too clear to admit of any doubt. His lordship
objected to the admissibility of Murray as a witness, on the ground
that he was attainted by act of parliament made in the previous
session, and that he had not surrendered himself in terms of the act.
Having stated that he had several objections against the witness, one
or two of which he considered essential, a discussion ensued as to
whether all these objections should not at once be stated. As giving
a fair sample of the manner in which the trial was conducted, the
argument on both sides, on the point alluded to, is here given:--

“MR. ATTORNEY-GENERAL.--My lords, I observe that the noble lord
at the bar said that he had several objections to the examining
this witness, and that one or two of them were essential; but
the noble lord has not mentioned more than one. I presume, my
lords, it would be proper that he should name all his objections
at once, that the managers may have an opportunity of answering
them all, and receiving your lordships’ judgment upon the whole;
therefore, if he has any other objections to offer, it would
be proper he should mention them now to your lordships. LORD
LOVAT.--My lords, I submit it to your lordships that that is a
very odd proposition. I give your lordships an essential one now,
and when that is answered I have another. I am not to be directed
by those who are my _persecutors_. LORD-HIGH-STEWARD.--My Lord
Lovat, you are not to be directed by your accusers, but by the
lords who are your judges; and the course of proceeding in this
and all other courts is, that a person, who objects to any
witness, should name all his objections at the same time; and
it is the more material in this court, as it tends to prevent
the trouble of making several unnecessary adjournments. LORD
L.--My lords, as this objection is very essential, I pray that
it may be answered before I make another. LORD TALBOT.--If this
is a material objection to the witness, then there will be no
occasion for any other; but if it is an immaterial one, then your
lordships may go into any other; but the way proposed by the
managers may be very detrimental to the unhappy person at the
bar. LORD H. S.--Your lordships hear what is proposed; and the
question is, whether the noble lord at the bar shall name all his
objections now, or take them up one by one. SIR WILLIAM YONGE,
(one of the managers from the commons.)--My lords, I should hope
that, in any course of proceeding, where objections of this kind
are made, they should be made all together; for if they are made
separate, we must consequently make distinct answers to them all,
which may oblige your lordships to adjourn often to the chamber
of parliament, which will create a great and unnecessary delay
of time: and my lords, there can be no objection to his naming
the whole at once, since they will all be distinctly considered
by your lordships, and undoubtedly receive distinct answers.
I therefore humbly insist, that he may be obliged to name all
his objections at once. MR. NOEL, (another manager.)--My lords,
what we are now upon is no point of law at all: it is simply,
whether the noble lord at the bar as is usual should not name all
his objections at once? When he does name them, then to such as
are clear points of law he must be heard by his counsel; but at
present, my lords, we are upon a question concerning the course
of proceeding, whether he shall name them all at once, that they
may be taken into consideration at the same time? My lords, one
thing struck me in a very extraordinary manner:--It was said by
the noble lord at the bar, that he was not to be directed by his
_persecutors_. My lords, we are no persecutors; we persecute
no man; we are intrusted by the commons, who carry on this
prosecution against the noble lord at the bar for treason, and
we prosecute for the preservation of the king’s government and
the laws of the land. LORD L.--My lords, I said I was not to be
directed by those who accused me. Your lordships cannot expect
I can say what I have to offer in an eloquent manner. My lords,
should the saving of a little time be a reason for taking away
a person’s life? I hope these will not act like the parricides
who took off the head of both kingdoms in a day by their
prosecution. I am a peer of this land, and I think no excuse of
saving time should be allowed as a reason to destroy me. LORD H.
S.--My Lord Lovat, the lords will use all the deliberation, and
give you all the time that is requisite for your defence; but I
must beg your lordship will have so much consideration as to keep
your temper, and not suffer yourself to be hurried into passion,
for that may greatly prejudice you in making your defence. Your
lordship will find the advantage in your defence by keeping your
temper. LORD L.--I give your lordship my humble thanks: and since
your lordships will not allow me counsel, I have spoke the little
nonsense I had to say; but now your lordships shall hear me say
nothing out of temper. LORD H. S.--My Lord Lovat, the question
now is, whether you shall name all your objections at once? I
must acquaint your lordship that that is the rule in the courts
below, that if several objections are made to a witness, they are
all named at once, in order to prevent unnecessary delays. LORD
L.--My lords, to show how much I desire to save time, though,
according to the course of nature, my time can be but short,
I am so far from desiring to give your lordships trouble, or
to prolong time, that I do insist upon this objection to the
witness, and rely upon it as the only material objection.”[1295]

The managers having offered to prove, by the record of the court of
King’s bench, that Mr. Murray had surrendered himself within the time
prescribed, the question whether the record should be received in
evidence, was argued at great length by the counsel for Lord Lovat,
and the managers on the part of the prosecution. Having decided that
the record might be read and given in evidence, Lord Lovat offered to
falsify the record, by proving, in opposition to the averment therein
contained, that Mr. Murray had not surrendered himself as required by
the act of parliament. The court, however, decided that the record of
the court of King’s bench, which was, nevertheless, literally untrue,
could not be falsified by oral evidence.

Being called upon to make his defence on the sixth day of the trial,
Lovat gave in a long paper, in which he commented with great
severity upon the witnesses, whose testimony he maintained was not to
be credited. He designated Secretary Murray as “the most abandoned
of mankind, who, forgetting his allegiance to his king and country,
had, according to his own confession, endeavoured to destroy both,
like another Catiline, to patch up a broken fortune upon the ruin
and distress of his native country. To-day stealing into France to
enter into engagements upon the most sacred oath of fidelity; soon
after, like a sanguinary monster, putting his hand and seal to a
bloody proclamation, full of rewards for the apprehending of the
sacred person of his majesty, and lest the cup of his iniquity had
not been filled, to sum up all in one, impudently appearing at their
lordships’ bar to betray those very secrets which he confessed he
had drawn from the person he called his lord, his prince and master,
under the strongest confidence.” “Thus far,” he concluded, “I thought
it my duty, in vindication of myself, to trouble your lordships,
and without further trespassing upon your patience, freely submit
my life, my fortune, my honour, and what is dearest of all, my
posterity, to your lordships.”[1296]

After the managers for the prosecution had addressed the court, Lord
Lovat was withdrawn from the bar. The whole peers present--117 in
number--unanimously found his lordship guilty. Lord Lovat was then
called back to the bar, and informed by the lord-high-steward of
the judgment of the court. Being brought up next day to receive his
sentence, he addressed the court in a long speech, in which he gave a
rambling recital of his services to the house of Hanover; and after
receiving sentence, he implored their lordships and the managers of
the commons to recommend him to the mercy of his majesty. Before
leaving the bar, he said, “God bless you all, and I bid you an
everlasting farewell. We shall not meet all in the same place again.
I am sure of that.”

“The public were ravenous with curiosity about the great Leviathan
that had been at last so effectually hooked, and it was necessary
to fill the ear of London with details of his previous history,
as well as anecdotes of his conduct since his capture. Many of
them are fabulous, and many not worth preserving, but a few are
too characteristic to be passed over. They may be announced by an
incident not mentioned in the contemporary accounts, but preserved
by tradition. On his return from the House of Lords to the Tower,
an old woman not very well favoured, had pressed through the crowd
and screamed in at the window of the coach, ‘You’ll get that nasty
head of yours chopped off, you ugly old Scotch dog,’ to which he
answered, ‘I believe I shall, you ugly old English b----,’ paying
her back with the feminine of the masculine epithet she had applied
to him. The major of the Tower coming to visit him and ask how he
did, he answered, ‘Why, I am about doing pretty well, for I am
preparing myself, sir, for a place where hardly any majors, and very
few lieutenant-generals go;’ this was a more distinct hint than that
given to the House of Lords.”[1297]

On the 2d of April the sheriffs of London and Middlesex received a
warrant for his execution, which was appointed to take place on the
9th. His lordship, it is said, petitioned the king that he might be
despatched by the maiden, the Scottish instrument of decapitation;
but his application was not attended to. His approaching fate did
not in the least discompose him, and though in the eightieth year of
his age, his spirits never flagged, nor was his natural vivacity in
any degree diminished. He said, the day before his execution, that
he was never at any time in better spirits; and he told Dr. Clark,
his physician, that the Tower was a better recipe for upholding them
than the emetics he used to give him.[1298] Though regardless of
death, and even occasionally facetious on the circumstances of his
coming exit, he was not indifferent to the consolations of religion,
and cheerfully availed himself of the spiritual assistance of a
Catholic priest. Early on the morning of the execution, 1,200 troops
drew up on Tower-hill, and all the preparations were gone through
as in the former instances. About an hour before the execution, a
serious accident occurred, in consequence of the fall of a large
scaffolding with 400 persons, by which eighteen were killed on the
spot, and many bruised and crippled. When Lovat heard of it his
cool remark was,[1299] “The more mischief the better sport.” When
he arrived at the scaffold, Lovat was obliged, from infirmity, to
obtain the assistance of two persons in mounting. He displayed, to
the very last, his characteristic fortitude, or rather bravado, and,
with great coolness, felt the edge of the axe, with the sharpness of
which he declared himself satisfied. On looking round and observing
the great crowd, he said, “God save us,--why should there be such
a bustle about taking off an old gray head that cannot get up three
steps without two men to support it.”[1300] He gave the executioner
ten guineas, advised him to perform his duty firmly, and take a
good aim, and told him that if he mangled his shoulders, he would
be displeased with him. In conversation he used frequently to cite
passages from the classics; and, on the present occasion, he repeated
the celebrated saying of Horace,--“_Dulce et decorum est pro patria
mori_,” as peculiarly applicable to the cause for which he was about
to suffer. After spending some time in devotion, this remarkable man
laid his head down upon the block with the utmost composure, and the
executioner struck it off at a single blow. His lordship had given
directions that his body should be carried to Scotland, and his
friends had removed it to an undertaker’s in the Strand preparatory
to its being sent down; but, by order of government, it was interred
at St. Peter’s in the Tower, in the same grave with Lords Kilmarnock
and Balmerino.

[Illustration: A REPRESENTATION _of the Execution of Lord Lovat._

A _The Scaffold._

B _Lord Lovat’s Head on y^e Block._

C. _Cloth to receive the Head._

D. _The Executioner with y^e Axe._

E. _The Coffin._

F. _The House from which he came on the Scaffold._

Phototype _fac-simile_ from a rare contemporary print in the possession
of James Drummond, Esq., R.S.A.]

Whilst these executions could not fail to impress the disaffected
with a strong idea of the power and inclination of government to
uphold and maintain the authority of the law, they were calculated
by their number and severity rather to excite a thirst for
vengeance, than to inspire that salutary fear which it is the object
of punishment to promote. During these executions, a scheme was
concocted to arrest the arm of the law by seizing and carrying off
the person of the Duke of Cumberland, and retaining him as a hostage
for the lives of the prisoners. The originators of this bold design
went from London to Paris, and laid their plan before Charles shortly
after his arrival from Scotland, and offered to make the attempt; but
Charles refused to sanction it, and the scheme was dropped.[1301]

By way of conciliating the offended feelings of the nation, the
government got an act of indemnity passed in June, 1747, granting a
pardon, with certain exceptions, to all persons who had been engaged
in the rebellion; but these exceptions were so numerous as to divest
the act of all pretensions to the character of grace or favour.
Besides all persons attainted of high treason by act of parliament
or judgment, or conviction of high treason by verdict, confession,
or otherwise, upwards of eighty persons were specially excepted by
name.[1302]

FOOTNOTES:

[1283] Shenstone has commemorated this melancholy event in his
plaintive ballad of ‘Jemmy Dawson.’

[1284] _Carlisle in ’45_, p. 244.

[1285] “He is,” says Walpole, “the most natural, brave old fellow I
ever saw: the highest intrepidity, even to indifference. At the bar
he behaved like a soldier and a man; in the intervals of form, with
carelessness and humour.... At the bar he plays with his fingers
upon the axe, while he talks to the gentleman gaoler; and one day,
somebody coming up to listen, he took the blade and held it like a
fan between their faces. During the trial a little boy was near him,
but not tall enough to see; he made room for the child, and placed
him near himself.”

[1286] As will be seen, the more barbarous and ignominious part of
the sentence was not carried into effect; Kilmarnock and Balmerino
were put to death by simple decapitation.

[1287] The original of the above letter, from which this copy was
taken, is among the _Stuart Papers_, and is written in a remarkably
bold and steady hand. The Chevalier sent a copy of this letter to
Charles on 20th January, 1747. “I send you,” says he, “a copy of poor
Lord Balmerino’s letter. I shall inquire about his widow, and send
her some relief if she stands in need of it.”--_Stuart Papers._ James
was as good as his word. See Mr. Theodore Hay’s letter to Secretary
Edgar, of 10th June, 1747, and Lady Balmerino’s receipt, 18th May
following, for £60, in the _Stuart Papers_. The letter of Lord
Balmerino, and the circumstances of his death, are feelingly alluded
to in a letter written by Lady Balmerino to the Chevalier, from
Edinburgh, on 15th June, 1751:--“Before my dear lord’s execution,
he leaving this world, and having no other concern in time but me,
wrote a letter to your Majesty, dated 17th August, 1746, recommending
me and my destitute condition to your Majesty’s commiseration
and bounty. You are well informed of his undaunted courage and
behaviour at his death, so that even your Majesty’s enemies and his
do unanimously confess that he died like a hero, and asserted and
added a lustre which never will be forgot to the undoubted right your
Majesty has to your three realms. He had the honour to have been in
your Majesty’s domestick service in Italy, and ever preserved, before
his last appearance, an inviolable, constant attachment to your royal
house and interest, which at last he not only confirmed by his dying
words, but sealed it with his blood, than which a greater token and
proof it is not of a subject to give of his love and fidelity to his
sovereign.”

[1288] “The general plea and defence of the prisoners at Carlisle was
that they were _forced_ into the rebellion--_i.e._, they were put
under influences by clanship and such like, morally equivalent to
force.”--_Carlisle in ’45_, p. 257.

[1289] True Copies of the Papers wrote by Arthur Lord Balmerino and
others, published in the year 1746.

[1290] _Carlisle in ’45_, p. 247-50.

[1291] One of them, Cappock, (created Bishop of Carlisle by Charles,)
made a long speech in support of the claims of the house of Stuart.
He prayed for “King James,” Prince Charles, and the rest of the
Stuart family, called King George an usurper, and when found guilty,
he thus addressed his fellow-prisoners at the bar:--“Never mind it,
my boys; for if our Saviour was here, these fellows would condemn
him.” Observing Brand extremely dejected, he said to him, “What the
devil are you afraid of? We shan’t be tried by a Cumberland jury in
the other world.”--_Scots Mag._ vol. viii. p. 498.

[1292] _Carlisle in ’45_, pp. 254 and 266.

[1293] Boyse, p. 176.

[1294] The Laird of Macleod, in a letter to Lord-president Forbes,
dated 18th December, 1746, says, “I saw unhappy Lovat to-day. Except
for the feebleness of his limbs, his looks are good. He asked me
several general questions, and particularly about you;--said he was
resigned, and ready to meet his fate, since it was God’s will;--asked
after his children, &c.” In another letter to the president, written
two days thereafter, he again alludes to his lordship:--“Lovat
behaved well at the bar of the house of peers, and they say with
spirit. Granville and Bath spoke very strongly with regard to the
seizure of his estate and effects; and that matter is ordered to
be rectified, except in so far as private creditors come in the
way.” Sir Andrew Mitchell, however, who was more of a courtier than
Macleod, viewed matters in a different light. In a letter to the
president, 26th December, 1746, he remarks, “Your lordship will have
heard an account of Lord Lovat’s behaviour; and, therefore, I shall
not trouble you with the particulars; only, I must observe, there was
neither dignity nor gravity in it: he appeared quite unconcerned; and
what he said was ludicrous and buffoonish; but his petition for the
restoration of his effects, &c., was bold and well worded; which,
however, would have been passed over without notice, had not Lord
Granville bounced, and Lord Bath vapoured, and procured an order to
be entered in the Journals, and have by that acquired to themselves
a sort of popularity, which you know they very much wanted. No Scots
nobleman spoke on this occasion; they are prudent and cautious. God
bless them!”--_Culloden Papers._

[1295] Trial published by order of the House of Peers. London, 1747.

[1296] He made several appeals calculated to move commiseration
for his grey hairs. “My lords,” he said, at the commencement, “I
have not had the use of my limbs these three years; I cannot see,
I cannot hear; and I beg, if your lordships have a mind I should
have any chance of my life, that you will allow either my counsel
or solicitors to examine my witnesses, and to cross-examine those
produced on behalf of the crown, and to take notes.” If he had been
tried, on the charges brought against him, in Scotland forty-six
years earlier, he would have been allowed this privilege; but the
rules of English law confined the assistance of counsel, in cases of
treason, to purely legal questions. At the conclusion of the second
day he complained of the hardships of the early daily attendance
to one of his infirm constitution, and said, “I must therefore beg
that your lordships will indulge me with a later hour and some
respite; otherwise I shall die at your bar,” but the request seems
to have been unheeded. Another appeal of the same description, in
which he said, “I fainted away thrice this morning before I came up
to your lordships’ bar; but yet was determined to show my respect
to your lordships, or die upon the spot,” produced a respite of a
day.--Burton’s _Life of Lovat_, p. 257.

[1297] Burton’s _Lovat_, pp. 262, 263.

[1298] _Culloden Papers_, p. 302.

[1299] Burton’s _Lovat_, p. 265.

[1300] Burton’s _Lovat_, p. 265.

[1301] Vide Letter in the _Stuart Papers_ from the Rev. Myles
Macdonell to the Chevalier de St. George, dated St. Amiens, 4th May,
1747.

[1302] Among these were the Earls of Traquair and Kellie, Robert
Maccarty, styling himself Lord Clancarty, Sir James Stewart of Good
Trees; Sirs John Douglas, James Harrington, James Campbell, William
Dunbar, and Alexander Bannerman; Archibald Stewart, late provost
of Edinburgh, Chisholm of Comar, Cameron of Dungallon, Drummond of
Bochaldy, Fraser of Foyers, Farquharson of Bulmarrell, Fraser of
Avochnacloy, Dow Fraser of Little Garth, Fraser of Browich, Fraser
of Gortuleg, Gordon of Abochie, Grant of Glenmoriston, Hunter of
Burnside, Hay younger of Rannus, Irvine of Drum, Macdonald of
Barisdale, M’Gregor of Glengyle, Macleod of Raasay, Gilbert Menzies,
younger of Pitfodels, Moir of Stonywood, Æneas Macdonald, James
Macdonald, brother to Kinlochmoidart, Macdonell of Glengarry,
Macdonald of Glenco, Robertson of Strowan, Robertson of Faskally,
Robertson of Blairfetty, Stuart of Kynnachin, Turner, younger of
Turner-hall, &c., &c.

Among those formerly attainted and excepted in the above-mentioned
act, were the following, viz., Lords Pitsligo, Elcho, Nairne, and
Ogilvy, Lord George Murray, Lord Lewis Gordon, Lord John Drummond,
---- Drummond, eldest son of Lord Strathallan, the Master of Lovat,
Graham of Duntroon, Sir William Gordon of Park, Gordon of Glenbucket,
young Lochiel, Dr. Cameron, Cameron of Tor Castle, young Clanranald,
Lochgarry, young Barisdale, Macdonald of Glencoe, Macpherson of
Cluny, Maclachlan of Castle Lachlan, Mackinnon of Mackinnon, Stewart
of Ardshiel, Lockhart, younger of Carnwath, Oliphant of Gask and his
eldest son, Graham of Airth, Roy Stewart, Farquharson of Monalterye,
Hay of Restalrig, &c.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

A.D. 1747-1748.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.

Arrival of Prince Charles at Paris--Meeting with his brother
--Reception at Fontainebleau--He returns to Paris--Memorialises
Louis--Admonished by his father as to his conduct in France
--Charles retires to Avignon--Treatment of Lord G. Murray--His
journey to Spain--Return to Paris--Prince Henry made Cardinal
--Charles’s pecuniary and other difficulties--His advisers
--Congress and peace of Aix-la-Chapelle--Charles and his father
protest against the treaty--Charles refuses to quit the French
territories--His arrest--Conducted out of the French dominions
--Arrival at Avignon.

As soon as the French court received intelligence of the return of
Charles to France, they gave orders to prepare the castle of St.
Antoine for his reception. He was met near Paris on the 15th of
October, (N. S.,[1303]) by his brother and a considerable number
of the nobility, who conducted him to his appointed residence.
The meeting between the two brothers, who had not seen each other
for nearly three years, was of a most affecting description, and
the persons who were present declared that they had never before
witnessed such a moving scene. Charles at first sight did not know
Henry, but the latter at once knew the prince, who is described by
his brother as not in the least altered in his appearance since
he last saw him, only that he had “grown somewhat broader and
fatter.”[1304]

Louis with his court was at this time residing at Fontainebleau, and
as Charles was impatient to see him, he sent Colonel Warren thither
with instructions to Colonel O’Brien, the accredited minister of
the Chevalier de St. George at the court of France, to request an
audience. Some difficulties were started at first by the French
ministers on the subject of this demand, but the king at last
consented to see Charles and his brother, but stipulated that they
should preserve a sort of incognito.[1305] Louis in fact had become
tired of the war, and that he might not widen the breach between him
and the court of London by appearing to recognise the pretensions
of the exiled family, he had resolved not to receive the sons of
the Chevalier at his court as princes of England. James, who was
fully aware of this policy of the French court, thus argues the
matter with Charles, who naturally felt indignant at the mode of his
reception; “I am far from saying but that the king of France might
have done a great deal more for you; but after all, we must consider
the vast expenses he is at during the war, and the system he has
certainly laid down to himself of not treating you and your brother
as princes of England, which system I own shocked me at first, and
seems preposterous in the present situation of affairs; but when one
considers the uncertainty of the events of war, and that if we are
not restored before a peace, the king of France cannot but continue
to acknowledge the elector of Hanover as king of England, and by
consequence treat us no more as princes of England; we cannot but own
that it is wise in him, and in a certain sense even kind to us, not
to expose himself and us to a possibility and necessity of ceasing to
treat us according to our birth, after having once done it.”[1306]

If Louis had been actuated by the motive thus charitably imputed to
him, the reasoning of James would have been plausible enough; but
Charles, who had both before and during his expedition experienced
the hollowness of the French policy, could not fail to perceive that
his father had formed an erroneous idea of Louis’s intentions. As by
the treaty of Fontainebleau he had been recognised by that monarch as
prince regent of Scotland, Charles had good reason to complain of the
mode in which he was to be received by his most Christian majesty;
but he repressed his feelings of disappointment on the occasion, and
yielded to a necessity which it was not in his power to control. He
resolved, however, to neutralize the effect which his appearance at
court as a private person might have upon the people by getting up a
splendid equipage, and proceeding to Fontainebleau in great state.

Accordingly, on the day fixed for his reception at court, Charles
left the castle of St. Antoine, accompanied by a number of his
friends in coaches and on horseback. The _cortege_ was on the whole
very grand; but Charles himself attracted particular attention by
the superbness of his dress. His coat was of rose-coloured velvet,
embroidered with silver, and lined with silver tissue. His waistcoat
was of rich gold brocade, with a spangled fringe set out in scollops.
The cockade in his hat and the buckles of his shoes were studded with
diamonds. The George at his bosom, and the order of St. Andrew, which
he wore at one of the button-holes of his waistcoat, were illustrated
with large diamonds. “In fine,” observes an enthusiastic eye-witness,
“he glittered all over like the star which they tell you appeared
at his nativity.” Louis received Charles with great kindness, and,
embracing him, said, “My dearest Prince, I thank Heaven for the very
great pleasure it gives me to see you returned in good health after
so many fatigues and dangers. You have proved that all the great
qualities of the heroes and philosophers are united in you, and I
hope that you will one day receive the reward of such extraordinary
merit.” The queen, likewise, welcomed him with every demonstration
of good-will and affection. He had never been at the court of France
before, and every person was extremely desirous of seeing a prince of
whom they had heard so much. As Charles retired from the palace, the
whole court crowded about him, and complimented him so highly upon
the fame of his exploits, that they could scarcely have testified
greater joy, or expressed themselves in warmer terms, had the dauphin
himself been engaged in the same dangerous expedition, and returned
from it in safety.[1307] Charles, it is said, afterwards returned to
the palace, and supped with the king, queen, and royal family; and
all his attendants were magnificently entertained at several tables,
which had been appointed for them according to their rank.

Though the conduct of the French court towards Charles had been
deceptive, yet it is understood that Louis was not so bad as
his ministers in this respect; and besides, he appears to have
entertained a warm regard for Charles personally. It is believed that
Louis would have given proofs of his esteem by embarking with spirit
in the cause of the exiled family; but he was controlled by his
ministers, who certainly never were serious in their professions. Of
the sincerity of the queen, however, there cannot be the least doubt.
She and Charles’s mother had passed many of their juvenile years
together, and had contracted a warm attachment to each other, which
had remained unaltered during the life of the latter. In Charles she
now beheld the favourite son of her late friend, whom he strongly
resembled, and she looked upon him with a maternal tenderness, which
was enhanced by the reputation of his exploits, and the knowledge of
the sufferings he had endured. Whenever he came to court, she is said
to have conversed with him for whole hours together, during which she
would make him relate his adventures to herself and her ladies, all
of whom were frequently bathed in tears with the affecting recital.

Within a day or two after his arrival at Fontainebleau, Charles wrote
to Louis requesting the honour of a private audience on the subject
of his affairs, which appears to have been granted, as three days
thereafter, namely, on the 25th of October, the prince requested
another interview, for the purpose of delivering into the king’s own
hands a short memoir in relation to his affairs.[1308] Unable to
obtain a satisfactory answer, Charles left Fontainebleau, and took
up his residence with his brother at Clichy, in the neighbourhood of
Paris. His company was much sought after by the fashionable circles
of that gay metropolis, but he kept himself comparatively retired.
He appeared at the opera for the first time on the 30th of October,
and was received by the audience with clapping of hands, which
continued till the commencement of the opera, and was renewed at the
conclusion.[1309]

Though surrounded by men of integrity, who had suffered proscription
for his sake, Charles does not appear to have consulted any of them
in his difficulties, nor to have honoured them with the least share
of his confidence. Shortly after his return to France he wrote to
his tutor, Sir Thomas Sheridan, who, after escaping to France, had
repaired to Rome, requesting him to join him at Paris; and in the
meantime he availed himself of the equivocal services of George
Kelly. Sir Thomas, however, saw Charles no more, having died soon
after the receipt of his pupil’s letter. Charles then adopted Kelly
as his confidant, but he appears to have been in every way unworthy
of such a mark of distinction.[1310]

Some time after Charles’s return to Paris, Louis removed his court
from Fontainebleau to Versailles, where the prince and his brother
met with a cordial reception from the royal family and the persons
about the court, but Charles could not obtain any distinct pledge of
support. This result was anticipated by his father, who had a just
perception of the policy of France in his regard. “I am afraid,”
says James to the prince, “that you will have little reason to be
satisfied with the court of France, and that you will not have less
need of courage and fortitude in bearing and suffering in that
country than you had in acting in Britain.” Apprehensive of the
impetuosity of Charles’s temper, he most earnestly recommended him
to conduct himself with patience and prudence, and warned him of the
consequences which might ensue by adopting a different course. This
admonition, however, was thrown away upon Charles.

Resolved to put the sincerity of the French court to the test,
Charles presented a memorial to Louis on the state of his affairs.
In this paper he drew the attention of the French king to Scotland,
which he represented as on the eve of destruction; and he stated,
that as the government appeared resolved to confound the innocent
with the guilty, it was reasonable to conclude that the discontent
of the nation would be general, and that if he was enabled to enter
upon another enterprise the number of his adherents would be tripled.
He also stated that he would be deceiving his most Christian majesty
were he to say that he could again subdue Scotland after his friends
had been destroyed, and that if the opportunity was then lost the
king of France might for ever renounce any expected aid to his arms
by a revolution in that country,--that he had always had numerous
partisans in Scotland, though he had never had a sufficient supply
either of money, provisions, or regular troops, and that if he had
been well provided with only one of these three helps, he would still
have been master of Scotland, and probably also of England,--that
if he had had three thousand regular troops he would have penetrated
into England immediately after the battle of Preston, and as George
II. was then absent from the kingdom, and the English troops in
Flanders, he could have marched to London without opposition,--that
had he been supplied with provisions he could have pursued General
Hawley after the battle of Falkirk, and destroyed all his army,
which was the flower of the British troops. Finally, that if he had
received two months earlier only the half of the money which his
majesty had sent him, he would have fought the Duke of Cumberland on
equal terms, and he would certainly have beaten him, since with four
thousand men only he had kept victory in suspense, though opposed by
an army of twelve thousand. Having thus stated the causes to which
the failure of his expedition was owing, Charles proposed that Louis
should furnish an army of eighteen or twenty thousand men, which he
stated he would employ usefully for their mutual interests, which he
considered inseparable.[1311]

Charles appears to have conducted himself, hitherto, with great
moderation; but as no notice was taken of his demand for troops,
he grew violent and imperious. The French ministry had, by order
of Louis, granted a sum of sixty-two thousand nine hundred livres
for the relief of such of Charles’s adherents as had arrived in
France,[1312] and Louis himself now offered him a pension suitable to
his rank; but he refused to accept it. James, who was fully informed
of the circumstances of Charles’s behaviour, thus expostulates with
him:--“The truth is, I dread your feeling severely one day the
consequence of your present conduct towards the court of France;
for although, on account of the obligations they owe you, they may,
out of a certain prudence and policy dissemble for a time, yet by
gaining the ill-will of those ministers, and by carrying things too
high, you will sooner or later certainly feel the bad effects of it;
whereas, had you received what the king of France lately offered
you, it was still putting yourself in the possession of feeling the
effects of his generosity, and you would have probably got much more
in time in some shape or another.”[1313] Count D’Argenson also was
very complaisant to Charles; but James cautioned him not to infer
therefrom, that his conduct was approved of by that minister.

Waiting upwards of two months, and receiving no answer to his
memorial, Charles addressed a letter to Louis on the 12th of January,
in which, after alluding to the favours his majesty had granted to
his companions in misfortune, which he regarded as a new proof of his
majesty’s generosity towards his family, he stated that his object in
coming to the court of France was to propose a plan of an expedition,
which would be much more advantageous for both parties than the
former;--that this object alone occupied all his thoughts, and that
every other step which had been proposed to the king of France to
promote his personal interests, had been done without his sanction.
He concluded a longish letter, written in his usual loud style, by
telling Louis that as he could not appear in the way in which he was
persuaded his majesty wished in his own heart to see him, he would
retire to some place where his present condition would be of less
consequence, and where he would be always ready to concur with the
king of France in such steps as might contribute to his glory, and
the restoration of his family to their just rights, and he trusted
his majesty would approve of his resolution. He added, that if,
during his absence, the king of France should find it convenient to
think seriously of another expedition, he would immediately return
to the court on being informed of his majesty’s wish, and that, in
the meantime, he would appoint a person at Paris who had his entire
confidence to negotiate in his behalf with the king of France and his
ministers.[1314]

As neither Louis nor his ministers had any intention of entering
into Charles’s views, they must have been well pleased with his
determination to retire from Paris, where his presence had become
exceedingly annoying; but some of his adherents regarded such a step
with different feelings, as they thought it would be highly injurious
to his interests. Among those who took an active part in opposing
this resolution, was young Lochiel. No man was more firmly bent upon
another attempt than this high-minded chief, and instead of thinking
with Charles, that no expedition should be undertaken without a large
force, he was for accepting any succours that could be obtained.
Some time after his arrival at Paris, he had opened a correspondence
with the Chevalier de St. George, in which he represented to him
that the misfortunes which had befallen his cause, though great,
were not irretrievable, provided timely measures were adopted for
checking the depopulating system which the English government seemed
to have adopted. He stated that the ruin of the Scottish adherents
of the exiled family would dispirit their friends in England so
much, that a restoration would become extremely difficult, if not
impracticable, and that, at best, it could only be effected by an
army superior to all the forces of the government; whereas, if ten
regiments only were landed in Scotland before the Highlands were
depopulated, not the Highlanders merely, but all other Scotchmen of
spirit would unite in their support, and give so much employment
to the troops of the government, that the English Jacobites might,
with little assistance, be in a condition to shake off the yoke. He,
therefore, advised the Chevalier to accept of whatever succours might
be offered. Acting upon principles of the purest disinterestedness,
Lochiel was opposed to every proposal which might seem to imply an
abandonment of the cause which he had espoused, and when informed by
Charles that an application had been made to the French court for
a regiment to Lord Ogilvy, he told him that he disapproved of it,
as such an application might make the court of France regard the
affairs of the exiled family to be more desperate than they really
were, and might prevent them from granting a body of troops for a new
expedition. Charles seemed to concur in this view; but Lord Ogilvy
having obtained a regiment, Charles proposed to ask one for Lochiel
also. He objected, however, to the application being made, and told
his royal highness that Lord Ogilvy, or others, might incline to make
a figure in France, but that his ambition was to serve his country,
or perish with it. Charles remarked that he was doing every thing
in his power to forward his cause, and persisting in his resolution
to procure a regiment for his faithful friend, Lochiel consented
to accept of it if obtained, from respect to the prince, though he
declared his determination to share the fate of the people he had
undone, and if they were to be sacrificed to the vengeance of the
government, to fall along with them.[1315] Lochiel now endeavoured
to persuade Charles to remain at Paris, and represented to him the
bad consequences that might ensue to his affairs by retiring; but his
resolution was fixed.

Charles had in fact resolved to pay a visit to the king of Spain,
and his retirement to Avignon, whither he announced his intention to
proceed, was a mere blind to conceal his design from the court of
France. The Chevalier, desirous in the present posture of his affairs
of paying his court to his Catholic majesty, had been, for some
time, applying for permission to send his youngest son to Spain. He
announced his intention to Charles, and stated that he considered it
would be for his interest, that while one of his sons was in France,
the other should be in Spain.[1316]

When James felt so uneasy in reference to Charles’s deportment
towards the French ministry, as to write him repeated remonstrances
on the subject, it may be supposed that he would have been gratified
at his resolution to retire to Avignon, more particularly as the
Chevalier’s agents at Paris, who had been discarded by Charles,
would have probably regained the little influence they had with the
French court; but James was equally disappointed with the prince’s
friends at Paris at Charles’s determination. In a letter which he
wrote to the prince in answer to one from the latter, dated the
21st of January, stating his intention to retire to Avignon, James
stated the great concern which he felt, at a step of which he could
not comprehend the meaning, and that nothing, in his opinion, could
justify it but a resolution on the part of the king of France not to
allow him to remain in that kingdom.

Charles left Paris for Avignon about the end of January, 1747. During
his stay at Paris, he had evinced a laudable anxiety to mitigate the
sufferings of his companions in misfortune by acts of kindness; but
there was one among them who met with neither sympathy nor gratitude
at his hands. This was Lord George Murray, who had sacrificed more
for him than any other individual then living. Aware of this feeling
of Charles towards him, Lord George did not visit Paris on his
arrival in Holland in December; but, after some stay, proceeded to
Rome to pay his respects to the Chevalier de St. George. Charles,
however, appears to have expected him at Paris; and in the event of
his arrival there during his absence, he left written instructions
with his brother Henry, to do every thing in his power to get him
arrested and committed to prison.[1317]

Shortly after Charles’s departure his brother, Henry, received a
notification from his father, of his intention to send him to Spain.
He immediately sent a copy of the Chevalier’s letter to Charles,
and stated his regret at the prospect of being removed to such a
distance from his brother; but instead of thanking him for this kind
expression of his feelings, Charles returned him a very petulant
answer. He informed him that, while in Scotland, he had formed a
design of going to the court of Spain himself, and that he had
left Paris with that intention,--that having resolved to make the
journey, he had not asked leave from his father for fear of being
refused,--and that he intended to go and return with all imaginable
privacy. He entreated Henry, by all the ties of brotherly affection,
and by the regard which he had for his success of the cause, not to
start from Paris though he should get leave, until the result of
Charles’s journey was known. He requested him to confide the secret
of his journey to the king of France upon receipt of his next letter,
and to represent to Louis that he had suddenly taken the resolution
of making a journey to Spain after his arrival at Avignon. Henry,
whose character was extremely mild and conciliating, stated, in
reply, that he had communicated “the king’s letter” to him as soon as
he had received it, and that his province in that, as in every thing
else, was blind obedience; but he observed, that his father could
not foresee Charles’s resolution, and that if his going to Spain
would change the system Charles seemed to have proposed to himself,
he would not make use of any leave he might obtain without receiving
farther orders, which, he was convinced, would be to remain at Paris,
whenever his father knew of Charles’s determination to proceed to
Spain.

Accompanied by Kelly, Dr. Cameron, and two or three domestics,
Charles left Avignon early in 1747, and repaired to Madrid; but his
reception appears to have been cold and formal, and he did not even
see the queen-dowager, whom he was particularly anxious to meet.
Alluding to this visit, the Chevalier observes to Charles, “I am
much more concerned than surprised you had not a better reception
in Spain; but I am in hopes your going thither will be of no ill
consequence, provided you manage your matters in a proper manner on
your return to Paris.”[1318]

In a memoir which Charles presented to Caravajal on the 6th of March,
to sound the intentions of the Spanish court, he requested to be
informed, in the event of the king of France agreeing to fit out
an expedition in his favour, what aid his Catholic majesty would
contribute in its support. He required that 30,000 fusils and 10,000
sabres should be set apart for his use in a convenient place, in
order that when occasion required he might obtain them at once in a
quiet manner. That two or three small ships should be got ready as
soon as possible, and loaded with grain, to be sent to Scotland under
the charge of a gentleman he would send along with them. That the
king of Spain should give him commissions for three Scotch regiments,
which, when completed, should be formed into a brigade.[1319] In
answer to these demands, Caravajal stated, that his master could
spare no ships of war to assist in the expedition, as he had only
seventeen in Europe, that some of these were disabled, and that the
rest were employed in the Italian war; that as to arms, orders would
be given to manufacture the required number; and that arrangements
would be made for carrying his demand for a supply of grain into
effect. Finally, that as to the proposal about the regiments, he
believed his majesty would give his consent to it.

After remaining four or five days at Madrid, Charles retired to
Guadalaxara till he should obtain a definitive answer on the subject
of raising the regiments. His Catholic majesty at last consented,
but stipulated that none but Scotchmen should be admitted into these
regiments, a condition which, under existing circumstances, rendered
their formation impracticable.[1320] Finding his journey thus in a
manner unavailing, Charles returned to Paris, where he arrived on the
24th of March.

[Illustration: Henry, Cardinal Duke of York.

(From Original Painting in possession of James Drummond, Esq.,
R.S.A.)]

It is probable that Charles’s return to Paris was hastened by a
remonstrance sent to him by Lochiel on the subject of his retirement
to Avignon. This zealous chief represented to the prince that peace
was the topic of general conversation, and as there existed a
universal desire for it in France, there was reason to believe that
George II. and his allies would obtain any terms they might ask in
relation to Charles. He proposed,[1321] that if Charles could not
obtain from France such an embarkation of troops as would enable him
to land in England and overturn the government at one blow, he should
endeavour to get an embarkation for Scotland, where the disposition
of the people was still so favourable, that if he could return to the
Highlands with artillery, arms, and ammunition, and only four or
five battalions of foot, he believed he would not only relieve his
distressed friends, and save the remainder of the country from ruin,
but deliver all Scotland from the slavery to which he supposed it
would soon be reduced.

Charles accordingly renewed his application to Louis and his
ministers, but did not succeed in bringing “these people to reason,”
as he himself expresses it, or in other words, prevailing on them
to accede to his demand. Baffled again in his attempt to induce
the French government to engage actively in his cause, Charles
contemplated a matrimonial alliance with the czarina, with the
view of engaging her in his interest; but his father, to whom he
communicated his design, considered it impracticable, and Charles
appears to have immediately dropt it.

Notwithstanding the untoward appearance of his affairs, Charles
was by no means discouraged; but the promotion of his brother to
the cardinalate, which took place about three months after his
return from Spain, damped his spirits. Henry had every reason to be
dissatisfied with Charles’s conduct towards himself personally; but
he made no complaints, and it was only owing to the peevish way in
which Charles alluded to him in his letters to his father that James
became apprised of his dislike to his brother.[1322] Being of a pious
disposition, Henry became desirous of embracing the ecclesiastical
state, and resolved to repair to Italy to consult his father upon the
subject. As he knew that Charles would object to his departure from
Paris, and might possibly take measures to prevent it, he went off
without informing him. Charles complained to his father of Henry’s
leaving Paris without acquainting him; but whilst James admitted that
it was certainly not according to rule that Henry should have gone
away without taking leave of Charles in person, he said he could not
blame him for it under existing circumstances.

The first notice which Charles received of the intended promotion of
his brother was by a letter from his father, dated from Albano on the
13th of June, 1747.[1323] Charles was both grieved and enraged when
he received this intelligence, and shut himself up for several hours
to give vent to his sorrow or vexation. Hitherto Charles had drunk
the health of his father and brother every day at dinner, but he now
discontinued that of Henry, and forbade every person about him ever
to mention his name in his presence.[1324] The friends of the family
regretted exceedingly this step on the part of Henry, which they
considered a very imprudent one, so far as the expected restoration
of the Stuarts was concerned, as it narrowed their prospects of
success; but neither Henry nor James had any ambition for a crown,
and the latter intended, if the succession opened, never to assume
the diadem.[1325] Both the pope and James notified to the king of
France the design of presenting Henry with a cardinal’s hat, and
Louis in return signified his approbation of the step.

Among other subjects of uneasiness which pressed heavily upon Charles
at this time, was the state of his pecuniary concerns. He still
resolutely refused to receive any pension from the French court, and
it was perhaps owing to this refusal that the French ministry showed
no disposition to pay the allowances which had been granted to his
adherents. To relieve the prince’s immediate necessities, his father
had sent him an order on Waters, his banker at Paris, for fifteen
thousand livres, significantly observing, however, that as Charles
had refused the pension which Louis had offered, the Chevalier
presumed that he had some other resource to supply his wants. James,
however, had taken care that the obstinacy of his son should not
stand in the way of Louis’s bounty, and he accordingly directed
O’Brien his agent to draw the pension which Charles had refused, to
apply the third part thereof for the use of his son, Henry, whilst in
France, and to lay out the other two-thirds in the way he should be
afterwards directed.[1326] Mr. John Grahame,[1327] in a letter to the
Chevalier de St. George, represents the prince as having no visible
means of subsistence, and that he could compare his “situation to
nothing better than an immense labyrinth, out of which he had not
a bit of thread to conduct him.” Charles was too proud to ask his
father for aid; but the latter, on hearing of his difficulties,
ordered O’Brien to pay forty thousand livres into O’Sullivan’s hands
on his account, out of the sum he had drawn on account of Charles’s
pension. The prince, however, consistently declined the money,
knowing the source whence it came.

In the circumstances in which he was thus placed by his own
obstinacy, Charles, who never displayed much generosity towards
those who had offended him, was not in the best possible mood to
exercise the virtue of forgiveness. His father had repeatedly written
him in relation to his threatened seizure of Lord George Murray,
and had strongly inculcated the propriety of forgiving a man who
had suffered so much in his cause; but Charles disregarded these
paternal admonitions. Lord George was very desirous to effect a
reconciliation, by making every reasonable submission that could be
required of him, and for this purpose left Rome for Paris, where he
arrived on the 10th of July. Charles was then living at St. Ouen, in
the neighbourhood of Paris, and Lord George having, the day after his
arrival, ascertained the place of his residence, intended to proceed
thither early on the 12th, to pay his respects to the prince. His
lordship was, however, prevented from carrying his intention into
effect, by a message from Charles, who, hearing of his arrival in
Paris, sent Mr. Stafford, one of his household, to Lord George, to
inform him that it was the prince’s wish that he should not appear
at St. Ouen, but that he would do well to leave Paris as soon as he
could. Lord George requested Stafford to acquaint the prince that he
had come to France with no other design but to pay his respects to
him, and that he would punctually obey his orders by leaving France.

Notwithstanding frequent disputes with the French ministers, Charles
always endeavoured to keep on good terms with their master; and
when he defeated the confederates at Laffeldt, he wrote a letter
expressive of the great joy he felt on the occasion. As every victory
gained over the allies appeared favourable to his cause, he cannot
be well blamed for entertaining such a feeling; but the existence of
this document subverts the idea generally entertained, that Charles
never expressed any satisfaction at the conquests of the French
in Flanders. He was no doubt solicitous that Great Britain should
maintain her honour in the field and on the ocean; but his patriotism
was not so disinterested as to make him prefer that honour to the
crown for which he was contending. It was not until he saw that he
could no longer depend upon France for aid that his patriotism was
roused.

Much as Charles trusted to his personal powers for negotiation, he
soon found that it was no easy matter to bring the ministers of Louis
“to reason;” and that, to be successful, it was necessary to obtain
the aid of some experienced politician. He accordingly looked about
him for one in whom he could repose his confidence, and fixed upon
Lord Marischal as the person most likely to answer his wishes. To
this nobleman, who was then living at Treviso, Charles despatched a
letter in the month of August, in which he stated that his father had
left him entire master, to employ such persons as were most agreeable
to him, and that he might easily believe his first choice would light
upon him. He informed him that his desire was that his lordship
should join him with all convenient speed, and that he had too good
an opinion of his loyalty and regard for his bleeding country to make
him have the least doubt of his compliance, especially since all the
causes of discontent which his lordship might heretofore have had,
were now quite removed. Highly complimentary as this letter was, Lord
Marischal declined the honour intended him. He stated that he had not
retired from public life till he saw how useless his services were,
and must have been had they been continued; and that the broken state
of his health required that he should pass the rest of his days in
quiet.[1328]

Disappointed in his advances to Lord Marischal, Charles gave himself
up entirely to the direction of George Kelly, his secretary, who,
it is alleged, was personally obnoxious to the French court. To
counteract the rising power of this new favourite, the pernicious
influence of whose counsels some of the adherents of the exiled
family were already beginning to feel, Sempil, one of the Chevalier’s
agents at Paris, by desire of Lochiel and Drummond of Bochaldy, drew
up and forwarded a representation to James in the month of June
1747. The Chevalier, who was not a bad judge of mankind, foreseeing
the bad consequences that would follow if Kelly was allowed to
guide the councils of the prince, had cautioned Charles against his
interference shortly after his return from Scotland; but the prince
attributed his father’s dislike to Kelly to the misrepresentations
of his enemies. In a letter, alluding to some complaints made by
Charles against his brother, James observes, “What you now write to
me is manifestly the product of Kelly’s malice ... as long as you are
directed or influenced by him, depend upon it nothing will go well
with you, and you will never have a moment’s quiet yourself.”[1329]

These admonitions, which were repeated after Drummond’s
communication, were, however, thrown away upon Charles, who clung to
his secretary with as great pertinacity as ever. This predilection
for Kelly, if the statement of Sempil is to be credited, ruined
the prince’s negotiations with the French ministry, who, according
to him, would have entertained a proposal made by the Marquis de
Puyzieux, of embarking a force for Scotland on the dissolution
of the British parliament; but the design was given up, because
the persons in whom Charles seemed to repose his confidence were
obnoxious to the French court, and were considered unworthy of
trust.[1330]

Whilst the French government evaded Charles’s demand for a supply
of troops, it acceded in other respects to his wishes. A regiment
was given to Lochiel,[1331] the arrears of the gratuities granted to
the Scotch exiles were paid up, and a fixed allowance of thirty-six
thousand livres per annum was granted to them, the appropriation of
which was left entirely to the prince. Having thus provided for his
friends, the French ministry thought that Charles’s repugnance to
a pension might be overcome; and accordingly M. de Lally, who was
directed to communicate to him the largess granted to his adherents,
was also appointed to sound him on the subject of an allowance to
himself. Charles, writing to M. de Puyzieux, observed, that he
would accept with pleasure even the smallest favour his majesty was
disposed to grant; but he begged that nothing should be given him in
name of a pension, and that he should be permitted to deny to his
English friends, even face to face, that he was in the receipt of
it.[1332] It thus appears that Charles’s objection to a pension did
not proceed from any disinclination to receive the money, but from
an apprehension that the circumstance of his becoming a pensioner of
France would injure him with his English friends. It is not known
whether the French government acted upon Charles’s suggestion.

It was the policy of the French court, whilst the war lasted, to keep
up appearances with the exiled family, so as to encourage the belief
that it really intended to aid in its restoration. This notion was
strengthened by the appointment of Lord Ogilvy and Lochiel to the
command of regiments; and the fears of an invasion after Charles’s
return to France are said to have delayed for a time the embarkation
of the British troops for Flanders. This system of intimidation
would in all probability have been persevered in had not France
become tired of a war which had exhausted her treasury, destroyed
her commerce, and almost annihilated her navy. The confederates were
equally weary of a war in which they had reaped neither honour nor
advantage, and they therefore gladly availed themselves of an offer
of pacification made by France. The belligerent powers accordingly
agreed to hold a congress, which was opened at Aix-la-Chapelle in
March 1748.

Charles now saw that all hope of an immediate restoration was at an
end, and must have perceived, from the strong desire which existed in
France for peace, and the low state to which that kingdom was reduced
by the war, that his interests would form no bar in the way of a
general pacification.

The first public step which Charles took to mark his displeasure with
the conduct of the French government, in suing for a peace, was of
a very decided character. When the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle was
about to assemble, he gave instructions to the Sieur Roettier to
strike a medal with his head, and the inscription, “Carolus Walliæ
Princeps” (Charles Prince of Wales); and on the reverse the figure
Britannia and a fleet of war-vessels, with the significant motto,
“Amor et Spes Britanniæ” (The Love and Hope of Britain).

When the medal appeared it created a great sensation in France, and
many of the French nobility were deeply offended at the device and
motto, which they regarded as an insult offered to the nation. The
prince of Conti, in particular, who was accounted one of the proudest
men in all France, showed his chagrin on the occasion. Meeting
Charles one day in the Luxembourg Gardens, Conti observed to Charles,
with an air of pleasantry, under which a sneer was observed to lurk,
that the device of his medal was not just so applicable as some
persons might at first suppose, as the British navy had not shown
any particular friendship for him. Charles, who at once perceived
the censure, immediately replied, “That is true, Prince! but I am,
nevertheless, the friend of the navy against all its enemies; as I
shall always look upon the glory of England as my own, and her glory
is in her navy.” About the time the medal was struck Charles sat for
his portrait to Tocqué, the eminent painter, which was immediately
engraved by Wille, the celebrated engraver, with the title “Carolus
Walliæ Princeps.”

On the 30th of April, the preliminaries of a general peace were
signed by the ministers of Great Britain, France, and the United
Provinces, the basis of which was a general restitution of the
conquests which had been made during the war. A suspension of arms
almost immediately followed the signing of the preliminaries.
Charles was not aware that the preliminaries had been signed till
some time after the suspension of arms, and he consoled himself with
the vain hope that peace was not so near at hand as was generally
supposed.[1333]

During the negotiations Charles still went to court, though not so
frequently as before, and always endeavoured to avoid any personal
interviews with the king; but when informed of the signing of the
preliminaries, he gave up his visits entirely. His father, and the
adherents of his family, expected that he would no longer remain in a
kingdom which was now again to sacrifice the interests of his house;
but instead of evincing any disposition to depart, he gave a decided
indication of fixing himself in Paris, by hiring a splendid hotel
upon the _Quai de Theatin_ for himself and his principal friends, in
order, as he said, to be near the opera, play-house, and the other
places of public diversion in Paris. To show how little he regarded
the proceedings at Aix-la-Chapelle, he appeared much gayer than
usual, and when any person alluded, in his presence, to the congress,
he seemed not to regard the matter, and waived the subject by singing
or introducing some different topic of conversation.

To show, however, that he was not indifferent to his rights, Charles
drew up a protest against any stipulation which might be entered
into by the contracting parties, contrary to these rights, of which
he sent a copy to the king of France, enclosed in a letter from
himself. The Chevalier de St George, in ignorance of Charles’s
protest, also published one in his own name, agreeably to a practice
which he and his father, king James II., had followed, whenever any
treaty with Great Britain was entered into.

After the preliminaries were signed, Louis took an early opportunity
of intimating to Charles that he had renewed the engagements which
he and his grandfather had formerly come under to the British
government, in relation to the House of Stuart; but Charles, in
his protest, entirely overlooked the stipulation which regarded
his intended expulsion from the French territories. Louis probably
expected that this hint would have been sufficient to induce Charles
to quit France, but, as he indicated no intention to remove, the
Marquis de Puyzieux, by desire of the king, sent a requisition in
writing, to which he demanded an answer. Charles returned an evasive
answer to M. de Puyzieux’s note the same day.

After this answer, matters appear to have remained _in statu quo_
till October, on the 7th of which month the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle
was finally concluded and signed. By this treaty the contracting
parties agreed, without any limitation, to a literal insertion of the
fifth article of the quadruple alliance, by which it was stipulated
that neither the “Pretender,” nor any of his descendants, should be
allowed to reside within the territories belonging to any of the
parties to the treaty. Meanwhile Louis was looking out for a suitable
asylum for Charles Edward. Knowing that the prince had declared that
he would never return to Italy, he directed M. de Courteille, his
envoy to the Cantons of Switzerland, to ask a residence for Charles
in the city of Fribourg. The regency complied with the request, but
Mr. Barnaby, the British minister to the Helvetic body, violently
opposed the plan, and presented a remonstrance to the magistracy of
Fribourg, couched in such terms as to draw upon him the censure of
the regency.

The next person selected by Louis to act as negotiator with Charles
was the Cardinal de Tencin, who was supposed to have some influence
with him. The cardinal delivered the message with which he had been
intrusted in the most delicate manner, and endeavoured to convince
Charles, by a variety of arguments, of the regret the king felt at
having been obliged to accede to the objectionable articles of the
treaty. To reconcile Charles to the measure, the cardinal, it is
said, hinted that the treaty might possibly be of short endurance,
and that the prince might afterwards return to France with brighter
prospects, but the cardinal left Charles without obtaining any
satisfaction. Desirous of avoiding extremities, the king waited
about two weeks in expectation that Charles would depart; but being
informed that he made no preparations for his departure, he sent
the Duke de Gesvres, the governor of Paris, with a message similar
to that delivered by the cardinal. The duke, however, got as little
satisfaction as the cardinal, and on a second interview, the prince
absolutely refused to quit the country, and told the duke that there
was a treaty prior to that of Aix-la-Chapelle between him and the
king, from which he could not depart with honour.

The British ministry had for some time been urging the French court
to fulfil that part of the treaty which related to the expulsion
of the prince from the French territories; and the hostages[1334]
complained that his being permitted to appear at all public places of
amusement was as an insult to their sovereign, and an infringement of
the treaty. Louis, therefore, sent the Duke de Gesvres a third time
to expostulate with Charles on the 6th of November; but Charles again
evaded a direct answer to the duke’s demand to quit France. Charles
afterwards sent him an explicit answer in writing, in which he stated
that it was with much regret he found himself compelled in defence
of his own interests to oppose the intentions of the king on this
occasion, and that he had already apprised his majesty of his design
by a letter which he had written to M. de Puyzieux as far back as
the 20th of August. He requested the duke to assure his majesty in
the strongest terms that he would retain towards him during his life
all the sentiments of respect and attachment which he had formerly
expressed.[1335]

Louis was much annoyed at Charles’s obstinacy, as he felt great
repugnance to push matters to extremities with a prince who could
plead in his own justification a violation of a solemn contract which
the king of France had entered into with him three years before. As
he had, however, contracted with Charles merely in his character of
prince regent, it appears to have occurred to Louis that he would
save his honour if he obtained an order from the Chevalier de St
George, requiring Charles to leave his dominions before having
recourse to physical force. He therefore despatched a courier to Rome
with a letter to the Chevalier, giving an account of the prince’s
conduct, and requesting James to interpose his parental authority
to induce Charles to leave his dominions. That James might be fully
assured of the prince’s determination to remain in France contrary
to his wishes, Louis also sent him Charles’s letter to the Duke de
Gesvres.

The messenger returned to Paris early in December with a letter from
James to the king of France, inclosing another to Charles, which,
after perusing, he was requested to despatch to the prince. After
complaining of Charles’s conduct towards himself, James told him
that he saw him on the brink of a precipice, and that he would act
the part of an unnatural parent if he did not do everything that
depended upon him to save him from falling, and that he therefore
found himself obliged to order him as his father and king to conform
himself without delay to the wishes of the French king, by leaving
his dominions with a good grace.

This letter Louis sent by the Duke de Gesvres to Charles, the duke
at the same time carrying a letter from Louis, which is said to have
contained a blank order to be filled up by the prince himself for a
yearly allowance. Charles told the duke that he wanted no pecuniary
favours from his majesty, and that it was not consistent with honour
to comply with his demand to leave the French territories. The
duke urging Charles to reconsider his resolution, the latter grew
impatient, and told him that he would in future decline receiving
any communications from any person but the king himself. The duke
told him the thing was impossible, unless indeed he expected, what he
could scarcely suppose he did, that his majesty was to come to the
_Quai de Theatin_ in person. “In short, then, sir,” said Charles, “I
have nothing farther to say than what I have said already,--pardon
me, I have some business.” With these words Charles left the room,
leaving the duke in amazement.

Long before the French public were aware of the intentions of their
government in relation to the prince, the fame of his exploits, in
connection with the fact of his being a descendant of _Henri Quatre_,
had endeared him to the French nation; but when they found that he
was to be sacrificed by their sovereign to state necessity, their
admiration for his person was heightened into enthusiasm, and they
looked upon the approaching struggle between Louis and his kinsman
with feelings of the deepest interest. Every person was desirous to
see a prince who had the courage to brave the grand monarch in his
own capital, and whenever Charles appeared upon the public walks,
he was followed by the assembled multitudes. When he entered the
theatre, all eyes were directed towards him, and the performance was
allowed to pass off unheeded by the audience. Charles alone seemed to
make light of his misfortunes, and evinced the gaiety of his spirits
by talking in an easy, cheerful, and affable manner to the young
noblemen, by whom, on these occasions, he was always surrounded.[1336]

After trying every possible means to induce Charles to quit the
French territory without effect, the ministry pressed the king to
arrest him, and send him by force out of the kingdom. Louis was
naturally averse to such a strong proceeding; but as he saw he could
not fulfil the stipulation of the treaty regarding the exiled family
in any other way, he reluctantly signed an order for his arrest.
When putting his name to the warrant, he felt the extreme delicacy
of the act, and pathetically exclaimed, “Poor prince! how difficult
it is for a king to be a true friend!” This order, which was signed
at three o’clock in the afternoon, was blazed all over Paris before
evening. One of the prince’s retinue, who heard the intelligence,
brought it to him; but Charles would not believe it. “Pish! pish!”
he exclaimed, “an idle romance; they know I will obey my father.”
Though no official notice was sent to Charles of the order, yet it
is understood that means were taken to apprise him of his situation;
and on the morning of the 10th of December, while walking in the
Tuilleries, he was informed by a person of distinction that he would
certainly be seized that very day if he did not prevent it by an
immediate departure; but, instead of taking the hint thus kindly
given him, he seemed to treat the intelligence as chimerical, and
turning to one of his followers, gave directions that a box should be
hired for him that night at the opera-house.

To carry the warrant into effect, no less than 1200 of the guards
were in the course of the day drawn out, and posted in the court of
the Palais Royal; a great number of sergeants and grenadiers, in
cuirasses and helmets, filled the passages of the opera-house; and
the police were placed in all the streets leading to it, to stop
any carriages that might attempt to pass. Six intrepid sergeants of
the grenadiers were ordered to seize the prince. Two companies of
grenadiers took post in the court-yard of the kitchens, where the
Duc de Biron, colonel of the French guards, disguised, waited in a
coach to see the issue of the enterprise. The Mousquetaires, a body
of French horse-guards, had orders to be ready to mount on horseback;
troops were posted upon the road from the Palais Royal to Vincennes;
hatchets and scaling ladders were prepared, and locksmiths directed
to attend, in order to take the prince by escalade, in case he
should throw himself into some house, and there attempt to stand out
a siege. A physician named Vernage, and three surgeons, were also
ordered to be in readiness to dress such of the troops as might be
wounded. These extensive preparations can only be accounted for on
the supposition that the government was apprehensive that an attempt
would be made by the Parisians to rescue the prince.

Charles received several notes during the day, giving him notice of
the measures taken for securing him; but he resolved to brave the
danger. He accordingly left his hotel in his carriage, accompanied by
three gentlemen of his household, at a quarter after five o’clock,
for the opera-house, and, in passing through the street St Honoré,
was warned by a friendly voice not to proceed, as the opera-house
was beset. He proceeded onwards, however, and on entering the
_cul-de-sac_, leading to the opera-house, the barriers were drawn,
and the doors of the opera-house shut. On alighting from his coach,
he was instantly surrounded by the six sergeants, disguised as
tradesmen, who seized his person, and, lifting him off the ground,
carried him through the _porte cochère_, at the end of the passage
which led into the court-yard of the Palais Royal. M. de Vaudreuil,
major of the blue guards, who, with some officers, had remained
behind the gate, then approached his Royal Highness, and said,
“Monseigneur, I arrest you in the name of the king, my master.”
Charles, without betraying any emotion, answered that the manner was
a little too violent. The sergeants, thereupon, carried him into a
room on the ground floor of the palace, possessed by a surgeon of the
Duke of Orlean’s household. The major demanding his arms, Charles
presented his sword, but suspecting that he had other weapons about
him, the sergeants, by De Vaudreuil’s order, searched his person, and
found a pair of pocket pistols and a penknife, of which they took
possession. Charles remarked that he had carried a pair of pistols
about with him ever since he returned from Scotland. The major had
provided himself with thirty-six ells of black silk ribbon[1337] with
which to tie the prince, and on hearing him give directions to that
effect, Charles offered his parole that he would hurt neither himself
nor any other person, and added that he thought so many persons
were quite sufficient to guard one unarmed man without resorting
to such a step. The major consulted the Duke de Biron, who ordered
that the prince should be bound. Charles was accordingly tied in
five different places. In this situation he was put into a hired
coach, attended by the major and two captains of the blue guards, and
was driven, under a strong guard, to the castle of Vincennes, into
which he was received by his friend M. de Chatelet, the governor,
who placed him in a small upper apartment in the Tower, and treated
him as well as his duty permitted him. The only person who remained
with him in his confinement was Neil Mac Eachan, who had attended
him in his perilous journey from Uist to Skye. Charles had borne the
indignity offered him with great composure, the disgrace attending
which, he told M. de Vaudreuil, could only affect his master;
but after he found himself shut up in the castle, his feelings
were overcome, and he is said to have clasped his hands together
and to have burst into tears. “Ah! my faithful mountaineers,” he
pathetically exclaimed, “from _you_ I never would have received such
treatment. Would to God I were still among you!” Meanwhile the three
gentlemen who had attended Charles to the opera were also seized, and
five others, who were by chance at his house, and all his servants
were sent to the Bastile; his hotel was taken possession of by the
lieutenant of police.[1338] Next day all the prince’s French servants
were released.

The arrest of the prince created an extraordinary sensation in Paris;
and next morning all the public places of the city were covered with
pasquinades, which had been put up during the night, reflecting, in
very severe terms, upon the conduct of the king and his ministers
for their treatment of the prince. One of these was in the form of
an order from King George, directed to Louis of Bourbon, as his
viceroy, commanding and requiring him to seize, and, if necessary, to
tie the person of Charles Edward Stuart, and to conduct him out of
the kingdom of France; and that, if Louis should continue to please
his master as he had hitherto done, he should be continued, by the
king of England, in the viceroyalty of his kingdom of France. These
placards were exceedingly annoying to the French court, and were torn
down by the police with as great expedition as possible.

[Illustration: Bronze Medal, Prince Charles; _reverse_, Louisa, his
Wife.

(From Original in Antiquarian Museum, Edinburgh.)]

Charles was kept in confinement till the 14th December, on which day,
in consequence of a correspondence which had passed between him and
the king on that and the previous day, he was allowed to walk a few
hours in the gardens. Having tendered his parole to leave the French
territories without guards, Charles was released at seven o’clock,
in the morning of Sunday the 15th, and departed for Fontainebleau,
in a coach, under the charge of a commandant of musketeers. Messrs.
Stafford and Sheridan, two gentlemen of his household, who had been
set at liberty, followed him in two post-chaises. The remainder of
Charles’s domestics were released a few days afterwards. On reaching
Fontainebleau, Charles despatched a facetious note to a M. de Boile
at Paris, requesting him to inform his friends that he carried
himself well, that his head had never been off his shoulders, and
that it was still upon them. From Fontainebleau Charles proceeded,
by easy stages, to Avignon, where he arrived on the morning of the
27th of December, disguised in the uniform of a French officer of
musketeers. He had received a letter from his father on the road, and
four days after his arrival he despatched an answer acquainting him
that he was “in perfect good health, notwithstanding the unheard-of
barbarous and inhuman treatment” he had met with.[1339]

FOOTNOTES:

[1303] It is to be attended to, that in alluding to Charles’s
proceedings on the continent the New Style is followed.

[1304] Letter among the _Stuart Papers_.

[1305] Letter from O’Bryen to the Chevalier, 17th October, 1746, in
the _Stuart Papers_.

[1306] Letter from the Chevalier to Charles, 6th January,
1747.--_Stuart Papers._

[1307] _Authentic Account._ The writer of this account, who states
that he obtained his information from an eye-witness, says that when
Charles arrived at Paris he could not be prevailed upon to take any
refreshment, but instantly proceeded to Versailles, to see the king,
and that though Louis was at that time engaged in council on some
affairs of importance, he immediately quitted it to receive him. He
then relates the interview as above stated, and says that Charles was
afterwards publicly received at Fontainebleau in the character of
the Prince Regent of England, Scotland, and Ireland. It is certain,
however, that the first time that Charles met Louis after his return
to France was at Fontainebleau, and it is equally certain that he was
never recognised at court as a British prince.

[1308] Both these letters will be found among the _Stuart Papers_.

[1309] Letter from O’Brien to the Chevalier de St. George, 31st
October, 1746, among the _Stuart Papers_.

[1310] Of the unlimited confidence which these two favourites enjoyed
with Charles the _Stuart Papers_ afford abundant proofs. Sheridan
in fact directed every thing when Charles was in Scotland, and it
was solely owing to his aversion to a hill campaign,--the fatigue of
which he said he could not endure,--that Lord George Murray could not
prevail upon Charles to desist from engaging the Duke of Cumberland
at Culloden; yet so great was the ascendency which Sir Thomas had
acquired over the mind of Charles, that the ruinous result which
ensued did not in the least weaken it. Edgar announced Sheridan’s
death to Charles in a letter dated 2d December, 1746, and sent along
with it all the papers found in Sir Thomas’s repositories having
relation to the Prince or his affairs, among which was a sketch of a
dying speech which Sir Thomas had prepared in case he had been taken
and executed. Dr. King insinuates, from the ignorance of Charles,
that Sheridan was in the pay of the English government; but it would
be doing injustice to the memory of the favourite to believe him
guilty of such baseness without direct proofs of his criminality.
The Doctor’s words are: “His (Charles’s) governor was a protestant,
and I am apt to believe purposely neglected his education, of
which, it is surmised, he made a merit to the English ministry;
for he was always supposed to be their pensioner. The Chevalier
Ramsay, the author of Cyrus, was Prince Charles’s preceptor for
about a year; but a court faction removed him.” The illiterateness
of Charles is very perceptible in his ignorance of the orthography
of French and English. Both in style and orthography they contrast
most unfavourably with those of his father, whose epistolary
correspondence cannot fail to give the reader a favourable idea of
his literary acquirements. Though James appears to have had a good
opinion of Sir Thomas, yet after his death he complained bitterly to
Charles, in a long and very interesting letter, (that of 3d February,
1747, in the _Stuart Papers_,) of the conduct of the favourite, and
in general of the other persons who obtained the Prince’s confidence.
It was James’s deliberate conviction that their object was to corrupt
Charles, by withdrawing him from his “duty to God in the first place,
and to him in the second!” The sequel of Charles’s unfortunate
history seems to confirm this opinion. A most unfavourable sketch of
the character of Kelly, the new favourite, is given by Father Myles
Macdonell, his own relative, for which see the Father’s letter to the
Chevalier de St. George, 4th May, 1747, in the _Stuart Papers_.

[1311] There are two copies of this memoir among the _Stuart Papers_.
One of them written in the first person, and holograph of the prince,
is titled, “Memoir to ye F. K. from me of 10th Nov. 1746.” The other
is titled, “Ancien Project de Memoire,” and is written in the third
person.

[1312] Statements showing the division of this money, will be found
in the _Stuart Papers_.

[1313] Letter from the Chevalier to Charles, 6th January,
1747.--_Stuart Papers._

[1314] Letter from Charles to Louis, 12th January, 1747, in the
_Stuart Papers_. Sir James Stewart appears to have been the person
Charles intended to appoint, as there is a draught of a commission
in his hand-writing among these papers, bearing the date of 29th
December, 1746.

[1315] Letter from Lochiel to the Chevalier de St. George, of 16th
January, 1747, among the _Stuart Papers_.

[1316] Letter from the Chevalier to Prince Charles, 13th January,
1747.

[1317] This circumstance, so disgraceful to the memory of Charles,
is mentioned in a letter from Prince Henry to his father, dated
Paris, 30th January, 1747, under the signature of John Paterson, a
name sometimes assumed by Henry, when corresponding in cipher. The
original letter is among the _Stuart Papers_.

Lord George’s arrival at Rome was announced to Charles by the
Chevalier, in a letter dated 21st March, 1747. The following extract
places James’s character in a very favourable point of view: “I
must tell you that I was much surprised t’other day at the arrival
of Lord George Murray in this place. After having absconded many
months in Scotland, he found means to come to Holland, and from
thence by Venice here. By what Bramston, (the corresponding name
of O’Sullivan,) says, I am sorry to find that you have not been
pleased with him, but tho’ I questioned Bramston much about him, yet
I own I don’t see any motive to suspect his fidelity and loyalty.
People may have an odd, and even a wrong way of thinking, and may
even fail in something towards ourselves, but may be men of honour
and honesty with all that; so that considering his birth, and the
figure he made in your service, and that you had never writ to me
about him yourself, I thought it would be very wrong in me not to
receive him with all kindness, and even distinction. I don’t know how
long he will stay here, or how he proposes to dispose of himself,
but I understand he has a mind to bring over his lady, and to live
privately with her in some retired place. He is publicly here, for
he has no measures to keep; and I must do him the justice to say
that he never speaks of you but with great respect, and even eloge.”
See also the letters among the _Stuart Papers_ from the Chevalier to
Charles of 25th April, and 2d and 9th May, 1747, copied also from the
original copies in the same collection. All of them, as far as they
relate to Lord George, will be read with pleasure, but particularly
the first.

[1318] Letters among _Stuart Papers_.

[1319] Vide Memoir, among the _Stuart Papers_.

[1320] _Stuart Papers._

[1321] Letter from Lochiel to Charles, 23d February, 1747, among the
_Stuart Papers_.

[1322] See the Chevalier’s repeated remonstrances on this subject in
his letters to Charles.

[1323] _Stuart Papers._

[1324] Father Macdonell’s letter to the Chevalier of 15th July, 1747,
among the _Stuart Papers_.

[1325] Letter from James to Charles, 13th January, 1747. See also two
extremely interesting letters of 3d April, 1747, and 28th January,
1748, which also throw considerable light on the domestic differences
which existed between Charles and his father.--_Stuart Papers._

[1326] Letter from James to Charles, 17th February, 1747, among
_Stuart Papers_.

[1327] This gentleman had been long in the service of the Chevalier
de St. George. His father acted as solicitor in Scotland to James II.
He was knighted by the Chevalier, and acted for a considerable time
as his secretary of state. He was with Prince Henry at Paris, and on
his departure for Rome entered Charles’s household. He afterwards
became a Roman Catholic. He went to Rome in 1759, at the desire of
the Chevalier to act as his Secretary.

[1328] Vide Charles’s letter, and the answer, among the _Stuart
Papers_.

[1329] Letter of 10th February, 1747.

[1330] Vide the two papers presented by Sempil to the Chevalier de
St. George in February 1748, among the _Stuart Papers_.

[1331] Charles wished his father, on Lochiel’s appointment, to
present the chief with a patent of peerage, which, with other
patents, had been made out but kept latent. This James declined, as
he thought that, by declaring Lochiel’s patent, he would disgust
many deserving people, and particularly the other Highland chiefs.
He very properly observed that Lochiel’s interest and reputation in
his own country, and his being at the head of a regiment in France,
would give him more consideration there than any empty title he could
bestow.--_Letter from James to Charles, 7th November, 1747, among
Stuart Papers._

[1332] Letter to M. de Puyzieux, among the _Stuart Papers_.

[1333] Letter, Charles to his father, 13th May, 1748, _Stuart Papers_.

[1334] The Earl of Essex and Lord Cathcart, hostages sent to France
until the restitution by Great Britain of Cape Breton.

[1335] Letter,--Charles to the Duke de Gesvres, among the _Stuart
Papers_.

[1336] Authentic Account, p. 51.

[1337] Another account (G. Charles’s _Transactions in Scotland_) says
that the material for binding was ten ells of crimson silk cord. This
looks far more probable; if the major wished to make the binding of
the prince effectual, “silk ribbon” would have been ridiculous. Still
the anonymous letter referred to below is so circumstantial as to
call it “a black ribbon, three fingers broad, and thirty-six ells
long.”

[1338] Authentic Account, p. 63. Anonymous letter to Dr. Meighan,
among _Stuart Papers_.

[1339] _Stuart Papers._

CHAPTER XL.

A.D. 1748 TO PRESENT TIME.

BRITISH SOVEREIGNS:--

George II., 1727-1760. George III., 1760-1820.
George IV., 1820-1830. William IV., 1830-1837.
Victoria, 1837--

Departure of Prince Charles from Avignon incognito--Visits
London--Proposed marriage with a Princess of
Hesse-Darmstadt--Charles’s reported change of religion--Arrest
and execution of Doctor Cameron--Negotiations between Charles
and his Jacobite friends in England--Result--Negotiations
resumed, and finally broken off--Death of the Chevalier--Marriage
of Charles--His death--Character--Death of Cardinal
York--Descendants of the Stuarts--“Charles Edward and John
Sobieski Stuart.”

The city of Avignon, in Provence, which Charles selected for his
place of abode, did not at this time form a part of the French
dominions, but belonged to the pope. On the death of George I. the
Chevalier de St. George had taken up his residence in this city,
that he might the better be enabled to correspond with his friends
in England; but he was soon obliged to retire across the Alps, in
consequence, it is understood, of an application from the British
government to the court of Rome. To expel the Stuarts from the
French territories, whilst, by a sort of geographical subtlety, they
were allowed to reside almost in the heart of France, was certainly
an absurdity; and had Charles remained for any length of time at
Avignon, it is probable that, as in the case of his father, he
would soon have been forced to look out for another asylum; but, to
the astonishment of all Europe, he left Avignon incognito, after a
residence of about two months, and went whither nobody could tell.

Attended only by Colonel Goring, and one or two unliveried servants,
Charles left Avignon in a travelling chaise, and proceeded on the
road to Lyons. The prince and Goring passed for French officers, who,
on the conclusion of the peace, had obtained leave to visit their
friends--Charles taking the name of the Count D’Espoir.[1340] What
his motives were for taking this step have not been ascertained;
but it is probable that one of his objects was an interview with
the Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, with whose daughter, the Princess
Charlotte Louisa, he contemplated a matrimonial alliance.

After passing through Lyons, Charles hired another chaise, and
proceeded to Strasbourg. From Strasbourg it is supposed that Charles
went to Paris, as it is quite certain that, in the month of May, he
visited that capital.

Of Charles’s wanderings, during the several years that he continued
to roam on the continent, no satisfactory account has yet appeared;
but recent researches have thrown some light on this obscure part
of his history. It has been long known that during this period he
visited Germany, spent some time privately in Paris, but resided
chiefly in the dominions of his friend the Duc de Bouillon, where,
surrounded by the wide and solitary forest of Ardennes, his
active spirit sought, in the dangerous chase of wolves and bears,
some compensation for the military enterprise from which he was
excluded.[1341] Secretary Edgar, who corresponded frequently with
“the dear wild man,” as he jocularly styled Charles, considered the
prince’s incognito as one of the most extraordinary circumstances
that had ever occurred, so great was the secrecy with which it was
for several years preserved.

After his departure from Paris, the first trace that can be
discovered of him is in September 1750, when he visited London.[1342]
His object in coming over appears to have been to establish a
regular correspondence with his friends in England, to ascertain the
probability of a rising in his favour, and to fix with them upon a
proper place for landing arms, &c. Before his departure he applied
to his father for a renewal of his powers as regent, which James
reluctantly granted.[1343] If he found matters in a favourable train,
he intended to issue a declaration in which he was to offer to refer
the funds to a free parliament; and to encourage the army to join
him, he was to show the nullity of the oaths they had taken to the
“Elector.”[1344] Charles arrived in London in the month of September,
and went immediately to the house of Lady Primrose. Her ladyship
sent a note to Dr. King, a zealous Jacobite, desiring to see him
immediately. On the doctor’s entering the house, Lady Primrose led
him into her dressing-room, and presented him to the prince. Dr. King
was surprised at seeing him, and still more astonished when informed
of the motives which had induced him to hazard a journey to England
at such a juncture. According to Dr. King, whose statement is fully
supported by documents among the _Stuart Papers_, the impatience of
the prince’s friends who were in exile had formed a scheme which
was impracticable; but although it had been as feasible as they had
represented it to him, yet no preparation had been made to carry it
into execution. Charles was soon convinced that he had been deceived,
and after a stay in London of only five days, returned to the
continent.[1345]

As Charles studiously concealed from his father all his designs and
movements, the latter was entirely ignorant of his contemplated
marriage with the daughter of the Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt. The
Chevalier had suggested, in 1747, a marriage with one of the Duke
of Modena’s daughters, from which family his mother had sprung; but
Charles appears not to have relished the proposed match. He now urged
upon him the necessity of marrying, so as to secure the succession
of the family; for he could not think the prince so selfish as to
consider himself only in all he did and suffered.

Though he could not but feel disappointed at the result of his
journey to England, Charles did not despond, and he now resolved to
sound the dispositions of the courts of Berlin and Stockholm. As Lord
Marischal had resided about three years in Berlin, and was, through
the interest of Field-marshal Keith, his brother, on the best footing
with his Prussian majesty, it occurred to Charles that, by availing
himself of the services of that nobleman, whom he looked upon as
“an honest man,” Frederick might be induced to espouse his cause.
Accordingly he despatched Colonel Goring to Berlin, in June 1751,
with a letter to Lord Marischal. After consulting with his lordship,
Goring was directed to proceed to Sweden.[1346] Of this mission
nothing farther is known. An interview which took place between Lord
Marischal and Goring, and another probably with the prince himself at
Paris, in September following, are involved in the same obscurity.
About this time Charles received notice that one Grosert, collector
of the customs at Alloa, had left Scotland with an intention to
assassinate him. This information was brought to France by Robertson
of Blairfetty, who had been in Scotland. Grosert is said to have been
married to a German woman, the daughter of the milliner of George
I.[1347]

No trace can be discovered of Charles’s wanderings, after his
return from London, till the 5th of April 1752, when he was seen by
a gentleman of the name of Mackintosh at Campvere, in the island
of Middleburg, where he remained four days.[1348] He is said to
have revisited London in the course of the following year, and to
have formally renounced the Catholic religion in a chapel in Gray’s
Inn Lane under his own name of Charles Edward Stuart; but for this
statement there appears to be no sufficient authority.[1349] Dr.
King, who corresponded with Charles for several years, makes no
allusion to this visit, nor is there the least trace of it to be
found among the _Stuart Papers_. The story of a third visit, on
occasion of the coronation of George III., at which Charles is said
to have attended, rests on the authority of a letter of David Hume,
written in 1773. As to his reported change of religion, a rumour was
generally prevalent in 1752--a year before the date of his alleged
apostacy at London--that Charles had become a Protestant; but its
accuracy was doubted of by some of his friends.[1350] It is certain,
however, that Charles was not disposed to imitate the self-denial
of his father and grandfather, who preferred their faith to a
crown.[1351]

In consequence of the state of comparative security which the British
government enjoyed after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, it became less
vigilant than before in watching the motions of the exiled adherents
of the house of Stuart. Some of them accordingly ventured, from time
to time, to revisit their native country and friends. Amongst others,
Dr. Cameron came over in 1749 to recover part of a large sum of money
which had been left by Charles in charge of Macpherson of Cluny when
he quitted Scotland. He made a second journey to Britain in 1753,
for what particular purpose is not certainly known, although it is
supposed his visit had some connection with a scheme for another
rising, then under the consideration of the Jacobites, but which
luckily was nipped in the bud. Having been apprehended in Scotland,
he was carried to London, confined to the Tower, and his identity
being proved in the court of king’s bench by several witnesses, he
received sentence of death, and was barbarously executed at Tyburn.
He conducted himself with manly fortitude and decorum, and his
fate was generally pitied.[1352] Some of the best wishers to the
Government thought the sacrifice of this unfortunate gentleman a most
unnecessary and wanton act at such a juncture, and at such a distance
of time from the period of his attainder.[1353] It is said that King
George himself, as he reluctantly signed the warrant for Cameron’s
execution, exclaimed, “Surely there has been too much blood spilt
upon this account already!”

Down to 1754 Charles kept up a regular communication with his friends
in England, several of whom visited him personally, and though they
saw many reprehensible things in his conduct, yet they were willing
to make every allowance for the peculiarities of his situation. There
was one circumstance, however, which they could not overlook. When
in Scotland, Charles had a mistress named Clementina Walkinshaw,
who, by all accounts, possessed no great attractions, bodily or
mental. Some years after he was sent out of France he sent for this
woman, who managed to become acquainted with all his plans, and was
trusted with his most secret correspondence. As Miss Walkinshaw had
a sister who acted as housekeeper to Frederick, Prince of Wales, at
Leicester house, all the persons of distinction in England attached
to Charles grew alarmed, being apprehensive that this paramour had
been placed in his family by the English ministers. They, therefore,
despatched a gentleman, named M’Namara, to Paris, where Charles then
was, with instructions to insist upon Miss Walkinshaw’s removal
for a certain time from his presence. Mr. M’Namara, who was a man
of excellent understanding, urged the most powerful reasons, and
used all the arts of persuasion to induce him to comply, but to no
purpose. M’Namara then informed him that an immediate interruption
of all correspondence with his most powerful friends in England, and
the ruin of his interest, would be the certain consequence of his
refusal; but Charles was inflexible. M’Namara staid some days in
Paris beyond the time prescribed, in hopes of ultimately prevailing;
but all his entreaties and remonstrances were ineffectual. At
parting, M’Namara could not help exclaiming, with great indignation,
“What has your family done, Sir, thus to draw down the vengeance
of Heaven on every branch of it, through so many ages?” During his
conferences with M’Namara, the prince declared that he had no violent
passion, or, indeed, any particular regard for Miss Walkinshaw, and
that he could see her removed from him without any concern; but that
he would not receive directions for the regulation of his private
conduct from any man alive. When M’Namara returned to London and
reported Charles’s answer to the gentlemen who had sent him to Paris,
many of whom were persons of the first rank, and all of them men
of fortune and distinction, they were amazed and confounded, and
resolved at once to break with him.[1354]

Lord Marischal was then residing at Paris as ambassador from the
king of Prussia to the court of Versailles, and was apprised by
M’Namara of everything that passed between him and the prince. Had
M’Namara’s mission been successful, his lordship, whose services
Charles was anxious to obtain, meant, on the expiration of his
embassy, to have entered Charles’s household; but disgusted with the
conduct of the prince, who even had the ingratitude to threaten to
publish the names of his English friends, he declined to take any
farther interest in his affairs, and embracing the mediation of the
king of Prussia, reconciled himself to the British government.[1355]

When, in the following year, a war with France seemed inevitable,
some of his French friends petitioned the French court to take
advantage of this favourable opportunity to make one more attempt
to restore the Stuarts. Charles himself came to France, and appears
to have made exertions in his own behalf, but the time was consumed
in fruitless negotiations, and Charles returned to Italy and the
retirement of private life. It seems to be with this attempt that
a document contained among the _Stuart Papers_ is connected. This
document purports to be notes of a statement made by a deputation,
sent over to Prince Charles, at a conference with him, drawn up at
his own desire; it is dated August 15, 1755. If this document is
authentic, and there seems to be no reason to believe otherwise, the
deputies must have lectured the prince on his conduct most fearlessly
and outspokenly, and in a manner to which princes are mostly
strangers.

It is not known what reception the deputation met with, or how this
message was received by him; but, at his desire, the address was
committed to writing, and sent to him. Charles returned an indignant
answer, informing his “friends” that reason might, and he hoped
should, always prevail with him, but his own heart deceived him if
threats or promises ever would. He despised, he said, the malice of
those who aspersed his character, and considered it below his dignity
to treat them in the terms they deserved. He told them he had long
desired a churchman from his friends to attend him, but that his
expectations had been hitherto disappointed.[1356]

Though Charles at first affected not to feel the indignity offered
to him by the French government, yet it is certain that it left upon
him an indelible impression, soured his disposition, and tended to
confirm into a habit the propensity to tippling which he contracted
during his long and exhausting wanderings in the Highlands. Indeed,
his mind, which never was of the strongest or noblest type, appears
to have been quite unhinged. During his long incognito he scarcely
ever corresponded with his afflicted father,--a silence which he said
was not owing either to neglect or want of duty, but because his
situation was such that he could do nothing but vent “imprecations
against the fatality of being born in such a detestable age.”[1357]
Led away by his passions, and reckless of the feelings or wishes of
others, he would suffer no control; and so infatuated did he become,
that in resisting the admonitions of his friends, he thought he was
pursuing a course honourable to himself, and dutiful towards the
“honest man,”--his father;[1358] but James was not to be misled by
such false notions, and hinted, that though he was happy to find
Charles in such sentiments, yet it was possible that what he might
think for the best might be otherwise. “Do you,” he asks the prince,
“rightly understand the extensive sense of honour and duty from which
you say you will never go astray? If you can,” he continues, “keep
up to that rule, you will then be really an honest man, which is the
new name you give me, and with which I am much pleased, since it
is a title I value more than all those which vanity can desire, or
flattery invent. It is a title we are all obliged to pretend to, and
which we may all, without vanity, think we deserve, and unless we
deserve it, we, in reality, can neither be happy in the next world,
nor even in this, because peace and tranquillity of mind is only the
share of honest men. The best wish I can therefore make you, is that
you may yourself long deserve and enjoy that title it would be the
most effectual means of drawing down God’s blessing upon you.”[1359]

[Illustration: Prince Charles Edward Stuart.

From an Original Drawing by Ozias Humphrey, R.A. Taken at Florence
1776.]

After the estrangement of his friends, Charles appears to have given
up all thoughts of restoration, and resided chiefly at Avignon till
shortly before the death of his father, on December 31, 1766, when
he returned to Italy, fixing his abode at Florence. The Chevalier
had, for several years, been in a declining state of health, and, for
two years before his death, had been confined to his bed-chamber.
His remains were carried to the church of the parish where he had
resided, and were decorated with all the insignia of royalty. Over
the bed was this inscription:--“Jacobus Magnæ Britanniæ Rex, Anno
MDCCLXVI.” The body lay in state three days, during which none but
the Italian princes and British subjects were admitted into the
church. The corpse was then removed in procession to St Peter’s
church to be interred. By his will, the Chevalier left his real
estate, which yielded about forty thousand crowns per annum,
exclusive of pensions, to Prince Charles. He also left him a box of
jewels belonging to the crown of Poland, formerly pledged to the
Sobieski family, if not redeemed. The jewels belonging to his own
family he directed to be divided between Charles and Henry.

From the state of comparative seclusion in which the Chevalier passed
the most part of his life, his personal history is less known than
either that of his father, or his son, Charles Edward. His character,
to judge from his correspondence and the many acts of individual
kindness he showed towards his exiled adherents, was benevolent
and estimable. He seems to have been better acquainted with the
principles of the English constitution than any of his race, and
would, had he been called to empire, have very possibly eschewed the
dangerous rock of the prerogative on which his grandfather and father
split. His boast was not merely that he was an Englishman, but that,
to use an Italian phrase, there was not “a greater Englishman than
himself.”[1360]

After his father’s death, Prince Charles retired to Albano, near
Rome, where he appears to have lived in great seclusion till the
year 1772, when the court of Versailles, desirous for its own
selfish purposes to prevent the male line of the house of Stuart
from becoming extinct, negotiated a marriage between him and the
young princess Louisa Maximiliana Carolina of Stolberg-Gedern; and
the three Bourbon courts all concurring in the match, a suitable
allowance was settled by them on the prince and his wife. Charles,
who, in consequence of the refusal of the court of Rome to recognise
the titles which his father had assumed, had taken that of the Count
of Albany, which when a youth he had used on his travels through
Italy, took up his residence upon his marriage in the neighbourhood
of Florence, whither he was invited by the grand duke of Tuscany.
The marriage was unfortunate. Charles had lived too long single
to enjoy connubial happiness; and his mind, soured by misfortune
and degraded by dissipation, unfitted him for the discharge of the
domestic virtues.[1361] An English lady who saw Prince Charles at
Rome in 1770, describes him thus:--“The Pretender is naturally above
the middle size, but stoops excessively; he appears bloated and red
in the face, his countenance heavy and sleepy, which is attributed
to his having given in to excess of drinking, but when a young man
he must have been esteemed handsome. His complexion is of the fair
tint, his eyes blue, his hair light brown, and the contour of his
face a long oval; he is by no means thin, has a noble person and a
graceful manner. His dress was scarlet, laced with broad gold lace;
he wears the blue riband outside of his coat, from which depends a
cameo, antique, as large as the palm of my hand, and he wears the
same garter and motto as those of the noble St George in England.
Upon the whole, he has a melancholy, mortified appearance.”[1362]

Charles and the princess lived together uncomfortably till 1780,
Charles, it is said, often treating his youthful, beautiful,
accomplished, and gentle wife with the greatest brutality. In 1777
she became acquainted with the great Italian dramatist Alfieri, and
the two immediately conceived for each other a passionate, lasting,
and comparatively pure love; for while her husband lived there is
every reason to believe that she remained faithful to him. The
princess left Charles in 1780, and took up her residence with his
brother the cardinal at Rome, but shortly after removed from that to
Baden and ultimately to Paris, where Alfieri joined her, and they
separated no more. On her husband’s death, it is understood that she
was privately married to Alfieri, who died in 1803, she surviving
him upwards of twenty-one years. When Tuscany fell under the dominion
of Bonaparte, he ordered the princess, then living in Florence,
(she having incurred his displeasure), to repair to Paris. She was
afterwards allowed to return to Florence, where it is said she made
a left-handed marriage with a French historical painter, named
Francis Xavier Fabre, the friend of Alfieri, whom upon her death she
appointed her universal executor.

About 1785, Charles, who must have felt himself at this time a
lonely, homeless, disappointed old man, took to live with him his
daughter, Charlotte, by Miss Walkinshaw, who was born about 1760.
Little is known of this lady; she, however, appears to have been of
a gentle disposition, and we would fain hope that her presence and
companionship helped much to soften the misanthropy and soothe the
bitter spirit of the disappointed aspirant to the British throne.
Shortly after his daughter came to live with him, Charles removed to
Rome, where in January 1788 he was prostrated by paralysis, and after
an illness of three weeks died on the 31st. He was buried royally
in the church of his brother at Frascati, the body, however, being
afterwards removed to St Peter’s at Rome. Some time before his death,
he legitimatized his daughter, and as the last act of his shadowy
sovereignty, created her Duchess of Albany, leaving her the greater
part of his private property.[1363] Even down to the time of his
death, it would seem he had not entirely relinquished the hope of
one day sitting on the throne of his ancestors, for, according to
Lord Mahon, he used to keep under his bed a strong box with 12,000
sequins, ready for the expenses of his journey to England whenever he
might suddenly be called thither.[1364] His daughter, so far as is
known his sole descendant, survived him only one year.

Whilst Charles’s partisans have painted him in the most glowing
colours of admiration, as the paragon of all that is noble and
high-minded, others have represented him as a man devoid of any good
and generous feeling,--as despotic, revengeful, ungrateful, and
avaricious,--having, in short, all the vices without one of the
redeeming virtues of his race. Paradoxical as the assertion may be,
there is some truth in both delineations; but considerable abatements
must be made from the exaggerated eulogies of the one party, as
well as from the sweeping condemnation of the other. There were, in
fact, as has been well observed, two Charles Edwards. The hero of
1745 was a generous and high-minded youth, who, notwithstanding some
constitutional defects, merited a better destiny; but the Charles
Edward of a subsequent period was a degraded man, who, dispirited
by misfortune and soured by disappointment, lost all command over
himself, and became the sport of his passions. He retained, however,
to the close of his existence, a vivid recollection of his early
exploits, and frequently betrayed genuine emotion on hearing any
allusion to Scotland and the Highlanders.

[Illustration: Medal of Henry, Cardinal Duke of York.

From Original in Antiquarian Museum, Edinburgh.]

When Charles was ill in 1784, his brother the cardinal, supposing him
to be on his death-bed, drew up a paper maintaining his pretensions
to the British crown, which, he declared, were in no way prejudiced
or renounced by his retention of the incognito title, Cardinal Duke
of York. A copy of this document he sent to the pope, cardinals,
and various foreign ministers. When his brother the prince did die,
and Henry was left the last and sole representative of the royal
Stuart race, he caused a medal to be struck bearing the inscription,
“Henry IX., King of England, by the grace of God, but not by the
will of men.” This, however, was all the cardinal ever did to
maintain his right divine to the throne from which his grandfather
fled. He appears to have been perfectly contented with his life as
a Roman cardinal, to have been generous and gentle in disposition,
and to have performed his duties faithfully as a minister of the
Catholic Church, although in his own house he is said to have
insisted upon a strict observance of all the etiquette usual in the
residence of a reigning sovereign. He had many rich livings both in
Italy and France, but of most of these and of all his wealth and
treasures, literary, antiquarian, and curious, he was despoiled by
the emissaries of the French revolution in 1798, when he took refuge
in Venice infirm and destitute. His case was represented to his
successful relative George III., who immediately, and in as delicate
a manner as possible, generously settled on the cardinal a pension
for life of L.4000 a year. The cardinal returned to Rome in 1801, and
resided there till his death in 1807, aged 82 years. He was buried in
St Peter’s, beside his father and brother, “and a stately monument,
from the chisel of Canova, but at charge, as I believe, of the House
of Hanover, has since arisen to the memory of JAMES THE THIRD,
CHARLES THE THIRD, and HENRY THE NINTH, KINGS OF ENGLAND--names which
an Englishman can scarcely read without a smile or a sigh! Often at
the present day does the British traveller turn from the sunny height
of the Pincian or the carnival throngs of the Corso, to gaze in
thoughtful silence on that sad mockery of human greatness, and that
last record of ruined hopes!”[1365]

Henry of York, as we have said, was the last scion of the direct line
of the royal house of Stuart, although he was by no means the last
of the Stuarts, as the genealogy of nearly every royal and princely
house of Europe can testify. Much valuable information on this
point is contained in Mr. Townsend’s _Descendants of the Stuarts_,
where the reader will meet with many interesting and a few strange
and startling facts. The Stuart blood, it would seem, enriches the
veins of every Christian sovereign of Europe, and among the European
noble families will be found many princes who, by the now ignored
and we hope never to be revived, principle of divine hereditary
right, are nearer heirs to the British throne than the Prince of
Wales. The heir-of-line of the Stuarts is, we believe, Francis,
ex-Duke of Modena, the heiress presumptive being his niece, Maria
Theresa, wife of Prince Louis of Bavaria. Great Britain, however,
is as likely to assert her right to the allegiance of the United
States as is any of the many descendants of the Stuarts to endeavour
to establish a claim to the throne of England, to the prejudice of
the reigning family. The Lady who at present occupies the throne of
Britain, and in whose veins runs a large share of the ancient Stuart
blood, has won her way to the hearts of all classes of her subjects,
Highland and Lowland, by her true nobility of character, genuine
womanliness, and anxious interest in the welfare of her people, as
effectually as did the young Chevalier by his youthful thoughtless
daring, fascinating manners, and feigned enthusiasm for all that was
Highland. Still the ancient spirit is not dead, and probably never
will die, so long as Gaelic and Lowland Scotch is understood in the
land, and so long as there exists such a superabundance of Jacobite
songs unmatched for pathos and humour, and set to music which cannot
fail to touch the heart of the “canniest Scot” that ever tried to
overreach his neighbour. This sentimental Jacobitism, initiated
by Scott, appears to be getting stronger and stronger every year,
and pervades all classes of society from the “queen on the throne
to the meanest of her subjects;” it has, indeed, become now to a
certain extent fashionable, no doubt owing largely to the example
set by the greatest lady in the land, in her love and admiration
of the Highlands and Highlanders. Tartans, not very many years ago
proscribed and forbidden to be worn under severe penalties, and
regarded as barbarous and vulgar, have now become the rage, and are
as indispensable to every Scottish family, Highland or Lowland, as
its crest or its family ghost.

Before dismissing entirely the Stuart family, which latterly was
so intimately associated with the Highlands, it may not be out of
place to mention that only a few years ago, two young men made their
appearance in Scotland, holding themselves forth as legitimate
grandsons of Prince Charles. Their story, set forth in an inflated,
misty style, after the manner of romantic novelists, will be found in
a work published by them in 1847, entitled, _Tales of the Century,
or Sketches of the Romance of History between the years 1746 and
1846_. There can be no doubt that John Sobieski and Charles Edward
Stuart, the names by which these gentlemen made themselves known
to the public, have no connection whatever with the royal Stuarts:
it is certain that Prince Charles Edward Stuart left behind him
no legitimate offspring. The story told by them in the above
publication, however, was to the effect that their father, instead
of being a son of Admiral Allen, as was commonly supposed, was a
son of Prince Charles and the Princess Louisa, whose birth was kept
secret through fear of the Hanoverian family, and who was intrusted
to Admiral Allen, and passed off by him as his own son.[1366] It is
not at all improbable that they themselves believed their own story,
and were, strictly speaking, no impostors; at all events, they appear
to have met with considerable sympathy in the form of hospitality
and subscriptions to their publications, for besides the book above
mentioned and a volume of poems, they published a large and expensive
work, splendidly illustrated, entitled, _The Costume of the Clans_,
a copy of which was ordered at the time for her Majesty’s library.
To judge from the introduction to this last book, occupying about
the half of the work, written in a most painfully lofty style, and
having an amusing look of learning by being crammed full of small
type notes and enigmatical references, one would be almost inclined
to think that they were weak-minded enough to believe that it was
possible, even in the middle of the 19th century, in the reign of
Queen Victoria, to incite the loyal Highlanders to enact a second
’45.[1367]

John Sobieski Stuart generally resides in London, where he is to be
met with in good society under the title of “Count D’Albanie.”

FOOTNOTES:

[1340] “Letter from H---- G----, Esquire, one of the gentlemen of the
bed-chamber to the young Chevalier, and the only person of his own
retinue that attended him from Avignon, in his late journey through
Germany and elsewhere, &c., to a particular friend. London, 1750.”

[1341] Klose’s _Memoirs of Prince Charles_, vol. ii. p. 199.

[1342] Charles alludes to this visit in a note dated 1st July, 1754,
in his own hand-writing, among the _Stuart Papers_.

[1343] _Stuart Papers._

[1344] See a curious memorandum, dated 3d May, 1750, among the
_Stuart Papers_. From this document it is evident that Charles
thought that the French ministry were bribed by the British
government to withhold assistance from him.

[1345] King’s _Political and Literary Anecdotes_, p. 197:--“He came,”
says Dr. King, “one evening to my lodgings and drank tea with me.
My servant, after he was gone, said to me, ‘that he thought my new
visitor very like Prince Charles.’ ‘Why,’ said I, ‘have you ever seen
Prince Charles?’ ‘No, sir,’ replied the fellow, ‘but this gentleman,
whoever he may be, exactly resembles the busts which are sold in
Red Lion Street, and are said to be the busts of Prince Charles.’
The truth is, these busts were taken in plaster of Paris from his
face. I never heard him,” adds the doctor--who, however, cannot be
received as an altogether unbiassed reporter--“express any noble or
benevolent sentiment, the certain indications of a great soul and a
good heart; or discover any sorrow or compassion for the misfortunes
of so many worthy men who had suffered in his cause. But the most
odious part of his character was his love of money.... I have known
this gentleman with 2000 Louis d’ors in his strong-box pretend he
was in great distress, and borrow money from a lady in Paris who was
not in affluent circumstances. His most faithful servants, who had
closely attended him in all his difficulties, were ill rewarded. To
this spirit of avarice may be added his insolent manner of treating
his immediate dependants, very unbecoming a great prince, _and a sure
prognostic of what might be expected from him if ever he acquired the
sovereign power_.”

[1346] See the letter to Earl Marischal and the instructions to
Goring, both dated 21st June, 1751, among the _Stuart Papers_.

[1347] Letter from Sir James Harrington, dated 6th August, 1751,
among the _Stuart Papers_.

[1348] Letter, Mr. Donald Mackintosh to Secretary Edgar, dated from
Civita Vecchia, 6th February, 1754.--_Stuart Papers._

[1349] He is said on this occasion to have called without previous
notice on Lady Primrose, and to have walked into the room, where she
and others were playing cards, being announced by the servant under
another name. After he left it was remarked how like he was to the
prince’s portrait which hung in the very room into which he entered.
He is said on this occasion to have used so little precaution that
he went abroad undisguised in daylight, walking once through St.
James’s, and taking a turn in Pall Mall. This story looks very
like another version of his visit in 1750. See George Charles’s
_Transactions in Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 470.

[1350] See among the _Stuart Papers_ a letter from Secretary Edgar
to Mr. William Hay, 26th September, 1752, and that from Mr. Hay’s
letter to Edgar, October 1752. Charles seems to have been desirous
after this to have none but Protestants about him. He sent an order
to Avignon, in November 1753, to dismiss all his “Papist servants.”
He kept at this time a French mistress, and having quarrelled with
her, he discarded her because she was “a Papist too.” The following
note, also, in the prince’s hand, appears on the back of a letter of
Waters the banker, of 26th June, 1754:--“My being a Protestant I can
prove to be an advantage to the Papist, and my terrible situation
not to be incapable to attempt any plan either against my honour or
interest, seeing them that are so far from my country.” At this time
(June 1754) Charles was living in Paris incognito.

[1351] See his answer to the deputation that waited on him in the
year 1755:--

“As to his religion,” says Dr. King, “he is certainly free from
all bigotry and superstition, and would readily conform to the
religion of the country. With the Catholics he is a Catholic, with
the Protestants he is a Protestant; and to convince the latter of
his sincerity, he often carried an English Common Prayer-book in
his pocket, and sent to Gordon (whom I have mentioned before), a
non-juring clergyman, to christen the first child he had by his
mistress, Mrs. Walkinshaw.”

[1352] Klose’s _Memoirs of Prince Charles_, vol. ii. p. 208.

[1353] The French government settled a pension of 1200 livres per
annum upon his widow, and granted an annual allowance of 400 livres
to each of his two sons who were in its service, in addition to their
pay.

[1354] King’s Political and Literary Anecdotes, p. 264, _et seq._

[1355] Several letters between Charles and Lord Marischal will be
found among the _Stuart Papers_. The most interesting are one from
his lordship, without signature, 15th April 1754, another also
without signature, 18th May 1754, and Charles’s answer of the latter
date.

[1356] _Stuart Papers._

[1357] Letter to Edgar, 24th March 1754.

[1358] Letter,--Charles to Edgar, 12th March, 1755.

[1359] Letter to Charles, 14th April, 1755, among _Stuart Papers_.

[1360] Letter to Charles of 3d February, 1747.

[1361] Lord Mahon thinks that Charles had contracted a disparaging
opinion of the tender sex in general. Among the _Stuart Papers_ is
the following written by Charles about the time of his marriage:--“As
for men, I have studied them myself, and were I to live till
fourscore, I could scarcely know them better than now, but as for
women, I have thought it useless, they being so much more wicked and
impenetrable.” “Ungenerous and ungrateful words,” justly exclaims
Lord Mahon; “surely as he wrote them, the image of Flora Macdonald
should have risen in his heart and restrained his hand.”--Mahon’s
_England_, v. iii., p. 527.

[1362] Letters from Italy by an Englishwoman, London, 1776. Quoted by
Lord Mahon.

[1363] Klose’s _Memoirs_, v. ii., p. 241.

[1364] Mahon’s _England_, v. ii., p. 528.

[1365] Mahon’s _England_, v. iii. p. 529.

[1366] See the whole story set forth and conclusively refuted in the
_Quarterly Review_ for June 1847.

[1367] A gentleman of Jacobite sympathies, to whom this part of the
work has been submitted, appends the following note:--

“It is but justice, however, to these gentlemen to say, that they
have never made any loud or noisy assertion of their claims, leaving,
what they believe to be, the fact of their descent to be indicated,
rather than asserted in the work above mentioned. It is understood,
also, that they do not encourage much reference being made to those
claims, which they consider to amount only to the fact of their being
descended from Prince Charles, not to any ‘Divine Right’ to the
throne in virtue of that descent; that right having been forfeited,
they believe, by the fact of themselves and their ancestors having
been Roman Catholics--the nation having declared for a Protestant
succession. It looks also as if they depended on the strength of
truth, or what they believe to be truth, that they have never
answered the criticisms of the _Quarterly_ reviewer, whilst at the
same time it is understood that they maintain that they could answer
him, if they were so minded. They bore a high character during their
residence in the Highlands of Scotland, which character they still
retain. It is some time since the writer of this note has seen them,
but the resemblance which their features bore to the features of the
ancient Stuart race used to be remarked by all who knew them. This,
however, would not prove much. Even the _Quarterly_ reviewer does not
allege that they were _conscious_ or knowingly impostors.”

CHAPTER XLI.

Proceedings which followed Culloden, their cause and
consequences--Influence of clan-feeling--Lord Lovat and
the Frasers--Parliamentary measures--Disarming Act--Act
against the Highland dress--Abolition of Hereditary
Jurisdictions--The Scottish Episcopalians--Effect of these
measures--The Old Jacobites--The Jacobite Songs--Whig
Songs--Sir Walter Scott--Jacobitism at the present day--Queen
Victoria--Innovations, and their probable consequences.

The harsh military proceedings which followed the battle of Culloden,
of which we have already endeavoured to give the reader an idea,
seem to have completely crushed the spirit out of the poor, and, in
many cases, innocent Highlanders. The Duke of Cumberland and his
subordinates exercised, as we have seen, no discrimination in the
selection of their victims, laying their bloody clutches on chiefs
and people, him who had been “out” and him who had not; it was
sufficient to bring slaughter, slavery, or ruin on a man and his
family, if he bore upon or about him any mark of Highland origin or
connection,--wore a kilt, or could not justify himself in English.
The end which it was intended to accomplish by these cruel and
saddening measures, was no doubt in the main highly desirable; it
was well to let it be distinctly known once for all, that the divine
hereditary right of ruling could be conferred only by the people, and
that these would bestow the post of king on him who could fill it
best, and who would by no caprices of his own obstruct the progress
of the nation. It was assuredly right and absolutely necessary that
the Highlanders should be made clearly to understand that they
lived in the middle of the 18th century, and were only a very small
part of a great nation which was leading the march of the world’s
progress, and that, instead of doing their best to pull their country
back a century, they should lend the aid of the many valuable and
noble qualities with which they were endowed, but which were running
comparatively waste, to enable Britain to keep her proud position in
the van of the nations, and help the world on in its glorious course
of progress, to try to stop which would certainly lead to their own
destruction. It was, we say, high time that such a splendid race of
men should be roused out of self-satisfied slumber and brought to
their senses, but surely there was some gentler method of effecting
this than by thrusting a sword into their hearts or blowing out
their bewildered brains; their tendency to rebellion was no disease
which required to be “stamped out,” but merely the result of much
unoccupied energy, which only required proper direction in order to
become a blessing instead of a curse to their fellow-countrymen. No
one, possessing ordinary human feeling, can regard the proceedings
which followed Culloden, and which were continued for many months,
with any feelings but those of pity, sadness, and horror, combined
with loathing at those who were so inhuman as to carry out the bloody
work of wholesale butchery and ruin. We of the present day regard the
Highlanders of ’45 as a chivalrous, impulsive, simple-minded race,
who really wished to do no one any harm, and perhaps we are to a
certain extent right. But, as at the time of the massacre of Glencoe,
their southern fellow-countrymen looked upon them as a pestiferous
race of semi-barbarians, enemies to progress, “thieves and lawless
limmers,” who, like vermin, should be annihilated, or at least for
ever incapacitated from doing harm to any but themselves. This seems
especially to have been the case with the Duke of Cumberland, who was
utterly incapable of regarding the Highlanders in any other light
than as a set of barbarous villains, to whom no mercy ought to be
shown. Writing, April 4, 1746, to the Duke of Newcastle, he says,
“All in this country are almost to a man Jacobites, and mild measures
will not do. You will find that the whole laws of this ancient
kingdom must be new modelled. Were I to enumerate the villains and
villanies this country abounds in, I should never have done.” And
again, July 17, “I am sorry to leave this country in the condition it
is in; for all the good that we have done is a little blood-letting,
which has only weakened the madness, but not at all cured it; and _I
tremble for fear that this vile spot may still be the ruin of this
island and of our family_.” From a man of Cumberland’s character,
cherishing such feelings as the above towards an enemy in his power,
what other course of conduct was to be expected than that which he
followed, more especially when it is remembered that these feelings
must have been considerably aggravated by the defeats which the
royal army had already sustained. On this last account the royal
soldiers themselves must have cherished more than usually bitter
feelings towards their opponents; for what can be more chagrining to
regularly disciplined troops than to be routed by a wretchedly armed
rabble of half naked, untrained men, in which light the royal army
must have regarded the Highlanders. These special causes, added to
the insatiable thirst for blood which seems to take possession of a
victorious army, sufficiently account for the inhuman, heartless,
and uncalled for treatment of the Highlanders after the battle of
Culloden. Good as the end was, the means was utterly unjustifiable
and abhorrent.

The end, however, was accomplished. The spirit of the Highlanders was
totally broken; they were left completely prostrate, broken hearted,
and bleeding, with no power left of further disturbing the peace of
the kingdom, and with little inclination, at least among the great
majority of the clansmen, to lend their aid towards another rising.
Indeed, it is well known that, so far as the mass of the clansmen, as
distinguished from the chiefs and tacksmen, were concerned, they were
entirely the tools of their superiors, and were ready, according as
their chiefs ordered, either to espouse the cause of Prince Charles,
or to be loyal to the existing government. There is not a better
instance of the indifference of the common Highlanders as to whom
they fought for, than the conduct of the clan Fraser in the rebellion
of 1715. At the time this rebellion broke out, Lovat was in France,
the headship of the clan being assumed by Mackenzie of Fraserdale,
who favoured the cause of the Stuarts, and who had joined the Earl
of Mar at Perth with 400 of the Frasers, many other members of the
clan remaining neutral till the pleasure of Simon, their real chief,
should be known. Lovat returned from France, espoused the side of
King George, in which he was immediately followed by the neutral
Frasers, while those who were in the camp of Marr left it to a man,
and joined themselves to him whom they regarded as their rightful
chief. Such was the strength of the clannish principle, and such
the indifference of the majority of the Highlanders as to which
side they espoused, so long as they pleased their chief, to please
whom, they had been taught from their infancy, was the first and
great commandment, to offend him being little better than banishment
or death. To say the least, then, how utterly indiscriminating and
shameful was the cruel conduct of “Butcher” Cumberland and his
assistants.

The cruel and unconstitutional method of punishing the Highland
rebels, and crushing the sting out of them, adopted by Cumberland,
was at length put a stop to about the month of August, the Civil
Courts successfully asserting their supremacy over military licence
and coercion. Parliament set itself to devise and adopt such measures
as it thought would be calculated to assimilate the Highlands with
the rest of the kingdom, and deprive the Highlanders of the power to
combine successfully in future against the established government. To
effect these ends, Parliament, in 1746 and 1747, passed various Acts,
by which it was ordained that the Highlanders should be disarmed,
their peculiar dress laid aside, and the heritable jurisdictions and
wardholding abolished.

Marshal Wade, in 1725, seems really to have succeeded in confiscating
a very considerable number of good, useful arms, although the pawky
Highlanders managed to throw a glamour over even his watchful eyes,
and secrete many weapons for use when occasion should offer. Still,
that arms were scarce in the Highlands after this, is shown by
the rude and unmilitary character of the weapons possessed by the
majority of the rebel army previous to the battle of Prestonpans;
there, many of the Highlanders were able to exchange their irregular
and ugly, but somewhat formidable weapons for government firelocks
and bayonets. Still Culloden, and the merciless oppression which
followed, more than annulled all that the Highlanders had gained in
this and other respects by their previous success; so that those
who had the enforcing of the disarming Act would have comparatively
little work to do, and were not likely to meet with much opposition
in performing it. Severe penalties were threatened upon any who dared
to keep possession of weapons after the Act came in force; for the
first offence the delinquent was liable to a heavy fine, to be sent
to serve as a soldier in America, or, if unfit for service, to be
imprisoned for six months. Seven years’ transportation followed the
second offence.

There can, we think, be no doubt as to the wisdom and prudence of
this Act if judiciously and thoroughly carried out, although the
penalties certainly do seem too severe. It seems to have accomplished
its purpose: “the last law,” says Dr. Johnson,[1368] “by which the
Highlanders are deprived of their arms, has operated with efficacy
beyond expectation ... the arms were collected with such rigour,
that every house was despoiled of its defence.” Not only was
this disarming of the Highlanders effectual in preventing future
rebellion, but also helped considerably to soften and render less
dangerous their daily intercourse with each other. Formerly it was
quite a common occurrence for the least difference of opinion between
two Highlanders--whose bristling pride is always on the rise--to
be followed by high words and an ultimate appeal to weapons, in
which the original combatants were often joined by their respective
friends, the result being a small battle ending in one or more deaths
and many wounds. The Disarming Act tended to make such occurrences
extremely rare.

There is certainly great room for doubting the wisdom which prompted
the enactment that followed the above, enforcing the discontinuance
of the peculiar dress of the Highlanders. By this Act, “Any person
within Scotland, whether man or boy (excepting officers and soldiers
in his majesty’s service), who should wear the plaid, philibeg,
trews, shoulder belts, or any part of the Highland garb, or
should use for great coats, tartans, or parti-coloured plaid, or
stuffs, should, without the alternative of a fine, be imprisoned
for the first conviction for six months, without bail, and on the
second conviction be transported for seven years.”[1369] Of all
the medicines administered by the government physicians to the
Highlanders at this time, this was certainly the most difficult for
them to swallow, and the one least calculated to serve the purpose
for which it was intended. As to the other enactments made by
government to keep down rebellion, the Highlanders could not but feel
that those in power were only doing what common prudence dictated.
But this interference in a matter so personal and apparently so
harmless as that of dress, this prohibition of a costume so national,
ancient (at least in fashion), and characteristic as that of the
Highlanders, seemed to them an act of mere wanton and insulting
oppression, intended to degrade them, and without purpose, to outrage
their most cherished and harmless prejudices. They seem to have felt
it as keenly as any officer would feel the breaking of his sword or
the tearing off of his epaulets, or as the native troops, previous
to the Indian mutiny, felt the imposition of greased cartridges. It
humbled and irritated them far more than did any of the other acts,
or even than the outrages and barbarities which followed Culloden;
instead of eradicating their national spirit, and assimilating them
in all respects with the Lowland population, it rather intensified
that spirit, and their determination to preserve themselves a
separate and peculiar people, besides throwing in their way an
additional and unnecessary temptation to break the laws. A multitude
of prohibitory statutes is always irritating to a people, and serves
only to multiply offences and demoralize a nation; it is generally
a sign of weakness and great lack of wisdom in a government. This
enactment as to the Highland dress was as unwise as religious
intolerance, which is invariably a nurse of discord, a promoter of
sectarianism. This Act surrounded the Highland dress with a sort of
sacred halo, raised it into a badge of nationality, and was probably
the means of perpetuating and rendering popular the use of a habit,
which, had it been left alone, might long ere now have died a natural
death, and been found only in our museums, side by side with the
Lochaber axe, the two-handed sword, and the nail-studded shield.

The sagacious President Forbes--to whom, had the government perceived
clearly the country’s true interest, they would have entirely
intrusted the legislation for the Highlands--had but a poor opinion
of the dress bill, as will appear from the following letter of his
to the Lord Lyon, dated July 8, 1746:--“The garb is certainly very
loose, and fits men inured to it to go through great fatigues, to
make very quick marches, to bear out against the inclemency of the
weather, to wade through rivers, and shelter in huts, woods, and
rocks upon occasion; which men dressed in the low country garb
could not possibly endure. But then it is to be considered, that,
as the Highlands are circumstanced at present, it is, at least it
seems to me to be, an utter impossibility, without the advantage
of this dress, for the inhabitants to tend their cattle, and to go
through the other parts of their business, without which they could
not subsist; not to speak of paying rents to their landlords. Now,
because too many of the Highlanders have offended, to punish all the
rest who have not, and who, I will venture to say, are the greatest
number, in so severe a manner, seems to be unreasonable; especially
as, in my poor apprehension, it is unnecessary, on the supposal the
disarming project be properly secured; and I must confess, that the
salvo which you speak of, of not suffering the regulation to extend
to the well-affected Clans, is not to my taste; because, though
it would save them from hardships, yet the making so remarkable a
distinction would be, as I take it, to list all those on whom the
bill should operate for the Pretender, which ought to be avoided if
possible.”[1370] General Stewart perhaps speaks too strongly when
he remarks, that had the whole Highland race been decimated, more
violent grief, indignation, and shame, could not have been excited
among them, than by being deprived of this long inherited costume.
However, it should be remembered that all this was the legislation of
upwards of 120 years ago, that the difficulties which the government
had to face were serious and trying, that those who had the making
of these laws were totally ignorant of the real character of the
Highlanders, and of the real motives which urged them to rebellion,
and that even at the present day legislative blunders do occasionally
occur.

The means by which the Highlanders endeavoured to elude this law
without incurring a penalty, were ingenious and amusing. Stewart
tells us that, “instead of the prohibited tartan kilt, some wore
pieces of a blue, green, or red thin cloth, or coarse camblet,
wrapped round the waist, and hanging down to the knees like the
fealdag.[1371] The tight breeches were particularly obnoxious. Some,
who were fearful of offending, or wished to render obedience to the
law, which had not specified on what part of the body the breeches
were to be worn, satisfied themselves with having in their possession
this article of legal and loyal dress, which, either as the signal
of their submission, or more probably to suit their own convenience
when on journeys, they often suspended over their shoulders upon
their sticks; others, who were either more wary, or less submissive,
sewed up the centre of the kilt with a few stitches between the
thighs, which gave it something of the form of the trousers worn
by Dutch skippers.” The Act at first appears to have been carried
out with rigid strictness, these ingenious attempts at evading it
being punished somewhat severely; but, if we may judge from a trial
which took place in 1757, the administrators of the law had by that
time come to regard such breaches with a lenient eye. Although no
doubt the law in course of time became practically obsolete, it was
not till 1782 that it was erased from the statute book. Since then
“tartans and kilts an’ a’, an’ a’,” have gradually increased in
popularity, until now they have become “the rage” with all classes of
society, from John o’Groats to Land’s End; tartan plaids, of patterns
which do great credit to the ingenuity of the manufacturers, are seen
everywhere adorning the graceful forms of ladies, and the not so long
since proscribed kilt being found not unfrequently displaying itself
in the most fashionable London Assemblies. _Tempora mutantur._

By far the most important measure adopted by government for the
improvement of the Highlands was the abolition of the Hereditary
Jurisdictions, which lay at the root of many of the evils that
afflicted that country, and to which, in a great degree, the
rebellion owed the measure of success that attended it. Before these
jurisdictions were abolished, a Highland chief was as absolute a
potentate over the members of his clan as any eastern pasha or
African chief is over his abject subjects. The power of “pit and
gallows,” as it was called, which belonged to each of these petty
sovereignties--for such they were practically--gave the chief
absolute command of the lives and liberty of his followers. The
only thing he lawfully could not do was to banish; but even this
prohibition he managed to evade by giving his victims the alternative
of “emigration”--as it was mildly called--or death. This is not
the place to enter into a minute account of the origin and working
of this curious system, so utterly inconsistent with the spirit of
a constitutional government like that of Britain; but any one can
perceive that such a power as this in the hands of a discontented
chief, especially when complemented by the high notions which a
Highlander had of the obedience due to the head of the clan, must
have been dangerous in the highest degree to the peace and progress
of the country. There is no doubt that this coercive power was
frequently brought into play in the late rebellion; indeed, the only
plea urged by a great majority of the common Highlanders, when tried
at Carlisle and elsewhere, was that they were forced into rebellion
against their wills. Of course a prudent chief would be careful not
to carry his power beyond due bounds, at least so far as the members
of his own clan were concerned, for there was a point in the scale
of oppression which even the strong spirit of clanship could not
stand. No doubt the power thus entrusted to the chiefs may at one
time have served a good purpose. When the country was in a turbulent
and unsettled state, when communication between the different parts
of the country was tedious, expensive, and hazardous, when it was
difficult for the strong arm of the law to reach to a remote, rugged,
and inaccessible district like the Highlands, where life and the
rights of property were as little regarded as they are at the present
day in Ireland,--perhaps this putting of the power of a judge in
the hands of the chief men of the various districts, was the only
practicable substitute for the direct administration of justice by
those to whom this duty properly belonged. In reality, the justice
meted out was of the roughest kind, and continually liable to be
modified by the interests of the administrator, or any of his many
friends. “That such a system should have been tolerated into the
middle of the 18th century, after Somers, Hardwicke, and Forbes had
occupied the bench, may seem incredible, but it is true.”[1372]
It was assuredly high time that such an anomalous state of matters
should be done away with.[1373]

An Act for the abolition of the Hereditary Jurisdictions was passed
in March 1747, and came in force a year after. Of course some other
plan for the administration of the laws had to be devised. “At the
head of the arrangements for carrying justice throughout the land,
the system begun in England in the reign of Henry II., for sending
the royal courts at fixed intervals through the provinces, was
adopted. Nominally there had been circuits or justice-ayres, but they
were not systematically held, either at stated intervals of time,
or so as to bring up before them the revisal of the administration
of justice in all the districts. This, indeed, was impossible while
the hereditary jurisdictions remained, but now regular circuits were
to take place biennially, and the country was so partitioned into
districts, that the higher offences were systematically brought up
from the most remote provinces for adjudication. The exceptional
hereditary jurisdictions, such as the regalities, were abolished, and
the smaller authority exercised in baronial courts was restricted
to trifling matters. The sheriff courts, locally commensurate in
their authority with the boundaries of the counties, were taken as
the foundation of a system of local tribunals, presided over by
responsible judges. These, which were hereditary, were to be yielded
to the crown; and ever since the passing of the act, the sheriff
of each county has been appointed like the other judges, for life,
removeable only for misconduct.”[1374]

Of course, as these jurisdictions, besides conferring influence and
power, were sources of emolument[1375] to the holders of them, and as
they had been sanctioned in the treaty of Union, it was considered
only fair that some compensation should be allowed by the country to
those who profited by them; in fact, they had to be bought up. The
holders of the jurisdictions appear to have been asked to send in the
amount of their claims to the Court of Session, which was authorised
to fix the price to be paid. Of course, those who were convicted or
attainted for having taken part in the late rebellion, had no claim,
as their estates were forfeited to the Crown, and they themselves
deprived of all their privileges. Those who were about to part with
their ancient powers were determined to make the most of them now
that they were no longer to be a perpetual source of emolument and
influence. The aggregate sum asked by the proprietors from government
as the price of their jurisdictions was more than three times greater
than that which the Court of Session deemed a fair price. There may
be some truth in what Mr. Fraser-Mackintosh says in his _Antiquarian
Notes_[1376]:--“Of course, the amounts ultimately paid bore not the
slightest proportion to the claims, but they did bear some proportion
to the politics of the holders, just as these happened to be friendly
to government or the reverse.” Argyll, for the Justice-Generalship
of Argyll, asked £15,000, for the Sheriffdom £5000, and for various
small regalities other £5000, making £25,000 in all; from this
the Court of Session deducted only £4000, allowing him for his
various offices and jurisdictions what would then be considered the
munificent sum of £21,000. Besides receiving this sum, the duke was
appointed, in exchange for his office of Hereditary Justiciar of
Scotland, Lord Justice-General, head of the Justiciary Court. The
Duke of Montrose, for his various regalities, and the Sheriffdom
of Dumbarton, demanded £15,000, but did not get above one third
of that sum; nor did the Dukes of Buccleuch and Athole, who each
modestly valued his various offices at £17,000. The Duke of Gordon’s
claim amounted to £22,300, the Earl of Sutherland’s to £10,800,
Breadalbane’s to £7000, Moray’s to £14,000, Findlater’s to £5,500.
The smallest sum claimed for a Highland jurisdiction was by Evan
Baillie, of Abriachan, for the Bailliary of Lovat, which he modestly
valued at £166; Munro, Sheriff-Clerk of Inverness, claiming the same
sum for that office combined with the Clerkship of the regality of
Lovat. The total amount claimed for the whole of the jurisdictions
was upwards of £490,000, which the Court of Session cut down to a
little over £150,000.[1377] The sum was well spent in doing away with
so many sources of petty tyranny and injustice, in the abolition of
a system inconsistent with the spirit of the British constitution
in the middle of the 18th century, calculated materially to hinder
progress and to aid rebellion.

The abolition of these jurisdictions in the Highlands, and along
with them the power and paternal authority of the Highland chiefs,
effected a complete change in the social life of that part of the
country, led at first to considerable discontent and confusion, and
was the indirect means of bringing much suffering and hardship on
the subordinate dignitaries and commonalty of the clans. Some such
consequences were to be expected from the breaking up of a system
which had held sway for many generations, and the substitution of
a state of matters to which the people were altogether unused, and
which ran counter to all their prejudices and traditions; still,
as in the case of every reformation, individual suffering was to
be looked for, and in the course of time, as will be seen, matters
gradually righted themselves, and the Highlands became as progressive
and prosperous as any other part of the country.

Another much needed measure adopted by government was the abolition
of a remnant of feudality, the kind of tenure known as “wardholding.”
“By this relic of ancient feudality, military service had remained
down to that juncture the condition under which lands were held
by one subject from another. Efforts were of course made to bring
land into commerce, by substituting pecuniary arrangements for such
services, but the ‘wardholding’ was so essentially the proper feudal
usage, that the lawyers held it to be always understood, if some
other arrangements were not very specifically settled. It had become
the means of very oppressive exactions or ‘casualties,’ arising out
of those conditions--such as minority--where the military service
could not be performed. But by the act of 1746, arrangements were
devised for converting all the superior’s privileges into reasonable
pecuniary claims.”[1378]

Another means taken by government to extinguish the seeds of
rebellion and prevent its future occurrence, was the enactment of
more stringent laws in reference to the Scottish Episcopalians, among
whom Jacobite sympathies were almost as strong and as universal as
among their Roman Catholic brethren. Their partiality to the house
of Stuart was no doubt in a great measure owing to their strong
belief as a class in divine right of government, both in Church and
State, and to a conviction that seems to have prevailed among them
that the restoration of the Stuarts meant the restoration of the
supremacy, or at least establishment of episcopacy in Scotland. The
Stuarts had not more devoted adherents than the Episcopalians in
the kingdom, nor any who, amidst many petty, irritating, and even
severe enactments, continued longer to adhere to their first love.
Indeed, there is good reason for believing that at the present day,
among many Scottish Episcopalians, especially in the Highlands, there
are still many Jacobites in sentiment and sympathy, although, as a
principle of action, Jacobitism is undoubtedly dead and gone, never
to be resuscitated.

As this party, though not numerous, was not less formidable from
its rank and wealth than from the _esprit de corps_ with which it
was animated, the attention of the legislature was directed towards
it, and a strong measure was resorted to, which nothing could
justify but necessity. This was an act by which it was ordained
that any episcopal clergyman officiating after the 1st of September
1746, without having previously taken the oaths of allegiance,
abjuration, and assurance, or without praying once during the
performance of worship for the king, his heirs, and successors, and
for all the royal family, should for the first offence suffer six
months imprisonment, for the second be transported to the American
plantations for life, and, in case of returning from banishment, be
subjected to perpetual imprisonment. By another enactment it was
declared that no peer of Scotland should be capable of being elected
one of the representative peers, or of voting at such election,
and that no person should be capable of being elected a member of
parliament for any shire or burgh, who should within the compass of
any future year be twice present at divine service in an illegal
episcopal meeting-house in Scotland. Several other severe Acts were
passed against Episcopalians, and these were not allowed to remain
a dead letter, but were acted upon in several instances.[1379] The
devoted Episcopalians bore their privations with becoming fortitude,
by yielding to a necessity which they could not control, but they
submitted only because they were unable to resist.

Still there is no doubt that even at the present day there are not
a few hereditary adherents of the Scottish episcopal church, whose
sympathies are all Jacobite, and who have never taken kindly even to
the present dynasty.

After the death, in January 1788, of Prince Charles Edward, whose
brother the cardinal could leave no lawful descendant, the Scottish
bishops felt they could conscientiously recognise the Hanoverian
government, and therefore issued an intimation to the clergy and
laity of their church, announcing that they had “unanimously agreed
to comply with and submit to the present government of this kingdom,
as vested in the person of his Majesty King George the Third.” They
also resolved “to testify this compliance by uniformly praying
for him by name in their public worship, in hopes of removing all
suspicion of disaffection, and of obtaining relief from those penal
laws under which this church has so long suffered.”[1380]

The forfeited estates were annexed to the Crown, and placed in the
hands of the court of exchequer, who appointed commissioners to apply
their produce to the improvement of the Highlands. In course of
time, as will be seen in the history of the clans, government wisely
restored to most of the unfortunate families the estates foolishly
thrown away by their representatives in 1745.

The effect of all the measures above referred to was, of course,
immediately to annul all possibility of further active resistance,
although, no doubt, they tended to intensify and perpetuate
Jacobitism as a sentiment, and change into a sort of living reverence
or worship the feeling of loyalty towards Prince Charles which had
animated most of the Highland chiefs and incited them to rebellion.
The idea of endeavouring to repeat the experiment of ’45 seems not
to have been entirely abandoned by some of the more obstinate
Jacobites even up to the time of Charles’s death, although after the
accession of George III.,--in whose reign the stringent measures
adopted after 1745 were gradually relaxed, and efforts made for the
improvement of the Highlanders,--the embodiment of many Highland
regiments, the gradual dissolution practically of the old relation
between the chief and his clan consequent on the abolition of the
heritable jurisdictions, and the general progress of the country,
Jacobitism became, as we have said above, a matter of mere sentiment,
a feeling of tenderness almost akin to love, often finding expression
in song in the melting language of the tender passion. Prince
Charles was known to most of the Jacobites both in the Highlands and
elsewhere only from the brief episode of 1745-6, in which he played
the chief part, and in which he appeared to them as the handsome,
brave, chivalrous, youthful, fair-haired, warm-hearted heir, come to
recover that inheritance from which he was most unjustly excluded by
a cruel usurper. His latter degraded life most of them knew nothing
of, and even if they had been told of it, they most probably would
have regarded the tale as a vile calumny; their love for “Bonnie
Prince Charlie” was blind as the love of an impetuous youth for his
first mistress, and they would allow no flaw to mar the beauty of
that image which they tenderly cherished in their heart of hearts.
This sentimental Jacobitism, as we have said already, prevailed
extensively among all classes of society for very many years after
all idea of actively asserting it had died out of the land.[1381]
These Jacobites, who were generally of a somewhat social turn, in
their private meetings, gave expression to their feelings in various
ways, known only to themselves; indeed, there appears to have been
a sort of freemasonry tacitly established among them, having signs,
and words, and customs unknown to the great outside Whig world. One
of their favourite methods, for example, of toasting Prince Charles
at their feasts, was to drink to the health of “the king,” at the
same time passing the glass in their hands over the water-bottle, to
signify that they meant not King George, but him “over the water.”

What more than anything else, perhaps, tended to nourish and keep
this feeling alive was the great body of song which was born of
Jacobitism, and which dates from the time of Charles I. down almost
to the present day. These songs are of all kinds, tender, humorous,
pathetic, sarcastic, indignant, heroic, and many of them cannot be
matched as expressions of the particular feelings to which they
are meant to give utterance. The strength and character of the
Jacobitic feeling can be well ascertained by a study of these songs,
of which we believe there are some hundreds, many of them of high
merit, and some, as we have said, not to be matched by the songs of
any country. Indeed, altogether, this outburst of song is one of
the most remarkable phenomena connected with Scottish Jacobitism,
for most of them are Scotch both in language and authorship, and
most of the tunes borrowed or adapted from the Gaelic, which has
furnished to Scotland some of its richest song music. These songs
not only show the intensity of the loyalty of the Jacobites towards
the Stuart family, and their hatred of the reigning dynasty and of
all Whigs, but also show that all along they had felt themselves to
be the weaker party, unable to show their loyalty by their deeds,
and compelled to let their energy escape in taunt and sarcasm. The
Whigs have, indeed, a few, very few songs, which are artificial
and cold, altogether devoid of the fire, the point, the perfect
_abandon_, the touching tenderness, the thorough naturalness, which
characterise those of their opponents. No one ever thinks of singing
those Whig songs now-a-days; few know aught of them save industrious
collectors.[1382] The Jacobite songs, on the other hand, both those
which were written when Jacobitism was at its height, and those which
are merely the outcome of modern sentiment, are, wherever Scotch
songs are sought after and appreciated, scarcely less popular than
the matchless love-songs in which the language must ever live. Who,
when he hears some of these Jacobite gems sung, Protestant and Whig
though he be to the core, is not for the nonce a Jacobite, ready
to draw his sword if he had one, to “Wha wadna fight for Charlie;”
feel delighted at the defeat of the Whig gudeman in “Hame cam’ our
gudeman at e’en;” or shed a tear to the mournful verse of “Wae’s
me for Prince Charlie?” With such a powerful instrument in their
hands as this body of song, not only evidencing the intensity of the
sentiment, but so well calculated to touch the feelings, excite the
tenderness, and rouse the indignation of all who were capable of
being influenced by music, it seems surprising that Jacobitism, as
a principle of action, was not more prevalent even than it was, and
did not, inspired by these songs, accomplish greater things. But the
very fact that there were so many songs, may account for this lack of
important deeds. The muses, Burns has said, are all Jacobites, and it
would seem at any rate that all the best song writers of the country
had enlisted on the unfortunate side; and it will be found, on the
other hand, in scanning the account of the last rebellion, that those
who joined in it were little given to forethought or to weighing the
consequences of their actions, little able to regulate or lead any
great enterprise, but influenced chiefly by imagination and impulse.
There were, indeed, one or two superior to all the others in calibre,
foresight, and aptitude to command, but these had little chance of
being attended to when their power was not absolute among so many
harebrained, thoughtless adventurers. In 1745, had there been at the
head of the rebels one thoroughly able, experienced, iron-willed,
thoughtful general, who had absolute command of the whole expedition,
matters might have turned out very differently, especially when in
these songs he had instruments far more powerful to incite than any
threats or promises of reward. It is far from us to say that the
bravery of the Jacobites evaporated in a song: their whole history
would give such a statement the lie; but we think had there been
less singing and song-making and more attention to stratagem and dry
military business and diplomacy generally, they would have been more
likely ultimately to have placed their idol on the throne. However,
as General Stewart well remarks, “when it is considered how many
feel and how few reason,” the power of this popular poetry to stir
up sympathy in behalf of the cause for which it was written will be
easily understood.[1383]

The great majority of these songs are in the Scottish language, a
few of them being translations from the Gaelic, but most of them
original; the authors of very few of them are known, a feature which
they have in common with many of the oldest and richest of our Scotch
songs. Any one who may wish to form an idea of their merit and
multitude will find the best of them collected in Hogg’s two volumes
of _Jacobite Relics_.

Some of the finest of these songs are perhaps better known than any
others in the language; many of them, however, are known only by
name, and many of them known at all but to a very few. Among those
generally known and now commonly adapted to non-Jacobite sentiments,
we may mention “My ain country,” the song of the home-sick exile,
“Here’s a health to them that’s awa’,” “Over the seas and far
awa’,” “Will he no come back again,” “Charlie is my darling,”--of
which there are an ancient and a modern set, the latter by James
Hogg,--“Farewell to Glen Shalloch” (from the Gaelic), “Hey Johnnie
Cope,” perhaps one of the most popular humorous songs in the
language, “The wee wee German lairdie,” full of genuine Scotch humour
and irritating sarcasm, “This is no my ain house,” “O’er the water to
Charlie,” “Welcome royal Charlie,” and “The bonnie house o’ Airly,”
as old as the days of Montrose and Argyll. One of the most touchingly
pathetic and most popular of these old songs is the well-known “Will
he no come back again,” and equally popular is that, perhaps, most
heroic and stirring of them all, “Wha wadna fecht for Charlie.”

Not a few of the Jacobite songs, as we have said, are from the
Gaelic, and, as might be expected, they display little of the humour,
pawkiness, and rollicking sarcasm which characterise many of the
Scotch songs; they mostly evince a spirit of sadness and pensiveness,
some show a heroic determination to do or die in the cause of
Charlie, while others are couched in the language of adoration and
love. One of the most characteristic and most poetical of these
Gaelic songs is _Maclean’s Welcome_, which we take the liberty of
quoting here:--

“Come o’er the stream, Charlie, dear Charlie, brave Charlie,
Come o’er the stream, Charlie, and dine with Maclean;
And though you be weary, we’ll make your heart cheery,
And welcome our Charlie and his loyal train.
We’ll bring down the track deer, we’ll bring down the black steer,
The lamb from the breckan, and doe from the glen;
The salt sea we’ll harry, and bring to our Charlie,
The cream from the bothy, and curd from the pen.

Come e’er the stream, Charlie, &c.
And you shall drink freely the dews of Glen-Sheerly,
That stream in the star-light when kings do not ken;
And deep be your meed of the wine that is red,
To drink to your sire, and his friend the Maclean.

Come o’er the stream, Charlie, &c.
Our heath-bells shall trace you the maids to embrace you,
And deck your blue bonnet with flowers of the brae;
And the loveliest Mari in all Glen-M’Quarry
Shall lie in your bosom till break of the day.

Come o’er the stream, Charlie, &c.
If aught will invite you, or more will delight you,
’Tis ready, a troop of our bold Highlandmen
Shall range on the heather with bonnet and feather,
Strong arms and broad claymores three hundred and ten.”

One of the best known and most admired of this class of Jacobite
songs is “The Lament of Flora Macdonald,” beginning, “Far over yon
hills of the heather so green,” of which we here quote the last
verse:--

“The target is torn from the arms of the just,
The helmet is cleft on the brow of the brave,
The claymore for ever in darkness must rust,
But red is the sword of the stranger and slave;
The hoof of the horse, and the foot of the proud
Have trod o’er the plumes on the bonnet of blue.
Why slept the red bolt in the breast of the cloud,
When tyranny revell’d in blood of the true?
Fareweel, my young hero, the gallant and good!
The crown of thy fathers is torn from thy brow.”

Some of those whose titles are well enough known are “The White
Cockade,” of which we give a verse or two:--

“My love was born in Aberdeen,
The bonniest lad that e’er was seen;
But now he makes our hearts fu’ sad,
He’s ta’en the field wi’ his white cockade.
O he’s a ranting roving blade!
O he’s a brisk and a bonny lad!
Betide what may, my heart is glad
To see my lad wi’ his white cockade.

I’ll sell my rock, I’ll sell my reel,
My rippling-kame, and spinning-wheel,
To buy my lad a tartan plaid,
A braid sword, durk, and white cockade.
O he’s a ranting roving blade,” &c.[1384]

Another great favourite with the old Jacobites over their cups was,
“The King shall enjoy his own again.”

Did space permit we could quote many more, remarkable for pathos,
humour, wit, sarcasm, and heroic sentiment, but we must content
ourselves with the following. What can be more touching than
“Carlisle Yetts”:--

“White was the rose in his gay bonnet,
As he faulded me in his broached plaidie;
His hand, whilk clasped the truth o’ luve,
O it was aye in battle readie!
His lang lang hair, in yellow hanks,
Wav’d o’er his cheeks sae sweet and ruddie;
But now they wave o’er Carlisle yetts,
In dripping ringlets clotting bloodie.

My father’s blood’s in that flower tap,
My brother’s in that harebell’s blossom;
This white rose was steeped in my luve’s blood,
And I’ll aye wear it in my bosom.

* * * * *

When I came first by merrie Carlisle,
Was ne’er a town sae sweetly seeming;
The white rose flaunted owre the wall,
The thristled banners far were streaming.
When I came next by merrie Carlisle,
O sad sad seem’d the town, and eerie!
The auld auld men came out and wept:
‘O maiden, come ye to seek your dearie?’

* * * * *

There’s ae drop o’ blood atween my breasts,
And twa in my links o’ hair sae yellow;
The tane I’ll ne’er wash, and the tither ne’er
kame,
But I’ll sit and pray aneath the willow.
Wae, wae, upon that cruel heart,
Wae, wae, upon that hand sae bloodie,
Which feasts on our richest Scottish blood,
And makes sae mony a dolefu’ widow!”

Hogg, however, is of opinion that this may be indebted for much of
its beauty to the genius of Allan Cunningham.

Of “Cumberland and Murray’s descent into Hell,” which appears to
be but little known, Hogg justly says, that “of all the songs that
ever were written since the world began this is the first; it is
both so horrible and so irresistibly ludicrous.” It is a pity that
the author of a poem so full of fire, and hate, and lurid wit is
totally unknown; the heartiness of the hate displayed in it, as well
as the wealth of unearthly fancy, ought to have recommended it to the
approval of Dr. Johnson, had he known of it. Of course Cumberland is
the hero of Culloden; Murray is Secretary Murray, who turned king’s
evidence against his comrades in the trials after the rebellion, and
thus earned for himself the bitterest hate of all Jacobites.

“Ken ye whare Cleekie Murray’s gane?
He’s gane to dwall in his lang hame.
The beddle clapt him on the doup,
‘O hard I’ve earned my gray groat.
Lie thou there, and sleep thou soun’;
God winna wauken sic a loon.’

* * * * *

He’s in a’ Satan’s frything-pans,
Scouth’ring the blude frae aff his han’s:
He’s washing them in brunstane lowe;
His kintra’s blude it winna thow:
The hettest soap-suds o’ perdition
Canna out thae stains be washing.

Ae devil roar’d, till hearse and roopit,
‘He’s pyking the gowd frae Satan’s pu’pit!’
Anither roar’d, wi’ eldritch yell,
‘He’s howking the keystane out o’ hell,
To damn us mair wi’ God’s day-light!’
And he doukit i’ the caudrons out o’ sight.

He stole auld Satan’s brunstane leister,
Till his waukit loofs were in a blister;
He stole his Whig spunks, tipt wi’ brunstane,
And stole his scalping-whittle’s whunstane;
And out o’ its red-hot kist he stole
The very charter-rights o’ hell.

Satan, tent weel the pilfering villain;
He’ll scrimp your revenue by stealing,
Th’ infernal boots in which you stand in,
With which your worship tramps the damn’d in,
He’ll wile them aff your cloven cloots,
And wade through hell fire in your boots.

Auld Satan cleekit him by the spaul,
And stappit him i’ the dub o’ hell.
The foulest fiend there doughtna bide him,
The damn’d they wadna fry beside him,
Till the bluidy duke came trysting hither,
And the ae fat butcher tried the tither.

Ae deevil sat splitting brumstane matches;
Ane roasting the Whigs like bakers’ batches;
Ane wi’ fat a Whig was basting,
Spent wi’ frequent prayer and fasting.
A’ ceas’d when thae twin butchers roar’d,
And hell’s grim hangman stopt and glowr’d.

‘Fy, gar bake a pie in haste,
Knead it of infernal paste,’
Quo’ Satan; and in his mitten’d hand
He hynt up bluidy Cumberland,
And whittled him down like bow-kail castock,
And in his hettest furnace roasted.

Now hell’s black tableclaith was spread,
Th’ infernal grace was reverend said;
Yap stood the hungry fiends a’ owre it,
Their grim jaws gaping to devour it,
When Satan cried out, fit to scunner,
‘Owre rank a judgment’s sic a dinner!’”

Not a few of these old Jacobite songs, with little or no alteration
in the words, are sung at the present day as pure love-songs, few
ever dreaming that they were meant for anything else when first
composed: nothing more than this shows the intensity and tenderness
of the feeling entertained by the Scotch Jacobites to their hero and
idol, Bonnie Prince Charlie. The well-known and apparently perfectly
harmless song, “Weel may the keel row,” belongs to this class; and
who would ever smell treason in the touching strain “For the sake o’
somebody.”

One of the sweetest and tenderest of all the Jacobite songs is
undoubtedly “Wae’s me for Prince Charlie,” beginning “A wee’ bird
cam’ to our ha’ door,” and well known to all who have the least
knowledge of Scottish song. Yet this song was written only about
thirty or forty years ago by Mr. William Glen, a Glasgow merchant;
and it is well known that many of the finest of Aytoun’s _Lays_ are
animated by this spirit of Jacobitism, showing how much calculated
to touch the feelings and rouse the imagination of any one of an
impulsive, poetic temperament, is the story of “Bonnie Prince
Charlie,” as it is popularly told in song and story.

Perhaps it may be only fair, as a set off to the above, to give one
or two of the best Whig songs:--

HAUD AWA FRAE ME, DONALD.

“Haud awa, bide awa,
Haud awa frae me, Donald,
Your principles I do abhor;
No Jacobites for me, Donald.
Passive obedience I do hate,
And tyranny I flee, Donald;
Nor can I think to be a slave,
When now I can be free, Donald.

Even Highland Maggie, though she’s bred
Up under tyranny, Donald,
No sooner you her rights invade,
Than she’ll a rebel be, Donald.
For all that you can say or do,
I’ll never change my mind, Donald;
Your king takes so much of your heart,
To me you’ll ne’er be kind, Donald.”

A LITANY.

“From the lawless dominion of mitre and crown,
Whose tyrannies now are absolute grown,
So that men become slaves to the altar and throne,
And can call neither bodies nor souls their own,
_Libera nos, Domine_.

From a reverend bawling theological professor,
From a Protestant zealous for a Popish successor,
Who for a great benefice still leaves a lesser,
And ne’er will die martyr, nor make good confessor,
_Libera nos, Domine_.

From deans and from chapters who live at their eases,
Whose lechery lies in renewing church-leases,
Who live in cathedrals like maggots in cheeses,
And lie like abbey-lubbers stew’d in their own greases,
_Libera nos, Domine_.

From an altar-piece-monger who rails at Dissenters
And damns Nonconformists in the pulpit he enters,
Yet all the week long his own soul he ventures,
By being so drunk that he cutteth indentures,
_Libera nos, Domine_.

From fools, knaves, and villains, prerogative Tories,
From church, that for the Babylon whore is,
From a pretended prince, like pear rotten at core is,
From a court that has millions, yet as old Job poor is,
_Libera nos, Domine_.”

That the Jacobite songs tended largely to nourish and perpetuate
Jacobite sympathies long after all idea of endeavouring to restore
the Stuart dynasty had been abandoned, all must admit who know
anything of Scotch social life during the latter part of the 18th
and beginning of the 19th centuries. In the early part of the
latter century, an additional and most powerful instrument in the
cause of sentimental Jacobitism came into play, in the shape of the
poems, and especially the novels of Sir Walter Scott, on whose bold
imagination and strong sympathy with chivalry and the days of old,
the story of the young prince and the misfortunes of the Stuarts and
their adherents generally, appear to have taken a strong hold. The
very first of the Waverley Novels presented the history of the ’45
in its most fascinating aspect, and painted its hero in the most
attractive colours, as the handsome, chivalrous, high-minded, but
unfortunate prince. In one or two of Scott’s other novels the same
episode is made use of, and with such bewitching power as only the
Wizard of the North could exercise. The influence of these matchless
fictions continues unabated, and as it is from them that most people
derive their knowledge of the last rebellion, and of the Stuarts
and their cause, it is no wonder that even at the present day there
exists a wide-spread, tender sympathy for the unfortunate race, a
sort of sentimental Charlie-worship, adoring as its object the ideal
presented by Scott, filled in with some of the most attractive and
touching features from the sweetest and most popular of the songs.
With perhaps no exception, this admiration of Prince Charlie and
the other heroes of ’45 is of the same nature as the unthinking
admiration of the “good old days” generally, of King Arthur and
his knights, of the days of chivalry, of Robin Hood and his merry
men, and of the bold Rob Roy; he would be looked upon as a harmless
imbecile, who should ever talk of doing aught to restore any of the
institutions of these old times, which are as likely to find active
partisans as is the restoration of the Stuart dynasty.

[Illustration: BALMORAL.

THE HIGHLAND RESIDENCE OF HER MAJESTY QUEEN VICTORIA.]

However, that Jacobitism still runs in a few old families as
something more than a sentiment, as something like an ideal
politico-religious creed, cherished as the remnant of the Cameronians
cherish the ancient covenant, we have good reason to believe. These
families are, practically, perfectly loyal to the present government
and the present sovereign, and would as soon dream of taking to
cattle-lifting as to rebellion; but still they seem to regard the
Stuart dynasty as their first love, the love of their impulsive
youth, with whom a closer relation was impossible. The creed of
these modern Jacobites we may be permitted to state, in the words
of one who has ample opportunities of mixing with them and knowing
their sentiments. “As a principle of action,” he writes, quoting
the words of a noble lord, “it is dead and gone, but in sentiment
and sympathy there are still lots of us.” He himself proceeds:--“I
quite agree with him. We claim, with the late Professor Aytoun, to
be _White-Rose Scots_, Tories in some things but not in others--some
of us Tories--some I daresay Radicals--none of us _Whigs_; all of
us animated by an abhorrence of Macaulay’s History as an audacious
libel on our forefathers and their principles.” In another letter
he says:--“The question you ask, as to whether we would now stand
up for any of the descendants of Prince Charles, is one I have no
difficulty in answering. We should not. I cannot say we have any
great love for the present royal family; they cross our feelings and
prejudices in many ways, by marriages in Lent, and alliances with
Campbells!! But were the time of trial to come (and a contest between
monarchy and republicanism may come in this country sooner than many
expect), Queen Victoria would find none more loyal--I could almost
venture to say, none _so loyal_--as those whose sympathies go with
the former enemies of her race. To us she represents ‘the powers that
be, as ordained of God,’ and we must bear a good deal at their hands.
Queen Victoria herself certainly does appreciate the Highlands and
Highlanders. Our loyalty is a matter of principle, not of preference,
and might be found to wax the warmer, as that of others--when
subjected to a strain by the royal family running counter to
their ideas and prejudices--waxed cold.” Indeed Jacobitism, as an
active principle, is as much a thing of the past as clan-feuds,
cattle-lifting, and active religious intolerance.

Her present Majesty has done more to win the hearts and command the
loyalty of the Highlanders than ever did any of her predecessors, by
taking up her residence yearly in their midst, and in many other ways
showing her trust in and love for them, and her unbounded admiration
for all that is Highland. As is well known, before her widowhood,
her favourite plaid was one of Stuart tartan of a special pattern.
If any section of her Majesty’s subjects is at all inclined to use
occasionally expressions savouring of disloyalty, it is that of which
one or two Cockney newspapers are the mouthpieces, the grievance
being that the Queen spends so much of her time in the Highlands. The
loyalty and love of the Highlanders, and of all Scotchmen, have been
for ever intensified by the recent marriage of one of the Queen’s
daughters to the son and heir of one of the oldest and greatest
Highland chiefs.[1385]

So far as the record of external strife or inward feud constitutes
history, that of the Highlands may be said to end with the battle of
Culloden in 1746. By many, however, the period from that date onwards
will be considered as of far more interest and importance than all
the previous centuries put together; for in the years succeeding the
last rebellion are witnessed the struggle of lawlessness with law, of
semi-barbarism with civilization, the gradual but rapid breaking-up
of the old patriarcho-feudal way of ruling men and regulating
property, on which the whole social life of the Highlands was based,
and the assimilation of that district in all respects to the rest of
the kingdom of which it forms a part.

That innovations such as were of necessity forced upon the Highlands
should be adopted without a struggle, without resistance, without
hardship to many, was not to be expected. No thoughtful person could
expect that there could be accomplished without many difficulties and
mistakes the abolition of a system which had maintained its sway for
many centuries, and the introduction of a new one so little adapted
to the character stamped on the Highlander under the former, and
in every respect so contrary to the ideas and prejudices which had
been transmitted from father to son for many generations. Any sudden
change of an old-established system, by which the every-day life of
thousands of people is regulated, would in any case almost inevitably
lead at first to disorder and a certain amount of hardship. It was
to be looked for that, in the case of the Highlands, which in many
respects were centuries behind the rest of the country, there would
be much trouble and confusion before they could be brought up to
the stand-point of their Lowland fellow-countrymen. Such was the
case. It took very many years--indeed, the process is still going
on--before the various elements got settled into their places
according to the new adjustment of matters. There were, of course,
many interests to be attended to, and necessarily many collisions
and misunderstandings between the various classes; often no doubt
unnecessary hardness, selfishness, and want of consideration for
inferiors on one side, as frequently met on the other by unreasonable
demands, and a stubborn and uninformed determination to resist the
current of change, and not to accommodate themselves to inevitable
innovations. The old clan-system, with the idea which it nourished
of the close relation between the various grades of the clan, of the
duty of the chief to support his people, and of the people to do
the will of the chief, must be abolished, and the Highlander must
be taught, each man to depend entirely upon himself and his own
exertions, and to expect nothing from any man but what he could pay
for in labour or money. Of course it would be hard for a Celt to put
himself on the same footing in this respect with the low-minded,
greedy, over-reaching Saxon; but it had to be done, and, like many
other things which seemed hard to face, has been done, and the
process is still going on, and probably will go on, till there be not
only an assimilation in habits and ways of living and thinking, but
till the two races be so fused or blended together by intermarriage
and otherwise, that there shall be neither Celt nor Saxon, but a
mixed race superior to either, combining the best qualities of each,
the fire, the imagination, the dash, the reverence, the heart of the
Celt, with the perseverance, clear-headedness, patience, fairness,
capacity for business, head of the Saxon. Ere long, no doubt, the
two will become one flesh, and their separation and strife a tale of
bygone days.

FOOTNOTES:

[1368] Johnson’s _Journey_, ed. 1792, p. 126.

[1369] _Stewart’s Sketches_, b. l. p. 116.

[1370] _Culloden Papers_, p. 289.

[1371] The difference between the fealdag and the philibeg is, that
the former is not plaited.

[1372] Burton’s _Scotland after Revolution_, v. ii. p. 405.

[1373] To give the reader a notion of the evils which flowed
from these irregular jurisdictions, we quote the following from
the old Statistical Account of the Parish of Abernethy, in
Inverness-shire:--“A few instances will be enough to mention, in
case the reader should imagine that these things were lately done in
Tippoo Sultan’s dominions. One of them lived in this parish, named
Robert Grant, commonly called Bailie More. It is said he used to hang
people for disobliging him. He seldom called juries. He hanged two
brothers on a tree within a thousand yards of this town, and buried
both in one grave, on the road side. The grave and stones above
it are still visible. Another, named James Grant, commonly called
Bailie Roy, who lived long in this parish, hanged a man of the name
of Stuart, and after hanging him, set a jury on him, and found him
guilty. The particulars are too long to be inserted here. The bailie
had many reasons for being in such a hurry. The man was, unluckily
for him, wealthy, and abounded in cattle, horses, sheep, and goats,
all of which were instantly driven to the bailie’s home; Stuart’s
children set a-begging, and his wife became deranged in her mind, and
was afterward drowned in a river. It is not very long since. This
same Bailie Roy, on another occasion, hanged two notorious thieves,
parboiled their heads, and set them up on spikes afterward. At
another time he drowned two men in sacks, at the bridge of Billimon,
within a few hundred yards of this manse, and endeavoured to compel a
man from Glenmore, in the barony of Kincardine, to assist him and the
executioners he had with him in the business, which the man refusing
to do, the bailie said to him, ‘If you was within my regality, I
would teach you better manners than to disobey my commands.’ This
bailie bought a good estate. There was another of them, called
Bailie Bain, in this country, who became so odious that the country
people drowned him in Spey, near the church of Inverallan, about two
miles from hence. They took off his boots and gloves, left them on
the bank, and drove his horse through a rugged place full of large
stones. The tract in the sand, boots, &c., discovered what had become
of him; and when a search was made for him down the river, a man met
the party near the church of Cromdale, who asked them what they were
searching for, they answered, for the bailie’s body, upon which he
said, ‘Turn back, turn back, perhaps he is gone up against the river,
for he was always acting against nature.’”

[1374] Burton’s _Scotland after Revolution_, vol. ii. p. 535.

[1375] “As their power was great, and generally abused, so many
of them enriched themselves. They had many ways of making money
for themselves, such as 1. The Bailie’s Darak, as it was called,
or a day’s labour in the year from every tenant on the estate.
2. Confiscations, as they generally seized on all the goods and
effects of such as suffered capitally. 3. All fines for killing
game, black-fish, or cutting green wood, were laid on by themselves,
and went into their own pockets. These fines amounted to what they
pleased almost. 4. Another very lucrative perquisite they had was
what was called the Herial Horse, which was, the best horse, cow, ox,
or other article, which any tenant on the estate possessed at the
time of his death. This was taken from the widow and children for the
bailie at the time they had most need of assistance. This amounted
to a great deal on a large estate.”--_Old Statistical Account of
Scotland_, vol. xiii. pp. 151-152.

[1376] P. 243.

[1377] See Fraser-Mackintosh’s _Antiquarian Notes_, p. 242.

[1378] Burton’s _Scotland after Revolution_, vol. ii. p. 537.

[1379] Among others, the Rev. John Skinner, well known as the author
of the song of “Tullochgorum,” was a sufferer: he was imprisoned for
six months.

[1380] Dunbar’s _Social Life in Former Days_, 1st series, p. 390.

[1381] When the Princess of Wales, mother of George III., mentioned,
with some appearance of censure, the conduct of Lady Margaret
M’Donald, who harboured and concealed Prince Charles, when in the
extremity of peril, he threw himself on her protection; “And would
not you, madam,” answered Prince Frederick, “have done the same, in
the same circumstances? I am sure--I hope in God you would.” Captain
Stuart of Invernahoyle’s singular remark was not, it seems, quite
without foundation. A gentleman, in a large company, gibed him for
holding the king’s commission, while, at the same time, he was a
professed Jacobite. “So I well may,” answered he, “in imitation of
my master: the king himself is a Jacobite.” The gentleman shook his
head, and remarked, that the thing was impossible. “By G--,” said
Stuart, “but I tell you he is, and every son that he has. There is
not one of them who (if he had lived in my brave father’s days) would
not to a certainty have been hanged.”--Hogg’s _Jacobite Relics_.

[1382] “We find that the whole of national song during that period
inclined towards the ancient dynasty, and the whole force of the
ludicrous, the popular, and the pathetic, volunteered in the Jacobite
service. It is beyond question that the merit of these Jacobite
songs eclipsed, and still eclipses, every attempt at poetry on the
other side, which has produced little beyond a few scraps of verses
in ridicule of the bare knees, the kilts, and bad English of the
Highlanders.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 100.

[1383] “These songs are a species of composition entirely by
themselves. They have no affinity with our ancient ballads of heroism
and romance, and one part of them far less with the mellow strains of
our pastoral and lyric muses. Their general character is that of a
rude energetic humour, that bids defiance to all opposition in arms,
sentiments, or rules of song-writing. They are the unmasked effusions
of a bold and primitive race, who hated and despised the overturning
innovations that prevailed in church and state, and held the abettors
of these as dogs, or something worse--drudges in the lowest and
foulest paths of perdition--beings too base to be spoken of with
any degree of patience or forbearance. Such is their prevailing
feature; but there are amongst them specimens of sly and beautiful
allegory. These last seem to have been sung openly and avowedly in
mixed parties, as some of them are more generally known, while the
others had been confined to the select social meetings of confirmed
Jacobites, or hoarded up in the cabinets of old Catholic families,
where to this day they have been preserved as their most precious
lore.”--Hogg’s _Jacobite Relics_.

[1384] The gentleman referred to in a former note appends the
following:--

“There is also an Irish version of the ‘White Cockade.’ It has been
translated from the Irish by J. J. Callanan. The following is the
last verse:--

‘No more the cuckoo hails the spring,
The woods no more with the stanch-hounds ring;
The song from the glen, so sweet before,
Is hushed since Charlie left our shore.
The prince is gone, but he soon will come,
With trumpet sound, and with beat of drum:
Then up with shout, and out with blade--
We’ll stand or fall with the white cockade.’

Lover, commenting on this song in his _Lyrics of Ireland_, tells
the following anecdote in connection with Ireland, and its devotion
to the White Rose:--“The celebrated Lord Chesterfield, who governed
Ireland with rare ability and liberality in 1744, when told by an
alarmist that ‘the Papists were dangerous,’ replied that he had never
seen but one dangerous Papist, and that was Miss ----, a particularly
lovely woman. This lady, sharing in the gratitude and admiration of
the Roman Catholics, wished to show the Earl how thoroughly she could
overcome political prejudices, and on a public occasion at Dublin
Castle wore a breast knot of Orange ribbon. The earl, pleased at the
incident, requested Lord Doneraile, celebrated for his wit, to say
something handsome to her on the occasion. The request occasioned the
following _impromptu_:--

‘Say, little Tory, why this jest
Of wearing Orange on thy breast,
Since the same breast, uncover’d, shows
The whiteness of the rebel rose.’”

[1385] In connection with the above subject, our Jacobite
correspondent has communicated to us the following anecdote. He
does not vouch for its truth, but he states that he had it on very
good authority. On one occasion, when her Majesty’s guests had been
enjoying themselves, in scattered groups, in the pleasure-grounds
around Balmoral, the conversation chanced to turn, amongst one of
those groups, on Jacobite songs and Jacobite music. One of the
ladies, known for her knowledge of Jacobite melodies, and for her
skill in the execution of them, was asked to favour her companions
with a specimen. The party having retired to a distance from the
rest of the company, the lady sung her song. The echoes of the music
reached, it is said, the quick ears of the Queen, who went at once to
the spot whence it proceeded. And no one, it is added, enjoyed the
melody more. One of the company having ventured to express surprise
that the Queen could so enter into the spirit of a song which seemed
to reflect so much on the present dynasty, her Majesty is said to
have stated, as the representative of the family of Bonnie Prince
Charlie, no one could be a greater Jacobite than herself; and that
she considered all the songs in praise of “the Auld Stuarts” as songs
in praise of her own ancestors.

END OF VOL. I.

INDEX.

Abercromby, Sir Ralph, his portrait, ii. 372;
Major-General, at Ticonderoga, 338;
his expedition against the West Indies, 362;
Egypt, 366;
his fatal wound, 372.

“Abercrombie Robinson,” The, its voyage with the 91st, ii. 732.

Aberdeen, Montrose’s march upon it, i. 169;
Covenanters expelled from, 172;
Farquharson’s “Hieland Men” at, 174;
Covenanters at, 187;
battle and sack of, 188;
deputation from, to Montrose, 202;
Covenanting officers killed at, 246.

Aberdeen, Old, view of, i. 246.

Aberdeenshire Highland Regiment, or Old 81st, ii. 565.

Aberdour, in Aberdeenshire, i. 39.

Aboukir taken by the British ii. 367.

Aboyne, the viscount’s force, i. 161;
appointed lieutenant of Highlands, 173;
landing in Aberdeen, 173;
proclamation to Covenanters, 173;
his escape from Carlisle, 208;
Montrose deserted by him, 229;
interview with Montrose, 234;
escape, 254.

Achnacarry, the seat of Cameron of Lochiel, engraving of it, i. 709.

A fin (“to the end”), the motto of the Ogilvy, ii. 319.

Agricola in Britain, i. 3;
his invasion of Scotland, 6;
his voyage and death, 9.

Agriculture in the Highlands, ii. 9.

Ahmednuggur, this fortress attacked and taken, ii. 575;
taken (1803), 627;
the Hon. Mrs Stewart Mackenzie’s memorial slab to the 78th in the
Pettah wall, 628.

Ahwaz, captured (Apr. 1, 1857), ii. 665, 666.

Aire, The, the fight here in 1814, ii. 729.

Alba or Scotland, i. 34.

Alba de Tormes, the allies’ retreat from, ii. 584;
the battle of, 760.

Alban or Scotland, i. 26;
note, 34.

Albania or Scotland (note), i. 34, 50.

Albany, Count of, this title is assumed by Prince Charles, i. 758.

Albany, Duke of, i. 69;
Regent, 71;
his victory at Harlaw, ii. 140.

Albany’s Highlanders, _see_ 72nd.

Albinn or Britain, i. 17.

Alexander III., his coronation at Scone, i. 61;
his portrait, 62.

Alexander of the Isles, Inverness destroyed by, i. 73;
he surrenders to James I., 73.

Allahabad, the 78th proceed thither, ii. 667;
Havelock’s march against the insurgents, 667;
the 79th here (1867), 716.

Alma, the battle of the, 42nd, ii. 410;
the 79th, 711;
the 93rd, 785;
--the River, the position of the Russians, 711;
--Medals, their distribution, 417.

Almarez, Lord Hill carries, ii. 381;
the 92nd here (1812), 760.

Alpine, Siol, several clans, ii. 242.

Alum Bagh, The, the sick and wounded guarded here, ii. 676.

Am Freiceadan Dubh (“the Black Watch”), the Gaelic name of the 42nd,
ii. 324.

Amoaful, the battle here, ii. 804.

Anderson, General Paul, the 78th receive new colours and accoutrements
from his estate, ii. 659.

Anglo-Norman jurisdiction, i. 59.

Anglo-Saxon colonisation of Scotland, i. 56.

“Another for Hector,” origin of the saying, i. 324.

Anrias or Ross, Clan, its history, crest, arms, and motto, ii. 235.

Anson, Hon. Mrs George, she presents new colours to the 74th
Highlanders, ii. 608.

Antonine, Wall of, map and profile of, i. 10;
stone from, 11.

Antwerp, allied commanders’ object against (1811), ii. 651.

Arapiles, Los, near Salamanca, ii. 583;
Pakenham’s obstinate fight here, 383.

Ard Choille (“the wooded hill”), motto and slogan of the Macgregors,
ii. 243.

Ardoch Moor, i. 7;
battle of, 8;
view of Roman Camp at, 15.

Ardvraick Castle, Montrose imprisoned here, i. 268;
view of, 269.

Argaum, battle of (1803), ii. 633.

Argyll, i. 34;
settlement of Scots from Ireland here, 33;
the proper orthography (note), ii. 177.

Argyll, Campbell, the clan, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 175.

Argyll, Archibald, the 5th Earl, ii. 179.

Argyll, 2nd Duke of, portrait, i. 472.

Argyll, the 7th Earl of, his portrait, i. 338;
defeated at Glenlivet, 109;
the 8th Earl and 1st Marquis, his portrait, 178;
defeated at Tippermuir, 184;
at Aberdeen, 188;
at Fyvie, 192;
his conduct towards Montrose, 271;
declines to serve in the Scots army in England, 289;
declaration of the 9th Earl against Government.
_See_ Campbell, Clan.

Argyll, 1st Marquis of, arrested, i. 332.

Argyll Highlanders, or Old 74th Highland Regiment, their history,
ii. 519.

Argyllshire Highlanders, the 91st Princess Louise’s Regiment, _see_
Ninety-first.

Argyll’s Stone (note), i. 339.

Arinez, the action here in 1813, ii. 596.

Arkaig, Loch, view of, i. 709.

Armour, ancient Caledonians’, i. 5.

Army sub-districts of Highland Regiments, _see_ Brigade Centre.

Arriverète, the battle here (1814), ii. 762.

Arroyo de Molinos, the battle here, ii. 496.

Ashantee Campaign (1874), map, ii. 803.

Ashantee War, volunteers from the 79th share in its dangers, ii. 721.

Assaye, battle and plan of, ii. 574, 631.

Athole, 2nd Duke of, with President Forbes at Blair Castle, i. 323;
the 4th Duke raises a regiment in 1778, ii. 522;
note from the 7th Duke on the death of Dundee, i. 376;
his accepting the care of the monument to the fallen of the 42nd,
ii. 435.

Athole Highlanders at Culloden, i. 663.

Athole Highlanders, _see_ 77th Regt., Old.

Athole, Marquis of, created duke, i. 410.

Athole, Stewarts of, their descent, ii. 300.

Attainted estates, i. 478.

Audaces juvo (“I favour the brave”), scroll motto of the Buchanans,
ii. 281.

Audentes Fortuna juvat (“fortune aids the daring”), Mackinnon’s motto,
&c., ii. 256.

Augustus, Fort, view of, i. 485.

Auldearn, battle of, i. 210.

Aut pax aut bellum (“either peace or war”), motto of Gunn, &c.,
ii. 278.

Badajoz, its siege and capture, ii. 581.

Bagh, “garden,” of frequent occurrence in Indian names, ii. 530.

Bagpipe, history of, in Highlands, ii. 109.

Bagpipe-playing in the Highlands, i. 312.

Baird, Major-General, his portrait, ii. 482;
commands against Hyder Ali, 481;
at the assault on Seringapatam, 570;
commands at the Cape of Good Hope, 778.

Balaklava, battle of, ii. 418, 713, 785.

Balloch, Donald, Lord of Isla, i. 76;
sends his own head to Edinburgh, ii. 141.

Balmerino, his letter to the Chevalier de St George, i. 726;
his execution, 727.

Balmoral, Highland residence of Her Majesty, steel engraving of,
i. 775.

Balnagowan, Ross of, and Pitcalnie, their claims to the chiefship,
ii. 237.

Bangalore, the storming in 1791, ii. 527.

Bannockburn, battle of, i. 63.

Bannockburn House--Prince Charles passes a night here, i. 616.

Bards’ influence on the Highlanders, i. 315.

Bareilly, its final reduction, ii. 686.

Bayonne--the battle in 1813, ii. 729;
last action of the Peninsular war, ii, 763.

Bede, the Venerable, i. 20, 22;
dialect, 21.

Belhaven, “the fiery Lord,” i. 411.

Ben, beann, ban, bean, bain, bane,--literally “white, beautiful;”
applied to amountain, it refers to the snow-cap, ii. 216.

Bengal army--the mutiny, ii. 666.

Beresford, Major-General, at Buenos-Ayres, ii. 488;
at the siege of Badajoz, 496;
his brigade in 1808, 727.

Bergen-op-Zoom, attack on, ii. 451.

Berridale, Lord, prosecution of, i. 126;
imprisoned, 137-8;
and his creditors, 145;
his wounds at Charlestown, ii. 521.

Bithoor, its evacuation before Hope-Grant, ii. 420;
the march against, 674.

“Birkenhead,” wreck of the, ii. 604.

Bi se mac an t’slaurie (“Be thou son of the crook”), the scroll motto
of the Maclaurins, ii. 279.

Bishops, Scottish, Anti-Popery mandates to their clergy (1745),
i. 582;
recognise the Hanoverian Government, 769.

“Black Camp,” before Inverary, i. 434.

Blackmail in the Highlands, i. 321;
levying of it, 483;
cessation of its payment, 488;
its amount, ii. 2.

“Black Watch,” the, _see_ Forty-Second Royal Highlanders, ii. 324.

Blair-Athole, Prince Charles here, i. 635.

Blair Castle abandoned by the Duke of Athole, and seized by the
Marquis of Tullibardine, i. 534;
the family residence of the Dukes of Athole, with engravings of as
it stood in 1745-6 before being dismantled, 643;
and as restored in 1872, ii. 312.

Blantyre, Lord, deputed to London, Queen Elizabeth refuses to see him,
i. 409;
his experience of Highlanders, ii. 380.

Blauw-Berg, the battle in 1806, ii. 778.

“Bloody Preacher,” the, David Dickson, i. 238;
John Nave or Neaves, ii. 252.

Bog of Gight, Earl of Murray here, i. 156;
the castle taken by Leslie, 251;
the site of Gordon Castle, ii. 318.

Bondage, Manerial, predial service in Harris, ii. 35.

Bones, Highland superstitions about, i. 309.

“Bonnet gained,” the, its history, ii. 417.

“Bonnie Dundee,” song of (note), i. 350.

“Bonnie House o’ Airly,” the, destroyed by the Earl of Argyll, i. 178.

Book of Deer, the, (note), i. 22, 38.

Borlum, Old, Brigadier Mackintosh, Laird of, i. 437;
ordered by Mar to the Borders, 445.

Boyd, Lord, incident at Culloden, i. 667.

Boyne, King James’s defeat at the, i. 393.

Brahan Castle, the Highlanders lay down their arms here, i. 486.

Brandywine Creek--the battle, ii. 353.

Breadalbane Campbells, their motto, history, arms, &c., ii. 186;
first earl, 187.

Breadalbane, his portrait, i. 394;
his policy for the winning side, 395;
imprisoned for high treason, i. 402.

Bridge of Dee (note), i. 85;
battle of the, 175;
skirmish at, 202.

Brigade Centres, or “Army Sub-districts” of the Highland
regiments--the 42nd and 79th is Perth;
the 71st and 78th is Fort George;
the 72nd and 91st is Stirling;
the 74th is Hamilton;
and the 92nd and 93rd is Aberdeen.

Brooklyn, battle of (1776), ii. 349, 467.

Bruce, Robert, i. 63.

Buchanan, Clan, its history, arms and mottoes, ii. 281.

Buchanan, George, on Highland dress and armour, i. 327.

Burgos, the siege in 1812, ii. 383, 703.

Burton, Major, his melancholy fate, ii. 551.

Burt’s Letters on Highland dress, i. 330;
their value, ii. 20.

Busaco--the battle, A.D. 1810, ii. 578.

Busheer, its surrender, ii. 660.

Bydand (“permanent”), motto of the Gordons, ii. 316.

Byng, Lt.-General Sir John, presents new colours to the 92nd,
Dec. 13, 1830, ii. 767.

Caber Feidh, or “Gathering of the 72nd Highlanders,” the music
arranged for the bagpipes, ii. 532.

Cadogan, Colonel, mortally wounded at La Puebla--engraving of his
monument in Glasgow Cathedral, ii. 498.

Caffraria, map of the eastern part, ii. 564.

“Caisteal Foulis na theine”--Castle Foulis in flames--slogan of the
Munroes, ii. 434.

Caithness and Sutherland, Earls of, feud between, i. 100;
reprisals, 110;
differences, 128;
agreement, 136.

Caledonians, Ancient, their habits, i. 1, 4;
weapons, armour, government, physique, 5;
engravings of two sculptured stones representing them, 4.

Callernish Circle in Lewis--view of, i. 37.

Callum More, Colin Mòr or Mohr, ii. 178.

Cambridge, H.R.H. the Duke of, in the Crimea, ii. 784;
he presents new colours to the 93rd, 788.

Cameron (or Chameron), Clan, its history, arms, crest, mottoes, and
branches, ii. 217;
clan muster in 1745, i. 522;
defeat of Clan Chattan by, 106.

Cameron, Alan (of Erracht), raises the 79th Regiment, ii. 697;
his candid and stern refusal to allow the king to draft the 79th
Regiment (note), 698;
his letter on abolishing the kilt, 699.

Cameron, Sir Duncan A., K.C.B., his portrait on steel as colonel of
the “Black Watch,” ii. 325;
at the Alma, 413;
succeeds Sir Colin Campbell in command of the Highland Brigade
(1855), 547, 713;
succeeds Sir Colin in command of a division, 548;
his war services, 437.

Cameron, Col. John, 92nd, his portrait, ii. 763;
--his part and death at Quatre Bras, June 16, 1815--some details
of his life and bravery, 764;
his coat of arms, 762;
Sir Walter Scott’s lines upon, 765.

Cameron, Donald (Lochiel), “The Gentle Chief,” _see_ Lochiel.

Cameron, Dr Arch., portrait, i. 718;
execution at Tyburn--reluctance of George II. to sign his death
warrant, 756.

Cameron Highlanders, “the 79th Queen’s Own,” _see_ 79th Regiment.

Cameron, John Dhu, Sergeant Mòr, i. 325.

Cameron, Sir Ewen, of Lochiel (or “Ewan Dhu”), his character and
achievements, i. 296, 297, ii. 220-222;
with his second son at Killiecrankie, i. 371;
his foster brother at Killiecrankie (note), 377;
Byron’s mention of him, ii. 706.

Cameronian Volunteers, the first designation of the 79th, ii. 697.

“Cameronians,” origin of the name, the test, i. 335;
become partisans of the Stuarts, their warlike movements, i. 414.

Camerons, their conduct before the battle of Prestonpans, i. 555, 562.

Campbell--its etymology, ii. 175.

Campbell, Clan, Argyll Branch, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 175;
its prominent men, 177-185.

Campbell, Clan, Breadalbane Branch, arms, crest, and motto--its
prominent men, ii. 186-189.

Campbell, Clan, Offshoots, ii. 189-190.

Campbell, Castle, burned by the Macleans, i. 221.

Campbell, Colin (of Carwhin), he succeeds to the Breadalbane peerage,
ii. 188.

Campbell, General Duncan, of Lochnell, first colonel of the 91st--his
portrait on steel, ii. 756;
his punch-bowl, 754.

Campbell, Major-General John Francis Glencairn--his portrait, ii. 746;
his bravery, 738;
his becoming colonel, 91st, 746.

Campbell, Major-General Sir Archibald, K.C.B., first colonel of the
74th Highlanders, ii. 571;
his portrait, 572.

Campbell of Lochnell at Glenlivet, i. 108.

Campbell, Sir Archibald Ava, Bart., the representative of the
Robertsons, ii. 172.

Campbell, Sir Colin (Lord Clyde), his portrait on steel plate, ii. 409;
his career (note), ii. 413;
his generalship, 416, 417, 682, 684, 713, 784, 785, 790.

Campbell’s Highlanders, or Old 88th Regiment, history of, ii. 475.

Campbells, Macdougall, of Craignish, ii. 167.

Campobello, Sir Nigel de, the head of the Clan Campbell (in 1320 A.D.),
ii. 176.

Camps, Roman, i. 14, 15.

Canada, plan for its conquest (1759), ii. 460.

Cannon, Colonel, joined by Farquharsons, Frasers, Gordons, Macphersons,
i. 380;
defeated at Dunkeld, 384.

Canute in Scotland, i. 53.

Cape of Good Hope, the Dutch yield it up, ii. 624.

Carlisle, occupied by Duke of Hamilton, i. 256;
surrenders to Prince Charles, 589;
engraving of the city (1745), 604;
surrenders to Cumberland, 610.

Carpenter, General, he intercepts the Jacobite army, i. 146, 449;
commander of the forces in North Britain, 480.

Caschroim, the crooked Scotch spade (woodcut), ii. 9.

Cassilis, Earl of, i. 88;
his flight from Linlithgow, 258;
at Queensferry, 258.

Cat, the Great, a name of the Sutherland chief, ii. 273.

Cathcart, Colonel, is despatched against the rebels by the Duke of
Argyll; he surprises the Jacobites, i. 457;
his skilful attack at Sheriffmuir, 463.

Catholic religion, restoration of, i. 329.

Cattanachs, the, ii. 217.

Cattle-lifting in the Highlands, i. 321; ii. 1.

Cattle raids in the Highlands (1724), i. 483.

Cawnpore, more correctly Cawnpoor.

Cawnpoor, siege and second massacre of, ii. 667;
view of Suttee Chowra Ghât, the scene of second massacre, 668;
the third massacre, 669;
view of mausoleum over the well, 670;
and its monumental inscription, 669;
plan to illustrate the action near Cawnpoor, 16th July 1857, 669.

Caw, Lewis, assumed name of Prince Charles (in Skye), i. 700.

Cean Ciknith, “Head of the Lineage,” ii. 117.

Ceanmore, Malcolm, i. 54.

Cearnachs or Caterans, i. 321.

Celtic and feudal names, i. 72, 299.

Celtic MSS., their archives, ii. 67.

Ceylon, Stuart’s expedition, ii. 531.

Chariot, ancient British war chariot, i. 6.

Charles I. and the Covenanters, i. 175;
and the Marquis of Huntly and people of Scotland, 251;
prisoner at Newport, 259;
his reverses in England--taken prisoner. 247;
writes to Montrose, 248.

Charles II., his arrival in Scotland, i. 331.

Charles Edward, Prince, his portrait engraved on steel, from a
miniature given to Lochiel, frontispiece to vol. i.;
his portrait in old age, taken at Florence in 1776, i. 758;
portraits of the Prince and his wife Louisa, ii. 753;
his parentage, i. 499;
leaves Rome for the invasion of England, 507;
his spirit in 1745, 510;
aspires to the throne, 511;
his companions in the invasion of Great Britain, 512;
in a naval battle, 513;
his dress and manners on landing in 1745, 515;
resolve to raise his standard, 520;
proclamation to apprehend, 528;
encamps at Loch Lochy--his proclamation to apprehend George II.,
532;
his Highland army (1745)--adopts the Highland dress--his resolve
to meet Sir John Cope, 533;
enters Perth, 535;
shows his last coin, 536;
his entry into Edinburgh, 547;
description of him, 549;
his prudence at Prestonpans, 555;
his address to his army at Prestonpans, 559;
his humanity after the battle--at Pinkie House, 565;
his clemency in Edinburgh, 570;
marches to England, 576;
deportment at Holyrood--orders a review of his army on Leith
Links--final departure from Holyrood, 584;
enters Carlisle, 569;
progress in England, 594;
proposes to march into Wales, 599;
dejection after the decision to retreat from Derby, 600;
reviews his army on Glasgow Green, 615;
flight of his troops, 634;
loss of his war treasure, 645;
pecuniary difficulties, 647;
energy and strategetic ability, 648;
account of battle of Culloden, 650 to 663;
conduct after Culloden, 665;
flight and proceedings after Culloden, 671 to 673;
reasons for returning to France--meeting the chiefs in
Glenboisdale--and departure from the mainland, 675;
his narrow escape to Harris--his assumed name and disguise, 683;
his skill as a cook--his linens, 684;
ability as a sportsman, 686;
adventures in making his escape, 689-691;
his social manners, 693;
resumes his male attire--his old shoes sold for £21, 694;
buys 4 oz. of “pigtail,” 696;
parts with Flora Macdonald, 697;
his wound at Culloden--his estimate of the Highland corps--his
return to Skye, 699;
recognised in his disguise, 701;
a Highland servant washes his feet, 702;
is entertained in a cave by Mackinnon--parts with his faithful
guide, and gives him his old pipe, 703;
leaves Skye in Mackinnon’s boat, 704;
narrow escapes, 710-712;
wanderings in Glengarry, 714;
French officers meet him, and his narrow escape, 716;
rashness, impatience, and escape, 718-720;
career in Great Britain, 721;
arrives at Paris, 740;
goes to Madrid, 744;
returns to Paris--his non-success with Louis XIV.--wishes to marry
the Czarina, 745;
ceases to drink his brother’s health--pecuniary
difficulties--obstinacy against Louis’ pension, 746, 747;
strikes a medal as Prince of Wales, 748;
arrest and expulsion from France--his prison, 751, 752;
his assumed name on the Continent, 753;
visits Paris and London incognito--wanderings on the Continent, 754;
visits London in 1752 and 1760, 755;
his mistress, Walkinshaw, 756;
assumption of the Stuart doctrine of divine right, 757;
marriage to a princess in 1772--fixes his abode at Florence in
1766--gets his daughter to live with him--removes to
Rome--becomes a paralytic and dies, 759;
his real character, 760;
known and loved by the Highlanders, 770.

Chattan, dissension in clan, i. 85;
in Knoydart and Moydart, 88;
defeated by clan Cameron, 106;
joins the Macdonalds, ii. 143;
its history, 197;
its component clans, 201;
its force in 1704, 1715, and 1745, 217.

Chevalier de St George, the title assumed by the son of James II,
i. 414;
his claim to succeed Queen Anne, 421;
reward for his apprehension, 422;
proclaimed at Aberdeen, Castle Gordon, Brechin, Montrose, and
Dundee, 436;
the Master of Sinclair’s description of, 468;
utter failure of his cause, 475;
contract of marriage, 481;
letters to Clementina, 500;
proclaimed as James VIII., 523;
his death, 758.

Chiefs, Highland, their status and authority, i. 322;
their power and influence previous to 1745, ii. 3;
their idea of land rights, 34;
sometimes deposed, 130.

Chieftains, their position and status, ii. 6.

Chisholm, clan, its history, arms, crest, and mottoes, ii. 307;
view of Erchless Castle, the family seat, 308.

Chumie or Tyumie--this river (Kaffraria) crossed by the troops in
1846 (an illustration), ii. 737.

Ciudad Rodrigo, its siege in 1811, ii. 579.

Clan, Gaelic and Erse, Clann or Cland Manx = Cloan (note), literally
“children,” or “offspring,” “tribe,” ii. 117.

Clan, legal status of, decision given by Lord Ardmillan in 1860,
ii. 213.

Clan and clanship, Highland import, ii. 116;
Clan influence, latest instance, 777.

Clanranald, its arms, history, and mottoes, ii. 153.

Clanranald of Lochaber, ii. 142, 147;
its suppression by Argyll, 182.

Clan regiments, mode of commanding--list of them for invading England,
i. 585.

Clans, origin of the Highland clans, ii. 117;
division of people into, i. 316;
matrimonial arrangements--power of chiefs--warlike spirit--military
ranks, 317;
places of rendezvous--The Fiery Cross--war cry or slogan--effects
of omens in--number of fighting men, 318;
succession of chiefs--fidelity of followers to chiefs--administration
of laws--feuds, 319;
union and opposition among--degrees of insult among--feeling of
revenge, 320;
fidelity to their chiefs, 325;
a list of Breadalbane’s proposed forces of the Highland chieftains
(note), 404;
their valour in 1745, 533;
their disputes anent rank and precedence, 659;
their costume by Sobieski and Charles Edward Stuart, 761;
the forfeited estates of clansmen, 769;
Border clans early broken up--chief works respecting them, ii. 116.

Clarior hinc honos (“hence brighter honour”), arms motto of Buchanan,
ii. 281.

Claverhouse, Graham of, _see_ Dundee.

Clephane, Lieut.-Col., his anecdotes of the 79th, ii. 722.

Cluny, Macpherson of, chief of Clan Macpherson--is called in the
Highlands Mac Mhurich Chlanidh, ii. 212;
The Cluny meets the Prince in Lochiel’s hut, i. 746;
nine years of cave life, 719;
commands the Clan Pherson at Dalkeith, 584.

Cluny Castle, relics of the rebellion of 1745 in, ii. 212.

Clyde, Lord. _See_ Campbell, Sir Colin.

Cnoc elachan (“willow hill”), the slogan of Colquhoun, ii. 284.

“Cock of the North,” the Marquis of Huntly, i. 170;
the Duke of Gordon, ii. 318, 775.

Cògaidh nà Sith (“war or peace”), Kenneth Mackay plays it at Waterloo,
ii. 707.

Colonsay island, and Lord Colonsay, ii. 165.

Colquhoun Clan, its history, arms, crest, and mottoes, ii. 284.

Colquhouns and Macgregors at feud, i. 113.

Columba, St, birth, i. 37;
preaching to the Picts, 21;
landing at Aberdour, 22;
conversion of Picts, 33;
death, 39.

Comyn, Cumin, Cummin, Cumming, ii. 318.

Comyn, John, Earl of Buchan, i. 61.

Coomassie, the capital of Ashantee, ii. 803;
its capture and cremation, 805.

Cope, Sir John, commander-in-chief in Scotland, i. 527;
his progress in the Highlands, 530;
his autograph, 531;
Prince Charles resolves to encounter him--his flight, 533;
Prince Charles drinks his health, 534;
his march to Aberdeen, 537;
at Prestonpans, 559.

Cornwallis, Lord, his victory at Jeffrey’s Ford, ii. 353;
his command in America in 1780, 471;
commander-in-chief in 1791, 485;
his arrival in India, 527.

Corunna, Moore’s retreat thither, and his death, ii. 377;
battle of, in 1809, 490.

“Courage,” motto of the Cummings, ii. 318.

Covenant, Charles II. signs it, i. 279.

Covenanters, ii. 177-217, 219-232, 233-246, 257-280, 335.

Craggan an Fhithich (“the raven’s rock”), scroll motto of Macdonnell,
ii. 156.

Craigellachie (“rock of alarm”), the slogan of the Grants, ii. 256.

Craigievar Castle, engraving of, ii. 294.

Crawford, John, Earl of, the first colonel of the “Black Watch,” his
portrait on steel, ii. 325.

Creachs, or predatory excursions, i. 321.

Creag Dhu, or Cragi Dhu (“black rock”), the slogan of the Macphersons,
ii. 212.

Crimea, Map of, ii, 777;
invasion in 1854, 409;
evacuation in 1856, 548.
_See_ Highland Regiments.

Cro (“fine,” “ransom,” or “forfeit”), Celtic = Eric in the Brehon Law,
i. 46.

Cromwell, Oliver, Scotch army surrender to him, i. 256;
his siege of Berwick, 259;
crosses the Tweed, 279;
his fortress at Leith, 442;
his narrow escape at Ribble Bridge, 451.

Culloden, Forbeses of, ii. 295;
battle of, i. 657, 664, 667, 669;
plan of the field of battle, 661.

Culloden House, engraving of it, i. 657;
Prince Charles occupies, 651.

Cumberland, Duke of, his portrait engraved on steel, i. 631;
his movements, 602;
presented with the freedom of the city of Edinburgh, 631, 636, 639;
his measures and rapacity, 648;
at Culloden, 661-666;
his futile efforts to capture Prince Charles, 676;
his movements in suppressing the rebellion, 678.

“Cumberland and Murray’s Descent into Hell,” a song, i. 773.

Cumming, sept or family of, its history, arms, and motto, ii. 318;
adopt the name of Farquharson, 319.

Cymric origin of the Picts, i. 22, 28, 30.

Cymric roots of the Pictish tongue, i. 28.

Dalcross Castle, an engraving of it, one of the seats of the
Mackintosh, ii. 209.

Dalkeith, insurgents’ camp (1745), i. 564.

Dalkeith House, surrender of, i. 167.

Dalriads, or Irish Scots, i. 33.

Dalrymple, Master of Stair, his treachery to Glencoe, i. 396;
bears the blame of the massacre of Glencoe, 402.

Dalrymple, Sir David, his inquiry about the medal presented to the
Advocates by the Duchess of Gordon, i. 419.

Danish Fleet in the Clyde, i. 50.

Daoine Shith, or men of peace, i. 304.

Daoine Matha, or good men, i. 307.

Data fata secutus (“following the allotted fates”), scroll motto of
Mackenzies, ii. 238.

David I., his influence, i. 57.

David II., i. 64;
recalled from France, ii. 138.

Davidsons’ and Macphersons’ feud, i. 66.

Davidsons, the, their fate at the battle of Invernahavon, ii. 203.

Davoch-lands in the Highlands, ii. 16.

Dawson, Jemmy, origin of “Shenstone’s Ballad” of, i. 723.

Dear or Deer, its site and antiquity, i. 39

Dee, Bridge of, battle of the, i. 85, 175.

Deemster or judge, the Brehon, ii. 129.

Deer, Book of, its character, ii. 68, 70.

Deer-forests, their recent formation, ii. 63.

Defoe on the Highland dress, i. 328.

Depopulation (Highland), its progress, ii. 54.

Derby, arrival here of Prince Charles on foot--the crisis of his
enterprise, i. 598.

Derwentwater, Earl of, his espousal of the Chevalier’s cause, i. 436;
his Jacobite zeal, 452;
sent to General Willis as a hostage, 455;
beheaded, 477.

Dettingen, battle (June 1743), i. 509.

Dh’aindheoin co theireadh è (“in spite of, who would gainsay”), motto
of Clanranald, ii. 153.

Dick, Colonel (afterwards Sir) R. H., 42nd, his portrait, ii. 396;
his death and tablet to his memory in St Giles’ Cathedral,
Edinburgh, 408.

Dingwalls of Ross-shire, i. 62.

Dirk, the Highland, i. 301.

Disarming Act (in 1716), i. 495 and 489.

Donald, Clan, its history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 136.

Donald Dubh escapes from prison, ii. 144.

Donald Gorme (of Sleat), claims the lordship of the Isles, ii. 145.

Donald, Lord of the Isles, i. 69.

Donnachie, Clan, their name, ii. 170.

Donnibristle Castle, Huntly attacks, i. 105

Donolly--cadets of this family, ii. 161.

Dornoch, the Duke of Perth advances on, and Lord Loudon abandons
(1746), i. 641.

Dornoch Castle, view of, i. 117;
town besieged, i. 91, 92.

Douglas, Chevalier, an assumed name of Prince Charles, i. 509.

Douglas, Lady, she presents new colours to the 79th, ii. 709.

Douglas, Major-General Sir John, K.C.B., his portrait as colonel of
the 79th, ii. 711.

Douglas, Sir Neil, K.C.B., K.C.H., colonel of the 72nd, his portrait
on steel, ii. 479;
colonel of the 78th, 694.

Drammach, peculiar preparation, i. 685.

“Dread God,” motto of Munro of Foulis, ii. 231.

Dress, Highland, its advantages, i. 300, 302, 699;
remarks on, 326;
Highland armour, 327;
Highland women’s dress, 302.

Druid, derivation of the word (note), i. 36.

Druidheachd, Gaelic term, i. 307.

Drummond, origin of the name and clan, ii. 312;
history, arms, and motto, 313.

Drummond, Captain James, falls at Prestonpans, his dying address,
i. 562.

Drummond, the first Lord, ii. 314;
his confinement in Castle Drummond, i. 421;
his attempt to seize Edinburgh Castle, 431;
he embarks with the Pretender, 475;
attainted, 478.

Drummond’s Edinburgh Volunteers, i. 544.

Drummossie Moor, Culloden battlefield, i. 651;
plan of this moor, 661.

Duart Castle, view of, i. 98;
Argyll unable to take it, 393.

Duffie, history of this clan, ii. 261.

Duffus, Laird of, i. 91, 150, 152.

Duinewassels, ii. 129.

Dulcius ex asperis (“sweeter out of adversity”), the motto of the
Ferguson or Fergussons, ii. 320.

Dumbarton Castle taken, i. 167.

Dunadd, capital of Dalriadda, i. 34.

Dunaverty Castle, siege of, i. 252;
seized by James IV., ii. 143.

Dunbar, battle of (1650), i. 283.

Dunbeath Castle taken, i. 265.

Dunblane, engravings of, about 1715, i. 460;
burnt by the Danes, i. 49.

Dunchattan, Macintosh of, murdered, i. 85.

Duncrei (Crieff), i. 40.

Dundee, Viscount, John Graham of Claverhouse, his portrait--steel
plate of armour worn by him at Killiecrankie, i. 376;
antecedents, 350;
education at Seneffe--Prince of Orange saved by--appointed captain
in Scotland by Charles II., raised to the peerage, 351;
outlawed, 352;
resumé of his character (note), 353;
joined by Macdonald of Keppoch and clan, 355;
before Dundee, 356;
joined by various clans in Lochaber, 357;
men desert from, 358;
joined by Athole men and enters Athole, 366;
movements at Killiecrankie, 369;
at Urrard House, 369;
battle of Killiecrankie, 372;
death--note from present Duke of Athole on death of Dundee, 376;
alleged letter from to the king (note)--character, 377;
buried at Blair-Athole, 378.

Dunfermline, seat of government, i. 57.

Dunkeld, view of, as in the 17th century, i. 384;
church built by Kenneth, i. 49.

Dunolly Castle, i. 34.

Dunottar Castle, Earl Marshal shut up in, i. 204;
view of in the 17th century, 205.

Dunrobin Castle, Old, view of, besieged, i. 83;
an ancient seat of Sutherland chiefs, ii. 273;
view of, from a photograph by Collier & Park, 277.

Dunstaffnage Campbells, ii. 190;
the castle taken by the Bruce, 161;
castle, i. 34.

Dunyveg Castle, view of, taken by Angus Oig, i. 129;
by Campbell of Calder, 131;
by Sir James Macdonald, 131.

Edgar Ætheling, seal of, i. 55.

Edgar, Secretary, on Charles incog., i. 754.

Edinburgh captured from the English, i. 51;
approach of Prince Charles, 542;
freedom of the city presented to the Duke of Cumberland, 631.

Edinburgh Castle, view of, as in 1715, i. 432;
surprised by General Leslie, 167;
Montrose imprisoned in, 268;
siege by Cromwell, 285;
surrender of, 287, 362;
attempt to seize it by Jacobites, 431.

Edinburgh city guard, i. 352.

Edinburgh, Duke of, visits India, ii. 775.

Edward, son of Malcolm III., i. 55.

Edward the Confessor, i. 55, 57.

Edward the Constable, i. 59.

Eglinton, Earl of, advances on Edinburgh, i. 257;
offers to assist the Stewarts, 481.

Egypt, battle of, March 21st, 1800, ii. 369.

Eigg, all its inhabitants suffocated, ii. 195.

Eighty-first, Old, ii. 565.

Eighty-fourth, Old, ii. 565.

Eighty-seventh Regiment, Old, ii. 475.

Eighty-eighth Regiment, Old, ii. 475.

Eighty-ninth Highland Regiment, history and reduction of, ii. 478.

Elephant, the, His Majesty’s order that the troops engaged at Assaye
should bear it on their colours--the regiments thus honoured,
ii. 632.

El Hamet, the battle here (1807), ii. 648.

Enfield Rifles, their first issue to the 74th, ii. 609;
to the 78th (1857), 664.

English soldiery, their ferocity after Culloden, i. 665;
their brutality at Culloden, 667;
their barbarities in Scotland, 680.

Episcopacy, attempt to introduce, into Scotland, i. 165.

Episcopalians, stringent laws and stern penal enactments against them,
i. 769.

Erchless Castle, the seat of the Chisholm (with an engraving), ii. 308.

Erig, or compensation tribunals, i. 321.

Errol, Earl of, attainted, i. 107;
restored, 110.

Erskine, Rev. Ebenezer, commanded two companies of Seceders at defence
of Stirling, i. 616.

Erskine, John, Earl of Mar, _see_ Mar.

Espoir, Comte d’--one incognito of Prince Charles, i. 753.

Euzofzai, an erroneous orthography of Yûzûfzai, ii. 511;
engraving of a monument to the 71st Regiment, 517.

Fairies of Shetland (note), i. 306.

Fairy legends in the Highlands, i. 304.

Falkirk, the field of battle in 1746, i. 624.

Famine, the Highland, in 1750, ii. 24.

Fantees, a tribe on the Gold Coast, ii. 803.

Farmwork in the Highlands (1760), ii. 11.

Farquhar, progenitor of the Shaws, ii. 213.

Farquharson, Clan, their history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 215.

Farquharson (of Invercauld), opposed General Wills at Ribble Bridge,
i. 451.

Farquharson of Inverey in Cromar, i. 293.

Farquharsons join Colonel Cannon, i. 380.

Fassifern, Sir Ewen Cameron of, the first Baronet (father of Colonel
John Cameron, 92nd Regiment), ii. 222.

Fencible Corps, chronological list, ii. 807.

Ferguson or Fergusson, a Highland sept, their badge, ii, 320.

Ferguson, Lt.-Gen. Sir R. C., his portrait on steel plate of the
colonels of the 78th and 79th, ii. 617;
colonel of the 79th, 708;
his death in 1841, 709.

Feros ferio (“I strike the cruel”), Chisholm’s scroll motto, ii. 307.

Feudal and Celtic manners, i. 72.

Feudalism differs from clanship, ii. 119.

Feudality, its remnant abolished, i. 768.

Feuds among clans, their causes, i. 319.

Fide et fortudine (“by fidelity and fortitude”), motto of the
Farquharsons, ii. 215.

Fide parta fide aucta (“acquired by fidelity, increased by fidelity”),
the crest motto of the Mackenzies, ii. 238.

Field of Shirts, battle of, i. 87.

Fiery Cross, last instance of its use, i. 318.

Fighting men, number of, in clans, i. 318.

Findlater, Earl of, i. 202.

Fingall, Gallgael, and Dugall, ii. 131.

“Fire and Sword, Letters of,” how easily obtained, i. 404.

Fish, supply of a century ago, ii. 26.

Fletcher of Saltoun, Scottish patriot, i. 410.

Flight Cairn or Carn-Teiche, i. 112.

Flodden, the Highlanders there, i. 80.

Flora Macdonald. _See_ Macdonald.

“Follow me,” the motto of the Breadalbane Campbells, ii. 186.

Fontenoy, victory of the French, i. 511;
the Black Watch at, ii. 333.

Forays, Highland, i. 321.

Forbes, Clan, their history, arms, and motto, origin of the name,
ii. 290.

Forbes, Duncan, his defence of Culloden fortalice, i. 457;
hanged after the battle of Culloden, 668.

Forbes, Lord President, i. 323;
portrait, 679;
his worth, sagacity, and opinion of the Highlanders, 765.

Forbes of Craigievar taken prisoner, i. 168;
released, 191; ii. 293.

Fordyce, Lt.-Col., 74th, his death, Nov. 6, 1851, ii. 597;
engraving of the scene, 598.

Forres, town of, burned by Badenoch, i. 68.

Fort Augustus, with illustrations, i. 485;
its erection, 489;
Prince Charles determines to reduce it, 640.

Forteviot, battle of, i. 43.

Fort George, its capture, i. 638, 670.

Fortis et fidus (“brave and trusty”), motto of Maclachlan, &c.,
ii. 165.

Fortitudine (“with fortitude”), motto of the Macraes, &c., ii. 280.

Forty-Second Royal Highland Regiment (“The Black Watch”), its history,
ii. 324-445;
Appendix, Ashantee Campaign, 803.
For details of history see contents of--
Ch. I. 1772-1775, ii. 324.
II. 1775-1795, 349.
III. 1795-1811, 362.
IV. 1811-1816, 380.
V. 1816-1854, 399.
VI. 1854-1856, the Crimea, 409.
VII. 1856-1859, Indian Mutiny, 419.
VIII. 1817-1873, 429.
and Appendix, 1874-1875, Ashantee War, &c., 803.
Succession lists of colonels, field and staff officers, ii. 437.
Steel plate of colonels opposite page 325.
Alphabetical list of all the officers who have served in “The Black
Watch,” from 28th May 1817-1874, 439.
Highland pibroch played by the 42nd while marching to Quatre Bras,
446.

Forty-Second, Second Battalion, now the 73rd Regiment, history of,
ii. 566.

“Frances Charlotte,” The, her wreck on the Island of Preparis--compare
the “Birkenhead” wreck (ii. 604), ii. 638.

Fraser, Clan, its history, arms, crest, motto, and branches, ii. 302;
new clan in America, 305;
massacre of, by Clan Ranald, i. 87.

Fraser, Duke of, a title of Lord Lovat, i. 734.

Fraser (Inverallachie), killed at Culloden, i. 666.

Fraser, Lt.-Gen. Alexander Mackenzie, 78th, his portrait, ii. 642;
his death, 650.

Fraser, Simon, _see_ Lovat, Lord.

Fraser, Sir Alexander, of Philorth, his portrait, ii. 303.

Fraser’s, Bishop, seal, engraving of, ii. 302.

Fraser’s Highlanders, or Old 78th, their history, ii. 457;
discharged, 465.

Fraser’s Highlanders, or Old 71st, their history, ii. 465;
discharged, 1783, 474.

Fraser’s Hill, near Seringapatam, ii. 531.

Frasers of Stratherrick, their assistance of Prince Charles, i. 533.

French Invasion, dread of, in 1744, i. 507.

Frendraught, disasters at, i. 162, 202.

Frendraught House, view of, i. 156;
burned, 156;
Spalding’s account (note), 157;
ballad on, 158.

Fuaran u trupar or “Horseman’s Well,” at Killiecrankie, i. 368.

Fuel in the Highlands, ii. 19.

Fuentes de Onoro (or Fuentes d’Onor), the battle of, ii. 495, 579, 700.

Fullarton, Colonel, besieges, attacks, and takes Palghatcherri (1783),
ii. 525.

Furth fortune and fill the fetters (“the future is unknown”), motto
of Murray or Moray (Athole), ii. 309.

Fyvie, battle of, i. 192.

Gaelic-Picts, i. 26;
roots of Pictish language, 28;
language and literature, chap. xlv., ii. 66;
charter of 1408 A.D., MSS. of the 15th century, 77;
antiquities (Dr Smith’s), 87;
literature (modern), 91;
Bible and Confession of Faith, 93;
prose writings, 94;
poetry, exclusive of the Ossianic, 99;
grammars, 100;
dictionaries, 101;
music, its different species, 106;
sacred music, 108;
musical instruments, 109;
MSS., catalogue of them, 110.

Gael of the coasts, peculiar device, ii. 159.

Galley, oared, a special device of the Maclachlans, ii. 166.

Gallgael, Fingall, and Dugall, ii. 131.

“Gang warily,” the scroll motto of the Drummonds, &c., ii. 313.

“Garb of Old Gaul,” the, words of this song in Gaelic and English,
ii. 347.

Gardiner, Colonel, at Prestonpans, i. 560;
his portrait and death, 563;
view of his house, 566.

Garmoran, Macdonalds of, ii. 154;
earldom, 175.

Garrons, ancient Highland horses, ii. 14.

Gartmore MS., its account of the Highlands in 1747, ii. 2.

“General Band,” Act of Parliament, i. 160.

Gilchrist, progenitor of Maclachlans, ii. 165.

Gilchrist, the Siol, Clan Ogilvy, ii. 320.

Gillevray, Clan or Siol, its branches, ii. 162;
a tribe of the Macpherson, 212.

Girnigo Castle, i. 102;
view of, 125.

Glasgow Highland Light Infantry, origin of this appellation of the
71st, ii. 488.

Glenbucket, his command at Sheriffmuir, i. 461;
his escape to Norway, 683.

Glencairn, 9th Earl of, i. 292.

Glencoe, his appearance at Fort-William i. 395;
account of the massacre, 397;
engraving of the glen of the massacre, 400;
commission of inquiry, 402.

Glenfinnan, here Prince Charles raised his standard, i. 520.

Glengarry and Kenzie clans, i. 114.

Glengarry, Macdonnell of, the history, arms, crest, and mottoes of,
ii. 156.

Glenlivet, battle of, i. 108.

Glenurchy family, their genealogy, ii. 186.

Gordon (Avochy) at Culloden, i. 662.

Gordon Castle, an engraving of it, ii. 318.

Gordon, Bertie, portrait as colonel of the 91st, ii. 744;
personal details of his life, 749;
his death, 751.

Gordon, Mrs Col. Bertie, presents new colours to the 91st (1869),
ii. 750.

Gordon, Clan, its history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 316.

Gordon, Duchess of, her Jacobite medal to the Faculty of Advocates,
i. 419;
her assistance in raising the 92nd, ii. 757.

Gordon (Glenbucket) joins Glenalladale, i. 522;
blows up Ruthven Barrack, 637.

Gordon Highlanders, _see_ 92nd Regiment.

Gordon, Sir Patrick, of Auchindun, i. 100, 103, 107;
Sir Robert, commission to from James I., 144;
march upon Caithness, 146;
Sir Alexander, at Broray Bridge, 152;
of Rothiemay, outlawed, killed, 154;
Sir Nathaniel, in Aberdeen, 202;
Sir Adam, of Strathbogie, ii. 317.

Gordons and Grants, their feud, i. 105.

Gothic roots in the Pictish language, i. 28.

Gows, their traditional descent, ii. 217.

“Grace me guide” and “Grace my guide,” the motto of Clan Forbes,
&c., ii. 290.

Graddaning, preparing grain for food, ii. 18.

Graham or Græme, Clan, history, arms, and motto, and branches, ii. 314.

Graham, James. _See_ Montrose.

Graham, John, of Claverhouse. _See_ Dundee.

“Graham of the Hens,” ii. 316.

Grampius, Mons, battle of, i. 5;
site of, 7.

Grant, Clan, history, arms, and motto, ii. 250;
various branches, 255;
their slogan “Craigellachie,” 256;
view of castle, from a photograph, 254.

Grant, Sir Hope-, K.C.B., commands the Lucknow field force, ii. 686;
a Brigadier-General, 716.

Grant, Lieut.-General Sir Patrick, G.C.B., his portrait on steel,
ii. 617;
colonel of the 78th, 690.

Grants and Gordons, feuds between, i. 105.

Gregor, Clan, hunted down, i. 401.

Gunn, Clan--its history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 278.

Gwalior, its capture in 1858, i. 509.

Haco, King of Norway, 1263 A.D., i. 62.

Hallowe’en, i. 35.

Hal o’ the Wynd, i. 67.

Hamilton, Duke of, i. 255;
his trial and execution, 1649, i. 260.

Hand-fasting, its nature, ii. 124.

Hanover, House of, proposal to put the Scottish Crown upon, i. 410.

Hare, Colonel, presents the 91st with new colours, ii. 734.

Harlaw, battle of (1411 A.D.), i. 70; ii. 140.

Harrow, the, its use and utility, ii. 10.

Havelock, K.C.B., Brig.-Gen., his portrait, ii. 644;
his arrival at Busheer in 1857--his high opinion of the 78th
Highlanders, 666;
sketch map to illustrate his military operations during July and
August 1857, 671;
his death, 683.

Havelock, Lady, presents the Indian Mutiny medals to the 78th in
Edinburgh, ii. 688.

Hawley, General, sends armed boats to Stirling, i. 617;
moves from Edinburgh, 618;
his apathy and dilatoriness, 620;
his low estimate of Highland pluck, 622;
his command at Culloden, 658.

Hay, ancestor of the Kinnoul family, i. 51.

Hay, John, his account of the conduct of Charles, i. 634;
occasional secretary to Prince Charles, 634;
his account of the retreat to Culloden (note), 656.

Hay, Sir Francis, his execution, i. 278.

Hebrides, boundaries of, i. 2;
Earl Ross proclaimed King of, 77;
rebellion here, 1614-15, 129;
Dr Johnson in, 311.

Henry, Prince, his portrait, i. 745;
his letter to his father about Lord George Murray, 744;
he becomes a cardinal, 745.

Henry IX., King of England, his medal engraved, i. 760.

Hepburn of Keith, his Jacobite proclivities, i. 440;
he urges an attack on Cumberland, 656;
meeting Prince Charles, 550.

Hereditary jurisdictions abolished, i. 766.

Hereditary succession introduced, i. 49.

Highland Brigade in the Crimea, composed of the 42nd, 79th, and 93rd
Highlanders, ii. 410;
it meets at Lucknow (1858), 796;
curious coincidence (1874), 693;
the 72nd attached to it, 547;
under Brigadier-Gen. Ronald C. Ferguson, 778.

Highland Chiefs seized by James I., i. 72;
executed, 73;
their reply to General Mackay (note), 305;
their meeting in Paris, 494;
their mutual league for defence, 677;
their treatment of their clansmen, ii. 27;
those who fell into the hands of the English Government, i. 681.

Highland Regiments, introduction to their histories, ii. 321.
_See_ 42nd, 71st, 72nd, 74th, 78th, 79th, 91st, 92nd, and 93rd.

Highland Society’s vase presented to the 42nd--an engraving of it,
ii. 400;
their present to the 78th.

Highlanders, their character in 1066, i. 57.

Highlanders, agreements and bargains, i. 313;
arming in 1745, 521;
armour, 327;
bagpipe playing, 312;
bard’s (influence), 315;
bonnet, 301;
character, 299;
false estimate of it, 763;
chiefs: _see_ Chiefs;
chieftains: _see_ Chieftains;
clothing, 327;
courage (at Preston), 454;
courage (in retreat), 606;
cowardice (punishment), 314;
death (feelings about), 215;
Dunkeld (at), 382;
employments (aversion to peaceful), ii. 323;
fidelity, i. 86, 324;
fiery cross, 318;
fighting (mode of), 585;
fighting (with cavalry), 623;
filial affection, 313;
forays, 321;
Cumberland (forbearance towards), 679;
garters, 301;
German (notice of), ii. 477;
habits and manners, i. 299;
honesty (note), 313;
hospitality, 316;
idiosyncrasy (Parliament would deprive them of it), 764;
insult and revenge, 320;
integrity, 313;
laws (administration of), 319;
love of country, 314, ii. 66;
loyalty, 473, 699;
manners and habits, i. 72, 299;
mercy to the vanquished, 564;
opposition and union, 320;
predatory excursions, 321;
prowess as soldiers, 565;
retreat (in 1746), 635;
revenge and insult, 320;
robbery (rarity of), 321;
shirts, 302;
shoes and stockings, 301;
social condition, ii. 1;
spirit broken, i. 763;
attempt to suppress them, 291;
treachery (detested), 300, 325;
trial after the rebellion of 1745, 722;
union and opposition, 320;
valour, ii. 483;
war-cry or slogan, i. 318;
wealth, 321;
worth against invasion, &c., 404.

Highlands, ancient state, i. 298;
bailies, 323;
boundaries, 1;
Campbell’s “Popular Tales” about, ii. 88;
condition in 1424, i. 72;
disease-curing in, 309;
history (modern), ii. 2, 30;
insurrections, i. 285, 421;
law in the (disrespected), 87;
laws (of Malcolm Mackenneth), i. 323;
military characteristics, ii. 321;
pasture lands, 44;
Peace Act in, i. 478;
physical aspects, 1;
progress since 1800 A.D., ii. 54;
question (Highland) both sides, ii. 38-43;
Scots-Norman, i. 72;
Wedding ceremonies in, 311.

Hodgson, Lt.-Col., 79th, portrait, ii. 719.

“Hold Fast,” scroll motto of Macleod, ii. 191.

Holland, British troops land here, ii. 619.

Holyrood House, Bothwell attacks, i. 105.

Holyrood Palace, engraving of it in 1745, i. 550;
Prince Charles enters--his hearty welcome, 548;
his deportment, receptions, and entertainments here, 579.

Home (author of “Douglas”), made a prisoner of war, i. 629.

Home (of Polwarth), his attempt to alter the succession to the throne,
i. 409.

Hope, Brigadier Adrian, his portrait as Lt.-Col. of 93rd, ii. 778;
his death wound, 796.

Hope, Sir John (afterwards Earl of Hopetoun), taken prisoner at
Bayonne (1814), ii. 763;
colonel of the 92nd, 759.

Hope-Grant, Sir. _See_ Grant.

Hopetoun, G.C.B., Lt.-Gen. the Earl of becomes colonel of the 42nd
(Jan. 29, 1820)--his death, ii. 401.

“Horseman’s Well” at Killiecrankie, i. 368

“Hunting Match,” Lovat’s plot, i. 411.

Huntly, origin of the title among the Gordons, ii. 317.

Huntly, Countess of, she beheads Wm. Mackintosh, ii. 206.

Huntly, George Gordon, 1st Marquis of, his portrait with that of his
Marchioness, i. 163;
his death in 1636, and remarkable character, 165.

Huntly, 2nd Marquis of, his portrait, i. 254;
raises the royal standard in the north and takes Aberdeen, 167;
meeting with Montrose, 169;
“The Cock of the North,”--arrest, 170;
manifesto on the Covenant, 171;
Aberdeen and Montrose taken by him, 180;
position of his three sons, 191;
captured, 253;
beheaded at Edinburgh (1647), 260.

Huntly, 5th Marquis of, his confinement in Brahan (1714), i. 421;
joins Mar (1715), 438;
his descent before the battle of Sheriffmuir, 461.

Huntly, 9th Marquis of, afterwards 5th Duke of Gordon--his portrait
on Plate of Colonels of the 91st, 92nd, and 93rd, ii. 756;
he raises the 92nd, 756;
his removal to the 42nd, 759.

Hurry, General, Aberdeen surprised by him, i. 203;
his retreat, 209;
defeated at Fettercairn and Auldearn, 205, 211;
Dunbeath Castle taken by him, 265;
executed at Edinburgh, 277.

Husbandry in the Highlands in 1760, ii. 11.

Hutchinson, Gen., invests Alexandria, ii. 373.

Hyder Ali, he invades the Carnatic, ii. 481.

Iàn Vòr, the Clan, ii. 150.

I-columb-ell, or Iona, i. 37.

Ierne, or Ireland, i. 17.

“I hope in God,” the motto of Macnaughton, ii. 229.

Indemnity, the Act of, passed in 1703, i. 410;
in 1747, 738;
exceptions to the Act (1747), note, 738.

Indian Mutiny, Highland regiments engaged in suppressing it, the 42nd,
ii. 419;
the 71st, 509;
the 72nd, 549;
the 74th, 609;
the 75th, formerly a Highland regiment, also engaged, 616;
the 78th, 667;
the 79th, 715;
the 91st, 748;
the 92nd, 769;
and the 93rd, 789.

Innes, Cosmo, Critical Essay on Scotland, i. 23;
on the Picts, 25.

Insolvency, punishment of, in the Highlands, i. 313.

Inver, “confluence,” i. 29.

Invergarry, here Prince Charles arrives in his flight from Culloden,
his reception, disguise, &c., i. 671.

Inverlochy, view of, i. 199;
battle here, 198;
castle taken, 252;
Major Ferguson’s expedition against--General Mackay arrives
at--reconstruction of the castle, 390;
here the Glencoe murderers divide the spoil, 401.

Inverness destroyed by Alexander of the Isles, i. 73;
castle besieged, 90;
taken by the Laird of Borlum, 437;
capture by the Royalists in 1715--view of, at the end of the 17th
century, 456;
Prince Charles takes possession of (1746), and lays siege to Fort
George (the Castle), 638;
its capture after Culloden, 670.

Iona or Iova, i. 37;
view of the monastery and ruins, 38;
attacked by Norsemen, 41.

Ireland, its invasion by Donal, i. 42;
its state in 1821, ii. 402.

Irish massacred by the Covenanters, i. 233.

Irish MSS., a catalogue of them, ii. 110.

Irish-Scots or Dalriads, i. 33.

Irish troops, arrival in Scotland, i. 182.

Isla, devastated by Maclean, i. 99;
Macdonalds of, or Clan Iàn Vòr, ii. 150;
invaded by Hector Maclean, 226.

Islay, Rhinns of, i. 97;
view of a cottage in 1774, ii. 25.

Isles, Kings of the, ii. 135.

Isles, Lord of the, title disputed, ii. 146.

Jackson, Robert, his character of Highland soldiers, ii. 322.

Jacobinism, its adherents imprisoned in Edinburgh and Stirling, i. 418;
in Scotland in 1744, 507.

Jacobite conspiracy, i. 438;
exiles, removal from the French court, 480;
manifesto printed at Edinburgh (1715), 429.

Jacobites, Act of indemnity in favour of them, i. 410;
association in Edinburgh in 1740, 503;
cabal with the Swedes, 481;
coalition with Presbyterians, 368;
conspiracy, new (in 1722), 493;
designs frustrated by Sophia, 408;
enterprise for the Pretender in 1716, 475;
expectations in 1745, 511;
Highland adherents, 769;
hopes revive, 482;
leaders return to Scotland, 410;
Lochiel they trust, 519;
measures for securing their chiefs, i. 427;
modern (their creed), 775;
precautions against, in 1714, 421;
proceedings of (1745), i. 613.

Jacobus Magnæ Britanniæ Rex, his death and will--his character, i. 758.

James I., his portrait, i. 73;
return from captivity, 71;
his court in Highlands, 72;
his descendants cut off from the succession to the throne of England,
408.

James II., his administration, i. 76;
Highland chiefs support him (note), 385;
coalition of Jacobites and Presbyterians in his favour, 386;
his death, 408;
Scotch plot to restore his son, 414.

James IV., policy in the Highlands, i. 79.

James V. i. 85;
his Highland dress, 326;
his mandate against Clan Chattan, 401.

James VI. at Dundee, i. 109.

James III. proclaimed as king at the Cross, Edinburgh, in 1714,
i. 421, 550.

James VIII. proclaimed king in 1745--manifesto, i. 523.

James Rex, the Chevalier--departure to France--letter to General
Gordon, i. 474;
letter to the Highland chiefs, 494.

Java wrested from the French, ii. 637.

Jedburgh, the Pretender proclaimed here, i. 440;
Prince Charles at (1745), i. 587.

Je suis prest (_i.e._, je suis prêt, “I am ready”), motto of the
Frasers, ii. 302.

Johnson, Dr, on Highland chiefs (note), i. 322;
on second sight, 311;
tradition concerning Coll Maclean, ii. 228.

Johnstone, the Chevalier, author of “Memoirs of the Rebellion of
1745-6,” i. 535.

Johnstone, Colonel, 42nd, his Kephalonian gold medal, engraving of it,
ii. 407.

Johnstone’s Highlanders or 101st Regiment, their history and
reduction, ii. 479.

Kaffir war of 1835, the 72nd engaged in, also the 75th, originally a
Highland regiment, ii. 535.

Kaffir war, the second, in 1850, the 74th engaged in, ii. 593;
the 91st engaged in, 739;
the termination of it in 1853, 603.

Kaffraria, map of the eastern part, ii. 564.

Keith’s Highlanders, or Old 87th Regiment, their history, ii. 475, 653.

Kelp, manufacture in the Highlands, ii. 50.

Kelpies, superstitions about, i. 303.

Kenmure, Lord, he holds a council of war at Kelso, i. 446;
is beheaded, 477.

Kenzie, Clan, and the Monroes, i. 92, 110.

Kenzie and Glengarry clans, i. 114.

Keppoch, the Macdonalds of, ii. 152;
(Macdonald), his advice to Prince Charles, i. 554;
the only prisoner made at the Falkirk Moor fight, 625;
his bravery and death at Culloden, 664.

Killiecrankie, engraving of the Pass, i. 369;
Horseman’s Well, 368;
battle, 371;
Mackay’s army, 373;
the Pass on the morning after the battle, 375;
officers killed, 376, 377.

Kilmarnock, Earl of, entertains Prince Charles, i. 542;
is made prisoner at Culloden, 667;
his execution, 727.

Kilt, its comparatively modern origin, i. 301;
Col. Cameron’s opinion of, ii. 699.

Kinglake, his history of the war in the Crimea, ii. 410;
his description of the battle of the Alma, 712.

Kingsburgh House, Charles here, i. 692.

Kingsburgh, Laird of, imprisoned and sent to Edinburgh, i. 704.

Kinlochmoidart, he meets Prince Charles, i. 514;
his execution, 732.

Kinnoul, Earl of, his death, i. 264;
the death of his brother, the 2nd Earl, 268.

Kintail, Lord Kenneth Mackenzie, i. 115;
his death, 123.

Knap and Knapdale, former possessions of the Macmillans, ii. 234.

Kooshab, the battle, ii. 662;
the 78th to wear it on their colours, 666.

Lachlan, the Clan, Irish account of it, ii. 166.

La Haye Sainte, the 79th occupy, ii. 707.

Lakes, survey of Highland, i. 488.

Lambert, Sir Oliver, commander, i. 130.

Lamonds, their history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 168;
massacred, 169.

Lanark, Earl of, attacked by Covenanters--appointed commander of
army--advance to meet Munro--declines to attack Leslie, i. 257;
his army at Pentland Hills and Linlithgow, 258.

Landlords and tenants, their mutual relations in the Highlands,
ii. 55.

Lang Causeway, a Roman road, i. 14.

Largs, battle of, i. 62.

Laws, disrespect for, in the Highlands, i. 87;
in the clans, 319.

Leannan Shi’, traditions of the, i. 307.

“Leaves from Our Journal in the Highlands,” the Queen’s book--her
present to the 79th, ii. 721.

Lecan, Book of, now in Trinity College, Dublin, ii. 67.

Leith, landing of Marquis of Hamilton, i. 166;
Marquis of Huntly conveyed to, 254;
Mackintosh takes possession of, 442;
evacuated by Mackintosh, 443;
here the Prince of Hesse lands, 636.

Lennox, 1st Earl of, ii. 173.

Leod, or MacLeod, Clan, its history, arms, and mottoes, ii. 191.

Leslie, Bishop of Ross, on Highland dress and armour, i. 327.

Leslie, Gen. David, his portrait, i. 264;
his march upon Scotland, 228;
at Melrose, 231;
rewarded at Glasgow, 234;
ordered to England, 240;
Highland castles taken by him--his advance on Kintyre, 252;
in Mull, 253;
appointed Lt.-Gen. to Earl of Leven, 257;
sent to the north--Chanonry Castle garrisoned by him, 262;
at Doon Hill, 282;
agreement with Royalists, 285.

Leven, Earl of, commander of the Edinburgh city guard, i. 352;
commands the Covenanting army, 257.

Lewis and Harris, condition in 1850, ii. 60.

Lewis Caw, the assumed name of Prince Charles (in Skye), i. 700.

Lewis, civil commotions in island of, i. 119;
contemplated colonisation of--invaded by Earl of Sutherland, &c.,
122;
noble character of the soldiers thence, ii. 626.

Lewis Macleods, their sad history, ii. 194.

Lindsay, Lt.-Col., his daughters give the old colours of the 91st to
Col. Bertie Gordon, ii. 749.

Linlithgow, Cromwell at, i. 286;
Prince Charles at, 542.

Linlithgow, Earl of, attainted, i. 478.

Llewellyn, Prince of Wales, his league with the Scotch nobles, ii. 236.

Lochaber, i. 34, 297;
men of, their intense clan feeling, (note), ii. 756.

Lochgarry informed of the movements of Prince Charles--he joins him,
i. 715.

Lochiel, Camerons of, _see_ Cameron clan.

Lochiel, Cameron of, outlawed, i. 128.

Lochiel, Donald Cameron of, “the gentle chief,” his portrait, i. 519;
his adherence to Prince Charles, 320;
heads 800 men for Prince Charles, 523;
his care of his men at Preston, 555;
joins Prince Charles at Culloden, 651;
message from Charles to him at Culloden, 663;
severely wounded there, 666;
sends his brother to meet Charles, 715;
his retreat and attendants--he meets Charles in Benalder, 718;
advises Charles to make a second attempt to recover Britain, 745;
appointed to command of a regiment in France, 748;
his death and tribute to his memory, 519;
reference to him in “Childe Harold,” ii. 706.

Lochiel, Sir Ewen Cameron of, _see_ Cameron, Sir Ewan, ii. 220.

Lochshiel, engraving of, i. 523.

Loch Sloy, Macfarlane’s war-cry. [It is properly Loch Sloighe (“lake
of the host”), a small lake at the back of Ben-Vorlick], ii. 173.

Lockhart, author of “Memorials of Prince Charles’ Expedition in 1745,”
i. 514;
his description of Prince Charles, and his conversation with him in
1745, 516.

Lockhart, Lt.-Col. A. I., 92nd, his portrait, ii. 770;
his command in India, 769.

London, consternation in, on hearing of Prince Charles’ arrival at
Derby, i. 597.

Long Dykes, the, old name of Princes Street, Edinburgh, i. 545.

Lord-of-the-Isles, this title disputed, ii 146.

Lorn, the leader of the first colony that settled on the western coast
of Argyll and the adjacent islands in 503 A.D., i. 34;
his death, 41;
the tribe and district of, 34;
Macdougalls of, 159;
the brooch of, 160;
the Stewarts acquire, 161.

Lorne, Marquis of, his portrait on steel, ii. 726;
his marriage to the Princess Louise, daughter of Queen Victoria,
21st March 1871, 185.

Lorne or Lorn, Stewarts of, their arms and motto, ii. 299.

Loudon’s Highlanders, their history, 1745-1748, ii. 451;
party of them search for Prince Charles Edward, i. 717.

Louis XIV., he acknowledges the Stuart Prince of Wales as king, i. 409;
he sanctions aid to Prince Charles, 601;
his reception of Prince Charles, 739;
his death, 428.

Louise, Princess, her portrait on steel plate, ii. 726;
her marriage, 185;
presents to her from the officers and men of the 91st Regiment, 752.
_See_ Lorne.

Lovat, Simon Fraser, Lord, his portrait, i. 734;
his birth, &c.--is baulked in eloping with his niece, 405;
forcibly marries his cousin, Lord Lovat’s widow--outlawed--flees to
France, 406;
his share in the “Scottish plot,” 410;
imprisoned in the Bastile for several years, 412;
sends assurances of services to Prince Charles, 533;
his character and procedure, 612;
apprehended, 681;
his indictment, 733;
his execution (engraving of) and place of interment, 737.

Lucknow, sketch map to illustrate relief of, ii. 671;
plan to illustrate siege of, 677;
relief of garrison (78th), 680;
siege of, 685;
(93rd), 790.

Lymphad, Highland oared galley, ii. 159.

Macalisters, history and branches, ii. 161.

Macarthur Campbells of Strachur, history of, ii. 177, 189.

Macaulay, Clan, their history, clan relations, and eminent men,
ii. 264.

Macbane, Gobie, his stature and bravery at Culloden, i. 666.

Macbeans, The, Macbanes or Macbains, Clan of, ii. 216.

M’Bean, Lt.-Col. Wm., V.C. (93rd), his portrait, ii. 800.

Macbeth (1039), i. 49, 54.

Macbraynes, The, ii. 231.

Maccallum More, ought to be Colin Mohr (Big Colin), ii. 178.

M’Crummens, the famous pipers of the Macleods, ii. 108.

Macdonalds, The, or Clan Donald, origin, history, arms, crest, various
branches, &c., ii. 136;
branches after 1540, 146;
clans or septs sprung from, 158;
strength of clan in 1745, 158;
feud between and Macleans (1586), i. 97;
at Sheriffmuir (1715), 462;
at Prestonpans and Falkirk (1745), 558 and 621;
at Clifton, 608;
claim the right of precedence at Culloden (1746), 659;
their misconduct there, 644.

Macdonalds, Clan Ranald of Garmoran, origin, arms, crest, history,
&c., ii. 153.

Macdonald, the prevailing name in the 92nd, ii. 757.

Macdonald, Alaster, knighted by Dundee (1645), i. 229.

Macdonald of Barisdale’s treachery to Prince Charles, i. 682.

Macdonald, Flora, her portrait, i. 690;
Prince Charles and O’Neill find her in a hut--she rescues the
Prince, 686;
her subsequent history, 704.

Macdonald, John and Alexander, their escape at the massacre of
Glencoe, i. 399.

Macdonald (Kinsburgh), Mrs Flora, her winding-sheet, i. 695.

Macdonald, Lady (Skye), her heroic friendship to Prince Charles,
i. 691.

Macdonald, Lady (of Dulchosnie), presents colours to the 92nd--her
speech, ii. 774.

Macdonald, Lord, raises the Macdonald’s Highlanders, or Old 76th, in
1777, ii. 520.

Macdonald, Murdoch, the last Highland harper, ii. 109.

Macdonald, of Glencoe, takes the oath of allegiance (1692)--refusal
of his certificate, i. 396;
he and thirty-seven of his followers massacred, 400.

Macdonald, of Keppoch, he and his clan join Dundee, i. 355.

Macdonald, of Morar, how he receives Prince Charles, i. 705.

Macdonald, Rev. Peter, of Kintore, editor of the oldest collection of
Highland music, ii. 107.

Macdonald’s Highlanders, or Old 76th regiment, 1774-1784, history of,
ii. 520.

Macdonald, Sir John, K.C.B., his portrait on steel as colonel of the
42nd, ii. 325.

Macdonald, Sir John, K.C.B. (of Dalchosnie), portrait as Lt.-Col. of
the 92nd, ii. 768.

Macdonnell, the Glengarry branch of the Macdonalds, their history,
arms, and crest, ii. 157;
principal families descended from, 158;
at Killiecrankie (1690), i. 370, 372.

Macdonell, Sir James, K.C.B., K.C.H., his portrait on steel, plate of
colonels, 78th and 79th, ii. 617;
colonel of the 79th (1842), 709;
colonel of the 71st (1849), 506.

Macdougall, Clan--Macdugalls, Macdovals, Macdowalls--their history,
arms, crest, motto, and branches, ii. 159.

Macduff, Thane of Fife, i. 54.

MacEwens, Clan, their history, ii. 167;
their origin, 162.

Macfarlane, Clan, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 173;
its origin, 169.

Macfie or Macphie, Clan, their origin and history, ii. 261.

MacGilchrist. _See_ Macfarlane, ii. 173.

Macgillivray, a minor branch of Clan Chattan--history and possessions,
ii. 213.

Macgillivray, of Drumnaglass, Colonel of the Macintosh Regiment,
killed at Culloden, i. 666; ii. 213.

Macgregor, Clan, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 243;
excepted from participation in the Act of Grace (1717), i. 479.

Macgregors, The, account of their irruption into Lennox in 1603,
ii. 182;
at battle of Prestonpans, i. 559;
their impetuosity, 562.

Macgregor, Rob Roy, _See_ Rob Roy.

M’Gregor, Sir Duncan, K.C.B., his portrait as Lt.-Col. 93rd, ii. 782.

Macintosh, Clan. _See_ Mackintosh.

Mackay, Clan, their history, arms, crest, motto, and various branches,
ii. 266;
for more minute details of history, _see_ i. 59, 69, 73, 75, 78, 82,
84, 86, 88, 93, 101, 102, 126, 139, 140, 151.

Mackay, Angus, piper to Queen Victoria, his collection of pipe music,
ii. 107, 205.

Mackay, General Hugh, of Scourie, his portrait, i. 361;
resumé of his history, 352;
appointed by William and Mary, 4th Jan. 1689, “Major-Gen. of all
forces whatever, within our ancient kingdom of Scotland,” 352;
his pursuit of Dundee and military movements till battle of
Killiecrankie, 352-371;
his movements after defeat at Killiecrankie till cessation of
hostilities in August 1691, 371-393.

Mackay’s Highland Regiment, reasons for wearing gold chains by
officers of, i. 302.

Mackenzie, Clan Kenneth, their history, arms, crest, and motto,
ii. 238;
principal families, 242;
their military strength in 1704, 618;
incidents in history, i. 123, 262, 263, 349, 486, 711.

Mackenzie, Capt. Colin, his history of the 78th (note), ii. 617.

Mackenzie, Gen. John, honour shown him at Inverness in 1859 by the
78th, ii. 787.

Mackenzie, Keith Stewart, of Seaforth, chief of the Clan, ii. 690.

Mackenzie, Kenneth (Lord Kintail), acquires the title to Lewis,
ii. 195;
his crown charter, 157.

Mackenzie, Kenneth (Lord Viscount Fortrose), his restoration to the
family title (Earl of Seaforth), ii. 254.

Mackenzie, Richard James, M.D. (79th), zeal and devotion, ii. 714;
portrait, 715.

Mackenzie, Roderick, his death (1746), i. 713.

Mackenzie, Sir George, of Rosehaugh, his portrait, ii. 240.

Mackenzie, the Hon. Mrs Stewart, ii. 687.

Mackinnon or Fingon, Clan, history, arms, motto, and branches,
ii. 256.

Mackinnon, Corporal Alexander, the bard of the 92nd, ii. 757-759.

Mackinnon (Ellagol), of Skye, reception and treatment of Prince
Charles, i. 699-703.

Mackintosh, Clan, their history, arms, motto, branches, and etymology
of the name, ii. 201;
the rival claims of Mackintosh of Mackintosh and Macpherson of Cluny
to the headship of Clan Chattan, 197;
at Culloden, i. 663, 666.

Mackintosh, Lady Anne (1745), her portrait, i. 637.

Mackintosh Lament, the, music arranged for the bagpipes, ii. 204.

Mackintosh, Sir James, the historian, ii. 210.

Macknights, or Macneits, ii. 231.

Maclachlan or Maclauchlan, Clan, history, arms, crest, motto, and
branches, ii. 165;
one of the Siol or Clan Gillevray, 162.

Maclauchlan, Rev. Thomas, LL.D., his account of the Gaelic literature,
language, and music, ii. 67.

Maclaurin or Maclaren, Clan, their history, arms, crest, and motto,
ii. 280.

Maclean or Gillean, Clan, its history, arms, crest, motto, and various
families, ii. 222;
its clan feuds, i. 97, 334; ii. 225.

Maclean, Colonel Alan (1775), ii. 452, 565.

Maclean, Sir Allan, his portrait, &c., ii. 227.

Maclean, Sir Hector, origin of proverb, “Another for Hector,” i. 324.

Maclean, Sir John, at Killiecrankie, i. 369;
at Sheriffmuir, 461.

“Maclean’s Welcome,” Gaelic Jacobite song, i. 772.

Macleod or Leod, Clan, their history, arms, crest, motto, and various
families, ii. 191.

Macleod, Col. Patrick, of Geanies (78th), his portrait, ii. 650.

Macleod, John (Lord), portrait as first colonel of the 71st, ii. 479;
death in 1789, 485.

Macleod, Laird of Assynt, betrays Montrose in 1650, i. 268.

Macleod, Laird of Raasay, his devotion to Prince Charles, i. 695.

Macleod’s, Lord, Highlanders. _See_ Seventy-first.

Macleod, Malcolm, guide to Prince Charles--incidents in his history,
i. 700-704.

Macleod, Mary--“Mairi nighean Alasdair Ruaidh”--her touching elegy on
one of the Lairds of Macleod, ii, 107.

Macleod, Sir John C. (42nd), K.C.B., his portrait, ii. 805.

Macmillan, Clan, history of, ii. 234.

Macnab (or Anab), Clan, history, arms, and motto, ii. 258;
cadets of the clan, and portrait of the last Laird, 261.

Macnaughton (or Nachtan), Clan, history, arms, crest, and motto,
ii. 229;
families ascribed to the Macnaughton line, 231.

Macneill, Clan, its two independent branches--its history, arms,
crest, and motto, ii. 162;
cadets of, 165.

Macnicol, Clan, its history, ii. 271.

Macphails, the, ii. 216.

Macpherson, Clan, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 210;
cadets of the, 212.

Macpherson, Cluny, promises to raise his clan for Prince Charles,
1745, i. 534;
with 300 Macphersons joins Lord George Murray, 1745, 641;
conducts Prince Charles to a secure retreat, 718.

Macpherson, Duncan (of Cluny), 1672, throws off all connection with
the Mackintosh, ii. 208.

Macpherson, James, resuscitator of Ossianic poetry--his portrait,
ii. 211.

Macphersons, feud between Clan Chattan and Camerons, i. 65;
and Davidsons, 66;
join Gen. Cannon (1689), 380;
at Clifton (1745), 607;
Falkirk (1746), 621.

Macphersons of Cluny, the male representatives of the old Clan
Chattan--their claims, ii. 197.

Macphie, or Clan Duffie, _see_ Macfie, ii. 261.

Macquarrie, or Quarrie, Clan, history, arms, and motto, ii. 262.

Macqueens, origin and history, ii. 217.

Macrae, Clan, their history, arms, and motto, ii. 280.

Macrae, Sergt. John, his bravery at El Hamet (note), ii. 649.

Malda, victory here (78th), ii. 642;
Count of--Sir John Stuart’s title, 647.

“Maiden Causeway,” a Roman road, i. 14.

“Maiden,” the, engraving of it, i. 333;
executions under it, 277.

Manrent, nature of, i. 64, 319.

Manu forti (“with strong hand”), motto of the Mackays, ii. 266.

Mar, Earl of, at Harlaw, 1411, i. 71.

Mar, John Erskine, 11th Earl of, portrait of, on steel plate, i, 498;
dismissed by George I., i. 422;
sketch of his history to 1715, 424-428;
his proceedings in 1715, 436;
operations of the Jacobite army under him in 1715-16, 456-466;
the Chevalier raises him to a dukedom, 467;
his letter describing the Pretender, 468;
he accompanies “James Rex” to France, 474;
attainted, 478;
dismissed by the Pretender, 496.

Margaret, queen of Malcolm III., i. 55.

Marriage ceremonies in the Highlands, i. 311;
sanctity of vows, 312.

Marriage customs, Highland, ii. 124.

Mart, its oppressive nature, ii. 7.

Martinière, La, the fight here in 1858, ii. 421, 682.

Mary, Queen, her expedition to the north (1562), i. 90.

Massacre of Glencoe, i. 399.

Massacres after battle of Culloden, i. 668.

Massacres, the Cawnpoor, ii. 667.

Mathieson, or Clan Mhathain, ii. 242.

“Mean, speak, and do well,” the Urquhart motto, ii. 296.

Melfort, Earl of, embarks with the Pretender, i. 475.

Mendelssohn’s visit to Highlands, ii. 107.

Menzies, Clan, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 306;
rupture with Montrose, i. 183.

Middleton, General (1645), second in command of Covenanting army,
i. 234;
left in Scotland to watch Montrose, 240;
movements, 245-256;
escapes from Tower, and appointed generalissimo of all the Royal
forces in Scotland, 294;
rout of his army by Monk, 295.

Milk stealing, superstitions about, i. 309.

Mills, the Highland, ii. 19.

Money, its inutility in the Highlands previous to 1745, ii. 7.

Monk, General, invades Scotland--and surrender of Stirling, Dundee,
St Andrews, Montrose, and Aberdeen to, i. 290;
administration of the affairs of Scotland committed to, 291;
his subsequent movements, 291-296.

Montgomery’s Highlanders, or 77th Regiment, history and reduction of,
1757 to 1763, ii. 453; (note)
of their arrival in Philadelphia (1758), 354;
view of Philadelphia as at that time, 455.

Montreal surrenders (1761), ii. 344.

Montrose, James Graham, Earl and afterwards first Marquis of, his
portrait on steel plate, i. 271;
sketch of his early history, 167;
description of, by Gordon of Ruthven, 168;
raises troops for the service of the Covenanters, 169;
his proceedings till he deserts the Covenanters and joins the
Royalist cause in 1639, 169-176;
apprehended and afterwards released by the Covenanters, 179;
proceedings from time of his entering Scotland, in 1644, till the
disbanding of his army in 1646, 180-250;
leaves Scotland in disguise for Bergen, in Norway, 250;
enters the service of the Emperor of Germany, 261;
his emotion on receiving news of the execution of Charles I., and
his oath to avenge his death, 262;
received by Charles II. at the Hague--descent upon Scotland resolved
upon, and Montrose appointed Lieut.-Governor of Scotland, 262;
proceedings from his landing in Orkney till his capture by Macleod
of Assynt, 268;
brought to Edinburgh Castle--generous treatment of, at Dundee, and
attempt to rescue him, 269;
his reception in Edinburgh--conduct in prison--defence--sentence--
lines written by, in prison--execution--character, &c.,
270-277.

Montrose, town of, taken by Royalists, i. 180;
surrenders to Monk (1651), 291;
insurgent army arrives at, 473.

Monument to the 42nd in Dunkeld Cathedral, ii. 434;
to the 71st in Glasgow Cathedral, ii. 517;
to the 78th on Castle Esplanade, Edinburgh, ii. 689;
to the 79th in the Dean Cemetery, Edinburgh, ii. 722.

Moon, superstitions concerning, i. 309.

Moore, Gen. Sir John, his portrait, ii. 758;
his expedition to the West Indies, 362;
his command in Spain, and retreat and death at Corunna, 490;
his choice, and reason for choice of supporters, 757;
his estimate of Highland soldiers, 380.

Moray, the orthography changed to Murray in 1739, ii. 312.

Moray, _see_ Murray (Athole), ii. 309.

Morgan, or Mackay, Clan, _see_ Mackay.

Mormaor, the, “head of the clan,” ii. 117.

Mormaordom, “district of a clan,” ii. 117.

Moy, Castle, Prince Charles halts here (1746), i. 637.

Moy Hall, the principal seat of the Mackintosh, ii. 270.

Moy, the rout of, i. 638.

Muidartach, Alan, Captain of Clanranald, mortally wounded at
Sheriffmuir, i. 462.

Munro (of Foulis), Clan, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 231.

Munro, Sir George, duel between Glencairn and him (1654), i. 294.

Murray, Stewart-Murray (Athole), or Moray, history, arms, crest, and
motto, ii. 309.

Murray, Col. Lord John, his death in 1787, in the forty-second year
of his command of the 42nd, ii. 358.

Murray, Earl of, insurrection of Clan Chattan against (1624), i. 148;
appointed by King James his lieutenant in the Highlands, 149;
the “Bonny” Earl of, slain (1591), 106.

Murray, Hon. William, condemned to death by the Committee of Estates
(1646), i. 241;
his execution, 244.

Murray, Lord (eldest son of the Marquis of Athole) fails to prevent
Athole men from joining Dundee, i. 365.

Murray, Lord Charles, at battle of Preston (Lancashire), i. 453;
his pardon, 476.

Murray, Lord George, his portrait, i. 672;
visits Cope at Crieff (1745), 530;
rallies under Prince Charles’ standard at Perth--his character and
brilliant qualifications--appointed Lt.-General, 535;
proceedings till battle of Prestonpans, 535-565;
his plan of invading England, 586;
resigns his command, 591;
his subsequent proceedings in England, 591-606;
his plan of battle at Falkirk, 621;
and history till Culloden, 672;
his escape to Holland, 683;
Prince Charles’ opinion of his conduct at Culloden, 700;
Charles’ shameful ingratitude to him, 743, 756.

Murray, Major-Gen. Sir George, G.C.B., his portrait on steel, ii. 325;
becomes colonel of the 42nd, 401;
of the 72nd, 533.

Murray of Broughton, his mission to Paris, i. 505;
his base conduct, 734;
Mrs, her devotion to the Stuarts, 551.

Murray, Secretary, evil effects of his inordinate ambition in the
Jacobite cause, i. 590;
his apprehension, 681-731.

“Murus Aheneus” (“brazen wall”), the Macleod motto, ii. 191.

Music of the Highlands, ii. 105.

Musselburgh, skirmish between Covenanters and Royalists at, i. 258;
Cromwell’s headquarters, 281.

“My hope is constant in thee,” the scroll motto of Clanranald, ii. 153.

Mythology, Highland, i. 304.

Napier, Archibald Lord, of Merchiston, his death and noble character,
i. 238.

Napoleon I., news of his abdication (1814), ii. 730 and 762;
his return from Elba, 652;
his compliment to the Highlanders at Waterloo, 765.

Napoleon III., reviews the 79th, ii. 719.

Naseby, defeat of royalist troops at, i. 217.

Neill, Brigad.-Gen., joins Havelock at Cawnnpoor, ii. 672;
his command in relieving Lucknow, 675;
his death, 681.

Neill, Clan, their arms, crest, and motto--their origin, ii. 163.

Nemo me impune lacessit (“no one touches me with impunity”), motto of
the order of the Thistle, &c., ii. 324.

Ne obliviscaris (“you must not forget”), motto of the Campbells,
Lorne, and Mactavish, &c., ii. 175.

Ne parens nec spernas (“neither spare nor despise”), the motto of the
Lamonds, Lamont, &c., ii. 168.

New York, actions at, in 1776, ii. 350.

Niagara, fall of the fort, ii. 343.

Ninety-first, Princess Louise Argyllshire Highlanders, originally the
98th, their history, ii. 726-755.
For details, _see_--
Ch. I. 1794-1848, 726-735.
II. 1842-1857, 735-745. The Reserve Battalion.
III. 1857-1874, 745-754.
List of colonels and lt.-colonels, 755.
Plate of colonels of the 91st, 92nd, and 93rd, ii. 756.

Ninety-second, Gordon Highlanders, their history, ii. 756-776.
For details, _see_--
Ch. I. 1794-1816, 756-766. Peninsula, &c.
II. 1816-1874, 766-775. Crimea, India, &c.
List of colonels and lt.-colonels, 776.
Plate of colonels of the 91st, 92nd, and 93rd, ii. 756.

Ninety-third, Sutherland Highlanders, their history, ii. 777-802.
For details, _see_--
Ch. I. 1800-1854, 777-784. Africa, America, West Indies, &c.
II. 1854-1857, 784-789. Crimea.
III. 1857-1875, 789-801. Indian Mutiny.
List of colonels and lt.-colonels, 802.
Plate of colonels of the 91st, 92nd, and 93rd, ii. 756.

Nive, battles on the (42nd), ii. 388;
(71st), 500;
(79th), 704;
(91st), 729;
(92nd), 761.

Nivelle, battle on the (42nd), ii. 288;
(74th), 588;
(79th), 704;
(91st), 729.

Norsemen, their advent in Britain, i. 41.

North Inch of Perth, battle of, i. 66.

Norway, the Maid of, heiress to the Crown (1284 A.D.), ii. 137.

Nova Scotia, the 72nd there in 1851, ii. 546;
the 74th embark for, May 13, 1818, 591;
the 78th leave in 1871, 692.

Oak tree, Druidical veneration for, i. 37.

Ogilvy, the name, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 319.

Ogilvy, Lord, the first title of the Airlie family, ii. 320.

O’Loughlins of Meath, their Highland descendants, ii. 166.

Omens in the Highlands, i. 310, 318.

Oporto, its capture in 1809, ii. 728.

Oracles, invisible, in the Highlands, i. 308.

Ordah-su, the battle here, ii. 805.

Orkney and Shetland made over to Scotland, i. 77.

Orkney, effect of battle of Carbisdale here, i. 268;
landing of Argyle, 338;
French frigates arrive for insurgents, 475.

Ormond, Duke of, he declares for the Chevalier, i. 124;
his embassy to Russia, 481;
captain-general of the Spanish fleet to invade England (1718), 482.

Orthes or Orthez, the battle (42nd), ii. 389;
(71st), 501;
(74th), 589;
(91st), 729;
(92nd), 762.

Ossian, Macpherson’s, ii. 84, 87, 88, 211.

Outram’s, Sir James, conduct in the Persian war, ii. 660;
consideration for his troops, 663;
appointment to Cawnpoor and Dinapoor divisions, 674;
generous treatment of Havelock, 675;
resumption of the command, 680;
strong position at the Alum Bagh, 684.

Outram and Havelock meet Sir Colin Campbell at the Residency of
Lucknow, ii. 793;
his encomium on the 78th, 685.

“Over the water,” health to the king, the Jacobite toast, i. 770.

Pack, Sir Denis, Major-Gen. K.C.B., his portrait, ii. 504;
he joins the 71st as lt.-col., 488;
presents new colours to it, 504.

Pamplona, the fortress invested, ii. 729.

Panmure, Earl of, attainted, i. 478.

Paris invested by the Allies in 1815, ii. 503.

Parke, Major-Gen., C.B., his portrait as lieutenant-colonel 72nd,
ii. 557.

Peanfuhel, Pictish word, important in the controversy about Picts,
i. 24.

Per mare et terras (“by sea and land”) the scroll motto of the
Urquharts, ii. 296.

Per mare per terras (“by sea by land”), clan Donald motto, ii. 136;
and of Macdonnell of Glengarry, 156.

Persia, war with (Nov. 1, 1856), ii. 659.

Persia, Major M’Intyre’s and Col. Stisted’s command in the war (1857),
ii. 660;
the 78th to wear it on their colours, 666;
medals for the campaign of 1856-7, 688.

Perth, view of, in 17th century, i. 220;
captured by Montrose, 186;
return of Charles II. to, 285;
captured by Cromwell, 289;
Chevalier proclaimed at, in 1715, 436;
Prince Charles enters it, 535.

Perth, Duke of, his portrait (1745), i. 586;
present at Prestonpans, 558;
conducts the siege of Stirling, 620;
joins Prince Charles at Culloden, 651.

Perth, Earl of, the Chancellor, superseded, i. 344;
arrested, 347.

Peter the Great and Charles XII. unite to restore the Pretender,
i. 481.

Peterhead, Chevalier arrives in, i. 467.

Philadelphia, view of British barracks at, in 1758, ii. 354;
view of the city in 1753, 455.

Philibeg, Highland, opinions about, i. 300.

Philiphaugh, battle of, and prisoners of war shot by Covenanters at,
i. 231, 232.

Pibroch, Highland, M’Crummens’, arranged for the bagpipes--regimental
pipe music of the Black Watch, ii. 446-450.

Pibroch of Kilchrist, Glengarry family tune, ii. 157.

Pibrochs, or An Ceol Mòr (“the great music”), ii. 107.

Pictavia, this name gives place to that of Albania, i. 50.

Picti, why so called, i. 5;
Roman name for Highlanders in the 3rd century, 19.

Pictish kings, chronological table of, i. 47.

Picts divided into two nations--Eumenius concerning them, A.D. 297,
i. 12;
their origin discussed--history, religion, &c., and writers upon the
Pictish controversy, in chap. II., vol. i. 16-48.

Pipe music, and collections of, ii. 107, 205.

Pitcalnie, Ross of, and Balnagowan--their claims to the chiefship,
ii. 237.

Pitmedden, eminent Scottish house, ii. 606.

Pitt, William, his eulogy of the Highland soldiers (1776), (note),
ii. 345.

Plaid, Highland, opinions about, i. 300.

Plate, centre-piece of (78th), engraving of, ii. 691;
mess plate of 91st, 754;
centre-piece of, 93rd, engraving of, 801.

Plough, engraving of an old Scotch, ii. 9.

Poetry, influence on Highlanders, i. 315.

Pondicherry, expedition against, ii. 573.

Potatoes introduced into Scotland, ii. 52.

Presbyterians, toleration granted to, i. 340;
unite with Jacobites for James, 386.

Preston, England, battle of, i. 453;
its surrender to General Wills, 455.

Prestonpans, battle of, i. 554;
plan and map of battle-field, 561.

Pretender, the, son of James II., birth of, i. 341;
a reward offered for his apprehension, 424;
banished from France, 480;
Russia and Sweden unite to restore him, 481;
he leaves Bologna--his plans on the death of George I., 501;
suggestion that he should visit England, 504;
resigns his rights to Prince Charles Edward, 527.

Pro rege et patria (“for king and country”), motto of the Camerons,
&c., ii. 217.

Pyrenees, battles among the (42nd), ii. 386;
(71st), 499;
(74th), 587;
(79th), 704;
(91st), 729;
(92nd), 760.

Quatre Bras, the action here, June 16, 1815 (_see_ 42nd), ii. 394;
the 79th, 706;
the 91st, 730;
the 92nd, 763.

Quebec, siege of, in 1759, ii, 460.

Queen’s Hut, the inscriptions on, in the lines of the 91st at
Aldershot, ii. 745.

Queen’s Own Cameron Highlanders. _See_ 79th, ii. 697.

Quern, the Highland handmill, with an illustration, ii. 18.

Quhadder vil ze (“whither will you?”), motto of (Lord Innermeath),
Stewarts of Lorn, ii. 299.

Raglan, Lord, commander-in-chief in the Crimea in 1854, &c.,
ii. 409, 417.

Ranald, Clan, their descent, ii. 147.

Reay, Lord, joins the Covenanters, ii. 269.

Rebels of 1715, their trial (1716), i. 477.

Rebels of 1745, their trial in 1746, i. 722.

Redan, attack on the, 1855, ii. 714.

Red Feather of the Fraser Highlanders (note), ii. 470.

Red Heckle of the 42nd, ii. 361.

Reestle, plough of the Hebrides, ii. 10.

Regiments, Highland, their number and histories, ii. 321.

Reid, Major, afterwards General, as a musician (note), ii. 347.

Rent, its nature in the Highlands, i. 322; ii. 6, 8;
Highland mode of paying in the 18th century, i. 322; ii. 8.

Rents, raising of, causes of emigration, ii. 47.

Residency, the, its inmates in Lucknow (1858)--its defence, ii. 676;
Havelock and Outram enter, 678.

“Restoration Regiment,” the, at Sheriffmuir, i. 461.

Restoration, state of Scotland before the, i. 297;
condition of Highlands before, 298.

Reynell, Sir Thomas, Bart., his portrait on steel as colonel of the
71st, ii. 479.

Roads, Roman, in the Highlands, i. 13;
construction of them by Wade, 490;
the Highland roads in 1750, ii. 30.

Robbery (highway), its rarity in the Highlands, i. 321.

Robertson of Struan, “poet chieftain,” i. 411.

Robertsons, or Clan Donnachie, their history, arms, and motto,
ii. 169, 172.

Rob Roy, or Robert Macgregor, his portrait and history, ii. 245;
his first emergence into notice, i. 405;
he is summoned to Edinburgh, 427;
his dastardly conduct at Sheriffmuir, 465;
his five sons, 249.

Rodrigo, the siege of (1812) (74th), ii. 580.

Roleia, battle of (71st), ii. 489.

Roman Invasion, effects on Caledonia, i. 13.

Roman wall, Hadrian’s, i. 9;
Antonine’s, 10.

Romans in Britain, i. 3;
they abandon it, 13;
their departure, 56.

Rory Dall, famous harper in Skye, ii. 109.

Rory Mòr, a traditional hero, ii. 193.

Rose or Ross of Kilravock, ii. 237.

Rose, Hugh, his strenuous defence of Kilravock in 1715, i. 457.

Rose, Sir Hugh (Lord Strathnairn), he presents new colours to the
“Black Watch,” ii. 424;
his command of the 92nd, 769;
his command in India, 749.

“Rosg Ghuill,” or War Song of Gaul, ii. 84.

Ross, Alexander, Earl of, his strange submission, ii. 140.

Ross or Anrios, Clan, their history, arms, and motto, ii. 235.

Ross, Earldom disputed in 1411, i. 69;
forfeiture of, in 1476, ii. 232.

Ross, Earl of (1642), his rebellion and assassination of, i. 77;
his successor surrenders, 78.

Ross, Queen Victoria’s piper, his collection of pipe music, ii. 107.

Rossdhu Castle, Old, engraving, ii. 289.

Ross-shire, Invasion of, by Donald, Lord of the Isles, i. 69;
retreat of Montrose into, 245.

“Ross-shire Buffs” or 78th Highlanders, _see_ 78th, ii. 617.

Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment, or Old 84th, ii. 565;
Flora Macdonald’s husband in it, 704 (note).

Royalists and Covenanters, treaty between, i. 258;
and General Leslie, agreement between, 285;
condemnation of at Perth, 237;
levy of men for, 257;
surprised at Dalveny, 263.

Royal Ribbon, the, i. 169.

“Roy’s Wife of Aldivalloch,” written by Mrs Grant of Carron, ii. 255.

Russell, Dr, his account of the battle of Balaklava, ii. 786.

Russia, expedition against (1854), ii. 546;
the Emperor Alexander’s curiosity about the Highland soldiers, 708.

Ruthven Castle, i. 104;
besieged, 107;
taken by Leslie, 252;
taken by Mackenzie of Pluscardine, 262;
besieged by Dundee, 358.

Salamanca, battle of (1812)--(74th), ii. 583;
(79th), 702.

San Sebastian, assault of, ii. 386, 588.

Sans peur (“without fear”), motto of clan Sutherland, &c., ii. 272.

Savendroog, stormed in 1791 (71st), ii. 486;
(72nd), 528.

Scenery, Highland, i. 3;
and Introduction, xiii.-xxxvi.

Scone, coronation stone at, i. 49-57;
Charles II. crowned at, 288.

Scotland, invasion of, by Agricola, i. 6;
state of, after departure of the Romans, 33;
Anglo-Saxon colonisation of, 56;
state of, before the Restoration, 297;
state of, after the death of Dundee, 386.

Scoto-Irish kings, i. 34;
chronological table of, from 503 to 843, 48.

Scots, first mentioned in connection with Scotland, i. 20;
in Ireland, 33.

Scots Greys at Sheriffmuir battle, i. 462.

Scott, Sir Walter, extract from his “Lady of the Lake” (note), i. 303;
his song of “Bonnie Dundee,” 350;
his original of Fergus M’Ivor, 732;
his early works and their spirit, 774;
his mention of the Camerons, ii. 702.

Scottish Kings, chronological table of, from 843 to 1097 A.D., i. 58.

Seaforth, Colin, 4th Earl of (1690), his escape, surrender, and
imprisonment, i. 392;
William, 5th Earl of, his armed strength in 1715, 438;
attainted, and his estates forfeited, 478.

Seaforth, Francis Humberston Mackenzie, Baron, his portrait on steel,
ii. 617;
created baron in 1796, 240;
raises the 78th or Ross-shire Buffs, 617;
engraving of original poster addressed by him to the Highlanders in
raising the 78th, 618;
his daughter entertains the 78th at Brahan Castle in 1859, 687.

Seaforth, Kenneth Mackenzie, Earl of, in Irish Peerage--his portrait,
ii. 479;
raises the 72nd Highlanders, 524;
death, 525.

Seaforth’s Highlanders. _See_ Seventy-Second.

Sebastopol (accurately Sevastópol), _see_ Crimean History in Highland
Regiments.

Second-sight and seers, Highland, i. 310.

Secunder-Bagh, its capture (78th), ii. 282;
(93rd) and engraving of, 791.

Seringapatam, sieges of (71st), ii. 486;
(72nd) 528, 529;
(73rd) 570;
(74th) is authorised to bear the word “Seringapatam” on its
regimental colours and appointments, 575.

Seton, Lt.-Col. (74th), his noble conduct during the loss of the
“Birkenhead” troop-ship, Feb. 26, 1852, ii. 604;
monument erected by Queen Victoria to his memory in Chelsea
Hospital, 606.

Seventy-First, or Highland Light Infantry, formerly 73rd, Lord
Macleod’s Highlanders, their history, ii. 479-519;
for details of which _see_--
Ch. I. 1777-1818, 479 to 504.
II. 1818-1874, 504 to 519.
Plate of colonels of the 71st and 72nd, ii. 479.

Seventy-First, Old, ii. 465.

Seventy-Second, or Duke of Albany’s Own Highlanders, formerly the 78th
or Seaforth’s Highlanders, their history, ii. 524-561;
for details of which _see_--
Ch. I. 1778-1840, 524 to 543.
II. 1841-1873, 543 to 561.
Succession list of colonels, field and staff-officers, &c., 562;
map of Kaffraria, 564.
Plate of colonels of the 71st and 72nd, ii. 479.

Seventy-Third Regiment (the present), formerly the second battalion
of the 42nd, history of, ii. 566.

Seventy-Fourth Highlanders, their history, ii. 571-613;
for details, _see_--
Ch. I. 1787-1846, 571 to 592.
II. 1846-1853, 593 to 606, Kaffir War.
III. 1853-1874, 606 to 613.
Succession list of colonels and field-officers;
map of Kaffraria, 564.

Seventy-Fourth Regiment, Old, ii. 519.

Seventy-Fifth, originally Highland, now the Stirlingshire regiment,
its history, ii. 616;
engaged in Kaffir war (1835), 535;
guards the Alum Bagh (1857), 616.

Seventy-Sixth Regiment, Old, ii. 520.

Seventy-Seventh Highland Regiment, or Athole Highlanders (1778-1783),
its history till reduced, ii. 522.

Seventy-Seventh Regiment, Old, ii. 453.

Seventy-Eighth Highlanders, or Ross-shire Buffs, their history,
ii. 617-693,
for details, _see_--
Ch. I. 1793-1796, 617-625.
II. 1796-1817, 625-640.
III. 1804-1856, second battalion, 640-659, till its consolidation
with first battalion, 1817, and first battalion, 1817-1856.
IV. 1857, Persian war, 659-666.
V. 1857-1859, Indian Mutiny, 667-693.
VI. 1859-1874, 687-693.
Succession list of colonels and field officers, 694.
Plate of colonels of the 78th and 79th, ii. 617.

Seventy-Eighth Regiment, Old, ii. 457.

Seventy-Ninth Queen’s Own Cameron Highlanders, their history, 697-724,
for details of which _see_--
Ch. I. 1793-1853, 697-710.
II. 1853-1874, 710-724.
Succession list of cols. and lt.-cols., 725.
Plate of cols., 78th and 79th, ii. 617.

Shaw, a minor branch of Clan Chattan, ii. 213;
its various families, 214, 215.

Shaw, Farquhar (of the Black Watch), his portrait, ii. 330.

Sheep, character of Highland, ii. 14.

Sheriffmuir, battle of, in 1715, i. 461;
steel engraving of view of battlefield, 464.

Shetland and Orkney made over to Scotland, i. 77.

Si je puis (“If I can”), the scroll motto of the Colquhouns, &c.,
ii. 284.

Sinclair Castle, view of, i. 125.

Siol Eachern, the original of the clans Macdougall, Campbell, &c.,
ii. 167.

Siol Gillevray, its branches, ii. 162.

Skene’s, Dr, “Chronicles of the Picts and Scots,” i. 43.

Slaves, 700 prisoners taken at Preston (1716) sold as, i. 478.

Slogan or war-cry of Highlanders, i. 318.

Sobral, battle of, in 1810 (71st), ii. 493.

Somerled, Thane of Argyle and the Isles, his origin, ii, 132;
peace concluded with him in 1153 A.D.--formed an epoch in the dating
of Scottish charters, i. 59.

Songs, Jacobite and Whig, their comparative merits, i. 770;
titles of some, with specimens, 771.

Spem successus alit (“Success fosters hope”), the Ross motto, ii. 235.

Spottiswood, Sir Robert, his trial--his high character--his execution,
i. 241-243.

Sprot, Lieut.-Colonel, 91st, ii. 750-752.

S’rioghal mo dhream (“Royal is my race”), scroll motto of the
Macgregors, ii. 243.

Stair, Earl of re-appointed commander-in-chief of the forces in Great
Britain (1744), i. 508.

“Stand sure,” motto of Clan Grant, ii. 250.

Stewarts, origin of the family, ii. 297;
various branches of, 299.

Stewart of Ballochin takes possession of Blair Castle (1689), i. 365.

Stewart, Robert, a Catholic clergyman, his feats at Killiecrankie,
i. 376.

Stewart of Garth’s “Military Sketches,” ii. 322;
extracts from, i. 313, 324, 325;
ancestor in 1520 imprisoned for life, 325.

Stirling, view of, as in 1700, i. 616;
camp here (1745), 530;
besieged by Prince Charles, 617;
Castle of, taken by Monk, 290;
bridge of, Argyle takes possession of, 459;
Cumberland’s troops detained at, 636.

Stisted, Sir H. W., K.C.B., his portrait on steel, ii. 756;
as Lt.-Col. exchanges from 78th to 93rd, 687;
honorary colonel of 93rd, 800.

Stonehenge, view of, i. 36.

Strathallan, Lord, falls at Culloden, i. 667.

Strathclyde, kingdom of, i. 33.

Strathmore, Earl of, his death, i. 465.

Stuart, General (72nd), his portrait, ii. 530.

Stuart, James, the Chevalier, steel engraving of, i. 469.

Stuart, Sobieski, and Charles Edward, their pretensions and visit to
Scotland, i. 761.

Stuarts, The, monument to them in St Peter’s, Rome, by Canova, i. 760;
their descendants, 761.

Superstitions of the Highlanders, i. 303-307.

Sutherland, Clan, their history, crest, arms, and motto, ii. 272.

Suttee Chowra Ghât, view of--scene of the second Cawnpoor massacre,
ii. 668.

Tacitus, i. 17; his account of clans, ii. 116.

Tacksmen, their interest in the land, ii. 31.

Talavera, the battle (1809) (91st), ii. 728.

Tanistry and gavel, their effects, ii. 122.

Tantallon, Castle of, Earl of Ross imprisoned in it (1429), ii. 140.

Tartan, antiquity of the, i. 302.

“Tartans an’ Kilts, an’ a’, an’ a’,” their popularity since 1782,
i. 761, 766.

Taymouth, the Black Book of, ii. 186.

Test, the, of the Cameronians, i. 335;
refusal of Scottish Parliament to repeal, 340.

Thackeray, Captain, his assistance in compiling the history of the
74th (note), ii. 596.

Thane or Maor, his status, ii. 117.

Thirlage, its grievous nature, ii. 6.

Thorfinn (and Somerled), origin of, ii. 123.

Ticonderoga, plan of siege (1758), ii. 338.

Timor omnis abesto (“All fear be gone”), motto of the Macnabs, &c.,
ii. 258.

Tippermuir, battle of, i. 184, 185.

Tippoo Sultan, his desperate attack on Baird, ii. 481;
war with him in 1790, 526;
defeated, 572;
sues for peace, 530.

Tocqué’s portrait of Prince Charles, i. 749.

Torquil, Siol, their disastrous history, ii. 194.

Torres Vedras, the lines of, ii. 579.

Toshach, captain of a clan, i. 5; ii. 117.

“Touch not the cat, but a glove,” the Mackintosh motto, ii. 201.

Toulouse, the battle of, in 1814 (42nd), ii. 390;
(71st), 501;
(74th), 590;
(79th), 704, 705;
(91st), 730;
(92nd), 762.

Treachery, Highland detestation of, i. 325.

Trench, Lt.-Col. (74th), Sir R. Le Poer, portrait, ii. 583;
mentioned by Brisbane, 587.

Trincomalee, siege of, ii. 531.

Triple Alliance (1717) guarantee the Protestant succession to England,
i. 481.

Trowis, truis, or truish, Highland breeches, i. 300, 329, 330.

Tullibardine, Marquis of, with 500 Athole men joins Mar (1715), i. 436;
attainted, 478;
escapes to France, 483;
accompanies Prince Charles in his invasion scheme (1745), 512;
his eagle omen, 514;
unfurls the standard of Prince Charles, 523;
seizes Blair Castle, 534;
his command in the invasion of England 1745, 587;
death in the Tower, 723.

Tulliebardine, speech of, at the Committee of Estates (1646), i. 237.

“Tullochgorum,” song of, its author, i. 769.

Turris fortis mihi Deus (“For me, God is a strong tower”), the motto
of the Macquarries, &c., ii. 262.

Tweeddale, 2nd Earl of, Lord High Chancellor of Scotland, his
commission of inquiry into the Glencoe massacre (1693), i. 402;
4th Marquis, Secretary of State for Scotland (1745), 527;
the 8th Marquis becomes colonel of the 42nd R. H. (1862), ii. 426.

Tyrii tenuere Coloni (“Tyrians held _it_”), arms’ motto of the
Maclaurins, ii. 279.

Union, repeal of the, proposed in 1712, i. 424;
treaty with England ratified, 414.

“Unite,” the Cameron scroll motto, ii. 217.

Urisks, superstition about, i. 303.

Urquhart or Urchard, the minor clan, their history, arms, crest, and
mottoes, ii. 296.

Urquhart Castle, steel engraving of, ii. 296.

Vassals, Highland, bounty of, i. 323.

Vi aut virtute (“by vigour and valour”), arms’ motto of the Chisholm,
ii. 307.

Victoria Cross, recipients of, in (42nd), ii. 423, 807;
(72nd), 558;
(78th), 680, 683;
(93rd), 791, 792, 795.
Abbreviation, V.C.

VICTORIA, HER MAJESTY QUEEN, her popularity and stability in our
attachments, i. 761;
her visit to Dublin in 1849, ii. 507;
her Highland influence--how she appreciates Jacobite songs, i. 775.

Vimeiro, the battle here in 1808 (71st), ii. 490;
(91st), 727.

Vincere vel mori (“To conquer or die”), motto of the Macdougall,
ii. 159, 162.

“Virtue mine honour,” Maclean motto, ii. 223.

Virtutis gloria merces (“Glory is the recompense of valour”), the
motto of the Robertsons, &c., ii. 169.

Visions in the Highlands, i. 310.

Vitoria or Vittoria, the battle of, June 21, 1813 (71st), ii. 499;
(74th), 585;
(92nd), 760.

Vix ea nostra voco (“Those _deeds_ I scarcely call our own”), motto
of Campbell, ii. 175.

Volunteers, associate, their conduct at Leith (1715), i. 443;
of Edinburgh meeting the Highlanders (1745), 543.

Volunteers, Mid-Lothian Rifle, shooting matches with the 91st (1874),
ii. 754.

Vulture Feather of the 42nd, ii. 361.

Wade, Gen., his portrait, i. 491;
his report on the state of the Highlands, 483;
empowered by Government to summon the clans to deliver up arms, 485;
constructs new roads in the Highlands, 490;
commander of H.M.’s forces in Scotland, 491;
sent to oppose Prince Charles, 582.

Wages, rate in the Highlands, ii. 28.

Walcheren expedition (1809), (42nd), ii. 380;
(71st), 491;
(78th), 650;
(91st), 728;
dress of 91st there, 731;
(92nd), 760.

Wales, Frederic, Prince of, procures the release of Flora Macdonald,
i. 704.

Ward-holding, its abolition, i. 768.

Watch-money, its large amount, ii. 2.

Waterloo, the decisive battle here June 18th, 1815 (42nd), ii. 397;
list of officers of the 42nd present at Quatre Bras and Waterloo,
397;
(71st), 502;
(79th), 706;
(91st), 730;
Waterloo Roll of 91st discovered, 749;
(92nd), 764.

Wealth in the Highlands, i. 321.

Wedderburn, Sir John, taken prisoner at Culloden, i. 667;
executed, 731.

Wedding ceremonies in Highlands, i. 311.

Wellington, Duke of, special references to, in connection with
Highland regiments, (the 42nd), specially mentioned in his
despatch, 12th April 1814, about Toulouse, ii. 705;
in Waterloo despatch pays high compliment to; (the 71st) in
despatch concerning Sobraol, 14th Oct. 1810, he particularly
mentions the names of Lt.-Cols. Cadogan and Reynell, 494;
(the 72nd), he presents new colours to and addresses in Jan. 1842,
543;
(the 74th), received his special thanks for their services under
his command at the taking of Ahmednuggur, Assaye, and Argaum,
575, 576;
his special commendation for Rodrigo and Badajoz, 581, 582;
in 1845 the duke recommends to Her Majesty that the 74th should be
permitted to resume the appellation of a Highland regiment,
&c., 592;
(the 78th), thanked in despatches for its services under him at
Ahmednuggur, Assaye, and Argaum, 627, 628, 633;
complimented and inspected by him at Nieuwpoort, 652;
(the 79th), his grief for the loss of Col. P. Cameron, and his high
sense of the 79th’s conduct at Fuentes D’Onor, 702;
specially mentioned in despatch, 12th April 1814, about Toulouse,
and highly praised for Quatre Bras and Waterloo, 707;
(the 91st), compliments Col Douglas at Toulouse, 730;
his high commendation of the 91st’s conduct in the wreck of the
“Abercrombie Robinson,” 733;
(the 92nd), the thanks for Toulouse, 707;
in person thanks the 92nd for its conduct at “Nive,” at Orthes,
where the 42nd, 79th, and 92nd meet for the first time in the
Peninsula--he orders them to encamp beside each other for the
night, 762;
at Quatre Bras, personally orders the 92nd to charge, 763;
in person thanks them for their conduct at Waterloo, 766;
(the 93rd), he presents with new colours, 781.

Wemyss of Wemyss, Major-Gen., 1st colonel of the 93rd--his portrait
on steel, ii. 756;
(note), ii. 777.

Western Islands, boundaries of, i. 2.

West Indies, reduction of, in 1795, ii. 362.

Wheatley, Lt.-Col. (42nd), notes from his “Memoranda,” ii. 402, 404,
432.

Whitelock’s army, capitulation of, ii. 488.

“Will God I shall,” the motto of the Menzies, &c., ii. 306.

William III., his instructions to Sir Thomas Livingston, i. 397;
Scotch intense hostility to him, 407;
his Highland companies, 483.

William, Prince of Orange, designs of, i. 341;
lands at Torbay, 342;
reception, 343;
address from Scottish nobles to, 344;
Feversham arrested by--Whitehall seized, 345;
in London--assumption of Government by, 347;
life saved by Dundee--declared King of England, 351.

Windham, Lady, she presents new colours to the 78th, ii. 692.

Wine, its abundance in the Highlands in 1745, ii. 22.

Wintoun, Earl of, his resolve for the Stuarts, i. 449;
escape from the Tower, 477.

Wishart, Montrose’s affecting parting from his troops (1646), account
of by, i. 249.

Witchcraft, charges of, in Scotland, i. 292.

Wolfe, Gen., his noble answer to Cumberland after Culloden, i. 666;
forces under his command against Quebec, ii. 460.

“Wolf of Badenoch,” Alexander, 4th son of Robert II.--his effigy,
i. 68.

Wolseley, Major-Gen. Sir Garnet J., K.C.M.G., C.B., his portrait,
ii. 803;
his campaign in Ashantee, 803-807.

Worcester, battle of (1651)--flight of Charles II. from, i. 289;
the Macleods at this battle, ii. 195.

Wright, Col. E. W. C., C.B. (91st), engraving of tablet to his memory,
ii. 742.

York, Henry, Cardinal, Duke of, Prince Charles’s brother, i. 499;
his portrait, 745;
his medal and assumptions--his death and place of interment, 760.

York, Duke of (son of George III.), his movements in Holland (1794),
ii. 697.

Yuzufzai Hills, engraving of the monument to those of the 71st H.L.I.
who fell here, ii. 517.

* * * * * *

Transcriber’s note:

Footnote [135] is referenced from inside Footnote [134].
Footnotes [565] through [578] are referenced from inside Footnote [564].
Footnotes [580] through [583] are referenced from inside Footnote [579].
Footnote [679] is referenced from inside Footnote [678].
Footnote [729] is referenced from inside Footnote [728].
Footnote [886] is referenced from inside Footnote [885].
Footnote [1123] is referenced from inside Footnote [1122].
Footnote [1183] is referenced from inside Footnote [1182].

Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.

Eight occurrences of ‘aid-de-camp’ replaced by ‘aide-de-camp’.

Both M’ and Mac are used as part of many names, for example
M’Donald and Macdonald, and these spellings have not been changed.

Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained: for example,
Mar, Marr; Fort William, Fort-William; ahead, a-head; broadsword,
broad-sword; staid; stanch; ancles; stopt; infeft; debouched;
houghed; contemn.

Pg xi: ditto sign replaced by the text ‘W. Holl,’.
Pg xii: page number ‘556’ replaced by ‘566’.
Pg xix: ‘hawks seems to’ replaced by ‘hawks seem to’.
Pg xxx: ‘inverted lanscape’ replaced by ‘inverted landscape’.
Pg xxxvi: ‘ar not all dead’ replaced by ‘are not all dead’.
Pg 29: ‘shore of eth Frith’ replaced by ‘shore of the Frith’.
Pg 50: new paragraph position changed; ‘gave way to\n\nDonald’
replaced by ‘gave way to Donald ... in 893.\n\nDuring’.
Pg 57: ‘north of the Firth’ replaced by ‘north of the Frith’.
Pg 58 (Table): in the text the duration of Lulach is “only a few
months”, so the duration ‘4½’ has been replaced by ‘½’,
which then matches the stated year of his death, 1057.
Pg 81: ‘and Soil-Thomais;’ replaced by ‘and Siol-Thomais;’.
Pg 129: ‘dernier resort’ replaced by ‘dernier ressort’.
Pg 168: ‘so bening, as’ replaced by ‘so benign, as’.
Pg 225: ‘dernier resort’ replaced by ‘dernier ressort’.
Pg 279: ‘is necesssary to’ replaced by ‘is necessary to’.
Pg 325: ‘Back mail’ replaced by ‘black mail’.
Pg 360: ‘with instructious to’ replaced by ‘with instructions to’.
Pg 457: ‘the Moray Firth’ replaced by ‘the Moray Frith’.
Pg 458: ‘and dicharging all’ replaced by ‘and discharging all’.
Pg 483: missing anchor [753] inserted after ‘to be disbanded’.
Pg 498: ‘rival factiens’ replaced by ‘rival factions’.
Pg 524: ‘crown, providsd’ replaced by ‘crown, provided’.
Pg 530: ‘a judicions step’ replaced by ‘a judicious step’.
Pg 537: ‘outward observanees’ replaced by ‘outward observances’.
Pg 576: ‘began to develope’ replaced by ‘began to develop’.
Pg 578: ‘the goverment.’ replaced by ‘the government.’.
Pg 601: ‘Fiz-James’s’ replaced by ‘Fitz-James’s’.
Pg 647: ‘obtain possesion’ replaced by ‘obtain possession’.
Pg 662: ‘three several’ replaced by ‘there several’.
Pg 677: missing anchor [1230] inserted after ‘sail for St. Kilda.’.
Pg 708: ‘her lordlord, and’ replaced by ‘her landlord, and’.
Pg 718: ‘a few miles of’ replaced by ‘a few miles off’.
Pg 738: the ‘A.D. 1747-1748.’ line of the Chapter XXXVIII summary has
been moved to the top for consistency with other Chapters.
Pg 753: the ‘A.D. 1748 to Present Time.’ line of the Chapter XL
summary has been moved to the top for consistency with other Chapters.

Footnote [104] anchored on pg 44: ‘this great grievvance’ replaced by
‘this great grievance’.
Footnote [617] anchored on pg 385: ‘blank space’ replaced by ‘______’.
Footnote [794] anchored on pg 507: ‘9th January, 1740’ replaced by
‘9th January, 1744’.
Footnote [795] anchored on pg 507: ‘23d January, 1740’ replaced by
‘23d January, 1744’.
Footnote [1142] anchored on pg 638: ‘about the the time’ replaced by
‘about the time’.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Scottish Highlands, Highland Clans and Highland Regiments, Volume I (of 2) - On the Basis of Browne's "History of the Highlands and Clans," but Entirely Re-Modelled and to a Large Extent Re-Written" ***

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